Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-10-16 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican.
AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNSWORTH, (Printer to the STATE, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES.) James-Street, NEWPORT.
SAMUEL VINSON,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends, and the public in general, that he has just received by the latest arrivals at Boston, a new and beautiful assortment of
ENGLISH GOODS,
Which he offers for sale very low, amongst which are the following articles—
 Linens, Ladies fine cotton Hose with lace clocks,  Furniture Callicoes, Silk Gloves,  Dainties, Kid ditto,  Muffins, Cotton ditto,  Muffinets, Umbrellas,  Cotton Cambricks, Coloured Ditto,  Madras Do. Book Muffins,  Twill'd & plain Nankeen, Fans,  Black Cambric, Velvet,  Shawls, Velvet Bindings,  White Do. Silk do. Ruffles,  Black & coloured Calimancoes,  Muffins, Tamies,  A great variety of Calicoes of the new-est patterns, Black and coloured Bombazets,  Lace Scarfs & Veils, White and coloured Velving,  Muffin, Ditto. A great variety of Ribbons, Silver and Cotton Trimmings,  White Chip Bonnets, English Kid Shoes,  Coloured Ditto, Silk Handkerchiefs,  White Chip Hats, Linen & Cotton Do.  Men's Leghorn Hats, Laces and Edgings,  Silk, Ditto, Silk Stockings,  Common Satins, Sewing Silks,  Bonnet Ditto, Threads,  Lutestring, Tapes and Pins.  Black, white, and coloured Gauze, Plated handled Knives and Forks,  Crape, Desert Ditto.  Cotton Hose, Trunks of different Sizes,  Black Do.  Hemp Do.  Men's Gloves, 
ALSO, A great Variety of Articles too tedious to enumerate. GOODS received on Commission at said Store. Newport, May 29, 1802. 87tf
FOR SALE, BY Jacob Richardson, At the Post-Office, a great variety of Books and Stationary; among which are, several new publications, viz.
A VIEW of the Political conduct of AARON BURR, Esq. Vice-President.—Wood's Correct Statement.—Barrington's Voyage to New South Wales.—Also, Adams' Four Letters, being an interesting Correspondence between JOHN ADAMS, late President, and SAMUEL ADAMS, late Governor of Massachusetts.—Life of General BONAPARTE—& An Antidote to JOHN WOOD's Poison.—Likewise may be had at said Store, a large Assortment of House Paper, and Borders.
N. B. It may perhaps be unnecessary to inform the Public, that he has lately made an addition to his Circulating Library of "many thousand Volumes of BOOKS, in the different branches of Literature."
To be sold as above, a few TICKETS in the Providence Baptist Meeting-House Lottery. August 21, 1802. 99tf
A NEW SCHOOL.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs the citizens of Newport, that he has this day opened a School, at a convenient room, opposite Mr. Thomas Townsend's, Banister's Lane.—As he has had a liberal Education, and considerable experience in the instruction of youth (particularly at Clinton Academy, on Long-Island, and where, as will appear from his Letters of Recommendation, he officiated as Preceptor for more than two years) he flatters himself he shall give satisfaction to those gentlemen, who may intrust him with the Education of their Children, both as to their morals, and improvements in those branches of Learning, to which they may respectively attend. Price of tuition per quarter—
 Dols. Cts.  For Reading, Writing and Arithmetic, 2 50  For English Grammar and Geography, 3 00  For the Latin and Greek Languages, 4 00  For the Art of Navigation & Surveying, 4 00 
JOSEPH MONTAGUE. Newport, Sept. 13, 1802.
Mr. MONTAGUE would not choose to teach the Latin and Greek Languages, unless a number of Students should apply, so as to form a class. FOR SALE, BY JOHN HAZARD, Jun. RUM by the Hoghead. Molasses Ditto. Holland Gin by the Pipe. Barcelona Brandy Ditto. Coffee by the Bag. Newport, August 6, 1802. 97tf
CLARK BLISS,
INFORMS his friends, and the Public, that he has removed from Banister's wharf, to the dwelling-house belonging to Capt. Caleb Gardner, in James Street, formerly occupied by Capt. Wing Spouner—where he has for sale a General Assortment of
West-India Goods:
Among others, are the following articles, viz. Brandy, West-India Rum, 4th proof no. Gin, New-England Rum, Wines of different kinds, Molasses, Loaf & Brown Sugars, Coffee, Teas of various kinds, Chocolate, Raisins, Pepper, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Butter, Cheese, Soap, and Candles; various kinds of Glass Ware, Stone Ware, Knives, and Forks, Jack Knives, Pen Knives, large and small Spoons, Chest Locks and Keys, Crockery and Tin Ware, Axes, Hatchets and Hoes, Men's and Boys' Shoes, Corks, Brimstone, Lampblack, Stone Lime, Lamp Oil, Powder, Shot and Flint, Fishing Lines of various kinds, Leads, and Hooks, deep sea Leads and Lines, Bellsows, metal Tea Pots, writing Paper, wrapping paper by the ream, Bed Cords, Log Lines, Marlings, Seamen's Chests, Oak Kegs holding from one quart to five gallons. Buckets, Coffee and Pepper ready ground for use; and a number of other articles not mentioned.—Captains of vessels, and others, may be supplied on the shortest notice, and every favor gratefully acknowledged. Newport, May 7 1802. 84tf
FOR SALE,
A LIKELY MARE, of middling size, good in a team, and is a fine breeder. She would be very valuable to keep on a farm, and is also in good order for Shipping. Enquire of the Printer. August 13, 1802.
Entertainment,
BY RICHARD BARKER, at the House formerly occupied by Capt. Robert S. Potter, sign of the Anchor, a little South-east of the State House, where Ladies and Gentlemen may depend on being accommodated to their satisfaction. Punctual attendance will be given, and all favors gratefully acknowledged by the public's obedient servant, RICHARD BARKER. Newport, April 2, 1802. 79tf
Hard Ware Store.
THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received by the latest arrivals at Boston from Liverpool, a general assortment of HARD WARE, direct from the Manufacturers, which he will offer for sale, in Providence, at the Store of Mr. ISAAC PITMAN, directly opposite the Baptist Meeting-House, by Wholesale only, upon as reasonable terms as can be purchased at New-York or Boston.—They are now opening, and will be all opened in a few days, by HENRY GREW. Providence, May 21, 1802. 87tf
TO BE SOLD OR LET,
AND immediate possession given, a large two story Dwelling House, situated in Broad-Street, with a convenient yard—good well of water—Chaife-House and Barn. Conditions may be known by applying to THOMAS TOWNSEND, or NATHANIEL BRIGGS. Newport, August 20, 1802. 99tf
For Sale, by the Subscriber,
JAMAICA RUM by the hoghead, Ditto SUGAR by the bhd. or barrel, Ditto MOLASSES, all of 1st Quality. JOHN MEIN. Church-Lane, July 12, 1802. 94tf
A Good stand for Business.
TO be Sold, and possession given immediately, a Two-Story Dwelling-House, with a convenient Shop, situate on the North side of Banister's wharf, next below Mr. Godfrey Weywood's. For terms, apply to the Subscriber, on the premises. ANDREW BAKER. Newport, Sept. 17, 1802. ciitf
To be Sold,
A LOT of Land, containing upwards of 3 acres, fronting Tanner & Warner Street, with a House, well finished; paved Cellar; and never failing well of water. Also, a Stable and Chaife-House.—Likewise for sale, a Lot, fronting Broad-street and Tanner Street, with a large commodious Dwelling-House; Shop, Stable, and Chaife-House. For terms, apply to OLIVER READ. Newport, March 20, 1802. 77tf
FROM THE (Boston) CHRONICLE.
OLD-SOUTH—No. LXIX.
Text.—"The love of Liberty (says SAMUEL ADAMS) is interwoven in the soul of man."—"So it is. (says JOHN ADAMS) according to La Fontaine, in that of a Wolf: And I doubt whether it be much more Rational, Generous or Social, in one than in the other, until in Man it is cultivated by a science, reflection, education, and civil and political institutions, which are first produced, and constantly supported and improved by a Few—that is, by the NOBILITY."
THE epistolary correspondence between Mr. John Adams and Mr. Samuel Adams is important, as it contains political principles which are highly interesting to the happiness and prosperity of this country. The letters are written with that cordiality, as it relates to the opinion which they entertain of each other's integrity, that we are to view them as the established records of two old civilians, who had made up their judgment from experience and reflection.
The extracts which I have taken, appear to comprize the essence of the controversy—on the one side, Mr. Samuel Adams lays, "the love of Liberty is interwoven in the soul of man"—Mr. John Adams answers, "so it is, according to La Fontaine, in that of a wolf;" and further declares, "that he doubts whether it is much more rational, &c. in one than in the other, until in man it is enlightened by experience, education, and civil and political institutions, which are first produced, and constantly supported and improved by a Few—that is, by the NOBILITY."
Here, then, these two gentlemen are at issue, and it is a question of the highest consideration which of them is the most accurate. If the love of liberty is not more rationally interwoven in the human soul, than in a wolf, and if it wholly depends for existence on being cherished by a body of men, which he is pleased to call a "Nobility," dreadful indeed is the situation of society. Does the history of mankind exhibit evidence, that a particular order of men, denominated Nobles, feel those impressions, or are endowed with that benevolence, as to produce, cherish, and constantly support the liberties of the People? Are the People as savage as wolves?—Are they as ferocious and destructive in their habits and manners, as this voracious animal? or are they "their own worst enemies," unless the benign hand of a Nobility is stretched out for their protection? In what instance does this doctrine apply to the Citizens of America? Were the first settlers of this country thus designated? Were our venerable forefathers as hostile as wolves to each other, when they landed on the American shores? Was not the love of liberty interwoven in their souls, when they forsook the luxurious soil of Britain, and quitted the palaces of Nobles, to seek an asylum in this desolate territory? Did they suppose it necessary to bring a body of Noblemen to protect them from devouring each other; or did they contemplate the establishment of political institutions, with a branch emphatically denominated a Nobility? Did this aristocratical part of the British government give them any assistance, while they were contending against the arbitrary measures of England, before their embarkation—or, did they receive consolation from the House of Lords, after their arrival? No—the love of liberty was interwoven in their soul, and they formed political institutions, founded on principles in every respect conformable to such feelings. Just emancipated from the thralldom of a British government, they were led to adopt a system of political regulation, which gave the faculties of the mind their utmost energies, and never degraded themselves to contemplate their little society as wolves, standing in need of a superior order, to check their sovereignty.
The sentiment advanced by Mr. John Adams, might have been expected from a crown'd head in Europe; it might have made a sublime paragraph in the writings of Burke; but that it should arise from a person who had been conversant in the history of this country, and had been in our councils during the American Revolution, is rather a surprising and alarming consideration. I would ask Mr. John Adams, in what particular are the Citizens of America in any degree analogous to wolves? Or, in what instance has it been necessary, that our political institutions should be improved and supported by a Nobility? Did the People show any savage disposition in their contest with Britain? Was it not the love of Liberty, interwoven in the soul, that produced our opposition to British tyranny? Our "Town Meetings" were the pure effusions of liberty—our "College" (at that time) breathed the spirit of freedom and the rights of man. The youth of that day, were eager to display the manly sentiments of freemen; the orations and exhibitions all tended to rouse the mind to contemplate political subjects on the broadest basis of equal rights. Our patriots had the support of the People; Faneuil Hall and the Old South often resounded with the acclamations of citizens, collected to investigate the great principles of their free Constitution. The series, it is true, considered the town of Boston as a den of wolves—they supposed it necessary that a body of Nobility should be created to check and control them; Hutchinson & Oliver even wrote to the Ministry for this purpose, and when their letters were discovered, the general disgust of the people convinced them in what abhorrence they were held.
Did not Mr. John Adams find that the spirit of liberty was interwoven in the soul of the people, when he was in Congress, during our Revolution? It was this spirit which originated that body. The People called for this assembly of the States; the election of the members was the evidence of the spirit of liberty existing within them. The people had no idea that a body of Nobility was necessary for their security; they chose honest men from among themselves, who were in the same grades of life with themselves; they did not vote for my Lord Such-a-one, or Duke Such-a-one; the candidates in general were scarcely complimented with the title of Esquire. When this respectable body assembled, whom did they address? Were not all their applications to the People? Who formed the army? Tradesmen and Farmers composed the American phalanx? Who commanded & man'd our ships of war and privateers—were they Dukes, Earls, or Lords? No—the People—the People—the plain American Citizens, whose souls were invigorated with liberty, unawed by a Nobility, and who disdained to consider themselves under their immediate protection. These were the soldiers who fought our battles; these were the sailors, who, even at that period, rendered the flag of America respectable and dreaded.
I cannot but pause, and wonder how a sentiment of the kind could be advanced by Mr. John Adams. That the People are not more rational in support of their Liberties than wolves, unless supported by a Nobility—is of all declarations the most extraordinary. In the days of adversity, Mr. John Adams knew the obligation he was under to the People; a sentiment of this kind, coming from a member of our first Congress, would have raised the contempt to a flame. Suppose it had then been said, that the People cannot be trusted; we must have a Nobility to govern; we must put this Nobility into a "hole," and from this subterraneous cell we must rely for all our succour. The British army would have been pleased with such a visionary opposition; Lord Howe would rather have heard of 100,000 Noblemen in a "hole," than 20,000 Yankees in the field. Banker-Hill was not defended by men thus in covert; no, the citizens did not lurk in holes, but stood on eminences; Warren scorned to be hid in a cave, but stood in the front rank, in defence of that Liberty, which was interwoven in his soul, and in the souls of his brave companions. The immortal Washington looked to his comrades of Citizen-Soldiers; he did not enquire whether there was a body of Nobility to secure his retreat; he did not view his chosen band as wolves, but considered himself at the head of men, whose souls were invigorated with the powerful energies of Liberty.
If the love of Liberty (as is declared by Mr. Samuel Adams) was not interwoven in the soul of man, it would have been impossible to have effected the Independence of America. What but this sustained the spirits of an army constantly on fatigue?—What but this cheered the war-worn soldier, when destitute of clothing and the common necessaries of life? What but this animated the American veteran to contend against the formidable troops of Britain, with scarcely a cartridge for their defence, or a drop of cheering comfort in their canteens? What spirit short of this, rallied the undisciplined troops of Stark, to attack and capture the boasting Burgoyne? To what energy of the human mind are we indebted for the surrender of Cornwallis? Was it the refined speculations of a Nobility, groping in a hole, or was it the irresistible impulse of freemen, embodied to express those feelings which are interwoven in every fibre of their souls?
I would not wish to put an uncaudal construction on the paragraph selected from the Letters, but if there is any precise idea expressed by Mr. John Adams, it appears to be this—that the People are as voracious, savage and irrational as wolves, unless they are enlightened by political institutions, which are at first produced, constantly supported and improved by a Nobility. If I am not correct in my conclusions I shall readily acknowledge my error; but the English language cannot convey a stronger idea to my mind of the real political principles of any individual, however disagreeable may be the application.
Admitting my premises to be substantiated, how far does Mr. John Adams' declaration conform to our Bill of Rights, which emphatically states, "that Government is instituted for the common good—that the People alone have an incontestible, unalienable and inextinguishable right to institute government—that the idea of

a man born a magistrate, law-giver, or judge, is absurd and unnatural. If Mr. John Adams is right, the Constitution is wrong; for if the People are as untractable as wolves, without a Nobility, it is not preposterous for them to institute a form of government, which in no instance recognizes that essential branch which is to preserve the harmony of their social compact. If a Nobility is alone to preserve us, where in the name of common sense are we to find our saviours? Are we to search for them among the Essex Junto, or are we to look for them among those who consider the People as wolves? Born in a land settled by a fraternity of persecuted Republicans; living under a Constitution and laws which embrace every citizen on the terms of Equality, in what corner or hole of this extensive territory are the People to look for help and assistance, detached from themselves? After experiencing the blessings of their own protection, from the first settlement of the country to the present hour, is it possible, that they should now distrust their own competency, irreverently denounce the guardianship of Heaven, and throw themselves into the arms of a Nobility! We will not thus affront Heaven—we will not thus dishonor our forefathers—we will not thus entail misery on our posterity.
OLD-SOUTH. (The subject to be continued.)
From the (Trenton) TRUE AMERICAN.
LETTER From Gen. BLOOMFIELD to Col. BURR. Trenton, Sept. 17, 1802.
DEAR SIR, IT cannot have escaped your knowledge, that two pamphlets, entitled, "The Narrative" and "The View," published in your City, have engaged much of the public attention. What regards the suppression of Wood's "History of the Administration of John Adams," has been published; for it seems to be universally agreed that the book, so far as any effect could be produced by it, was calculated to do more injury than benefit to the Republican cause. But the bold allegations which purport that you combined with the Federal party to defeat the election of Mr. JEFFERSON, occasion some solicitude among those to whom you are unknown.
These, indeed, who have witnessed your various and uniform exertions in the cause of liberty, and the frank & independent of your conduct on every occasion, are not to be shaken in their confidence or esteem by anonymous calumnies; but they can only express their own opinions, and repeat the declarations which they are informed you have made. This leaves room for our common enemies to cavil—if some one were authorized from you to make these declarations, it would, I think, remove the apprehensions which are entertained by some honest men, warm in the cause of freedom, jealous of their rights, and watchful of those who have the honor of being their servants.
Our intimacy in our youth and in the army, is generally known in this State. My Address to the People of Burlington, in September 1800, wherein I stated your services in the field and in the cabinet, and recommended you for Vice-President, is not forgotten; and these circumstances have occasioned more enquiries of me respecting the calumnies against you, than would otherwise have been made.
I have no other apology to offer for this intrusion, than to assure you that it proceeds from motives founded in patriotism, and in that cordial friendship which has ever subsisted between us. I avail myself of this opportunity to renew the assurances of my respect and esteem; and that I am, Most truly your friend, JOSEPH BLOOMFIELD.
The Hon. AARON BURR, Vice-President of the U. S.
THE VICE-PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. N. York, 21st Sept. 1802.
DEAR SIR, YOU are at liberty to declare from me, that all those charges and insinuations which aver or intimate that I advised or countenanced the opposition made to Mr. JEFFERSON, pending the late election and balloting for President; that I proposed or agreed to any terms with the Federal party, or with any individual of either party; that I assented to be held up in opposition to him, or attempted to withdraw from him the vote or support of any man, whether in or out of Congress, that ALL SUCH ASSERTIONS AND INTIMATIONS ARE FALSE AND GROUNDLESS.
I have not thought that calumny, unsupported by proof, or the authority of a name, could so far receive attention from the public as to require an answer, or even a denial: Yet if you shall imagine that any declaration from me can be necessary to remove doubts from the mind of one honest man, you may consider this letter as submitted to your discretion, to publish if you shall think proper.
Accept, I pray you, my thanks for your friendly solicitude, and assurances of the high respect and consideration with which I am, Your obedient servant, A. BURR. His Excellency Governor BLOOMFIELD.
From the RICHMOND EXAMINER.
WHEN Mr. Jefferson went to France, he took his eldest daughter with him; the servant named Sally, as Callender mentioned, did not accompany him. Mr. Jefferson left his youngest daughter, in the care of Mr. Eppes, a relation, who while he was in France, was his trustee or agent. This gentleman, always remarkable for his honor and discretion, ordered the servant Sally, when the youngest daughter sailed for Europe, to accompany her; he might as well have ordered another, because he had re-
ceived no directions on that score from his friend, and some female servant was necessary. The delicacy of Mr. Eppes, if there had been any foundation for Callender's story, would have forbidden that arrangement.
That this servant woman has had a child is very true. But that it is Mr. Jefferson's, or that the connection exists, which Callender mentions, is false.—I call upon him for his evidence, I challenge him to bring it forward.
In gentlemen's houses every where, we know that sometimes the virtue of females of every colour as well as unfortunate slaves is assailed with impunity.—White women in these situations, whose educations are better, frequently fall victims: but the other class are attempted without fear, having no defender, and less moral sentiment. Is it strange therefore, that a servant of Mr. Jefferson's, at a house where there are male domestics and so many strangers resort, who is daily engaged in the ordinary vocations of the family, like thousands of others, should have a mulatto child? Certainly not. And if Callender had not sworn to wickedness, he never would have twisted this occurrence into a serious accusation.
During the Adams administration a system of profusion, extravagance, patronage and fraud was practised upon the people, which opened their eyes and mouths. Complaints no sooner began to assume a serious aspect, than an attempt was made to silence them by a SEDITION LAW, by restraining the liberty of the press. But now the scene is changed. No censure can come against the wife and economical measures of the administration. To the republican majority in Congress, no blame can attach. Some things must issue from the mouths of the vicious and disappointed, and they are driven into the sacred recesses of privacy, to hunt up malicious falsehood and obloquy at the hazard of family repose, and at the expence of truth, justice and honor. Amidst all this shameless defamation, we patiently bear and refute lies, without the help of sedition laws; while as we have before repeated, nor a single objection of moment is made to political measures, "save that from yonder ivy mantled bower, the moping owl does to the moon complain."
Once for all, I pray you to publish Mr. Jefferson's letters—I beseech you to publish every thing you know. 'Tis your duty to your party to do this forthwith. For this they laboured. O! don't let them be disappointed. Go to the bottom of the Chest, thence bring the proof, thou frightful elf, that what you state of Mr. Jefferson, is true. I dare you to the attempt: The moment you aim at proof, you will be humbled before the indignant frowns of an injured people.
* See Judge Basset's Protest.
From the WILMINGTON MIRROR.
Republican strength.
Rhode-Island, Legislature and Governor, New-York, same Pennsylvania, same Vermont, Legislature. Delaware, Governor. Maryland, Governor and Legislature New-Jersey, same Virginia, same North-Carolina, same South-Carolina, same Georgia, same Kentucky, same Tennessee, same
Federal weakness.
New Hampshire, Legislature and Governor. Massachusetts, same Connecticut, same Vermont, Governor.
What a happy contrast for the country! Great is the force of truth, and it will prevail over error and falsehood, however industriously circulated and widely disseminated. It is pleasing to observe how rapidly the bright sun of Republicanism is eclipsing the wan moon of Federalism, whose face is now scarcely visible.—When Mr. JEFFERSON was elected President, the Legislature of Rhode-Island was federal, now it is republican.
The Senate of New-York was federal, now it is republican.
The Legislature of Jersey was federal, now it is republican.
The Senate of Pennsylvania was federal, now it is republican.
The Governor of Delaware was federal, now republican.
The Governor and Senate of Maryland were federal, now they are republican.
This view shows the increase of republicanism. In a little more than one year it has gained triumphs in eight States, and even before that time, had acquired strength sufficient to elect a chief magistrate. These are considerations to which the people cannot too often recur, as an inducement to go on with the great and good work.
WASHINGTON CITY, Sept. 20.
THE FACT is that federalism appears to have lost ground, and republicanism to have gained ground in every State in the Union, where the public will has been expressed through the organ of elections, with the solitary exception of Massachusetts, where a momentary impression, derived from local feeling, has been made—an impression which we are assured is fast wearing away.
Our accounts from New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, where elections soon take place, are bright beyond expectation. In New-Jersey, there will be a republican Legislature, Governor, and a delegation to Congress entirely republican. In Pennsylvania, there is nearly a certainty that the whole delegation to Congress, consisting of eighteen members, will be republicans. There is not the least doubt of sixteen being so. In Delaware, the republicans are alive, and it is firmly believed that they will succeed.
FOR THE RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
SEVENTY-FIVE—NO. VII.
"But O, how fallen! yet not for those, Nor what the potent victor in his rage Can else inflict, do they repent, or change."
Paradise Lost.
THE forged Letters of John Rutledge to the President of the United States, have for a considerable time engrossed the attention of the public; and certainly no transaction can with more justice, and propriety claim that attention: For, as the establishment of a free government has ever been the principal concern of a virtuous, and an enlightened people; so, to preserve that government, when established, from abuse; and to defend it from the assaults of its enemies, is alike their bounden duty, their first, and warmest desire. Fortunate for the well-being of America these propensities have ever existed, and still exist in the breasts of her citizens.—Private interest has ever been thrust aside in order to a more righteous decision upon questions of general utility, and the public good. What have Americans struggled for during a long and arduous conflict with a foreign, and formidable power, which strove to rivet the chains of subjugation upon us, but the freedom, and the purity of their government? For what have the venerable sires of our country toiled in the cabinet? For what have the hardy, and intrepid "Sons of Liberty" sustained the shock of battles, and endured the field of war, drenched and crimsoned round with the blood of kindred, but to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of such a government? How sacred the charge, then, to keep it inviolate! Our armies have fought in vain: Our Patriots have sighed, and suffered to little purpose, if we do not watch the golden fruit of their studies and their victories, and shield it by our vigilance, as well from the lurking poison of the canker, as from the more overt, rude and chilling blast.
As no rectitude of conduct can secure to an individual universal friendship and affection, or protect him from the wonder-working powers of artifice; so, not the wisdom, and virtue of angels would preserve an administration from similar assaults. No form of government, in any country, could ever boast it. There are always existing, exasperated partisans, who, under a particular arrangement, & certain order of things, have painted to their imaginations, particular advantages, and exclusive benefits, which they had hoped to enjoy; but which, by the preponderance of different measures, they have been debarred from, and deprived of. Hence they are disappointed, and that disappointment suddenly changes into resentment, into malice, and into crime. These dispositions—these characters—under such circumstances, are peculiarly dangerous to society. They are dangerous not merely in proportion to the criminality that lurks within them; but to the elevation, and talents they claim; and the specious splendor that surrounds them; because these appendages give them a wider opening, and a fairer opportunity of thrusting the poignard of their design, and reaching the vitals of the social compact. The common burglar, who, in the dead of night, steals to a private apartment, and with the implements of death in his hand, slakes the property of the slumbering tenant, may plead his title to compassion, and hang lamented on a gallows: But the far more exalted and eternal villain, who dares, and daring attempts to beguile the first Executive of a nation, & steals the name of an "unoffending individual" to accomplish his infernal project, deserves the "bitterest execration, and severest punishment that can be inflicted by his injured country." The former may destroy the life of a citizen; but this, it is not his purpose to do, unless he is threatened with detection. It is the original design of the other, by throwing the political machine into disorder, and consternation, by exciting intestine war, and civil commotion, to compass the destruction of millions. At such a scene—a scene of general convulsion and dismay, brought about by his own brooding artifice, and wickedness, his fable foul would exult in raptures, and triumph upon the miseries of a people.
Since the publication of Rutledge's forged Letters, and the evidence that has come out, tending to fix the charge of their forgery upon him; and since what appeared in the last Newport Mercury, under the Newport head; we shall not ask pardon for applying the preceding observations directly, and without reserve, to that exalted, and illustrious character. It is true, some person, probably as notable as himself, has in the last Mercury undertaken his vindication. But however this able solicitor may solace himself in the idea of pecuniary reward, or the private friendship of the gentleman whose cause he has espoused, he will find eventually that it is in his power to render him but little service. His bungling, and frothy attempts to raise, and rescue the culprit, all tend to sink him still deeper, and deeper, in the depth of infamy to which he is inevitably doomed. What has this renowned champion of honor and honesty, virtue and excellence, said to exculpate Rutledge from the charge exhibited against him? Has he uttered one syllable which tends to do away or lessen the load of evidence which lays like a mass of lead upon his shoulders? Or does he expect by his spouting rant, and high toned declamation, to benumb the faculties of mankind, and, amid the tumult of a ghastly scene, which no one is better qualified to create than himself, to bear off Rutledge from the tremendous wreck that awaits him? It will require more management, more address, more talents, than the poor Lawyer can command.
Let us attend for a few moments to the steps which he pursues to effect his "ghastly" undertaking.
He begins by speaking of "the interest which the community feels in the reputation of its members." We agree that every man, when accused is entitled, to a speedy, fair, and impartial trial. This is an important principle, resulting from that interest; and it is recogniz-
ed by every civilized State. In this country, abounding in every bounty, the accused is not only entitled to demand it by the laws of the land, but he would feel himself countenanced in claiming it by the free, and united voices of his fellow-citizens. He is deemed innocent until the contrary is proved: He has, therefore, their good wishes, and their support in his defence. But it by no means follows that accusations are infamous, unless they are governed by infamous motives, as from a hope of pecuniary gain. Nor is it cruel, or ungenerous to make them, when there is strong ground of suspicion; because though it may wound the sensibilities of an individual, and though that wound may extend itself through a train of his connections; yet it may save the many from an impending danger. And besides, he who would be guilty of a crime, deserves no commiseration, to the extent of the evils which it brings down upon him. "An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." It has been bad enough to meditate, and attempt an injury; if that injury is enhanced in magnitude and in flames in complexion; he is callous enough to endure the consequences of its disclosure. And in the present case, the man who has exposed it to the world, has rendered an essential service to his country. It was timely, patriotic, and judicious. We know that the horrid plot which has been developed was not the only attempt of the kind which has been made to deceive, and impose upon the Executive of the nation. Where, or in what they would have ended, had not some one of the clan of perpetrators been dragged to the light, and exposed in all his ugliness and deformity, God only knows. It might, and probably would have led to civil convulsions.
To pursue the pious advocate through his wire-drawn, and elaborate harangue, would be drilling to the person who should attempt it, and disgusting to the public. All his stretched-out train of positions, which, in pompous pride, and belching flatulence, so big, and broad, he makes in vain defence of his convicted client, are self-evidently flat, insipid, and nonsensical. Such another tarrago, of jumbled, and incoherent jargon, never before appeared in print. We will for the sake of curiosity select one period, and present it to the eye of candor, argument, and criticism. (He says) "I speak for 'the house of the State; not in defence of this gentleman! (Mr. R.) for I feel now much I should abhor myself, could I be found among his assailants; when I do not even presume to appear as his defender. His character is exalted equally above my feeble efforts to eulogize, and their despicable attempts to detract it." Let any human genius attempt to point out the connection of this passage. One would naturally be induced, after reading it, to look up into the air for the character of Mr. Rutledge, and expect to see it there floating like a balloon. With regard to what he (the advocate) was doing about it, and how he felt on the occasion, it was it seems, necessary for him to tell in terms as explicit, and pointed as he could conceive, or else the world would have been at a loss. How far he has succeeded in making known his object, and his feelings, must remain for closer consideration; though it appears pretty evident that he felt queerly. But he is doubtless ready to render them sacred by his oath, and his honor."
This logical-metaphysical Goliath, seems astonishingly enthusiastic, and disposed to combat a charge of forgery, by force and arms; or at least by terror, and menace. He assumes several States, which he says are jealous of their honor, and proud of their citizens; he gains them as in the act of shaking hands with Mr. Rutledge, congratulating him upon the honorable acquittal which his own "oath" has afforded him. He, then, agreeably to his own exquisite, and exalted fancy, raises up two or three individuals on the other hand, whom he studies to represent in a ludicrous light, "blushing, and stammering as if followed close by some frightful spirit." I note to serve his sham argument, he, very favorably for the "character," so far "above (or beyond) his efforts," affects to paint as absconding renegades, "hiding their eyes to prevent their being seen," and "standing contrite" in guilt. Upon these moderate, and modest assumptions he erects himself a proud victor, and prancing o'er the field, hurls the gauntlet in the air. Such are "efforts" worthy of the person who made them, and of the cause in which they were made.
The principal topic of his complaint seems to be that the person who authorized the publication of the forged letters, did not give his name to the public. What is it to the purpose whether he did, or did not. If he had, in what way could Mr. Rutledge have availed himself of it, to ward off the charge alleged against him. What means of defence could that afford him, that he has not already had. It is true he at first held up an idea that he would prosecute, and pretended that he could not until the name should be divulged. But every body can see through the shallow mockery of such a pretension. Was not the printer known; and could not the author of the publication be made to suffer through him? As a man of honor he was bound to stand by, and bear him out in what had been undertaken; and had a prosecution been commenced, it is presumed his name would not long have remained a secret. But they held up another pretence, to spare this "prince and pink of politicians" the pangs of a legal condemnation. They affected to question the justice of the state, and the state judiciary. Was not the action, if they had chose to bring it, cognizable by the circuit court? Was not Mr. Rutledge a citizen of another state, and could he not have laid his damages to meet its jurisdiction? He could then have had his accusers on federal ground. He has pretended also, that if he prosecuted he could obtain no compensation, for that the printer was not a man of property. How is he to judge of this? And how can it affect the question of Rutledge's guilt, or innocence, whether the printer has property or not. If Rutledge sued, it ought to be for the redemption of his character, not for the recove-

ty of money. It had become his duty to establish his innocence, if it was in his power to do it: It was a duty which he owed to himself, and to his fellow-citizens, of whose good opinions he was so covetous. An action at law would have brought out all the evidence that could be adduced against him, and if it had not been sufficient to support the accusation, then he would have justly, and honorably triumphed. But he dare not prosecute: He shrunk with horror from a public trial: Well aware of the testimony that lay against him, he knew that a judicial investigation would consign him to perdition. He, therefore, chose the wiser method of committing himself to the force and credit of his party, and his friends.
SEVENTY-FIVE.
PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 1.
In the Rhode-Island Republican, printed by O. Farnsworth, at Newport, of the 28th September, there appear two letters addressed to the President of the United States. The letters are forgeries—being written in the name of Nicholas Giffroy, a jeweller and watchmaker, a citizen of Newport, many years settled and married at that place. These letters are in the shape of private advice to the President, on the politics of Rhode-Island, recommend the dismissal of officers, and the appointment of others, and upon public affairs in general. The original letters, it appears, are deposited in the hands of Mr. Farnsworth, who has called upon any gentleman, of whatever politics, to come and inspect the originals—and to compare them with the hand writing of John Rutledge, member of Congress from South Carolina. The letters are dated the 1st and 7th of August, 1801; and it appears from the Newport Mercury, that this prince and pinch of politicians was at that date in Newport—and the hand writing is proven by a comparison with other letters of his, to be in the hand writing of John Rutledge, a member of Congress!! This is what may be called supporting the dignity of aristocracy under the self-degradation of character!!
October 8.
DELAWARE ELECTION.
A letter received from Wilmington, Delaware, states that Mr. Rodney, the Republican candidate for Congress, has a majority of 957 votes, and that he will be immediately returned to Congress.
CESAR A. RODNEY, 1664 } 2371 JAMES A. BAYARD, 707 } 957 Majority, 957
Mr. Bayard is the leader of the federal party in the House of Representatives in Congress.—Rutledge is the humble friend of Bayard.
Wood and Callender, it appears, have formed a coalition!—And it is said both have received the royal favor of prince pretty man Rutledge—at Charleston; where the printer Timothy has lately fallen out with his bread and butter.
PUBLIC SENTIMENT.
THE "State Gazette, and Timothy's Daily Advertiser," printed at Charleston (S. C.) will not again be published. The cause, the Editor's necessitous circumstances, which would not permit him to continue an establishment that daily involved him in debt. We here remark, for the information of our readers, that the above paper was an advocate for high federal principles, and a supporter of Gen. CHARLES C. PINCKNEY as a suitable candidate for the Presidential chair. This class of scurrilous papers are daily linking, to the honor of Americans, and making way for those which support the present administration.
PROVIDENCE, October 12.
We have published the forged letters signed Nicholas Giffroy, said to have been written by the Hon. John Rutledge, verbatim et litteratim from the Rhode-Island Republican. Much has been said and much yet remains to be said on the subject of these letters. The attempt to impose upon our Chief Magistrate must meet with the execration of every liberal minded man. Indignant freemen of America must ever frown upon the vile impostor. What the real object of those who were guilty of the imposture, was, is only known to themselves; probably to bring our Executive into contempt. The providential discovery of the plot, has frustrated their plans and brought shame and infamy upon their own heads. The depositions of many have been published in the last Rhode-Island Republican, relative to the letters. It appears that Mr. Giffroy, first received a letter from the President in answer to the forged letters; that he was much surprised at receiving a letter from the President, and declared he never wrote to the President. He delivered the President's letter to the Hon. Christopher Ellery, and information was immediately given the President relative to the imposture. The President sent the forged letters to a citizen of Newport, giving him permission to make what use of them he pleased. Diligent enquiry was immediately made relative to the same; and after comparing the forged letters with a variety of hand writings, they were found to tally exactly with the hand-writing of the Hon. John Rutledge, tho' disguised. About forty of the first citizens in the State have, after a diligent comparison of hand-writings, declared their opinion in favor of the last mentioned statement. The Post-Master and his assistant in Newport have declared on oath, that about the 1st and 7th days of August, A. D. 1801, Mr. Rutledge's servant Girl delivered letters at that office, directed to the President of the United States, and that the superscription was in Mr. Rutledge's hand-writing, though disguised.
In our next we shall give the whole chain of proof, from the Rhode-Island Republican.
Phœnix.
Extract of a letter from New-Haven.
"REPUBLICANISM has gained most unreservedly in this State. There are in our House of Representatives 198 members, of which we have 73 (one account states 78.) We had in October last only 34, and in May 54." What think you of this, ye Federal Jacobins!
NEWPORT, Saturday, October 16, 1802.
COMMUNICATION.
EVERY attentive observer of passing events is astonished at the conduct of Rutledge and his friends. Lost to decorum, they drive on, ferociously, in the chariot of vulgarity, and tread under foot all our received notions of propriety. The justness of this remark is in no instance more striking, than in their disgraceful and dastardly efforts to reduce, by calumnious reports and slanderous publications, the character of a worthy man, selected by his fellow-citizens for the most important trusts, to the plane of depravity on which their own characters are fixed. Writhing under the lash of justice, in agony, they spurn at mercy, and, inspired with the spirit of their grand master, rush onward in certain destruction, panting for the conflict which plunges them into the abyss of infamy. How smooth is the path of virtue! How rough the course of vice!—The good man raises the shield of conscious innocence, and the arrows of calumny fall harmless at his feet. Infinitely beneath his contempt, are the darts, dipped in the sink of scurrility, & thrown by the hand of meanness—these pass him like the innoxious winds.
What is the effect of seven columns of vile abuse, which adorn the two last numbers of the Newport Mercury, on the public mind? What the effect on the minds of the respectable men whose characters it is thus intended to debase? In the former, is produced conviction strong of Rutledge's guilt—for the conclusion is irresistible, that, to establish innocence, abuse would not be resorted to, if proof could be brought forward. In the latter, a justifiable pride in being the objects of federal distinction—for it is honorable to be numbered among the most wise and virtuous of our nation, whose names are registered, with marks of turpitude, in the loathsome calendar of federalism. Go on then, ye scribblers, to elevate those whom you would degrade. Villify by your praises. Exalt by your censures.
But persuade not yourselves, that, by your pitiful cunning, the public attention is to be drawn from the true point of consideration.—The question is, whether John Rutledge, member of Congress, wrote the letters, styled "Rutledge's Letters to the President of the United States?" To this interesting inquiry the whole force of the public mind is directed—nor can you divert it by insinuations of criminality in another, founded on false swearing.—To what stage then have we arrived? Over what ground have we passed? The original letters were presented to our view. The similarity of handwriting was perceived by every accurate and candid examiner. The intimates of Rutledge could not discover the similitude. In what manner was the imputation on the character of Rutledge repelled? By the opinions of his friends and by his own oath. It is not wonderful, that such of his friends, who were honorable men, could believe him innocent, in spite of their senses. They shut their eyes, looked into their own breasts, and exclaimed "he is not guilty." But it is strange that he should swear. The criminal arraigned at the bar of justice, is urged to plead not guilty, but he is not permitted to swear to his innocence. The practice would inuendo the forlorn wretch to the commission of a new crime of darker hue. Forgery is a crime of blackest die—but perjury too!! Oh! could the frightful idea be biotted forever from the imagination!
Was it not enough that Rutledge and his friends should, by their oaths, endeavor to ward off the fatal blow? Why was the rash experiment to involve an honest man, for a moment, countenanced? And why was the poor Giffroy induced to swear to circumstances on which the "structure of crimination" might be raised? Has the honorable Senator suffered in the estimation of his fellow men by the shameless attacks upon his character? Is not every friend to virtue and his country happy to find, that, to him, no sacrifice is too great which comports with his duty? Where is the good man who is not gratified in the reflection, that the mean and base insinuations with which his character has been, for the first time, assailed, have rebounded upon his malicious adversaries, with a re-action terrible to their tortured souls? Yes, the miscreants stand convicted, before the august tribunal, composed of the free citizens of the United States, of a vile attempt to rob of his fair fame, by false swearing, one of the Senators of the United States. Let justice be done, tho' the heavens fall. To the repenting sinner unfold the door of mercy. Such were the principles hitherto inculcated in all ages and countries. New doctrines of the new school now prevail. Federalism teaches, that he who detects and exposes a monster in wickedness, commits a crime; and that the odious transgressor against all laws, human and divine, persisting in his wickedness, is innocent and honorable. Morality like this accords well with the crimes of forgery and perjury; but has no place in the breast of the affectionate brother, the tender husband, the kind father and upright citizen. Society must be shaken from its centre by the adoption of this new morality. It will be exploded and its authors hooted. The man who is influenced by regard to obligation in all his actions, will merit and receive the applause of his fellow-men. Though the duty be painful in its performance, yet must he not neglect it. Severity is not always required in the execution, nor is compassion only to sway.
The motive which induced the publication of "Rutledge's Letters," was regard for the public weal. The same motive urges us to forward the Letters to Washington, to be laid on the table of the House of Representatives, if the measure shall be judged proper; and whether the subject requires national attention, must be determined by those, who have the honor of sitting
in the high places. When the nature of the offence—attempts to impose on our first magistrate by fictitious letters; when the station of the offender—that of national legislator; when the consequences which follow from the frequent practice of this trick—an impossibility of corresponding by mail; when these are the subjects of consideration, the propriety of instituting an enquiry will be acknowledged.
The attention of the reader is invited once more to the columns of abuse before mentioned. It ought to be impressed on the memory of every friend to truth, that the most vile abuse is the only answer to a complete body of evidence, establishing in the mind of every ingenious person, the guilt of Rutledge; and scattering into the four winds the rubbish, with which it was vainly hoped to crush the determined foe to vice. Be it repeated—four columns of ribaldry are opposed to four columns of testimony—depositions and declarations under the solemn sanction of the oaths of many of the most highly esteemed members of our community. These gentlemen thus become the objects of federal notice; but they cordially despise federalism and her agents.
Another observation closes this communication. The certificate, signed "JOSEPH ROGERS," in the last Republican, is the certificate of JOSEPH ROGERS, late a Representative in the General Assembly; than whom, no other of the name is more respectable.
Mr. FARNWORTH,
A subscriber to the Rhode-Island Republican, wishes it to be understood, that it is JOSEPH ROGERS, of Middletown, whose signature appeared in your last paper, expressive of his opinion on the comparison of hand-writing, relative to the letters, published under the title of "Rutledge's letter to the President."
Grievous are the complaints against the Editor of the Rhode-Island Republican. The Feds ought to have foreseen that their paper would become a vehicle of scurrility and slander, wholly unfit for decent uses. Let them learn wisdom by experience. Let them regain the lost character of the Mercury, by casting off pettifogging attorneys, and taking to themselves editors possessing "rectitude of heart."
The Rhode-Island Republican will never be open to Bulinggate, nor to those who foster it in the federal print. How is the pride of federalism fallen! With all humility the nobles bend the knee and beg to be admitted to the honor of a place in the Republican, lately held by them in contempt. No—your own vehicles for your own filth. Decency and propriety are the attributes of the Democratic paper, and its patrons.
"I will take upon me to create a World to-morrow, if to day I can give rectitude of heart to one pettifogging attorney." LAVATER.
Further EXTRACTS—in point.
"HAVE you forgot, How your prime Saint the truth defied, Affirm'd he never wrote a line Our charter'd rights to undermine; Whom his own letters then were by, That prov'd his Oath to be a lie?
Hence sure perdition must await The man who riles 'gainst the State, Who meets at once the damning sentence; Without one loophole for repentance;
Ah! fly, my friend—escape; And keep yourself from this sad scrape; Enough you've talk'd, and writ, and plann'd; The whigs have got the upper hand. Dame fortune's wheel has turn'd so short, It's plougd you fairly in the dirt; Wait not till things grow despatcher, For cropping is no laughing matter: Adventure then no longer stay, But call your friends and run away."
Altered from M c FINGAL.
When will the editors of the Mercury learn to speak the truth!—Not till they find it impossible by lying to deceive one solitary well meaning individual. We again declare it to be a fact, that notwithstanding the repeated assertions of the jacobin paper in this town to the contrary, the late election in Stonington (Con.) is favorable to genuine Republicanism, or the Washington and Jefferson Administration.
At the last term of the Supreme Judicial Court, for the county of Washington, which was held the present week, EDWARD HEMSTEAD, Esq. was admitted as an Attorney and Counsellor at Law, in all the Courts of the State.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscribers, Executors of the last Will and Testament of Samuel Sanford, of Newport, deceased, call upon all persons having any demands upon the Estate of the deceased, to exhibit them; and all persons indebted to the said estate, are called upon to make payment, to SAMUEL VERNON, SAMUEL VERNON, jun., VALENTINE WIGHTMAN. Newport, Oct. 14, 1802. cvii3
Thomas Voax,
At his Sugar-Refinery, South end of Thames-Street—Has constantly for Sale,
SUGAR Refiner's MOLASSES, of an excellent quality, in Hogheads, Tierces, and Barrels, or by the Gallon; Lamp SUGAR (very cheap for the quality) by the single lump, or larger quantity.—Also, Loaf SUGAR, by the Loaf; White Syrup, and Vinegar, by the gallon.—He also continues to take in Brown Sugar, (to Manufacture into Loaf Sugar,) on reasonable terms. Newport, Oct. 7, 1802. cvit
More FALSE-SWEARING to be expected!!!
THE mother of the Girl, supposed to be the bearer of "Rutledge's Letters" to the Post-Office, called on the mother of another girl, also supposed to be the bearer, and desired to know, certainly, when her daughter left Mr. Rutledge's; because, as she said, she had been sent for twice by Mr. Rutledge, and was going down to see her own daughter, who, she believed, lived there at that time.—This mother observed that her daughter could get something for swearing for Mr. Rutledge; but would get nothing for swearing on t'other side!!!
For New-York & Albany,
Sloop ABIGAIL, RAY BLEVIN, Master. WILL sail on the 19th or 20th instant, having good accommodations for passengers. For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, at Handy's Wharf, or to EARL & WHITEHORNE. Newport, Oct. 16, 1802.
THE subscribers, being appointed by the Honorable Court of Probate of the town of Portsmouth, Commissioners, to receive and adjust the claims of the creditors to the estate of Freelove Cornell, late of said Portsmouth, widow, deceased, represented insolvent: All persons having any claim against said estate, are hereby notified to exhibit the same, on or before the second Monday of February next, to either of us, at our respective dwellings.
JOHN SLOCUM, sen. } Commissioners. ELISHA ALLEN, } sitors. N. B. All who are indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment, to DANIEL ALBRO, Admin'r. Portsmouth, October 11, 1802. cvii
WHEREAS the Court of Probate of the town of Newport, have allowed six months longer for the Creditors of the estate of Charles Laffelle, late of Newport, Merchant, deceased, represented insolvent, to bring in their claims:—Notice is hereby given to all persons having demands against said estate, to exhibit them for settlement; and all such as are indebted, are earnestly requested to make immediate payment to SIMON DAVIS, Adm'r. Newport, Aug. 11, 1802. cvi
John A. Shaw, & Co.
INFORM the Public that they have taken a Shop next door but one North of the Coffee-House, where they carry on the WATCH-MAKING BUSINESS in all its Branches. Likewise all kinds of Hair Work & Gold Cyphers neatly executed. They have for Sale, English and Geneva gold & silver Watches, Gold Necklaces, silver tea and table Spoons, salt, mustard & pap Spoons, soup and punch Ladles, sugar Tongs, large & small Looking Glasses, dressing Do. tea Trays, Waiters & dressing Cases, plated, wooden, and Britannia Castors, Britannia tea and coffee Pots, Gentlemen's and Children's best & common Hats, Suspenders, Knives and Forks, brass globe & common Handlamps, Shovel & Tongs, brass and japanned Lamps, elegant plated & brass Candlesticks, dart and common Cans, horse & chaise Whips, ladies do. Scissors, Pen-Knives, Snuffers & Trays, powder Boxes and Puffs, Razors in cases and without, shaving Boxes, and Windsor Soap, Cream Balls, writing Paper, Dutch Quills, Spanish Segars, Macabau, Rappee & Scotch Snuff, Starch, Purple Brown, together with a complete Assortment of Jewellery & Perfumery.—They Also carry on the GOLD & SILVERSMITH'S Business: Cash given for Old Gold and Silver, + Punctual attendance, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged. Newport, Oct. 2, 1802. 72tf
For Sale, by the Subscriber, that Valuable Real Estate in THAMES-STREET,
CONSISTING of a Dwelling-House, 37 feet by 32, almost new; with a good Cellar; paved Yard, and good Well of water, with a Pump therein; together with the Garden, Wharf, Stores, Stable, Chaise-House, &c. belonging to the same.—Likewise, a large Garden Lot, on the Hill, 126 feet on Y n Street, and the same distance extending to Leven-Street.—Also, a good second hand Chaise, Two Horses, one Yoke of Oxen, and an Ox Cart.—Likewise—A quantity of LUMBER; consisting of clear, and merchantable Pine Boards, Spruce Boards, Joist, Laths, and a few North-Carolina Cedar Shingles. JOSEPH LYON. Newport, Sept. 17, 1802. cviii
Fifteen Dollars Reward,
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on Sunday evening last, a Negro boy, named JAMES, about nineteen years old, five feet 6 or 7 inches high, rocky built; was born in Jamaica; speaks something of the Creole dialect; has had one joint of his little Toe cut off; had on when he went off, a dark mix'd coloured Jacket and striped tow cloth Trowsers; took with him one nankeen Jacket and a pair of overalls, one calico and one nankeen vest; was heard of on the road to Providence, enquiring the way to Boston. Whoever will secure said Negro, so that the owner may receive him again, shall be paid the above Reward, and all necessary charges, by WALTER NICHOLS. Newport, Sept. 24, 1802. civ

From the INDEPENDENT CHRONICLE.
STANZAS.
ADDRESSED TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
O'er the plain in beauty smiling See the rosy clouds arise, Which, as the light reviling, Hang with black the azure skies.
But ere yet another morning Drink the cold earth's dewy tear, Light, in brighter brilliance dawning, Shall the dark horizon clear.
Thus with falsehood's vilest story, JEFFERSON, in vain they try To obscure thy beams of glory, Sun like beams that ne'er can die.
Furious fiends, with secret slanders All their noxious vapours pour, While around in rapture wanders Every insect of the hour.
Haggard envy prone to languish, Hate, from disappointment born; Vex'd ambition veils his anguish, Malice fails, affecting scorn.
All in vain, sublimely rising, Truth shall dare her servid ray, And the summer clouds despising, Chase the envious gloom away.
To thy active genius owing That which dared proclaim her free, Still with five of freedom glowing, Blest COLUMBIA bends to thee.
Like thy own Potomac winding Through the irrigated plain, And 'twixt the mountains finding Health and beauty in his train.
So, by godlike Truth protected, Shall thy fame, the mind's guide, Flow with every charm collected, And remain the PEOPLE'S PRIDE.
Firm and towering as the mountains, Crown'd with virtue's virgin snow, Pure as nature's fairest fountains That with sparkling brilliancy flow.
Clear as light when first created, Chaste as angels, guardian love, And on wings of Time elated, Deathless as himself shall prove.
THE SYBIL.
The following article is taken from an English paper, and wonderfully illustrates certain popular doctrines of the checks and balances.
"The late election for the county of Cambridge was one of the most expensive and bitter contests ever remembered. In the course of the ten days it lasted, there were upwards of 16,000 expended! Notwithstanding the acts of parliament against treating, it was agreed by each party to allow a certain number of houses to be opened on each side; during the election there was as disgraceful a scene of drunkenness, gourmandizing, and strife, as ever was witnessed in Covent garden. One man was thrown out of a two pair of stairs window, and seven others lost their lives by excessive drinking; and all this for the honor of sitting in parliament for six weeks!!"
William Douglass,
At the Head of Broad Street, HAS constantly for sale, a general Assortment of West-India and other
GOODS.
ALSO—About 700 wt. Clean FLAX—600 weight best Fleece WOOL, and 12 butts Herd GRAIN from the North-River.
Likewise—1200 wt. New-Milk CHEESE, Cheap for CASH. Or West India Goods. Newport, October 2, 1802. 67 3/4
LUMBER.
THE subscriber having entered into Copartnership, under the firm of Sheldon & Ruggles, would respectfully inform the public, that they have taken Wickham's wharf, next southward of Col. Sherburne's, where they have for sale on reasonable terms, a complete assortment of Eastern and other Lumber—such as merchantable pine Boards & Plank, clear Boards, clear Joist—merchantable pine Do. square Oak-Timber, pine Do. spruce Do. Oak Joist, Hemlock, Do. spruce Do. Birch and Beech 3 inch Plank for bedheads; red C. Oak, locust and white cedar Posts, for garden fences; Cedar & Pine Clapboards; good Kennebec and other Shingles and Laths, &c.—Lumber of any dimension or kind can be procured from the Eastern country at short notice.
They also have for Sale, West-India Rum by the Hoghead or Barrel; New-England do. Sugar by the Hoghead or Box; Molasses by the Hoghead; Cordage of all sizes by the cwt. or smaller quantity; Nails of all sizes; Pitch, Tar and Turpentine, &c. &c.
DANIEL SHELDON, BENJAMIN RUGGLES. Newport, May, 15, 1801. 61 3/4
For Sale, by the Subscriber, BETWEEN one and two thousand weight of Oakum, which will be disposed of, either in large or small quantities, as may best suit purchasers.
CASH, and the highest price, given for all JUNK, as usual. JOHN WILLIAMS, Keeper of the Work-House. Newport, Feb. 12. 72 3/4
MARY MUMFORD
RESPECTFULLY informs her friends and the public in general, that she carries on the Tinning business, in the South Shop of the same House where it was carried on by her deceased husband. She has at present on hand, a large assortment of TIN WARE, which she will dispose of very cheap for Cash.
Those persons who will please to favor her with their custom, may depend upon having their work faithfully done, and the smallest favor will be gratefully acknowledged.
*** For sale as above, an Assortment of JAPANNED WARE, Glass Lamps, and Two large Franklin Stoves. Newport, June 13, 1802. 89 3/4
THE Court of Probate for the town of Newport, having appointed the subscribers commissioners, to examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of WALTER EASTON, late of said Newport, deceased, represented insolvent; and twelve months being allowed for that purpose:—Notice is hereby given to all persons having demands against said estate, to bring them in to either of us, within said time, or otherwise they will be precluded according to law.
EDMOND TOWNSEND, } Commissioners. THOMAS PECKHAM, } All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment to MERIBETH EASTON, } Executrix. DAVID BUFFUM, } JOHN SLOCUM, } Newport, 4th Mo. 5, 1802. 82 3/4
NOTICE.
THE subscriber, intending to leave this town the ensuing Fall, requests all persons having unsettled accounts with him, to adjust the same before the November Court, as all unsettled accounts will then be put in suit, without respect to persons.
THOMAS HOWLAND. Newport, August 12, 1802. 68 3/4
To Let,
A very commodious STORE, on Banister's Wharf, esteemed as good a stand for business as any in Newport.—For further particulars, enquire at the Office of the Rhode-Island Republican. September 18, 1802. 61 3/4
John & Henry Cahoon,
HAVE FOR SALE, At their STORE on Banister's Wharf,
BROWN SUGAR, by the barrel or box, Molasses, by the hoghead; Flour, by the barrel; Powder, by the cwt; Shaking-Paper, by the hundred; Candles, by the box; Iron Caboose; and genuine SPANISH SEGARS.—ALSO, HONEY, by the barrel or gallon—New-York Soap, by the box—Negro-Head Tobacco—Best 4th proof Jamaica Rum—Iron Stoves—Salt-Peter'd Hams—Butter, and Hog's Lard, &c.—Likewise,
LIQUORS, of the best kind, a general Assortment—and various other Articles in the Grocery Line—a complete Assortment of which they propose to be constantly supplied with.
MASTERS of Packets, Passengers, &c. may be Supplied at said Store, on the shortest Notice—with any Article they may want—and their Favors gratefully Acknowledged.
GREEN CHAIRS, per Dozen—Bar-Iron, per Hundred wt.—Midlings and Corner, per barrel—Onions, per Hundred bunches, or smaller quantities—LOAF-SUGARS, and a variety of the best of TEAS. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 3 3/4
John Mosher & Company,
INFORMS the Public, that they have purchased the Trading Stock of Thomas Green, and continue the business in the same Store.
Said Mosher & Co. would also inform the Public, that they have reduced the prices of said Stock to very low rates, and have just received a very handsome supply of fresh
Spring Goods;
Which, in addition to the old Stock, makes the Assortment complete—all which they are determined to sell
VERY CHEAP FOR CASH.
The smallest favors will be most gratefully acknowledged.
All those indebted to THOMAS GREEN, on Note or Book account, are desired to make payment to said Mosher, & Co. who are empowered to settle the same. Newport, May 20, 1802. 86 3/4
For Sale on Reasonable terms, A Quantity of Window Frames and Sashes, for 7 by 9 and 6 by 8 Glass. Enquire of the Printer. Newport, May 21, 1802. 88 3/4
To be Sold or Let,
A WELL-finished Dwelling House, situated on Thames Street, opposite Mr. Robert Stevens's.—Also, a new Store, adjoining the yard and Garden, with a good well of water.—The situation, both for health and business, is not inferior to any in town.
Likewise, for Sale, a good HORSE, for the saddle or chaise.—Conditions may be known, by applying to HENRY G. CHAMPLIN, Sept. 3, 1802. [in Newport, 89 3/4
Brafs Foundery.
THE subscriber informs the public that he carries on the Brafs Foundery business in all its various branches, at his shop in Spring-street, nearly opposite Mr. John Banister's.—
He also Makes and Repairs House and Gun Locks. Those who may favor him with their custom, may depend on punctuality; and every favor will be acknowledged by the public's humble servant,
WILLIAM TRICKETT, Newport, June 18, 1802. 90 3/4
JUST RECEIVED, And for Sale at the Store of JOHN A. SHAW, & Co. A BOX of the Newest Fashion'd JEWELRY, direct from Europe, consisting of the most Fashionable Ladies EAR RINGS. July 8, 1802. 93 3/4
FOR SALE, BY the subscriber, a Horse—Horse-Cart—and Trucks, very cheap for Cash. WILLIAM GREENMAN. Newport, Sept. 3, 1802. 61 3/4
Green & Tillinghast,
HEREBY inform their old Customers and the Public in general, that they have just received a large Assortment of Spring Goods, which they are now selling at the most reduced prices at their Store, by Wholesale and Retail. Newport, May 20, 1802. 86 3/4
To PRINTERS.
FOR sale, remarkably cheap for Cash, a good (second hand) PRINTING PRESS. Enquire at the Office of the Rhode-Island Republican.
Nicholas Webster,
INFORMS the Public, that he has opened a GROCERY STORE in Broad Street, in the house, late the property of Mr. Caleb Earl, where he has for Sale a general assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS.
Among others, are the following articles: Rum, Brandy, Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Teas of various kinds, Coffee, Chocolate, Raisins, Currants, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Butter, Cheese, Candles, Onions, Tobacco, Snuff, Powder and Shot, Lamp-Oil, Loaf and Brown Sugars, &c.—ALSO,
A general and extensive variety of Crockery and Hard Ware; Men's and Women's Shoes, &c. &c. with many other articles, too tedious to mention; all which will be sold at the most reduced prices. Newport, Nov. 21, 1801. 60 3/4
TO BE SOLD,
A FARM, LYING in Exeter, State of Rhode-Island, about 6 1/2 miles from Wickford, containing 180 acres of good Land, with two Dwelling-Houses, and other out buildings. It may be purchased together, or in separate divisions. Payment will be made early.—Also,
A share in the Ohio Company, containing nearly Twelve Hundred Acres of excellent Land. For further particulars apply to PARDON TILLINGHAST. Exeter, Feb. 25. 50 3/4
Sail Making.
THE subscribers having entered into partnership, under the firm of Spooner and Dunham, hereby inform the Public, that they carry on the Sail-Making business, in its various branches, at their Sail Loft, on the wharf of the late Gen. John Malbone, at the South part of the town. Those who may favor them with their custom, may depend on punctuality and dispatch. All favors will be gratefully acknowledged, by WING SPOONER, 2d. CHARLES C. DUNHAM. Newport, April 3, 1802. 79 3/4
JEFFERSON'S
Full Length PORTRAIT.
JUST received from Philadelphia, and for Sale at this Office, (elegantly framed,) the Portrait of "The Man of the People."—Price, in large Frames, Ten Dollars—small, Eight Dollars—and in sheets, Four Dollars.
Nathaniel Nason,
INFORMS the Public that he has commenced the TIN PLATE Working Business, at the house occupied by his father David Nason, nearly opposite the foot of the Church Lane, where all kinds of Tin Ware is manufactured in the best manner, and at the shortest notice, of the best materials. All orders for any kind of Tin Ware, executed immediately. Constant attendance given, and the smallest favors acknowledged. Newport, June 27, 1802. 92 3/4
FOR SALE,
The staunch Sloop LOUISA,
BURTHEN 74 tons, five years old, now lying at Stevens' wharf; in complete order, and is ready to receive a cargo immediately. Inventory may be seen, by applying to either of the Subscribers.
ROBERT LAWTON, BENJAMIN MARSHALL. Newport, June, 13, 1802. 89 3/4
W. R. WILDER,
BOOKSELLER & STATIONER,
Has Removed to the Store next Door North of Messrs. Gibbs & Channing's,
WHERE he offers for sale, many thousand Volumes of BOOKS, in the different branches of Literature—together with almost every article in the Stationary line, wholesale and retail.—Also an elegant Assortment of Gentlemen's HATS, from 75 cents to 6 dollars and 50 cents. Newport, Aug. 21. 99 3/4
FLEECE WOOL.
FOR sale, three or four hundred weight of excellent Sheep's Wool, cheap for Cash.—Enquire of the Printer. Newport, Sept. 11, 1802. 62 3/4
GROCERIES,
Of a Warranted quality, and at the lowest prices, at Retail, by
John Hazard, jun.
One door North of Mr. Townsend's Coffee-House.
MADEIRA } Gun powder } particular, } Hyson, } Teneriffe, do. } Souchong, & } Sherry, } Bohea, } Lisbon, } Coffee, } Malaga, } Boston Chocolate } Port, } No. 1 & 2, } Claret, and } Shells, } Frontinac, } Rice, } Old Cognac and } Maize, } Barcelona Brandy, } Nutmegs, } Holland Gin, } Cinnamon, } W. I. Rum, } Cassia, } Cherry, do. } Cloves, } Crema de Noyau, } Pimento, } Anniseed, } Black Pepper, } Ratafia, and other } Ginger, } Cordials, } Aniseed Spirits, } Clove Water, } Shrub, } Hibbert's Porter, } Bottled Cider, } Taunton Ale, } Essence of Spruce, } Vinegar, } Dry Citron, } Peaches, } Pears, } Green gages, } Apricots, & } Nectarines, } Ginger, } Lime, } Citron, } &c. } Guava Jelly, } Tamarinds, } Anchovies, } Olives, } Capers, } Pickled Walnuts, } West-India Pickles, } Sallad Oil, } Pepper Sauce, } Ketchup, } India Soy, } Bakewell Salt, } Salt Petre, } Pearlash, } Double and } single refin'd, } Rump, } Powdered, & } Brown, } With many other Articles too tedious to enumerate. Newport, July 30, 1802. 96 3/4
To be Sold by
Sheffield Attwood,
FIFTEEN hogheads clay'd Sugar, 20 hogheads good retailing Molasses, 150 Barrels Herring.
—also—
Forty Acres of good Land, four miles distant from this town, which is well watered, and well wailled;
Sundry Dwelling-Houses, situate in different parts of the town.
He carries on the BAKING Business as usual and can furnish any quantity of Cavin Bread on short notice.
He has a Moses Boat of 15 feet on hand; and will furnish others of any dimension, on the shortest notice. Newport, July 24, 1802. 95 3/4
NICOLAS GEFROY,
Watch-Maker, in Newport,
HAS constantly on hand, an elegant assortment of warranted, and common English, and Geneva Watches and Time-Pieces, which he will sell on reasonable terms.
He also carries on the
Goldsmith's & Silversmith's
Business, in all its branches, and likewise will make, or repair, any kind of Jewellery, in the neatest fashion.
He has likewise for Sale,
Wholesale and Retail, all kinds of Jewellery, imported and of the latest fashion; officers' gold and silver epauletts; plated and brass candlesticks; plated and Britannia tea-pots; dials, small swords and pokers; plated butts, flasks and spurs; tea-trays; castors and irons; silver and brass; cutlery ware of all kinds; night and day spy-glasses; ladies and gentlemen's pocket-knives; dressing-glasses; suspenders; trusses; horse-whips; razors; Hopkin's famous razor-strops; best Beaver hats; perfumery of all kinds, from London and Paris; hair-powder; starch; Bayley's sugar, and sugar plums; Spanish Jigars; best Macabou & Scotch snuff; and a great variety of other articles, too numerous to insert in an advertisement. Newport, May 13, 1802. 19 3/4