The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1801-02-18 00:00:00

The Providence Journal.
AND
TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. Printer of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the State of RHODE-ISLAND, &c. At the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 112. ]
WEDNESDAY, February 18, 1801.
[ Vol. III. ]
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy is awarded and issued forth against JONATHAN RUSSELL, of Providence, merchant, and he being declared a Bankrupt, is hereby required to surrender himself to us the undersigned Commissioners, on Saturday next, and on every Saturday previous to Friday the twentieth day of March next, at ten o'clock in the forenoon of each day, at Dr. JOHN WILLIAMS' house, in Providence, and make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects; when and where the creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts, and at the first meeting to choose assignees, and at the last meeting the said Bankrupt is required to finish his examination, and the creditors are to assent to or dissent from the allowance of his certificate.
All persons indebted to the said Bankrupt, or that have any of his effects, are not to pay or deliver the same but to whom the said Commissioners shall appoint.
PARIS J. TILLINGHAST, JOSEPH JENCKES, GEORGE R. BURRILL, } Com's. February 4, 1801.
CONSIGNMENT.
FOR SALE, BY ELISHA DYER, Eight casks Malaga Wine Six pipes Brandy Six casks Raisins, and bale Gurrabs, in excellent order, and of a superior quality. Terms and credit liberal. February 4.
REMOVAL.
Samuel S. Blodget ACQUAINTS his friends and the public, that he has taken the store and purchased the STOCK IN TRADE of AMOS M. ATWELL, Esq. directly opposite the house of Mr. John Rogers, where he solicits the patronage of his former customers and others, and offers for sale a complete assortment of GROCERIES. Those who will favour him with their custom may depend on the utmost punctuality and dispatch, and every favour with gratitude acknowledged. February 4.
To be Sold,
For cash or notes payable at the Bank in Newport (R. I.) with approved endorsers. AN excellent Lot of Land, belonging to Dr. WILLIAM HANDY, now rented for 80 dollars per annum, situated on the hill in the town of Newport, containing about eight acres, which for fertility of soil and beauty of prospect (especially on the sea) is equal if not superior to any on the island. Possession will be given on the 25th of March next. Said land may be laid out into ten house-lots, sixty feet front and seventy-seven feet rear.
ALSO,
A neat and well finished House on Eaton's Point (so called) and nearly opposite the house lately the property of JOSEPH WANTON, Esq. deceased. Said house is in complete repair, and newly painted, now in the occupation of Mrs. GRATTAN. Possession will be given on the 12th of May next. Good titles will be given the above. Apply to
ROSEWELL SALTONSTALL, Attorney to said Handy. New-London (Con.) January 30. (3m.)
Jason Angell, jun.
INFORMS the inhabitants of Smithfield, and the adjacent towns, that he proposes to practise Physic, Surgery, and Midwifery, in their various branches; those who wish to employ him may call at the late dwelling-house of Dr. ICHABOD COMSTOCK, deceased.
Smithfield, January 28.
FOR SALE, by Harris and Rhodes,
A FEW hogheads Tobacco West-India and New-England Rum Brandy and Gin Hyson Souchong, and Bohea Tea Coffee Havannah White and Brown Sugar Loaf Sugar Beef and Pork in barrels Cod Fish Hoghead Shooks 20 hogheads of Molasses, cheap 1 cask Malaga Wine January 14.
Epaminondas ON THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
From the NEW-YORK GAZETTE.
HAVING had numerous applications for the different numbers of Epaminondas, and not being able to supply the anxious reader without a re-publication, we came to the determination of giving the whole on one sheet. Having signified our intention to the author, he was not displeased with the idea; and has made several corrections and alterations, which render the series more complete and more interesting. The five numbers of Epaminondas, therefore, appear this day entire.— READER! JUDGE!
"Not one word more of the consumed time; Let's take the instant by the forward top— Turning past evils to advantages."
TO THE FEDERAL MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES.
GREAT and important interests of your country, which the probable result of the late election has committed to your decision, have rendered you the depositaries of the hopes, the arbiters of the destiny, of America. An infinite train of momentous consequences are attached to whatever plan of conduct you shall pursue. Leonidas, with his little band of three hundred, had not a more important pass to guard. The seat of your deliberations has become the Thermopylae of America, and it rests with you, by a great and meritorious stand, to achieve for this land what the Leonidas failed to do for wretched, ruined Greece.
There are, amongst reputed great men, those who, from a passionate attachment to system, are capable, with the best intentions, of ruining the cause they love, and intend to serve. Others there are, who, from an inherent want of firmness (the greatest vice in a statesman's character) will fall short in the experiment of the anticipations of their friends and partisans. There is yet ANOTHER class, who flourish and expand in soils and with a culture adapted to their genius, but when transplanted into new and less congenial soils, betray, at once, a sickly temperament, and total want of stamina. Closet speculations never did, and never will, qualify a man to direct the helm of state. A far different discipline from that which is administered by the researches of a cabinet, must form the man who is to adjust and balance the various rivalries and conflicting pretensions which divide and keep at strife the States composing this Union.
I am led to these general preliminary remarks from a persuasion, the result of long continued observation, that the several defects of character above indicated, will all be found to unite in that of Mr. Jefferson. Habits of philosophical investigation, a cool, calculating spirit, combined with manners plausible and respectable, are not denied to him. In the chair of a philosophical society, it is allowed that he makes a decorous appearance. Should the government see fit to establish a Board of Longitude, or a Society for American Antiquarian Research, it would, I believe, be difficult to find in our country a gentleman who would do more ample justice to the Presidency of either. Both the character and habits of his mind adapt him exclusively for these and similar pursuits.
It is remarkable, that an inveterate attachment to systematic notions of government has distinguished some of the vilest monsters whom God in his providence has occasionally suffered to arise as instruments of his wrath against offending nations—"Perish the republic," said Robespierre, "rather than suffer a principle to be violated." It is said the original cast of this man's mind was far from being sanguinary. Originally a moderate reformer, he advanced by regular gradations to the last extreme of democratic licentiousness.—Become at length a professor of the most levelling equality, he revived the system of Procrustes, and on his political bed of torture, reduced to one and the same standard all those whom he suspected of the slightest non-conformity to the reigning principle. The blood that streamed from ten thousand scaffolds owned no other fault than that it circulated in veins which did not rise and fall in precise unison with the standard thermometer.
The dreadful consequences of this systematic attachment to abstract notions in politics, could not, under any administration of the government of this country, be realized to the same bloody extent. Nor is it the opinion of the writer that these principles have acquired the same unqualified ascendancy over the mind of Mr. Jefferson. It is, however, not to be disguised, that in his political reasonings he is a cold unfeeling theorist; that
he pushes his speculations to the last extremes of theoretical abstraction; that in the formation of his political creed he has conceived a violent antipathy against the commercial and financing system of this country; that the strong bias of his mind in favour of France, has left him very little claim to the character of an exclusive American; that he is a well known admirer of that system of political economy first conceived in France, and afterwards proclaimed with a religious enthusiasm by D'Alembert, Thurgot, and others of her statesmen and philosophers, and which, from its leading principle, that taxes on land should alone be tolerated in all well policed states, gave to its defenders the title of economists. Amongst all the wild vagaries of statesmen, this, perhaps, is the most wild. In the catalogue of political absurdities, which have found place in the brains of philosophers, will any thing be found more absurd? In uncommercial states, in states which are interdicted from external commerce, by mere physical necessity, arising out of their local position, this principle of taxation will be found to have some weight. Its realization in this country would dispeuple our cities, and carry us back to our woods and farms, to our lakes and forests—it would clothe us in the skins of beasts, and reduce us once again to the chase for subsistence. The whims of speculators are harmless in themselves, and innocuous in their effects, when confined to the closet and the study. It is otherwise, when high public station affords the opportunity of realizing a favourite conceit. If a principled hostility to the extension and multiplication of our commercial relations—if the opinion, that the best policy of these states would consist in exchanging at our own door the produce of our country for the manufactures of other nations, thereby permitting them to be our carriers, instead of seeking the highest prices in their markets, and obtaining returns at the lowest rate—if this be a wise policy—if it confer a preferable claim to our first Magistracy—THEN is Mr. Jefferson the most deserving candidate. If the annihilation of our incipient Marine—the entire reduction of our impost revenue—the inability to pay the interest of our national debt—and the consequent destruction of the principal, which now answers every purpose of a specie medium in all monied and commercial transactions—if these constitute a title to your suffrages—THEN it would be criminal to withhold them from Mr. Jefferson.
Want of firmness has already been remarked as a most unfortunate trait in the character of a statesman. It had been more correct to say, that no one, deficient in this important requisite, can found any just pretensions to that character. In republics it is the more necessary from the opportunities they afford to ambitious and unprincipled men to impede the operations of government. The best concerted measures may be rendered abortive by the opposition of such men, unless a decided energy in the executive be always at hand to insure to them their legitimate effect. On these occasions, timidity is crime. With a mean less hideous, it is productive of all the mischiefs of the most refined tyranny. I am warranted by the fact in saying, that such are the mischievous defects in the public character of Mr. Jefferson; such was his administration of the government of Virginia; and such, in the event of his elevation to the Presidency, will be his conduct in that office. In the former case, the interests of a minor government, revolving within a narrow orbit, and destitute of foreign connexions, sympathies or relations, were alone at stake. In the latter, from the enlargement of its sphere of activity, and the complicated variety of interests to be effected, the evil would press with tenfold weight and rigour. I forbear to animadvert with a justifiable severity on the disingenuousness which marked his public conduct during the very animated correspondence to which the exceptional conduct of Mr. Genet gave rise between them. Whilst in glowing terms, and with apparent conviction, he combated the pretensions and exposed the artifices of the Envoy, he is said to have avowed, in private, sentiments of a contrary complexion. The Minister himself reproaches him with duplicity; in submitting to be the organ of censures which his private judgment condemned.
"Above all," says he, "whatever may be the result of the exploit of which you have rendered yourself the generous instrument, after having persuaded me that you were my friend; after having initiated me into mysteries which have inflamed my hatred against all those who aspire to absolute power; it is an act of justice which the French, the American, and every free people have a right to claim, that a strict scrutiny be made at the ensuing session of Congress, into the motives which have induced the chief of the executive power of the United States to assume to himself the right of demanding the recall of a public Minister, whom the sovereign people
of the United States had fraternally received and acknowledged before the diplomatic forms in regard to his reception had been fulfilled at Philadelphia." What are the mysteries of which the Minister here speaks? Who were the aspirers to absolute power, against whom Mr. Jefferson had proved so successful in inflaming his hatred? Did the guardian genius of Washington slumber for a moment, that they should conceive the base design? Or was his unerring sagacity for once imposed on and made the dupe of others, less virtuous than himself? Let the voice of United America answer to these questions. What then are we to think of that want of firmness, or that pliancy of principle, which could permit Mr. Jefferson to lend his name to censures which his heart abhorred? What are we to say to the patriotism of that statesman, who could convert the materials of his office into weapons of hostility against the government that employed him?
Disqualification for public affairs is generally in an inverse proportion to our habits of seclusion and retirement. In proportion as we recede from the intercourse of society, we become unfit for the performance of its duties. The illustrious Newton had, in all probability, made but a sorry statesman. More intent upon the laws of Gravitation, the adjustment of a disputed point in Chronology, or the properties of his fancied ethereal spirit, than upon the immediate cares of office, the latter had doubtless been administered through the councils of men who, destitute of all personal responsibility, and engrossed by their private views, would have left to him the odium of their misconduct, whilst they claimed the exclusive merit of every wise and virtuous measure of government. A President of the United States is constitutionally responsible for the measures he pursues. It would therefore be repugnant to the obvious intent of that instrument, that he should be obliged, on occasions of moment, to resort to the councils of those, in regard to whom no such responsibility existed: or in other words, that he should be responsible for their measures. The absence of those with whom he might habitually advise, would in difficult conjunctures expose to injury the most essential public interests. The fears of the Chief Magistrate might, in the event of an insurrection or trifling popular tumult, compromise the very existence of government. An insurgent spirit among the slaves of the southern States (of the possibility of which a recent occasion has furnished us with memorable proofs) might, under a pusillanimous chief, renew amongst our southern neighbours the massacres and desolation of St. Domingo. I tremble when I think of the consequences in which an organized revolt might terminate, when fomented by daring and desperate chiefs, and nourished by ill-disposed foreign powers. On such an occasion, a President ought not to be slumbering in an epicurean chair, dissecting the wings of a butterfly, indulging ingenious dreams concerning the various hues of his species, or estimating the cubic contents of a volume of water necessary to the production of an universal deluge. The combined qualifications of the statesman and warrior would now find materials for their full display. In vain would they be sought for in a philosophical President. All the skill and ingenuity of his friends would be in vain exerted to palliate his blunders. They would obtrude themselves on every eye, and fill every heart with execration.
Assuming it then as a necessary consequence of the preceding reasonings, that all the essential qualifications of a statesman are wanting to Mr. Jefferson, the very interesting question occurs, By what means, consistently with the known wishes and declared intentions of the United States, may we yet be secured from the mischiefs of an incapable administration? I know of but one safe solution to this question. To obtain altogether from a choice, in the hope of a more prosperous issue in the event of a new election, would be equally unwise and unavailing. Were the question again to be referred to the community at large, a decision still more unpropitious to the cause of Federalism would ensue. The doubtful preponderance claimed by that party would then be transferred with augmented weight to the opposite scale. The short lived triumph of a few months would be succeeded by total discomfiture. The reunion of its divided forces would thenceforward be rendered impossible.
It is the part of folly to shut her eyes upon surrounding dangers. It is that of prudence to elude or convert them into instruments of advantage. It is in the camp of the enemy that we must look for a deliverer. In the choice of Mr. Burr, there is yet a remedy for the evils I have enumerated.
The slave of no party, in pursuit of no office, and speaking from knowledge—my testimony will be free as it is unprejudiced. Unbiased by personal affections, it shall be alike faithful and impartial. To a genius of singular perspicacity, Mr. Burr unites the most bland and conciliating manners. With a ver-
Handwritten notes at the bottom of the page, including "S-108" and "S-109".

facility of powers, of which perhaps this country furnishes no other example, he is yet capable of yielding an undivided attention to a single object of pursuit. Accordingly we find him, at the close of that war in which he took a very honourable part, and in the fatigues of which he bore no common share, taking a lead in his profession, which soon attracted so decided a leaning of the judges in his favour, a deference for his opinion so strongly marked, as to excite, in no small degree, the jealousy of the bar: although, with many, this feeling was forced to give place to expressions of undissimulated admiration. So strong was the impression made by the respect at that time attached to his opinions, that expressions of despair were frequently heard to escape from the mouths of Council, on the eve of a trial, in which it was their misfortune to be opposed to Mr. Burr. The writer is aware that this is, in some degree, the stile of panegyric. The recollections, however, which the facts must excite in the breasts of his most distinguished professional rivals, will vouch for his accuracy. He afterwards for a short period acted as Attorney-General to the State; but his professional reputation, already at the acme of splendour, could derive no new lustre from the opportunities of display which this office afforded him. It is in general recollection, that in State prosecutions, a disposition to aggravate the enormities of the accused was never attributed to him. The Legislature of the State at length saw fit to remove him to the Senate of the United States. The deliberations of that body being conducted in secret, the public possessed but slender means of knowing and appreciating the merits of individual members. It is, however, certain, from the lead which he took in some of its most important transactions, and from the respect attached to him by his Senatorial Colleagues, that the character for ability, which he had previously acquired, must have been there well sustained. The opinion was universal, that no other State was so respectably represented as the State of New-York, in the combined talents of Mr. Burr and Mr. King. The part which he took in relation to the British treaty must be familiar to all. Even Washington hesitated to give it the stamp of his sanction. In a letter from Mount-Vernon to the Secretary of State, he says, "My opinion of the Treaty continues as it was, that is, unfavourable to it." The balance for some time hung in suspense. Believing, however, that the greater weight of evil would be involved in its rejection, he, at length, reluctantly signed it. His time of service expiring, Mr. Burr again returned to the exercise of his profession, into which he entered with a facility almost inducing a belief that his legal pursuits had never been interrupted. Occupied in the details of an active calling, he has neither leisure nor disposition to indulge in political visions. Negligent of that species of reputation which is sought for by some in the labyrinths of theory, his intimate knowledge of mankind must attach him to the expedient and the practicable. Unhackneyed in systems, unsecluded by refinements, he will be found no political Utopian. On the other hand, his unprejudiced mind will readily assimilate to those plans of policy which the experience of years has proved to be conformable to the genius and disposition of his countrymen.
The occasional opposition of Mr. Burr to our system of national policy, constituted, in the judgment of the writer, the single objection to his elevation to the Presidency. Adverting to the occasions on which that opposition was displayed, we shall, perhaps, discover in the dubious policy of the measures themselves, ample grounds for the suspension of our censures. The first and most prominent example we find in the case of the British treaty. The doubts of Washington himself, his surrender, at one period, to the force of those doubts; his disapprobation of the secret injunction of the Senate, a disapprobation emphatically expressed in his determination to draw forth an expression of the public sentiment by a previous promulgation; his direction to the Editor of a Gazette to announce the speedy publication of the treaty by authority of government, given at a period when the injunction of the Senate existed in all its force; the objections to its ratification expressed in numerous public meetings, from Maine to Georgia; and the tacit approbation of these objections by the rest of the community—Surely a combination of circumstances like these, may serve to exonerate from suspicion of unworthy motives, in the opposition which he gave, a Senator whose constituents had manifested the most marked hostility to the measure.
It is often difficult to trace with precision the proportion of each, in that compound of motives, by which the conduct of statesmen is usually governed. To borrow a familiar illustration, we can see, as in a changeable silk, that there is a variety of colours; but it is difficult to say, where the one ends, or the other begins. It is, however, an acknowledged fact, that the system of our national diplomacy never received the unqualified approbation of Mr. Burr. It was with him an opinion deliberately adopted, that the maintenance of resident ministers at foreign courts was unwise, from its tendency to generate between them and us artificial relations, unfounded in reciprocal interest, and to interweave his country's destinies with the bloody web of European policy. Leaving to the management of subordinate agents the routine of customary intercourse, he believed that special appointments, on extraordinary occasions, limited in their duration to the exigencies which gave them birth, would, with less expense to the public, answer all the purposes of national dignity, and at the same
time secure to us an immunity from the evils I have mentioned. Waving all discussion of the abstract principle, its correctness, in a particular instance, will admit of no debate. The relation between cause and effect is not more apparent, than that the controversy which recently subsisted between France and this country, and which is now in a train for friendly adjustment, was almost exclusively due to the indiscreet policy of a Minister resident. With a zeal in the cause of France approaching to enthusiasm, he identified the sentiments of his constituents with his individual feelings, and was thus led to the observance of a conduct more proper to an agent of the government to which he stood accredited, than the Minister of a power bound to a strict neutrality. Hence, on his part, assurances of aid, unauthorized by the terms and spirit of his instructions, and which the neutral maxims of his government compelled it to disavow; and thence, on the part of the French rulers, distrust of our sincerity, stimulated by the monstrous belief that there subsisted a concert of views between the American administration, and the coalition of European powers. The motives of Mr. Monroe are not now in question. The writer believes them to have been pure. Unfortunately for himself and his country, he appears to have possessed no other diplomatic requisite.
Undistinguishing opposition to the measures of government cannot, in the writer's opinion, be justly attributed to Mr. Burr. Leaving to men of more humble talents the inferior duties of legislation, he appears to have reserved himself for occasions in some degree proportioned to his powers. To minds at once enlightened and impartial; to the few who are accustomed to see consequences in their causes, and to trace the remote relations of things, the conduct of Mr. Burr, so far from appearing to proceed from party principles, may, on the contrary, be found to have resulted from a no less vigorous, and a more enlightened zeal, for his country's welfare, than can be justly claimed by some of the uniform approvers of the measures of government. The event of any particular measure, or general plan of policy, does not, in fair reasoning, necessarily afford a just criterion of its merits. Unpropitious results are sometimes the offspring of a policy apparently the most salutary. Instances, however, may certainly be supposed, of which, from their direct, or less obvious tendency, the consequences may be declared with prophetic sagacity. Admitting the cases we have been considering to be of that number, it must, as a consequence, be acknowledged, that Mr. Burr possesses no vulgar portion of political discernment.
In the attempt to delineate those traits of character which demonstrate the fitness or unfitness of their subject for a particular trust, the most rigid impartiality is at all times to be desired, and is indeed indispensable to a faithful execution of the task. The better to qualify himself for the office he had undertaken, the writer previously sat to his own pencil. Descending into his own heart, he scanned, and with a religious scrupulosity endeavoured to correct its faults. Having, as he believes, divested himself of prejudice, in all its genders, forms and characters, he dares to challenge a dispassionate attention to his thoughts. Standing on the high ground of impartiality, and holding the scales in equal balance, he left it to the greater weight to incline the beam, and it surely cannot be reproached to him, that it should have preponderated in favour of practice and experience, against the maxims of a false and hollow philosophy.
Having canvassed with some attention the comparative merits of Mr. Burr and Mr. Jefferson, in relation to the probable influence of their respective administrations upon the order, economy and stability of the government; it remains to consider the subject in ANOTHER, and certainly not less interesting aspect; its relation to an UNION of those parties which now threaten the destruction of all social order. It requires no unusual portion of sagacity to perceive that the very pillars of the social edifice, already shaken to their base, unless timely propped, must fall, and bury under one vast pile of ruin all that renders life desirable. Our very Justice Seats are assaulted by the demon of party spirit. Juries seem less to enquire respecting the merits of the causes they are sworn to decide, than the political principles of the parties. Political righteousness is considered as a fair offset against crimes of the blackest dye. These are the waters—this the healing pool, in which the foulest leper is cleansed from all his stains. The combatant who proves recreant in this warfare, the accused who shrinks from this ordeal, is doomed by his opponents to the torments of reprobation.
It has been objected to Mr. Burr, that he possesses not the confidence of his own party. It is only to state this objection, to be convinced of its futility. The diversion of a single suffrage from Mr. Burr would have injured the Presidency to Mr. Jefferson. Had such want of confidence existed, an expedient so obvious would not have been neglected, when it was notorious that in the event of an equality of suffrages the concurrence of a majority of States in favour of Mr. Jefferson could not with safety be presumed. Admitting for a moment this alleged want of confidence, it would furnish an irresistible argument for the preference of Mr. Burr. Is it then true, as this admission would seem to imply, that the chief hopes of the subversion of the existing system are centered in Mr. Jefferson? That Mr. Burr is signalized by dispositions less hostile, by a temper more accommodating? Is the achievement incomplete, unless Mr. Jefferson be the hero? Will the car of triumph be less gracefully
filled by Mr. Burr? Is the victory without blood, and are the conquerors to enjoy only the lesser honours of an ovation? Are they to be deprived of the usual accompaniments of a triumph; the sight of the vanquished yoked to the victor's chariot, and gracing his entry into the Capitol? Through the goodness of Providence, or by some happy fatality, there seems to subsist a necessary connection between vice and weakness. Bad men are the worst preserveurs of their own secrets. Unhappily for the few desperate partizans of this objection, they have, with usual indiscretion, divulged their reasons. Mr. Jefferson, say they, in the very gristle of its youth, nay, in its first conception, has pronounced the doom of the constitution. Like Hannibal, he has sworn on his country's altars, that the federal union of its States shall be dissolved. With him, say they, the Rubicon is past. The sacraments have been administered; the bloody morsel of execration has been swallowed; his agonies are past. What might appal the Devil, he now dares do. On Mr. Burr we have no such hold; he is in the very infancy of political sinning; the infernal lake is not yet crossed, nor the boat launched from shore: hardly within its portals, and holding the clue in hand, he may yet retrace his wanderings in the labyrinth of error; he may yet be redeemed without the sacrifice of another Mediator. But rejecting the suspicion, alike injurious to Mr. Burr, and his supporters, that he enjoys not their confidence; and admitting it to be true, that Mr. Jefferson was the person contemplated by the party for their President—Let it then be asked, if the friends of the late and present administrations are prepared silently to acquiesce in the title of an opposition? Are they prepared to submit to the degrading epithet of malecontents? Will they lend a liberal aid to an administration from which they would experience nought but mortifications and bitterness? Are they content to occupy the back ground of a picture in which they have been the principal personages? Will they survey, with the quietness of spectators, those scenes in which they have hitherto sustained the most important parts? An opportunity of escape from the contumely of their adversaries and their own reproaches, is yet in their power. By interposing between Mr. Jefferson and the mark of his ambition; by giving to Mr. Burr that office, which in the hands of Mr. Jefferson would be made subservient to their ruin; they rescue themselves from that danger, secure the co-operation of the adverse party; and at the same time prefer a restless claim to the gratitude of a President, who can never forget to whom he is indebted for the boon.
EPAMINONDAS.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, January 29.
A RESOLUTION for continuing in force an act to augment the salaries of certain officers, was laid on the table.
Mr. Rutledge proposed a resolution, respecting the adoption of rules to be observed by the House, in the election of President of the United States, provided the electors have not elected a President.
The Mine and Metal Company incorporation bill passed to be engrossed.
Mr. Morris presented a memorial from sundry merchants of Rhode-Island, which was referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
[A person in the gallery was taken into custody by the sergeant at arms, for disorderly behaviour, and afterwards discharged.]
Friday, January 30.
Mr. Harper proposed a resolution for the appointment of a committee to consider as to the expediency of amending the naturalization laws, so as to suffer such foreigners to become citizens as had neglected to give the legal notice, whereby they were precluded from the benefit of the law of 1794, by that of 1798. The resolution, after being amended so as to include those who had not given notice at all—who had resided a sufficient time in the country, and to instruct the committee to consider the propriety of repealing the law of 1798, was agreed to, and five members appointed.
ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
The resolution proposed yesterday by Mr. Bayard, to adopt measures preparatory to the election of a President by the House of Representatives, was called up, but on the suggestion of some members, as to the propriety of its being a joint act of both Houses, it was postponed.
Mr. Bayard proposed a resolution to meet the event of no constitutional choice (the concurrence of nine States) being made—That the House should continue to ballot again, immediately; and if not then decided, from day to day, until a choice is made. Laid on the table.
Monday, February 2.
ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
The resolution proposed by Mr. Rutledge, for preparatory measures to the vote to be given by the House, in case of equal votes of the electors being given for two or more persons for President of the United States, was taken up and agreed to. Sixteen members were appointed as a committee thereupon. The motion of Mr. Bayard upon the same subject, and providing for the continuation of the ballot in case of no choice taking place the first time, was also referred to the same committee.
Mr. Gregg proposed a resolution in effect
as follows:—That the secretaries of war and of the treasury be directed to communicate to this House such information as may be in their power, relative to the destruction of the books and papers in their respective departments by fire; designating particularly what books and papers were destroyed thereby, and what the probable effect will be on the unfiled accounts of the United States.
Gen. Mattoon, from Massachusetts, took his seat.
The bill making Biddeford and New-Bedford (Massachusetts) ports of entry for vessels from the Cape of Good Hope, and beyond, passed.
A bill to amend the act to retain a further sum on drawbacks; and a bill to amend the act to regulate imports and tonnage duties, passed to be engrossed.
An unfavourable report was made on the petition of S. Boune, and other Consuls, for salaries.
An unfavourable report was made on the petition of sundry artificers, for an increase of duty on the importation of articles of the kind they manufacture. The House concurred in both reports.
Tuesday, February 3.
Mr. Griswold reported a bill to amend the act for the valuation of lands and dwelling-houses, and the enumeration of slaves, in the United States, and to repeal so much of the same and other acts, as provides surveyors of the revenue—which was twice read and committed.
Mr. Griswold also reported a resolution to enable the commissioners to employ and provide for the clerks to the commissioners under the aforesaid act.
Wednesday, February 4.
A message was received from the Senate, containing several amendments to the bill to erect a mausoleum to Washington. The amendments are, to alter it to a monument, value not exceeding 50,000 dollars, to be erected under the superintendence of Messrs. John Marshall, Bushrod Washington, John E. Howard, and Tobias Lear, Esquires.
The bill establishing a government for the district of Columbia, was debated in committee of the whole, and continued till the time of adjournment. No decision had.
Domestic Intelligence.
PHILADELPHIA, January 31.
Captain Hunn, George Logan, and Presly Carr Lane, commissioners appointed by the Governor of this State to confer with the Legislature of Delaware, on the subject of the canal for joining the Susquehanna and Delaware rivers, have performed that duty; and we understand, the result is favourable to the projected undertaking.
Yesterday morning water was introduced into various parts of the city, from the Schuylkill, by means of the works which have recently been erected. From every appearance, the friends of the undertaking will realize their most sanguine expectations. From its commencement it has met with a powerful opposition, on various grounds; but the gentlemen concerned have prosecuted the plan with unremitting industry, and surmounted every obstacle. We trust the benefit arising from it will do away every prejudice which may have existed.
February 7.
The Hon. Oliver Wolcott, late Secretary of the Treasury, arrived in town yesterday from the city of Washington.
We are much pleased with the information, that a number of the most respectable gentlemen in this city are preparing to welcome him with a public dinner, in testimony of their esteem for his character, and the grateful sense which they entertain of the talents, fidelity and perseverance which he has manifested in the service of his country.
NEW-YORK, February 4.
The committee from the House of Representatives, to whom was referred the resolution of Mr. Nicholas, on the 21st of November last, for amending the constitution of the United States, so that the Electors of President and Vice-President should be chosen by districts in each state, and also that the members of the House of Representatives be chosen in like manner after the 3d of March, 1803; have reported, that it is inexpedient to make the proposed amendment to the Constitution.
A person by the name of John McMurray was convicted on the 17th ult. at Charleston, (S. C.) of forging Baltimore Bank Bills.
It is with pleasure we learn, by the sloop Harriet, arrived here yesterday, that the United States frigate President, Commodore Truxton, had arrived at St. Kitts on the 1st of January, from a cruise—all well.
Captain Chace, arrived here yesterday, informs us, that Toussaint had marched against the Spanish part of Hispaniola, with 12,000 troops, where the disaffected blacks, lately commanded by Rigaud, had taken refuge; and who had several times committed depredations on the property of the peaceably disposed inhabitants.
On Tuesday last the Legislature of this State unanimously elected the Hon. John Armstrong, Esq., a Senator to represent this State in the Senate of the Congress of the United States; to take his seat the 4th of March next.
A gentleman who came passenger in the ship Delight, arrived here yesterday from Hamburg, informs us, that about ten days before they sailed, the King of Prussia marched 1,000 troops into Cuxhaven, where they remained; and serious apprehensions were en-

certained that they would take possession of Hamburg. In order, however, to prevent this, the city of Hamburg had made an offer of 1,000,000 marks. When our informant left Hamburg, an answer had not been given to this offer. Our Hamburg papers by this arrival are only to the 19th of Nov.
Extract of a letter from Cape-Francois, dated January 8, to a gentleman in Baltimore.
"There was an embargo laid on American vessels in this port, but a Schooner arriving from L'Orient in 16 days, bringing the treaty with America, the embargo was taken off. Toussaint's army, 5000 men, set off yesterday from this to take possession of the North (Spanish) part of this Island—it has surrendered to him."
Extract of a letter from Capt. Towers, to his owners in Philadelphia, dated Kingston, Jamaica, December 20.
"I arrived here yesterday, after a boisterous passage of 19 days. On the 16th inst. east end of Jamaica bearing S. S. W. distant 12 leagues, fell in with the British ship of war America, Capt. Bingham, ashore on the Formages of Ants, with her main and mizen-mast gone, 6 feet water in the hold, all the guns and provisions thrown overboard—boats insufficient to take off the crew, amounting to 450 souls, and expecting every moment that all would perish. By the assistance of my brig, anchors, and great exertions, got the ship off, and three days afterwards saw her safe into Jamaica. My brig has been injured by my getting the America off: but the Capt. promises me a handsome reward from government: however, that will avail nothing, for without any compensation, the saving of 450 men from destruction, will always prove a pleasing gratification to me."
February 7.
On Friday the 23d ult. both branches of the General Assembly of Virginia adjourned.—During the session, seventy bills were passed, among which were the following:—
To empower the Governor to transport slaves when it shall be convenient.
To establish a guard at the city of Richmond.
Another bill was also passed, to incorporate a company, for establishing a turnpike road from the mouth of Savage river, or George's creek, on the Potomack, to the nearest western navigation. It is proposed that this turnpike should commence at the mouth of Savage river, which is 21 miles above Fort Cumberland, and about 200 from Georgetown. A subscription is to be opened for 50,000 dollars, in shares of 50 dollars each. The important benefits to be derived from carrying this plan into effect, will more fully appear from the following preamble to the bill:
"Whereas it is conceived that great advantages would accrue to the trade of the Potomack, and to this Commonwealth generally, by making easy the communication between the head navigation of that river and the nearest western navigation, which would cause the produce of a large extent of the western country to take its course into this channel, instead of going 2500 miles, partly through the dominion of a foreign nation, to market at New-Orleans: And whereas it is represented to this General Assembly, that these navigations may be made to communicate by a road of about 40 miles, and that an association of citizens are willing to undertake to make the road, if proper legislative encouragement be given by the states of Virginia and Maryland, through both of which the road will have to pass an equal distance," &c.
Late accounts from St. Domingo mention that Toussaint was on the point of hostilities with the Spaniards on the island, and had taken several American vessels to carry troops.
February 10.
The Hon. James Watson is held as a candidate for the office of Lieutenant-Governor by the Federal Republican Electors of this State.
The Supreme Court of this State on Saturday the 31st of January, 1801, gave judgment in the long depending case on the conclusiveness of foreign sentiments. They have determined the following points:
First, That where there is a warranty of neutral property, and a capture and condemnation as prize, it shall be presumed to be on the ground of enemy's property, and in all cases the sentence shall be conclusive.
Second, Where there is a condemnation for particular reasons mentioned in the sentence, the court will not enquire whether the reasons were good or not, but the sentence shall be conclusive both as to law and fact.
Third, Where the condemnation is as being contraband, where there is the usual clause of warranty against loss by trade in contraband, the court will not enquire whether the article be contraband or not; the sentence shall be conclusive.
Extract from a letter, written by a member of Congress, dated Washington Feb. 3.
"An incorrect opinion has gone abroad respecting the treaty. It is generally believed, from the decision which has taken place in the Senate, that it is totally rejected. This is not the fact. It is not improbable that the Senate have assigned to-morrow for renewing their deliberations on it."
"With respect to the ballot which is about to take place in the House of Representatives—There are eight states certain for Jefferson. Maryland being equally divided, it is in the power of either of the Federal members, Dennis, Craik, Baer, or J. C. Thomas, to decide the question in his favour. Baer has declared for Burr, and I believe there is no doubt of Dennis: Craik and Thomas have neither of them given any assurance on either
side; but let the House act as it will, it is impossible for Burr to be elected by nine states, the number required, as Vermont is divided between Lyon and Morris."
"The fires which have happened here, I believe not to have been the effect of design. Carelessness in the persons having charge of the offices, or perhaps, what is most likely, the bad construction of the buildings, may have been the only cause. The House of Representatives occupy the room in the capitol, which was originally intended for a library; in one end of it there are two niches, in which open stoves have been placed. That part of the wall which is immediately behind these stoves, is frequently so hot as to burn the hand upon touching it. This was discovered a few days ago, by some person happening to move a paper case placed in that spot. The door-keeper of Congress sent for the architect of the building, and showed it to him, who gave it as his opinion, that it was dangerous, and that it ought to be altered, which has since been done. In my opinion, if this discovery had not been made, the capitol would also have been burnt. The architects employed in the public buildings have been in the habit of placing what are called wooden bricks in the walls, for the purpose of nailing the wood work of the rooms to them. These wooden bricks are generally of pine, and it is easily to conceive that when placed back of a chimney, the heat of the fire is easily communicated to them, and thence to the wood work to which they are joined. All who have seen the alteration which has been made in the capitol, are of opinion that it was from the above circumstances in the construction of the chimneys that the fires in the offices were occasioned."
BOSTON, February 13.
The agents of the French Republic, at Guadalupe, issued a proclamation on the 31st of December, announcing the receipt of the Convention signed by the French and American Commissioners at Paris, on the 29th of September last: that the 4th and 17th articles were already obligatory on the contracting parties; and that the government had enjoined the most punctilious execution of them. The proclamation orders all the officers, &c. involved in the execution of these articles, to be faithful and diligent; that the American prisoners be released; that American property, captured since the signing of the treaty, and not definitively condemned, to be attended to by public officers, who are to assist in its restoration; and that the captains of armed vessels, who shall not respect the articles alluded to, shall forfeit their commissions, &c.
Monsieur Joubert, from Guadalupe, has arrived at New-Bedford. He is deputed to reside in the United States in a public capacity, if the treaty is ratified.
LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Tuesday, Feb. 10.
The House gave leave for a bill, for erecting a bridge over Taunton river, between Dighton and Berkley—83 to 76.
A bill for assessing a tax of 157,211 dolls. and 13 cents, was reported.
Wednesday, Feb. 11.
The bill to incorporate the town of Leeds, passed to be engrossed.
Messrs. Mitchell, Bigelow, Tillinghast, Russell of B. and Lord, were appointed a committee to bring in a bill for taking a valuation of the several towns, within this commonwealth.
Thursday, Feb. 12, Forenoon.
The bill to incorporate the town of Dana, passed to be engrossed.
Messrs. Wade, Hill, Bliss of S. Green, Coffin, Lewis, Knox, Skinner, Leonard, Bruce, Bullard of W. and Chandler of N. were added to the committee appointed to bring in a bill for taking a valuation, &c.
A petition for erecting a bridge over Taunton river, after considerable debate, has been accepted favourably, and leave given to bring in a bill.
From the NEWPORT MERCURY,
TO THE PUBLIC.
Nearly five months have elapsed, since the property of this paper devolved on the subscriber.—For the continued and increased patronage of the public during that period, they are requested to accept her grateful thanks.
No contract having yet been made for the permanent management of the paper; it becomes necessary, to give duration and respectability to its establishment, that some steps should be taken to that effect.
Any person inclining to conduct this paper for a stated salary, is requested to make application at the office, where the necessary information may be obtained. The public may rely, that no person shall be employed in the capacity of Editor, unless he shall be found to possess a sufficient portion of discretion and ability to conduct the paper on just, candid, and moderate principles.
The same assistance which has hitherto been rendered, will still be continued, until some contract of the kind abovementioned can be made.
ANN BARBER.
Feb. 10, 1801.
Those Printers who may publish the foregoing, will confer an obligation on
A. B.
Providence,
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 18.
From the Washington Federalist of Feb. 4.
Yesterday was brought on in the Senate, the re-consideration of the Treaty with the French Republic. The form of ratification proposed an exception of the Second Article, and a clause of limitation in point of time, and in this shape was assented to—22 for, 9 against it. [The following is the purport of the article objected to: "ARTICLE 2. The Ministers Plenipotentiary of the two parties not being able to agree at present respecting the treaty of alliance of the 6th of February, 1778, the treaty of Amity and Commerce of the same date, and the Convention of the 14th of November, 1788, nor upon the indemnities mutually due or claimed; the parties will negotiate further on the subject at a convenient time, and until they may have agreed upon these points, the said treaties and conventions shall have no operation," &c.]
Washington, February 3.
"Upon the first ballot for the President, it is thought the States will vote thus: Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, North-Carolina, Virginia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New-York; eight for Jefferson, certain.—New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Delaware, and South-Carolina; six for Burr, certain.—Vermont and Maryland, divided."
"Upon the second ballot it is thought that New-Jersey, New-York and Maryland, will vote for Mr. Burr, and Vermont will still be divided—which will give nine States to Mr. Burr, six to Mr. Jefferson—and BURR will be the man."
The Mausoleum Bill, says the Gerogetown paper, is not rejected by the Senate; but referred back to a committee for further consideration.
In the House of Representatives of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, on Monday last, the bill for the establishment of a navy yard, near the city of Philadelphia, was negatived by a considerable majority. It fell, like many other good projects, a victim to democratic economy!—[Phil. Gaz.]
Several recent letters from Washington, says the Philadelphia Daily Advertiser, concur in stating, that the utmost uncertainty prevails as to the issue of the impending election for President and Vice-President. Both parties in the House of Representatives having observed the most rigid silence on the subject.
The supreme court of the United States, 2d inst. met in the capitol, and adjourned without transacting any business.
The citizens of Alexandria, at a town-meeting held on the 30th ult. Resolved, That it is unjust and inexpedient for Congress to assume an exclusive jurisdiction over the district, until the people are assured of a representative in that body: And, That the bill lately reported for the government of the district of Columbia, is not calculated to produce any good effect to the people of the said district, and is in express contradiction to some of their most important rights. A committee was appointed to represent this opinion to Congress.
Rapid increase of population.
Fifteen years ago, the village of Troy (near Albany) contained but two dwelling-houses, and fifteen inhabitants; at present it contains three hundred dwelling-houses, and the population exceeds eighteen hundred souls.
Mr. WOLCOTT.
A committee of Congress, appointed to examine into the state of the Treasury, have made their report, which was unanimously agreed to; and expresses an unequivocal opinion of the fidelity and economy with which the business of that department has been conducted, of a strict adherence to law in the application of monies, and of great care to effect loans of money upon the best terms. Nicholas, Nicholson and Stone, violent Jacobin members, were on the committee.
Calcutta, September 16, 1800.
"There are at present no less than 13 sail of American ships in this port. In consequence of so many being here at once, goods have become rather scarce, and much higher than they were last year. We have been informed that 37 sail of American Indians left this for their return to the United States but a very short time previous to our arrival."
A villain never sees a halter but his knees knock together, and he feels of his neck. With similar emotions, the Jacobins are all aghast at the judiciary bill , which they see preparing. The poor creatures have sense enough to know that if adequate provision can be made for the due execution of law and justice, throughout the country; there must still be dreadful times for them, whatever may be their triumph at the removal of wise and virtuous men from the Executive Departments. They well know that the judges are equally independent upon the officers of government and the people, and can be influenced, in their actions, by no other motives than the love of justice, and a desire for the strict execution of law. This being the case, we are not surprised to find the columns
of the Aurora and other Jacobin papers filled with impotent clamours against this bill; nor to find, that, ashamed of their real objections, they should still harp upon the old string of expence, expence , as though the people of the United States could regard the trifling consideration of the expence necessary for the regular organization of the judiciary system, the only security for the future possession of any property at all, or even for personal inviolability. [Phi. Gaz.]
FROM A LATE LONDON PAPER.
Extract of a letter from Florence, dated September 20, 1800.
"The French General Launay, previously to quitting the city (Lucca) demanded a further contribution much exceeding all possibility of payment. He then abated somewhat of his demand, and seizing the wives of the nobles and several nuns, he declared that he would abandon them to the passions of his soldiers, if the sums were not instantly paid. It is unnecessary to add, that this brutal measure had the effect he required. He has quitted the state of Lucca amidst universal execrations."
POSTPONEMENT.
Valuable Real Estates FOR SALE.
The sale of the following Real Estates, advertised in the late papers for sale this day, (February 18) at Public Auction, are postponed until the 4th of March next, at Two o'clock.
A NUMBER of Real Estates, situated in the centre and most advantageous parts of the town of Providence, viz. That elegant and well finished House, together with the Out-Buildings, with the Lot on which they stand, in George-street, —being seventy feet front, and about one hundred and thirty feet back, lately the property of Capt. EDWARD DEXTER.
Also, A commodious and well finished three story House, with the Barn and a pair of Hay-Scales at India-Point, built by the late Mr. EDWARD DICKENS.
Also, A convenient and well finished two story House, situated on the west side of the river, formerly owned by Captain Jos. COOKE, inferior to none in point of situation on that side of the river.
Also, Seventy House-Lots, forty feet by one hundred, being in the westerly part of the town of Providence, not far from the late Col. HOYLE's, partly on the Cranston road, and partly on two new streets or gangways, in a very agreeable and growing part of the town.
Also, A Lot of excellent Wood-Land, containing about one hundred and thirteen acres, lying in the town of Gloucester, about seventeen miles from Providence.
All the above Estates will be sold to the highest bidders, on twelve months credit, notes payable at the Bank, with approved endorser. HENRY SMITH. February 18.
To be Sold,
On Thursday, February 26th inst. at FOSTER's Wharf (Boston) being partly the property of the late JAMES MAGEE, and JAMES DUNLAP, Esq. deceased.
THE Hull and Appertenances of the beautiful ship BORNEO, burthen 213 tons, built at Salem, by Mr. BUKETT, and having performed but one voyage to India. She sails fast, and is in every particular as good a ship as is owned in this port. She is sheathed, and armed with 10 six pounders, and provided with swivels, small-arms, pikes, &c. &c. with sufficient powder, and other military stores, for a voyage to India. She is peculiarly well calculated to perform a North-West Coast voyage, and may be fitted for such a voyage at less expence than any other vessel in port. She has a round-house, and has nearly two suits of sails. Conditions will be made known at the time of sale, which will be liberal. Inventory may be seen by applying at No. 11, FOSTER's Wharf.
Also, at Private Sale, at the same place,
The brig SALLY, burthen about 120 tons, built of live oak and cedar, and coppered. Terms may be known by application to WILLIAM F. MAGEE, Providence. Boston, February 13.
Stephen Collins,
BOOT and SHOE-MAKER,
Next door to Mr. GEORGE ALLEN, Saddler and Harness-Maker, and opposite Mr. BENJAMIN CLIFFORD's Store,
RESPECTFULLY acquaints the public, that he carries on the above business in its various branches. Boots and Shoes made of the best materials, and executed in the neatest manner. The smallest favours will be thankfully received, and punctually attended to.
February 17.
Federal Adelphi.
THE Corporation of the Federal Adelphi are notified, that their quarterly meeting will be held in Rhode-Island College, on the first Wednesday in March next. The members are requested to attend precisely at 3 o'clock, P. M. ROBERT STERRY, Sec'y. R. I. College, February 18.

Selected Poetry.
The following beautiful lines were written by a gentleman some years ago, at Bristol (England) on the death of his wife.
WHO'ER like me with boding anguish brings His heart's whole treasure to fair Bristol's springs; Who e'er like me, to sooth disease and pain, Shall pour the salutary streams in vain; Condemn'd, like me, to hear the faint reply, To mark the flushing cheek, the sinking eye; From the chalk brow to wipe the damps of death, And watch with dumb despair each short-ning breath; If chance directs him to this artless line, Let the sad mourner know, his pangs were mine! Ordain'd to lose the partner of my breast, Whose beauty warm'd me, and whose virtue blest, Fram'd by each tie that binds the soul to prove Her duty, friendship, constancy and love!
THE SIGHT OF HOME.
From St. PIERRE'S "Studies of Nature."
I REMEMBER, that when I arrived in France, in a ship which was returning from the Indies, as soon as the sailors perfectly distinguished the land of their native country, they became almost entirely incapable of attending the ship. Some fixed their eyes upon it, incapable of turning them away; others put on their best clothes, as if they were immediately to disembark: there were some who stood talking to themselves; and others wept. As we approached, the confusion of their senses increased. Having been absent during several years, they admired incessantly the verdure of the hills, the foliage of the trees, and even the rocks of the shore, covered with sea-weeds and mosses; as if every object was new to them. The spires of the villages in which they were born, which they recognized among the distant fields, and named one after another, filled them with ecstasies of joy.—But when the vessel entered the port, and they saw upon the quays their friends, their fathers, their mothers, their wives and their children, who held out their arms, while their eyes were consumed with tears, and who called them by their names, it was impossible to keep one of them on board—they all leaped ashore, and it was necessary, according to the custom of that port, to hire another set of seamen to bring the ship to anchor.
ANECDOTES.
PARSON Patten disliked the Athanasian Creed so much that he could not be prevailed upon to read it. Archbishop Secker being informed of this, sent the arch-deacon to ask his reason:—I don't believe it," said the priest. But your Metropolitan does. It may be so, rejoined Mr. Patten, he can afford it—he believes at the rate of seven thousand pounds per annum, and I believe only at the rate of fifty.
A COUNTRY parson, who used frequently to pray for good harvests, rain, &c. was requested by one of his congregation to pray for clear weather.—"I would willingly do it to oblige you," answered the parson, "but it will be to no purpose while the wind comes from that quarter."
Benjamin Hoppin and Son Have on hand, at their Auction and Commission-Store,
 10 puncheons 4th proof best flavoured Jamaica Rum  8 pipes do. Geneva  3 hogheads Demerara Sugar  10 cannifers Batavia do.  40 bags and 4 hogheads Batavia Coffee  10 do. do. Pepper  3 Russia Feather Beds  6 small bales clean South-Carolina Cotton, suitable for retailing  200 straws half pint Tumblers  Hyson, Souchong and Bohea Teas  30 boxes genuine Spanish Segars, &c. &c.  With a variety of English and India Goods, as usual, which they offer for sale on a liberal credit, for approved notes, payable at the Providence Bank, or cash. January 21.
JUST RECEIVED, A Supply of The Cordial Balm of Gilead,
So justly celebrated for the relief and cure of    Nervous Disorders,  Bilious Cases,    Female Complaints,  Debility,    Weakness,  Indigestion,    Loss of Appetite,  Coughs & Colds,    Impurity of Blood,  Consumption,    Head-ache,  Lowness of Spirits, &c. &c.    Relaxation,     Prepared (only) by S. SOLOMON, M. D. F. R. H. S.—Of the University and College of Physicians. The Cordial Balm of Gilead—is an immediate restorative and corroborant, a most powerful remedy in female obstructions and oppressions, and in cases of retention at
maturity, also in weakness, morbid discharges, and irregularities about the turn of it. Youth of either sex, who have practiced a secret and destructive vice, and thereby relaxed, weakened, and debilitated the whole nervous system, will find the Cordial Balm of Gilead the most powerful, certain, and effectual restorative.
This Medicine possesses wonderful efficacy in all nervous disorders, fits, head-aches, weakness, heaviness, and lowness of spirits; dimness of sight, confused thoughts and wanderings of the mind; vapours and melancholy, and all kinds of hysterical complaints, gradually go off by the use of this salubrious cordial. In sickness of the stomach, in flatulencies and obstructions, it is a safe, powerful and efficacious remedy. The first symptoms of its good effects are serenity and cheerfulness. Price 3 dollars each bottle.
For sale by Dr. THOMAS M. BARROWS, near the Episcopal Church; at the store of Mr. SAMUEL BROWN, and at the Book-store of Mr. HENRY CUSHING, Providence.
ALSO, for sale as above, A new Edition (being the 52d) of that interesting Work, entitled,
A GUIDE TO HEALTH. (Embellished with the Author's Portrait.) Which fully explains, in a concise, plain manner, the most simple methods of treatment, with proper efficacious remedies, for the following Diseases, viz.
Althma—Loss of Appetite—Bilious Complaints—Consumptions—Female Diseases—Fits—Flatulence of Wind—Hypochondriac, or Melancholy Complaints—Indigestion—Juvenile Indiscretions—Lowness of Spirits—Nervous Diseases—Rheumatism—Ruptures—Scurvy, &c. &c.
TO WHICH IS ADDED, AN ESSAY ON THE VENEREAL DISEASE—GLEETS, and SEMINAL WEAKNESSES:
AND AN ADDRESS TO PARENTS, TUTORS, and GUARDIANS OF YOUTH.
By S. SOLOMON, M. D. F. R. H. S. Every person, young and old, should purchase this book, there being scarcely an individual who is not interested in some part of it; in particular, it is recommended to young men and boys, as an early attention to the latter may serve to guard them against a fatal rock on which thousands have split, and be the means of preserving their bodies from disease, and also their souls, their minds, and all their faculties, from destruction.
This truly interesting work has been the labour of many years experience and observation on the calamitous consequences of a secret and destructive vice, to obtain a remedy against which, the Doctor has devoted the principal part of his life. No proprietors of boarding schools or academies should be without it. (Price ONE DOLLAR.)
LIKEWISE, for sale as above, ANDREW'S SPECIFIC LOTION.
This celebrated Lotion has received the highest encomiums from the inhabitants of New-York, and from many Medical characters in Europe, who, having seen its good effects, do not hesitate to give it their sanction. As a speedy, effectual and safe remedy, it is unrivalled, and has performed cures, when Medical aid, Cowland's and many other Lotions could give no relief.
For eruptions and impurities of the face, from whatever cause arising—as PIMPLES, BLOTCHES, RINGWORMS, CARBUNCLES, BRACKWORMS, FRECKLES, SUNBURN, and IMMEDIATE USE OF PAINT, it needs only to be tried to convince the most timid person of its superior efficacy in clearing and beautifying the face.—It is warranted to be harmless to the tenderest constitution, and innocent to the most delicate complexion—on the contrary, this will restore the skin to its wonted pureness, and preserve it thin, soft, transparent and elastic.
N. B. Each bottle has a certificate signed by the proprietor, without which it cannot be genuine. It is sold in bottles with directions, —Price ONE DOLLAR. December 31.
FOR SALE, BY James and William D'Wolf,
At their Store in BRISTOL, R. I. SUPERFINE Letter-Paper Writing do. Bordeaux Wine, of an excellent quality Florence Oil, per case, in flasks and bottles Marble Soap, per box 2 Boxes of Medicine Brimestone Coffee Black Pepper Sugar Italian Silks, plain and striped Ribbons Silk Stockings Sewing Silk Cambric Ladies long and short white Kid Gloves.
N. B. The above goods are all genuine of their kind, just imported from Batavia and Leghorn, and will be sold on very moderate terms for cash, or on a reasonable credit. Bristol, January 13. (ep3m.)
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 14, 1800.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
In pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 23d day of April, one thousand eight hundred, entitled "An act to establish a General Stamp-Office,"
THAT a General Stamp-Office is now established at the seat of government, in the city of Washington, from whence there will issue, from and after the date hereof (upon the application of the Supervisors of the Revenue, under whose management the collection of the stamp duties is placed) any quantities of paper, parchment and vellum, marked or stamped, and duly counter-stamped, with the following rates of duty, which are demandable by law:—
For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writings following, to wit.
   D. C. M.     ANY certificate of naturalization, 5   Any licence to practise, or certificate of the admission, enrollment or registry of any counsellor, solicitor, attorney, advocate or proctor, in any court of the United States, 10   Provided, That a certificate in any one of the courts of the United States, for any one of the said offices, shall, so far as relates to the payment of the duty aforesaid, be a sufficient admission in all the courts of the United States, for each and every of the said offices.   Any grant or letters patent, under the seal or authority of the United States, (except for lands granted for military services) 4   Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent (except for lands granted for military services) 2   Any charter-party, bottomry or respondentia bond, 1   Any receipt or discharge for or on account of any legacy left by any will, or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate, divided by force of any statute of distributions other than to the wife, children or grand-children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of fifty dollars, and shall not exceed the value of one hundred dollars, 25   When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of one hundred dollars, and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 50   And for every further sum of five hundred dollars, the additional sum of   Any policy of insurance, or instrument in nature thereof, when the sum for which insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 25   When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 1   Any exemplification of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any court, other than such as it may be the duty of the clerk of such court to furnish for the use of the United States, or some particular States, 1 50   Any bond, bill, single or penal, inland bill of exchange, promissory note or other note (other than any recognizance, bill, bond or other obligation, or contract, made to or with the United States, or any State or for their use respectively; and any bonds required in any case by the laws of the United States, or of any State, upon legal process, or in any judicial proceeding, or for the faithful performance of any trust or duty) 10   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25   If above one hundred and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 50   If above five hundred and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 75   And if above one thousand dollars,   Provided, That if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two-fifth parts of the duty aforesaid, viz.   If above twenty and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20   If above one thousand dollars, 30   Any foreign bill of exchange, draft or order for the payment of money in any foreign country, 20   The said duty being chargeable upon each and every bill of exchange, without respect to the number contained in each set.   Any note or bill of lading or writing, or receipt in nature thereof for goods or merchandise to be exported;   If from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 4   If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 10   The said duty being chargeable upon each and every bill of lading, without respect to the number contained in each set.   Any notes issued by the banks now established, or that may be hereafter established within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said banks as shall agree to an annual composition of one per centum on the annual dividends made by such banks, to their stockholders respectively, according to the following scale:   On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar,   On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 50 6   On all notes above one hundred dollars, and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 1   On all notes above five hundred dollars, 2   Any protest or other notarial act, 25   Any letter of attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell warrants for land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25   Any inventory or catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects made in any case required by law (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer) 50   Any certificate of a share in any insurance company, of a share in the bank of the United States, or of any state or other bank;   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 10   If above one hundred dollars, 25   If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.  
THAT the power of the Supervisors of the Revenue to mark or stamp any vellum, parchment or paper chargeable with duty, will cease and determine from and after six months from the date hereof, to wit, on the last day of February, 1801.
THAT, If any persons shall, after the last day of February 1801, have in their custody or possession, any vellum, parchment or paper, marked or stamped by the Supervisors of the Revenue, upon which any matter or thing, charged with duty, shall not have been written or printed, they may at any time within the space of sixty days after the said last day of February, 1801, bring or send such vellum, parchment and paper, unto some office of inspection, and in lieu thereof, receive a like quantity or value of vellum, parchment and paper, duly stamped, in pursuance of the act herein before recited. And in case any person shall neglect or refuse, within the time aforesaid, to bring or cause to be brought unto some officer of inspection, any such vellum, parchment or paper, it is hereby declared, that the same will thereafter be of no other effect or use, than if it had never been marked or stamped, and that all matters and things, which may after that time be written or printed upon any vellum, parchment or paper, authorized to be exchanged in manner aforesaid, will be of no other effect, than if they had been written or printed on paper, parchment or vellum, not marked or stamped.
AND for the convenience of those persons who may be inclined to have their own vellum, parchment and paper stamped or marked, it is hereby declared, that when any person shall deposit any vellum, parchment or paper at the office of a supervisor, accompanied with a list, specifying the number and denomination of the stamps or marks, which are desired to be thereto affixed, the same will be transmitted to the General Stamp-Office, and there properly marked or stamped, and forthwith sent back to the same supervisor, who will thereupon collect the duties and deliver the paper, parchment or vellum, to the order of the person from whom the same was received.
GIVEN under my hand, and the seal of the Treasury, at WASHINGTON, the day and year above mentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.