Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-12-05 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE,
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 34, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1808.
[Whole No. 554.
Official Documents. . . . Sent to Congress by the President.  The following document deserves an attentive perusal. By it will be seen what laborious industry the Secretary has employed to conjure up pretended grievances against the only power capable of doing us any material injury. In order to provoke a war, and thereby satiate an implacable hatred against the enemies of his friend and benefactor, Napoleon. Let it be compared with his letters on the subject of our negotiations with France; and the American who can suppress his indignation against this apologist of the colossus of despotism, who has fixed one foot on the neck of the old world, and the other on the shores of Columbia—ought indeed, "to suspect his head of imbecility, and his heart of insensibility to virtue or patriotism!"
LETTER FROM MR. MADISON TO MR. ERSKINE.
Department of State, March 25, 1808.
Sir—Having laid before the president your letter of the 23d of February, explaining the character of certain British orders of council issued in November last, I proceed to communicate the observations and representations which will manifest to the government the sentiments of the president on so deep a violation of the commerce and rights of the U. S. Those orders interdict to neutral nations, or rather the United States, now the only commercial nation in a state of neutrality, all commerce with the enemies of Great Britain, now nearly the whole commercial world, with certain exceptions only, and under certain regulations, but too evidently fashioned to the commercial, the manufacturing, and the fiscal policy of Great Britain; and on that account the more derogatory from the honor and independence of neutral nations.
The orders are the more calculated to excite surprize in the United States as they have disregarded the remonstrances conveyed in my letters of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, against another order of council issued on a similar plea, in the month of January, 1807. To those just remonstrances, no answer indeed was ever given; whilst the order has been continued in its pernicious operation against the lawful commerce of the united States, and we now find added to it others, instituting still more ruinous depredations, without even the addition of any new pretext; and when moreover it is notorious that the order of January was of a nature greatly to overbalance in its effects any injuries to Great Britain that could be apprehended from the illegal operation of the French decrees on which the order was to retaliate, had that decree in its illegal operation been actually applied to the United States, and been acquiesced in by them.
The last orders, like those of January, proceed on the most unsubstantial foundation. They assume for fact an acquiescence of the United States in an unlawful application to them of the French decree: and they assume for a principle that the right of retaliation, accruing to one belligerent against a neutral, through whom an injury is done by another belligerent, is not to have for its measure that of the injury received, but may be exercised in any extent, and under any modifications, which might suit the pleasure or the policy of the complaining party.
The fact, sir, is unequivocally disowned. It is not true that the United States have acquiesced in an illegal operation of the French decrees; nor is it even true that at the date of the British orders, November 11, a single application of that decree to the commerce of the United States on the high seas can be presumed to have been known to the British government.
The French decree in question has two distinct aspects, one clearly importing an intended operation within the territorial limits as a local law; the other apparently importing an intended operation on the high seas.
Under the first aspect, the decree, however otherwise objectionable, cannot be said to have violated the neutrality of the United States. If the governing powers on the continent of Europe choose to exclude from their ports British property or British productions, or neutral vessels proceeding from British ports, it is an act of sovereignty which the United States have no right to controvert. The same sovereignty is exercised by Great Britain at all times, in peace as well as in war, towards her friends as well as her enemies. Her statute book presents a thousand illustrations.
It is only, therefore, under the other aspect of the decree, that it can have violated neutral rights; and this would have resulted from its execution on the high seas, whether or not the pretext of a nominal blockade, or with a view to enforce a domestic regulation against foreign vessels, not within the domestic precincts, but under the authority and protection of the law of nations.
Had then the French decree been executed on the high seas, against the commerce of the United States with Great Britain, and have the United States acquiesced in the unlawful and injurious proceeding?
I state, sir, on undeniable authority, that the first instance which that decree was put in force against the neutral rights of the U. S. was that of the Horizon, an American ship bound from Great Britain to Lima, wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, but condemned under an exposition of the decree extending to the high seas its operation against neutrals. This judicial decision took place as late as the 16th day
of October, 1807, and was not officially known to the minister plenipotentiary of the U. S. at Paris, till some time in November. At the date therefore of the first order of Great Britain, no injury whatever had been done to her, through an aggression on the commerce of the United States. No presumption even had been sufficiently authorized, that the express stipulations in the treaty of France with the United States would not exempt their commerce at least from the operation of any edict incompatible with them. At the date even of the late orders of Nov. 11, it appears that the only aggression which had then occurred, was pretty certainly unknown to the British government, and could therefore have had no share in producing this alledged retaliation.
To this fact that the ship Horizon was the first that occurred of an execution of the French decree on the high seas, I am able to add, that as late as the 30th of November, no other case had been brought into the French court of prizes. From accounts which have lately appeared, it is more than probable that unlawful captures by French cruisers have since taken place, but it remains to be known whether they are to be referred to the concurrence of the French government in the judgment pronounced in the case of the Horizon; or not rather to a French decree of the 17th Dec. last, professing to be a retaliation on the British orders of November 11.
I state with equal confidence, that at no time have the United States acquiesced in violations of their neutral rights injurious to Great Britain, or any other belligerent nation. So far were they in particular, from acquiescing in the French Decree of November 1806, that the moment it was known to their minister at Paris, he called for an explanation of its meaning in relation to the United States which were favorable, and uncontradicted by the actual operation of the decree: that he steadily watched over the proceedings under it, with a readiness to interpose against any unlawful extension of them to the commerce of the United States; that no time was lost, after the decree came to the knowledge of the government here, in giving him proper instructions on the subject; that he was equally prompt on receiving the decision of the court in the case of the Horizon, in presenting to the French government a remonstrance in terms which can never be censured for a defect of energy; and that by the first opportunity after that decision reached the president, the particular instructions required by it, were forwarded to that minister. Nor is it to be forgotten, that previous to the British orders of November, it had been explicitly communicated to the British government by the American minister at London, that explanations uncontradicted by any overt act had been given to our minister at Paris, which justifies a reliance, that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States, and that communication was repeated to the British government immediately on the publication of those orders.
What more could have been required on the part of the U. States to obviate retaliating pretensions of any sort on the part of Great Britain? Retaliations are measures of rigor in all cases. Where they are to operate through a third and involuntary party, they will never be hastily resorted to by a magnanimous or a just power; which will always allow to the third party, its right to discuss the merits of the case, and will never permit itself to enforce its measures, without affording a reasonable time for the use of reasonable means for substituting another remedy. What would be the situation of neutral powers, if the first blow levelled thro them by one belligerent against another, was to leave them no choice, but between the retaliating vengeance of the latter, and an instant declaration of war against the former? Reason revolts against this as the sole alternative. The United States could no more be bound to evade the British orders by an immediate war with France, than they were bound to atone for the burning of the French ship of war on the shore of North Carolina, by an immediate resort to arms against Great Britain.
With respect to the principle assumed by the British orders, it is perfectly clear that it could not justify them in the extent given to their operation, if the facts, erroneously assumed, could have been fully sustained.
Retaliation is a specific or equivalent return of injury for injury received—and where it is to operate through the interests of a third party having no voluntary participation in the injury received, the return ought, as already observed, to be inflicted with the most forbearing hand.
This is the language of common sense and the clearest equity. As the right to retaliate results merely from the wrong suffered, it cannot in the nature of things extend beyond the extent of the suffering. There may often be a difficulty in applying this rule with exactness, and a reasonable latitude may be allowable on that consideration. But a manifest and ex-
travagant departure from the rule can find no apology.
What then is the extent of the injury experienced by Great Britain from the measures of her enemies, so far as the operation of those measures through the United States, can render them in any sense responsible.
A mere declaration by a belligerent, without intention or the means to carry it into effect, against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation, and thence against the interests of another belligerent, could afford no pretext to the latter to retaliate at the expence of the neutral. The declaration might give just offence to the neutral, but it would belong to him alone to decide on the course prescribed by the respect he owed to himself. No real damage having accrued to the belligerent, no indemnity could accrue.
For the same reason a declaration of a belligerent, which he is known to be either not in a situation, or not to intend, to carry but partially into execution against a neutral, to the injury of another belligerent, could never give more than a right to a commensurate redress against the neutral. All remaining unexecuted and evidently not to be executed, is merely ostensible, working no injury to any, unless it be in the disrespect to the neutral, to whom alone it belongs to resent or disregard it.
Bring the case before us to this plain and equitable test. The French decree of November, 1806, undertook to declare the British isles in a state of blockade, to be enforced, if you please, against the neutral commerce of the United States on the high seas, according to the faculty possessed for the purpose. As far as it was actually enforced, or an effect resulted from an apprehension that it could and would be enforced, it was an injury to Great Britain, for which let it be supposed the United States were answerable. On the other hand, as far as it was not enforced, and evidently either would not or could not be enforced, no injury was experienced by Great Britain and no remedy could lie against the United States. Now, sir, it never was pretended that at the date of the first British order issued in January, 1807, any injury had accrued to, or was apprehended by Great Britain from an execution of the French decree against the commerce of the United States, on the theatre of their neutral rights. So far from it that the order stands felt condemned as a measure of retaliation, by expressly stating that the fleets of France and her allies, instead of being able to enforce the blockade of the British isles, were themselves confined to their own ports by the entire superiority of the British navy: converting thus, by the strangest of reasoning, the security of Great Britain against injury from the French decree, into a title to commit injury on a neutral party. In the November orders also, while it is admitted that the French decree could not but be imperfectly executed for want of means, it is asserted that the intention of the French decree, and not the injury accruing from its operation through the commerce of the United States, is the scale by which the retaliating injury against them is to be measured.
Such are the pretexes and such the principles on which one great branch of the lawful commerce of this country became a victim to the first British order, and on which the last orders are now sweeping from the ocean all its most valuable remains.
Against such an unprecedented system of warfare on neutral rights and national independence, the common judgment and common feelings of mankind must forever protest.
I touch, sir, with reluctance the question on which of the belligerent sides the invasion of neutral rights had its origin. As the U. States do not acquiesce in these invasions by either, there could be no plea for involving them in the controversy. But as the British orders have made the decree of France, declaring, contrary to the law of nations, the British islands in a state of blockade, the immediate foundation of their destructive warfare on our commerce, it belongs to the subject to remind your government of the illegal interruptions and spoliations suffered, previous to that decree, by the neutral commerce of the United States under the proceedings of British cruisers and courts, and for the most part in consequence of express orders of the government itself. Omitting proof of inferior note, I refer to the extensive aggressions on the trade of the United States, founded on the plea of blockades, never legally established according to recognized definitions: to the still more extensive violations of our commerce with ports of her enemies, not pretended to be in a state of blockade; & to the British order of council issued near the commencement of the existing war. This order, besides its general interpolation against the established law of nations, is distinguished by a special ingredient violating that law as recognized by the course of decisions in the British courts. It subjects to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, returning with lawful cargoes, on the sole condition that they had, in their outward voyage, deposited
[For the remainder see last page.]

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, TUESDAY, NOV. 29, 1808. REVENUE CUTTERS.
The bill to authorize the President to employ 12 additional Revenue (or Embargo) Cutters was taken up in committee of the whole. Mr. Newton observed, that he had received information verbally from the Secretary of the Treasury, that an additional vessel was necessary to the due execution of the Revenue Laws; and Mr. BLACKLEDGE added, the enforcement of the Embargo Laws.
Mr. QUINCY (of Mass.) did not think such an augmentation should be made on mere verbal information; it was contrary to the manner of doing business in that house. There had, he said, heretofore been but ten cutters employed, even when commerce was at the height of prosperity, and the revenue most flourishing; but now the house was called on to vote 12 additional cutters, when we were without revenue, without commerce; and when too there was no official information for the house to act upon.
Mr. NEWTON (Vt.) did not think it essential whether the information was verbal or written. H. had received it from the proper authority; and in times like the present it was necessary to act with spirit and promptitude, and take time by the forelock.
M. BLACKLEDGE (N. C.) in reply to an observation on the expense of the cutters, observed, that the charges would soon be defrayed by the detention of goods attempted to be smuggled.
The committee rose, and reported the bill, 47 to 46. Mr. PITKIN (Conn.) moved the postponement of it till Monday. Before 120,000 dollars, he said, were voted away for additional cutters, it would be necessary to know whether they would be wanted, which they could only be if the house intended to continue the embargo laws.
Mr. LIVERMORE (of Massachusetts) was in favor of the postponement of the subject. Nothing could be lost by short delay. To use the expression of the gentleman from Virginia, it was certainly prudent to take time by the forelock; and it was his wish to do so in regard to the information upon the subject which was to be desired. It certainly would be better to see whether the measure was necessary. The gentleman has stated that each cutter will cost about 10,000 dollars; but may he not be in an error? This would not be the first time that a gentleman has been mistaken in his calculations. The cutters would, in his opinion, cost much more than the sum specified, they may probably amount to 15,000 dollars a piece. Every gentleman had a right to call for information from the proper source. He asked whether any great necessity could be shown for these vessels? For what purpose are secretaries appointed, if they cannot be called upon to yield the information to this house which may be thought necessary? Such information had been called for, and he wished to know from an official source, what sum the cutters proposed to be built would cost, should it turn out that these cutters would not be wanted, or that a much greater sum than had been contemplated was expended in building them, how can we account to the nation and our constituents for it? Shall we tell them we did not know, but that the chairman of a committee of commerce & manufactures had told us so—telling us at the same time, that he had it from the Secretary of the treasury? But has the President of the United States told us these vessels were necessary. He has not—Mr. L. repeated, that every gentleman upon that floor had a right to call for further information. He should not vote for this bill, unless the house had resolved to continue the embargo laws, and pass a non-intercourse resolution. These great questions, he hoped, had not been prejudged and decided upon before hand. Certainly, if the embargo be repealed, it will at least be doubtful whether these cutters will be requisite. And there has not yet been information enough to convince the house that they ought to vote away the money.
Mr. NEWTON said it is true there is a resolution upon the table for a repeal of the embargo laws; but these laws are not yet repealed. Let gentlemen recollect that they are still in existence, and if we do enact laws, it is our duty to see that they are enforced. He appealed to gentlemen whether information had not been made public of the intention of many British merchants, to smuggle goods into our country, the importation of which our laws prohibited; and to the good sense of the house for the propriety of supporting the measures of government and the sovereignty of the country. He would stare to the house, that there was in Georgia not a single revenue cutter.
Mr. J. WYMORE said, that he did not deny the necessity there might be for employing the 12 additional cutters; he only said that he was not convinced of the necessity. For his part he had heard of no smuggling but from Canada.
Mr. JACKSON observed, that although the embargo laws existed, yet they were most flagrantly violated, so as scarcely to merit the name of embargo. Every law of the land ought to be enforced; but this could not, for want of means to enforce it. Many illicit adventures had made fortunes by violating our laws; herein was the necessity proved. Whilst we have laws to restrain these practices, there ought to be effectual means to execute them. I trust that a majority of this house will not be led astray by the idea that these vessels are unnecessary because of any probability of a repeal of the embargo laws; I am convinced, from the interviews which I have had with a large number of the members of this house, that a decided majority are determined NOT TO REPEAL those measures under existing circumstances. (The member who gave this was believed to be a near relation of Mr. Adkins.)
Mr. DANA (Conn.) said, that the question appeared to centre in this—whether the house would depart from its usual custom of receiving official information, before a large expenditure of money, or whether it would pass this law without that information. If he understood the duty of the officers of government, it consisted in part in giving official information on subjects touching their departments; and surely it was peculiarly necessary in such a question as was now before the house. The expense he did not consider a trifling object. To be sure they were called Revenue Cutters; but what was the meaning
of Cutter, remained undefined, and consequently the vessel so denominated might cost a smaller or a larger sum. But another question of magnitude was, what it would cost to maintain these cutters? What number would it take to man them? Were they to remain permanent or only for one year? Gentlemen might be in too much of a hurry on this subject, as they were last year when it was supposed proper to vote for 12000 men, but at last they would scarcely give time for the printing of the bill, it was found unnecessary to have them at all!
Mr. LLOYD asked if the country was placed in so serious a situation as it would appear from the urgency of some gentlemen, why were not some of the armed ships which the country already possessed sent out to watch our coast? If the embargo was continued, he trusted that the defence would not rest on these 12 revenue cutters. It was his desire to see the ground which the national councils meant to take, before he was disposed to involve the treasury in expense.
Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS made an objection on account of the bill not providing an appropriation.
Mr. NEWTON answered, that there was no necessity for an appropriation, since the revenue law provided for the payment of such an expense out of the revenue income.
The bill was recommitted. Ayes 61, Nays 46.
A letter from Washington, Nov. 26, says, "It is expected the debate in the House, on the motion to raise the Embargo, will commence the day after tomorrow."
In Fayetteville District, (N. C.) Mr. Winflow, the Federal electoral candidate, was chosen by majority of 1007.
Extract of a letter dated WASHINGTON, Nov. 26. "No news.—It seems to be pretty well settled that Embargo and non-intercourse are to be our helmet and shield. Mr. Campbell's report on our foreign relations was not called up on Thursday—and the house have adjourned from Friday to Monday—Thus is time sported away, while the nation is bleeding at every pore. Nero fiddled while Rome was burning.—Just such Neros have we now."
We are glad to find that any of the democratic papers their symptoms of alarm at the awful prospect which menaces this country, if the views of the thorough going Jeffersonians are carried into execution.
The following article is from the American Citizen, of Baltimore.
"Congress, or some members of congress contemplate an additional army of 30,000 men. We had originally about 4000; recently added 6000, total, including the additional 20,000 said to be contemplated, 30,000."
"The annual expense of maintaining 30,000 men at a dollar a day, which is perhaps an under calculation, would be at least eleven millions of dollars."
"The whole REVENUE of the U. States in the year 1800, was 7,000,000 dollars!!"
By the Quills.
ABSTRACT OF INTELLIGENCE FROM VERA CRUZ, TO THE 12TH OF OCTOBER, Respecting the late Revolution in Mexico, and the arrest of the Viceroy ITURRIGARAY who had formed a plan to proclaim himself King of New Spain.
The day fixed for the completion of this plan was the 20th of September, being the festival of our Lady of Guadalupe, which is celebrated in the Church, outside the city of Mexico, and which is attended by almost the whole of the inhabitants.—The project of the traitor ITURRIGARAY, was to set fire to the church during the celebration, and in the alarm, to introduce his soldiers, who were encamped beyond the walls, into the city—on gaining which, they were to arrest and murder the wealthy inhabitants, who were not attached to the Viceroy, who was, at the same time to be proclaimed King.
This diabolical plan was found among his papers, by which it was also discovered, that his principal agent was a Clergyman or Canon of the Church of Guadalupe.
The treason was anticipated—and on the night of the 15th of September, 800 of the Mexican Youth, many of them of the first families, surprised the Viceroy and his family in his palace, and compelled him to abdicate his authority.—A meeting of the principal Tribunals was then held, at which it was agreed to secure the person of ITURRIGARAY, and to elect in his stead, the Brigadier Don PEDRO GANAISSA, a man universally beloved.—It was also agreed to acknowledge the authority of the Supreme Junta of Seville, or any other that represented the Government of ESPAIN. The 7th—and it was resolved to transmit to Spain, without loss of time, all the money belonging to the Government, to be placed at the disposal of the Junta of Seville—that ITURRIGARAY should be sent a prisoner to Spain—that his property, which according to report, amounted to Four Millions of Dollars should be confiscated.
On the 15th of October, he and all his family were prisoners in the Castle of St. John Ollies, at Vera Cruz, whence they were to embark on board the ship of war St. Augustine, appointed to carry the Treasure and State Prisoners to Spain.
All Mexico was tranquil and contented with the change, which had been effected without bloodshed, except in the case of one of the Viceroy's guards, who having fired on the party that went to arrest him, was killed by a pistol shot.
One of the base pretexts, on which the Administration affect to justify our hateful Embargo, is their friendship and solicitude for seamen. That oppressed and ruined part of the community have another proof of the sincerity of their professed friends, in the impunity with which the following barbarous outrage was committed. The facts are thus related in the Norfolk Ledger.
"Two coasting vessels, the one the property of one Mr. Coward, the other belonging to a Mr. Bain, had put into this port to receive cargo, and the former, having accomplished her object, was about to take her departure for some port in the United States. As the captain, however, did not consider his supply of bread large enough for the voyage he contemplated, and wished to avail himself of a fair wind, captain Bain generously offered him a barrel, which he immediately conveyed
to his own vessel. This transaction did not escape the observation of the vigilant and patriotic captain of a cutter, which had been sent from Philadelphia to supply the temporary absence of a gun-boat, stationed there by the government—and as the vessel was sufficiently large for foreign trade, the very naturally excited his suspicion. With such trifling characters as Sawyer, the captain of the cutter, to suspect is to condemn, and the probability of an offence is deemed a sufficient pretext for the exercise of their "little brief authority." Of course this open transaction performed without disguise in the face of day, was instantly construed into an insolent attempt to evade the laws of the country, and to insult the dignified presence of those appointed to execute them. Sawyer, therefore, not only inhibited the captain from keeping the bread, but with his own men, insultingly conveyed it back to the vessel from which it was obtained. His abrupt and careless manner of placing it on board, burst the barrel and occasioned the loss of a considerable portion of the bread. This drew from one of Bain's crew, a moderate and respectful remonstrance. Sawyer's self pride could not brook this, and he threatened to carry the sailor to the gangway if he was insolent. The sailor independently replied, that such an act would cost him his commission. With many low bred epithets, characteristically insulting, Sawyer rejoined that he would soon try how far his power extended, and forcibly conveying the sailor to the cutter, heumerically inflicted on his bare back, one hundred and eight stripes!! But this Mr. Editor, was not enough—the vengeance of insulted pride did not stop here. Under all the affliction of this unfeeling caligation, the unfortunate victim was doomed to support the additional hardships of imprisonment and chains. He was instantly put in irons, and exposed on the deck of the vessel, in that forlorn situation, to all the inclemency of the weather for the remainder of that day, and all the succeeding night."
A person from New-York reports, that in the course of last week, (Nov. 26) one hundred and thirty seamen went to the Custom-House, in that city, and gave up their PROTECTION, as they were of no use to them. It is also said, that the last Packet took with her as many sailors, to seek bread in a foreign clime, as she could conveniently accommodate. [Phila. pop.]
Extract of a letter from Baltimore, dated Nov. 26. "Our Collector this day refuses clearances to vessels bound to the Eastward.—We have applied for a clearance for a sch. bound to Nantucket, with flour and corn, not full. He refused, without assigning any reason."
WANTED, about 60 or 80,000 hardy yeomanry of New England, to go to Virginia, N. and S. Carolina and Georgia, to clear up the forests, dig canals, help the negroes make roads and build schoolhouses. This must be done, and if said yeomanry of New England will not go, the President proposes to take as much money out of the national Treasury, which they have paid in, as will effect these desirable objects. It will be best to go, and let the cash remain in the Treasury, or a direct tax will soon be necessary, and it will not be laid on pleasure carriages nor lost sugar.
"Strong Measures." How can any one doubt, that the measures of the administration are "strong measures"? What greater evidence would you have of their strength, than this—That they require all the naval and military force of the country to carry them into effect.—Watch Light.
A standing army in the Adams administration was a dreadful thing, but under the mild reign of Jefferson, it loses all its horror, is quite justifiable and necessary. O the consistency of democrats!
It is a maxim which generally holds good, that "a standing army is incompatible with a republican government." When laws are enacted which become too oppressive to be obeyed without the coercion of the bayonet, farewell to rational liberty; despotism quickly succeeds.
DEMOCRACY UNVEILED.
PHILAD. Nov. 22.—We copy from a flaming democratic paper of this morning, (says the Baltimore Federal Gazette of Saturday last) one paragraph, for the gratification of such citizens as do not see the papers on that side.
From the Whig.—The Tories and Tory prints should make the most of their time—for it is short.—A line must soon be drawn between the friends and enemies of the country. It depends entirely on the decree of audacity, prudence or imprudence, which will characterize the latter whether it [the line] be marked by tar and feathers, or by "Good Mr. Murderer, pray stick easy!"
From the Boston Gazette. The Intelligence of Friday, has some impudent remarks on the doings of the Legislature of this State. These people are resolved to keep us slaves, or drive us to a separation; but we can advise them that in the Eastern States lies the strength of the nation, and we will neither submit to be robbed of our birth right, nor will we separate; but will OBLIGE Virginia and her satellites to respect the Constitution, and leave us some of the essential benefits, to obtain which we entered into the compact. To hide from the world the multitude of falsehoods, which daily appear in the Government papers, they have the audacity to charge us with lies—we despise their words. MASSACHUSETTS.
Mr. Pickering, yesterday produced to the senate the instructions of the Massachusetts legislature relative to the repeal of the embargo, the reading of which was commenced, but being objected to, they were ordered to lie on the table.—Wash. pa. Nov. 28.
Portland, Monday, December 5, 1808.
EMBARGO FOREVER!
NO decision has taken place on the motion made by Mr. Hillhouse of Connecticut, for repealing the embargo laws. All that reason, argument and eloquence could effect, has been performed by the federal members of that body; particularly by Mr. LLOYD, of this state—who was elected last June in the room of S. S. Adams, and the author of the motion. A similar motion made by Mr. CHITTENDEN of Vermont, in the house, had not been taken up at our last dates from Washington. From a general view of the doings of the present session, thus far, we are sorry to state that there appears no prospect of any relief from our present restrictions & embarrassments. Distressing as the times now are, there is too much reason to fear, they will soon be infinitely more so, unless our rulers please to change their measures.
Accounts from Washington say that Mr. Gallatin, Secretary of the Treasury, is sick of the embargo and opposed to its continuance. He well knows if we have no commerce there is an end to the revenue, and of course no further need of his services.
INTERESTING REPORT.
On the 22d ult. Mr. G. W. Campbell, fr. the committee, made a report in part, on the situation of our affairs with France and England, in which a view is taken of their respective conduct towards the U. S.
The report is very long, and touches those subjects which have repeatedly been before the public. It concludes with offering the following resolves for adoption, and Thursday the 24th is assigned for taking them into consideration.
1. Resolved, That the United States cannot, without a sacrifice of her rights, honour, and independence, submit to the late decrees of Great Britain and France.
2. Resolved, That it is expedient to prohibit by law the admission into the ports and harbours of the U. States, of all publick or private vessels, armed or unarmed, belonging to Great Britain or France, or to any other belligerent power who has executed or enforced, any order or decree, violating the neutral commerce of the United States; and also the importation of any goods, wares or merchandise, the growth, produce or manufacture of the dominions of either of the said countries, or imported therefrom.
3. Resolved, That measures ought to be immediately taken for putting the country in a more complete state of defence.
Should these resolves be carried into effect, they will produce consequences more fatal to the peace and interest of this country than any which Congress have yet adopted. They will cause that distress which will speak a language more powerful than words can express.
The Editor of the Repertory, speaking of the Report, remarks, We have not room for the entire Report, in this paper, but we deem it important to remark, that though the resolutions do not mention a continuation of the Embargo system, with the Non-Inter-course, yet the whole reasoning of the Report, if reasoning it can be called, has for its object to justify a continuance and rigid enforcement of the Embargo laws, as well as of Non-Inter-course, in every respect, with the belligerents. We mention this particularly, because many people are flattering themselves, that if we are inhibited all communication with France, Great Britain, and their dependencies, government will allow us to trade to all the rest of the world. This is a sad mistake.
The Report is, in itself, one of the most abominable specimens of misrepresentation that prejudice or ignorance ever warped into an official document. If it is adopted, our fate is decided. A development of the consequences will ere long astonish and appal those foolish scoffers at our injuries and our sufferings, who have seemed to suppose our humble petitions and our earnest expostulations were words, without meaning. The relative resources of this section of the Union are not unknown to its inhabitants. Nor is it a secret that a consciousness of our resources has led to those invidious measures, which are calculated to humble and ruin us. It is not an easy matter to make Hercules suppose himself a woman.
As yet the dominant party have met no question which would determine whether they were strong enough to violate the principles on which the federal compact was founded. We have no doubt, this is occupied in intrigue, bribery, and corruption; with what success, a week or two more will probably explain. We conjure these infatuated men to study the character of the inhabitants of the Eastern States, with some attention before they take decisive steps. We are not an impetuous people; let the history of United America determine whether we are nerveless.
Secret Proceedings in Congress.
Nov. 22d, Mr. Randolph requested that
the galleries might be cleared, as he had a motion to make that required secrecy. The object of Mr. R. was to take off the injunction of secrecy with regard to a confidential message from the President concerning letters from Mr. Armstrong, at Paris. The motion was debated till sunset, and negatived—Yeas 31, nays 82. Mr. R. moved that members might be allowed to speak of the letters generally, without mentioning names, dates or places. This was negatived—Yeas 29, nays 82. Mr. R. then made the third motion, that the substance of the communications from our ministers at London & Paris, excepting the extract of a letter from Gen. Armstrong to the Secretary of State, dated Paris, Dec. 29, 1807. On the question that the house do agree to the same, it passed in the negative—Yeas 39, nays 67.
Those who voted in favor of giving the people information, were
John Campbell, Champion, Chittenden, Culpepper, Dana, Davenport, Durell, Elliot, Ely, Gadenier, Garnet, Gray, Harris, Hoge, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Lewis, Livermore, Lloyd, Marion, Master, Milner, Mosely, Mumford, Pitkin, Quincy, Randolph, Stanford, Sledman, Sturges, Swart, Taggart, Talmadge, Trigg, Upham, Van Horn, Van Rensselaer, D. R. Williams, N. Wilson—39.
Those in Italy are democrats. Thus we see a majority of our people-loving democrats, and who profess to be the servants of the public, are, notwithstanding their professions, determined to keep their sovereigns in ignorance. Much credit is due Mr. John Randolph, for his patriotic and spirited perseverance for three days, in endeavoring to obtain a vote to have these precious documents of Bonaparte's love and friendship towards the citizens of the United States, published, but from the unaccountable conduct of the democrats, such as Curtis, Bailey, Cook, &c. he was voted down on every attempt.
It is stated that the reason of the democrats refusing to publish the letters from France, was, that it would endanger Gen. Armstrong's life. This cannot be the true reason: the more probable cause is, that the partisans of France are afraid to let the people know the whole truth. After all the cringing and subserviency of our Cabinet to the views of France, they now find they can get nothing in return but insult upon insult.
COMING ABOUT!
The Legislature of New-Hampshire is now in session. A motion has been made in the house of Representatives & committed, for the purpose of taking into consideration the expediency of petitioning Congress to repeal the Embargo Laws. This same legislature, at their spring session, voted an address to Mr. Jefferson, approving of this, and other measures. Mr. J. in his answer, unfortunately for the popularity of the cause, let the cat out of the bag! He, in substance, told his addressers, that it would be unwise in them, to think of ever returning to foreign markets for those articles they had been accustomed to: in plain language, that their commerce was at an end.
Argus Falsehoods Exposed.
In the last GAZETTE, we copied from the Argus an article headed "British Outrage and Murder!" At that time, we much doubted the truth of the story:—It has since proved to be a vile falsehood, fabricated by the wise, truth-telling Argus-men, solely with a view to reconcile the people to the mad project of a War with England. Yet these political cut-throats have the unprincipled baseness to pretend that the federalists are for involving the country in a like calamity—whilst they, (meek, modest, unambitious democrats) are for peace!—These hypocritical professions of the Jeffersonian party, are as false as the assertions in the article alluded to—and which are exposed in the Censinel of Wednesday last, as follows:
"We are assured, by a gentleman direct from Buckstown and whose name may be known at our office, that the assertions in the above, that the schooner in question was a "British armed schooner," that she "landed a number of men," and that the men who committed the outrage, are "Englishmen," are malicious falsehoods. All the parties concerned in this unhappy affair, are Americans. The facts are these:—Some months since, a quantity of flour, which had originally been refused entry at Passamaquoddy, was deposited in various places; & some on the isle of Holt, near Castine; where it was guarded by a party of the host of tide-waiters in the quarter. Three sailors, who had arrived at Buckstown, from Salem, to fit out a vessel when the embargo should be raised, were employed (no one knows by whom) to take off the flour from the isle of Holt, and went from Buckstown, in a boat for that purpose. In attempting to land, they alleged they were fired upon from the shore: and that they returned from the fire, from a musquet, and killed a man by the name of Lazarus, one of the guard:—That they then landed, took the flour, which they put on board a schooner, having Eastport on her stern; and after continuing on the island two or three days, left it, and went on board the schooner. Soon after, they were followed & overtaken by a revenue cutter, to intimidate which they hoisted English colors. But no opposition was made by the schooner; and the sailors were confined for trial in Castine gaol. The Captain of the schooner is admitted as State's evidence. Such our informant assures us is the facts. The public will readily appreciate the motives of those who have so grossly misrepresented them, in the paragraph alluded to."
In confirmation of the above from the Censinel, we are assured by the declaration of a gentleman from the quarter where this affair took place, that the facts above stated are substantially true, and that it was Americans attacking Americans in part, if not wholly.—The fire, we are informed, commenced from the shore and wounded one of the men in the boat—the fire was returned, and one man is said to have been killed.
The guilty in this business are fortunately in the custody of the proper authority,

and will meet due punishment. But it is highly improper to give transactions of this kind a false coloring, and endeavor to impose on the public mind.
We this day publish Mr. Madison's famous letter to Mr. Erskine, the British minister in the United States. To subscribe to the whole tenor of this production of our Secretary, would at once be to acknowledge ourselves citizens of France; and the humble vassals of the tyrant Bonaparte. We should certainly join in every proper and effectual mean to obtain an exemption from the wrongs and injuries we experience from Great Britain, but we cannot see how this object is to be secured by such communications as Mr. Madison's letter. The arch Talleyrand himself could not have apologized for Bonaparte's decrees in a better manner than Mr. M. has. The Secretary says, that France had never acted in regard to the commerce of the U.S. under the Berlin decree, till the case of the Horizon ; when in fact, months before that, our vessels and property were detained at Antwerp. The truth is, our government adopted no effectual measures to ward off the approaching ruin with which the decrees of Bonaparte threatened our commerce. Their partiality or folly induced them to believe that France could do no wrong. The editor of the N. York Evening Post remarks,
"I cannot permit this letter to pass thro' my press without entering, along with it my feeble protest against the insidious, deceitful glosses it aims to throw over the atrocities of France. In all that relates to the execution of her Berlin decree, there is not only an attempt to colour, but I am sorry to be obliged to add, a guilty design to misrepresent. It is not true, that the Horizon was the first case in which the decree was executed; for American ships had before that been seized at Antwerp, and are still detained there under it. It is not true that the French government ever gave our minister any explanations at Paris, that the French decree would not be put in force against the United States. And I demand of Mr. Madison, how he dare to say this, with the following document staring him in the face."
Letter from the grand Judge, minister of justice, to the imperial attorney general for the council of prizes.
"PARIS, 18 September, 1807. (Translation.) SIR, I have submitted to his majesty the emperor and king the doubts raised by his excellency the minister of marine and colonies, on the extent of certain dispositions of the imperial decree of the 21st November, 1806, which has declared the British isles in a state of blockade. The following are his majesty's intentions on the points in question:
1st. May vessels of war, by virtue of the imperial decree of the 21st Nov. last, seize on board neutral vessels either English property, or even all merchandise proceeding from the English manufactories or territory?
Answer. His majesty has intimated that as he did not think proper to express any exception in his decree, there is no ground for making any in its execution, in relation to any schomaker ."
(Signed) REGNIER. Mr. Madison, in his letter to Gen. Armstrong, in May 1807, says, "there are proofs that the West-India privateers have, under color of the edict , (French Berlin decree) COMMITTED DEPREDATIONS, which will constitute just claims of redress from the French Government!"
LAW INTELLIGENCE. In August last, the editor of the Free-mason's Journal was sued on a criminal action for a libel, by John Binns, for republishing from a Baltimore paper, a paragraph respecting said Binns. On Friday last, the Grand Jury returned the bill IGNOTAMUS, and directed Binns to pay the costs of suit. Very mortifying to the Ignoramus !
The action of gov. M'Kean, against Wm. Duane, for a libel, which has occupied the Supreme Court for five days, terminated last night. This morning the jury brought in their verdict—Duane GUILTY.
Freeman's Journal. Communications.
CURSORY REMARKS ON THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
"The venal will be bought, the base have lords." WHAT to say of this state paper, "take it for all in all," I know not. Some parts of it are comprehensible by common understandings, but it is mostly such a dark, incongruous, mysteriously written thing, that none of our citizens, except they are well learned, and acquainted with Mr. Jefferson's manner of writing, can ever fully understand it. For my part, I have almost given up the idea of ever thoroughly discovering its "whole beauties," or sifting out all its deformities and faults.
I am here to offer the reader some light remarks only upon its empty and ridiculous features.
Were Gen. Washington's, & Mr. Adams' addresses, (for they, such "tories" as they were, spoke to Congress in person, not in blind "messages" by "secretaries," as Mr. Jefferson, and some "odious kings" do) —I ask, were the addresses of the noble Washington and Adams, couched in such language as Mr. Jefferson forever uses? Was not their language plain, simple, frank, and forcible? And is not Mr. Jefferson's dark, mysterious, and sophistical—awkward, and ostentatiously studied? The language of state papers should ever be
concise, explicit, and energetic, and forever intelligible. But it is no more to be regretted, than it is true, that but few people can read Mr. Jefferson's Message, and understand what they read.
"He, studious of mutation still, discards A real elegance, a little us'd, For monstrous novelty and strange disguise."
I would here just remark, what every one, who comprehends the message as he reads will perceive, that it is destitute of information, patriotic feeling, and candid remark.
In the first section of this message, there is an avowal of what sort of thing the Embargo was intended to be—a measure of coercion, an offensive weapon. Mr. Jefferson says, "I lost no time in ceasing myself" [in the management of our foreign concerns] "of the act authorizing a suspension, in whole or in part, of the several embargo laws." What a ridiculous figure our ministers at the courts of St. James' & St. Cloud would cut, wielding a municipal regulation of the government of the United States, as a weapon to compel England and France to acquiesce in our terms of adjusting things in dispute! They might as well attempt, as my old friend the poet said, to
"Teach oaths to ginners, & to noddies wit."
In this section, he further observes to Congress:—"And open the way for a removal of that commercial intercourse which, it was alleged on all sides, had been reluctantly obstructed."—And again: "As each of those governments had pledged its readiness to concur in renouncing a measure which reached its adversary through the incontestible rights of neutrals only."—These assertions appear erroneous to me, certainly, and I believe to all Americans. When did France allege that she 'reluctantly obstructed' our commerce, by issuing her decrees? When did she 'pledge her readiness' to our government to 'renounce her decrees,' on any condition it might offer? If she ever did, I know it not. She may have done so to Mr. Jefferson, and that 'pledge' may be in his secret closet perkins; but why do not the people know it? The extent of the British orders, under the present situation of things, was always said by the British government, and by, I may say, almost every body, to be equal with that of the French decrees, and no longer. They were issued to counteract the decrees, and when the decrees cease, the orders will, and not before; and of this our government have been advertised by British ministers. What should make our President write as he does, I cannot see, except it is that kind of being, which, as Butler says,
"Hopes to be sav'd, yet studies to be damn'd."
Further along in this section, he tells Congress, he has now offered England what she required of us before she issued her orders, to prevent their being issued; that is, that we would resist the enforcement of Bonaparte's decrees. But she refuses now to accept of his offer, because he had refused to accept of hers, and therefore she had been obliged to take her course independent of us, and it was too late to go back and start anew, on a plan which our President had rejected. This is always the fate of a bullying system.
What his proposals, (mentioned in the first section) were to France, the reader must find out for himself. I construe his language to mean, that he offered to engage in the war against England, if the French Emperor would comply with some requisition, which Mr. Jefferson had made. What these requisitions were, we are to find out when the secrets of our democratic cabinet are developed.
The intra of his assertion, that Bonaparte's Berlin decree was equally an act of retaliation as the British orders were, is much more easily detected by common people, than his language is intelligible to them.
In his second section, Mr. Jefferson observes—"It" [the Embargo], "necessarily remains in the extent originally given to it."—What is this extent ? or what does our president mean by saying "extent originally given to it?" Was there any limitation given to it? If there was not, it was and is, a perpetual law; for since it was not specifically bounded in its duration, the president's word extent , could mean nothing except forever or perpetual ? Who says now, it is not a perpetual law? If any, let him stand forth and be tried by his own master's words. After saying so much, and much more, of his favorite measure , our president whines out one consolation to his believers, which the Argus , and many other such miserable creatures, have worn almost out by use:—"that however," (that is, though it has done nothing to any other good purpose) "it has had the important effect of saving our mariners and vast mercantile property!"
—That is, our mariners abroad, refuse to return home, and those that were at home, have gone abroad; and our mercantile property, is all wasting, and rendering its possessor worse off than if they had lost every atom that was afloat. These are facts, and our citizens know it, and will never be beaten out of the belief of them by Mr. Jefferson.
I shall pass over the third, fourth, and fifth to the sixth section, for I have not time to make but a few further observations up
on this strange message. The sixth section reads thus: "Our relations with the other powers of Europe have undergone no material changes since your last session. The important negotiations with Spain, which had been alternately suspended and resumed, necessarily experience a pause under the extraordinary and interesting crisis which distinguishes her internal situation." Here I would ask, and beg some politician, if he can correctly, to answer me, what negotiations were on the carpet with Spain? and with whom were they attempted to be effected? Was it with the real Spanish government? If so, why does negotiation necessarily experience such a pause? Why withdraw all communication or intercourse with Spain, at this time, if important negotiations were going on with her before her present extraordinary crisis arrived? Would our ancestors have thought it worthy, just, or impartial conduct in a government, who were in the relation to us at that time, that we are now to Spain, had such government withdrawn from them, as tho' they were rebels, opposing a rightful and proper sovereign? Does it not appear, by what the President has said, that these important negotiations were going on with some other power than with the real government of Spain?—And does it not further appear, that our administration dare not negotiate with the Spanish patriots, with the real Spanish government, for fear of offending their great enemy; but Messrs. Jefferson & Madison's "great and good friend" Bonaparte?
I pass over the seventh section, but cannot but notice some parts of the eighth, they so strikingly raise one's admiration. When I read this section to one of my neighbors, he asked me to pause at the phrase—"a part of ourselves," and inquired if I had not read wrong; for, said he, Mr. Jefferson must certainly have been thinking of negroes, instead of Indians, when he wrote that!—When I read Mr. Jefferson's suggestion of citizenizing the Indians, my neighbor was confident our President was laying a scheme to insure another election for himself, or some "good friend," a number of years hence. For my own part, I recollected immediately, by spur of some wandering thoughts that were floating in my mind, what my uncle Peter Pindar said, in one of his ludicrous odes, and could but think, that Mr. Jefferson would answer very well to
"Improve the wisdom of the common weal, And teach the simple natives how to steal."
I grow weary of handling such a misshapen, idle thing of a message. A few more remarks, and I will leave it.
Mr. President, some where in this paper says, that the losses and sacrifices of our citizens, occasioned not by the embargo, but by the injustice of the belligerent powers, are subjects of just concern; but never proposes any relief, nor even so much as suggests to Congress, that it would be necessary! He must be a "philanthropic president," indeed!!
His ostentatious account of the products of our revenue, which owes its existence & nourishment to the federal administrations, is a clear electioneering dose, and will doubtless be eagerly swallowed by his partizans. Yet, I fear, he had a still greater object in view—indeed it appears evident. There must be another inroad upon the Constitution . There is, as he says, money in the Treasury, and it must not stay there. The constitution is yet a barrier to his own, and his party's wishes; and this is the time to remove that barrier! The constitution must be amended, to give Congress power to appropriate money as the President says—or perhaps, to give the President power to appropriate it as he pleases.
People of New-England! look to it.—Where is your money going, when your constitution shall be so altered that presidential influence can draw it from your public chest, from the national deposit, to make roads for southern nabobs, to ride more easy in their fine carriages; to assist southern people to navigate their rivers; to instruct southern negroes in democracy and French principles; and to teach Mr. Jefferson's Indians the arts of subtle politicians? If it is not, then, going to affect these purposes, what will it be drawn from the treasury for? If not these 'twill be for something worse.—You make your own roads; you build your own canals; you clear your own rivers; you educate your own children with your own money, industry and enterprise! and shall you be made to assist those who are too idle or too profligate to assist themselves. No, you will forbid it. ROLAND.
THE CONSCRIPTION!
In the last Gazette, I notice the General Orders for the detachment of MR. JEFFERSON'S CONSCRIPTION FOR 1809. Massachusetts is ordered to furnish 10,920 men, officers included, who are to hold themselves equipped and ready to march at a moment's warning, for the actual service of the United States. Now Mr. printer, I wish to inquire of Mr. Jefferson, or some of his back-stairs gentry, what can be the object of this presidential army of one hundred thousand men? How they are to be paid, or our revenue is cut off, and against whom they are to be employed?
It is known the President has no legal power to march troops out of the territories of the United States. What then can be the
real object and use of this army? Is it to over-awe the citizens, and render the military superior to the civil authority? It is impossible that we are to be reduced to such a slavish situation.
A YANKEE.
BANK BILLS.
Much public anxiety has been caused within a few days by a report in circulation, that Berkshire Bank, in this state, and the Farmer's Exchange Bank, in R. I. had refused their bills; and some asserted that these Banks had failed. We understand that these banks have of late, on presentation of any considerable amount of their bills, paid by draughts at 30 or 40 days—and it is well known that all the country banks in this part of the country have done the same without having their bills cried down; at the same time every bank ought to pay their bills at sight. It is further understood, that there is an association in Boston, to cry down the bills of every Bank that does not make prompt payment. This will of course bring the bills of such banks into discredit, and the consequences will be distressing to many. Poor people who hold the money will be compelled to pass it at a large discount. If these banks have too large an amount of bills in circulation, some different method should have been adopted than that of taxing the public with the depreciation. The writer of this article does not pretend to any extra knowledge of the situation of the above banks, but he deems it a duty to advise the holders of bills of these banks not to make a large discount on them, as it is probable in a few days the true state of these banks will be laid before the public.
NO SPECULATOR.
Married.
In Biddeford, Major Samuel Jorden, late an Officer in the United States army, to Mrs. Maria Davis.
At Falmouth, by the Rev. C. Bradley, Mr. Joseph Pagens to Miss Mary Whitney—Mr. Samuel Weeks, to Miss Eleanor Welch—Mr. Isaac Cox, to Miss Martha Quimby.
In this town, by the Rev. E. Payson, Mr. Stephen Patten, to Miss Susan Hopkins.
Portland Circulating Library Removed.
S. PATTEN
INFORMS the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portland and its vicinity, that he has purchased the Portland Circulating Library of Messrs. Erving and Poor, and that the Books are now ready for Circulation from No. 10, Jones' row, Fifth-street. Those who have, and may become readers of said Library, may be assured that no exertion or expense will be spared to make it as extensively entertaining and useful as possible, by adding to the present number of Volumes, (which is about 1800) every new publication which may appear from time to time.—The terms of reading, as heretofore.
BOOK STORE.
JUST received, a large assortment of Books and Stationery; among which are the following articles, viz—Large Bibles, from 3 to 20 dollars; Pocket do from 1 doll. 12 and a half cts. to 2 dolls. 50 cts.; Common do. with notes; Cruden's Concordance; Boswell's Life of Johnson; Mass. Term Reports; Shakespeare's Plays; World without a Soul; Hattin's Measurer; Marmion's Exiles of Siberia; History of the Bible; Walker's Dictionary; do. abridged; Flint's Surveying; Ainsworth's Latin Dictionary; Brown's Dictionary of the Bible; Travels in Spain; Trials; Registers for 1809; Pike's Spelling Book; Jenks' Devotion, with a great variety of Stationery.
LOTTERIES.
TICKETS, halves, quarters, and eighths, in the Hatfield Bridge Lottery, 4th Class, now drawing. The following Nos. are prizes of 50 dolls. viz. 10,538, 10,554—Of 20 dolls. 10,563, 10,581, 10,589.
Tickets, halves, &c. in the 2d Class Dixville Road Lottery, to commence drawing in January next. Tickets rise to 5 dolls. 50 cts. on the 20th Dec. inst. The following are part of the Prizes, viz. 5 of 500, 2 of 1000, and 1 of 10,000 dolls. besides 100 of 50 and 20.
Tickets, halves, quarters, eighths, and sixteenths, in Rhode Island Canal Lottery, to draw in January next. 3,000 Tickets only, at 25 dol. s. each, and the following prizes, viz. 1 of 10,000, 1 of 2,000, 6 of 1,000, 10 of 500, 15 of 300, 30 of 200, 60 of 100, 100 of 50, 100 of 40, and 550 of 20 dollars.
Portland, Dec. 5, 1808.
Junk Bottles Wanted.
CASH, and a generous price, given for JUNK BOTTLES, by DAVID DANA, Middle-Street. Dec. 5.
Wood Wanted.
SUBSCRIBERS to the Portland Gazette, are informed that the Printer has occasion for a few loads of WOOD; and that he would gladly receive it on account of papers, at the market price. Dec. 5.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of
JOHN GAGE, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, shoemaker, deceased, by giving bonds as the law directs: she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to
RACHEL GAGE. October, 27, 1808.
THE Commissioners appointed to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
THOMAS MINOT, late of Portland, gentleman, deceased, represented insolvent; hereby give notice that a further time of three months from the 26th of Oct. last, has been allowed by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Cumberland to the Creditors to said estate to bring in, and prove their claims; which will be attended to on the second Tuesday of this and the second Tuesday of the two next months, at the counting room of the subscriber, from two to five o'clock, P. M.
DANIEL TUCKER, Cl. m. n. Portland, Nov. 7, 1808.
Perry F. Duce & Son.
HAVE just received, and offer for sale, at their store,
No. 6, Middle-Street—A general assortment of
DRUGS AND MEDICINES,
Cases of Surgeon's Instruments—a variety of Teeth Instruments—Sax's improved Trusses for Ruptures; and a full assortment of
Genuine Patent Medicines,
They have likewise, a variety of Perfumery—Soaps—Wash-balls—Hair Powder—Pomatum—Rouge—Carmine—Face Powder—Honey—Water—Milk Roses—Lotions, &c.
Together with a large assortment of
DYE STUFFS—viz.
Camwood, Nutgalls, Dittos ground, Sugar Lead, Fustic, Roman Vitriol, Logwood, Oil Vitriol, Best Madder, White Vitriol, Common do. Indigo, Redwood, Aqua Fortis, English Alum, Spirits Salts, Copperas, Spanish Brown, Woad, Spanish White, &c.
Clothier's Jacks.
They keep constantly for sale an assortment of
LIQUORS—viz.
Real Cogniac Brandy, Jamaica Spirits, Madeira, Lisbon, Old Port, Claret, Frontignac, WINES, of the first quality.
With an assortment of CONFECTIONARY.
Alf—on hand, 20 bbls. Mackerel,
6 tets of Shooks and Heading,
Winter Strained Oil,
Vinegar per barrel, &c.
** The above Coods will be sold very low for cash or approved credit.
** Orders will be as well attended to as personal application.
Portland, December 5 '08.
VERMONT,
Berkshire, and Farmer's Exchange
Bank Bills, received by
Henry Smith & Co.
No. 4, Mussey's Row—for Goods. Dec. 5.
REMOVAL.
EDWARD HOWE, has removed his flock
in trade, consisting of a complete assortment of
Upolstery, Paper-Hangings, and
Looking-Glasses,
To No. 1, Titcomb's BUILDINGS.
Formerly occupied by Messrs. Cram & Atkinson, where he continues to carry on the UPOLSTERY BUSINESS in its various branches as usual.
*** A few barrels of excellent
RUSSETING APPLES,
for winter use—cheap for cash. Portland, Dec. 5.
NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the Estate of THOMAS MINOT, late of Portland, deceased, are hereby requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, who is duly empowered to receive the same, and to give acquittances—A speedy compliance with this request will prevent a recourse to measures that would create expense.
DANIEL TUCKER, Portland, Dec. 5d. 1808.
To the Honourable Senate and House of
Representatives of the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts in General Court
assembled.
WE the subscribers, inhabitants of the towns of Norway and its adjoining plantations, in the Commonwealth aforesaid, deeply impressed with the importance of peace, harmony, and good order in Society, and fully believing that a due maintenance and preservation of the same especially depends upon a sacred observance and practice of the precepts of virtue, piety, morality and religion diffused in a community by the institutions of the public worship of God—Pray, that we with our families and estates together with such of the inhabitants of the town of Norway and its adjoining plantations aforesaid as may at any time hereafter associate with us, may be incorporated into a Religious Parish by the name of the first Congregational Parish in Norway, with all the powers, privileges and immunities to which other parishes in this Commonwealth are by law entitled, and as in duty bound will ever pray.
JOSEPH BRADBURY, and 68 others.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
IN SENATE, Nov. 15th, 1808.
ON the Petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the Petitioners cause an attested Copy of their petition, with this order thereon, to be published three weeks successively in the Portland Gazette , printed in Portland, the last publication to be thirty days, at least, before the second Wednesday of the next session of the present General Court, that all persons interested may then appear, and show cause, (if any they have) why the prayer of said petition should not be granted.—See order for concurrence.
H. G. OTIS, President.
In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16th, 1808.
Read and concurred.
TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker,
A TRUE COPY,
N. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate. Dec. 5.
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executor of the last will and testament of
JACOB CHANDLER, 3
late of Albany in the county of Oxford, deceased, and has taken upon himself that trust by giving bond as the law directs—All persons having demands on the estate of the said deceased are required to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to the said estate are called on to make payment to
PHILEMON CHANDLER, Executor. At any, September 23, 1808.

contraband of war at a hostile port. If the commerce of the United States could therefore in any case be reasonably made the victim and the sport of mutual charges and reproaches between belligerent parties, with respect to the priority of their aggressions on neutral commerce, Great-Britain must look beyond the epoch she has chosen for illegal acts of her adversary, in support of the allegation on which she founds her retaliating edicts against our commerce. But the United States are given to understand that the British government has, as a proof of its indulgent and amicable disposition towards them, mitigated the authorised rigor it might have given to its measures, by certain exceptions peculiarly favorable to the commercial interests of the United States. I forbear, sir, to express all the emotions with which such a language, on such an occasion, is calculated to inspire a nation which cannot for a moment be unconscious of its rights, nor mistake for an alleviation of wrongs, regulations, to admit the validity of which would be to assume badges of humiliation never worn by an independent power.
The first of these indulgences is a commercial intercourse with the dependencies of the enemies of Great-Britain, and it is considered as enhanced by its being a deviation in favor of the United States from the ancient and established principle of maritime law prohibiting altogether such an intercourse in time of war. Surely, sir, your government in assuming this principle in such terms in relation to the United States, must have forgotten their repeated and formal protests against it, as these are to be found in their discussions and communications of their minister at London, as well as in explanations occasionally made on that subject to the British representative here. But permit me to ask, more particularly, how it could have happened that the principle is characterised as an ancient and established one. I put the question the more freely, because it has never been denied that the principle, as asserted by your government, was for the first time introduced during the war of 1756. It is in fact invariably cited and described in all judicial and other official transactions as the rule of 1756. It can have no pretension therefore to the title of an ancient rule.
And instead of being an established rule or principle, it is well known that Great-Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it. Nay, it is not even an established principle in the practice of Great-Britain herself. When first applied in the war of 1756, the legality of neutral trade with enemy's colonies was not contested by it. In certain cases only of the colonial trade, the allegation was that the presumptive evidence arising from circumstances against the bona fide neutrality of the ownership justified the condemnation as of enemy's property. If the rule of condemnation was afterwards, during that war, converted into the principle now asserted, it could not possibly have been in operation in its new shape, more than a very few years. During the succeeding war of 1778, it is admitted by every British authority, that the principle was never brought into operation. It may be regarded, in fact as having been silently abandoned; and within the period of war since its commencement in 1793, the manner in which the principle has been alternately contracted and extended, explained sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, rested now on this foundation, now on that, is no secret to those who have attended to its history and progress in the British Orders of Council and the British courts of admiralty.
When the exception, therefore, of a period, the last in modern times from which authentic precedents of maritime law will be drawn, and throughout which the United States more interested in the question than any other nation, have uniformly combated the innovation, the principle has not in the British tribunals been in operation for a longer term than three, four or five years, whilst in no others has it ever made its appearance but to receive a decision protesting against it. Such is the antiquity and such the authority of a principle, the deviation
tions from which are held out as so many favors conferring the United States for the wide spread destruction of their legitimate commerce. What must be said as to the other exceptions, which seem to have been viewed as claims on the gratitude of the United States? Is it an indulgence to them in carrying on their trade with the whole continent of Europe, to be laid under the necessity of going first to a British port to accept a British licence and to pay a tribute to the British exchequer, as if we had been reduced to the colonial situation which once imposed these monopolizing restraints? What again must be said as to other features which we see blended on the face of these regulations? If the policy of them be to subject an enemy to privations, why are channels opened for a British trade with them, which are shut to a neutral trade?—If in other cases, the real object be to admit a neutral trade with the enemy, why is it required that neutral vessels shall perform the ceremony of passing through a British port when it can have no imaginable effect, but the known and inevitable one of prohibiting the admission of the trade into the port of destination? I will not ask why a primary article of our productions and exports, cotton wool, is to be distinguished, in its transit, by a heavy impost not imposed on other articles, because it is frankly avowed, in your explanation of the orders, to be intended as an encouragement to British manufactures, and a check to the rival ones of France? I suppose also that the enquiry, why less rigorous restrictions are applied to the trade of the Barbary powers, than are enforced against that of a nation, such as the United States, and in relations such as have existed between them and Great-Britain. I cannot however pass without notice, the very unwarrantable innovation contained in the two last of the orders. In one of them a certificate of the local origin of a cargo, altho' permitted in the port of destination, by regulations purely domestic in both, and strictly analogous in principle to the regulations in the commercial code of G. Britain, is made a cause of capture on the high seas, and of condemnation in her maritime courts. In the other, the sale of a merchant ship by a belligerent owner to a neutral although a transaction as legal when fair, as a dealing in any other article, is condemned by a general rule, without an atom of proof or of presumption, that the transfer in the particular case is fraudulent and the property therefore left in an enemy.
In fine, sir, the President sees in the edicts communicated by you facts assumed which did not exist, principles asserted which never can be admitted; and, under the name of retaliation, measures transcending the limits reconcilable with the facts and the principles, if both were as correct as they are unfounded. He sees moreover in the modifications of this system, regulations violating equally our neutral rights and our national sovereignty. He persuades himself therefore that your government will see in the justice of the observations now made in addition to those I had the honor verbally to state to you in the first instance, that the United States are well warranted in looking for a speedy revocation of a system which is every day augmenting the mass of injury for which the United States have the best of claims to redress. I have the honor to be, &c. &c. JAMES MADISON. The hon. David M. Erskine, Esq. &c.
GOD, in his divine mercy, says Sadi the Philosopher, introduced a certain vicious man into a society of religious people, whose manners were pure and holy. Struck with their virtues he quickly began to imitate them, to shake off all his former habits; in a word, to be a model of justice, of sobriety, of patience, of industry, and of benevolence. His good works are undeniable, but people imputed them to unworthy motives. They were always for judging of him by what he had been; not by what he was.—Overwhelmed with sorrow, he poured forth his tears into the bosom of an ancient Solitary, who was more just, as well as more humane than the rest. "O my son," said the old man to him, return thanks to the Almighty, that thou art superior to thy reputation. Happy he who can say, my enemies and my rivals stigmatize me for vices of which I am not guilty. If thou art good what matters it to thee that men persecute, and even punish thee, as being one of the wicked? Hast thou not for thy comfort, two unerring testimonies of thy actions, & thy conscience?"
FRESH GOODS. Joseph Barbour, OPPOSITE the Insurance Office, head of Fifth-street, has just received a variety of Fresh FALL & WINTER GOODS, —AMONG WHICH ARE— Real superfine Broadcloths and Kersemere Common do. do. Satinets—Velvets—Cords Queens Cloths—Pelecé Flannels Coatings—Blankets Flannels, all colours Bombazetts, Wilboars, Durants, Duroys, Shalloons, &c. Plain black & olive Velvets—corded do. Worsted Hosiery—Silk do.—Cotton do. British Shirting—Linens—Linen Cambrick Tabby Velvets—Brown Linens Plaided and plain Lustings Gingham—Prints—Furnitures—silk Chambrays India Cottons—Huckabuck Bandana Hks.—Fancy silk do.—silk Shawls Fancy Muffs—Sarments—Cotton Laces Black Camb'ck—do. Crape Ladies' long white Kid Gloves Do. Kid, Leather and Silk Habit do. Gentlemen's doe-skin Beaver and Silk do. White Cotton Cambrick—Cotton Balls Cambrick Dimity—Common do. Cotton Shawls—Fashionable Coat Buttons Black silk Velvets—Cotton Umbrellas Gentlemen's Lambs-wool Hose, &c. &c. An Assortment of MUFFS & TIPPLETS, Consisting of Sable, Pole, Elk, Bear, & Mock Sable. Oct. 10.
FRESH GOODS. Tappan & Sewall, No. 12, Haymarket-Row, HAVE received and are now exposing for sale, per piece or package, an extensive assortment of Fall & Winter Goods, Broadcloths of all colors, Glazed, black and colors, from 70 to 47. cured Cambricks Plains—Kerseys—Ser. Fins; Buttons Kerseys—Duffles, Black Baizes—Blankets, 6/4 to 11/4, Sewing Silks, Black Flannels—white, yellow, green, &c. Cotton Sewings, No. 12 to 60 Salisbury Fannels Scotch Thread scarlet, green, &c. Bindings; Suspenders, Stuffs—Russelets—Dut. Bandanas; Madras Duroys, &c. Pullicas and Spotted Linens, from 3/6 to 7/3 Shawls Cotton and Dimities, Worsted and Cotton Velvets, Velveteens & Millinettes, plain and Silk Thicksets Parisian Gauzes Baby Velvets; black, Ribbons; a small assortment Swandown; Toilets, Laces and Edgings Mixed & fancy Cords; India Cottons Shirting Cottons, 3-4 Gurrachs; Batias and 4-4 Cuffs; Mowattas Calicos Checks, &c. Cambric, Linen, Pic-Cuffs Windsor Soap quet, Book & Fan Umbrellas, &c. cy Mullins, Also for sale—SKIRTING LEATHER, of a superior quality. October 31. (if.)
Muffs & Tippets, A. Cheever & Co. AT No. 1, Muffey's Row, now offer for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston. HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction. Household Furniture. New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for hatching & shipping Furs. Portland Oct. 31. (if.)
Factory Cotton. JOSEPH POPE, constantly keeps for sale a large supply of cotton Warp and Fillings, White and coloured Stocking Yarn, ditto Thread, Cotton Shirting and Sheeting, do. Check and Stripe, Bed Tick, &c. which being a consignment will be sold at the Factory prices Liberate—a quantity of loaf and lump Sugar in hds. & bbls.—No. 7, Muffey's Row. Sept. 19. (6m)
Partnership Formed. NATHANIEL JENKS, and THOMAS DE CARTERETT, hereby inform the public that they have commenced business under the firm of Jenks & De Carterett, and have taken the store formerly occupied by NATHANIEL JENKS, near the falls in N. Yarmouth, where they offer for sale, a complete assortment of English, W. India and Hard Ware Goods, Together with Groceries of all kinds, which will be disposed of on as good terms as at any store in the Country. N. B. Those who are indebted to Nathaniel Jenks, are once more requested to make immediate payment. Northarmouth, Nov. 14.
HARD-WARE GOODS. William Goddard, HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of Hard-Ware Goods, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf.)
TO BE LET, HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf.)
WILLIAM SWAN, No. 3, Union-Row, Middle-street, HAS just received an additional stock of FRESH SEASONABLE GOODS, making a general assortment; together with his usual supply of W. I. GOODS & GROCERIES, Which will be sold at reduced prices, and on favorable terms.—ALSO, 50 bales of Southern Cotton, suitable for retailing. Portland, Nov. 28.
JUST received from Philadelphia, and for sale by Robert Stover, at his store, No. 9, Ingraham's Wharf— 2500 bushels Yellow Corn, A quantity of superfine and fine Flour, in whole and half barrels, 40 bbls. Tar, A quantity of manufactured Tobacco, Segars, Flax, &c. A few bbls. mss Pork. Nov. 28.
NEW GOODS. Joseph Maxwell, INFORMS the public that he has received, and now offers for sale, a quantity of Cotton and Woolen Goods, together with an extensive assortment of GROCERIES, too numerous to particularize. The above Goods will be sold very cheap, &c. &c. Portland, Nov. 28.
Charles & John Fox, Nos. 4 & 5, South side Long-Wharf, HAVE for sale, 6 tons Bolt Iron, different sizes, 1000 lbs. Plough Share Moulds, Casks 4d, 6d, 8d, and 10d Cut Nails, Fipes American Gin, superior quality, Chels Hylon Tea, do. do. Barrels clear and navy mss Pork, Which they offer on very liberal terms. Wanted—A new milch COW—enquire as above. (6w) Nov. 28.
LIME. David Pease, Has for sale, 200 casks new burnt Thomaston Stone Lime Nov. 28. (6w)
Dancing School. ROBERT ANSART respectfully informs the inhabitants of Portland, that he intends opening a school, on Tuesday, the 13th of December next, at Mr. Grafton's Hall, in Middle Street, for the purpose of instructing young Ladies and Gentlemen in the art of Dancing.—Those who wish to favor Mr. A. with their tuition, will please to call at the Maine Fire and Marine Insurance Office, where a subscription paper is left. Days of tuition, Tuesdays and Thursdays, from 6 o'clock, P. M. until 9. Terms—Three dollars entrance, and six dollars per quarter. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
LAST NOTICE. THOSE persons indebted to the late firm of INGRAHAM & GOULD, are hereby notified, to call and settle the same, at their Counting-Room on Ingraham's Wharf, by or before the 1st day of January next; for at that time all their demands will be left with a Lawyer, for collection. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
NOTICE! LEFT at the house of Stephen Tukey, in Federal-street, two velvet Spencers.—The owners may have them again by proving property and paying charges. Nov. 28.
FOR SALE, AT the shop of the subscriber, next door east of Maj. Burnham's Tavern, a handsome assortment of SLAYS and HARNESS, superior to any that has been manufactured in this part of the country. All kinds of Slay-work and Painting done at the shortest notice. All the above articles done at a reduced price. BENJ: RICHARDSON.
New Shoe Store. JOHN BAILEY & CO. RESPECTFULLY informs the Citizens of Portland, and the public in general, that they have opened a SHOE-STORE in Fifth-street, in the Store lately occupied by Hussey & Winslow—where they offer for sale, a general assortment of SHOES, of a superior quality to any ever before offered in this town. As they are directly concerned in the Manufacture, they flatter themselves that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may favor them with their custom. N. B.—Clocks and Watches faithfully repaired and warranted at the above Store. 116 No. 21, 1808.
THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to receive & examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of SAMUEL WHITMORE, jun. late of Gorham, in said county, gentleman deceased, represented insolvent, do hereby give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their claims; and that we will attend that service at John Park Little's office in said Gorham, on the first Tuesday and last Monday of December, on the last Mondays of January, February, and March, and on the second Monday of May next, from two to six of the clock in the afternoon of each day. LOTHROP LEWIS, JOHN PARK LITTLE. Gorham, Nov. 14. (21)
TO LET, AND immediate possession given, a handsome and convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in the west part of the town.—Enquire of E. GREELY & CO. Portland, Oct. 31.
Elegant Silk Hosiery. N. P. POOR, FISH STREET, HAS just received for sale, Ladies' and Gentlemen's superb Lace-edged Embroidered Silk Hosiery—silk Gloves, &c. Also—India Luftrings, of a superior quality. Nov. 21.
NEW GOODS. Wm. R. & C. Stockbridge, HAVE just received a variety of English, W. India, and Hard Ware Goods. Also—1500 wt. warp, filling, and stocking COTTON YARN. White, blue, and slate Cotton Thread, Cotton Stripes and Checks, Bed Tick, &c. &c. Which being a consignment, will be sold at the Factory prices. Cotton Shirting and Sheeting expected in a few days from a Manufactory. Orders from their customers will be punctually attended to. Northarmouth, Nov. 21. (4w)
NOTICE! THE Copartnership of JOHN & STEPHEN FIELD, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to adjust the same with John Field, who is authorised to settle the same and will continue to occupy the former stand JOHN FIELD, STEPHEN FIELD. Nov. 21.
Chance for 10,000 Dollars. TICKETS and QUARTERS, in Hatfield Bridge Lottery, for sale by ISAAC ADAMS. Nov. 28.
A FARM FOR SALE, IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of land, of which thirty is Interval, and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story House and Barn, without houses. The soil of said farm is inferior to none. Also—In said town, a Wood Lot, containing 60 acres.—Enquire of OLIVER WINSLOW. Oct. 17. (t.f.)
STRAY COW. STRAYED from the subscriber, on the 15th inst a middling sized Red and White COW, about six or seven years old, marked on one horn (N. C.) on the other (1808)—Whoever may have found said Cow, and will return her to the subscriber, or give information so that she may be obtained, shall be rewarded for the same, by NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Nov. 28.
To Farmers and Wood-Cutters. FOR sale, at the sign of the Broad Axe, Cross-street, all kinds of Edge Tools, made of Cast Steel, and warranted to be better than can be made of any other steel. JOSEPH THAXTER. Portland, Nov. 14.
Carding Machine—for sale. ANDREW TUCKER, at his store on Ingraham's Wharf, has for sale, a CARDING MACHINE, of the latest construction. Also—a number of PLOUGHS, on reasonable terms. Nov. 14.
THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of EBENEZER PARKER, late of Cape-Elizabeth, deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that they will attend that service at the Dwelling House of Nathaniel Merrill, in Portland, on the last Monday of this and the five following months, from one to five o'clock in the afternoon of said days. W. VAUGHAN, BENJ: FICKETT, Commissioners. Nov. 28.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the estate of WILLIAM BAKER, late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs;—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to THOS: WINSLOW, LYDIA BAKER, Administratrix. Sept. 29, 1808.
N. B. The subscriber will attend to the above duty on the second Monday of December next, and of the five following months. Nov. 21. THOMAS WINSLOW.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executor of the last will and testament of ELIJAH LIVERMORE, late of Livermore, in the county of Oxford, gentleman, deceased; and has taken upon herself that trust by giving bond as the law directs—all persons having demands upon the estate of the said deceased are requested to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to the estate are called upon to make payment to HANNAH LIVERMORE, Executrix. Livermore, Sept. 26. (Nov. 21)
WHEREAS, JOHN SMITH, my husband, has, in the public prints, forbid all persons from harbouring me on his account, I therefore reply to his publication, that by leaving his house I perfectly obeyed his orders, and did it to preserve my own life; and when he shall request me to return, and give security that my life may be out of danger from him, I shall obey. ELIZABETH SMITH. Buxton, Nov. 21.
Thomaston Lime. A QUANTITY of Thomaston LIME, for sale by THOMAS HOVEY, No. 10, Long-Wharf, Portland. Nov. 14.