Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-06-13 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM.]
PORTLAND (MAINE) PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, FISH-STREET.
[PAYABLE YEARLY.]
No. 9, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, JUNE 13, 1808.
[Whole No. 529.]
Legislature of Massachusetts.
DEBATE
In the House of Representatives, on passing the Resolutions, offered by Mr. WHEATON, 27th ult.
Mr. GOODWIN, disapproved of the resolutions which had been offered. He was anxious to inculcate a spirit of union—to reconcile opposing parties—he did not think these resolutions had that tendency. He professed to be a hearty lover of his country. He was friendly to the present administration, and thought our affairs had been wisely conducted. The embargo he conceived a commendable measure. It was to preserve our property, our ships and our merchandise: to prevent our seamen from being impressed on board British men of war—each of which was, "with reverence be it spoken, a little hell afloat." As to the restrictions on our coasting trade, they had been produced by the efforts some persons had made to supply our enemies. He did not wish to exercise any inhumanity, and had no disposition to starve even our enemies. He would willingly feed them, if the President said so. We might experience some difficulties, but we ought to exhibit a patriotic disposition to endure, we ought to unite together, and if sufferings were necessary, to be willing to suffer hand in hand. Charlestown, (the town he represented) had suffered much last war. He himself had made sacrifices, and he was willing to sacrifice every thing he had for the honour and safety of his country. Much had been said about the starving seamen; but the seamen seemed some how or other to have got provided for—they were quiet. He had disliked many things he had heard, and many things he had read in the public papers. The President had been abused; but he had shown the spirit of a good christian; for when reviled, he reviled not again. A great deal had been said of the falling of the prices of our produce; but he did not perceive such a great reduction in the markets. Some articles had fallen a cent or two, but perhaps before they were a cent or two too high. Beef was now from 5 to 12 cents, and other articles in proportion. A crisis indeed existed, but we must trust in God, and he, he humbly believed, would carry us through in safety. He was averse to a Navy, and viewed it as expensive and destructive.
Mr. WHEATON, of Norton, said he had intended not to have spoken on this subject, but to have left the discussion to abler members; but had been prompted to rise to notice one or two remarks which had been made. A gentleman [a member from Marblehead] had expressed some surprise that the resolutions should be offered by a person who had once preached the gospel. But if that gentleman had paid suitable attention to the gospel he would not have made that remark. Some are fearful that they shall discover the truth—they are loth to come to the light lest their deeds should be reprov'd. He regretted divisions, but such was human nature that they were to be expected. If the resolutions approbatory of the embargo had not been passed last winter, he would not have offered these. But those resolutions had been placed on record.—An election had since occurred, and the people, by their votes, had shown their disapprobation of the measure then commenced. The resolutions now offered contained nothing indecent in sentiment or language: they contained a respectful expression of such opinions as freemen had a right to entertain, and a right to declare.—But a spirit of denunciation has unfortunately been indulged; and in this free country persons are expected not only not to censure a measure they dislike, but to praise it. For my part, said Mr. W. I wish for myself no more liberty than I am perfectly willing others should enjoy and exercise. The degree of submission apparently expected by some would reduce us to a level with the meanest slaves; to require that we should, when receiving the severest flagellation, lift up our eyes, and cry "thank you, Master." As independent citizens, we should, on all occasions when we choose to, express, with decency, our ideas on public affairs.—Reviling, he observed, had never been in the habit of riding on his tongue. But the Democrats were not
* We should not like to be called enemies at present, in the British Parliament.
so modest and forbearing under former administrations as they affect now to be. He did not, he said, consider every Federalist as good, nor every Democrat as bad; but he would make some general comparisons. Who adopted the National Constitution? Federalists. Who opposed it? Democrats. Look at the States; which were the first to accept the Constitution? Those that were federal. Which came reluctantly into the measure? Those which were democratic. Who held the majorities in the 1st and 2d Congress? Who organized the government, and framed the first and most difficult laws, and established the system ever since in successful operation? The Federalists. Who began the opposition to Government? The Democrats. These then opponents, who now caution us to beware what we say, denounced a law, which did not punish a simple lie, nor a malicious lie, but only a malicious lie, when published with a design to degrade the Government. And now we must not whisper disapprobation—a person is to be anathematised, who says a thing is not exactly as it should be. The former administrations were accused of a want of economy, of conferring high salaries, &c. The farm was brought too, and well fenced, and the present rulers entered upon it; and what have they done? Have they lowered the salaries? No; but in some instances they have raised them. Seven years ago, the ruling President declared that he found the treasury full, and the nation at peace with all the world. Is it so now? We ascribe all our difficulties to foreign nations, but have we ourselves resorted to proper measures of security, strength and defence? Suppose a farmer suffered his fences to fall and remain down, could he, when he found his crops injured, complain, with propriety, that it was because his neighbour's cattle were breaching? But however it may be, or whatever the causes are, Federalism has ruled, and Democracy now reigns, and the times instead of growing better, have grown worse. This may have been inevitable; but we hope we may be permitted to inquire. If we feel, we hope we may speak. Tread upon a worm, and it will show that it is sensible of it.
The gentleman from Charlestown, recommends that we should rely on the great Governor of the world to be rescued from our embarrassments. Undoubtedly we ought to repose confidence in the Supreme Being, but we ought at the same time to do whatever is in our power. He will, it is firmly believed, reward suitable efforts.
There is no doubt that the embargo is universally distressing, and a perpetual embargo is a novelty in the history of the world. The law having been passed without specific limitation, it is not in the power of a majority of Congress to repeal it against the will of the President. If he objects, it will require two thirds of each branch, to secure its repeal. The reason assigned for stopping commerce was, that it was necessary to preserve the property of the merchants; but give to merchants correct information of the state of affairs, and the dangers to which their vessels will be exposed, and all else may be safely left to their discretion. Any other doctrine, would admit the obnoxious idea, that the people might be their own worst enemies.
But why, under the avowed motives for the embargo, has the trade of the Vermonters to Canada been prohibited? No decrees or orders of council, operated there—no impressments took place. The gentleman from Charlestown, indeed, has the goodness to say, he would willingly feed his enemies. He takes care, however, to add, if the President said so.
The resolutions are couched in respectful language. They are not intended to introduce monarchy. No person is more opposed to monarchy, than the person who offered them. They are intended to prevent such a course of things, as might end in placing all power in a single hand. While we boast of a free government, let us beware of placing implicit confidence in any Ruler; let us not slide into a habit of thinking that the President can do no wrong; for such is the direct road to monarchy. Look at the course of events in the late Great Republic of France, and endeavour to avoid the steps she has pursued.
Mr. WESTON, of New-Gloucester, conceived the Resolutions hostile to the general government. The ef-
fects of the embargo were not to be laid to the charge of the administration, but to the injustice of the nations of the old world, particularly the British nation. Our principal injuries arose from that nation, as France could not enforce her decrees. The embargo was a measure of coercion, and would have its effect on the pretended Sovereign of the highway of nations. It seriously affected her West-India Islands, and her manufacturers, and already the groans of her subjects were heard in her capital. We should endeavour to bear this measure; it was certainly preferable to war; but if the disease could not be cured in this way, we must eventually try other means.
Mr. Adams of Portland. The Resolutions, Sir, now under consideration, embracing subjects of vast moment, not only as respects the country at large, but particularly the section of the Union where I reside, I cannot, in justice to my own feelings, and to the opinion of my immediate constituents, be satisfied with giving a silent vote on this occasion.
I shall pay no attention to the charges which are preferred against the advocate of these resolutions—such as that they are introduced with views, inimical to our government—with an intention to embarrass and oppose the administration. Suffice it, in answer to this to say, with regard to myself, that I believe the Federal Constitution to be the best form of government ever instituted, and that the powers delegated to Congress when exercised by wise and honest men, are sufficient to preserve our national prosperity to the latest period of time.
I am willing, Sir, farther to state, that I am not in favour of the interference of the state Legislatures, in animadvertting on the acts of the general government, except great and extraordinary reasons demand it, and when the country is placed in some new and alarming situation. That the present time is such, I believe there is not a gentleman in this House, who will deny to be the fact.
At the close of the year 1807, Congress thought proper to pass an act, laying a general and unlimited embargo. This measure met with strong opposition, both in point of expediency and principle. I have ever been opposed to this step, on both of these grounds.
It is undoubtedly well recollected, that during the last session of the Legislature of this Commonwealth, certain Resolutions were introduced into this House, approving of all the measures of the present administration, in the management of our foreign concerns, but more especially and emphatically of this.—Believing that the vote on those resolutions was not a fair and correct expression of the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts, I rejoice that the people have, in a recent instance, adopted means to correct that procedure; to them I think it is due to support the Resolutions which I am happy to see introduced on your Honor's table.
It is a fact, Sir, that at this moment our ships are rotting at our wharves, our produce perishing on our hands, and our seamen are driven to more hospitable shores, for the means of support. But gentlemen ask, what we want? what substitute we would have for the embargo? This is our answer. We want a maritime protection for our commerce; we ask for adherence to that policy which grows out of the nature of things, which has been tested by experience of ages as alone capable of affording an honourable and efficient security. We ask for such a gradual creation of a naval protection as is warranted by the resources of the country. But gentlemen are pleased to ask, if we wish for a navy equal to some of the European Powers—No, Sir, our local situation does not require it. We ask for a naval force in this stage of our means, for convoy against
marauders, not for conquest. But gentlemen tell us that the loss of American commerce will coerce foreign nations into a sense of justice; it will compel them to respect our rights as neutrals, and this will ever be our best policy. Sir, the idea is too childish and absurd to be advanced in this house.—There is no such thing as permanent justice between nation and nation. We may carry on a paper war, respecting our neutral rights, and it will end in smoke. No law but cannon law will ever insure us justice. If we look at Europe what are we to expect? One nation is struggling for universal conquest, the other for her political existence, and the defenceless are exposed to both. To attempt to coerce either, under our present circumstances, is too absurd a proposition to be countenanced by men of information.
I believe one great object, which induced this state to adopt the federal constitution, was, that their commercial interests might be better secured; that it was expected that Congress would, from time to time, so regulate the concerns of our trade as might be productive of its greatest prosperity, but never that they should have a power, at will, to annihilate it. Mr. Jefferson told us, that his object in recommending the embargo, was to protect ships from capture and our seamen from impressment.—But was he sincere in this declaration? No, Sir;—Though I would be cautious of determining on any man's motives, yet we must believe the language of men's conduct. It appears by subsequent acts that his real object was to impose on his country a NONINTERCOURSE LAW. Every supplementary law on the subject shews that the design was not to protect but to destroy commerce.
Another subject alluded to, in the resolutions on the table, is the late regulation or rather embarrassment of our coasting trade; and, Sir, I challenge any member present to shew any clause in the constitution, by which the President could justify his interference, in this business, in the manner we have witnessed, since the rising of Congress. Where will he find authority for those absolute, discretionary powers he has vested in newly created and unknown instruments of the Executive will? I cannot but consider it, Sir, as a flagrant usurpation of power, tending to introduce a system of court favouritism, and to establish monopolies, which strike at the root of that system of equal rights and privileges, on which our free government is founded. It is of no consequence, should Gov. Sullivan exercise the power delegated to him with the purity of an angel. I care not whether the licence cost one cent, one dollar, or a hundred dollars; I look at the principle. What! are we come to this, that our bread is to be dealt out to us by the pound, and by subordinate officers of government, having no constitutional power? And why—for fear we shall sell a penny's worth to the Nova-Scotia man or Canadian. As well might the President forbid our farmers to grow an article of produce more than he could consume in his family, for fear he might dispose of it to the citizens or subjects of some other country. To such doctrines and such regulations I have ever been opposed. I do not believe there is a man in Massachusetts who values his freedom and his constitutional rights, who is not opposed to them. On account therefore of the unconstitutionality and dangerous tendency of the measure, in principle, and with a view to express, so far as it depends on me, what I am persuaded is the prevailing and growing sentiment of the people, I shall give my cordial approbation to the Resolutions on your honor's table.
There are a number of speakers on this subject; further debate hereafter.
Miscellany.
From the North American.
THE easy admission of FOREIGNERS to all the rights of citizenship has long been a theme of animadversion. History shews the civil consequences of such a principle, wherever it has prevailed, and the wisest men of all ages and countries have pointed out its impolicy. The framers of our constitution, however, thought proper to leave the regulation of this important subject entirely to Congress. They no doubt thought a wide extent of country, thinly populated, required some encouragement to emigration, and that they might safely rely on the wisdom of future legislatures, to correct the evils, which then by might be introduced. Venerating, as I do, the authors of our excellent constitution, I cannot but consider the subject in this light with regard to them, however different my humble opinion of the policy they adopted, might otherwise have been. But the time has long since arrived, when legislative interference became necessary, and its expediency could be justified on the strongest grounds. The evils, foretold in the impressive voice of experience, have assumed a form and substance. Native citizens have been made, without regard to merit, to give way to foreigners, whose certificates of naturalization were scarcely dry from the impression of the ink. Not content with that protection in their liberty, their persons and their property, which is guaranteed to them by the laws of the land, they thirst after influence and authority as well in military as in civil matters—in city and in state. They would conduct our presses, and preside in our courts of justice—they undertake to correct our policies, & to give us lessons on the art of government, without any knowledge of the one, or experience in the other. At the same time, their arts are industriously, and too successfully employed to inflame party zeal into animosity, and to keep alive the fire of discord among brethren. This, it will not be denied, is no exaggerated description; every candid observer must allow it to be true: while it must be confessed, and I acknowledge it with pleasure, that many citizens of foreign birth rank among the most honest, the most industrious, and most respectable people in the nation. Content to follow their peaceful vocations, and in the enjoyment of those privileges, which their turbulent brethren would not be satisfied with alone, they have nothing further to desire. The better subjects of foreign nations are not induced to emigrate by the hope of office and authority, or the wish to intermeddle in politics, and those persons who are so induced, it is not likely, will ever become useful citizens.
It is not, however, to portray the restlessness, the turbulence, and the ambition of a great portion of our naturalized citizens, that I address myself to the press; their conduct, one would think, was sufficiently notorious to render that task unnecessary. They are not the object of my reprehension or hope—they act the part which the observer of human life would naturally expect. Impelled by discontent or want, they embark for our shores, through love of change, or for subsistence. Warmed by the sunshine of greater liberty; encouraged by that equality of condition which exists to so great a degree in no other country, and by political contention among ourselves—they no sooner land, than they take a violent part in the contest of party. To be noisy and persevering, they find, is to be successful; and as they left their own country in disgust and hatred, they profess a proportionately vehement regard for the land of their adoption; but as they never could have felt any for their own, I hold it impossible they can truly feel any for this.

Legislature of Massachusetts.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
TUESDAY, JUNE 7.
CHOICE OF ELECTORS.
The joint committee on this subject reported that as it had been usual in those years in which Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States have been appointed, for the Legislature of Massachusetts to hold an extra session, the Committee think it expedient to postpone the consideration of the said subject until the next session of the General Court. This report, after debate, was accepted in the Senate—Yeas 21, Nays 16—And sent down to the House for concurrence. The question of concurrence was taken up, this afternoon, and debated, until past sunset, when the question of concurrence with the Hon. Senate in the acceptance of the report, was decided by Yeas and Nays, as follows, viz.
YEAS, 208 NAYS, 147
MAYORITY 61
Had the Speaker been called upon to vote, the majority would have been 62. By this decision the manner of appointing Electors of President and Vice-President, is deferred to the extra session which will meet in November; when we hope and expect, the Legislature of Massachusetts will follow the example set by the Legislatures of New-York, South-Carolina, Georgia, Connecticut, Vermont, and Delaware, and will appoint the Electors. The constitutionality of this mode of appointing Electors, was admitted by Mr. Morton, and other gentlemen in the debate: And will then be the manner in which Electors are appointed in the largest number of States. In five only will the choice be by General Tickets; and in the other five by various kinds of districts.
The Resolutions offered by Mr. Wheaton, and adopted in the House on Thursday last, were this day taken up in the Senate; and after an animated and full debate, accepted:—Yeas 20, Nays 15.—The President was not called upon to vote.
Agreeable to assignment, his Excellency the Governor, met the two branches in the Representatives Chamber, and delivered the following
SPEECH:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, HAVING been informed by your joint committee, that the two branches of the Legislature were ready to receive any communications from the Governor, which he might have to make to them; I requested you to allow me the honor of meeting you at this time and place. This practice has been respected in the days of safety and prosperity, as well as in the periods when our country was involved in dangers and difficulties. It might be justified by common usage to submit to your consideration the particular business which I conceive to be necessary to your deliberations in the present session, and to call your attention to no other subject.
The method, which I am urged by the exigencies of the country to pursue, does by no means exclude me from laying before you, by special message, the particular concerns of the Commonwealth. But in the present critical state of our national affairs, the communication made with this formality, to the Senate and House of Representatives, by the Governor, is to be understood as a communication to their Constituents at large. Our fellow citizens stand anxiously waiting for that intelligence, which a speech from the chair, and the replies from the two Houses may give them, at this momentous crisis.
Holding in sacred respect, the morality and policy of the Declaration of Independence, (subscribed with unexampled fortitude, by the members of our General Congress, on the 4th day of July, 1776,) as the foundation of our national and state constitutions of government; I shall give you, in as few words as possible, my ideas of the importance of supporting our rank, in the full exercise of our sovereignty, as one of the nations of the world; my apprehensions of the dangers by which our national character may be overthrown; and my sentiments of the measures necessary to its preservation.
Though all true Americans would deprecate the idea of becoming subjects of a foreign power, yet our situation, in regard to our foreign relations, is such, that the public opinion, formed from the pressing feelings of a temporary necessity, or from a mistaken view of the advantages of foreign connections, may betray us into errors, which may involve us and our posterity, in disgrace and misery, for many years to come.
When our highly-respected leader, President WASHINGTON, retired from the laborious charge of public duties, he did not lay aside his anxiety for his country, or cease to express his apprehensions of that danger which might result from her foreign connections, as well as from her internal divisions.—The address of that Patriot, on his retirement, ought to be studied by succeeding generations, and held in high respect as the perfect creed of American politics.
Whatever may be the advantages of one nation over another, as to climate, numbers, wealth or force, yet, in point of national rights, all must be on the same grade of perfect equality.—To depart from this rule, in the most minute degree, would lay the nation departing from it, prostrate at the foot of another.—Sovereignty is the vital principle of national existence; and though in its exercise, over its own subjects, it may, for their convenience and safety, admit of modifications as to its coercive procedures, yet in regard to other nations, the principle must remain entire, exercised by its own will, controlled by itself alone, or the nation loses its character, and ceases to exist as a separate power.
From the erroneous impressions that may be made on the public opinion, in the present eventful age of the world, arise apprehensions of the dangers we may be in from foreign relations.
Foreign relations originate, primarily, in the law of nature and nations—principles of this law establish the rights of separate powers. But with the greatest part of the European nations, our relations, as a foreign power, are enlarged or modified, by treaties of amity and commerce.—Yet the existing embarrassments of our trade, result, as well from unprecedented infringements of our claims, founded in the law of nations, as in the violation of
those treaties, in which our government that itself secures.
It would be tedious to detail, in this address, the Orders and Decrees of the two principal belligerent powers in Europe, up to this day; by which the rights of the United States, with those of other neutral nations, have been violated and trampled upon.—Nor can it be material for us to examine which of those powers was original in the injury—since the unjustifiable conduct of the first can afford no justification, as it regards us, for the other.—Much less is it our duty, to inquire which of those powers is morally, or politically wrong in regard to the other—because they are equally independent of us and have not submitted their controversies to our mediation.
But still it becomes us to be acquainted with those measures in which we are now obliged to feel a deep interest.
The method which has been adopted by France and England, against neutral nations, to blockade by orders and decrees, they both acknowledge, by their reciprocal charges against each other, to have no foundation in the law of nations.
Those Orders and Decrees seem to have been first thought of in the year 1793—after which, and before the year 1806, a great number of cities, rivers and places, were declared, in that manner, to be in a state of actual blockade. The injuries now suffered by the United States, originated in, and since that year.
On the 21st of November, 1806, the Emperor of France issued a decree, in which he charges England with disregarding the law of nations, and the rights of neutrality.—“And with declaring places in a state of blockade, before which they had not a ship. He declares all the British Isles to be in a state of blockade, and prohibits all trade and correspondence with them.”—He provides in the same Decree for the capture and condemnation, as prize, of English produce and manufactures, and denies to all neutral ships which are coming direct from England, or the English colonies, or which should have been there, an entrance to the ports of France.
The charges made against the English government, were founded on an Order of the King and Council of that nation, issued on the 16th May, 1806, declaring that all the rivers and ports from the river Elbe, in Germany, to the port of Brest, in France, both inclusive, should be considered as blockaded. But “his Majesty was pleased to declare, that such blockade shall not extend to prevent neutral ships and vessels laden with goods, not being the property of his Majesty’s enemies, and not being contraband of war, from approaching said coasts, and entering into, and sailing from the said rivers and ports, from Offend to the river Seine, already in a state of rigorous blockade; provided such ships or vessels shall not be defined to any port or place in the possession of his Majesty’s enemies.”
Thus by this new system, England blockaded more than nine hundred miles of sea coast; and France blockaded all the coasts of England and Ireland, all the English West-India islands, and the English provinces.
Whatever ostensible easements to neutrals were interwoven with those novel Orders and Decrees; yet the whole were done away in the succeeding year.
By another Order of the 7th of January, 1807, issued by the English King and Council, it is declared, “that no vessel shall be permitted to trade from one port to another port, both which ports shall belong to, or be in possession of France or her allies, or shall be so far under their control, as that British vessels may not freely trade thereat.”
On the 11th of November, 1807, the King and Council of Great Britain issued an Order, in the preamble of which, heavy charges of want of respect to the law of nations, & rights of neutrality, are made against France; and it is therein declared, “that all the ports & places of France and her allies, or any other country at war with his Majesty, and all other ports and places in Europe from which, although not at war with his Majesty, the British flag is excluded, and all ports and places in the colonies belonging to his Majesty’s enemies, shall from henceforth be subject to the same restrictions, in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereinafter mentioned, as if the same were actually blockaded by his Majesty’s naval forces in the most strict and rigorous manner.”
The exceptions mentioned in the Order, extend to allowing neutrals to “furnish themselves with colonial produce for their own consumption, and supply. It also extends to excusing from capture and condemnation, all vessels belonging to any country not at war with his Majesty, which shall have cleared out from any port or place in this Kingdom, or Gibraltar, or Malta, under such regulations as his Majesty may think fit to prescribe; or from any port belonging to his Majesty’s allies, and proceeding direct to the port specified in their clearance: and also vessels and cargoes coming direct from any port or place declared to be in a state of blockade, and destined to some port in Europe belonging to his Majesty.”
On the 26th of December, 1807, the Emperor of France issued a Decree, with a preamble, in which he charges Great Britain with disrespecting the rights of nations and the laws of neutrality, in the Order of the 11th of November; and declares in the Decree “that every ship, to whatever nation it may belong, that shall have submitted to be searched by an English ship, or on a voyage to England; that shall have paid any tax whatsoever to the English Government, is therefore (by that decree) to be denationalized, to have forfeited the protection of its (King) government, and to have become British property.”
By the same Decree, all the Islands of Great Britain, are declared to be in a state of blockade.—All vessels trading to them, or to or from the English colonies, belonging to any nation whatever, are declared to be lawful prize, in virtue of that decree, to the French captors. This decree meets and encounters the English order in every point in regard to neutral commerce.
Thus by the English Orders, and the French Decrees, the commerce of the United States is overthrown in all its principal objects; and Canton, in China, with an inconsiderable part of the shores of the Mediterranean, of Asia, and Africa, left to our mercantile speculations; and even this suffrage may be done away by captures, on pretext by one nation, and confiscations by the other for submitting to searches which could not be resisted.
The Order of the 11th of November, issued by the English King and Council, has been since supported in Parliament, by a large
majority in the House of Lords and House of Commons.
Besides the Order of the 11th, another Order of the 25th of November, has been issued by the same authority, and has been supported by the English Parliament as fully as the other was, in laying on goods entered & landed by neutrals, in England, in compliance with the first Order, a duty, called a Warehouse Duty, which, if I have calculated it accurately, will average more than thirty two per cent. on the value of the goods.
The government of the United States having public Ministers residing at the Courts of both these belligerent Powers, has not failed to make every possible effort to convince them, as well of the injustice, as the impolicy of these violent measures.
But the act of the British Parliament, before mentioned, having the sanction of the House of Lords, as the British Cabinet wished on the 27th of March, leaves no hopes of that nation’s relaxing its measures at present.
The Emperor of France, on the 25th January last, through a letter from one of his Secretaries, gave notice to the Ambassador of the United States, of the Emperor’s intention to enforce his decree of the 26th December; and undertakes to explain the aggressions on our nation has suffered from that of Great Britain.—He goes further. He declares that a war “exists in fact between England and the United States; yet considering the United States as associated with the cause of all other powers who have to defend themselves against England, declares that, therefore, he has not taken any definite measures against our vessels, which had, at that time, been captured by his cruisers, under the decree of the 26th of December.”
In a communication of this kind, it is impossible to be more particular, in stating our situation in regard to our foreign relations with those two powers. I have been faithful, and have endeavored to be correct.
In this intricate and perplexed situation, it may be apprehended, with great anxiety, that a false step, or an erroneous calculation, or a fallacious expectation of foreign aid, may involve us, and our posterity, in irretrievable misery and disgrace. It is natural here to recur to the danger of placing confidence in foreign alliance, for the support of our national independence.
When we turn our attention to antient and modern history, we are convinced, that there never was a nation, which had placed its hopes as to maintaining its sovereignty and independence, on another power, but what has been reduced to conquest and misery.—To this truth, solemn and interesting as it is, we have proof, from numerous instances, which have very recently taken place. The whole face of Europe has been changed within a few years; some nations are erased from the list of monarchies and republics and others heretofore considered as respectable, and not a few of them invincible, if they had depended on themselves, have now the mere shadows of sovereign power.—My sentiments, of the means necessary to maintain our national character, may be communicated in a very few words.
A great politician (a Europe) lays it down as a maxim, that “there can be no concord or unity, in a nation but where there is only one supreme power.” This valuable sentiment is expressed by President Washington, in more beautiful language, in his valedictory address to the United States:—“The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also dear to you; it is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence—the support of your tranquility, at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty, which you so highly prize.” The benefits of this union, that great Soldier and Statesman had been a witness to. If in the revolutionary war, any one, even the smallest State in the Union, had withdrawn itself from the confederation, it would have deranged, nay probably defeated all our efforts.
The contest arising from an opposition of one or more of the States to the authority of the national government, I call a national anarchy. This is a more dangerous and distressing evil than the anarchy resulting, in common instances, from the commotion of subjects rising against civil government; because the opposition in this case would, as each State has a separate form of government, be organized at the commencement of its insurrection and the calamities would be increased in proportion as the States should become divided, as States, from the General Government.
The scenes of blood and carnage in other nations seriously admonish us of our dangers, and ought to convince us, that we can avoid them in no other way but by the free exercise of the General Government, in all concerns within its powers, as delegated by the people, and by restricting the State Governments to those lines of power which were designated when the federal government was carved out of them.
If the constitutions of our National and State Governments are what they were intended to be, when established, they rest on the pillars of truth, and all deceptions, intrigue, and misrepresentations, are opposed to the nature of their existence.
Those nations which thus interrupt our commerce, do not act from enmity to ours; but from what they conceive to be necessary to their own interest and security; yet, as under the forms of orders and decrees, they have done it, they are thus far to be considered as common enemies, against whose aggressions our national rights are to be defended. We cannot relinquish our neutral flag and our commerce to the direction of any power. No price is too great to be paid for the maintenance of our Independence. No calamity can be so dreadful as subjection to a foreign power.
The nations of Europe, though wafted by wars, are oppressed with an excess of population; their manufactories of those articles which they cannot afford to use at home, are their support under an intolerable weight of taxes. The United States exhibit a pleasing contrast. Spreading themselves through every climate, inclu-
dizing every soil, and possessing every advantage of navigation; delighting in that commerce which returns the gold & luxuries of every nation for their raw materials; the energy of their innate enterprise must still encrease. Europe will not be incautious enough to urge us to the habit of wearing the wool of our own flocks, instead of foreign cloths; spinning & weaving our own flax, for our own dress, weaving our own cotton instead of sending it to be manufactured & dyed in Europe for us; opening the bosom of our own acres for ores & coal, instead of bringing wrought & cast iron from Europe; & feeding on the sugar of our own cane, & the milk of our own kine, instead of foreign luxuries.
Though we ardently wish for Peace, we ought to be prepared for war. Instead of calculating upon the fallacious aid of foreign alliance, our government is raising forces and expects to make six hundred thousand militia the source of our defence.—These men, though not drilled in the ranks of battle, have been trained to subordination and habituated to the use of arms.—They represent, in the field more than five millions of free citizens, who are the fee-simple proprietors of the soil they cultivate; preferring death to slavery. Great provision is made for arming our militia, and the fortifications of our principal seaports are in progress.
The political speculators in France and England calculate their success against us, without disguise, on our own factions and divisions.
It may be relied on, that neither the imprudent use or abuse, of the freedom of the press, can afford proof, by which a supposition so derogatory to our national character can be maintained; nor can the temporary arrangements of local or party divisions, or the opprobrious appellations, adopted from the warm breath of patizans, evince the existence of a powerful faction against their national freedom. Foreign influence and the subtle address of ambitious men may lead too many astray; but on the nearer approach of public danger, the great body of the people will be again united.
We cannot forget, that while the United States were provinces and colonies, complaints in regard to violations of charter and stipulated right had no intermission—or that our independence has rolled on the filing anniversaries of more than thirty years, exhibiting greater quiet, less commotions, more security to life and property, and less oppression by taxes, than have been found in any other country.
These observations naturally lead us to a recollection of a measure of our General Government, to the expediency and propriety of which, not to its constitutionalality, great objections have been made. The power of an Embargo was exercised under the administration of President Washington, without scruple; but for the necessity of its exercise now, I have no authority to decide.
As in my official capacity, I could have no concern in the measure, I had no other knowledge in regard to it than what I had by the same means, and in common with my fellow citizens.—I view the arrest of our commerce as a great calamity; but from the confidence I place in the government, I consider it as intended for an expedient to save our navigation from the unprovoked depredations of two mighty powers, and to preserve our nation, if possible, from the calamities of a foreign war.
I feel it my duty, therefore as a citizen of the General Government, to submit to it, until the national authority shall dispense with it, and to participate quietly in the evils resulting from it.—There were, no doubt, divisions of opinion respecting the act, when it was passed; and oppositions were made, because the authenticated documents, orders and decrees from whence the expediency of the measure was supposed to arise were not before Congress; but the system pursued by France and England, in their war against each other, and against neutrals, was well understood. To allow our merchants to throw their immense number of vessels on the ocean, without preparing far defence, notice of their danger, or assurances of protection, would have been unpardonable in the government. Those decrees and acts are now before us—I have referred to them in order to give my fellow citizens an opportunity to reflect on their own situation as it now is; and to decide, each one for himself, what his own conduct ought to be, in the present threatening aspect of public affairs.
I rely upon it, that measures are taken, which will soon give our government official information of the dispositions of those nations towards us.—As to their decrees, all the commerce of the United States with all the world, excepting two or three places, is interdicted by one or the other of them.—If they shall not relax in their measures towards us, our General Government will have the expediency of a continuous Embargo for a longer time properly before them.—The idea of a perpetual Embargo is inadmissible—there can be no inducement to it—no individual can derive any permanent advantage from the measure;—the rulers can have none:—Whenever the difficulties from whence the necessity of the measure is supposed to arise, are removed or the measure fails of producing the end proposed, the relinquishment of it is a thing of course.
Should the nations I have spoken of continue their aggressions, very serious questions must arise from our situation:—
Shall the vessels of our merchants traverse the ocean unprotected; or shall the flag of the United States have the protection of their artillery?
Shall unjustifiable depredations upon the property of our citizens, be borne with, or shall that property be defended by an open war, or by letters of marque and reprisal? Under what views, and against what nation or nations, shall the war be commenced?
These questions must rest with the national government—all attempts made by a single State to decide upon them, must tend to a national dissolution.
The Legislature of the United States is adjourned to next November; but before the adjournment Congress passed an act for authorizing the President of the United States, to suspend the act laying the Embargo.—The act for authorizing a suspension declares, “That in the event of a peace, or suspension of hostilities, between the belligerent powers of Europe, or such changes in their measures, affecting neutrals commerce, as may render that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judgement of the president of the U. States, he is authorized during the recess of Congress, to suspend the act in whole or in part, under such exceptions and restrictions, and on such security as circumstances may require.”—These are the words of the act;—upon the constitutionality or utility of it, I give no opinion.
In a concern so highly interesting to this Commonwealth, as its commerce is, the intire arrest of its navigation, and the interruption of its trade, must produce great anxiety in all, and no doubt strong jealousies with some of the people—I therefore have considered it my duty, to lay this simple statement, at this time, before my fellow citizens, without expressing any sentiment upon its consequences. This Commonwealth, with seven hundred miles of seacoast, principally full of inhabitants, must be much affected by an Embargo; yet there has been, under its pressure, an exhibition of tranquility and good order, that could flow from no other source, than that of an enlightened understanding, and a pure love of liberty, conducted by law & government.
Though the control of the act for laying an Embargo is with the General Government, yet it may be well to inquire, whether it is not within the power of the legislature of this state to ameliorate the condition of the people during its continuance. I understand that attention has been paid to this in some of the States, but I do not feel myself authorized to say anything more, than that I shall rejoice to unite with you in any measure which your wisdom shall point to, for the support of our fellow-citizens under the embarrassment of their commerce, either by an Embargo, or by the aggressions of foreign powers.
The act, as has been observed, was intended as an expedient, as well to save our immense navigation from the destruction which then was in wait for it, as to induce the nations with whom we had been in commerce to leave our rights intire; and not to involve our trade in the depredations of their wars.—It is easy to conceive, that the appearance of divisions amongst ourselves, on the propriety of the measure if realized in Europe, may prevent one of the valuable effects intended to be produced by it; and I cannot therefore excuse myself from saying, that if the European governments shall rely on appearances of this nature, they must be disappointed; that our nation will not yield its independence, or become tributary to any other power. In this solemn appeal to heaven, we must rely, under God, for the support of our national honour, upon our own internal strength and in our own unconquerable situation; and defend ourselves with that energy which our unanimity alone can produce.
JAMES SULLIVAN.
Council Chamber, June 7, 1808.
Which after being again read from the Chair, was committed to Messrs. THATCHER, STORY, THORNDIKE, HEATH, and JACKSON (of Boston), to report an answer.—In the Senate, the Speech was committed to the Hon. Messrs. LLOYD, TUTTLE, and ASHMUN.
THURSDAY, JUNE 9.
FEDERAL SENATOR.
The following communication was received from the Hon. JOHN Q. ADAM:
To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. GENTLEMEN—IT has been my endeavor, as I conceived it was my duty, while holding a seat in the Senate of the Union to support the Administration of the General Government, in all necessary measures, within its competency, the object of which was, to preserve from seizure and depredation the persons and property of our Citizens, and to vindicate the rights essential to the Independence of our Country, against the unjust extensions and aggressions of all foreign powers.
Certain Resolutions recently passed by you, have expressed your disapprobation of measures to which under the influence of these motives I gave my assent; as far as the opinions of a majority in the Legislature can operate, I cannot but consider these Resolutions, as enjoining upon the Representation of the State in Congress, a sort of opposition to the national administration, in which I cannot consistently with my principles concur.
To give you however an opportunity of placing in the Senate of the United States a member, who may devise and enforce the means of relieving our fellow-citizens from their present sufferings, without sacrificing the peace of the nation, the personal liberties of our seamen, or the neutral rights of our Commerce, I now restore to you the trust committed to my charge, and resign my seat as a Senator of the United States, on the part of the Commonwealth.
I am with perfect respect, Gentlemen, Your very humble and ob't servant, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. Boston, June 8, 1808.
In consequence of the Resignation of Mr. Adams, the Senate proceeded to ballot for a Senator to represent this State in his room; and the votes were for Hon. James Lloyd 20, Hon. William Gray 16. The House concurred: Hon. James Lloyd 160, Hon. William Gray 113.
Notaries Public for Maine.
York—Jeremiah Hill, Jonas Clark, Jeremiah Clark, Richard F. Cuts. Cumberland—Joseph C. Boyd, Samuel Homer, Eben. Mayo, Edward Russell, Isaac Snow, Andrew Dunning, David Dunlap. Lincoln—William Webb, Daniel Water, Jackson Durant, Jacob Ludwig, Jonathan Bowman, Daniel Rose, George Reed, Calvin Curtis, Joseph Christopher.

Hancock. —James Nesmith, David How- ard, George Herbert, Royal Gurley, Moody Pilsbury, Francis Le Baron Goodwin, Seth Kempston, James Thomas, Joseph Tyler, Paul D. Sargent. Washington. —Peter Talbot, Joseph Pat- ton, William Campbell, William Allen, Shubael Downs, John Brewer, John D. Webster. Kennebec. —Nath'l Perley, Ruel Williams.
By the Sails.
SPEC OF WAR.
MONTREAL, MAY 30.
We learn from Niagara that several boats belonging to the Michilimackinac Company on passing that place were fired upon by the American fort and brought to and the property seized, which was afterwards de- manded by Mr. Hamilton a British mer- chant who produced the late clause of the Embargo act as a proof that the act was un- lawful. The only answer which he received from the American commander was, that he construed the act in a different man- ner and he should detain the property and take the consequences upon himself. On firing upon the boats some of the balls are said to have passed over upon the British side. Considerable damage is also said to have been done to the boats before they were brought to.
VERMONT.
ST. ALBANS, MAY 26.
In addition to the militia several days since detached from this regiment, twenty- five more were last week detached from this town and Georgia, and marched under the command of Lieut. Whittmore, to the military station near the provincial line. The principal object of this military force, was, ostensibly, the detention of rafs; a several of them have been bro't to and board- ed.—They have, however, found means to liberate themselves, and not a raft, we understand, is now left in our waters. Tak- ing the advantage of the night, and a strong south wind, those concerned in rafs have evaded every exertion to molest them. On Saturday evening last, the wind being fa- vorable, the then remaining rafs joined, making a surface it is said of about ten acres, and carrying forty sail, made an ex- peditious and safe exit from the United States.
As neighbors to the province of Canada, it is the wish of this part of our country to remain on terms of friendship and amity; and we anxiously look forward to the time, when we can, constitutionally, exchange our commodities.
[The inhabitants of St. Albans, it is sup- posed, have no particular concern in evad- ing the embargo law; the persons concern- ed probably come from various parts. In- deed a portion of St. Albans militia being drilled marched to make the laws respected, and undoubtedly did what they were or- dered to.]
ALBANY, MAY 31.
A Case in Point. —Three or four honest Jerseymen, a few days since, with much labor, collected their little stock of saleables , and carried it to N. York market; and after having sold off their motley collection, as was their object, they proceeded to lay out their little capital of 50 or 60 dollars in Flour, for their families and their neighbors. They purchased ELEVEN BARRELS from an Albany sloop, paid their last dollar, and put it into their boat to ferry across the river, when lo! a Custom-house Officer stops them—seizes the whole cargo and sends it off to the public stores, or to the almshouse; and the poor heart sorrowing peasants ferried themselves across the waves to their impoverished families, to recount to them the tale of their sad disaster.
PORTLAND SOUP HOUSE!
BOSTON, JUNE 10.
It was asserted, during the last week, by a gentleman on the floor of the House of Representatives, that the distresses which have lately overwhelmed the town of Port- land, were occasioned by the "extravagances and follies of its citizens," and that the Soup-House, at which more than three hun- dred of their poor have been fed, "was op- ened for electioneering purposes." These are misrepresentations which ought to be corrected.
The inhabitants of the town of Portland, generally, are among the most industrious and economical of any in this Common- wealth; and the gentlemen, particularly, by whose misfortunes the town, as such, has been involved in ruin, are as industrious, frugal, and enterprising as any in the com- mercial world. It is true that two or three of them occupy valuable Houses, which were built several years since, at which time the owners were really worth from fifty to a hundred thousand dollars. But it is a fact, that not a gentleman who has failed, ever owned a carriage, nor is there one of them who has not been economical in his family expenses. They have laboured "early and late," and literally "eaten the bread of carefulness."—These facts are known to every inhabitant of the town—to every person in the Common-wealth who has any acquaintance with the town—and what is of more serious import to the gentleman alluded to, it is believed they were known to himself. It is believed he did know that the charges of extravagance and folly were not true.
The writer of this article, having no po- litical views, will content himself with de- claring simply what were not the causes of the very great and general distresses of the inhabitants of Portland.—It is unnecessary to state what were the causes. They are well known to the Merchant, Farmer, and Tradesman—they are, in an especial man- ner, known to the unfortunate merchants of Portland, whose property consisted chiefly in navigation, and among whom there are individuals whose shipping alone, one year ago, was worth more than a hundred thou- sand dollars, and who cannot now, with the whole of it, discharge debts to the amount of twenty-five thousand. The causes of distress were also well known to the honest laborious poor, who depended for their daily support on loading and unloading ships, now rotting at the wharves; and who, when their employers fell, and navigation was blighted, were compelled to depend on charity, or steal or starve.—These were the
men, together with their wives and chil- dren, who during the last winter were fed at the Soup-House, and who as the gentle- man was pleased to suggest, were fed for "electioneering purposes."—During the same period, the number supported at the Alms- house was increased from thirty to ninety. Was this, too, for electioneering purposes?
The reader will observe, that the gentle- man alluded to resides within fifteen miles of Portland, and probably must have known the truth. If he did, it is for him to account to the publick, to himself, and to his God, for his unjust, unfeeling, and malicious per- version of truth.
We acquiesce in the tax which ignorance and impudence, in almost every debate, levy on the Common-wealth; but misfortune claims the right of self-defence against the rude and unprovoked attacks of malice and falsehood.— Repertory.
FROM THE BOSTON GAZETTE.
COMMUNICATION.
Military Notice. —As the paragraph which appeared in the Gazette of the 2d ult. res- pecting Military Fines, has misled a great number of the citizens of this Common- wealth, it is highly important that the real facts should be disclosed. The idea which the writer of that paragraph meant to convey is erroneous; he said "a decision the Su- preme Judicial Court, at their late session in this town, is communicated," then quotes an extract from the additional Militia Law of March 14, 1806, but communicates no decision of the Court, as was to be expect- ed from the preamble. The truth is, there was no decision, that the fines should be only two Dollars on the first Tuesday of May, but to the contrary; the person who brought the action to recover a fine of twenty shillings, which he had paid the Clerk, did not recover. It is presumed that if gen- tlemen will examine the Militia laws care- fully, they will be convinced that the 18th and 19th Sect. of the law, of June 1793, are not repealed. The 24th sect. of the same law, which directs the Inspection on the first Tuesday of May annually, "for the express purpose of examining and taking an exact account of every man's arms and equip- ments," incurs the fine of twenty shillings for non-equipments; and two dollars in ad- dition, for non-appearance, and therefore is not a company Review or Muster.
Portland,
Monday, June 13, 1808.
Latest from England.
By an arrival at New-York from Liverpool, London dates to April 25, have been received. It was reported that Gen. Armstrong had left Paris, and that War was expected between France and the United States.— This report may be true, but we do not think it entitled to full credit. It may be true that Gen. A. has quit Paris to return to the United States, as it is expected he will be appointed Secretary at War.
LONDON, APRIL 25.
Mr. Rose has arrived in London, from Am- erica; he came in the Statira frigate. A Cabinet Council was held at the Foreign Office on Saturday last, to deliberate on the subject of his communications; we are sorry the accounts from America are not very favorable to England.
An American gentleman from Am- sterdam says, that Bonaparte was de- termined to take every step to force the United States into war with En- gland.
The Brest fleet is in complete pre- paration for a trip to sea.
Accounts from Sweden state, "That 10,000 Russians, who had attacked the important fortress of Sweaberg, in Fin- land, had been repulsed with the loss of 1500 killed and wounded."
"DISTURBANCES AND ALARM."
The Centinel of Saturday contains the following contradiction of the paragraph from the Kennebec paper , published in our last:—
Mr. Sheriff CHANDLER, of Kennebeck, has informed the Governor, in a letter dated 4th inst. that the article inserted in the Kennebec Gazette , of the 3d inst. and copied into other papers, of his having called out the militia to quell the insurgents, is a base falsehood;—"and that he has not had occasion, since being Sheriff, to call out any one company of militia, or any part thereof." We can add, that Nathan Barlow, one of the leaders of the rioters in that county, has been tried, at Augusta, sentenced to six months close confinement, and two years hard labour in the State Prison; and has been sent on to Charlestown.—On his trial he shewed symptoms of penitence for his conduct.
EXTRACT OF A PRIVATE LETTER.
[Received at New-York.]
"PARIS, FEB. 24, 1808.
"Formerly the American Ministers here, as Representatives of a sister Republic, were received, at the audiences, and in the circles of our rulers, before all the Am- bassadors of Princes; at present, the most pet- ty agent of the most petty or upstart Prince, precedes Armstrong, who, on all occasions, is treated more cavalierement than the sup- plicating deputies of the conquered and beggarred Hanse Towns. Our Emperor never addresses this member of a sovereign people, but with an houreux of manner and contempt of expression seldom experienced by his lowest valet. One time he tells him harshly: "I am offended with those who employ you; why do they hesitate arming against England; do they doubt of my power of crushing ( etranger ) both America and Britain? Tell them not to abuse longer my moderation." At another time, he has been heard to ask, with a tone of command, "Why do not those who employ you here, recall their other agents from England, and order away the English agents from Amer- ica? I will, I repeat again, suffer no more neutrals; all states represented in England, or enduring English agents, will be consid- ered as the enemies of the great nation." At the last levee he passed several times by Armstrong without noticing him—either by bowing or scraping. But just when the levee was over, and with his imperial back
half turned to this Ambassador of an inde- pendent State, he bawled out: "How dare your writers make free with a Sovereign of my power; tell those who employ you, that they shall be responsible to me for the licentiousness of your presses, as well as for the audacity of your scribblers. The age of equality is past, and that of ven- geance approaches, the impertinence of your levellers is insupportable any longer." The situation of Armstrong, you may there- fore perceive, is not very enviable; and though he personally does every thing in his power to flatter Napoleon and to court or purchase the good wishes of our ministers and imperial favourites, should the Ameri- can government not soon declare war against England, his zeal and his sacrifices, no more than his cringing, will preserve him from a visit to the Temple, or at least to Verdun, where the crews of several A- merican ships, captured and condemned, are already prisoners of war."
INTERESTING DECISION.
A suit has been decided in Charleston, S. C. against the Collector, for refusing to clear a vessel coasting that had rice on board.— The Federal Judge decided that they were entitled to their clearance, on the principle that it was the Collector's duty to obey the law, and not his instructions when they di- rected something not authorized by the law. The instructions, however, it was observed, were not imperative; they were only re- commendations. The power of detaining vessels absolutely suspected, it was remark- ed, was not vested by law, in the President or Secretary; but solely in the Collectors, with an ultimate appeal to the President, when a Collector refused a clearance on the ground of suspicion. The Collector of Charleston declared he had no suspicion of a design to evade the embargo laws.
A vessel sailed for Halifax on Sunday, on board of which were about 100 foreign sail- ors as passengers. We heard of one A- merican among them, who passed himself for an Englishman, and on being questioned by a person who knew him, said he had been long without employ, and wished to get some where, where he could find busi- ness.— Pal.
It is mentioned in the New-York Mercan- tile Advertiser , that there are in that State, at present, more victims to the law of Debt- or and Creditor, than ever before recollected.
In the county of Schoharie, at a late sheriff's sale, horses, horned cattle, farming utensils, &c. to the amount of 800 dollars, were sold for fifty-five dol- lars ; and in Montgomery county, up- wards of 100 bushels of wheat, seized on execution, were sold for one shilling and nine pence per bushel . We state these two instances among many which we could mention as having recently taken place. They evidence most clear- ly, if not the " popularity " of Mr. Jef- ferson's Embargo, the terrible effects experienced from it by the community. [Alb. Gaz.]
The next President. —The democrat- ic editors have already begun the elec- tioneering campaign for the next Pres- ident. They have taken sides against each other, and now come out in their papers with all the rancor of civil dis- cord. We anticipate the development of much truth in the discussions respect- ing the candidates; more, perhaps than is generally allowed to come from the democratic presses. Whether the rival candidates will gain any honor from the truths which may be promulgated, is, however doubtful. Each partisan holds up his favorite as the savior of the country, at least, if not of the universe. For my part I see no difference be- tween one democratic candidate and an- other; between Clinton, Madison and Munroe. If we are to be ruled by Bon- aparte, through the aid of Democracy, it is of no consequence through whose hands his Imperial majesty delivers his decrees. The recommendation of Clinton or Madison alters not the decree, nor the effects of it.
"Can there such mighty difference be Twixt Tweedle dum and tweedle de." [N. Y. Spectator.]
Army of the United States.
Appointments. —Mr. Byers, of Springfield, a Captain; Mr. Barton, Rhode-Island, a Lieutenant; Mr. Hutchins, of Northamp- ton, a Captain; Mr. Alexander S. Brooks, of Medford, a Lieutenant; Ch. Christmas, N. Carolina, a Captain; Benjamin Forsyth, do. do.; Cadwallader Jones, do. a First Lieut.; John Eaton, do. a Second Lieut.; Capt. Paul Wentworth of Dover, N. H. Captain; Mr. Abraham Eustis, Boston, a Captain; Mr. Josiah Snelling, jr. Boston, a Lieut.
Major Swan will resign the Paymaster- ship of the army in August, when it is ex- pected Mr. Brent will be appointed.
The Legislature of this Commonwealth adjourned on Saturday last, to the 2nd Thurs- day of November next, for the purpose of choosing the Electors of President and Vice- President, and transacting such other busi- ness as may come before them.
The Answers of the Senate and House of Representatives to the Governor's Speech are received and will appear next week.— In order to give place to the Governor's Speech, in this day's Gazette, much interest- ing matter prepared for insertion, is un- avoidably postponed.
Lightning. —In the thunder storm of the 6th instant, the barn of Mr. Ammi Prince, of North-Yarmouth, was struck by light- ning, and considerably injured; and at a- bout 100 rods distance, in the pasture, nine of his sheep were killed.
DIED,
In Baltimore, Mr. Nathaniel Wylie, print- er, aged 27.—"There crack'd a noble heart."
In Charleston, (S. C.) William Shaw, son of the widow Rebecca Shaw, of this town, aged 22.
In Falmouth, Mr. John Barber, aged 71. —Mr. George Sawyer, aged 18, son of capt. Thomas S.
Shipping Intelligence.
Arrived at Salem, on Tuesday last, sch. Raven, Thorndike, from Passamaquoddy, with salt.—We learn that all the exertions of the Wasp, and of the troops left by her on Monse Island, were ineffectual in pre- venting smuggling. Such a stir of business was never known at that place before, nor the people so profitably employed. Many were engaged as centinels at 2 dollars per day, and found; but notwithstanding their vigilance, and that of the government boats, still, some how or other, 4 or 500 barrels of flour, when the weather was thick and ha- zy, were supposed to find their way across to the British side of the river in a day, where the price was $12 50, and where many English vessels lay loading for Hal- ifax. There were a large number of whale boats at the place, which carry from 6 to 8 barrels each; in five minutes rowing they cross the line. A certain sum per barrel was paid for safe transportation; and it was said that it was not uncommon for individu- als to make, ten, fifteen, and even twenty dollars a day, according as their luck might be. 200 barrels of flour went out of one store the day before the Raven sailed; and one man declared he had made 17 dollars the same day, and hoped to make as much more in the night.
In the Raven came passenger Mr. Tho- mas, late mate of the ship Union , of Ply- mouth, Miller Smith, master. The Union sailed from Dublin the last day of March for Charleston, S. C. with a cargo of wine, whiskey, and slate. On the 12th of April, in lat. 48 30, lon. 18 30, was met by the French privateer ketch, admiral Martin, of 14 guns and 124 men (French, Spanish, Dutch and Danes) from Bayonne, which took possession of the ship, and ordered her for France, after taking out all the hands except the master and a boy, and two Irish gentlemen and four ladies, passengers. The privateer was but recently out of port; and his orders, as he several times read them in English, were to take all American vessels, wherever from or bound to; and this the Frenchman said, was in pursuance of a de- termination of Bonaparte to drive America to a decision either in favour of England or France, being impatient that we had not yet broken with England. On the 30th of April, the privateer fell in with the English ship Royal Edward , Alexander Anderson, master, from Liverpool bound to Pictou in Nova Scotia; and as she was not worth mak- ing a prize of, after taking out such arti- cles as they chose, they put all the Ameri- can prisoners on board of her, and permit- ted her to pursue her course. She passed through the gut of Canseau, in company with six large English transports bound to Quebec to take in troops, as was said, to carry home. On being landed at Pictou, Mr. Thomas made his way to Passama- quoddy, where he took passage for Sa- lem.—The English captain informed Mr. T. that the loss of our trade was severely felt in Liverpool. American vessels were employed by the English, at very high and profitable freights, in the trade to Russia and other parts.
COASTING TRADE STOPPED! —A letter from Capt. N. Bourne, of sch. Laura , of Bos- ton, dated "Edenton, May 20, 1808," men- tions, that he had partly completed his load- ing of stores when a supplementary embargo law appeared in the newspaper, and though not official and not being understood, no one in Musteboro' would give bonds until some- thing further was known.—He then pro- ceeded with his vessel to Edenton, where he could have readily completed his freight of pipe stores , but the Collector informed him that no vessel whatever should be al- lowed to clear out with lumber or naval stores.—There were 7 vessels in port in this o-grab-me predicament, ready for sea.—The Collector wrote to the Sec'y of the Treasury on the 20th, for instructions, and expect- ed an answer in 16 days.—In the mean time all coasting trade to be stopped! and per- haps afterwards; though it was conjectured the Sec'y would condescend to grant an indulgence for those vessels to proceed that had commenced loading previous to the or- der of the President to stop them.—Hostile and embarrassing proceedings towards com- merce may be matter of sport to Administra- tors; but a constitutional punishment will ere long overtake them.—They have made a bull in attempting to cry up Commerce;— and like Paddy who set out to milk a bull, they will get kicked over!
COMMUNICATED.
Exhibition. —Nothing could exceed our astonish- ment at witnessing a part of Mr. Turnbull's exper- iments in Optics on Friday evening last, the produc- tion of the real Phantoms , particularly that of an in- fant's mouth old was truly wonderful and defying public attention. When the talents of an indi- vidual are exerted to instruct, and to amuse, surely they ought to receive a portion of patronage.
We understand Mr. Turnbull will perform his experiments by particular desire, and for the last time, this present evening. We wish him an overflowing house.
FOR PHILADELPHIA.
BRIG Humphrey will sail in ten days.—For freight or passage, hav- ing good accommodations, apply to the Master on board, at Union Wharf, or at No. 9, Union Wharf. June 12.
E. Greely & Co.
Have for sale, NOW landing from sloop Sarah , 1600 bushels Corn, 40 bbls. superfine Flour, 10 do. Rye, 50 bbls. Mels Pork, 10 casks Rice. June 13.
WANTED,
A QUANTITY of Pine Plank, four inches thick and fifteen feet long. Any person inclined to contract to furnish them, will please to call at No. 12, Union-Wharf. June 13.
Cash given for Rags and Junk at I. ADAMS' Book-Store.
Sheriff's Sale.
Taken on Execution and will be sold at Public Auction, on TUESDAY next, 14th inst. at E. Greely & Co's. Office,
A VARIETY of ENGLISH GOODS, con- sisting of superfine Broadcloths, Kerfey- meres Patent Cords, Merfais Quilt, Linens, laced Cambrics, Mullins, &c. &c.
ALSO, 24 boxes No. 1 Chocolate, 6 do. do. 2 do. Sale at 10 o'clock A. M.—By order of JONA. LUND, D'y. Sheriff. June 13.
Sheriff's Sale.
Taken by Execution, and to be sold on WEDNESDAY, the 15th inst., at 4 o'clock P. M. at Samuel D. Pike's public house in Falmouth.
ONE undivided moiety or half part of the SAW-MILL , gear and privileges there- to appertaining, situated on Preumpscot Riv- er, at a place called Sagadahoc , in said Falmouth, being the same Mill which was built by Josiah Good and Henry Babb, on the ground and privileges leased by Moses Quimby to the said Good and Babb on the 12th day of August 1806, for the term of six- teen years from the date, for which the said Leasees were to pay the said Leasor one hun- dred dollars per year for the first six years, as ground rent for the whole sixteen years afore- said.—Said Saw Mill is new, and in good or- der, and advantageously situated with regard to water and other Mill provisions.
JONA. LUND, D. Sheriff. June 12, 1808.
Public Auction.
NOTICE is hereby given that the following Shares or Rights in the Portland Monu- ment Ground will be sold at Public Auction on Tuesday the nineteenth day of July next, at 3 o'clock P. M. to pay the assessments that have been assessed, and all incidental charges on the same, unless previously paid, viz.—Nos. 15, 16, 28, 29, 30.—Sale on the premises. JONA. STUART, Treasurer. Portland, June 13.
TO BE LET,
AT a low rent, the excellent stand No. 2, High-Street, (lately occupied by John Dix) well calculated for a Fancy Goods Store.— Apply to the Printer. June 13.
Henry Smith & Co.
No. 4, Messrs Row , HAVE just received, a large and fashiona- ble assortment of light and dark Ging- hams; coloured cambrics; white do.; black do.; purple, brown and slate do.; Linen do.; fancy Mullins; India do.; Jacquet do.; spotted mull do.; Cambric and common light & dark Calicoes; Robes; damask silk Shawls; Cotton do.; black and salmon coloured Taffet- ies; black, white, purple, brown, slate, plum and dove coloured Luteffings; Crapes; black, white, slate and rosa coloured ladies and gen- tlemen's silk and cotton Hosi; English and French long silk Gloves; short do.; kid do.; Dimities; bandanna, madras, barecons and fancy Handkerchiefs; silk and cotton sewing Silk; Velvet Velveting; plain black do.; crepe and tiffany Fans; Linen; British Shirtings; India Cottons; Tabby Velvets; cotton and lin- en Checks; Broadcloths and Cashmeres; Eng- lish Nankens; Granderrills; Shalloons; Dur- rants; Ruffles; Duroys; Carpeting, &c. &c. Portland, June 6. (1)
Tappan & Sewall,
Trench's Buildings , HAVE received a few Packets Black Crape —Gingham—Shirting Cottons— Sewing Silks, black, blue and cloths colour- ed—and
Trunk New Prints. An assortment of Manchester Goods is now opened; and by the Galen, a further supply of London Goods is expected. June 23.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an administrator on the estate of DAVID MILLETT,
late of Minot, in the county of Cumber- land, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—he therefore requests all per- sons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to SAMUEL MILLET. June 13.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly ap- pointed and has taken upon himself the trust of Executor of the last will and testament of NATHANIEL HALE,
late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bonds as the law directs; he therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to NATHANIEL HALE. June 13.

Poetry.
SONG—A SATIRE.
WHEN William first woo'd, I said was to the swain, And made him as blest as a lord, For ye virgins around, in my speech to be plain, That no is a dangerous word!
The gentlemen seem one and all to agree, That we're made of materials for kissing— And if so, for I really believe it, good me! What joys thro' one No, might be missing!
Say YES, and of courtship ye finish the toil— Whole mountains at once ye remove— You brighten the eyes of the fair by a smile, For smiles are the fund-line of love!
On Mr. Jefferson's Embargo. Why does our thoughtful Chief in power, Forbid the sale of Fish and Flour? Because, for Friends his Honor wishes T' increase the stock of "Loaves and Fishes."
ON A LONG NOSE. Heavens! what a nose! forbear to look, Whene'er you drink, in feast or brook; For as the fair Narcissus died, When hanging o'er a fountain's side, You too, the limpid water quaffing, May die, my worthy Sir, with laughing.
THE GENEROUS CREDITOR. "I owe you a doubloon," cries Frank in a pet— "Never mind," says Tim, "I forgive you the debt."
Select Paragraphs.
From the Staunton Censor .
FATAL DUEL!
A gentleman in this town has politely favored the Editor of this paper with the following extract of a letter from his friend in Fincastle, dated 16th May, 1808.
"Col. Andrew Lewis this night received a special message from Christianburg, Montgomery county, communicating the death of his son, Mr. Thomas Lewis, fallen in a duel that morning; and that his opponent Mr. John McHenry was just expiring at the departure of said messenger.—Thus it is told: Lewis challenged McHenry to fight with Pistols; the latter declined but said he would fight with Rifles at the distance of fifteen steps—it was agreed to by Lewis—they met, and both fell! Lewis was shot through the heart the other a little below."
We have seen another letter from Fincastle of the same date, which mentions the cause of the dispute between Lewis and McHenry; it was concerning the Montgomery election.
Mr. McHenry had been elected this spring as delegate to the assembly of this commonwealth from Montgomery, in which capacity he has acted several sessions past. Mr. Lewis was a promising young man, had just commenced the practice of the law; and from the able manner in which he acquitted himself in the causes upon which he had been called to speak, promised great credit to the profession. Mr. McHenry died the day following their encounter. Thus have two young men, like many others, in the pursuit of false honor, frustrated the views of their parents, defeated the purpose for which they were made, and madly rushed headlong into an unknown—!!
CELIBACY.
INNUMERABLE arguments might be drawn, both from nature and reason, to show the weakness and folly of those men who pass their lives in celibacy.
"You bachelors," said Augustus, the Roman Emperor, "I know not by what name to call you; not by that of citizen, since the city might perish for you; for you seem determined to extirpate the human race; for you are guilty of murder, in not suffering those to be born who should proceed from you; you are guilty of sacrilege, in destroying human nature; and by leading a single life, you overturn, as far as in your power, the temples of the Gods, dissolve the government by disobeying its laws, betray your country, and demolish the city, by depriving it of inhabitants."
It was smartly said by a young man, so great general and a batchelor, who bid him resign his seat; the youth refused, "Because, says he, you have brought no son into the world, who might hereafter give place to me."
MISANTHROPY.
We read in ancient history several anecdotes of Timon, the Athenian, surnamed the misanthrope , from his hatred to mankind. He, however, was fond of the young Alcibiades, and when he was asked the reason for such partiality, he replied, "Because I foresee that his ambition will ultimately be the ruin of the Athenians."
One day, contrary to his usual custom, he went into the assembly, and in an elevated tone of voice said to them; "I have a fig-tree on which many have been hung. I intend to cut it down to build in its place; but if there is any among you who prefer being hung on it, you must determine speedily." This fool composed his own epitaph: it was full of imprecations against those who read it.
Callimachus of Cyrene, a Greek poet, composed an Epigram, in which he makes Timon say, "It is here that I have chosen my habitation, to exclude myself from an intercourse with mankind. Passenger, be whom you may, pour out against me, if you wish it, invectives and imprecations, but pass on."
Marechal d'Huxelles was thought by many to be a misanthrope. One day being rallied on his celibacy, "I have never," said he, "yet seen a woman, whom I wished for a wife, nor a man, of whom I would wish to be the father."
How sportive is nature!—sometimes adding, sometimes diminishing! As a proof of the former we mention, that capt. John Simpson, in Pendleton district, S. C. has a daughter and son—the former, Eleanor Simpson, aged 10 years, in height 5 feet 2 inches, and weighs 183 pounds:—the latter, John O. Simpson, aged 4 years, is 4 feet high, and weighs 90 pounds!— South Carolina pap.
Affected Mourner —A gentleman was waked in the middle of the night for the purpose of being informed that his father was dead:—he turned again to sleep, saying, "Oh! how I shall be grieved in the morning when I awake again."
AN Irishman at Chester inquired of his landlord how he could get to London. Being told he might go in a waggon, he replied, "No, honey, that will never do, for I am always seaick when I ride in a waggon, besides, I can walk as fast as two wagons."
The Festival of St. John the Baptist WILL be celebrated on the 24th June next, at Topsham, by United and Solar Lodges. Visiting Brethren are invited to attend with suitable clothing. Performances will begin at eleven A. M. Dinner at Brother Holden's Hall, at 2 P. M. A punctilious attendance is requested—By order of the R. W. Master of United Lodge.
ISAAC GATES, Sec'y. Topsham, 30th May, A. L. 5808.
PACKET,
Between Brunswick and Portland . THE Sloop CATHARINE , ROBERT JEMERSON, master, with excellent accommodations, will sail once a week, between Brunswick and Portland . For freight or passage, please to apply at Col. Stearns's Store in Brunswick , or at the Store formerly occupied by Ingraham & Gould , on Ingraham's Wharf , Portland . May 30.
Good time to settle Accounts. THOSE persons who are indebted to the estate of the late Dr. KINSMAN, are respectfully requested, to call at the office of the subscriber, immediately, and settle their accounts, either by paying the sum due or by giving their Notes, as the Book Accounts of the deceased are to be settled without delay; and those who do not forthwith attend to this reasonable request, may expect to be obliged shortly to pay not only the debt due from them to the said Estate, but cost. NATHAN KINSMAN, Atty to said Adm'r. May 30.
WANTED,
FOR the War Department, ten or fifteen pieces of best found White Oak Timber, of the dimensions following:—viz. 28 feet long, 32 inches wide, 36 inches thick 24 " " 26 " " 30 " " 20 " " 20 " " 24 " " 16 " " 14 " " 18 " " For further particulars enquire of HENRY A. S. DEARBORN, Fifth-street, Portland, May 30.
Particular Notice!
THE Subscriber having been deceived in the Oil he has made use of, in repairing Watches, during the last six months, gives notice to all persons whose Watches do not answer their expectations, that they will be repaired gratis, if returned to him within a reasonable time. JOSEPH LOVIS.
Who has for Sale,
A few excellent warranted WATCHES.—Clocks and Watches carefully revised and corrected. Portland, May 30, 1808.
TICKETS & QUARTERS
IN 4th Class Harvard College Lottery , which begins drawing this day, for sale at SETH CLARK'S. TICKETS & QUARTERS in the fame may be had of STEPHEN PATTEN. Portland, May 30.
E. Greely & Co. Have for sale, 80 puncheons Windward Island Rum 50 bags Coffee 10 chests Hyson Skin Tea, Bohea do. Casks Rice, Loaf and brown Sugar Pimento, Gin, &c. &c. May 30.
Charles & John Fox, No. 4 & 5, South side Long-Wharf. OFFER for sale on very liberal terms Eleven Pipes excellent GIN, Few dozen Warranted SCYTHES. May 9. (6w)
NOTICE!!!!!! TO be exchanged for a Site for a Fort between Jordan's Point and the extreme N. E. point of the town, the Land, Building and Battery of Fort Sumner, in this town—Enquire of HENRY A. S. DEARBORN, Agent for the War Department. Portland, May 30.
NOTICE! FOR sale in N. Gloucester, at the lower corner, the Dwelling house, Office and Store belonging to the estate of Asa Mitchell, Esq. deceased being an excellent stand for a trader as the Country affords—The sale will be sold at private sale on a liberal credit of several years if required, the interest being paid annually—For further particulars enquire may be made of the subscriber in Portland. Oct. 12. E. WHITMAN.
Partnership Formed. THE subscribers inform their friends and the public they have formed a connection in business under the firm of Griffin & Porter, which commenced on the 3d of February last They intend keeping a large and good assortment of BOOTS & SHOES, of the newest fashion, which will be disposed of at the lowest cash prices.—The least favor will be greatly acknowledged May 2. if BENJAMIN GRIFFIN, JOSEPH S. PORTER.
Particular Notice! ALL persons having accounts open with the subscriber are requested to call and settle the same (by Cash or Note) without delay. May 2. (2m) BENJAMIN GRIFFIN.
Last time of Asking. ALL persons indebted to the subscribers on account, (if they wish to save trouble and expense) are once more requested to call and settle the same immediately: either by cash or note. CROSS & MARTIN. May 16. (4w)
TAKE NOTICE! FOR sale in Turner, a Dwelling House, out houses and Store, conveniently situated for a Trader, being the property of Samuel Spear of Boston.—For further particulars enquire of the subscriber in Portland. Oct 12. EZEKIEL WHITMAN.
HOUSE WANTED. WANTED to purchase in a central situation in this town, a convenient DWELLING HOUSE, suitable for a small family—for which will be given in exchange LAND in North Tarmouth, and the balance in Cash.—Enquire of the printer. (10 w) May 16.
TO BE SOLD, A DWELLING-HOUSE, forty feet by thirty-two, two stories high, with a commodious Stable and other out-buildings, with about half an acre of Land, situated near the bridge in Topsham, accommodated with excellent water by Acqueduct from an unfailling source, which abundantly supplies the house, stable and garden in the driest seasons. The house has been built about ten years—the other buildings not three years since. They stand in a flourishing village, within one mile of Bowdoin College, in Brunswick and about sixty rods from the Court House in Topsham . To a person who wishes to be concerned in the Lumber business, to the trader or industrious mechanic, the opportunity to purchase a good stand, may be worthy attention. Further information may be had of the subscriber at Bath. April 25. (4w) JONA. ELLIS.
For Jaundice & Bilious Complaints, WHEATON'S Genuine Jaundice Bitters, (price 50 cents.) Secured to him by Letters Patent from the President of the United States.
A MEDICINE extremely useful for curing jaundice and bilious disorders, and removing that sinking, faint and distressed feeling at the stomach, difficulty of breathing, loss of appetite, and sleepy, dull heaviness in the fore part of the day, weakness and trembling of the limbs, diziness of the head, and yellowness of countenance, complaints so common to jaundice and bilious people. The many cures that have been effected in New-England by the above medicine, (as may be seen by the bills) prevent the necessity of further recommendation.—Likewise,
Wheaton's Itch Ointment, A Medicine which will certainly cure the ITCH, without having in it any thing either dangerous or disagreeable. One box cures a person, and there need be no washing after the use of it, as the skin is generally left clean and smooth. The above Medicines are kept constantly for sale by Erving & Poor, at their Store near the head of Fifth-street. (e o p tf) March 7.
STRAYED FROM this town, a light brindle NEW MILK COW, about 10 years old—Whoever will return, or give information of her at this office, shall be handsomely rewarded for their trouble. June 6.
Edward Howe,
No. 2, Union-Row, Middle-street, HAS received in addition to his former stock, a new and elegant assortment of Paper-Hangings, Looking-Glasses and Upholstry, of the newest style—Among which are—English, French and American Paper-Hangings, with borders—Panel-Papers and Fire-Board Patterns. A handsome assortment of Looking-Glasses, from 3 to 150 dollars a pair, and of the most approved style. Also—Fashionable Fringes, Laces and Tassels for Curtains—Bedtickings, of all prices—Down, Live Geese and Russia FEATHERS—Sofas, with and without Haircloth—Easy and Lolling Chairs—Matrasses, of all kinds and sizes—Cushions for Pews, &c. &c. &c. All commands in the Upholstry Business executed with neatness and dispatch. (t. f) May 29.
New Goods.
Joseph Barbour, Opposite the Insurance Office, Fifth-street, HAS just received an additional assortment of NEW GOODS, Consisting of Linens, British Cottons, Cambrics, fancy Mullins, brown Linens, black Crapes, do. Lustrings, Bandanna Hkfs. fancy silk do. silk Shawls, long & short silk Gloves, kid do. coloured Lustrings, blue and y-low Nankeenes, cotton Kerseimires, Ladies' white and coloured cotton Hose, Calicoes, Ginghams, Dimities, English Nankeen, India Cottons, Gentlemen's mixed cotton Hose, white do. black and white silk ditto, Sarfettes, Linen Cambrics, superfine and common Broadcloths and Kerseimires, &c. &c. The above, together with his former stock will be sold at a very small advance for Cash only. (t. f) May 29.
FRESH GOODS.
Tappan & Sewall, HAVE received by the Sally from Liverpool, Manchester and Scotch Goods, which will be opened for sale in a few days at their Store in Titcomb's Buildings, Middle-street. Among them are Umbrellas, Braces, Dimities, Patent Nankins, Thickets, Velveteens, Jeans, Printed Jeans and Princes' Cord, Sarfettes, Calicoes, Shawls, Cambric and Book Mullins, and A great variety of Fancy Mullins. On hand—A large assortment of Fine and Superfine Broad Cloths, Kerseimires, Stuffs, Baizes, Flannels, Colrain Linens—few Brown Linens, British Cottons, Prints, Hosiery, Shawls—a few 6-4 fine twill'd Cambric, Cotton Bandannas; Madrals and other Handkerchiefs, India Cottons, Pius, Sewings, Silk and Cotton, Twists, Laces, Gloves, Suspenders, Bindings, Plain and fine Parket Gauzes, Cales Windsor Soap &c. &c. They expect further supplies from London. (t. f) May 2.
Land for Sale.
THE subscriber offers for sale the following parcels of LAND. A FARM, well calculated for a Trader, Farmer, or Mechanic; one mile from the Meeting-House in New-Gloucester, pleasantly situated on the County Road, with which will be sold eleven acres of interval LAND. Also—in the town of Jay, in the county of Oxford, Three Thousand Acres of LAND of the first quality, situate in different parts of that town, which is one of the best towns in the county. It will be sold at a reduced price; the whole will be sold together, or by the single lot, as may best accommodate purchasers. And one lot in the town of Bethel—Inquire of JAMES STARR, Jun. Esq. for information. Also—at Pembach, in Township No. 5, of the 7th Range of Townships on Piscataquis river, in the county of Hancock, Five Thousand Acres of Land, in Lots of 100 acres each. This is one of the finest Townships in that country; Saw and Grist Mills are already erected, from whence any kind of Lumber may be rafted aside the shipping in Bangor. This township is rapidly settling. Young Farmers are invited to examine for themselves—Inquire of Mr. DANIEL BULLIN, of said township, for further particulars. Also—Thirty thousand acres of ST. JOHN'S LAND, (so called) in the county of Washington. This land is situated in the best tract of Land in the District of Maine; the soil is very rich and fertile, the growth principally Hard Wood and Button Nut. A road is laid out through said Land from Penobscot to St. John's River. Twenty thousand acres of this Land is situated but seven miles from the rich Farmers on St. John's River, and the Fort Road from thence to Quebec. Should 30 or 40 good Farmers associate together and purchase this whole tract, for their own actual settlement, they would ensure a fortune to themselves and their children after them. For further particulars please to enquire of the subscriber. JOSEPH S. PORTER. New-Gloucester, May 9, 1808. (6mo)
NOTICE
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executor of the last will and testament of ANTHONY BENNETT, late of Norway, in the county of Oxford, gentleman, deceased, and has taken upon himself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs: and all persons having demands upon the estate of the said deceased are requested to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to the said estate are called upon to make payment to NATHANIEL BENNETT, Executor. Norway, May 30.
WE
WE the subscribers, Commissioners appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Lincoln, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of JOHN MAINS, late of Georgetown, in said county of Lincoln, yeoman, deceased, give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their claims: and that we shall attend that service at the house of Mr. Isaiah Wyman, in said Georgetown, on the last Mondays of June, July, September and November next ensuing, from one to four o'clock of each of said days. JORDAN PARKER, May 30. JOSHUA SHAW.
MAINE BANK SHARES.
At Public Auction at the Maine Bank , on MONDAY, the 13th inst. at two o'clock in the afternoon, will be sold, THIRTY-TWO SHARES of the CAPITAL STOCK of said Bank, the same having been heretofore pledged and forfeited. Terms made known at the time and place of sale.—By order of the President and Directors. LEVI CUTTER, Cashier. Portland, June 6.
Equity of Redemption.
Taken by Execution & to be sold at Public Auction on the premises, on MONDAY, the eleventh day of July next, at 3 o'clock P. M. ALL the right in Equity of Redemption in and to the following described mortgaged Real Estate, lying on Federal-street, so called, in Brunswick , in the county of Cumberland, and bounded as follows, viz:—beginning at the south west corner of the premises and on said Federal-street, thence running northwardly on said street four rods, thence eastwardly ten rods, thence southwardly four rods, thence westwardly four rods to the first-bound, containing one fourth of an acre, more or less, together with the house and all buildings thereon and all privileges thereto belonging. SECOMB JORDAN, Dept. Sheriff. Brunswick, June 6.
Boot and Shoe Manufacture.
THE subscribers inform their friends and the public that they have taken a stand in Fore-street, directly opposite Chadwick's Inn, where particular care will be taken to give satisfaction. N. B.—An Apprentice is wanted at the above business. JOHN FIELD, STEPHEN FIELD, Portland, June 6.
NOTICE!
THE Copartnership under the firm of CRAM & ATHERTON, is this day dissolved by mutual consent.—All persons having any business with the late concern, are requested to call on JACOB CRAM, who is authorized to adjust the same. JACOB CRAM, CHARLES ATHERTON. Portland, June 1.
To the Farmers and other Gentlemen in the District of Maine,
THE natural history of Stones and Minerals, which the district affords, has received very little attention, and consequently is but imperfectly known. It is important, that every College should possess in its Cabinet an extensive collection of Stones and Minerals, particularly of those which may be found in that section of the country where the College exists. All Gentlemen who may be disposed to enrich the Cabinet of Bowdoin College, are respectfully requested to transmit, when convenient, those Specimens of Stones and Minerals, which they already possess, or may hereafter obtain, directed to the subscriber at Brunswick . PARKER CLEAVELAND. Bowdoin College, June 6.
LAST NOTICE.
ALL persons indebted to the late firm of LITTLE & BAKER, are requested to settle the same with the subscriber without further notice, or their accounts will be left with an attorney for collection. CHARLES BARKER. Falmouth, June 6.
BENJAMIN WILLIS,
HAVING been driven from his late stand in Haymarket Row, (by the late fire) has taken the Store lately occupied by Mr. John Dean, opposite Medford. Here & Evans' Store, where he has now for sale, a large assortment of English, India & West India Goods; which were laid in at reduced prices, and shall be sold at a very small profit—and made satisfactory to purchasers. Feb 1.
JOSHUA SHAW
HAS just received, in addition to his former stock, an elegant assortment of French & English Hats, of a superior quality, and on reasonable terms. He has also received a general assortment of Ladies' and Misses' Morocco and Kid Shoes. Likewise, Gentlemen's Boots and Shoes, as usual. Portland, May 29. (3w)
NOTICE
NOTICE is hereby given that the pasture on Mountjoy's neck will be open to receive Cows for the season on Wednesday next, price 5 dollars and 50 cents for letting them on and driving said pasture.—those who wish to have Cows or Horses pastured may apply to the Proprietors, or to Isaac Foster, at his house near the Observatory, and contiguous to the pasture gate. May 29.
Factory Cotton.
Henry Smith & Co. No. 4, Mussey's Row, HAVE for sale a large assortment of Factory, Wharp and Filling, and two threaded whitened Cotton. July 13.
THE
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of Administrator on the estate of JOSEPH PRIDE, JUN. late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to June 6. PETER THACHER.
THE
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an Administrator on the estate of WILLIAM CONANT, late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—he therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to June 6. PETER THACHER.