Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-03-21 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM.]
PORTLAND (MAINE) PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, FISH-STREET.
[PAYABLE YEARLY.]
No. 49, of Vol. X.]
MONDAY, MARCH 21, 1808.
[Whole No. 517.]
Mr. Pickering's Letter.
Americans! Listen to the voice of Truth and Honesty.
A LETTER FROM THE HON. TIMOTHY PICKERING,
A Senator of the United States, from the State of Massachusetts, exhibiting to his Constituents, a view of the imminent danger of an UNNECESSARY and RUINOUS WAR, addressed to his Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Governor of said State.
City of Washington, Feb. 16, 1808.
SIR,
IN the even current of ordinary times, an address from a Senator in Congress to his constituents might be dispensed with. In such times, the proceedings of the Executive and Legislature of the United States, exhibited in their publick acts , might be sufficient. But the present singular condition of our country, when its most interesting concerns, wrapt up in mystery, excite universal alarm, requires me to be no longer silent. Perhaps I am liable to censure, at such a crisis, for not sooner presenting, to you and them, such a view of our national affairs as my official situation has placed in my power. I now address it to you, Sir, as the proper organ of communication to the legislature.
The attainment of TRUTH is ever desirable: and I cannot permit myself to doubt that the statement I now make must be acceptable to all who have an agency in directing the affairs, and who are guardians of the interests of our Commonwealth , which so materially depend on the measures of the Government of the Nation. At the same time, I am aware of the jealousy with which, in these unhappy days of party dissensions, my communications may, by some of my constituents, be received. Of this I will not complain: while I earnestly wish the same jealousy to be extended towards all publick men. Yet I may claim some share of attention and credit—that share which is due to the man who defies the world to point, in the whole course of a long and public life, at one instance of deception, at a single departure from TRUTH.
The EMBARGO demands the first notice.—For perhaps no act of the National Government has ever produced so much solicitude, or spread such universal alarm.—Because all naturally conclude, that a measure pregnant with incalculable mischief to all classes of our fellow-citizens, would not have been proposed by the President, and adopted by Congress, but for causes deeply affecting the interests and safety of the nation. It must have been under the influence of this opinion that the legislative bodies of some States have expressed their approbation of the Embargo, either explicitly, or by implication.
The following were all the papers laid by the President before Congress, as the grounds of the Embargo.
1. The proclamation of the King of Great Britain requiring the return of his subjects, the seamen especially, from foreign countries, to aid, in this hour of peculiar danger, in the defence of their own. But it being an acknowledged principle, that every nation has a right to the service of its subjects in time of war, that proclamation could not furnish the slightest ground for an Embargo.
2. The extract of a letter from the Grand Judge REGNIER to the French Attorney-General for the Council of Prizes. This contained a partial interpretation of the Imperial blockading decree of November 21, 1806. This decree, indeed, and its interpretation, present flagrant violations of our neutral rights, and of the existing treaty between the United States and France; but still, the execution of that decree could not (from the small number of French cruisers) extensively interrupt our trade. These two papers were publick .
3. The letter from our Minister, Mr. ARMSTRONG, to Mr. CHAMPAGNY, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs; and 4. Mr. CHAMPAGNY's answer. Both these ought, in form or substance, also to have been made publick . The latter would have furnished to our nation some idea of the views and expectations of France. But both were withdrawn by the President, to be deposited among other Executive secrets; while neither presented any new ground to justify an Embargo.
In the Senate, these papers were referred to a committee. The committee quickly reported a bill for laying an Embargo, agreeably to the President's proposal. This was read a first, a second, and a third time, and passed; and all in the short compass of about four hours! A little time was repeatedly asked, to obtain further information, and to consider a measure of such moment, of such universal concern; but these requests were denied—We were hurried into the passage of the bill, as if there was danger of its being rejected, if we were allowed time to obtain further information, and deliberately consider the subject. For to that time our vessels were freely sailing on foreign voyages; and in a national point of view, the departure of half a dozen or a dozen more, while we were inquiring into the necessity or expediency of the Embargo, was of little moment. Or if the danger to our vessels, seamen and merchandise had been so extreme as not to admit of one day's delay, ought not that extreme danger to have been exhibited to Congress? The Constitution which requires the President "to give to Congress information of the state of the union," certainly meant, not partial , but complete information on the subject of a communication, so far as he possessed it. And when it enjoins him "to recommend to their consideration such measures as he should judge necessary and expedient," it as certainly intended that those recommendations should be bottomed on information communicated , not on facts withheld , and locked up in the Executive cabinet. Had the public safety been at stake, or any great public good been presented to our view, but which would be lost by a moment's delay; there would have been some apology for dispatch , though none for acting without due information . In truth, the measure appeared to me then, as it still does, and as it appears to the public, without a sufficient motive, without a legitimate object. Hence the general inquiry—"For what is the Embargo laid?" And I challenge any man not in the secrets of the Executive to tell. I know, Sir, that the President said the papers abovementioned "showed that great and increasing dangers threatened our vessels, our seamen, and our merchandise;" but I also know that they exhibited no new dangers : none of which our merchants and seamen had not been well apprized. The British proclamation had many days before been published in the newspapers [the copy laid before us by the President had been cut out of a newspaper;] and so had the substance if not the words of Regnier's letter . Yet they had excited little concern among merchants and seamen, the preservation of whose persons and property was the professed object of
the President's recommendation of an Embargo. The merchants and seamen could accurately estimate the dangers of continuing their commercial operations; of which dangers, indeed, the actual premiums of insurance were a satisfactory gauge. Those premiums had very little increased: by the British proclamation not a cent: and by the French decree so little as not to stop commercial enterprises. The great numbers of vessels loading or loaded, and prepared for sea; the exertions every where made, on the first rumor of the Embargo, to dispatch them; demonstrate the President's dangers to be imaginary —to have been assumed . Or if great and real dangers, unknown to commercial men, were impending, or sure to fall, how desirable was it to have had them officially declared and published! This would have produced a voluntary embargo, and prevented every complaint. Besides, the dangers clearly defined and understood, the public mind would not have been disquieted with imaginary fears, the more tormenting, because uncertain.
It is true that considerable numbers of vessels were collected in our ports, and many held in suspense; not, however from any new dangers which appeared ; but from the mysterious conduct of our affairs, after the attack on the Chesapeake ; and from the painful apprehension that the course the President was pursuing would terminate in war. The National Intelligencer (usually considered as the Executive newspaper) gave the alarm; and it was echoed through the United States.—War, probable or inevitable war, was the constant theme of the newspapers, and of the conversations, as was reported, of persons supposed to be best informed of Executive designs. Yet amid this din of war, no adequate preparations were seen making to meet it. The order to detach a hundred thousand militia to fight the British navy (for there was no appearance of an enemy in any other shape) was so completely absurd, as to excite, with men of common sense, no other emotion than ridicule. Not the shadow of a reason that could operate on the mind of a man of common understanding can be offered in its justification. The refusal of the British officer to receive the frigate Chesapeake as a prize , when tendered by her commander, is a demonstration that the attack upon her was exclusively for the purpose of taking their deserters; and not intended as the commencement of a war between the two nations. The President knew that the British had no invading army to land on our shores; and the detached militia would be useless, except against land-forces. Why then was this order for the militia given?—The nature of the case, and the actual state of things, authorize the inference, that its immediate , if not its only object, was to increase the public alarm, to aggravate the public resentment against Great Britain, to excite a war pulse; and in the height of this artificial fever of the public mind, which was to be made known in Great Britain, to renew the demands on her government; in the poor expectation of extorting, in that state of things, concessions of points which she had always considered as her rights , and which at all times and under all circumstances, she had uniformly refused to relinquish. The result of the subsequent negotiation at London has shown how utterly unfounded was the President's expectation, how perfectly useless all this bluster of war. While no well informed man doubted that the British Government would make suitable reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake . The President himself, in his proclamation, had placed the affair on that footing. A rupture between the two nations, said he, "is equally opposed to the interests of both, as it is to assurances of the most friendly dispositions on the part of the British Government, in the midst of which this outrage was committed. In this light the subject cannot but present itself to that Government, and strengthen the motives to an honorable reparation for the wrong which has been done." And it is now well known that such reparation might have been promptly obtained in London, had the President's instructions to Mr. MONROE been compatible with such an adjustment. He was required not to negotiate on this single transient act, which when once adjusted was forever settled, but in connection with another claim of long standing, and to say the least, of doubtful right; to wit, the exemption from impressment of British seamen found on board American merchant vessels . To remedy the evil arising from its exercise, by which our own citizens were sometimes impressed, the attention of our Government, under every administration, had been earnestly engaged; but no practicable plan has yet been contrived: while no man who regards the truth, will question the disposition of the British Government to adopt any arrangement that will secure to Great Britain the services of her own subjects . And now, when the unexamined situation of that country, left alone to maintain the conflict with France and her numerous dependent States—left alone to withstand the Power which menaces the liberties of the world, rendered the aid of all her subjects more than ever needful; there was no reasonable ground to expect that she would yield the right to take them when found on board the merchant vessels of any nation. Thus to insist on her yielding this point, and inseparably to connect it with the affair of the Chesapeake , was tantamount to a determination not to negotiate at all.
I write, Sir, with freedom; for the times are too perilous to allow those who are placed in high and responsible situations to be silent or reserved. The peace and safety of our country are suspended on a thread. The course we have seen pursued leads on to war—to a war with Great Britain—a war absolutely without necessity—a war which whether disastrous or successful, must bring misery and ruin to the United States: Misery by the destruction of our navigation and commerce [perhaps also our fairest seaport towns and cities] the loss of markets for our produce, the want of foreign goods and manufactures, and the other evils incident to a state of war: And ruin , by the loss of our liberty and independence. For if with the aid of our arms Great Britain were subdued—from that moment [though flattered perhaps with the name of allies ] we should become the Provinces of France . This is a result so obvious, that I must crave your pardon for noticing it. Some advocates of Executive measures admit it. They acknowledge that the navy of Britain is our shield against the overwhelming power of France.—Why then do they persist in a course of conduct tending to a rupture with Great Britain?—Will it be believed that it is principally, or solely, to procure inviolability to the merchant flag of the United States? In other words, to protect all seamen, British subjects , as well as our own citizens, on board our merchant vessels? It is a fact that this has been made the greatest obstacle to an amicable settlement with Great Britain. Yet [I repeat] it is perfectly well known that she desires to obtain only her own subjects ; and that American citizens, impressed by mistake, are delivered up on duly authenticated proof. The evil we complain of arises from the impossibility of always distinguishing the persons of two nations who a few years since were one people, who exhibit the same manners, speak the same language, and possess similar features. But seeing that we seldom hear complaints in the great navigating States, how happens there to be such extreme
sympathy for American seamen at Washington? Especially in gentlemen from the interior States, which have no seamen, or from these Atlantic States whose native seamen bear a very small proportion to those of New-England ? In fact, the causes of complaint are much fewer than are pretended. They rarely occur in the States whose seamen are chiefly natives. The first merchant in the United States, in answering my late inquiry about British impressments, says, "Since the Chesapeake affair we have had no cause of complaint. I cannot find one single instance where they have taken one man out of a merchant vessel. I have had more than twenty vessels arrived in that time, without one instance of a man being taken by them. Three Swedes were taken out by a French frigate . I have made inquiry of all the masters that have arrived in this vicinity, and cannot find any complaints against the British cruisers."
Can gentlemen of known hostility to foreign commerce— our own vessels —who are even willing to annihilate it (and such there are)—can these gentlemen plead the cause of our seamen because they really wish to protect them? Can those desire to protect our seamen, who, by laying an unnecessary embargo, expose them by thousands to starve or beg ?—One gentleman has said (and I believe he does not stand alone) that sooner than admit the principle that Great Britain had a right to take her own subjects from our merchant vessels, he would abandon commerce altogether! To what will every man in New-England and of the other navigating States ascribe such a sentiment? A sentiment which, to prevent the temporary loss of five men, by impress, would reduce fifty thousand to beggary? But for the Embargo, thousands depending on the ordinary operations of commerce, would now be employed. Even under the restraints of the orders of the British Government, retaliating the French imperial decree, very large portions of the world remain open to the commerce of the United States. We may yet pursue our trade with the British dominions, in every part of the globe; With Africa , with China , and with the colonies of France , Spain , and Holland . And let me ask, whether in the midst of a profound peace, when the powers of Europe possessing colonies, would, as formerly, confine the trade with them to their own bottoms, or admit us, as foreigners, only under great limitations, we could enjoy a commerce much more extensive than is practicable at this moment, if the Embargo were not in the way? Why then should it be continued? Why rather was it ever laid? Can those be legitimate reasons for the Embargo which are concealed from Congress, at the moment when they are required to impose it? Are the reasons to be found in the dispatches from Paris? These have been moved for; and the motion was quashed by the advocates for the Embargo. Why are these dispatches withheld by the Executive? Why, when all classes of citizens anxiously inquire "For what is the Embargo laid?" Is a satisfactory answer denied? Why is not Congress made acquainted with the actual situation of the United States in relation to France? Why, in this dangerous crisis, are Mr. ARMSTRONG's letters to the Secretary of State absolutely withheld, so that a line of them cannot be seen? Did they contain no information of the demands and intentions of the French Emperor? Did the Revenge sail from England to France , and there wait three or four weeks for dispatches of no importance? If so, why, regardless of the public solicitude, are their contents so carefully concealed? If really unimportant, what harm can arise from telling Congress and the Nation, officially , that they contain nothing of moment to the safety, the liberty, the honor, or the interests of the United States? On the contrary, are they so closely locked up because they will not bear the light? Would their disclosure rouse the spirit of the people, still slumbering in blind confidence in the Executive? Has the French Emperor declared that he will have no neutrals? Has he required that our ports , like those of his vassal states in Europe , be shut against British commerce ? Is the Embargo a substitute , a milder form of compliance with that harsh demand, which if exhibited in its naked and insulting aspect, the American spirit might yet resent? Are we still to be kept profoundly ignorant of the declarations and avowed designs of the French Emperor, although these may strike at our liberty and independence? And, in the mean time, are we, by a thousand irritations, by cherishing prejudices, and by exciting fresh resentments, to be drawn gradually into a war with Great Britain? Why amidst the extreme anxiety of the public mind, is it still kept on the rack of fearful expectation, by the President's portentous silence respecting his French dispatches?—In this concealment there is danger. In this concealment must be wrapt up the real cause of the Embargo. On any other supposition it is inexplicable.
I am alarmed, Sir, at this perilous state of things; I cannot repress my suspicions or forbear thus to exhibit to you the grounds on which they rest. The people are advised to repose implicit confidence in the National Government: in that unbounded confidence lies our danger. Armed with that confidence, the Executive may procure the adoption of measures which may overwhelm us with ruin, as surely as if he had an army at his heels. By false policy, or by inordinate fears, our country may be betrayed and subjugated to France, as surely as by corruption. I trust, Sir, that no one who knows me will charge it to vanity, when I say, that I have some knowledge of public men and of public affairs: and on that knowledge, and with solemnity, I declare to you, that I have no confidence in the wisdom or correctness of our public measures: that our country is in imminent danger: that it is essential to the public safety that the blind confidence in our Rulers should cease; that the State Legislatures should know the facts and reasons on which important general laws are founded; and especially that those States whose farms are on the ocean, and whose harvests are gathered in every sea, should immediately and seriously consider how to preserve them . In all the branches of Government, commercial information is wanting; and in "this desert" called a city, that want cannot be supplied. Nothing but the sense of the commercial States, clearly and emphatically expressed will save them from ruin.
Are our thousands of ships and vessels to rot in our harbours? Are our sixty thousand seamen and fishermen to be deprived of employments, and with their families, reduced to want and beggary? Are our hundreds of thousands of farmers to be compelled to suffer their millions in surplus produce to perish on their hands: that the President may make an experiment on our patience and fortitude, and on the towering pride, the boundless ambition, and unyielding perseverance of the Conqueror of Europe? Sir, I have reason to believe, that the President contemplates the continuance of the Embargo until the French Emperor repeals his decrees violating as well his treaty with the United States as every neutral right; and until Britain thereupon recalls her retaliating orders! By that time we may have neither ships nor seamen: and that is precisely the point to which some men wish to reduce us.—To see the imprudence of this project (to call it by no harsher name, and

without adverting to ulterior views) let us look back to former years.
Notwithstanding the well-founded complaints of some individuals, and the murmurs of others; notwithstanding the frequent Executive declarations of maritime aggressions committed by Great-Britain; notwithstanding the outrageous decrees of France and Spain, and the wanton spoliations practised and executed by their cruisers and tribunals, of which we sometimes hear a faint whisper;—the commerce of the United States has hitherto prospered beyond all example. Our citizens have accumulated wealth; and the public revenue, annually increasing, has been the President's annual boast.
The facts demonstrate, that although Great-Britain, with her thousand ships of war, could have destroyed our commerce, she has really done it no essential injury; and that the other belligerents heretofore restrained by some regard to National Law, and limited by the small number of their cruisers, have not inflicted upon it any deep wound. Yet in this full tide of success, our commerce is suddenly arrested: an alarm of war is raised: fearful apprehensions are excited: the merchants, in particular thrown into a state of consternation, are advised by a voluntary embargo, to keep their vessels at home. And what is the cause of this mighty but mischievous alarm? We know it in its whole extent. It was the unauthorized attack of a British naval officer on the American frigate Chesapeake, to search for and take some deserters known to have been received on board, who had been often demanded, and as often refused to be delivered up. As was expected by all considerate men, and by the President himself (as I have before observed) the British Government, on the first information of the unfortunate event (and without waiting for an application) disavowed the act of its officer—disavowed the principle of searching National armed vessels—and declared its readiness to make suitable reparation as soon as the state of the case should be fully known.
Under such circumstances, who can justify this alarm of war? An alarm which greatly disquieted the public mind, and occasioned an interruption of commerce extremely injurious to our merchants and sea-faring citizens.
I will close this long letter by stating all the existing pretences—for there are no causes—for a war with Great-Britain.
1. The British ships of war, agreeably to a right claimed and exercised for ages—a right claimed and exercised during the whole of the administrations of Washington, of Adams and of Jefferson—continue to take some of the British seamen found on board our merchant vessels, and with them a small number of ours, from the impossibility of always distinguishing Englishmen from citizens of the United States. On this point our Government well know that Great-Britain is perfectly willing to adopt any arrangement that can be devised, which will secure to her service the seamen who are her own subjects; and at the same time exempt ours from impressment.
2. The merchant vessels of France, Spain, and Holland, being driven from the ocean, or destroyed, the commerce of those countries with one another, and with their colonies, could no longer be carried on by themselves. Here the vessels of neutral nations came in to their aid, and carried on nearly the whole commerce of those nations. With their seamen thus liberated from the merchant service, those nations, in the present and preceding wars, were enabled to man their ships of war; and the neutral vessels and seamen supplying their places, became in fact, though not in name, auxiliaries in war. The commerce of those nations, without one armed ship on the sea appropriated for its protection, was intended thus to be secured under neutral flags; while the merchant vessels of Great-Britain, with its numerous armed ships to guard them, were exposed to occasional captures—such a course of things Great-Britain has resisted, not in the present only, but in former wars; at least as far back as that of 1756. And she has claimed and maintained a right to impose on this commerce some limits and restraints; because it was a commerce which was denied by those nations to neutrals in times of peace; because it was a commerce of immense value to the subjects of her enemies; and because it filled their treasuries with money to enable them to carry on their wars with Great-Britain.
3. The third and only remaining pretence for a war with Great-Britain, is the unfortunate affair of the Chesapeake; which having been already stated and explained, I will only remark here, that it is not to be believed that the British Government, after being defeated, as before mentioned, in its endeavours to make reparation in London, for the wrong done by its servant, would have sent hither a special envoy to give honourable satisfaction, but from its sincere desire to close this wound, if our own government would suffer it to be healed.
Permit me now to ask, what man impartially viewing the subject, will have the boldness to say, that there exists any cause for plunging the United States into a war with Great-Britain? Who that respects his reputation as a man of common discernment, will say it? Who that regards the interests and welfare of his country will say it? Who then can justify, who can find an excuse for a course of conduct which has brought our country into its present state of alarm, embarrassment and distress? For myself, "sir, I must declare the opinion, that no free country was ever before so causelessly, and so blindly, thrown from the height of prosperity, and plunged into a state of dreadful anxiety and suffering. But from this degraded and wretched situation it is not yet too late to escape.
Let the dispatches from our Minister in France be no longer concealed. Let the President perform the duty required of him by the Constitution: by giving to Congress full information of the state of the union in respect to foreign nations. Above all, let him unfold our actual situation with France. Let him tell us what are the demands and proposals of her Ruler. Had these been honourable to the United States, would not the President have been eager to disclose them? That they are of an entirely different nature, that they are dishonourable, that they are ruinous to our commercial interests, and dangerous to our liberty and independence, we are left to infer.
I hope, Sir, that the nature and magnitude of the subject will furnish a sufficient apology for the length and style of this letter. Perhaps some may deem it presumptuous thus to question the correctness of the proceedings of our Government. A strong sense of duty, and distressing apprehensions of National ruin, have forced the task upon me. To some the sentiments which, in the sincerity of my heart, I have expressed, may give offence: for often nothing offends so much as TRUTH. Yet I do not desire to offend any man. But when I see the dangerous extent of Executive influence: when I see the Great Council of the Nation called to enact laws deeply affecting the interests of all classes of citizens, without adequate information of the reasons of that call: when I observe the deceptive glosses with which the mischiefs of the Embargo are attempted to be palliated; and hosterier events adduced as reasons to justify the measure: when I know that the risks of continuing their commercial pursuits against all known dangers can and will be more accurately calculated by our merchants than by our Government: when if any new dangers to commerce were impending of which our merchants were uninformed, but of which the government obtained the knowledge through its Minister at Paris, or elsewhere, it was plainly the duty of the Executive to make those dangers known to Congress and the Nation: and since if so made known, the merchants and sea-faring citizens would, for their own interests and safety, have taken due precautions to guard against them: and as it hence appears certain that an Embargo was not necessary to the safety of "our seamen, our vessels or
our merchandize:" when, Sir, I see and consider these things, and their evil tendency: in a word, when I observe a course of proceeding which to me appears calculated to mislead the public mind to public ruin; I cannot be silent. Regardless, therefore, of personal consequences, I have undertaken to communicate these details; with the view to dissipate dangerous illusions; to give to my Constituents correct information; to excite inquiry; and to rouse that vigilant jealousy which is characteristic of REPUBLICANS, and essential to the preservation of their rights, their liberties, and their independence.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Sir, Your obedient Servant, TIMOTHY PICKERING. HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES SULLIVAN, GOVERNOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
"The Man who dares be honest in the worst of times."
It must be a proud and grateful reflection to the people of Massachusetts, that in these times of actual danger, they have in the councils of the nation a man like TIMOTHY PICKERING. Their interests were never committed to the keeping of a better man, a more profound and able statesman, or a more vigilant, zealous and faithful patriot. With the plainness and honesty of a farmer he unites the wisdom and presence of a sage; with the firmness and integrity of a Spartan, the honor and frankness of a real American. He disclaims the feelings of a partizan, and with openness and truth advises all his constituents, whether Republicans or Federalists, of their imminent danger.
The party distinctions, which have obtained among us, weigh light in his comprehensive mind. He wishes to disseminate his information among the great body of the people of New England, and his past experience in the politics of the United States, as well as his present situation in the Senate, qualify him to give that information with more correctness than perhaps, any other man. To which may be added—that the long known integrity of Judge Pickering, and his devout zeal for the interests of New-England, ought to stamp the image of truth on every word he communicates.
PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS! Whether Republicans or Federalists—read this letter—throw aside all party feelings, and party animosity—read it as independent Americans—as men anxious to preserve the invaluable constitution which the great Washington has left you, and as men watchful to hold and cherish the rights and liberties to which you are entitled, as the most important section of the Union. Compare it with the late proceedings of Congress—compare it with the present dark and distressed situation of the Union—compare it with what will be your situation, particularly, in the event of a war with Great-Britain. Look at the undue influence which the Southern States have acquired over the hardy, honest and industrious people of New-England. Look at the present comparative insignificance of Massachusetts—and ask your own hearts, is there not cause for alarm? Is there not real danger? Are you, as an important part of the whole, treated with the confidence you merit? Are you, who first conceived, and afterwards largely contributed to effect the independence of the country now enjoying your proper level in the scale of the Nation—or are you by the policy of the present government depressed and insulted?—Is the produce of the northern Farmer wasting on his hands?—Are the ships of the northern Merchant rotting at the wharves?—Is the Seaman idle and the poor Laborer begging his bread?—In fine is our COMMERCE ruined—and will AGRICULTURE in another year pay for its own labor?—
PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS! Ask your own hearts these questions, and listen with seriousness to the dreadful answers. Awake from your present lethargy and with mildness and perseverance endeavor to remove the evils which oppose you. [N. P. Herald.]
The Duel —As we anticipated, the independent Mr GARDENIER has fallen a sacrifice to the cause of TRUTH and PATRIOTISM. Impelled by his oath, and a righteous sense of duty, he proclaimed his just suspicions of a foreign influence which pervades the National Council; and cautioned his beloved country against the train of evils which surround her.—For this conduct, which would have done honor to a Roman CATO, a conspiracy was entered into against his life! It will be recollected, that it was on Saturday when he proclaimed those damning truths in Congress, which made the parasites of the Executive gnash their teeth, because unable to answer him.—An adjournment was called for. On the Sabbath the conspiracy was formed, and three bullies were selected to insult him in the House, and to give him the LIE, knowing his spirit would not brook the outrage; and that the consequence would be, he must fight them all; and probably be sacrificed in the contest. One of these has been shot, and such are the mysterious "ways of Heaven," the runner has shot him, and thus deprived his country, for a season, of its talents, his virtues, and Independence. Americans! think of these things.
The duel was fought at Bladensburg, about seven miles from the city—Mr. WHITE (of the Senate) was second to Mr. GARDENIER, and Mr. EFFES, (son-in-law of the President) second to Mr. CAMPBELL. The contest took place at 10 o'clock on Wednesday.—At the first fire, Mr. GARDENIER was shot in the body; the ball entering under the right arm, rather back of the armpit, and was extracted near the shoulder blade.—Letters from Washington, of Thursday, the 3d, say, the ball did not enter the thorax (or chest) that there were no alarming symptoms; and tho' the wound was painful, it was some with firmness. Messrs. Russell and Kirkpatrick (two of his colleagues) who tarried with him the night after the duel speak of him as better; and that there were hopes of his recovery. The Baltimore paper says, that on Thursday evening Mr. G. was in a favorable way.—New York paper.
Communications.
FOR THE PORTLAND GAZETTE.
MR. ADAMS, A FEW more days will determine whether the people will reason and act for themselves; or, whether they will continue, blindly and implicitly to follow and obey the dictates of a combination of selfish and ambitious men—who are determined to get possession of every office of power and profit, even at the expense of the peace and prosperity of the country. All that hue and cry about "liberty and equality—rights of the people," &c. which has been trumpeted from democratic presses, appears now to have been nothing more nor less than the tricks of demagogues, to ingratiate themselves with the public, that they might have it in their power to divide the loaves and fishes among their own minions. Has the laborer been benefited by this change? Where are all the mighty blessings which the people were promised, if they would only come forward in the majesty of their strength, at the elections, and "turn out" every man who professed to be a disciple of the WASHINGTON School, and in their stead, elect those of the Jeffersonian party?—These self-styled "republican patriots," these exclusive friends of us the people, were represented to be such great and good men, that by their wisdom and policy we should soon witness a return of the golden age. It was every where proclaimed by office seekers, that the salvation of the country rested on a change of men and measures. This change has been effected, and by the most base and infamous means which political villains ever employed to deceive a people under a free government. Most of the men now in power, obtained their offices by lying and deceiving the people. By representing WASHINGTON, and all those denominated federalists, as "old Tories," "enemies to liberty," &c. By constantly repeating these falsehoods, a majority of the citizens have been induced to bestow their suffrages on men, whose policy has destroyed the peace and prosperity of the country. The people of America now behold the awful consequences of entrusting their political concerns to bad men. By a series of measures as mysterious as they are ruinous, we now behold our vessels rotting at the wharves; our mechanics out of employment; our farmers compelled to let their produce and lumber perish in their hands, or sacrifice it for one half the price they formerly obtained. These are only a small part of those blessings we were promised by the triumph of democracy. They are only the beginning of evil. Without being informed what necessity we have for entering into a war with any nation—it appears we are to have our lands taxed, to maintain a standing army, and thirty thousand militia! If federalists really entertained the political sentiments the hiring scribblers of Mr. Jefferson's party have attributed to them—If, as has been often repeated, they were the enemies of liberty, of a republican form of government, and the independence of their country; they would now have a fair prospect of shortly realizing all their wishes. If we look for the boasted liberty of an American citizen in the reign of democracy, what is it? It is the liberty of submitting, without a groan, to a policy in our rulers, which threatens to involve us in war and poverty. If we ask, in what does our independence consist? we may answer, in paying tribute to Bonaparte, under the pretence of purchasing a wilderness! and, to crown all, the voice of the people in electing the chief magistrate of the country, is usurped by the arbitrary and monarchical conduct of democratic members of congress! This, fellow-citizens, is but a faint description of your "disinterested patriots" and "exclusive friends."
Notwithstanding the disastrous situation of the country, the bawlers of the democratic party, and all those who have obtained offices under Mr.
Jefferson or Sullivan, or who expect to, are loud in approbating the embargo act, non-intercourse laws, and a war with England. Knowing that all their hopes of success depend on deceiving the people, they will spare no exertions to bring the people into an acquiescence of their ambitious and destructive measures. This question will be decided by the people themselves, at the approaching elections. If we elect such men as destroy commerce, and involve the country in a war—which will of course make the farmer pay an enormous land tax—then farewell, a long farewell to all our national happiness! We shall have fully confirmed the truth of an observation made by a celebrated character, viz. "that the people (at times) are their own worst enemies." ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To the Independent Voters of Cumberland County.
THE letter which is presented in this day's GAZETTE, from Mr. PICKERING, a Senator in Congress, to the Governor of Massachusetts, recommends itself to the attention of the unprejudiced, by the honesty and sincerity with which the writer declares his opinions, and by the strength of argument and facts on which he supports them—It is the warning voice of one who is resident at the seat of government; and information of a man high in office, and whose days have been mostly spent in public service—and who can have no motive to deceive or mislead you.
Listen, then, to the solemn and interesting account which he presents you of your danger, and never forget, that under the reign of democracy, your country has been brought to the brink of ruin! Treasure up in your minds this important and well-known TRUTH, that the interests of your country under the present order of things, are about to be sacrificed, to gratify, the French Emperor—the destroyer of nations!
The conduct of the administration—the mystery and secrecy under which it covers every subject relating to France—the conduct of the Governor in withholding, and the Senate of Massachusetts in asking for the information which this letter contains, renders this conclusion irresistible. Judge, then, fellow-citizens, whether it is not time to rouse from your slumbers to exert every energy constitutionally in your power, to remedy the evil.—On the first Monday in April next, you will probably fix, irrevocably, your own and country's fate! If you go on to re-elect a democratic Governor and Senators, you will have a Jefferson, or what is worse, a Madison, for your next President: the bitter enemies and foes of Great-Britain—the well known friends and flatterers of France! You will have Embargo, War and ruin to Commerce—your ships will be permitted to rot at the wharves—your lumber and the produce of your farms must perish on your hands, or be sacrificed under the officer's hammer to pay debts or taxes: You decree the degradation of your country; and doom it henceforth to become the obedient slave of that merciless tyrant who has destroyed the Independence of every power on the continent of Europe.
If you slumber at this period, and on the awful precipice to which you have now been brought, you may awake when it is impossible to remedy the mischief: and with this tormenting reflection, that you have neglected advice and have been accessory to your own ruin!
Rouse, then, fellow-citizens, and let every honest man, of whatever sect in religion or politics he be: listen to the warnings of those who are the people's best friends. Improve the constitutional privilege now offered, to turn out the men who have brought your country to its present ruinous and degraded state! Rouse, and restore to your country the golden days of WASHINGTON and ADAMS—Let your ticket bear the following names. Be assured they are men of talents and integrity; lovers of Peace, and Friends to their country:—
FOR GOVERNOR, The Hon. CHRISTOPHER GORE, Esquire. FOR LIEUT. GOVERNOR, The Hon. DAVID COBB, Esquire. FOR SENATORS, LOTHROP LEWIS, and AMMI R. MITCHELL, Esquires. AN INDEPENDENT AMERICAN.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
To the Federal Voters of the County of Cumberland.
IT must be acknowledged that the Federalists are good judges of causes and effects; that they have discernment to distinguish between good and evil, wisdom and folly, in matters of government. They have for a long time foretold that the underhanded measures of our administration would bring about the ruin and disgrace of our country—and now, look which way you will, you see the ghost of our former prosperity, and the grave of our national honor.—What has occasioned this dismal change in our affairs?—Have the heavens been less propitious than usual? Has the sun refused to shine, or the sun descend as it did the last summer? No! Our earthly rulers, then, must have been the cause. No foreign force has reduced us to this mournful situation.—The embargo, that mother of mischiefs, of poverty, idleness and starvation is the work of our own rulers! And yet no man is permitted to know what was the true reason for it—and even Gov Sullivan has only undertaken to guess the cause. But, fellow-citizens, judge for yourselves—a corrupt fountain cannot send forth sweet waters! You are now feeling the curse upon you: your farms are losing their value: if you are mechanics, you are idle: your tools may rust for want of use; and you may be contented if you can. Alas! tis time to do something be-ides bewailing our situation. Bestir yourselves! awake from your slumbers—re-place honest men in office; men who feel for their constituents; men who are not afraid to do right, and who have no wish to do wrong—I have only to add, look at the letter from the able and honest Timothy Pickering to Gov. Sullivan—and you will see at once the game that is played at Washington; and be satisfied that the times require immediate correction of public abuses. HONESTY.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Mr. Adams —It was the language of many a simple but honest citizen, has sprung, when the factious, ambitious leaders of the democratic party calumniated our federal rulers, and promised to do every thing for the people and the country. It was the language of some honest men, "let us try them once; and if they do not well, we can put them out another year." What say facts? what say existing circumstances and events? Will not our country be plunged into all the calamities and horrors of war, thro' the folly or wickedness of our democratic rulers? Are they not hastening, with rapid strides, an awful catastrophe for our beloved country? Are we to have war with England; who, by her mighty naval power, can destroy all our vessels, all our seaports in a day? And this, too, without any reason whatever. Are our liberties, is our independence in danger from British attacks? No! She is disposed to preserve peace with us. She has made uncommon exertions to keep peace and free trade with the U. States. The alternative, then, is certain—that either our democratic rulers are infatuated, or blindly and servilely devoted to the views of the tyrant of France: The power ul enemy of all republics; who, to build up himself and family, is disorganizing and convulsing, and impoverishing, and enslaving the world!
Let us then, fellow-citizens, arouse from our fatal lethargy before it is too late to act. Will you; ye descendants of the fathers of N. England, who suffered and fought and bled for republican freedom; will you permit the yoke of slavery to be fastened upon your necks, without making one manly effort to preserve your liberties? I adjure you by your love of independence and freedom, (as well as of peace and prosperity,) to elect virtuous, impartial, patriotic characters for rulers in these portentous times. Come forward boldly, while you have the power, and before you are completely under the French yoke, and put into office the disciples, the friends of your departed WASHINGTON.
To the notice of the yeomanry, the mechanics and merchants of Lincoln county, allow me to offer the names of SAMUEL THATCHER, and JOHN CROSBY, Esquires, as suitable men for Senators.—These are men, who will do honor to the District, and who will consult the real good of the people. They are honest, independent, intelligent. They are republicans, not by pretence, to gain power and office; but in reality. They are well acquainted with the commercial and agricultural interests of the country. They are friends of peace—they will not quarrel with England to please Bonaparte! They will do their duty, and assist in saving our sinking country.—Rouse, then, fellow-citizens; rouse, and show the world you are resolved to be free! A Son of 1775. Lincoln-County, March 17, 1808.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Mr. Adams —In the exercise of the right of a free man, allow me to nominate, as candidates for Senators for the counties of Lincoln, Hancock and Washington, SAMUEL THATCHER, and JOHN CROSBY, Esquires.
The perilous crisis of our national affairs, calls for unusual exertions from all real patriots. And I entreat all real Republicans, who prefer their country's welfare to the triumph of party, to be at their posts, and to be active in promoting the election of upright and wise men for rulers.—Can the people vote for men who despise them: and who profess to be republicans, but are truly ambitious, and unprincipled? who flatter only to deceive? and whose only object is honor and power to themselves? Our peace and our liberties may yet be preserved by the choice of good men for rulers. But if we will still be governed by party views, we shall soon be the vassals of France—It were needless to proclaim the worth and patriotism of the characters mentioned above. To name them to the good citizens of the district, is sufficient. A REPUBLICAN.

FOR THE GAZETTE.
To the Electors of the county of York. AT a time when the dearest rights of the people are trampled upon...
The Senators of York, are both Embargo men, and violent enemies to our commerce...
WASHINGTON.
Kennebec, March 17, 1808.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
COUNTY TREASURER.
IT will be the duty of the inhabitants of the several towns, at their approaching annual town meetings...
There are however stronger reasons for rejecting him... in executing the duties of the office...
COMMUNICATED.
Democracy & the Squatters triumphant.
THE intelligence from the county of Kennebec, respecting the burning of the Goal and Court-House...
From the Kennebec Gazette of Friday last.
FIRE!—On Wednesday last, about half past 5 o'clock, P M we were alarmed by the cry of fire...
thought it necessary to keep a strict watch during the night, and accordingly the Light-Infantry parroted the streets...
Portland,
Monday, March 21, 1808.
By the arrival of ship Cornelia, capt. Hunt, at this port on Thursday last, in 34 days from Liverpool...
Another levy of 80,000 men has been made in France, for the year 1809. Bonaparte still pursues his system of harassing neutrals...
THE KING'S SPEECH.
THIS day the session of Parliament was opened by commission, by the following Speech...
Several of the succeeding paragraphs relate to the rupture with Denmark...
"It remains for us, according to his Majesty's command to state to you that the Treaty of commerce and amity between his Majesty and the United States of America...
"For an unauthorized act of force committed against an American ship of war, his Majesty did not hesitate to offer immediate and spontaneous reparation...
"His Majesty has commanded us to state to you, that in consequence of the Decree by which France declared the whole of his Majesty's dominions to be in a state of blockade...
Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "His Majesty has great satisfaction in informing you, that, notwithstanding the difficulties...
"My Lords and Gentlemen, "We are especially commanded to say to you, in the name of his Majesty, that if ever there was a just and national war...
His speech (or message) fills two columns of the London papers.
The last account from Washington, are to the 5th March: At that time the negotiation was wholly broken off...
It is true that nine towns in one county in New Hampshire, have, this year, changed their representation...
PATRIOTISM REWARDED.
New Sheriff appointed by the Governor. Hon. George Diner, Hanover—William Hilldrith, Middlesex—James Freeman, Barnstable—Thomas Cook, jun. Edgartown—and John Chaudler (Congress Embargo man) Kennebec.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
Several Communications are unavoidably omitted for want of room. A List of young Ladies and Gentlemen, accompanied with a commendable scale of each one's wit, beauty, elegance, form, sense and intellectual improvements...
MARRIED.
In this town, on Friday evening last, Mr. SETH CLARK, to Miss NABBY TUKEY—Lieut. Thomas Bailey, to Miss Eleanor Ellery Sawyer Hunnewell.
Gazette Ship News.
Wednesday, March 16: Arrived brig Albert, Freeman 25 days from Point Peire (Gau) cargo, Molasses, Coffee & Sugar. Arrived, ship Minerva, Given, 24 days from Liverpool, Cargo Salt.
Friday, March 18: Ship Cornelia, Hunt, 32 days from Liverpool. Cargo Salt. Sailed in co. with ship Henry, Weeks of this port, and ship Ulysses, Patterson of Wilkesbarre for Charleston, S. C.
Saturday, March 19: Sloop Falmouth, Morfe, 10 days from Philadelphia. Same day—Brig Delaware, Stover, from Boston.
Road to Wealth.
TICKETS and Quarters in Amoskeag Canal Lottery, which will commence drawing in Boston, this week, for sale by
Hanc Adams, at his Book Store, No. 7, Fifth-street. The scheme of this Class is peculiarly well calculated for adventurers...
Garden Seeds.
FOR Sale at the South West corner Store of Richardson's Wharf, in Fore Street, a variety of fresh GARDEN SEEDS.
Dr. D. G. BARKER.
INFORMS that he has removed from Oldtown to Gorham, and resides at the seat formerly occupied by the Hon. William Gorham...
TO LET.
ONE half of a convenient DWELLING HOUSE together with half of a large Garden adjoining the same, situated on Middle-street, in the centre of the town...
UNITED
Marine & Fire Insurance Company. ANNUAL MEETING. THE Stockholders of the United Marine & Fire Insurance Company of Portland...
By order of the President & Directors, JOHN WATSON, Sursy, U. M. & F. I. Office, March 10, 1808.
20,000 Dollars!! The GREAT PRIZE OF TWENTY THOUSAND DOLLARS, Was on Monday, 29th ult. drawn against No. 21,549.
In HARVARD COLLEGE LOTTERY, and was sold in Quarters, At GILBERT & DEAN'S REAL FORTUNATE LOTTERY OFFICE No. 78, STATE STREET, BOSTON.
Fresh Garden Seeds.
FOR sale by ERVING & POOR a general assortment of GARDEN SEEDS March 21.
LOST.
BETWEEN Deering's Bridge and Presumpscot Bridge, on the first inst one Keg of SNUFF—Whoever will give information where it may be found shall be well rewarded for their trouble WM. THOMPSON. March 21.
STOLEN.
ON TUESDAY NIGHT, 15th inst. from the stable of Thomas Hunter, Watch-maker, Fore-street, Portland, a bay MARE, a bout 14 hands high. 40 dollars will be paid on conviction of the thief. March 21.
Eleazar Wyer,
GOLDSMITH AND JEWELER,
Opposite the head of Ingraham's Wharf, Portland. INFORMS his friends and the public that he has just received, in addition to his former stock, a handsome assortment of gold Ear Hoops, and other Jewelry of the latest fashion.
ALSO. A few elegant gilt mounted Swords; white and yellow Epaulett; do sword Knots; do Hat Tassels of a superior quality; worked Safes; Priming Wires and Brushes; gentlemen's morocco Pocket-Books and Purse, with a double fold; Money Scales; Gilt Jewelry and fancy articles, &c. &c. all of which will be sold as cheap as can be purchased in town, for Cash.
E. WYER tenders his grateful acknowledgements for past favors, and solicits a continuance; and hopes, by a due attention to his business to merit a share of public patronage. March 21.
E. GREELY & CO.
Have for Sale,
FORTY-FIVE Puncheons of AN-TIGUA RUM. March 21.
FOR Sale, at No. 10, Union Wharf, a quantity of FRESH RICE, cheap for Cash or credit. March 21.
TO LET.
ONE half of a three story DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Middle-street, is accommodated with excellent water by an Aqueduct and convenient out houses. For terms apply to STEPHEN VEAZIE. March 21.
LANDS FOR SALE.
To the industrious and Enterprising Farmers who may wish to provide for growing families.
THE subscriber having spent the last season in the county of Hancock, and District of Maine, as the agent and Attorney of Israel Thibodeau, David Searl, and William Prescott, Esquires, owners of several large and valuable tracts of land lying within said county; and having occasion while performing the duties of his agency, to traverse the country in different directions, can now more certainly and definitely describe the soil, timber, and natural advantages of the several tracts, which he now again offers for sale to actual settlers only—viz.
16,000 Acres of Land lying in a body in the centre of the town of Prospect, and lying from 1 to 6 miles from the navigable waters of the bay and river of Penobscot; the soil is generally good, and the growth Beech, Sugar Maple, Yellow Birch and Ash; and where the growth is spruce its congeniality to the water renders it very valuable for knees and spars.
Also—25,000 acres lying upon the head waters of St. Georges River, about ten miles S. W. of Belfast; the soil and growth of hardwood land the same as in the last described tract; there is also upon this tract, large quantities of excellent pine timber, and upon the Western Branch of St. Georges River the Proprietors are erecting a Saw Mill, which will be in operation by the first of July...
In either of these tracts, bodies of land may be found of an excellent quality, well calculated to accommodate ten or twelve families who may wish to remove from the same neighborhood to settle thereon; and the first and last described tracts, will accommodate any number of families who may wish to better themselves by removing thither, and still continuing their former intercourse and neighborhood after their removal.
The town of Belfast, lying upon Belfast Bay, seacoast, and the town of Frankfort, lying upon Penobscot river, will be the immediate marts and places of deposit for the surplus produce of the settlers, residing on these Lands—these towns, though new, are flourishing, and the commercial part of their respective inhabitants are enterprising and industrious.
The Lands this advantageously situated the subscriber has been selling the past season, from four to eight dollars per acre—Having regard to the particular situation and quality of the Lands and the benefits accruing to the owners and the country, in the acquisition of good industrious settlers, he will continue to sell on the same terms which he has heretofore sold at; and should any number of industrious farmers, in any part of the country, think of removing, and should select an agent (in whose judgment they have confidence) to view the Lands, the subscriber will be found at Belfast, in said county of Hancock, and will give such agent every satisfaction in his power respecting the Lands. —Urgent for sale.
9000 acres of Land in the towns of Camden, Lincolnville, and Northport. A liberal credit will be given for the whole or a part of the purchase money, as may best suit the purchaser. PHINEHAS ASHMUN. March 10, 1808. (6 w)
BLANKS—OF ALL KINDS
For sale at L ADAMS' Bookstore.
Sales by Auction.
MARSHAL'S SALE.
Taken by execution and will be sold at Public Auction on MONDAY next, 21st inst. at No. 12, Ingraham's Wharf,
TWENTY Hogheads St. Martin's Rum 20 hds. do Sugar } Suitable for 18 bbls. do do } Retailing. 1 do Beef 2 do bread. —Sale at 11 o'clock.
Terms at the Sale.
T. G. THORNTON, Marshal.
E. Greely & Co. Auctions.
Portland, March 17, 1808.
TAKE NOTICE.
A FARM, to be sold at Public Vendue, on the first Monday in April next, on the premises, if not disposed of before that time at private sale.
CONTAINING one hundred acres of good LAND for mowing, pasturing and tillage; together with a good SAW-MILL standing thereon in the town of Bethel, and county of Oxford, and may be entered upon the first day of April next; at the time of sale will be sold one Cow-one Horse, a number of Sheep and Young Cattle.
For further particulars enquire of SOLOMON LELAND of said District or BARTHOLOMEW HUTCHINSON of Paris. March 21, 1808.
NOTICE.
Taken by Execution, and to be sold at Public Auction, on Wednesday the twentieth of April next at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, all that lot in equity of redeeming the following described mortgaged real estate, viz.
A CERTAIN Farm in Gorham, in the county of Cumberland, with the buildings and improvements thereon, bounded as follows, viz. Beginning on the northern side of the road leading from Scarapappa to Gorham Corner at a stake standing in the line that divides the towns of Gorham and Falmouth; thence by the said road 63 rods to a stake; thence on the line of a tract, with John S. Smith 80 rods to a stake; thence westerly at right angles with the last mentioned line two rods to said Smith's land; thence northerly by said Smith's land, ninety rods to a stake; thence north-easterly on such a course as will strike an oak tree marked, standing on the northern side of said Smith's Land (called) thence down said river, as the same flows, forty-two rods to Falmouth line; thence by said line a joining and on Ebenezer Barrett to the first mentioned bounds, containing seventy acres, more or less.
Sale to be on the premises, when and where the conditions will be made known. EDMUND MARSH, Dep. Sheriff. March 19.
Thursday next,
At 4 o'clock the Wheels of Amoskeag Lottery, will begin to move and in the course of 40 days will throw out the following prizes, viz. 9 of 1000 dollars 1 of 2000 and the capital prize of 10,000 dollars besides several of 500, 100, 50 and 30 dollars.
Tickets, Halves, Quarters and Eighths may be had of SETCH CLARK, Fifth-street.
N B A list of prizes in the 5th Class Harvard College may be seen, and prizes received for Tickets in the above Lottery, at the Harvard College Lottery as will best suit the adventurer. March 21.
NOTICE.
JOHN GOODWIN, gives Notice to those persons indebted to THOMAS CLARK that he has received an assignment of all his Book Accounts—and has left them at the Office of EZKIEL WHITMAN Esq. for collection; they will please to call and settle them immediately as he shall be under the necessity of putting them in suit unless they are paid without delay. March 21.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE Partnership of STRONG & DANA, is this day dissolved by mutual consent—All persons indebted to them are required to make immediate payment, and those who have any demands will please to bring them in for adjustment, to Robert Strong, at the store lately occupied by said firm.
ROBERT STRONG.
DAVID DANA.
ROBERT STRONG,
Will continue to keep an assortment of GROCERIES, as usual, at the above Store, where he solicits the custom of his friends. March 14. (4)
William Francis,
Has for sale,
FIFTY cords of good Spruce WOOD, at 13 3/4 per cord; 400 wt. good BUTTER, at 14 cents per pound; 20 quintals good FISH, at 13 3/4 per quintal; Enquire at his Bake-House in Union Street. March, 17.
TO FARMERS.
AT the request of Mr. John Pease of Newton, in the county of Middlesex and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the Subscriber offers for sale, all the Lands and property of which the said Pease is the owner in Adams District, and District of Maine, conveyed to said Pease by John Bridgman and others, and granted to them by the General Court of said Commonwealth. Terms of payment will be made easy, and further particulars communicated, on application to the subscriber, at his Office, No. 3 of Middlesex Row. NICHOLAS EMERY. Portland, March 21, 1808.
THE Creditors to the estate of Walter Simon, are informed that from a large portion of his property remaining abroad, together with a considerable amount due the Estate, which will probably require legal measures to recover; until which no ultimate settlement of the Estate can be made. They are hereby advised that from collections already made, a dividend of ten per cent on each claim not exceeding one thousand dollars will be paid on demand; on those of a larger amount, payment will be made with as little delay as possible at No. 12, Union Wharf, by THOMAS WEBSTER. Portland, March 21, 1808.

Poetry.
YANKEE DOODLE.
WHEN federal men did stand at helm, We ship'd off many a cargo— Then wheat and rye produce was high, Cause there was no Embargo.
But now our ships they are unrigg'd, Our sailors spin street-yarn, fir— Our merchants sail—our farmers sigh— Their grain lies in the barn, fir.
For who can sell or who can buy, When nothing can be sold, fir; Confound Philosophers, say I, Give me the times of old, fir.
Then we put money in our purse, All did our friendship prize, fir; Our ports were free, to all the world, And we were brave and wise, fir.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
TO FITZHERBERT.
WHO was he, whose doric lyre Wok'd the Muses' magic fire? Who was he, whose warbling lay, Softly flow'd, and sweetly wild, Sooth'd e'en sorrow's hapless child, And charm'd my cares away?
Who was he whose maniac song, Bold, majestic, wild and strong, Sang of frantic Henry's woe? Henry, whose enfeebled strains Made the swift current of the veins, In swifter courses flow.
'Twas thine, Fitzherbert, thine the mystic art, To twine round every fibre of the heart; 'Twas thine to soothe the anguish'd breath, To bid a smile upon the cheek of woe, To light the tear of hapless pity flow, And lull the storm to rest.
Ere when in W*****'s long remember'd groves, That every Viph and ev'ry Dryad loves, 'Mid classic shades and consecrated bowers, With careless steps we rov'd and cull'd Par-nassian flowers,
Thy dulcet numbers charm'd the list'ning throng, And ev'n the muse was ravish'd with the song. Sweet was the sound, when oft at day's decline, Thy warbling harp would sympathize with mine.
When oft recalling scenes in youth most dear We number'd sigh for sigh, and tear for tear, While not a breeze that from the mountain fray'd
But bore our mingled music thro' the glade, And gentle echo catching every close In sweet responses, answer'd all our woes—
Alas, what boors it, that the echoing lute In dulcet notes, could charm the raptur'd mind Since the young longfinger now is mute, DiLord'd every tuneful string
And the lov'd harp that could so sweetly sing To silence all consign'd
Wake Oh Fitzherbert, wake thy dormant skill, Fling to the wind a sweetly soothing lay; Relouch thy lov'd Pindaric quill,
And charm once more my cares away, For I like thee, have left the shades I love, My lonely grot, my cottage and my grove.
Wake, oh Fitzherbert, wake thy latent fire, And swiftly sweep the melancholy lyre, And while with pensive steps I go
'Mid forests drear and hills o'er topp'd with snow; Be mine the task to listen and admire.
A STRANGER.
Miscellany.
SUBJECTS FOR THE PENCIL.—America, the second commercial nation in the world, driven from the ocean—her ships rotting—her seamen idle and starving—her produce perishing on her hands—her merchants ruined—her farmers in despair—her mechanics threatened with poverty and bankruptcy—Why all this? Is she able to detain herself and protect her commerce? Yes. Are her resources abundant? Yes. Are her people brave? Yes. Are they enterprising? Yes. Are they patriotic? Yes. Are they ready to suffer every thing rather than submit to insult and wrong? Yes. Why then is the country driven to such a state of things?—Why have we not protection for our commerce—defence for our seaports—revenge for our injuries? Why are we compelled to bow submissive to the mandates of foreign powers? Why are we forced to withdraw from the ocean at their command?
Congress—called together at a most alarming and eventful crisis—for what?—What have they done? What are they doing?—Providing naval protection? No. Giving us prompt defence? No. Are they acting as becomes the Representatives of a great nation? No. They have withdrawn our commerce from the ocean. For what? Because the belligerents have refused us our rights there. Has a single coercive measure been adopted? No. What have they done to secure the rights of the nation? Nothing.—What have they done? They have read the testimony in the case of A. Burr. They have quarrelled about the Yazoo land. They have debated about removing the Government to Philadelphia. They have attempted to expel a member of the Senate. They have read and referred a petition of Tom Paine. And finally, they have had a grand caucus to dictate to the people who shall be their next president!—Albany Cris.
A Charleston paper says, many of the seamen at that place are free in the street begging pence to buy bread. It adds, that they need not do this, as they have been offered
support on terms they ought to accept. An extremely severe law against seamen is about to be enforced at Chaleston.
A letter from Albermarle county, Virginia, dated Feb. 19, says, "a valuable horse was sold the other day in this county, under execution, for one dollar. The officer purchased him, and contends that the sale was good, and he will hold him. This man does not belong to the federal party."
The Hon. J. Marsters, member of Congress from a district in New-York, has declined being a candidate for a re-election:
By information from Georgia, we learn that the four representatives in congress from that state (Messrs. Crawford, Bibb, Cobb, and Smelt) who voted against the Embargo have become extremely popular in consequence of that vote. The law is in that state universally condemned.—U. S. Gaz.
By letters from North Carolina, we learn that the people of that state, in consequence of the Embargo, have agreed by common consent to stop law. They will neither permit any writ of execution to be levied nor any goods to be sold at auction pursuant to such a writ.—Ibid.
REMOVAL
And more New and Cheap Goods.
N. P. Poor,
INFORMS the Purchasers of ENGLISH GOODS, that he has removed from Muf-fey's Row, to the store lately occupied by Munroe & Tuttle, corner of Middle and Union Streets; where may be found a good assortment of GOODS, cheap as can be purchased—viz— Baizes and Flannels, by the piece or yard Persele Flannels and Cloths Broadcloths and Cassimeres Plains, Duffles, Blankets, 6-4 to 10-4 Common and Superfine Coatings Worsted Hosiery—a quantity Cotton and silk do Pic nic and other silk Gloves Kid Habit Gloves, York tan and beaver do White, pink and yellow Sarfnets 1 carton real Thread Laces Cotton, white and black silk Veils & Laces Cap Patterns—Lace Muslins White and colored Sarsnet Cambrics Cotton Cambrics—Calicoes and Furnitures, Chambrays, Ginghams, silk Vestings Chambray Shawls
REMOVAL.
JOEL HALL.
HAVING purchased the whole stock in trade of John P. Thurston & Co. has removed from No. 17, Long-Wharf, to Central Row, (the store formerly occupied by said John P. Thurston & Co.) where he offers for sale the following articles:— 200 crates C. C. Earthen Ware 100 casks English Nails 60 crates Junk Bottles 1 gross Mustard Bottles Boxes 12 by 18, 11 by 15, 10 by 15, 10 by 14, 10 by 12, 9 by 13, 9 by 12, 9 by 11, 7 by 9, and 6 by 8 Crown Window Glass 20 bottles superfine, fine and common Coal Varnish 40 casks fine English Mustard 11 do Copperas—4 do Alum 5 do Red Lead 4 sheets malleable Lead, 3 lb. and 3 1/2 per lb. square feet 10 cwt. patent Shot 1 hhd. common Lamp Black 1 keg Lylthage 200 wt. Iron Wire, assorted 7 doz. long & short handled Frying-Pans 40 quires Sand Paper 7 reams Small Weights 84 small painted Scale-Beams, assorted 30 boxes Pipes 100 Stone-Jugs and Butter-pots Bbls Mea No 1 and 2 Pork 50 hds. Windward Island Rum 8 do Muscovado Sugars 200 do Liverpool Salt 1500 quintals Co—Fifth Jan 4
Hard-ware Goods.
William Goddard,
HAS received by ships Joseph and Henry from Liverpool, a very extensive addition to his stock of Sadlery, Cutlery & Hard-Ware Goods—which he offers for sale by wholesale and retail, on the most reasonable terms. LIKEWISE, 530 boxes best Crown Glass, all sizes from 9 by 7 to 18 by 12 130 casks wrought Nails, all sizes 3 tons sheet Lead 70 doz. best English Shovels and Spades 25 doz. Frying pans 100 doz. best Sewing Twine 3 casks flat Irons Large quantity Cart, Waggon, and Chaise Wheel Boxes Sets of Cart Iron, Weights 7, 14 and 28 lb do Blocktin Tea Pots Clock Faces Few boxes double tin Plates Blacksmith's Anvils and Vices. ALSO, An assortment of LOOKING GLASSES, with gilt and Mahogany Frames LIKEWISE, A very great variety of Joiner's Planes.
E. Greely & Co.
HAVE for sale, HYSON, Souchong and Bohea Tea—Rice, Pimento—Prime Pork—Flour—Loaf-Sugar—brown ditto—Brandy and Gin. ALSO, 1500 bushels Rye. March 7.
Patent Trusses.
JUST received and for sale by John S. Dupee, AT his store in Fores-street, head of Ingraham's-Wharf, an assortment of Stone's Improved Trusses for Ruptures.
This invention is considered by Physicians of the first eminence, as a great Improvement on the kind heretofore made, and has secured to him a Patent from the President of the United States. They consist of a double Spring, yielding more readily to the motion of the body—being at the same time more comfortable to the wearer, and attended with better effect. (cop3m) Feb. 1.
For Jaundice & Bilious Complaints, WHEATON'S Genuine Jaundice Bitters,
(PRICE 50 CENTS.) Secured to him by Letters Patent from the President of the United States.
A MEDICINE extremely useful for curing jaundice and bilious disorders, and removing that looking, faint and distressed feeling at the stomach, difficulty of breathing, loss of appetite, and sleepy, dull heaviness in the fore part of the day, weakness and trembling of the limbs, dizziness of the head, and yellowness of countenance, complaints so common to jaundice and bilious people.
The many cures that have been effected in New-England by the above medicine, (as may be seen by the bills) prevent the necessity of further recommendation.—Likewise,
Wheaton's Itch Ointment,
A Medicine which will certainly cure the ITCH, without having in it any thing either dangerous or disagreeable.
One box cures a person, and there need be no washing after the use of it, as the skin is generally left clean and smooth.
The above MEDICINES are kept constantly for sale by Erving & Poor, at their Store near the head of Fifth-street. (e o p t f.) March 7.
TAKE NOTICE!
FOR sale in Turner, a Dwelling House, out houses and Store, conveniently situated for a Trader, being the property of Samuel Spear of Boston.—For further particulars enquire of the subscriber in Portland. Oct 12 EZEKIEL WHITMAN.
NOTICE!
FOR sale in N. Gloucester, at the lower corner, the Dwelling house, Office and Store belonging to the estate of Asa Mitchell, Esq. deceased; being an excellent stand for a trader as the Country affords—The whole will be sold at private sale on a liberal credit of several years if required, the interest being paid annually.—For further particulars enquire may be made of the subscriber in Portland. Oct. 12. E. WHITMAN.
Doct. Hunt,
RESPECTFULLY informs the inhabitants of Falmouth that he has made a stand at Stroudwater where he shall be happy to receive their commands in the line of his profession. March 7.
Sacred Music.
THE subscriber has removed the School from Union Street to his House, bottom of Plumb Street, where it will be attended to on Monday and Thursday evenings. March 7. HENRY HILTON.
To Let.
IN the center of the town, a convenient two story DWELLING HOUSE.—Enquire of S. SHAW. March 7.
To Let,
A Large, convenient and well finished DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in a very pleasant part of the town and accompanied with good water, garden, and out houses.—For terms apply to JOS. C. BOYD. March 7.
NOTICE!
THE subscriber hereby informs the public that he carries on the CURRING BUSINESS at Mr. JOSIAH SHAW's shop near Gorham-corner, of which gentlemen Tanners and others will please to take notice, and by affording him their custom oblige their humble servant, HENRY WHEELER. Gorham, March 7.
PAY THE BUTCHER: or, A loud call from the Lawyer.
ALL persons in Portland indebted to the subscriber for a less sum than fifteen dollars, if not paid by the first day of April next, the Lawyer will collect without any more notice. HENRY COOLIDGE. March 7.
FOR SALE—Or, TO LET,
TWO story DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in the north part of the town.—For particulars, enquire of THOS. CHASE. March 7.
Factory Cotton.
Henry Smith & Co. No. 4. Muf-fey's Row, HAVE for sale a large assortment of factory, Wharp and Filling, and two threaded whitened Cotton. July 13. tf
BENJAMIN WILLIS,
HAVING been driven from his late stand in Haymarket Row, (by the late fire) has taken the Store lately occupied by Mr. John Dean, opposite Messrs. How & Evans' Store, where he has now for sale, a large assortment of English, India & West India Goods; which were laid in at reduced prices, and shall be sold at a very small profit—and made satisfactory to purchasers. Feb. 1.
TO BE SOLD,
A DWELLING HOUSE, forty feet by thirty-two, two stories high, with a commodious Stable and other out-buildings, with about half an acre of Land, situated near the bridge in Topsham, accommodated with excellent water by Aqueduct from an unfaulng source, which abundantly supplies the house, stable and garden in the driest seasons. The house has been built about ten years—the other buildings not three years since. They stand in a flourishing village, within one mile of Bowdoin College, in Brunswick, and about sixty rods from the Court-house in Topsham. To a person who wishes to be concerned in the Lumber business, to the trader or industrious mechanic, the opportunity to purchase a good stand, may be worthy attention.—Further information may be had of the subscriber at Bath. JONA. ELLIS. March 14.
FOR SALE.
STORE No. 7, Jones' Row, and the Dwelling house adjoining the same; being one of the best situations in the town of Portland for business. For terms apply to EBENEZER GRIFFIN, No. 34, Ann Street, Boston. March 14.
TAKE NOTICE.
THE Postmaster at Portland, respectfully reminds those persons who have been in the habit of having their letters charged that in future there will be no more credit given; and those who are now indebted to the Postmaster are requested to make immediate payment. March 14.
TO GARDENERS.
THOS: HUNTER, Watch-maker, No. 72, Fore street, has received from England a quantity of Early Chalton Peas; this Pea is ripe full three weeks before any other—Also, Spanish Dwarf Peas, which do not grow more than eight inches when in full bearing—Blue Prussian Peas; this is the most prolific of all others.—Scarlet Runners, and a variety of English Flower and other Seeds; a list of which may be seen as above.
He also offers for sale a quantity of English Shoe Sole Leather—Patent Liquid and Cake Blacking—London made Tin Tea Kettles, of a superior quality and strength. Hatters' Bow Strings—A few Books on Gardening and Agriculture—and some of the Works of the celebrated Dr. Gill, a Baptist Minister of London. Portland, March 14.
Harrison Land-Tax for 1806.
NOTICE is hereby given to the non resident proprietors and owners of the following Lots of Land, in the town of Harrison, in the county of Cumberland, that they are taxed for the year 1806, in a bill committed to me the subscriber to collect, as follows, viz. STATE, COUNTY, TOWN AND HIGHWAY
   No. Acres. Value. Tax. Highway Tax.    Unknown. 5 3 45 50 20 42  6 3 90 100 40 83  18 3 90 100 40 83  22 2 90 100 40 83  3 4 90 100 40 83  6 4 90 100 40 83  8 4 90 100 40 83  19 2 90 100 40 83  21 1 90 100 40 83  24 1 90 100 40 83  26 1 90 100 40 83  27 1 90 100 40 83  138 100 40 83  139 100 40 83  136 100 40 83  Taxed to Winslow Barker. 6 1 100 117 47 97  11 1 45 50 20 41  11 3 100 100 40 82  4 5 100 100 40 83  9 6 100 150 60 1 24  Taxed to James Prentiss. 141 50 83 13 27  138 100 40 83  2 2 100 84 34 70  2 6 100 100 40 83  6 100 40 83  Unknown. 7 50 150 40 83  8 100 40 83  
That so much of said lots or parcels of land as will pay said taxes and charges, will be sold at the Dwelling house of capt. Nathaniel Harmon, in said Harrison, on MONDAY, the 18th day of April next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, unless said taxes and charges shall be paid before that time. JACOB EMERSON, Collector. March 14.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of Administrator on the estate of
STEPHEN FOSTER, late of Bradford, in the county of Essex, merchant deceased, by giving bond as the law directs:—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to
STEPHEN FOSTER. Portland, Mar 14. N.B. Gentlemen with whom Notes belonging to said deceased's estate have been deposited for collection, are requested to forward them to S. FOSTER, Portland.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Executrix of the last will and testament of
WILLIAM TYNG, late of Gorham, in the county of Cumberland, Esquire, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs:—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to ELIZABETH TYNG. Jan. 14, 1808. (M, 14)
REMOVAL.
J. D. HOPKINS respectfully informs the public that he has removed his office to the room formerly occupied by Salmon Chase Esq. and lately by Thomas Hopkins, jun. being the next door to the office of the Register of Deeds—where he will be ready to receive the commands of those who may wish to employ him in the line of his profession. Portland, Dec. 21. Son.
Sales by Auction.
To be sold by order of Court, at the house of Mary Merrill, in Northarmouth, on WEDNESDAY the 6th day of April next, at eleven o'clock A. M.
ALL the Real Estate of Samuel Merrill, Esq. late of Northarmouth, deceased, including the reversion of the widow's dower in the premises.—Conditions of sale to be made known at the time of sale.
MARY MERRILL, Administratrix of the said deceased's Estate. By her Attorney, ENOCH ILSLEY. March 7.
To be sold by order of the Court of Common Pleas, on the premises, on Tuesday the 5th day of April next, at 11 o'clock A. M.
A FARM in Paris, county of Oxford, late the property of Caleb Bryant, deceased, containing about 75 acres of rich land, a considerable of which is under cultivation, situated on the main road, where it has a new framed House and Barn; the land is excellently well watered for use of the farm, which has the advantage of a small descent from the road to the foot of the lot. There is a Saw and Grist Mill, and a large pond with plenty of Fish but a short distance from the place—Terms made known at the sale. For further particulars enquire of JAMES BARNES, of Portland, Administrator. March 14.
Valuable School Book.
JUST published and for sale by ISAAC ADAMS, A valuable Book for the use of Schools—CONTAINING THE CONSTITUTIONS of the STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, and that of THE UNITED STATES: The Declaration of Independence, and President Washington's Farewell Address.
This book was printed a short time since by order of the General Court of Massachusetts, and by them recommended to the inhabitants of the several towns, to be read as a SCHOOL BOOK in all the common schools.—Few copies of this useful book ever reached this part of the state; but where it has been adopted, it is highly approved of.
By the request of a number of gentlemen interested in the education of the rising generation, a new edition has just been printed. Bookellers can be supplied in lots by the hundred. Jan. 11
TO LET,
A Very convenient two story dwelling house, situated on Pleasant Street, containing two parlors, kitchen, chambers, out houses, barn, &c. at a very reasonable rent, and possession given immediately by NATHAN KINSMAN. Portland, Feb. 22.
Amoskeag Canal Lottery, Class Fifth of the Second Grant.
SCHEME.
20000 Tickets at 5 Dollars each are 100000 Dollars.    1 Prize of 10000 is 10000  1 do. 2000 - 2000  9 Prizes - 1000 are 9000  4 do. 500 - 2000  125 do. 100 - 12500  88 do. 50 - 4400  70 do. 20 - 1400  6386 do. 7 - 44702  6684 86002  
SUBJECT TO NO DEDUCTION. Not two blanks to a prize.
A part of the above Prizes will be drawn in the following manner:—viz. The first drawn blank on the 5th day, shall be entitled to 500 dollars. Do. on the 8th, - 500 do. Do. on the 10th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 13th, - 500 do. Do. on the 16th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 18th, - 500 do. Do. on the 20th, - 2000 do. Do. on the 22d, - 1000 do. Do. on the 24th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 26th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 28th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 30th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 32d, - 1000 do. Do. on the 35th, - 1000 do. Do. on the 38th, - 1000 do.
Five hundred numbers will be considered as a day's drawing, and the fortunate numbers, which depend on the days will be determined accordingly.
This Class will commence drawing in Boston, on the twenty-fourth day of March next. Prizes of a thousand dollars and upwards, payable in ninety days—prizes of a hundred and of five hundred dollars, payable in sixty days; and all others in thirty days after the drawing shall be completed. Payment as usual, in bills generally current in this Commonwealth. Prizes not demanded in one year after the drawing will not be paid. Tickets rise to 5 50, after the fifteenth of March.
Tickets and Quarters in the above Lottery kept constantly for sale at the Bookseller's of ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth-street. Prize Tickets in former Lotteries taken in payment. March 14.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to hereby