The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1800-02-19 00:00:00

Old Thompson
The Providence Journal
AND
TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. Printer of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the State of RHODE ISLAND, &c. At the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 60. ]
WEDNESDAY, February 19, 1800.
[ Vol. II. ]
The following Extract of a letter, from a gentleman at Baltimore to his friend at Tioga, dated Dec. 1799, may convince settlers in new countries, of the highly advantageous situation of the lands offered for sale in the subsequent advertisement.
I AM happy in being able to inform you, that at length the Canal, and the bed of the river, are both in a certain way of being made navigable. Our state have even exceeded our expectation;—they have granted a toll to the Susquehannah Canal Company of one half the rates established for the canal, on condition they appropriate 5000 dols. to clearing the river, and effect a navigation for rafts and arks. The state lends the stockholders 30,000 dollars for ten years, and authorizes them to enlarge their stock 50,000 pounds beyond the present amount, if necessary. These measures secure the opening the river, and the completing of the canal. Our legislature has also authorized the cutting a canal from the Chesapeake I. to the Delaware Bay, on condition that the state of Pennsylvania clear the river Susquehannah of all obstructions above the Maryland line. You may now calculate on a completion of the works, a ready access to tide water, and an easy ascent up the river. The accomplishment of these objects will add greatly to the value of Tioga. It will give you an opportunity of remitting, and enable you to sell your merchandise for property that can be transported to a market. The clearing the river, and finishing the canal, will be entered upon immediately, as the spring opens. I would recommend to you to sell no lots but to actual settlers—the more of these you can procure, the better. Tioga, for actual business, must become a great settlement.—Lumber must be the great object of attention."
Valuable LANDS for Sale.
FOR Sale, in lots of 100, 200, 300 and 400 acres, a body of very valuable LANDS, equal in point of soil, situation and advantages of water carriage, to any lands in the United States. The soil has been proved, and is found, on cultivation, to be very fertile in wheat, rye, indian corn, potatoes, and other excellent vegetables. The lands are situated in the county of Luzerne, and state of Pennsylvania, within 7 miles of a river which is navigable to the sea for boats of considerable burthen; and large rafts of timber, from settlements on the same river many miles above these lands, are in the proper season of the year sent to Baltimore, Havre-de-Grace, and other places. The lands are about 170 miles north of Philadelphia, 60 miles west of Poughkeepsie, on the North River, and about 240 on a direct west course from Providence. The canal from the mouth of the Susquehannah, which it is expected will soon be accomplished, will afford a direct water carriage from the landings near this tract to Philadelphia.
The lands are surrounded by settlements on all sides; those of Chenango are about 30 miles to the northward. Several families from this state purchased and moved on to a part of these lands the last spring. The subscribers have erected a grist-mill on the premises, for the accommodation of settlers. The whole tract is well wooded throughout, having little or no underbrush. There is a sufficiency of the sugar maple, and of white ash, to afford a permanent supply of sugar and fencing. The land is not stony, rocky or mountainous, nor is it flat or level, but diversified with hills and valleys, just sufficient to insure its salubrity.
The inhabitants who have been settled in its neighbourhood for several years, have experienced the climate to be very healthy, and the winters moderate. The lands are well watered, having several good mill-seats, and a considerable quantity of natural meadow, sufficient, in the opinion of good judges, to support 100 head of cattle winter and summer. The whole tract has been surveyed, and divided into lots of 200 acres, but will be sold in such quantities as will best suit the purchasers; or some of it will be leased, if desired.
Real estate in Providence or its vicinity will be received in exchange for a part of it, on reasonable terms. The title is clear and indisputable, and deeds with warranty will be executed unto the purchasers by the subscribers; by enquiring of whom, it will be found that the lands now offered for sale are really inviting to all desirous of settling in a fertile and healthy country, and that the terms, both with respect to credit and price, are very moderate.
Persons desirous of purchasing, are requested to apply soon, as the tract for sale is not large, containing only about twelve thousand acres.
BENJAMIN BOURN, in Bristol. BROWN and IVES, in Providence. December 25.
Wanted,
A N experienced SUGAR BOILER. Any one that can be well recommended, will meet with good encouragement. Enquire of FEB. 5. JEREMIAH F. JENKINS.
Legislature of Pennsylvania.
[The committee appointed to wait on Governor McKean, with the spirited answer of the Senate to his address, which appeared in this paper of the 5th inst. have presented the following reply:]
To the SENATE of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
GENTLEMEN, THE extraordinary nature of your first communication to me, as an executive magistrate; the slight reference that it contains to the address to which it pretends to be an answer,—and the distant period at which it is presented; are indications of a premeditated insult, that affect me infinitely more, on account of the apparent departure from the dignity of a Legislative body, than on account of the injustice done to my political principles, or of the outrage offered to my personal feelings. Regarding you, indeed, only in your representative character, I have thought it in some degree an official duty to suffer you to speak to me in terms which, as a private gentleman, I would not have consented to hear; and which as private gentlemen, individually responsible, I still hope you would not have condescended to employ.
Thus an address, closing the solemn act of my introduction into office, with a declaration of my solicitude to promote the happiness of our constituents, and to preserve an harmonious intercourse between the departments of the government; you have been pleased to convert into an opportunity to assume a censorship which the constitution does not recognize; to exhibit accusations which my conduct has not deserved; and to indulge a spirit of animosity which presents much to compassionate and deplore, but nothing to convince or to terrify.
It is obvious, I must repeat, gentlemen, that your proceedings on this occasion are not founded on any legislative duty; and cannot, I think, produce any public advantage. As the Senate is the tribunal established to decide upon every charge of official misconduct, it would seem, in such cases, to be peculiarly incumbent on that body to abstain from effusions of passion, from aspersion of animadversion, from the bias of prejudication. Even, therefore, if the transactions which you have denounced were of a criminal nature, you, who would eventually be the judges, ought not to have become the accusers; and if they were not of a criminal nature, it will be difficult to trace the political, moral, or intellectual pre-eminence, that authorizes you to arraign and condemn them.
Let us, with this view, for a moment consider the topics of your complaint. In a reply to the congratulations of my republican friends, upon the result of the late election, I candidly stated an opinion, that a combination was employed, in support of the adverse candidate, consisting of the enemies to the principles of the American revolution, the emissaries of foreign governments, and the dependants, or ex-pendants of office, under the federal administration. Whether I review the circumstances to which I then referred, or contemplate the many other proofs of the existence of such a combination, in relation to more important objects, I find no reason to change or to retract the opinion that was then delivered. Yet, let me not again be misrepresented. Though my election was opposed by all those descriptions of persons, I never said; I never thought, that there was not likewise a numerous description of opponents, whose minds were actuated by the purest motives, and whose conduct had been equally decorous and independent. Free, therefore, from the perversion of party (a perversion which I did not expect the enlightened Senate of Pennsylvania would countenance or adopt) what is there in my sentiments or language, that your generosity should be exercised to forgive, or that my sense of justice should be anxious to obliterate?
Besides, it will be recollected, that the transaction, particularly alluded to, occurred before I was in office, and was unconnected with any object of the executive or legislative trust. If, then, the censorship of the Senate is warrantable, as applied to that act, it may with equal reason and authority be applied to every act of my life; and if the Senate may publish strictures upon the private conduct of the executive magistrate, what claim of privilege can shelter members of that body from retort and recrimination, but the claim, which I shall always promptly anticipate and allow, to pardon and oblivion?
You have chosen, however, gentlemen, another topic for censure; and, pursuing the very course which you have yourselves reprobated, you lament that the same spirit which dictated the answer to my republican friends, has marked my official conduct; you bestow the most opprobrious epithets on my arrangement of the subordinate offices of the state; and you ascribe to me the most wicked designs. But the constitution has conferred on the Governor the exclusive power of appointing or removing public officers; and although it is admitted, that for the legal exercise of that power he is responsible to the legislature, through the medium of impeachment, as for the discreet exer-
cise of the power he is responsible to his constituents through the medium of election; I can no where discover the authority of the Senate, in the present form, to controul, regulate or interpose. The radical principle of the constitution, indeed, provides for the separation and independence of the principal departments of government; and can be of little importance, whether that principle is subverted by direct usurpation, or by the successful efforts of one department to overawe and influence another. If likewise the Senate may, on any pretence, by an extra judicial process, investigate and arraign, disapprove and censure, the manner of discharging the executive functions; may not the executive magistrate, with as much propriety, invade the sanctuary of the Senate, deprecate the rage and acrimony of its parties, denounce the personal misconduct of its members, question their title to their seats, and brand them with corruption or imbecility? No, gentlemen, I will never encroach upon your jurisdiction; but I shall deem it equally a duty, with firmness and meekness, to resist any attempts to encroach upon mine.
But it is not on this ground alone, that your proceedings appear to be erroneous: You have also erred in the unqualified assertion, that "a great number of respectable characters have been removed from office, against whom no other blame rests than the exercise of their right as freemen, in opposition to my wishes."—Before so gross an imputation was cast upon my conduct, you should, surely, possess (what you cannot have possessed) a perfect knowledge of the information and principles by which it is regulated.—It is true, that various changes in public offices have been made, and that others are contemplated; but was it not within the scope of a candid construction to assign a less odious cause for the measures I have pursued? In a popular government, the principle of rotation in offices of honour and profit, might fairly have been suggested. A conviction of the unfitness of an officer for his particular station, would be a reasonable ground for the exercise of executive discretion; and, much as I venerate the military merit of the revolution, I may be allowed to remark, that such merit does not necessarily imply a superior capacity for civil office. The deportment of officers, not in the exercise of their rights as freemen, but in the prostitution of official influence to party purposes; not in the maintenance of their own independence, but in the defamation of the executive magistrate, may also afford a proper cause of removal; for the confidence and cordiality which ought to subsist between the principal and subordinate officers of the state, being thus destroyed, the public interest alone would demand a separation. In short, gentlemen, let my appointments be judged by any impartial test, and I flatter myself that I am rather entitled to the approbation with which the House of Representatives has honoured me, in an answer to the same address, than to the denunciation of a small majority of the Senate. You would then perceive, that many of the commissions issued by my predecessor have been renewed; that if any veteran of the American war has been displaced, after a long enjoyment of office, others of at least equal patriotism and talents have been brought from retirement into the public service; that, so far from acting on the impulse of an indiscriminate resentment, many of my most decisive and influential opponents have been re-appointed; and that without regard to any personal feeling, I have selected, and shall always deem it a duty to select, for public stations, men who are tried and faithful friends to the genuine principles of our republican institutions.
Having now, gentlemen, endeavoured to evince the impropriety and injustice of the assertions with which I have been assailed, permit me again to invite your co-operation in establishing and preserving the harmony of the Government. To the honour of the State, to the interest of our constituents, and to our own happiness, it is essential, that the spirit of political distrust and party feud should be effectually subdued. For a purpose so important and beneficent, an example may justly be expected from those, who are elevated to public stations: And, I repeat, that with the prosperity of the people as our sole object, with the constitution and laws as our constant guide, we may reasonably hope for success. For my part, be assured, that, notwithstanding every past unpleasant occurrence, I shall embrace every opportunity to manifest a profound respect for the Legislature, and to reciprocate marks of confidence and esteem with the individuals that compose it.
THOMAS M'KEAN.
Lancaster, January 28, 1800.
DISSENT of the MINORITY.
DISSENTIENT,
Because we consider the answer to the address of the Governor, as an useless interference on the part of the Senate, uncalled for by the contents of the address, and unsanctioned by former precedent.
Because the answer of the Senate is not in fact an answer to the address of the Governor,
but consists of observations perfectly extraneous and irrelevant.
Because the answer of the Senate unwarrantably and unconstitutionally arraigns the Governor, for conduct pursued, and language made use of (if at all) before he became the chief magistrate of this State, and completely without the cognizance and jurisdiction of the Senate.
Because the answer of the Senate is, in our opinion, a gross and unjustifiable interference with the discretionary powers vested in the Governor by the constitution, and calculated to infringe, in his person, on the right of the people at large, it being notorious that in the Governor, and in him only, in conformity with the powers confided to him by the people, rests the right of appreciating and appointing the officers alluded to in the answer of the Senate.
Because the address of the Governor, mild and conciliating in its sentiments, and expressed in language becoming the dignity of the situation he has been called upon to fill, does not contain one single expression that could directly or indirectly provoke the acrimonious reply which the Senate has thought fit to adopt.
Because "we entertained a momentary hope, that by a manly and noble policy" (so laudably in our opinion held forth in the address of the Governor) "the spirit of party and political discontent, which now divides our State, and threatens its peace, would be removed," by a cordial acceptance, on the part of the Senate, of the Governor's invitation.
We lament, as members of this body, that the answer in question has annihilated the hopes we had thus fondly cherished, and hoisted the signal of discord in return for proffers of conciliation and peace. We rejoice in this opportunity of expressing our profound dissent from the spirit which dictated the answer of the Senate.
Because we think the language of that answer is as insulting to the people in the person of their Governor, as it is degrading to the dignity of the Senate; nor can we help remarking the strange inconsistency of that answer, which complains of opprobrious language, in language the most opprobrious. We respect the sovereignty of the people in their constituted authorities.
We personally respect the Governor, to whom this answer is addressed—we respect the decorum of our stations as Senators to Pennsylvania—and we respect ourselves as citizens. On all these accounts we cannot but dissent from the language as well as the matter of the answer in question.
Because we did not hear in the course of the debate any proof whatever of the accusations and insinuations contained in the answer, and we conceive it to have been adopted rather from the influence of disappointment and irritation, than from that decisive evidence peculiarly required when the interference itself was voluntary, unprecedented, and unnecessary.
Because we are individually persuaded in our own minds, that the charges in that answer contained against the Governor of Pennsylvania, are not supported by facts.
William Findlay, John Hamilton, Samuel Dale, Thomas M'Whorter, Christian Lower, Samuel Maclay. John Kean,
Congressional Debate.
REDUCTION of the STANDING ARMY.
MR. MARSHALL'S SPEECH.
MR. Marshall said, that if it was true that America, commencing her negotiation with her present military force, would appear in an armour which she could only wear for a day, the situation of our country was lamentable indeed. If our debility was really such; that the troops sought to be disbanded, could not be kept up but for a day, or for a very short period, our situation was truly desperate. No cheaper mode of self defence had been or could be devised, and it amounted to a declaration that we were unable to defend ourselves. He thought differently from the honourable gentleman who moved the resolution. He thought America could maintain it if it should be necessary, a much larger force, for a much longer time, than was contemplated with respect to the troops, to which the resolution under consideration related.
It was also to be observed that the honourable gentleman had predicated all his arguments on the idea that the troops must be immediately disbanded, or that the original law, unmodified, must have its full effect—that no middle ground could be taken. He was of a very different opinion; he thought, a middle ground might be taken, and that the law might be modified so as to diminish the estimated expense, without dismissing the troops already in actual service.
The resolution proposed, he said, occupied such broad ground, as necessarily to unite against it a considerable variety of opinions respecting the future disposition of the army. Not only those who thought the original law ought to have its full course and effect, but those also who thought it ought to receive certain modifications, and even those who thought that in the

event of the failure of the present negotiation, the army ought under certain circumstances to be disbanded, but that this was not the time for disbanding it, must unite against the motion now under consideration. It could only be supported by those who, like the mover of the resolution, thought that in the present moment, uninformed as we were concerning all those circumstances which should govern our decision, we ought to retrace the steps we had taken, and very materially to change the ground on which we found ourselves placed. This being the opinion on which the proposition was founded, and on which alone it, could be maintained, it became necessary to examine the arguments urged in support of this opinion.
It had been urged that the army ought to be disbanded, because it was totally useless, because the United States was unable to bear the expense, and on some other suggestions which should be considered in the course of the argument.
Its uselessness has been maintained on the impossibility of invading our country in the present state of things, on the difficulty of invading it at any time, and on the total indisposition to invasion, arising from the inadequacy of the object to the difficulty of attaining it.
But what assurance have gentlemen that invasion is now impracticable? The present state of Europe is totally unknown to us. The effects of the late decisive victories of France have not reached us. It is by no means certain that these victories may not have produced a negotiation with some of the continental powers, which may liberate a considerable portion of her force, which she may send across the Atlantic. By the opening of the next campaign we shall be informed on this subject, and shall be able to act with proper knowledge of it—at present we are uninformed, and are urged to act without the requisite knowledge.
On this point it was necessary to enquire into the relative situation of the two nations. All commercial and friendly intercourse between us was suspended. Whenever we met, the stronger party attacked and captured the weaker. The property of the captured was confiscated and their persons imprisoned. This was war in fact, though not in form. We are, in fact, at war with France, though it is not declared in form. What security then is there that no disposition will exist to invade us? The unimportance of the object forms no such security.
Neither is there any security that there exists no disposition to invade us. On this subject he differed essentially from the honourable gentleman who supported the resolution. He thought America of vast importance to France. Whatever might be the views of France, whether they were merely to humble her great rival, or were still more extensive, it was impossible to consider the effect which a control over American affairs must have in promoting those views, without being satisfied on this subject. Independent of the effective force which might be used, the great advantage when the monopoly of our commerce would give in time of peace for the formation of a naval power, was of immense importance to France or England. The result of the two last wars between those two nations, in one of which the force of America was added to that of Britain, and in the other to that of France, evinces the importance of America, even at that time, in either scale. Unquestionably that importance cannot be diminished.
With respect to the difficulty of attaining the object, Mr. Marshall said, that France could not be so much governed by the difficulty which might actually exist, as by the opinion she would previously entertain of that difficulty. Before the real difficulty could be ascertained, the invasion must take place. Of consequence her opinion on this subject would regulate her conduct, and her opinion would depend on the measures which might be adopted, and the disposition which might be manifested by America.
But it has been urged, not only that the army is useless, but that there is in the United States a positive inability to maintain it. To prove this, our revenue and expenditure has been stated. Suppose, at the commencement of our revolution, a gentleman had risen on the floor of Congress, to compare our revenue with our expenses, what would have been the result of the calculation? Would not the same system of reasoning which the gentleman from Virginia has adopted, have proved that our resources were totally inadequate to the prosecution of the war? Yet it was prosecuted, and with success. If vast exertions were then made to acquire independence, will not the same exertions be now made to maintain it? The question now is—whether self-government and national liberty be worth the money which must be expended to preserve them?
The mover of the resolution, Mr. Marshall said, had urged as his strongest reason for the measure, the saving of public money which it would produce. Any argument, of which the object was economy, came home to the feelings of every member of the community, and came home to the feelings of every member of the House. Such arguments would and ought to have great weight, but it should never be forgotten, that true economy did not content itself with enquiring into the mere saving of the present moment; a true and wise economy would take an enlarged view of the subject, and determine on correct calculation, whether the consequence of a present saving might not be a much more considerable future expenditure. The reduction of the army would certainly diminish the expenses of the present year; but if it should have an operation on the existing negotiation with France, the present saving it would produce, would bear no proportion to the immense waste of blood as well as treasure which it might occasion. To determine in what manner this measure might, and probably would, bear on
the existing negotiation, if became indispensable to take into our view what had preceded the actual state of things between the United States and France. In doing this it could not be necessary to enumerate the various injuries our country had sustained. They rested in the memory of every American, and need not be recited. It must however be particularly observed, that while prayers for peace were returned by indignities of every sort, while America was humbly supplicating for peace, and that her complaints might be heard—France spurned her contemptuously, and refused even to hear her supplications; she refused to enter on a discussion of differences, unless that discussion was preceded by a substantial surrender of the essential attributes of independence. America was at length goaded into resistance, and resolved on that system of defence, of which the army now sought to be disbanded forms a part. Immediately the tone of France was changed, and she consented to treat us as an independent nation. Her depredations indeed did not cease. She continued still to make war upon us. But although peace was not granted, the door to peace was opened.
What could have produced this change? Every member of the House is called on to put this question to himself, and to answer it according to his best judgment. To supplicating America, even discussion was denied. America armed, and immediately a different language was used, and the rights of an independent nation were allowed her. What, he repeated, could have produced this change? Can any other motive be assigned, than the defensive system which America had adopted? If in the mind of any gentleman any other motive did exist, he is called upon to assign that motive. If no other did exist, is it wise immediately to change the system which has alone been effectual?
Is it not to be apprehended, that this charge may revive those sentiments which existed before the system was adopted?
This subject, he said, was also to be considered in another point of view, which had been foreseen by the mover of the resolution, and declared to be intimately connected with that which had been already stated.
It was this. The policy of this measure depends entirely on the state of things, when the negotiation shall be determined.
Will gentlemen say, that, under any state of things, the army ought to be disbanded? Will they say, that if peace should be made with the continental powers of Europe, and the French army should be crossing the Atlantic to invade our territory, that yet our military force ought to be diminished? He believed no gentleman would say so. He was certain the mover of the resolution would not. Is it then wise to precipitate a measure, the policy of which depends entirely on an event which is not yet, but will soon be, ascertained?
In a few months, the fate of the present negotiation will be decided. Should it terminate favourably, the army expires by the law which gave it being, and the additional expense to be incurred will be very inconsiderable. Should it fail, we shall then know the disposition of France, and the situation of Europe. We shall be able to form a just estimate of the danger of invasion, and consequently to decide, with much better information than we now possess, on the question under discussion. If such a state of things would then exist, as would justify disbanding the army, the loss produced by the delay of that measure would be very inconsiderable. If the then state of things should require even an augmentation of the existing force, the injury occasioned by our precipitation might be very considerable. We should certainly throw away all the discipline the present army had acquired, and be in a state as unprepared, as if the expense for those objects had never been sustained.
He concluded with observing, that this was not the time for diminishing the force of the nation, and therefore he was opposed to the resolution.
SIXTH Congress of the United States. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, February 5.
A MESSAGE was received from the Senate, by Mr. Otis, their secretary, informing the House that they had receded from their amendments to the bill respecting forfeitures, disabilities, &c. and had concurred in the amendments proposed by the House.
Mr. Livingston, from the committee yesterday appointed to wait on the President, with the request of the House that he would lay before them the papers relating to the apprehension and delivery of Jonathan Robbins to the British, informed the House that they had performed that service, and that the President informed them that he would take the request into consideration, and would return an answer in due season.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, with a report and two statements, relating to the internal revenue of the United States, conformable to a former resolve of the House.
Mr. Otis observed, that it was very irksome for the individual members of the House to be meeting day after day without doing any business, or having any to do. There was business which must sooner or later be brought before the House this session. The early part of the session was too frequently spent to little purpose, and business crowded so much on the latter part, that there was not time to mature it. If a definite time was proposed at this early period, he conceived the inconvenience would be avoided. He had no doubt but the business that would be done this session, could well be completed by the middle of March, or at far-
thest by the close of that month. There was more public business; he said, to do last session, at this time, than could come before the House during the present session, and that necessarily elapsed at the beginning of March. He would therefore lay on the table the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives be authorized to close the present session, by adjourning their respective Houses on the first of April next.
THURSDAY, February 6.
The rules of the House were suspended, and a bill introduced for "giving farther time to the holders of military warrants to locate and register the same." Fourteen days further were allowed, and the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow.
The mint bill was ordered for a third reading to-morrow.
Mr. J. Brown presented a petition of the merchants, traders and others, of the towns of Bristol, Warren and Barrington, in the state of Rhode-Island, praying that so much of the district of Newport as is included within the county of Bristol, may be erected into a separate port of entry.—Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
A message from the Senate, by their secretary, Mr. Otis, informed the House, that the Senate had passed the bill providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, with sundry amendments. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, February 7.
The mint bill, and three others, of a local nature, passed.
A written message was received from the President of the United States, by his secretary, Mr. Shaw, in the following words, to wit:
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, In consequence of your request to me, conveyed in your resolution of the fourth of this month, I directed the Secretary of State to lay before me copies of the papers intended. These copies, together with his report, I now transmit to the House of Representatives, for the consideration of the members.
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, Feb. 7, 1800.
The report from the Secretary of State to the President of the United States, contains the following papers:
No. 1. Copy of a note from Sir Robert Liston, minister plenipotentiary, &c. of the king of Great-Britain, to the Secretary of State, requesting that application may be made to the President of the United States to issue his orders for the delivery of Thomas Nash; the Judge of the District Court of South-Carolina, and the attorney-general of the United States for that district, having expressed their doubts upon the subject, and wished for the interference of the Executive.
No. 2. A letter from the Secretary of State to the Hon. Thomas Bee, Judge of the District Court of the United States for the State of South-Carolina, stating it to be the opinion of the President, that Jonathan Robbins, alias Thomas Nash, ought to be given up, under the 27th article of the British treaty, if upon due investigation it should be found, that he had committed crimes worthy of reprimand and punishment; and also stating it to be the wish of the President, that he should be delivered up.
No. 3. A letter from Judge Bee to the Secretary of State, informing him of his compliance with the above.
No. 4. Certificates of the selectmen and town-clerk of the town of Danbury, in the state of Connecticut, disproving the oath of Jonathan Robbins, to be a citizen of that place.
No. 5. Extract of a letter from Admiral Sir Hyde Parker, dated Port-Royal, to Sir Robert Liston, stating that Nash had been tried, convicted, and hung in chains—and that he confessed himself to be an Irishman.
No. 6. Extract of a letter from Benjamin Moody, Esq. consul of his Britannic Majesty at Charleston, to the Secretary of State, stating that he had written to Admiral Parker for a copy of the minutes of the court-martial by which Nash had been tried—and containing Admiral Parker's answer, that it was not in his power to comply with the request, which could be alone granted by the Lords of the Admiralty—that Nash had been executed, &c. and confessed himself an Irishman.
The foreign intercourse bill was discussed in committee of the whole. Mr. Gallatin moved a clause limiting the bill to two years. This was opposed by Messrs. Griswold, Harper, Dana and Otis—and supported by Messrs. Nicholas, Macon, Gallatin and Smith. On motion of Mr. Otis, the bill was recommitted for amendment.
MONDAY, February 10.
Mr. Speaker laid before the House two letters from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing statements relative to the commercial revenue of the United States—which were ordered to be printed.
Mr. A. Foster laid the following resolution on the table.
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, and if any, what alterations ought to be made in the compensation allowed to the officers of the House of Congress.
Mr. Smith, from the committee of commerce and manufactures, reported the following resolution, viz.
Resolved, That the term of payment allowed by law on bonds which have been given, and which shall be coming due, prior to the first day of August next, for duties of import, may be extended for sixty days, in all cases respectively where it shall be required by the parties, and where the recovery of such import shall not be endangered thereby; Provided, that in every
case of such additional credit, there shall be required and paid on such bonds, respectively, interest at the rate of one half per cent. per month, from the time such duties shall be respectively due and payable according to law.
Mr. S. said, this was matter of great importance to the merchants of the United States, who had been materially shocked by failures in Europe, and whose situation required the aid now about to be given, as speedily as possible. As it had been submitted to the Secretary of the Treasury, and met his cordial approbation; and as it would not injure the revenue, but on the contrary might be of benefit to it—he hoped no objection would be made to the resolution, and that it would be immediately taken into consideration. He therefore moved for a reference to the committee of the whole House this day.
Upon the question, there were ayes 33—noes 33—Mr. Speaker declaring himself in the affirmative, the House went into committee of the whole on the resolution, Mr. Rutledge in the chair; when it was again read, agreed to, and the committee of commerce and manufactures ordered to report a bill pursuant thereto.
Mr. Otis called up for consideration the following resolution:
Resolved, That the President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, be authorized to close the present session, by adjourning their respective Houses on the first Monday in April next.
And the House having agreed to take it into consideration,
Mr. Macon moved to strike out "first Monday in April, and insert "third Monday in March," which was negatived.
Mr. Kittera moved to strike out "Monday," and insert "day," so as to read "the first day in April next," which was negatived, only seven members voting in favour of it.
The resolution was then agreed to—ayes 55. Adjourned.
THE WILL OF GEN. GEORGE WASHINGTON. IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN.
I GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount-Vernon, a citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, DO make, ordain, and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand,* and every page thereof subscribed with my name, to be my last WILL and TESTAMENT, revoking all others.—Imprimis: All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the legacies herein after bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed.
Item. To my dearly beloved wife, MARTHA WASHINGTON, I give and bequeath the use, profit and benefit of my whole estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved Lot in the town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameron-streets, I give to her and her heirs forever; as I also do my Household and Kitchen Furniture of every sort and kind, with the Liquors and Groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may think proper.
Item. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire, that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties on account of their intermixture by marriages with the dower negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some who from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the 1st and 2d description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said commonwealth of any slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence whatsoever. And I do moreover most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivor of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled, at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support as long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals;—and to my mulatto man William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom, or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have be-
* In the original manuscript, George Washington's name was written at the bottom of every page.

fallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active employment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so; in either case, however, I allow him an annuity of Thirty Dollars during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and cloaths he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first: and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the revolutionary war.
Item. To the Trustees (Governors, or by whatsoever other name they may be designated) of the Academy in the town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or, in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a Free School, established at, and annexed to, the said Academy, for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons as are unable to accomplish it with their own means; and who, in the judgment of the Trustees of the said Academy, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity; the dividends only of which are to be drawn for, and applied by the said Trustees, for the time being, for the uses above mentioned; the stock to remain entire and untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof should render a removal of this fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn, and applied as above: and to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago; in consequence whereof, an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid towards the support of this institution.
Item. Whereas, by a law of the commonwealth of Virginia, enacted in the year 1785, the legislature thereof was pleased (as an evidence of its approbation of the services I had rendered the public during the revolution, and partly I believe in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive from the extension of its inland navigation under legislative patronage) to present me with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company established for the purpose of extending the navigation of James River, from tide water to the mountains; and also with fifty shares, of one hundred pounds sterling each, in the corporation of another company likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the river Potomac, from tide water to Fort-Cumberland; the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honourable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from—namely, not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great-Britain for its rights; and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union. Adding to this refusal, however, an intimation, that, if it should be the pleasure of the legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares to public uses, I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honourable manner: I proceed after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare—That as it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting too frequently not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind; which thereafter are rarely overcome. For these reasons, it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our National Councils.—Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation) my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure, than the establishment of a UNIVERSITY in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof might be sent for the completion of their education in all the branches of polite literature: in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good government, and (as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment) by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned; and which, when carried to excess, are never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country: under these impressions, so fully dilated.
Item. I give and bequeath in perpetuity, the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company (under the aforesaid acts of the legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of a University, to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the general government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it; and until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further WILL and DE-
SIRE IS, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in the Bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the treasurer of the United States for the time being, under the direction of Congress—provided that honourable body should patronize the measure, and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock is to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object, is obtained; of which I have not the smallest doubt, before many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by legislative authority, or from any other source.
Item. The hundred shares which I hold in the James River company, I have given, and now confirm in perpetuity, to and for the use of Liberty Hall Academy, in the county of Rockbridge, in the commonwealth of Virginia.
(To be continued in our next.)
Providence, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 19.
[The following is published by the request of a number of our readers.]
LIST of the members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
SENATORS.
 New-Hampshire. John Langdon, Samuel Livermore.  Massachusetts. Samuel Dexter, Benjamin Goodhue.  Connecticut. James Hillhouse, Uriah Tracy.  Rhode-Island. Theodore Foster, Ray Greene.  Vermont. Nathaniel Chipman, Elijah Paine.  New-York. John Laurence, James Watson.  New-Jersey. Jonathan Dayton, James Schureman.  Pennsylvania. William Bingham, James Ross.  Delaware. William Hill Weiss, Henry Latimer.  Maryland. John E. Howard, James Lloyd.  Virginia. Stephen T. Mason, Wilson C. Nicholas.  Kentucky. John Brown, Humphrey Marshall.  Tennessee. Joseph Anderson, William Cock.  North-Carolina. Timothy Bloodworth, Jesse Franklin.  South-Carolina. Charles Pinckney, Jacob Read.  Georgia. Abraham Baldwin, James Gunn.  Secretary, Samuel A. Otis. Door-keeper, James Mathers. 
REPRESENTATIVES.
 New-Hampshire. 6 Abiel Foster, Jonathan Freeman, William Gordon, James Sheaffe.  Massachusetts. 16 Bailey Bartlett, Phanuel Bishop, Dwight Foster, Harrison G. Otis, Silas Lee, Samuel Lyman, John Reed, Samuel Sewall, Theodore Sedgwick, William Shepard, George Thatcher, Joseph B. Varnum, Peleg Wadsworth, Lemuel Williams.  Connecticut. 9 Jonathan Brace, Samuel W. Dana, John Davenport, William Edmond, Chauncy Goodrich, Elizur Goodrich, Roger Griswold.  Rhode-Island. 4 John Brown, Christopher G. Champlin.  Vermont. 4 Matthew Lyon, Lewis R. Morris.  New-York. 11 Theodorus Bailey, John Bird, William Cooper, Lucas Elmendorf, Henry Glen, Edward Livingston, Jonas Platt, John Thompson, Philip Van Cortlandt.  New-Jersey. 7 John Condit, Franklin Davenport, James H. Imlay, Aaron Kitchell, James Linn.  Pennsylvania. 15 Robert Brown, Andrew Gregg, Albert Gallatin, John A. Hanna, Joseph Heister, Thomas Hartley, John Wilkes Kittera, Michael Leib, Peter Muhlenberg, John Smilie, Richard Thomas, Robert Waln, Henry Woods.  Delaware. 3 James A. Bayard.  Maryland. 10 George Baer, William Craik, Gabriel Christie, George Dent, John Dennis, Joseph H. Nicholson, Samuel Smith, John Chew Thomas.  Virginia. 21 Samuel J. Cabell, Matthew Clay, John Dawson, Joseph Eggleston, Thomas Evans, Edwin Gray, Samuel Goode, David Holmes, George Jackson, Henry Lee, John Marshall, John Nicholas, Anthony New, Leven Powell, Robert Page, Josiah Parker, John Randolph, Abram Trigg, John Trigg.  North-Carolina. 12 Willis Alston, Joseph Dickson, William Barry Grove, Archibald Henderson, William H. Hill, Nathaniel Macon, Richard Stanford, Richard Dobbs Spaight, David Stone, Robert Williams.  South-Carolina. 8 Robert Goodloe Harper, Benjamin Huger, Abraham Nott, Thomas Pinckney, John Rutledge, jun. Thomas Sumter.  Georgia. 4 James Jones, Benjamin Taliaferro.  Tennessee. 3 William C. C. Claiborne.  Kentucky. 4 Thomas T. Davis, John Fowler.  North-Western Territory. 3 William Henry Harrison.  Clerk, Jonathan W. Condy. 
Interesting Naval Intelligence. From a memorandum kept by Capt. Lovell, arrived at Baltimore from Demarara.
“On the 4th Dec. about 70 miles to windward of Descada, early in the morning, I fell in with the U. States ship Insurgent , Capt. Murray; by his request I lay by until they closed several packages; the lieutenant, who came on board, informed me that there were also cruising to windward the U. S. ship Connecticut , Capt. Tryon, the Adams , Capt. Morris, and the Invincible , of 74 guns; the Baltimore and Pickering cruising under the lee of Guadalupe. Likewise informed me, that 3 weeks before, two French ships, one of 20 and one of 50 guns, had arrived at Guadalupe, which had brought out a new governor, Genet. Capt. Murray very politely told me he would stand on a little with me to the northward, and accordingly did until 2, P. M. when a lofty warlike looking ship with a crowd of sail hove in sight to windward, but on getting sight of us, she in sludding fails, and hauled on a wind to the northward— Insurgent then made sail and stood to windward after her; night came on, and I lost sight without knowing which had the better of the chase.—On the 28th I fell in with the U. S. brig Pickering , Capt. Hillier, on a cruise; 8 days before had captured the Voligeuse , of 10 guns and 61 men, 3 days from Guadalupe, taken nothing—three months provisions on board. It was expected that this privateer would have engaged the Pickering , as she shewed 14 ports; but on the Pickering firing a shot athwart her fore foot, and giving three cheers, the French colours came down. I had the above news from Lieut. Ingraham, who came on board; he further said, that 4 days before he was himself on shore at Point-Petre, to exchange the above prisoners, and saw there the two French ships before mentioned.—The Pickering altering her cruise, has captured 16 sail; she was then full manned, and all her crew in good health.”
The following information is given by Capt. Boden, arrived at Baltimore the 6th inst. from Cape-Francois, which place he left the 15th ult.
“The U.S. schooner Experiment , Capt. Maley, with a convoy, off the east end of Gonaives, in the Bite of Leoganne, was attacked about the 10th of January, by 12 of Rigaud's barges; during the action, 3 of them went on shore and renewed their crew; the day being calm, they had every advantage of the schooner, but after she had sunk three of them, the remainder sheered off: they however took possession of a northern brig, Capt. Chipman, whom they instantly murdered! part of the crew saved themselves by jumping overboard—she was afterwards retaken by one of Toussaint's barges. Dr. Stephens was on board the Experiment at the time of the engagement.”
Extracts from Governor Jay's Speech, delivered to the Legislature of New-York.
“Among other objects which will present themselves to you, there is one which I earnestly recommend to your notice and patronage. I mean our institutions for the education of youth. The importance of common schools is best estimated by the good effects of them where they most abound, and are the best regulated. The two colleges in this state have, from their extensive and increasing utility, strong claims to the care of the Legislature; and it appears to me, that they should be enabled uniformly to answer the valuable purposes for which they were established. Our ancestors have transmitted to us many excellent institutions, matured by the wisdom and experience of ages: Let them descend to our posterity, accompanied with others which, by promoting useful knowledge, multiplying the blessings of social order, and diffusing the influence of moral obligations, may be reputable to us, and beneficial to them.”
We learn that a fine large ship, carrying 20 guns and 75-men, with a valuable cargo, principally of coffee, has arrived at Newport, prize to the U. S. frigate Boston , Capt. Little. She was one of a fleet bound from the Cape to Bourdeaux.
The Bank of England, for the relief of merchants, has lately prolonged their discounts from 2, to 4, 6 and 8 months, which is considered a great benefit to the commercial interest.
The number of the late failures in Hamburg was stated, on the 30th November to be 123.
Divine service will commence in the different worshipping societies in this town, at 11 o'clock on Saturday next, agreeable to the President's Proclamation, commemorative of the death of the immortal WASHINGTON. An Eulogy will be pronounced in the College Chapel.
THE BENEVOLENT CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY in this town, will convene at their Meeting-House on Saturday next, the 22d instant, at 11 o'clock, in compliance with the recommendation of the President of the U. States, to commemorate the decease of the ILLUSTRIOUS WASHINGTON; when a Sermon will be delivered, and a Hymn performed.
Died, On Monday morning last, after a short but distressing sickness, Capt. PAUL ALLEN, in the 58th year of his age. He had been for several years a very useful member of the legislature of this state. He was ever distinguished as a man of an active temper and fine sensibility—he chiefly employed his hours of leisure in administering comfort to the sick and unfortunate. Perhaps in no one person was there ever united in an higher degree the characters of energy and benevolence. His funeral will be solemnized this afternoon, at 3 o'clock, when his relations and friends are desired to attend without further notice.
HAPPY CONTRADICTION. OLD FRIENDS WITH NEW FACES, An extraordinary event at the opening of the extra ordinary year 1800.
Being the beginning of the latter end of a Century.
AT a tavern last night an old fashioned health was drank—“May we never see an old friend with a new face.”—Q, who sat in a corner slyly, observed that it was all JUDGE; that he could satisfy the company they would be all glad to see their friends with new faces. Some grumbled, others laughed, but all seemed curious to learn the particulars; he began thus: “Have you never used
HOPKINS' RAZOR STROPS? Yes, said one—No, said another; the experienced applauded the explanation, and those who had been in the habit of mowing their muzzards with handlaws, felt the brushes on their chins bristle with eagerness to render their old fashioned faces new to their friends—to satisfy their curiosity Q went on thus,
HOPKINS' RAZOR STROPS, which disappoint the most sanguine by their smooth and agreeable execution, are sold by appointment, at 75 cents, 1 dollar and 25 cents, and 2 dollars each, with the addition of a composition that will keep it in order for ages, at 50 cents.
BUT MARK THE IMPROVEMENT. To men who travel where there are no professional face-scrapers—to seamen of every grade—to the whilkered soldier in his hutted tent—(how comfortable.)
The new invented and improved Box, containing, in the compass of little more than an ordinary comb-case;
A polished Razor—Comb—Brush—Lather Box, and Mirror—with a box for the surprising composition, all in a Morocco case, most conveniently calculated to fit the pocket without incumbrance.
The whole of this new portable and useful apparatus sold at No. 65, South Third-Street (opposite the United States Bank) Philadelphia; and in Providence, by JEREMIAH F. JENKINS, at No. 3, Market-street.
At only three Dollars, And by the agents usually appointed to dispose of the invaluable and agreeable STROP. Feb. 19. (t.f.)
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE, BY Butler and Wheaton,
 56 Hogheads of excellent Georgia Tobacco  40 Casks of new Rice  600 Barrels of superfine and fine Flour  150 Barrels of Ship Bread  100 Barrels of Pilot Bread.  They have also for Sale, St. Petersburg clean Hemp  Russia and American Cordage  New Sable Iron, Russia Sheetings  Russia and Ravens Duck  Feather Beds, Molasses. February 19. 
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE, BY BENJAMIN THURBER,
At the sign of the Bunch of Grapes, FRESH supply of fine India COTTONS. ALSO, India Bandano Handkerchiefs, and other fancy Goods, to be sold at moderate prices. February 19. (6w.)
Kent, sc. State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
WHEREAS SARAH JORDAN, of Coventry, in the county of Kent, wife of John Jordan, of Cogburn, in the State of New-Hampshire, has filed her petition in the clerk's office of the Supreme Judicial Court for said county, praying, for divers causes therein set forth, that said Court would pass a decree of divorce, rendering null and void the bands of marriage subsisting between her and her said husband;
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons concerned, to appear, if they see cause, at the Supreme Judicial Court, to be holden at East-Greenwich, within and for said county of Kent, on the second Monday of April next, to shew cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. A. BOYD, Clerk. East-Greenwich, Feb. 19.
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. Providence, sc.
WHEREAS MARCY SLACK, of Smithfield, in said county, wife of JOSEPH SLACK, of said Smithfield, preferred her petition to the Supreme Judicial Court for the county of Providence, at the next term thereof, holden at Providence, in and for the county of Providence, on the fourth Monday in March next, praying, for divers causes therein set forth, that a decree of divorce between her and her said husband may be passed: Notice is hereby given to all persons concerned, to appear at said court, and shew cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. Feb. 19. PAUL ALLEN, jun. Clerk.
Providence, sc.
WHEREAS JOSEPH COOKE, of Providence, Mariner, has preferred his petition to the next Supreme Judicial Court, to be holden at Providence, in and for the county aforesaid, on the third Monday of March next, praying, for divers causes therein set forth, that a decree of divorce between him and his wife Susannah, of said Providence, should be granted:
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons concerned, to appear before said Court, to shew cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. PAUL ALLEN, jun. Clerk. Providence, Feb. 19.

MR. CARTER. THE following was printed in one of our capital towns. Perhaps it might prove acceptable to the readers of the Journal. Your affording it a place, will much oblige
A CUSTOMER. BY COMMAND OF THE KING OF KINGS, AND AT THE DESIRE OF ALL WHO LOVE HIS APPEARING.
AT THE THEATRE of the UNIVERSE, ON THE EVE OF TIME, WILL BE PERFORMED, The GREAT ASSIZE, or Day of Judgment.
THE Scenery, which is now actually preparing, will not only surpass every thing that has yet been seen; but will infinitely exceed the utmost stretch of human conception. There will be a just representation of all the inhabitants of the world, in their various and proper colours; and their customs and manners will be so exactly and so minutely delineated, that the most secret thought will be discovered.
This Theatre will be laid out after a new plan, and will consist of Pit and Gallery only: And contrary to all others, the Gallery is fitted up for the reception of people of high (or heavenly) birth; and the Pit for those of low (or earthly) rank.
N. B. The Gallery is very spacious, and the Pit without bottom.
To prevent inconvenience, there are separate doors for admitting the company; and they are so different that none can miss them who are not totally blind. The door which opens into the Gallery is very narrow, and the steps up to it are somewhat difficult; for which reason there are seldom many people about it. But the door that gives entrance into the Pit is very wide, and very commodious; which causes such numbers to flock to it, that it is generally crowded.
N. B. The strait door leads towards the right hand, and the broad one to the left.
It will be in vain for one in a tinselled coat and borrowed language, to perforate one of high birth, in order to get admittance into the upper places; for there is one of wonderful and deep penetration, who will search and examine every individual. And all who cannot pronounce Shibolet in the language of Canaan, or has not received a white stone and new name; or cannot prove a clear title to a certain portion of the Land of Promise, must be turned in at the left hand door.
The principal Performers are described in 1 Thess. iv. 16; 2 Thess. i. 7, 8, 9. Matth. xxiv. 30, 31, and xxv. 31, 32; Daniel vii. 9, 10; Jude 14, 15. Rev. xx. 12-15, &c. But as there are some people much better acquainted with the contents of a Play Bill, than the Word of God, it may not be amiss to transcribe a verse or two for their perusal.
"The Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with his mighty angels, in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them that obey not the gospel, but to be glorified in his saints. A fiery stream issued and came forth from before him: Thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him: The judgment was set, and the books were opened. And whosoever was not found written in the book of life, was cast into the lake of fire."
ACT FIRST of this GRAND and SOLEMN PIECE, will be opened by the ARCH-ANGEL with the Sound of a Trumpet.
ACT SECOND. Will be a PROCESSION of SAINTS, in White, with GOLDEN HARPS, accompanied with Shouts of Joy and Songs of Praise.
ACT THIRD. Will be an Assemblage of all the Unregenerate.
The MUSIC will consist chiefly of Cries, accompanied with Weeping, Wailing, Mourning, Lamentation and Woe.
TO CONCLUDE WITH AN ORATION, BY THE SON OF GOD.
It is written in the xxvth of Matthew, from the 34th verse to the end of the chapter; but for the sake of those who seldom read the scriptures, I shall here transcribe two verses: "Then shall the King say to them on his right hand, Come, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world; then shall he say also to them on the left hand, depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels."
After which the CURTAIN will drop.
THEN! O to tell! Some rais'd on high, and others doom'd to hell! These praise the Lamb, and sing redeeming love-- Lodg'd in his bosom, all his goodness prove; While those who trampled under foot his grace, Are banish'd now forever from his face. Divided thus a gulph is fix'd between, And EVERLASTING closes up the scene.
Tickets for the Pit, at the easy purchase of following the vain pomp and vanities of the fashionable world, and the desires and amusements of the flesh. To be had at every flesh-pleasing assembly. Romans viii. 13.
Tickets for the Gallery, at no less rates than being converted, forsaking all, denying self, taking up the cross, and following Christ in the regeneration. To be had no where but in the Word of God, and where the Word appoints.
N. B. No money will be taken at the door: Nor will any Tickets give admittance into the Gallery, but those sealed by the Holy Ghost, with Emanuel's signet.
Thus will I do unto the, O Israel: And because I will do thus unto thee, prepare to meet thy God, O Israel. Amos iii. 12.
"Yet all this availeth me nothing."
HAMAN was rich, honoured by his king, and blessed with a multitude of children; yet all this was of no avail, so long as he saw Mordecai, the Jew, sitting at the king's gate. The possessor of riches and honour, unless endowed with reason and virtue, becomes a slave to his passions. This was the situation of Haman. Advanced over all other princes and servants of the king, he thought himself entitled to their reverence and respect; "but Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence."
This single circumstance, strange as it may appear to those who are unaccustomed to receive the homage of others, was sufficient to disturb the repose, and excite in the mind of the rich and much honoured Haman, an insatiable desire of revenge. But such were his vain ideas of honour, that he scorned to lay hands on Mordecai alone--his death he esteemed an insufficient atonement for the affront offered to his dignity. When, therefore, he was informed of Mordecai's people, he sought to destroy all the Jews who resided in the extensive dominions of Ahasuerus.
Oh Haman! what were your thoughts? What great advantage could you expect to derive from this indiscriminate slaughter? Could it appease your wrath, give quiet to your slumbers, or display the glory of your power? No, surely; your heart must have recoiled at the inhuman transaction, and your midnight hours would have been disturbed with the sight of those innocent victims you had sacrificed to satiate your revenge. But, fortunately for the Jews, your intentions were discovered, your wickedness turned upon your own head, and yourself and family hung on the same gallows you had prepared for Mordecai.
This is a picture, not of Haman's character only, but of many other vain mortals, who know not the true value of wealth and honour.
Very few, indeed, in the career of ambition, are able to obtain the summit of their wishes. The statesman, whose measures have been crowned with success, at the sight of opposition, or at least after a few fruitless attempts to obtain a favourite measure, retires in discontent; recounts to his family and friends the glory of his actions, the services he has rendered his country, and, to sum up the whole, exclaims in the language of our text, "Yet all this availeth me nothing."
The general, who has valiantly led his armies to victory, and obtained conquest, is seldom satisfied. Some obstinate city refuses to capitulate; and if his ingenuity and the strength of his forces prove insufficient, as is often the case, to compel it to submission, in the rage of disappointed ambition, a rage which would willingly sacrifice every soul in the city, even the mother and her helpless offspring, he says to himself, "though I have gained many victories, though I have conquered cities, provinces and kingdoms, and the fame of my arms has been as extensive as the globe, yet all this availeth me nothing, so long as this one city remains unconquered."
Thus, likewise, in the pursuit of wealth, we will admit that a man has obtained as much as his heart can desire. Still his happiness is incomplete. He reflects that he must now leave his wealth; and to whom? To his children, who will dissipate it in luxuries, and the gratification of their vicious passions and appetites. Judge for yourself, whether this man has not reason to complain, "Yet all this availeth me nothing."
Reader, reflect seriously on the above observations, and if you are the possessor of wealth, or have been honoured by your country, learn to estimate their real worth. Think not they will entitle you to respect, but consider them as the gift of Providence, put into your hands for the purpose of doing good to your fellow men. Pay no attention to the snarlings of envy; indulge no revengeful passions, but do your duty faithfully; though more than one Mordecai bow not, nor do you reverence, you will have no reason to say with Haman, "Yet all this availeth me nothing." GARRULUS.
Twenty Dollars Reward.
LOST,
ON the 28th of January, between Konimiccut-Point and the Post-Office in this town, the sum of Two Hundred Dollars, consisting of 4 bills, one of an 100 dollars, one of 50 do. one of 30 do. and one of 20 do. The bills were wrapped up in a piece of paper, and the outside directed "Two Hundred Dollars, for Mr. James Temple." A reward of Twenty Dollars will be paid to any person who has found the money above described, and will return it to Mr. TEMPLE, in Providence, or to WILLIAM SMITH, in Pawtuxet. Feb. 5.
GOLDEN BEE-HIVE.
Jeremiah F. Jenkins,
No. 3, MARKET-STREET, Has for Sale,
BOHEA Tea, in whole, half, and qr. chests Souchong and Hyson Tea, per chest Russia and Ravens Duck Russia Sheeting, Morocco Skins Complete tea-sets of China Piece and Hard-Ware Goods, as usual Citron, Zant Currants, Figs and Raisins Coffee and Sugar, per barrel Sheet Glass, of various sizes 8 by 6, and 9 by 7 Window Glass Fashionable Hearth-Rugs and Fire-Fenders 400 Pieces of Nankeens 3 Pipes of pleasant flavour'd Brandy. A few old Dutch Cheeses January 22. (5w)
At the Store occupied by the late WEL-COME ARNOLD, Esq. the subscriber offers, for the accommodation of Apothecaries, Physicians, and private Families, an assortment of genuine SIMPLE and COMPOUND MEDICINES:
Among which are the following Patent Medicines, viz. TURLINGTON's Balsam of Life, Cundell's celebrated Balsam of Honey, for coughs, colds, &c. Hill's Balsam of Honey, Bateman's pectoral Drops, Daffey's Elixir Sal- lutis, Essence of Peppermint, Bowen's Sago in canisters, Anderson's true Scots Pills, in large and small boxes; Hooper's female Pills, Keyser's antiven. Pills, cephalic Snuff, pungent Smelling- Salts, &c.
Also best Peruvian red Bark, common ditto, Columbo, Ipecacuanha, Gum Camphire, Salt-Petre, &c. &c. &c.
Medicine Chests put up at a short notice, marked and numbered, with accurate and neatly written Directions.
Families and Physicians may depend on having their orders attended to with the greatest exactness and dispatch.
To the above he has added an assortment of
GENUINE GROCERIES, Consisting of Brandy, first and fourth proof; old Jamaica Spirits, fourth proof; Jamaica Rum, St. Croix Rum, Cherry Rum, Holland Gin, Hylon, Hylon-Skin and Bohea Teas; Loaf and Brown Sugars, Surinam Molasses, Coffee, Flour, Rice, Rye and Indian Meal, &c. &c. &c.
Constant attendance given from sunrise till 9 o'clock in the evening, and the smallest favours gratefully acknowledged, by JEREMIAH BROWN HOWELL.
N. B. He has five or six loads of THATCH (cut early and well secured) for sale, or to exchange for Posts, Rails, Wood, or other country produce. February 5.
For SALE, by THOMAS JONES,
FORTY Hogsheads of good retailing MOLASSES, at a low price, on which 90 day's credit will be given. Barrels of good brown SUGAR, Boxes of Window GLASS, 20 casks of POWDER, and an assortment of SHOT, RAISINS of the first quality, in casks and boxes, Real Spanish SEGARS, in boxes of 1000. Ten-plate iron STOVES, and close ditto. A quantity of 3 thread Holland Seine TWINE, of the first quality, suitable for the menhaden fishery.
CASH GIVEN FOR
Clover, Herds-Grass and Bent HAY-SEED; also, for good OATS and RYE. INDIAN CORN
Any of the above Goods will be exchanged for good Butter, Cheese, Hogs-Lard, Oats, Rye, Barley or Tallow. January 15. (6w)
For SALE, by Amos Maine Atwell,
CONNECTICUT Salted Provisions of the best Qualities, and in excellent shipping order, viz. Prime Beef, Prime Pork, Mess Pork, and one Hog pork.--Also, 20 Firkins of Butter, 7000 feet 1 1-4 inch seasoned hard Pine Boards, 2000 feet 2 inch Pine Plank, 700 feet 1 inch cherry-tree Boards, Two thousand Clapboards.
The above Goods are offered for sale on terms highly favourable to the purchaser.
ALSO, 15 Puncheons Jamaica Spirits, of the first flavour and quality, which will reduce 33 1-3 per centum. October 20. (t. f.)
Cooley's genuine Pills,
Prepared by Samuel Cooley, of Bolton, State of Connecticut, And secured to him by letters patent, signed by the PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES, and dated at Philadelphia, the 26th day of June, A. D. 1798, agreeable to an act of Congress.
THEY are justly esteemed for their easy operation and good effects; they are a most certain remedy for the Jaundice, Rheumatism, Erysipelas, Gravel, Piles, Scurvy, Dizziness of the Head, Pain in the Stomach and Bowels; they are an antidote against infectious diseases; and are, taking two or three early in the morning, a great preservative against contagious air, remove obstructions of any kind, by dissolving and discharging the morbid matter, help digestion, restore a lost appetite, a sure relief for costive habits; decayed constitutions are removed by a thorough use of the above Pills.
They are found by experience to be the most safe and easy phyic of any composition yet known: Persons under weak circumstances may take them with safety and not find themselves made weaker, as is common to other phyic. They are to be taken twice in a day, two in the morning and one at night, more or less, so as to cause one or two r. ements of the body more than usual; let the patient fast one hour, then eat, drink and exercise as he pleases.
N. B. There is no Mercury in the above Pills. Sold by JOHN POPE, Providence. August 21. (t. f.)
BOOT and SHOE-MAKER, Opposite the house of OBADIAH BROWN, Esq. EXECUTES every command in his line of business with neatness and dispatch. Those who wish to favour him with their commands, may rely on being served to their satisfaction.
Long Boots, 7 dollars 50 cents half ditto, 5 dollars--Shoes, 2 dollars. Feb. 12.
ALL persons are hereby cautioned against purchasing or receiving either of three notes, purporting to be signed by the subscriber to SLACK and DIXON, for twenty dollars each. One dated June 16th, 1798--one dated September 18th, 1798, and one dated December 18th, 1798. As I have never executed any such notes to them, or either of them, I am determined not to pay them, or either of them, the notes all being forged; and I shall make defence against the same. MARVIN MORRIS. February 12.
To be Sold,
A FARM situated in the town of Scituate, nine miles westward from Providence, on the south road, so called, to Plainfield, containing about 100 acres; with a dwelling-house, barn, cornhouse and cooper's shop thereon--consisting of plough land, mowing, pasture, orchard and wood-land, and is a delightful stand for a country seat, for any gentleman that wishes to purchase. Payment will be made easy, if desired. For further particulars, enquire of JOB FISK, on the premises. Scituate, Feb. 11.
This day received, and for Sale by ELISHA DYER, TEN Pipes of first quality BRANDY, which will reduce 40 per cent.--Terms and Credit liberal. February 5.
"He is in glory--the world in tears."
WASHINGTON MEDALS. For SALE, by David Vinton,
At the corner shop, No. 7, Market-Square, PERKINS' celebrated WASHINGTON MEDALS, gold, silver and composition; impressed with the likeness, the initials, the dates of the birth, death, and principal events in the history of the immortal WASHINGTON. The peculiar excellency of this invention is to imprint on the minds of ALL, especially of Youth, the memory and important services of HIM who bought our freedom, and entailed it to posterity.
These medals are worn in Boston, particularly by children of all classes. January 29. (6w.)
MAIL-STAGE.
THE subscribers respectfully inform the public, that the only regular line of Stages for New-York and Boston, start from A. AMMIDON's, at the sign of the Golden-Ball, near the State-House, in Providence; where ladies and gentlemen are invited to call and take their seats. The Mail Stage leaves Providence for New-York and Boston, Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays; for New-York at 4 o'clock, A. M. and for Boston, at 6 o'clock, A. M.
Particular care will be taken that the Mail-Stage is not crowded; not more than eight persons are allowed to go in the Mail-Stage to Boston.
SOLOMON HATCH, and Co. January 22.
For Sale,
At the Store of the Subscriber, 200 Barrels of Beef 20 ditto of Pork 50 Pipes of excellent Geneva, warranted equal to any imported 500 Cases of ditto 3 Tons of Ship Bread. 3, 4, 6 and 9 pound Cannon; round Shot, double headed ditto, grape, &c. suitable for the above sized cannon. The above articles will be sold in large or small quantities, as will best suit the purchasers--for cash or approved notes, payable at the Bank. JOHN BROWN. January 1. (tf.)
For SALE, by Christopher C. Olney,
One door north of Mr. John Corlis', 50 Barrels of Turpentine Foolscap and Pot Writing-Paper Demy do. Vellum do. Post do. Printing do. Wrapping do. Sheathing do. Bonnet do. Clothier's do. Book-Binder's do.
Orders for any quantity or quality will be attended to.
Cash, or any of the above articles, will be given for cotton, linen and woolen Rags, and old Sail-Cloth and Junk, delivered at the Mills or his Store.--Great allowances made to shopkeepers who collect stock, and paper put at reduced prices.
Also wanted, Two smart active BOYS, about 14 years old, as apprentices to the paper-making business, to whom good encouragement will be given. January 29.