Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-03-13 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican.
AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNWORTH, (Printer to the State, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES,) Thames-Street, NEWPORT.
CASH PAID FOR LINEN & WOOLLEN RAGS, BY Christopher C. Olney, Delivered at his Mill, or at his Paper Warehouse.
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DANIEL DUNHAM, jun. } Com. JOHN TILLINGHAST, } And all persons indebted to said Estate, are required to make immediate payment to CALEB FISH, Administrator, or CHRISTIANNA FISH, Administratrix. Newport, March 1st. 1802. 75
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SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES. SPEECH OF GENERAL S. T. MASON, On the Judiciary System. (Concluded from our last.)
WE have been told, that no State in the Union has presumed to touch the judiciary establishment, excepting the State of Maryland. I will not answer for others; but with respect to Virginia, I will answer that she has touched it. Her constitutional provision for the independence of the Judges is nearly similar to that of the United States, and yet she has established, modified, and entirely put down particular departments of her system.
[Here general Mason went into a particularization of the different changes the judiciary system of Virginia had undergone.]
After the particularization, general Mason proceeded:— And yet our judges who are extremely tenacious of their rights, did not complain. They thought, as I think, that they should not be removed from their offices that others might be placed in them, and that while they did continue in office, their salaries should be preserved to them. And I believe the whole of our constitutional provision amounts to this; that unlike other officers appointed by the President, they shall not be removed by him; that their salaries shall not be diminished by the legislature; and that while the legislature may continue any particular judicial establishment under which a judge is appointed, he shall hold that appointment in defiance of both the other departments of government. A judge may say, I am not to be turned out of office by the President on the one hand, or starved by the legislature on the other. He may say to the Legislature or the President, and to both of them combined; you shall not turn me out of this office as long as it exists, to gratify your enmity to me or your favoritism to another person; so long as the interest and convenience of the people require this institution, they are entitled to my services, they shall have them, and I will be paid for them to the utmost farthing in spite of your displeasure or caprice.
Notwithstanding the remarks of gentlemen, I am inclined to think these ideas of the extreme independence of the judges, and the limited powers of the legislature, are not very old, but that they are of modern origin, and have grown up since the last session of Congress. For in the law passed last session, that very law which it is now proposed to repeal is to be found a practical exposition in direct hostility with the principle now contended for, which does not betray that sacred regard for the office of a judge, that is on this occasion professed; in that very law will be found a clause which abolishes two district courts. The 24th Sec. says expressly "the district courts of Kentucky and Tennessee shall be and hereby are abolished." Will gentlemen tell this House how this express provision came into the act of the last session; and will they still say that though they voted for this law, yet no power exists in the legislature to abolish a court. It is true, that it has been said, that though you put down two district courts, you promoted the officers by increasing their salaries and making them judges of the circuit courts; but the fact is, you have abolished their offices; they are judges no longer of the district of Kentucky and Tennessee; and they are to every purpose, whatever may be their name, in reality circuit judges. Though you have not lessened their salaries, you have deprived them of their offices. However, therefore, gentlemen may calculate as to the benefit or injury done these two judges, the principle is not affected by any result—their offices are gone.
It is not enough to say, that though you destroyed their offices, you offered them others with higher salaries. You took away from them in express terms, their offices by abolishing the officer.—You had stripped them of their offices, you had robbed them of their vested rights, and then to make friends, offered them a compensation; but whether the compensation thus offered for the deprivation they had suffered, was really equivalent to their loss, is a mere matter of calculation, and does not affect the constitutional principle. It is proper, however to observe, that they were no parties to the proposed compromise, and that indeed they had no choice left them. They were obliged to accept of what you offered them or have nothing. If they did not agree to become judges of the newly organized circuit courts, they could not remain judges of the district courts, for these courts were absolutely and completely abolished.
Were I, Mr. President, to make a calculation on the comparative increase of duties and additional salary, in the case of one of those gentlemen (judge Innes of Kentucky) I should have no hesitation to say, that the bargain which has been made without his consent, and without his being a party to it, is a very bad one to him. Knowing too his particular situation, I am persuaded that if the law had left him any election
between his former and new situation, he would have preferred remaining where he was, and without a moment's hesitation, he would have rejected your preferred promotion, as it is called. This gentleman resides within a very few miles of Frankfort, where, as a district judge of Kentucky, he held his court. Attached to domestic life, and enjoying all its felicities, engaged in and pleased with agricultural pursuits, he was never under the necessity even during the sessions of the courts, to sleep out of his own bed one night, or to be separated a single day from his family. He could every morning give direction for the management of his farm, and return early enough in the evening to see whether his orders were executed.
How is he situated under the change which has been forced upon him. Instead of attending one court almost at his door, your law requires him to attend four. The nearest at Bird's town, fifty or sixty miles from home. You oblige him to travel through dreary and inhospitable regions to the North-Western territory, something short of an hundred miles; and much greater distances to, and through still worse countries, Knoxville, in Tennessee. In going from one to the other of these last mentioned places, he will have to pass through the country of the Cherokee Indians, nearly one hundred miles over the Cumberland mountains, where he will be exposed to every inclemency of weather, without a shelter to retire to, for there is not a house or a hut in the whole journey; a journey in which all travellers are obliged at all times, and of unavoidable necessity, to sleep one night at least, and from the fall of rain, and rise of water courses, often many nights without a roof to cover them from the beating of the storm; and moreover where they are liable at every step to be robbed by the Indians as I myself experienced passing through that wilderness. Can it be supposed, that the five hundred dollars added to the salary of judge Innes, should by a person situated as he was, be deemed a sufficient compensation for the additional duties, the risks, the dangers and the deprivations, to which that law subjected him? In continuing to serve his country, I am sure he must have been influenced more by a sense of duty, than regard to private interest; or a belief, that the change was in any respect advantageous to him.
By the 7th section of the law of the last session, which transforms the district into circuit courts, which melts down the judges and reconstitutes them, it is enacted, That there shall be a circuit court composed of one new circuit judge and two old district judges, to be called the 6th circuit. Have you not then established a new office by the destruction of the old one? Have you not done more? Have you not violated the constitution by declaring by law, who shall fill this new office; though the Constitution declares, article 2d, section 2d, That the President shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint all officers which shall be established by law.
Where were these guardians of the constitution—these vigilant sentinels of our rights and liberties, when this law passed? Were they asleep upon their post? Where was the gentleman from New-York, who had on this debate made such a noble stand in favor of a violated constitution? Where was the Ajax Talamen of his party, or to use his own more correct expression, the section to which he belonged? Where was the hero with his seven fold shield? Not of bull's hide—but of brass—prepared to prevent or to punish this Trojan rape which he now sees mediated upon the constitution of his country by a wicked faction? Where was Hercules, that he did not crush these den of robbers that broke into the sanctuary of the constitution? Was he forgetful of his duty? Were his nerves unstrung? Or was he the very leader of the band that broke down these constitutional ramparts?
I shall now, sir, trouble you with a few remarks on the expediency of repealing this Law. It has been said, that there is nothing peculiarly disgusting in this law; that there has been no public clamor excited against it; that it was enacted with solemnity on calm and deliberate reflection; and that time has not yet been given to test it by experience.
As no member, who has taken part in debate, was a member of this body, when the law passed, I will say something of its history. I am not disposed to excite the sensibility of gentlemen by any remarks which I shall make, or to call up unpleasant recollections of past scenes. But when I hear it said that this law was passed with calmness after mature reflection, and that we are now in a fit of passion going to undo what was thus wisely done, I think it necessary that the public should have a correct statement.
It is true that under the last administration, when there existed (what I trust will never in an equal degree exist again) an immoderate thirst for executive patronage; a proposition was made to establish a new judiciary system; a system worse than the present; as it proposed, according to my recollection, 38 judges instead of 16. The law was very near passing. It was however rejected in the House of Representatives by a very small majority. But it was circulated
as a project of law among the people. It was ill received. It was thought to be a rank thing, and met with general disapprobation throughout the United States, as far as I have been able to learn. After this reception it was softened down to the plan introduced at the last session. What temper accompanied the progress of the bill in the other House I know not; or if I did know, would it be proper for me here to say. But with respect to the acts of this body I am not of opinion that they added any dignity to our common course of proceeding. The bill was referred to a committee, who, though it was very long, reported it without any amendment. Various amendments were offered, some of which were admitted to be proper. But they were not received. One indeed proposed by a member from Connecticut, who was chairman of the committee, and was then hostile to the plan did pass in the early stages of the bill; but on the third reading it was expunged. All amendments proposed by the minority were uniformly rejected, by a steady, inflexible, undeviating majority. I confess that I saw no poison; but I certainly did see great pertinacity; something what the gentleman from Connecticut had termed a holding fast. No amendments were admitted—when offered we are told no; you may get them introduced by a rider or supplementary bill, or in any other way you please; but down the bill must go—it must go—it must be crammed down your throats—this was not the precise phrase, but such was the amount of what was said.
I will say that no argument was urged in favor of the bill, not a word to show the necessity or propriety of the change. Yet we are told that there was great dignity, great solemnity in its progress and passage!
But there is something undignified in thus hastily repealing this law! In thus yielding ourselves to the fluctuations of public opinion! So we are told—but if there be blame on whom does it fall? Not on us who respected the public opinion when this law was passed, and who still respect it. But on those who acted in defiance of public opinion as it had been decisively expressed.—The revolution in public opinion had taken place before the introduction of this project; the people of the United States had determined to commit their affairs to new agents; already had the confidence of the people been transferred from their then rulers into other hands. After this exposition of the national will, and this new deposit of the national confidence, the gentlemen should have left untouched this important and delicate subject; a subject on which the people could not be reconciled to their views even in the good tide of their power and influence; they should have forbore, till agents better acquainted with the national will, because more recently constituted its organs, had come into the government. This would have been more dignified than to seize the critical moment when power was passing from them, to pass such a law as this. If there is error it is our duty to correct it; and the truth was, no law was ever more execrated by the public.
Let it not be said, postpone the repeal till the next session. No. Let us restore those gentlemen to private life, who have accepted appointments under this law. This will be doing them greater justice, than by keeping them in office another year, till the professional business, which once attached to them, is gone into other channels.
[Mr. Mason went into an examination of the number of suits depending at the time the law was passed and particularly the number bro't within the twelve months preceding its passage, from the tenfolds of which, and their being in a state of diminution rather than increase, he inferred the inutility of the additional judges.]
He continued: If on this review, we find the number of suits decreasing instead of increasing; if the courts then established were found competent to the prompt and faithful discharge of all duties devolved upon them, the law was unnecessary; and if unnecessary, the additional expense incurred by it was unnecessary; and all unnecessary expenses should be saved. It is true that 50,000 dollars divided among the people of the United States, amounted to but one cent a man; but the principle was still the same. It has been very fashionable of late to justify every unnecessary expense by stating each item by itself and dividing it among the whole people. In this way every expense is held forth as of little consequence! Gentleman say in this case, it is only one cent a man! In the case of the Mausoleum, 200,000 dollars came to only 4 cents a man! In the direct tax, it is only 40 cents! They talk of our Army, it only comes to a few cents for each person, who may sell as many cabbages to the soldiers themselves to pay it! So in a navy. In this way are the most extravagant expenses whitewashed down to a mere fraction. But this kind of federal arithmetic I can never accede to. It may suit an expensive government; but it is an imposition upon the people.
It has been urged with some force by the gentlemen from New-York and Connecticut that

the small number of suits is an evidence of the efficiency and ability of our courts of justice. I am willing to admit the force of that remark; but I must apply it very differently from those gentlemen. I must apply it to the state of the docket when this law passed; and from their being very few at the time, I must infer that the system existing then was an excellent one, as it wielded the power of the laws so effectually, that there was but little necessity for enforcing the law against delinquents.
From the remarks made by the gentleman from Connecticut it might be inferred that we were about to destroy all our courts, and that we were in future to have no courts. Is this the case? Are we contending for breaking down the whole judiciary establishment? On the contrary, we barely say, the courts you had before the passage of this law were sufficient; return, therefore, to them. This law which we with repeal, imparts no new authorities to your judges; it clothes them with no additional terrors; it adds not to their axes, or increases not the number of their rods. It only enlarges their number, which was before large enough.
The gentleman from New York has amused himself with a great deal of handsome rhetoric; but I apprehend without bearing much upon the question. There is one idea, however, which he has seized with ecstasy, the idea of a great state kneeling at the altar of federal power; and he deplores that this spectacle, the most sublime that his imagination can conceive, is vanished forever. But if he will consult those stores of history with which he so often amuses and instructs his audience, he will find still more splendid humiliations. He will find the proud monarchs of the east, surrounded with all the decorations of royalty, dragged at the chariot wheel of the conqueror. In modern times he will behold a king of England and of France, one holding the stirrup and the other the bridle, while the Pope mounted his horse. If not contented with the contemplation of these illustrious degradations, he may resort to sacred writ, to which he so often appeals; and in the very book of judges, he will behold a famous king of Jerusalem, surrounded by three score and ten dependent kings, picking up the crumbs from under his table, and what made the humiliation more charming, all these kings had their thumbs and great toes cut off.
But if the gentleman from New York with us to be gratified with a more modern idea of sovereign degradation, I would refer him to the memorable threat of an individual, a servant of the people, to humble a whole state, a great state suo, in dust and ashes . A state upon her knees before six venerable judges, decorated in party-coloured robes, as ours formerly were, or arrayed in more solemn black, such as that they have lately assumed, hoping, tho' a state, that it might have some chance for justice, exhibits a spectacle of humble and degraded sovereignty far short of the dreadful denunciation to which I allude! If the gentleman feels, as I know many do, rapture at the idea of a state being humiliated and humbled into the dust, I envy him not his feelings. At such a thought I acknowledge I feel humbled. If the degradation were confined to kings and tyrants, to usurpers who had destroyed the liberties of nations, I should not feel much commiseration; but when applied to governments, instituted by the people for the protection of their liberties, and administered only to promote their happiness, I feel indignant at the idea of degraded sovereignty. I should feel the same interest for any state, large or small, whether it were the little state of Delaware herself, or the still more insignificant republic of St. Marino.
After a few additional remarks, and asking the indulgence of the House for the want of method imposed upon him from the necessity of replying to the arguments of gentlemen as they had stated them, Gen. Mason sat down.
From the BOSTON CHRONICLE.
OLD SOUTH—No. LVIII.
Observations on the Hon. G. Morris's Speech upon the repeal of the Judiciary Laws. [CONCLUDED.]
WHEN a man weeps over the Constitution, it naturally excites a degree of complacency in the public mind to attend to his lamentations; but after examining the cause of his complaints and finding it the mere phantasm of a heated imagination, we cannot but smile at the vehemence of his exclamations.
A stranger, upon reading Mr. Morris's speech, would naturally suppose that the fate of America was suspended on this Judiciary system; he would think that upon its repeal, discord, anarchy and a state of nature would be the immediate result of the decision; that government was dissolved; that the Senate and House of Representatives were annihilated, and that nothing was to be expected but insurrections and every civil commotion.
This lively description might well be expected from Mr. Morris, who feels such a strong attachment to this particular branch of government; who declares it to be the "fortress of the Constitution"—who, "like honest Ajax, would not only throw a shield before it, but would build around it a wall of brass." When a man steps forward in such a commanding attitude, with his shield and wall of brass, we are ready to sympathize with him, should he fail to effect his magnanimous purpose.
But, hon. Sir, let us be cool on this subject, let us throw aside all the parade of rhetoric, and appeal to the reason, rather than the passions of the People; let us "pause," before we decide. After this deliberate reflection, I hope even the Honorable G. Morris, Esquire, will wipe away his tears, sooth the emotions of his laboring mind, and so far compose himself as to lay aside his shield and remove his wall of brass as useless and unnecessary.
Admit, honorable Sir, that the repeal should take place, I would ask you, what difficulties would ensue? Would the constitution be annihilated by the repeal of a law, which you de-
clared would not have passed, had it been returned to the House of Representatives for amendment? According to your own statement, it was a crude, undigested system—it was a child of such distorted features, that you was obliged to watch it like a godfather, in its cradle—you was afraid to trust it out of your hands—you dandled it on your knees, and could not trust it to walk into another room, lest it should perish in its progress. Can any man be so foolish as to think, that a system so incomplete in its fabrication, so weak in its composition, and so abhorrent even to those who gave it existence, should be the "wall of brass" to secure the freedom, sovereignty and independence of our country. This wonderful project was matured with precipitation, and organized at a moment, when the agents themselves were under the strongest paroxysms of their own dissolution—this being a fact, how is it possible that the welfare, prosperity and happiness of the United States should be suspended on such a frail, incoherent and undigested system.
It is diverting to observe the pathos of Mr. Morris, when he exclaims, "if we lose this charter, never, never, shall we get another." I would enquire, honorable Sir, what Charter? Do you call this Judiciary Act a charter, which if we lose, we "never, never," can renew? What mighty boon do we obtain by the adoption? What valuable acquirements are secured to the People by this hasty performance? Will a numerous body of judges, with all the expenses attending their appointment, be considered "a Charter" so valuable, that if we lose it, the loss will be irreparable? The citizens I believe, will never consider it so essential to their happiness, as to bemoan its annihilation; more especially, when they know, that by repealing this act, we are restored to the same system, under which government proceeded during the administration of Washington. By dismissing your phalanx of Judges, we restore the old order of things, and if we were able to obtain justice under the benign administration of our First President, why do you presume to predict a dissolution of the Constitution, when we are desirous of giving the same energy to the Judiciary as was experienced under him?
"Away, away, with all these derogatory suppositions," make yourselves easy, Honorable Sir—If Washington was able to pursue the great purposes of government under the former system, is it not the highest presumption to suppose that it will not now answer? Even Mr. Adams had no other Judiciary, than what is now proposed—neither could he need more. Were not the former Judges fully competent to enforce the Sedition Law? Did he find in any one instance, that the Judges were deficient in executing every Federal mandate? Were not the courts of law prompt in their decisions to aid every measure which bore the feature of Executive patronage? Did Judge Bee want any stimulus in the condemnation of Robbins? The Judges under the former administration were preachers of the glad tidings of Presidential infallibility, in every part of the Union. Produce, Sir, one case, wherein the government was embarrassed from the delinquency of the Judges? If the Judiciary were then adequate to all federal purposes, why are they now deficient? If Mr. Adams could prosecute his measures under the old establishment, why are you to suppose that Mr. Jefferson is not equal to the same undertaking? Why should Mr. Adams on the night of his dissolution, wish to force on his successor a more extravagant Judiciary than he himself had maintained? Was it just, that Mr. Jefferson should be encumbered with supernumerary Judges, and thereby bring his administration into disrepute by an additional expense? Why should the wheels of government be clogged with a new system of Judiciary, at the moment Mr. Jefferson was introduced into office? Why did Mr. Adams suppose, that his successor could not prosecute the business of the government with the same number of Judges as were thought competent from the first establishment of the Constitution? It must rather appear officious in Mr. Adams to create a supernumerary body of Judges, at the moment he was leaving his office, and when in all probability the business was decreasing. It is somewhat similar to a man's placing a number of tenants in a house after the expiration of his lease, and presuming to give them a permanent residence, without the advice or consent of the real owner.
Mr. Morris exhibits such an enthusiastic frenzy in the debate, that he appears rather like an infatuated preacher, than a deliberate Senator. The epithets are more expressive of fanaticism than reflection. In one instance, he represents himself in the strong muscular position of Ajax, throwing a shield to defend the Judiciary, and with Herculian vigor building a wall of brass around it—but after all his exertion in wielding his shield and building his wall, he declares, "he is too weak to defend the ramparts against the host of assailants." He however seems determined to pursue his enterprise, for if he fails in military ardor, or cannot embody men enough for personal conflict, he proposes to mount the ramparts, and with the utmost vociferation call to "his assistance the good sense, virtue and patriotism of his opponents." The Honorable Gentleman must have a lad task to perform in this situation—his shield thrown away, the ramparts of his brass wall totally dented, while this modern Ajax is mounted on the most prominent eminence, and like Patience on a monument, calling aloud to his assailants, "Pause! Pause! for Heaven's sake pause!" This is truly an unequal contest, and though we may think it a Quixotic controversy, yet we cannot but applaud the heroism of the adventurer, even if we suppose the measure to be rash and precipitate.
The hon. Mr. Morris appears however to bewail the constitutionality of the proceeding—on this part of the subject I shall offer a few remarks. It must be remembered that the Constitution is a Covenant of Works ; every officer under it is assigned special duties, and services.
Officers are not contemplated unless services are attached to them. Neither the legislative nor the executive can wantonly create offices, unless there are special duties to be performed. The pay goes with the services, and if none is to be done, there is no pay stipulated.
To apply this reasoning to the new Judiciary system. If the last administration in order to effect certain purposes took upon themselves to annihilate the old order of things, and in a precipitate manner created a new system, with a number of supernumerary judges, totally unnecessary for the circumstances of the country, can it be doubted, whether it is in the power of the present administration to rectify the measure? The only question is, whether the former Judiciary system was competent to the purposes as it related to the number of judges; if it was, has the executive or legislative a constitutional authority to burthen the people with an unnecessary expense, or can it be considered unconstitutional to repeal an act, or refuse payment to judges when no adequate reason can be offered for the extension of the system? It is readily granted that a Judiciary shall be established; this was done at the earliest period of the constitution. The question then is, whether there can be no limitation in this establishment? Whether a legislature just expiring, and a President just going out of office, shall combine to make 20 judges, when 5 are fully sufficient for all the exigencies of our government? Whether it can be unconstitutional to relieve the people from unnecessary taxes, when it is apparent that the establishment was rather a sinecure to the judges. Though the constitution says, that, "the judges shall hold their offices during good behavior," yet it also says, that they shall receive for their "services a compensation." The Constitution contemplates services, and if none is performed, it is out of the power of the legislature to grant them any pay. The Constitution meets the opposers more forcibly in granting compensation to judges whose "services" are not required, than in the annihilation of the office. It being a covenant of Works , the duties of the officers are essentially connected with their salaries. It would be a violation of the Constitution to grant compensation to a mere nominal judge, when it is expressly declared, that he must perform "services" before he is entitled to his pecuniary consideration.
Upon the whole, the Hon. Gentleman has mistaken the Spirit and even the letter of the Constitution, when he enforces the unconstitutionality of not paying the judges; for nothing is more plain than that "services" must be performed, before one penny can be drawn from the public treasury. If so, I would enquire what services the present judges have done, and if in the opinion of the legislature there are none for them to do, whether by the Spirit of the Constitution they are entitled to any compensation? This appears clear reasoning, for if the legislature can grant pay to a body of nominal judges when their duties are not required, or, if it is out of their power to modify the courts so as to retrench, if necessary, the number of judges, it is nothing more than an indirect method to create within the United States a formidable phalanx of pensioners in direct opposition to every rational and economical principle of the constitution. The organization of the Judiciary being invested in Congress, it follows that the system must ever be within their cognizance. Infallibility cannot be supposed more attached to the legislature in this instance, than in many others which are subject to revision. The constitutionality of the repeal therefore is evident by the absurdity of their being bound to adhere to a system, inexpedient from our situation, adopted without mature consideration, in opposition to the will of the House of Representatives at the time of passing the act, and from whence no essential "services" can be rendered to the United States.
OLD SOUTH.
For the RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
Fellow-Citizens of New-England,
PERMIT me to address you on a subject of the highest importance; and which is none other than the preservation of your rights, your liberty, and your property. You are about to make choice of your State officers for the year ensuing.—Shall I call to your attention the objects which ought to guide you in this momentous exercise of your constitutional rights? Or shall I apprise you of the dangers which await your decisions?
Although I follow my plough, and attend my flocks, I cannot but remark the movements of an inveterate and disappointed class of my fellow-citizens and neighbors. Those who style themselves Federalists , have lately experienced the general and unequivocal disapprobation of the sovereign voice of the American people, in most of the recent elections to office. They have been dismissed, and men of different political principles appointed in their places. The most artful and designing of these federalists , have ever been, and still are endeavoring to effect a division of the Government. The late happy change that has taken place, greatly encrases their rage against Republicans and Republicanism, and stimulates them to redouble their diligence, in producing a dismemberment of these United States, by bringing forward such characters to fill the first offices, as are avowedly hostile, and in direct opposition to the present administration of the federal Government.
In Massachusetts, I observe the Electioneering campaign has commenced; and if the federalists should succeed, generally, in New-England, the presumption is, that the Essex Junto , with the whole of the Hamiltonian faction, will most assuredly make one desperate attempt to dissolve the Union. This is not mere formise. The plan has long been maturing. It has repeatedly been proposed, and boldly advocated in the Anti-Republican papers both of Connecticut and Massachusetts.—It must therefore be pleasing to every friend of the Constitution, and his Country, to see those venerable Patriots, the
Hon. ELBRIDGE GERRY, and Gen. WILLIAM HEATH, again brought forward by the Republicans, as Governor and Lieutenant-Governor.—Those men will support the Union; they will support the sovereignty of the respective States; they will support the republican administration of the general government; they will support the rights and liberties of the people. The politics of that State has experienced such a rapid change, and the country generally has been so aroused by the acts of the late administration, and by the usurpation of their own legislature in depriving the people of their privileges, that there remains little doubt of the success of the Republican candidates.
I have lately been informed that this same infuriated party of federal disorganizers have also undertaken to revolutionize this State; and that a large sum of money has been raised to effect it. This is the most flattering, and perhaps the only plan they can hit upon in order to acquire any degree of strength. But the good people of Rhode-Island have been too often deceived by this unprincipled and degraded faction, to be again led away by artifice, intrigue, or even bribery.
Read, my Countrymen;—read the last solemn advice of our illustrious Washington, in his valedictory Address. He speaks to you in the all powerful voice of reason, as a dying man, and a sincere friend to his country. He warns you of this same party, who are now endeavoring to dissolve the Union, in the following pathetic language:—
"In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should be furnished for characterizing parties, by geographical discriminations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party, to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations: They tend to render alien to each other, those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection."
"The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity, watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts."
"While every part of our country feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security, from external danger; a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars, between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inaptious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty: In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endure to you the preservation of the other."
A Rhode-Island Farmer.
From the CHRONICLE.
EVERY man who feels the smallest interest in the happiness or prosperity of his Country, his family, or of himself; or who is a well-wisher for the happiness of posterity, will come forward at this momentous period, when Republicanism and Republicans are openly and boldly ridiculed and traduced, and the first Officers of our Federal Government unceasingly calumniated; when a separation of the States is openly encouraged in direct opposition to the sentiments contained in the solemn farewell address of the immortal Washington, and by his vote make evident that those foul aspersions proceed from a small party, inimical to the best interests of New-England. It has now become the religious duty of every good man, to do all in his power to preserve our Republican system of government, and to defeat the alarming and ever to be dreaded plan of its enemies, to destroy the Union .—By choosing Republicans to exercise our Executive and Legislative functions, our State will harmonize with the Southern States—the friends of aristocracy will cease to be trou-

blest—and peace and order be restored from the daring attempt to destroy them. It is no less the duty of the aged parent, than of the legally qualified son, to interest himself in the cause of our common country, at the approaching annual Election; and to prove to our Southern brethren that those who speak of the "Dominion of the Spirit of Virginia" and of the "Mazzinian Philosopher," and who publicly avow their enmity to Republicanism, do not speak the language of the People of this State. Nineteen twentieths of the Citizens of Massachusetts are pure and genuine Republicans. A large portion of worthy citizens, have been deceived—they begin to discover and to know their friends from their foes, and from very good information, I have every reason to believe, and do most heartily pray, that the result of the approaching Election will verify the truth of my assertion.
A BOSTONIAN.
LAWS OF THE UNION. [PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
SEVENTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at their first session. Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the 7th of December, 1801.
AN ACT
Extending the privilege of franking and receiving letters, free of postage, to any person admitted, or to be admitted to take a seat in Congress as a delegate; and providing compensation for such delegate.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That any person admitted or who may hereafter be admitted to take a seat in Congress, as a delegate, shall enjoy the privilege of sending and receiving letters, free of postage, on the same terms, and under the same restrictions, as are provided for the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives of the United States, by the act, entitled, "An Act to establish the post-office of the United States;" and that every such delegate so admitted to a seat, be, and he is hereby authorised to receive, free of postage, under the said restrictions, any letters directed to him, and which shall have arrived at the seat of government prior to the passage of this act: And that every such delegate shall receive for his traveling expenses and attendance in Congress the same compensation as is or may be allowed, by law, to the members of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, to be certified and paid in the same manner.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, Feb. 18, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
AN ACT
Making certain partial Appropriations for the year one thousand eight hundred and two.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the sum of sixty thousand dollars be, and the same hereby is appropriated towards defraying the expenses of the pay of the army, during the year one thousand eight hundred and two.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted , That the following sums be, and the same hereby are appropriated to the purposes herein recited, respectively, that is to say: For the contingent expenses of the Department of the Treasury, to make good the deficiency of former appropriations for the same, the sum of fifteen hundred and thirteen dollars, and fifty-five cents.
For the printing of the public accounts, to make good the deficiency of former appropriations for the same, the sum of fourteen hundred dollars.
Towards the contingent expenses of the Department of the Treasury, during the year one thousand eight hundred and two, the sum of one thousand dollars.
Towards the contingent expenses of the House of Representatives, during the year one thousand eight hundred and two, the sum of three thousand dollars:
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted , That the accounting officers of the Treasury Department be, and they hereby are authorised, in the settlement of the accounts of the several officers herein after mentioned, to make the following allowances for clerk hire, during the year one thousand eight hundred and one, in addition to the allowances now established by law; that is to say:
To the Accountant of the Navy Department, one thousand nine hundred dollars, and thirty-one cents.
To the Purveyor of Public Supplies, seven hundred dollars.
To the Superintendent of Stamps, three hundred and seventy-seven dollars, and seventy-eight cents.
To the Commissioner of Loans of Pennsylvania, one thousand five hundred dollars.
Provided however, That the expence, thus allowed, shall have been actually incurred: And provided also, that the whole amount paid to each above mentioned officer, respectively, for his compensation, and that of his clerks and persons employed in his office, for the year aforesaid, shall not exceed the sums heretofore appropriated, by law, to those objects, respectively, during the said year.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted , That the aforesaid sums shall be paid and discharged out
of any monies in the Treasury of the United States, not otherwise appropriated.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, Feb. 23, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
In GENERAL ASSEMBLY, February Session, A. D. 1802.
AN ACT for limiting the time for bringing into the General-Treasury certain evidences of the State debt, and for barring all future claims.
Be it enacted by the General Assembly, and by the authority thereof it is hereby enacted, That the holders of the different kinds of State Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt issued by this State, as named and described in the acts of January 1795, and June 1797, be and they are hereby permitted to bring in the same to the General-Treasurer on or before the first day of January, A. D. 1803. That the General Treasurer be and he is hereby authorized and directed to receive the said Notes, Certificates, &c. and give the holders thereof his Certificates in behalf of this State, calculating and adjusting them on the same principles as is directed and described in the aforesaid Acts of January 1795 and June 1797.
And be it further enacted , That all Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt as before named and described in the Acts aforesaid, that are not brought into the General-Treasury on or before the said first day of January 1803, be and they are hereby declared null and void, and the holders of them are forever debarred from receiving any compensation therefor.
And be it further enacted , That George Champlin and Constant Taber, Esquires, with the General-Treasurer, be and they are hereby appointed a committee to examine and decide on all applications that are made at the Treasury for State Notes, by the heirs or legal Representatives of the officers and soldiers of the late revolutionary army, where the Notes have been taken out of the Treasury by fraudulent means.
And be it further enacted , That this Act be published, by the General Treasurer, in all the News-papers in this State, for Six weeks successively.
A true copy. Witness, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
BALTIMORE, March 3. Conflagration of the Cape.
Arrived last evening, Capt. Rogers, of the schr. Nelly, from Cape-Francois, which he left on the 14th Feb. The news by Capt. R. is most distressing, both on account of the American property which has been destroyed at the Cape, and the scenes of horror and bloodshed which have and will take place.
It appears that a division of the French fleet, consisting of 14 sail of ships of the line and 11 other ships of war, with about 20,000 men, arrived off the Cape on the 3d of February, when negotiations were entered into by the commanders on each side, as to the terms on which the one party were to be permitted to land, and the tenure on which the other was to hold their liberty and property. During those negotiations, Gen. Leclerc refused to recognise any such character as a governor in the island, whose sanction, it was pretended by the blacks, was wanting to permit him to land. This impolitic step immediately roused the suspicions of the negroes, who peremptorily forbade him to land, and threatened, if force were used, to repel it by force—to fire the town and murder the whites. On the evening of the following day, one of the ships hove in near shore, and was fired on by the battery with red hot shot; which was at the same time the signal for the conflagration of the town. Fire and fagots lighted up the flames in many parts at the same time, and the place, during the night, exhibited a scene of horror and destruction beyond the power of description, and equalled only by the dreadful fire experienced in the year 92. Many instances took place, and the brutal savage of the negroes spared neither age nor sex, not of their own colour, except Americans, one only of whom (a young man from Charleston) was killed. With one hand the black demons of slaughter were seen holding up the writhing infant, and hacking off its limbs with the sword in the other. Those that escaped the sword were preserved to witness more horrid sensations, being dragged by the negroes, (who evacuated the town during the fire, and after the demolishing of the forts) to their strong places in the mountains, to serve as hostages or to glut their fury. On the morning of the 5th, of 2000 houses, 59 only had escaped the savages of the flames, and their tenants, except a wretched few on board the American shipping, were no where to be seen. Sugars and other property either rolled in liquid fire along the streets, or mounted in cloudy volumes to the sky. All the plantations of the extensive and once flourishing plain around the Cape for many miles, exhibited the same tremendous appearance. Port de Paix was also consumed, and every town in the Island except Fort Dauphin, it was expected, would share a similar fate with the Cape. Fort Dauphin had been preserved, by another division of the fleet taking possession of it without molestation—four divisions having arrived at different points of the Island about the same time. Besides the two mentioned, one had gone into the bite of Leon.
After the total evacuation of the Cape by the blacks, the French shipping hauled into the harbor and took possession of the town and forts. Capt. Rogers was permitted by the intendant to sail on the 14th with dispatches, we learn; but all other Americans were still detained.
It was not known where Toussaint was
during the conflagration, but he was supposed to have been at the Cape, in cog. directing the hand of destruction. He is now at the head of his army in the mountains, in a place strong by nature, and which he had for some time been fortifying and rendering impregnable, by art. To this strong post he has retired with his treasury and his mercenaries; and from it will make his murderous excursions and bar his assailants. Rigaud, his old and implacable rival, was with his enemies, and much was expected from his knowledge of the island and his influence with the inhabitants of the South.
It was reported at Cape-Francois that the fleet destined for Guadaloupe had arrived, and that the same tragic scenes had occurred there.
Extract of a letter from a captain at Cape-Francois, to his owner in this city—February 10.
"On the 3d inst. the French fleet arrived off the harbor, and sent in a cutter to know on what terms they were to be received; when general Christopher, thought proper not to let them come into the harbor, and sent out the cutter again with orders to the admiral, that if he attempted to come in by force, he would set fire to the town. On the 4th there being very little wind all day until afternoon, one of the French ships came very near the fort, intending, we supposed, to have come in, when the fort immediately fired on them, and obliged them to haul off again, and in one hour afterwards the town of Cape-Francois was set fire to in several places, when it exhibited the most shocking sight I ever saw."
NEWPORT, Saturday, March 13, 1802.
WE are under the painful necessity of addressing a note to Mr. Bennett Wheeler, of Providence, in answer to an inscription, that appeared on the margin of his "Chronicle" of the 11th instant, which was received yesterday. If this had been his first manifestation of personal insolence of the kind, it might not have been noticed; but they have been in this way repeated without the least provocation, until they can be borne no longer. We therefore return to Mr. Wheeler, the paper, which he last forwarded, earnestly desiring that he would not trouble himself to send us any more of them. And we are induced thus publicly to address him, because the insults he has offered, have in some measure been public; and because to reason with him privately would be folly; abandoned as he is to baseness, envy, and malice.
It might reasonably have been supposed, that, by this time, the political vengeance of Mr. Wheeler, might be exhausted—drilled, and drenched as he has been, in projects of detraction and abuse. But when or where he will stop, the gift of prophecy alone can determine. After having waged a desperate, and wicked warfare, against the existing policy, and constituted authorities of his country; after traveling with laborious zeal through guilty scenes of his own creating; after having been the elements of society heaving in convulsions for a twelve month, occasioned by his malice and revenge, and the revenge of his lurking co-adjutor, who sets upon his prey, as a fawn on the tree; and after coming out at last with total disappointment, a defeat, it might well be expected, that he would still hold his dagger unheathed, ready to assail, and assassinate a private individual. But as his character (as it has for a long time been exhibited in his paper) has been viewed with disgust, and abhorrence, to his conduct in authorising the inscription, which appeared upon that of the 11th instant, addressed to the Editor of the Republican, is held in contempt by him. Mean, cowardly, and base, it was truly descriptive of Mr. Wheeler. He will send us no more of his dirty "Chronicles," he will much oblige
THE EDITOR.
From the Providence Gazette.
To correct the base misrepresentations which are industriously circulated concerning a settlement of certain actions, you are requested to publish the following. A Friend to Truth.
In the Cafe JOHN DORRANCE vs. ARTHUR FENNER, Determined at the Court of Common Pleas in the County of Providence, at December term, A. D. 1801.
It is agreed, that the appeal entered therein, be discontinued; that the judgment remain as though no appeal had been entered, and that the plaintiff pay cost.
In the Cafe ARTHUR FENNER vs. JOHN DORRANCE. It is agreed, that the appeal be discontinued; that the judgment be not affected by the appeal; that the plaintiff remit his judgment for ten thousand dollars damages, and that the defendant pay cost.
In consequence of our representing to Governor FENNER, that Judge DORRANCE had been at great expence, and that the expences of both cases would amount to a considerable sum of money, the Governor observed, that as money was not his object, he would agree further to relinquish the one half of his taxable costs.
During our conversation with Governor FENNER, nothing was said about party, or any thing of the kind.
The above settlement was made in consequence of a request of W. WATSON to Governor FENNER, & afterwards by an interview between Governor FENNER and us.
ELISHA R. POTTER, WALTER WATSON. Providence, March 4, 1802.
From Washington Feb. 27.
This day in the House of Representatives, the question on the judiciary was under debate, which was opened by Mr. P. R. Thomson of Virginia (successor of J. Nicholas) in a very eloquent manner, in a speech logical, argumen-
tative, novel in its view of the subject, and distinguished for correctness and chaste ornaments. He was followed by Mr. Davis of Kentucky, and Mr. Bacon of Massachusetts, both on the same side for the repeal; each of their speeches produced new facts and arguments. They were followed by Mr. Thomas Morris of New-York, against the repeal, and he closed the debate, when the committee rose & the House adjourned. Two messages were presented from the President, one concerning the mint, the other concerning the monies appropriated for the Barbary powers, in the period since the establishment of the government. I did not distinctly hear all this document, but it embraces all the disbursements, where Mr. Pickering was secretary, and puts that business on its true footing, as far as it goes. The documents, as well as I could hear, states some hundred thousand dollars applied to purposes different from the legal appropriation: and the large balance, of which no specific account is yet given. I regret I did not hear the whole distinctly, but as it is ordered to be printed, I suppose you will have it in a week or two.
From Washington, March 2d, 1802. "After sitting about 12 hours, the committee of the whole, last night reported to the House the judiciary bill sent from the Senate, without amendment. There were two for the repeal of the law or last session of Congress, to one against it. The minority will introduce amendments, &c. and thus delay the passage of the bill in the House for a few days.—But the debates have produced the effect of fixing some who were wavering on this question.—I expect the number will be above sixty for the repeal, and about thirty against it, on the final vote in the House."
Accounts are received of the loss of the Brutus, Ulysses, & Volusia, all of Salem (Mass.)—Capt. William Brown, of the Brutus, and most of the crew perished. The 3 ships and cargoes were worth upwards of two hundred thousand dollars, and were only about half insured. The Salem Register mentions that 4 or 5 vessels had recently gone ashore near Eastport, names unknown. Particulars of more shipwrecks in our next.
Several important articles are, of necessity, deferred till our next. We regret that it was not in our power to commence in this day's paper, the Speech of Mr. Giles, in the House of Representatives, on the Judiciary Bill. The "National Intelligencer" observes that "it is a fortress, which neither declamation or sophistry can shake."
CURIUS, No. 2, in our next.
CUSTOM-HOUSE, District of Newport, March 5.
   ENTERED, From     Ship Rebecca, Kiley, Jamaica   Brig Cleopatra, Pelton, Martinico   Sloop Ann, Boardman, Ditto   Schooner Betsey, Tolles, St. Kitts   Sloop Betsey, Littlefield, Havanna   Columbia, Carr, Alexandria   Leopard, Justin, Providence   Brig Orange, Tripp, New-York   Rising-Sun, Dockray, Havanna   Schooner William & Margaret, Larkin, Ditto   Sloop Lady Washington, Winflow, Providence   Mercury, Swift, Falmouth   Rhoda, Swift, Ditto        CLEARED, For     Schooner German-Peggy, Landers, Martinico   Sloop New-York Packet, Parker, Philadelphia   Schooner John, Brown, Barbadoes   Sloop Argus, Payne, New-York   Thomas Jefferson, Salisbury, Providence   Patty, Vose, Somerset   Mercury, Swift, Havanna   Rhoda, Swift, Ditto  
To be Sold Cheap for Cash, A Quantity of Ship and Pilot Bread, of a good quality. Apply to JAMES WESTGATE, near the Red-Market.
WILLIAM DOUGLASS Has for Sale, the following GRASS SEED, viz. ONE Thousand Weight of Clover, 50 bushels Burden's, And 30 ditto Red-Ton. March 13.
FOR SALE, Cheap for Cash, and possession given the 25th inst. A SMALL Farm, containing about Fifty acres of good land, with a dwelling house, and orchard thereon, lying in South-Kingstown, Washington county, and State of Rhode Island, within three quarters of a mile from the court-house, on Little-Rect; and adjoining the main road leading from thence to the South ferry.—Said Farm is well wooded and watered, with a suitable proportion of meadow and plough land; would make a valuable stand for the Tanning and Currying business, or merchandise.—For price, and further particulars, enquire of CALEB N. GARDNER, near the premises. South-Kingstown, March 2, 1802. 76178
WHEREAS my wife Eunice, has closed from my bed and board, and has otherwise behaved herself in an unbecoming manner. These are therefore to forbid all persons trusting her on my account, as I will not pay any debts of her contracting from the date hereof. JOHN MILLER. Warwick, Feb. 27, 1802. 76178
FOUND, YESTERDAY, on the Point, a Gold Sleeve-Button, marked I. B. D. The owner may have it, by enquiring of the Printer hereof, and paying for this advertisement. Newport, March 13. 76

POETRY—IN FASHION. Sung on the glorious Fourth of March.
PURE are the joys that gild the morn, As pure as dew drops o'er the lawn; Now plenty pours her copious horn, The noise of war and arms is gone. The Anglo Nation's plots and wiles, The despot's claims and tyrant's pride, The Federal guile no more beguile, Or sacred rights of man deride. Fair liberty, to shades retir'd, Now smiling walks in open day; With social love her heart inspir'd, To JEFFERSON attunes the lay. The angry clouds have left the sky, The threatening tempests cease to roar, The bloody schemes of Fed'ral fly, The reign of terror is no more. The high-piez'd light of private thought; The highest claim by nature given: That pearl of price by millions sought, That link, uniting earth and heav'n, That first born claim of reasoning man, The Patriot's swiftness and Despot's dread, On federal ground extends its plan, And yields to JEFFERSON the lead. Releas'd from plots for foreign war, From waiting schemes of foul expence, Our sisters break, we now may dare Assume the reigns of common sense. No royal right, or power by birth, No standing armies curse our soil, No tything  Priest oppresses the earth, To fatten on the Lab'rer's toil. No idler's stipend blasts the fields, Or pension'd  mission curse the sod, The farmers reap what labor yields, Their country love, and bless their God.
BILLY BITSWELL.
ABSOLUTION.
IT blew a hard storm, and in utmost confusion, The sailors all hurried to get absolution, Which done, and the weight of the sins they'd confess'd Was transfer'd as they thought, from themselves to the priest; To lighten the ship, and conclude their devotion, They toss'd the poor parson souse into the ocean.
ON SCANDAL.
AGAINST Slander there is no defence. Hell cannot boast to foul a fiend; nor man deplore so fell a foe: It flays with a word—with a nod—with a shrug—with a look—with a smile: It is the pestilence walking in darkness, spreading contagion far and wide, which the most wary traveller cannot avoid: It is the heart-searching dagger of the dark assassin; It is the poisoned arrow, whose wound is incurable: It is the mortal sting of the deadly adder: MURDER is its employment; INNOCENCE its prey—and RUIN its sport.
While the Anglo federal presses of America are heaping, or attempting to heap obloquy upon Jefferson and republicanism, the printers in England, and English America, are doing justice to our injured President, and duly appreciating our public communications, and his righteous acts. The English papers speak of his inaugural speech and his answer to the New-Haven remonstrance, as master pieces of composition, and models of excellence, for strength of reasoning, and accuracy of sentiment; while the Niagara paper says, that altho' Mr. Jefferson's views do not (like Mr. Adams') perfectly coincide with those of Britain, he has not acted against them, but has in a superior manner protected American commerce, increased the respectability of the states, and lessened the expense of the government, almost miraculously. [Hart. Merc.]
ANECDOTES.
OLD Johnson, the player, who was not only a very good actor, but a good judge of painting, and remarkable for making dry jokes, was shown a picture, done by a very indifferent hand, but much commended, and asked his opinion of it. Why truly, said he; the painter is a very good painter, and observes the Lord's commandments. What do you mean by that, Mr. Johnson? said one who stood by. Why I think, answered he, that he hath not made to himself the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the waters under the earth.
A Finished coquette, at a ball, asked a gentleman near her, while she adjusted her tucker, whether he could stir a fan, which she held in her hand. "No madam," answered he, proceeding to use it, "but I can fan a flirt."
FOR SALE, By SAMUEL VERNON, jun.
COGNAC Brandy, Claret Wine in casks and boxes, Silks, Britannia Linens, white wine Vinegar, Vespigraffe, & House-Paper:—The above articles are entitled to drawback, and are now landing from the Brig Hannah, from Bordeaux, at Mr. Robert Stevens' wharf.
He has also for sale, Russia and Raven's Ducks, a few Demijans and long and short Corks. Newport, Nov. 7, 1802.
Doctor BARTLETT,
P RESENTS his Compliments to his friends—and takes this opportunity to inform them of his return from a visit to his relations in Connecticut, and is ready to attend their calls in the line of his profession, and otherwise. Monday, 22d Feb. 1802. 74
Wm. Moore, jun. & Co. HAVE FOR SALE, At their Store near the Red Market, A NEW and General Assortment of Seasonable DRY GOODS; A few Boxes English and American HATS; A Large Stock of Cutlery, Hard-Ware, and GROCERIES, WHOLE-SALE and RETAIL, warranted as Cheap as at any Store in the State. —ALSO— 20 Hhds. Good flavor'd Tobago RUM. 8 Do. Antigua and Jamaica RUM. 4 Pipes Holland GIN. 3000 wt. COFFEE. A few Chests TEA. 50 Kgs Negro head TOBACCO. A few Bags of PIMENTO. —LIKewise— 20 Hhds. good retailing MOLASSES at a reduced price—For Cash or approved Notes. Newport, Jan. 2, 1802. 10tf
Francis Anderson, TAKES this method to inform his Debtors and Creditors, that his Partners have called on him for settlement, and are determined the Copartnership shall be dissolved in a few weeks, when he will remove from the said Store: He therefore once more earnestly requests those to whom the firm is indebted, to come in for settlement; and such as are indebted to said firm, to make immediate payment, as this is the last time he shall give notice in this way. And unless immediate settlement is made with all who have accounts open, either by note or payment, he will be under the disagreeable necessity of pursuing different measures for collection. Newport, Feb. 12, 1802. 72tf
Cheap! Cheap! Cheap! THOMAS GREEN, by reason of age and infirmity, proposing to retire from business in a short time—and having on hand, a handsome assortment of English and India Goods, which he wishes to sell soon, either by wholesale or retail:—And instead of an Auction (as usual in such cases) is disposed to deal them out with his own hand.—Accordingly, said Goods are now selling at as LOW RATES, or LOWER, than might reasonably be expected at a Vendue, free from those disorders and impositions which frequently take place at a public Sale. Customers will receive decent and orderly attention with utmost dispatch. Town and Country Traders, may probably find their accounts, by calling at his Store. Newport, Feb. 5. 5
John A. Shaw, Esq. Co. INFORM the public that they have taken a Shop next door but one North of the Coffee-House, where they carry on the Watch-Making business in all its branches; and have for sale, warranted and common English and Geneva Watches, gold Necklaces, silver tea and table Spoons, Sagar-Tongs, &c.—Looking-Glasses, Tea-Trays, Waiters, Dining-Cases, Plated and Wooden Castors, Sufpenders, Knives and Forks, Globe Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, brass and japanned Lamps, Candlesticks, dart and common Walking Sticks, Scotch, Rapper & Makabau Snuff, Starch, Writing Paper, Dutch Quills, Britannia Coffee Pots, &c. &c. Together with an assortment of Jewellery and Perfumery. Cash given for old Gold and Silver. Punctual attendance will be given, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged. Newport, Feb. 12. 72tf
TO BE SOLD, A NEW House, in Broad-Street, completely finished, with a Yard, Garden, and good Well of water. Any person inclined to purchase, may know the terms, by applying at the House of M. R. JOHNSON. Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 15tf
Wanted Immediately, 1000 Bushels good clean BARLEY, to be delivered at Newport, for which CASH will be paid on delivery, by BENJ. MARSHALL. Newport, Feb. 6, 1802. 19tf
TO BE SOLD, A F A R M, LYING in Exeter, State of Rhode-Island, about six miles from Wickford, containing 180 acres of good Land, with two Dwelling-Houses, and other out buildings. It may be purchased together, or in separate divisions. Payment will be made easy. —ALSO— A share in the Ohio Company, containing nearly Twelve Hundred Acres of excellent Land. For further particulars apply to PARDON TILLINGHAST. Exeter, Feb. 25. 50tf
Lost or Stolen, THE 8th instant, a Small Pinchbeck Watch, chased out side case, with a red Bone Seal, set in silver. It either Watch or Seal is offered for sale, it is requested to be hoped; and either of the Watch-Makers in Newport, will pay a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS, if recovered and not injured. Newport, Oct. 23, 1801. 48tf
John & Henry Cahoon, HAVE FOR SALE, At their STORE on Banister's Wharf, BROWN SUGAR, by the barrel or box; Molasses, by the hogshead; Flour, by the barrel; Powder, by the cask; Sheathing Paper, by the hundred; Candles, by the box; Iron Cabosies; and genuine SPANISH SEGARS.—ALSO, HONEY, by the barrel or gallon—New-York Soap, by the box—Negro-Head Tobacco—Best 4th proof Jamaica Rum—Iron Stoves—Sals Peter'd Hams—Butter, and Hog's Lard, &c.—LIKewise, LIQUORS, of the best kind, a general Assortment—and various other Articles in the Grocery Line—a complete Assortment of which they propose to be constantly Supplied with. MASTERS of Packets, Passengers, &c. may be Supplied at said Store, on the shortest Notice—with any Article they may want—and their Favors gratefully Acknowledged. GREEN CHAIRS, per Dozen—Bar-Iron, per Hundred wt.—Midlings and Corn, per barrel—Onions, per Hundred bunches, or smaller quantities—LOAF-SUGARS, and a variety of the best of TEAS. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 3tf
LUMBER. BENJAMIN RUGGLES Respectfully informs his Customers, and the Public in general, THAT he will undertake to procure House or Store Frames, or any other dimensions of Timber, Plank for Wharves, &c. of the following kinds of Eastern wood, viz. White-Pine, Spruce, Norway-Pine, Hemlock, Black or Yellow-Birch, for Cabinet work; Cedar, Hackmatack, Maple, Black or White-Ash, Beach, or Rock-Maple:—Also, Masts and Spars of any dimension, and Birch or Hackmatack, Ship-Timber; any of which, if applied for this Winter, may be delivered here in the course of the next Spring or Summer, on the easiest possible terms. Any person wishing to contract, would do well to apply early in the Winter, that proper time may be had to get the Timber out. He has, likewise, on hand, at his Lumber-Yard, on Shoum's wharf, in Newport, a general assortment of Eastern Lumber; such as Boards, Timber, Spruce and Hemlock Joist, Wind-frame-Ruff, Shingles, Clapboards, Cedar-Posts, Laths, &c.—A supply of which he proposes to keep constantly on hand. Also, genteel Boarding and Lodging may be had for two Gentlemen, on easy terms. Newport, Nov. 27, 1801. 6tf
For SALE, in Good Repair, By THOMAS GREEN, THE large commodious Dwelling House, in which he now lives, in Thames-Street, near Carr's Ferry; a well constructed large convenient store in the front, the yard and cellar well paved, a good well of water in the cellar, and a cistern in the yard.—Said House is well known to be one of the best stands in town, for every kind of business; & will be set up at Auction (if not previously disposed of) the 18th Thursday in May next. Said GREEN having on hand, of the latest importation, a complete assortment of English and India Goods, is determined to sell them for ready pay, at the most reduced prices.—ALSO, Said GREEN earnestly invites all such of his friends and customers, who have open accounts, or any ways indebted to him, more or less, by book, note, or mortgage, to make payment as soon as may be convenient; especially those standing beyond three months (the customary term of credit;) while he hopes his good old friends will continue their favors, and not forsake him now in the decline of life, to whom he devoutly offers his grateful acknowledgments for manifold favors, already received for a long series of time past. Newport, Jan. 16, 1802. 16tf
NICOLAS GEFFROY, Watch-Maker, in Newport, INFORMS the Public, he has taken into Partnership Mr. L. TISSOT, a superior Workman, late from the Watch-Manufactory in Geneva, who will undertake to make new watches;—and to repair, in the best manner, for watch-makers, or private persons, any new-constructed and complicated Watches, and Time-Pieces.—They will also import, from said Manufactory, at nine months warning, all such Watches and Time-Pieces, as their employers shall order. They have also constantly on hand, An elegant assortment of warranted, and common English, and Geneva Watches and Time-Pieces, which they will sell on reasonable terms. In addition to the above, they carry on the Goldsmith's & Silver-smith's Business, in all its branches, and likewise will make, or repair, any kind of Jewellery, in the neatest fashion. They also have for Sale, Wholesale and Retail, all kinds of Jewellery, imported and of the latest fashion; officers' gold and silver epaulets; plated and brass candlesticks; plated and Britannia tea-pots; dirks, small swords and hangars; plated butts, stirrups and spurs; tea-trays; castors andirons, forked and tongs; cutlery ware of all kinds; night and day spy-glasses; ladies and gentlemen's pocket-knives; dressing-glasses; suspenders; trusses; horse-whips; razors; Hopkin's famous razor-strops; best Braver-bats; perfumery of all kinds, from London and Paris; hair-powder; starch; Barley-sugar, and sugar-plums; Spanish Segars; best Makabau & Scotch snuff; and a great variety of other articles, too numerous to insert here. Newport, Feb. 7, 1802. 29tf
To be sold, and possession given immediately Spring, A F A R M, LYING in Suffield, State of Connecticut, pleasantly situated, within 40 rods of the Meeting-House and Academy, in said town, and only 16 miles from the City of Hartford, on the great Stage Road leading from thence to Dartmouth College; and from Boston to New-York, Albany, &c. Said Farm contains 100 acres of Land under good improvement; well fenced; with a suitable proportion of Orchard-ing, Mowing, Pasturing, Plow-land, &c. two handsome and convenient Dwelling-Houses; Barns, with good Stables, Out-Houses, two Wells of excellent water, and almost every other accommodation necessary for a Tavern. It is as beautiful and eligible a stand, perhaps, as any in the State, for a Public House, and has been improved as such upwards of 30 years successively. It is likewise central and commodious for a Merchant or Tradesman. A good bargain may be had, and an indisputable title given.—For further particulars, enquire of the Printer hereof, or the Subscriber, living on the premises. SETH AUSTIN. December 12, 1801.
Nicholas Webster, INFORMS the Public, that he has opened a GROCERY STORE in Broad-Street, in the house, late the property of Mr. Caleb Earl, where he has for Sale a general assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS. Among others, are the following articles: Rum, Brandy, Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Teas of various kinds, Coffee, Chocolate, Raisins, Currants, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Butter, Cheese, Candles, Onions, Tobacco, Snuff, Powder and Shot, Lamp-Oil, Loaf and Brown Sugars, &c.—ALSO, A general and extensive variety of Crockery and Hard Ware; Men's and Women's Shoes, &c. &c. with many other articles, too tedious to mention; all which will be sold at the most reduced prices. Newport, Nov. 21. 8tf
PUBLIC NOTICE. ALL persons having any demands against the estate of Israel Horsefield , late of Newport, deceased, are desired to exhibit them to either of the subscribers for settlement; and all those indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment. SARAH HORSEFIELD, Executrix. TIMOTHY HORSEFIELD, Executor. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 72tf
For Sale, By JOSEPH BRIGGS, 10 Hhds. 3d proof Windward-Island RUM, good flavor'd. 3 Do. Jamaica SPIRITS, 4th proof. 20 Hhds. of good retailing MOLASSES. 50 Firkins of the best of Hog's LARD. Newport, Feb. 27. 50tf
FOR SALE, 171 Acres of Land, LYING in South-Kingstown, in the County of Washington, with Two Dwelling Houses thereon, one Corn Crib, one Barn, about eighty apple trees of the best kind of grafted fruits, well watered as any Farm in the State. Sixty acres of it is good Meadow, very clear from stones; bears great corn, barley, and grass; & is convenient for a dairy, having good pasturing, &c. Any person inclining to purchase will have credit for a part.—Said Farm lies within half a mile of Point Judith Pond—7 miles from Narragansett Ferry, adjoining the Rage-road, and is very handy to sea-weed from the shore. For terms, apply to TIM. PECKHAM, on the premises. South Kingstown, Feb. 13, 1802. 72tf
To be Let, A LARGE and Commodious Dwelling House, in good order, pleasantly situated at the South part of Thames-Street; having six rooms on a floor; Two floors high; a good Cellar, and paved yard; with a well of good water, and a large Garden. Apply to SAMUEL ALMY. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 73tf
TO BE SOLD, (And possession given immediately) A FARM, lying in West-Greenwich, about 7 miles from East-Greenwich Meeting-house—with a good Dwelling House, Barn, and Corn-House thereon—containing about Seventy Acres of LAND. Also, an Oat Lot, containing about 35 Acres; which will be sold together or separate. For further particulars, enquire of JOB HARRINGTON, on the premises. West-Greenwich, Oct. 1.
Drove Up, ON the shore of the subscriber, about half a mile from the Pier, in Point Judith, an Oak BOAT.—The owner may have it, by proving property, and paying the expense. STEPHEN CHAMPLIN. South-Kingstown, Feb. 29, 1802. 72tf
Blank Deeds, and Justice's Writs, and Executions, for sale at this Office.