The Massachusetts spy (Boston [Mass.]), 1771-02-01 00:00:00

The Massachusetts Spy.
VOL. I.]
From MONDAY, January 28, to FRIDAY, February 1, 1771.
[N o . 65.
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
MADRID, [ capital of Spain ] October 22.
THE motions made by our troops appear to announce war as inevitable. They have actually formed three encampments; one in Andalusia, another in Galicia, and a third in the province of Murcia.
LONDON, November 20. Notwithstanding what has been said to the contrary, we are assured Lord M-----d's opinion is for war; and that this is the occasion of the present difference between his Lordship and the Ministry.
On Saturday the Earl of Egmont was pronounced by his Physicians to be out of danger.
"Late last night (says the Printer of a morning Paper) we received the two following paragraphs from an anonymous Correspondent.
"On Sunday an express arrived at the Admiralty, with an account of the French fleet from Brest having failed, consisting of the following ships of the line and frigates: Duke of Burgoigne, of 80 guns, Conquerant 74, Defenseur 74, Glorieux, 74, Diademe 74, Guerrier 74, Magnifique 74, Robuste 74, Dauphin Royale 70, Palmier 74, Vierge da Rosaire 64, Solide 64, Vengeur 64, Actif 64, Protecteur 74, Le Galliard 36, L'Arathuse 32, La Cheval Marin 32, and La Courvette 20.
"It is a certain fact that Capt. Gower, of the Pearl, and Capt. Jarvis, of the Alarm, both shipped their cables and got off by night out of the bay of Cadiz, having an order sent them so to do; telling them at the same time the designs of the Spaniards against Gibraltar were no longer a secret, and that 25,000 French troops were arrived that day and the day before at Ferrol, with some of the best Engineers of France."
Last Saturday summonses were issued out to the Aldermen and Common Council, to attend to-morrow at one o'clock, the Lord Mayor, with the City Address, Petition, and Remonstrance, to St. James's.
This day there will be a Court of Aldermen, when, it is said, a protest will be moved for against the Remonstrance now in agitation. This protest will be founded on the impropriety of praying a dissolution of Parliament, at a time when there is so much real occasion for their sitting.
November 22. Yesterday Lord North had a long conference with his Majesty at the Queens palace.
The packet of the 16th ult. which should have arrived in England from Barcelona, containing the letters of Mr. Millar, the English Consul at that place, and those of the Merchants who trade to the Spanish ports, was never received here. The letters were stopped in Spain,
and opened for intelligence. The packet of the 30th ult. shared the same fate.
Yesterday, at one o'clock, the Right Hon. Bras Crosby, Esq; Lord Mayor of this City, attended by Aldermen Trecouthick, Stevenfon, Townsend, and Oliver, the two Sheriffs, and about a hundred of the Common Council, proceeded from Guildhall to St. James's, to present to his Majesty the City Remonstrance, &c. They arrived about two o'clock, and were introduced to his Majesty by the Lords in waiting, when the Remonstrance was read by Sir James Hodges, Town clerk (the Recorder not attending). His Majesty was pleased to give them an answer to the following purport: "That he had communicated his sentiments to them on the same subject before, and could by no means comply with the prayer of their Petition."
BOSTON PUBLIC LIBRARY December 4. A Marriage is talked of between Prince Henry of Prussia and the Empress of all the Russias. It is said an universal change will shortly take place in his Majesty's several Governments of America and the West-Indies.
Though our fleet should be, from the additions, nearly one third more in number and strength, than before the commencement of last war, we have neither twelve vessels fit to send to sea, nor men enough to man so small a number compleatly.
It is positively asserted, that a few days after the last arrival of the messenger from Madrid, the Spanish Ambassador acquainted our Ministry, that he had full power to treat with them on the subject of our demands on the Court of Spain, and appointed a time and place for a private conference with the Premier for that purpose; but when the hour arrived, he gave Lord North to understand it was as much as his life and character were worth to give him a satisfactory answer in less than a month, till he had received further dispatches from his Court.
The following affidavit was stuck up at New Lloyd's Coffee-house, in Rope's Head Alley.
An authentic Copy of an Affidavit made on Tuesday the 27th of Nov. 1770 by Capt. John Pitts, relative to the English Ships being detained in Spain.
"John Pitts, Master of the Schooner Catherine, left Riva Dios the 15th of November 1770, and saith, that he waited on the Governor the 13th instant to demand his clearance in order to sail that day, the Governor replied he would give no clearance until he should have an answer from Madrid, where he should write for that purpose by that day's post: This deponent being then detained until the 15th of November, on which he applied to the Consul for advice, he told him, that a war now seemed inevitable, and would advise this deponent to take

the first opportunity of the night to escape, for that he, the said Consul had received intelligence from Henry Banks, Esq; the British Consul at Corunna, that the Spaniards had detained the English ships there, and unhappily their rudders to prevent their escape: That this deponent following the said Consul's advice at Riva Dios, and escaped in the night of the said 15th of Nov. unseen by the Spaniards, and arrived at Arm within the Port of Plymouth the 23d of November."
Sworn before JOSEPH HOSKIN, Attorney at Law in Plymouth.
December 6. We hear that on Monday, 15 more men of war and sloops were put in commission.
It is said that some new regulations, no less salutary for the colonies than satisfactory to the mother country, are now agitating; the hint of which was suggested by a nobleman, who has on several occasions distinguished himself in a Great Assembly.
We hear that the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty will soon be required to attend the House of Peers on very important business.
December 8. It is said that a certain President is far from being easy in his situation; the present opposition to him and his doctrines fills him with apprehensions of a very alarming nature, and quickens all his native timidity.
Yesterday the augmentation of the seamen was taken into consideration, when 7000 men extra were voted besides the annual number of 17,000.
It is now more than ever credited that a certain Chief Justice will soon retire from all public business.
And it is said the above expected retirement is in consequence of the warm attack he has lately received from the Earl of Chatham, and Lord Camden.
WHITEHALL, December 8. His Majesty has been pleased to appoint the Right Hon. William Earl of Dunmore, now Governor of New-York, to be his Majesty's Lieutenant and Governor General of the colony and dominion of Virginia.
William Tryon, Esq; now Governor of North-Carolina, to be Governor of New-York, in the room of the Earl of Dunmore: And, Henry Martin, Esq; to be Governor of North Carolina, in the room of Mr. Tryon.
LONDON, December 18. Yesterday Lord Viscount Weymouth, Secretary of State for the southern department, resigned the seals.
The Earl of Sandwich is appointed Secretary of State, in the room of Lord Weymouth.
The Hon. Henry-Frederick Thynne is appointed Joint Postmaster General, in the room of Lord Sandwich.
We hear that Lord Weymouth has resigned in good humour, and will continue to support administration unplaced and unpenioned.
Yesterday Lieut. Gen. Cornwallis set out to embark for his Government at Gibraltar.
Some important matters, we are informed, are now upon the carpet.
Yesterday Colonel Philips, belonging to the train of artillery, set out for Minorca.
The last time Lord Chatham went to the upper room of the Robinhood Society, a person put a paper into his
hands, with a request, that he would speak upon the contents immediately in the room. His Lordship repeated the circumstance, with observing, the writing was very familiar to him, having received in the course of last war many of his intelligencies in the same hand. He further observed, that it intimated, that the very French engineer, who had planned the taking of St. Philips, had given a second plan for the taking of Gibraltar, which was agreed to by the Courts of France and Spain; and according to the immediate preparations made in consequence of this scheme, he did not doubt that the garrison of that fortress was already besieged.
Lord North, it is said has openly declared himself in Council for War.
By a Gentleman who arrived on Friday night from France, we have undoubted intelligence, that the French have twenty-six men of war manned, and ready to sail, in the harbour of Brest; and also that the French soldiery were marching in great numbers towards the sea coast.
A courier is expected from Spain, the latter end of this week.
It is said that the House of Lords will adjourn for the holidays on Thursday; and the Commons on the day following.
It is a certain piece of information, that the joint efforts of the Courts of France and Spain have not been able to procure as yet a sufficient number of sailors to man half the number of ships that we have now ready for service.
The following extract from a private letter, lately written by his Excellency Mr. Murray, at present our Ambassador at the Porte, to one of his friends in London, seems to countenance the report now circulating in Holland, that the Grand Signor has been deposed, and his Brother Mustappa raised to the throne "I never in my life knew (speaking of the Grand Signor) a more Gentlemanlike and sensible man; and to all appearance, he is one of the most humane. Since the absence of the Grand Vizir, I have generally the honour of seeing him once or twice a week. The day before yesterday I conversed with him above half an hour without a Druggoman, which, though he spoke Italian perfectly well, is an instance of great affability. I was amazed at the ease with which he talked of his present situation; he called the Empress of Russia a female Alexander. He told me he had thoughts of putting Sultan Mustappa, his Brother, at the head of one of his armies. This I thought very extraordinary, as he has been often pressed to put the Prince to death, who is a sort of favourite with the Janissaries."
Among other regulations which the Emperor of Germany has introduced for the good of his people, one is, that he had set apart one day in every week, for the receiving petitions and hearing Grievances; at which time he has strictly commanded, that no subject, however mean shall be refused admittance to his presence.----- An example this well worthy the imitation of every Sovereign Prince in Europe!
A correspondent says, "A certain great Lady, upon her arrival, being pressed, it is said, to give her Opinion on

some measures adopted in the present situation of affairs, very prudently declined it; and further declared, that she should henceforward forbear to concern herself with matters of state."
Some Advices from Cairo mention, that Ali Bey has been proclaimed Sultan of Egypt; the manner how this renowned Gentlemen mounted the throne is as follows: "Ali Bey, to accomplish this his view, first joined himself to the Divan of Egypt, in order to release that powerful kingdom from the Ottoman yoke. Two years ago he forbid the Bashaw, whom the Porte sent, and who had the highest Authority in the Divan, to enter the country: This luckily ending in his favour, he set the Divan itself aside; and being supported by the nation, he was proclaimed chief. In this new station he has raised a great number of troops, and put them under brave commanders, and has made himself master of Jemen and the other provinces of Arabia, particularly Mecca; also the ports to the Red Sea, and of Gila, the most capital place for the eastern trade on that side."
DEAL, December 16. Came down Boscawen, Robinson, for Boston. Arrived and sailed for the river, the Lucretia, Folger, from Boston.
GRAVESEND, December 16. Passed by the Providence, Gilbert, from Rhode-Island; York, Berton, from New-York; and Boston-packet, Lyde, from Boston.
A DESCRIPTION of RUSSIA.
R USSIA is one of the most extensive states that we know of in the whole habitable world. It contains considerably more territory than all the rest of Europe put together. Its length, from the frontiers of Livonia to Kamtschatka, or nearly opposite to Japan, is above twelve thousand wersts, which are 714 German miles, reckoning seven wersts to a mile (about 6856 English miles) its breadth extends from the 4th degree of latitude to beyond the 70th. But then this vast empire is very far from being so well cultivated and peopled as most of the other nations in Europe. There are desarts from 80 to 120, and even 200 English miles, in which there is not a living-soul to be found; though some parts of these desarts are situated in a very good climate, and have the best soil that could be wished. True it is, that in some places there is a deficiency of wood and water; in others there is every thing that is necessary for human life, and yet are desarts, for want of inhabitants. In short, this empire could very easily afford sustenance for treble the number of inhabitants it contains. The following account may furnish some grounds of judgment on this point. According to the last numbering, in the year 1744 and 1745 of the people of the provinces which properly constitute Russia, there were seven millions of males, from the age of four years to that of sixty, who pay the capitation or pole tax. Seven millions more might be allowed for women, children, and old men. The Russian nobility, with their families, might be computed at five hundred thousand. The officers of the revegue, and clerks of the chancery, who form a class apart, are, with their wives and chil-
dren, reckoned about two hundred thousand. For Livonia, Ingwa, and Finland provinces, which are not comprehended in the capitation, there are allowed six hundred thousand souls. As for the Cossacks of the Ukraine, or the Don, of the Jaick, as well as for the different nations of heathens that inhabit Siberia and the frontiers of Auria and Japan, they are computed at a million eight hundred thousand; the total making about eighteen millions four hundred thousand individuals.
F R I D A Y, February 1. B O S T O N.
By vessels from Lisbon, arrived at Marblehead, we are favoured with extracts of letters dated the 1st, 13th, and 17th of December; one of them contains advices from Cadiz of November 16th, which indicate an accommodation of the present disputes, which seemed to be the general opinion throughout Spain. But when the last vessel, also arrived at Marblehead, left Bilboa, which was on the 30th of November the Spaniards were under fearful apprehensions of a rupture taking Place soon, and she dispatched as fast as possible. We hear Captain Collins arrived at Bilboa 3d of December who no doubt will be dispatched in the same manner, and may soon be expected, as well as Capt. Pearce from Cadiz.
[Essex Gazette.]
A Packet sailed for New-York four days before Capt. Griste came out. Another was arrived from New-York, in eighteen days.
We hear the Rev. Doctor Eliot of this town is chosen to preach the Dudlean-Lecture at Harvard-Colledge in May next. Subject Natural Religion.
Capt. Cooper, bound to Bermuda, was cast away in the night of the 22d ult. at Marshfield, and the vessel entirely lost, but the men saved. He sailed from hence the morning before.
The Great and General Court or Assembly of this province is further prorogued to Wednesday the 13th day of March next.
Lynn, January 31. "Last week was married at the Friends-meeting, in this place, Mr. William Gray, to Miss Alice Breed, a young Lady endowed with all the qualifications that renders the marriage-state happy and agreeable."
The Publisher of this paper begs leave to inform the Public, that THIS paper compleats six months since the first publication; he shall now stop publishing until the Enlargement commences, which, from the Encouragement he has already been favoured with, he doubts not will be on the first Tuesday in March next, if not before.
As several Gentlemen of abilities have been so kind as to promise him to favour the public, through the channel of this paper, with original pieces on many interesting subjects, together with the correspondence he has settled in Great-Britain and America, he hopes to be able to give his readers that Satisfaction they may have a right to expect.
** An unavoidable accident prevented the publication of this paper yesterday.

LONDON, December 6.
Lord CHATHAM'S SPEECH.
He who has Ears to hear, let him hear. He who regards the Honour and Safety of his Country, let him attend!
THE Duke of Richmond having on the 22d of last month, moved that an Address might be presented to the King, that his Majesty might give orders for laying before the House, all letters and papers received by the Ministry, between the 12th of September 1769, and the 12th of September, 1770, and this being opposed by the Ministry upon the ground of the impropriety of it, while the matter in question was the subject of a negotiation with the Spanish Ambassador; and that infinite regard and tenderness ought to be shewn to the delicacy of the Spanish Honour, and the punctilios of that Court. And Lord Hillsborough having spoken in a very exalted tone on the occasion, the Earl of Chatham rose up and spoke as follows:
My Lords,
I RISE to give my hearty assent to the motion made by the noble Duke; by his Grace's favour, I have been permitted to see it before it was offered to the House. I have fully considered the necessity of obtaining from the King's servants a communication of the papers described in the motion, and I am persuaded that the alarming state of facts, as well as the strength of reasoning, with which the noble Duke has urged, and enforced that necessity, must have been powerfully felt by your Lordships; what I mean to say, upon this occasion, may seem perhaps to extend beyond the limits of the motion before us. But I flatter myself, my Lords, that if I am honoured with your attention, it will appear that the meaning and object of this question are naturally connected with considerations of the most extensive national importance. For entering into such considerations, no season is improper; no occasion should be neglected. Something must be done, my Lords, and immediately, to save an injured, insulted, undone country. If not to save the State, my Lords, at least to mark out, and drag to public justice those servants of the Crown, by whose ignorance, neglect, or treachery, this once flourishing people, are reduced to a condition as deplorable at home, as it is despicable abroad. Examples are wanted my Lords, and should be given to the world for the instruction of future times, even though they be useless to ourselves. I do not mean, my Lords, nor is it intended by the motion, to impede, or embarrass a negotiation, which we have been told is now in a prosperous train, and promises a happy conclusion.
In the distress and weakness of this country, my Lords, and conscious as the Ministry ought to be how much they have contributed to that distress and weakness, I think a tone of modesty, of submission, of humility, would become the better; quædam causæ modestiam desiderant. Before this country they stand as the greatest criminals. Such I shall prove them to be; for I do not doubt of proving to your Lordships satisfaction, that since they have been entrusted with the conduct of the
King's affairs, they have done every thing that they ought not to have done, and hardly any thing that they ought to have done. The noble Lord talks of Spanish punctilios in the lofty style and idiom of a Spaniard. We are to be wonderfully tender of the Spanish point of Honour, as if they had been the complainants, as if they had received the injury. I think he would have done better to have told us, what care had been taken of the English honour. My Lords, I am well acquainted with the character of that nation, at least as far as it is represented by their Court and Ministry, and should think this country dishonoured by a comparison of the English good faith with the punctilios of a Spaniard. My Lords, the English are a candid, an ingenuous people; the Spaniards are as mean, and crafty, as they are proud and insolent. The integrity of the English merchant, the generous spirit of our naval and military officers, would be degraded by a comparison with their merchants, or officers. With their Ministers I have often been obliged to negotiate, and never met with an instance of candor, or dignity, in their proceedings; nothing but low cunning, trick, and artifice; after a long experience of their want of candor, and good faith, I found myself compelled to talk to them in a peremptory, decisive language. On this principle I submitted my advice to a trembling council for an immediate declaration of a war with Spain. Your Lordships well know what were the consequences of not following that advice. Since, however, for reasons unknown to me, it has been thought adviseable to negotiate with the Court of Spain, I should have conceived that the great and single object of such a negotiation, would have been, to have obtained complete satisfaction for the injury done to the Crown, and people of England. But, if I understand the noble Lord, the only object of the present negotiation is to find a salvo for the punctilious honour of the Spaniards. The absurdity of such an idea, is of itself unsupportable. But, my Lords, I object to our negotiating at all, in our present circumstances. We are not in that situation, in which a great and powerful nation is permitted to negotiate. A foreign power has forcibly robbed his Majesty of a part of his dominions. Is the island restored? Are you replaced in statu quo ? If that had been done, it might then perhaps have been justifiable to treat with the aggressor upon the satisfaction he ought to make for the insult offered to the Crown of England. But will you descend so low, will you so shamefully betray the King's honour, as to make it matter of negotiation whether his Majesty's possessions shall be restored to him or not? I doubt not, my Lords, that there are some important mysteries in the conduct of this affair, which, whenever they are explained, will account for the profound silence now observed by the King's servants. The time will come, my Lords, when they shall be dragged from their concealments. There are some questions which, sooner or later, must be answered. The Ministry, I find, without declaring themselves explicitly, have taken pains to possess the public with an opinion, that the Spanish Court have constantly disavowed the proceedings of their Governor; and some persons I see, have been

shameless and daring enough to advise his Majesty to support and countenance this opinion in his speech from the Throne. Certainly, my Lords, there never was a more odious, a more infamous falsehood imposed on a great nation. It degrades the King's honour. It is an insult to Parliament. His Majesty has been advised to confirm, and give currency to an absolute falsehood . I beg your Lordships attention, and I hope I shall be understood, when I repeat, that the Court of Spain's having disavowed the act of their Governor is an absolute, a palpable falsehood . Let me ask, my Lords, when the first communication was made by the Court of Madrid, of their being apprized of the taking of Falkland Islands, was it accompanied with an offer of instant restitution, of immediate satisfaction, and the punishment of the Spanish Governor? If it was not, they have adopted the act as their own, and the very mention of a disavowal is an impudent insult offered to the King's dignity. The King of Spain owns the thief, while he leaves him unpunished, and profits by the theft; in vulgar English, he is the receiver of stolen goods, and ought to be treated accordingly.
If your Lordships will look back to a period of the English history, in which the circumstances are reversed, in which the Spaniards were the complainants, you will see how differently they succeeded. You will see one of the ablest men, one of the bravest officers this, or any other country ever produced (it is hardly necessary to mention the name of Sir Walter Raleigh) sacrificed by the meanest Prince that ever sat upon this throne, to the vindictive jealousy of that haughty Court. James the First was base enough, at the instance of Gondomar, to suffer a sentence against Sir Walter Raleigh, for another supposed offence, to be carried into execution almost twelve years after it had been passed. This was the pretence. His real crime was, that he had mortally offended the Spaniards, while he acted by the King's express orders, and under his commission.
My Lords the pretended disavowal by the Court of Spain is as ridiculous as it is false. If your Lordships want any other proof, call for your own officers who were stationed at Falkland Island. Ask the officer who commanded the garrison, whether when he was summoned to surrender, the demand was made in the name of the Governor of Buenos Ayres, or, of his Catholic Majesty? Was the island said to belong to Don Francisco Bucarelli, or to the King of Spain? If I am not mistaken, we have been in possession of these islands, since the year 1764 or 1765. Will the ministry assert, that in all that time the Spanish Court have never once claimed them? that their right to them has never been urged, or mentioned to our ministry? If it has, the act of the Governor of Buenos Ayres is plainly the consequence of our refusal to acknowledge and submit to the Spanish claims. For five years they negotiate. When that fails, they take the island by force. If that measure had arisen out of the general instructions, constantly given to the Governor of Buenos Ayres, should the execution of it have been deferred so long?
My Lords, if the falsehood of this pretended disavowal had been confined to the Court of Spain, I should have
admitted it without concern. I should have been content, that they themselves had left a door open for excuse, and accomodation. The King of England's honour is not touched 'till he adopts the falsehood, delivers it to his Parliament, and makes it his own. I cannot quit this subject without comparing the conduct of the present ministry with that of a gentleman, Mr. George Grenville, who is now no more. The occasions were similar. The French had a little island from us, called by us Turks-Islands. The minister, then at the head of the treasury, took the business upon himself;---but he did not negotiate;---he sent for the French Ambassador, and made a peremptory demand. A courier was dispatched to Paris, and returned, in a few days, with orders for instant restitution, not only of the island, but of every thing that the English subjects had lost.
Such then, my Lords, are the circumstances of our difference with Spain; and in this situation, we are told that a negotiation, has been entered into; that this negotiation, which must have commenced near three months ago, is still depending, and that any insight into the actual state of it will impede the conclusion. My Lords, I am not, for my own part, very anxious to draw from the ministry the information, which they take so much care to conceal from us. I very well know where this honourable negotiation will end; where it must end. We may perhaps be able to patch up an accommodation for the present, but we shall have a Spanish war in six months.
From what I have said, my Lords, I do not doubt but it will be understood by many Lords, and given out to the public, that I am for hurrying the nation, at all events, into a war with Spain. My Lords, I disclaim such counsels, and I beg that this declaration may be remembered; let us have peace, my Lords, but let it be honourable, be secure. A patched-up peace will not do. It will not satisfy the nation, though it may be approved of by Parliament. I distinguish widely between a solid peace, and disgraceful expedients, by which a war may be deferred, but cannot be avoided. I am as tender of the effusion of human blood, as the noble Lord who dwelt so long upon the miseries of war. If the bloody politics of some noble Lords had been followed, England, and every quarter of his Majesty's dominions, would have been glutted with blood; the blood of our own countrymen.
My Lords, I have better reasons perhaps than many of your Lordships for desiring peace upon the terms I have described. I know the strength and preparations of the House of Bourbon. I know the defenceless, unprepared condition of this country. I know by what mismanagement we are reduced to this situation; and when I consider, who are the men by whom a war, in the outset at least, must be conducted, can I but wish for peace? I think it would be treachery to the nation to conceal from them their real circumstances; and, with respect to a foreign enemy, I know that all concealments are vain and useless. They are as well acquainted with the actual force, and weakness of this country, as any of the King's servants. This is no time for silence, or reserve. I charge the Ministry with the highest crimes that men in their station can be guilty of. I charge them with hav-

ing destroyed all content, and unanimity at home, by a series of oppressive, unconstitutional measures, and with having betrayed, and delivered up the nation defenceless to a foreign enemy.
Their utmost vigour has reached no farther than to a fruitless, protracted negotiation. When they should have acted, they have contented themselves with talking about it, Godless, and about it. If we do not stand forth and do our duty in the present crisis, the nation is irretrievably undone. I despise the little policy of concealments. You ought to know the whole of your situation. If the information be new to the ministry, let them take care to profit by it. I mean to rouse, to alarm the whole nation---to rouse the ministry, if possible, who seem awake to nothing but the preservation of their places;---to awaken the King.
[After taking notice, that though the ministry, early in June, had received advice of a commencement of hostilities by a Spanish armament, warning the King's garrison to quit an island belonging to the King, yet they lay dormant as if nothing had happened, till the 12th of September, when they heard of the blow being actually struck. And that since this time, after all their boasts, in a period of considerably more than two months, they had not raised ten thousand men at the utmost; for in his own breast he was convinced the number did not exceed eight thousand: And that forty ships of the line, with their necessary attendant frigates, required forty thousand seamen; and that in the last war, there were eighty-five thousand seamen actually employed. That the number newly raised, added to the peace establishment, did not now much exceed twenty thousand. He then proceeded to state the extent and variety of the services which must be provided for, in the following words:]
The first great and acknowledged object of national defence, my Lords, in this country, is to maintain such a superior naval force at home, that even the united fleets of France and Spain may never be masters of the Channel.
The second naval object with an English minister, should be to maintain at all times a powerful western squadron.
The third object, indispensable, as I conceive, in the distribution of our navy, is to maintain such a force in the Bay of Gibraltar, as may be sufficient to cover the garrison, to watch the motions of the Spaniards, and to keep open the communication with Minorca. The Ministry will not betray such want of information as to dispute the truth of any of these propositions. But how will your Lordships be astonished, when I inform you in what manner they have provided for these great, these essential objects? As to the first, I mean the defence of the channel, I take upon myself to affirm to your Lordships that, at this hour (and I beg that the date may be taken down, and observed) we cannot send out eleven ships of the line so manned and equipped, that any officer of rank and credit in the service, shall accept of the command, and stake his reputation upon it. We have one ship of the line at Jamaica, one at the Leeward Islands, and one at Gibraltar,---yet, at this very moment, for ought the Ministry know, both Jamaica and Gibraltar may be
attacked, and, if they are attacked, (which God forbid) they must fall. Nothing can prevent it, but the appearance of a superior squadron. It is true that, some two months ago, four ships of the line were ordered from Portsmouth, and one from Plymouth, to carry a relief from Ireland to Gibraltar. These ships, my Lords, a week ago, were still in port. If upon their arrival at Gibraltar, they should find the Bay possessed by a superior squadron, the relief cannot be landed; and, if it could be landed, of what force do your Lordships think it consists? Two regiments of four hundred men each, at a time like this, are sent to secure a place of such importance as Gibraltar! A place which, it is universally agreed, cannot hold against a vigorous attack from the sea, if once the enemy should be so far masters of the Bay, as to make good a landing even with a moderate force. The indispensable service of the lines requires at least four thousand men. The present garrison consists of about two thousand three hundred; so that, if the relief should be fortunate enough to get on shore, they will want eight hundred men of their necessary complement.
Let us now my Lords, turn our eyes homewards. When the defence of Great Britain or Ireland is in question, it is no longer a point of honour; it is not the security of foreign commerce, or foreign possessions; we are to contend for the very being of the state; I have good authority to assure your Lordships that the Spaniards have now a fleet at Ferrol, compleatly manned and ready to sail, which we are in no condition to meet. We could not this day send out eleven ships of the line properly equipped, and to-morrow the enemy may be masters of the channel. It is unnecessary to press the consequences of these facts upon your Lordships minds: If the enemy were to land in full force either upon this coast, or in Ireland, where is your army? Where is your defence? My Lords, if the House of Bourbon make a wise and vigorous use of the actual advantages they have over us, it is more than possible that, on this day month, we may not be a nation. What military force can the Ministry shew to answer any sudden demand? I do not speak of foreign expeditions, or offensive operations. I speak of the interior defence of Ireland and of this country. This subject, my Lords, leads me to considerations of policy, and foreign alliance. It is more connected with them than your Lordships may at first imagine.---When I compare the number of our people, estimated highly at seven millions, with the population of France, and Spain, usually computed at twenty-five millions, I see a clear, self-evident impossibility for this country to contend with the united power of the House of Bourbon, merely upon the strength of its own resources. They, who talk of confining a great war to naval operations only, speak without knowledge, or experience. We can no more command the disposition, than the events of a war; wherever we are attacked, there we must defend.
I have been much abused, my Lords, for supporting a war, which it has been the fashion to call MY German war. But I can affirm, with a clear conscience, that that

abuse has been thrown upon me by men, who were either unacquainted with facts, or had an interest in misrepresenting them. I shall speak plainly and frankly to your Lordships upon this, as I do upon every occasion. That I did in Parliament oppose, to the utmost of my power, our engaging in a German war, is most true: and if the same circumstances were to recur, I would act the same part, and oppose it again. But when I was called upon to take a share in the administration, that measure was already decided. Before I was appointed Secretary of State, the first treaty with the King of Prussia was signed, and not only ratified by the crown, but approved of, and confirmed by a resolution of both Houses of Parliament. It was a weight fastened upon my neck. By that treaty the honour of the crown and the honour of the nation were equally engaged. How I could recede from such an engagement; how I could advise the crown to desert a great Prince in the midst of those difficulties, in which a reliance upon the good faith of this country had contributed to involve him, are questions I willingly submit to your Lordships candor. That wonderful man might perhaps have extricated himself from his difficulties without our assistance. He has talents which, in every thing that touches the human capacity, do honour to the human mind. But how would England have supported that reputation of credit, and good faith, by which we have been distinguished in Europe? What other foreign power would have sought our friendship? What other foreign power would have accepted of an alliance with us?
I have taken a wide circuit, my Lords, and trespassed, I fear, too long upon your Lordships patience. Yet I cannot conclude without endeavouring to bring home your thoughts to an object more immediately interesting to us than any I have yet considered. I mean the internal condition of this country. We may look abroad for wealth, or triumph, or luxury, but England, my Lords, is the main stay, the last resort of the whole empire. To this point every scheme of policy, whether foreign or domestic, should ultimately refer. Have any measures been taken to satisfy, or to unite the people? Are the grievances they have so long complained of removed? or do they stand not only unredressed, but aggravated? --- Is the free right of election restored to the elective body? My Lords, I myself am one of the people. I esteem that security and independance, which is the original birthright of an Englishman, far beyond the privileges, however splendid, which are annexed to the peerage. I myself am by birth an English elector, and join with the freeholders of England, as in a common cause. Believe me, my Lords, we mistake our real interest as much as our duty, when we separate ourselves from the mass of the people. Can it be expected that Englishmen will unite heartily in defence of a government, by which they feel themselves insulted and oppressed? Restore them to their rights. That is the true way to make them unanimous. It is not a ceremonious recommendation from the throne can bring back peace and harmony to a discontented people! That insipid, annual opiate has been administered
so long, that it has lost its effect. Something substantial, something effectual must be done.
My Lords, if the general representation, which I have had the honour to lay before you, of the situation of public affairs, has, in any measure engaged your attention, your Lordships, I am sure, will agree with me, that the season calls for more than common prudence and vigour in the directions of our Councils.
The ministry are now balancing between a war, which they ought to have foreseen, but for which they have made no provision, and an ignominious compromise. Let me warn them of their danger. If they are forced into a war, they stand it at the hazard of their heads. If, by an ignominious compromise, they should stain the honour of the Crown, or sacrifice the rights of the people, let them look to their consciences, and consider whether they will be able to walk the streets in safety.
LIVERPOOL, October 12.
RESTORED to their hearing and sight, by Dr. Raynes, Aurist and Oculist, from his house in Panton-square, London, the following persons, viz. To their hearing, the Lady of Lord Masham, one of the Lords of the bedchamber to his Majesty; as also Lord Dillon, in Stratton-street, Piccadilly; and likewise Mr. Charlton, Druggist, in London; Mr. George Bird, brushmaker, in High-Holborn, deaf twenty years; Mr. Bourke, French Teacher, in Red-Lion-Court, opposite Serjeant's-Inn, Fleet-street, aged seventy-four, deaf fourteen years; Mrs. Martha Watts, in Bull-head court, Newgate-street, aged seventy, deaf fifty years; and Mr. Thomas Richardson, aged eighteen, born totally deaf. The Doctor's method of restoring deadness, and hardness of hearing, is a new discovery; and few need despair of being restored to their perfect hearing, though of ever so long standing, and deemed incurable by the most eminent of the faculty. Restored to sight by him, a son of Captain Shaw, from over the Sands, near Lancaster, a young Gentleman aged seventeen, born blind; as also restored to sight, Thomas Preston of Scorton, near Lancaster, aged twenty four, born blind in one eye, and blind in the other fourteen years; and likewise restored to sight, Thomas Benson, at Mr. Geoge Markett's, the Parish Clerk of Lancaster, aged seventeen, blind near twelve years.
N. B. The Doctor cures Lumps, Schirrhus, Tumours, and Cancers in the breast, or any other part of the body without cutting; and ruptures, vulgarly called broken bellies, though of a long continuance, and even from their birth.
EBENEZER BRIDGHAM, at his Staffordshire and Liverpool Warehouse, (the store lately improved by Mr. Thomas Lee, in King-street) has just received a Large and Elegant Assortment of CHINA, GLASS and EARTHEN WARE, consisting of almost every article of those manufactured, which he will sell very low for cash only.

From the LONDON CHRONICLE.
The RAT in the STATUE.
A MIDST all this confusion of the Ins, and bustle of the outs, the roar of patriots, and the din of Ministers, should a sober decent gentleman step forth and enquire what's the matter —I believe there's hardly one who can give him a proper answer. The slipshod taylor forsakes at once his needle and his garret, and preaches up in the gazetteer that the nation is ruined—he can say no more. Ask a Bill of Rights man what's the matter , and squeezing his mellow features into grievances and apprehensions, he tells you Wilkes's debts are not yet paid—nor likely to be, or perhaps, that he has something else to do . Propose the question to the landlord of a borough ale-house, and he assures you, that all the mischief comes from long parliaments, and few general elections, which is the reason that so many barrels of sour beer now lie upon his hands. Ask a plebeian, and he directly points to St. James's; a Courtier, and he throws the whole blame upon the Scum of the Earth : Whilst the lank Orator of Moorfields, screwing up his melancholy face, damns both sides, and then consigns them all (except his own dear little flock ) fairly to the devil.— They are all in the wrong . "What is the matter then? the Middlesex election?" No. "A corrupt Par----t?" No. "The taxes?" Why no, I tell you — It's the Rat in the Statue .
The Chinese have several maxims of morality and good government, which merit the attention of the first nations in Europe. There is a conciseness, an archness in their rules of wisdom peculiar to themselves. Many of them are couched, according to the universal custom of the east, in fable and allegory, so that they strike the attention more agreeably, and consequently leave behind them a deeper and more lasting impression. For the present purpose permit me to select the following one.
Hoen Thong, the Emperor of China, was sitting one day in the gardens of Pekin, with his favourite Counsellor Ti Chi. They talked of the long glories of the Chinese empire, from the beginning of the world to the present æra, of the excellence of its laws, and the wisdom of its government.—Ti Chi (said the Emperor) what is the most to be feared in a government? "In my opinion, Sire, replied the Counsellor, nothing is more to be dreaded than what they call the Rat in the Statue ." The Emperor not understanding the allegory, Ti Chi explained it to him: "You know, Sire, it is a common practice to erect statues to the Genius of the place; these statues are of Wood, hollow within, and painted without. If a Rat gets into one of them, one does not know how to get him out: one dares not make use of fire, for fear of burning the wood; one cannot dip it in water, for fear of washing off the colours; so that the regard one has for the
Statue saves the Rat that's got into it. Such, Sire, are in every government, those who, without virtue or merit, have gained the favour of their Prince : They ruin every thing; one laments it, but one does not know how to remedy it."
I approve of the moral of this story, and am very much of Ti Chi's mind, that nothing is more to be dreaded in a government than this Rat in the Statue .
As to the allegory itself, the parallel drawn between the Emperor and the wooden statue seems very uncourtly; for, in reality, it is making no difference between an anointed head and a wooden one . A rat may very well eat his way into a statue, unseen, unfelt and unsmelt; but can a Minister, without virtue or merit, nibble himself into the Prince's favour, and the Prince not smell a rat ?—The people's complaints must rouse his Majesty, if he is but ever so little above a statue; if not, I must confess, that the allegory of the painted wood is so far just, as that the King's-head would properly be but the Sign of the Government .
To do Ti Chi justice, I think his allegory relates to the custom of other countries as well as China; for he so closely connects the Rat and the Statue, and consequently the King and Minister, that, in effect, he makes them but one flesh: By this way of reasoning, whoever attacks this all-devouring Rat, alias Minister, was an enemy to the State, alias King; and, vice versa , those who were friends to Rat and Minister, were friends to Statue and King.
But is there no way for effectually removing this same wicked Rat, without endangering the existence of the harmless anointed Statue ? Certainly a thousand, For instance— shaking it soundly might probably make the dwelling of the Rat so uneasy, that he might be willing to quit it, for fear of something worse afterwards.
There is another obvious expedient which occurs, viz. that of sending a Cat up after him; but to this I have some objection myself; because, though the Cat could kill the Rat, he would possibly remain in his place, and be as unwilling to quit it.
There is another method that has been frequently tried with success, which is, to smoke the Rat out of his nest with fire and brimstone; though indeed, there are some Rats in the world, especially those of Northern breed , so accustomed to the smell of this substance, that they do not care for it.
I shall conclude, therefore, with adopting one part of the allegory, That nothing is so much to be dreaded in a government as this Rat in Statue —i. e. a Minister without virtue or merit, who gains the favour of his Prince: But with entirely rejecting the latter, that one sees it and laments it; but out of regard to the Prince, one does not know how to remedy it.
R Y N O.
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