The Massachusetts spy (Boston [Mass.]), 1771-05-23 00:00:00

THE MASSACHUSETTS SPY
A Weekly, Political, and Commercial PAPER:--Open to ALL Parties, but Influenced by None.
Published by I. THOMAS, in Union-Street, BOSTON.
VOL. I.]
THURSDAY, May 23, 1771.
[NUMB. 12.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. The CENTINEL. N o . IV.
BEFORE I resume the thread of my argument, I would take some small notice of one Impavidus, who with much declamatory nonsense, has abused those who have endeavoured to point out our present grievances.
----- flap this Bug with gilded wings, This painted Butterfly who flinks and sings. POPE.
Unhappily for this gentleman, his peculiar jargon is too notorious for us to misstate his identity. We are surprised, as he has at length insisted. Some good meaning persons have enquired, What happened to the son of Kish? Is Saul also among the prophets? Whether his intentions in thus behaving may be answered, we shall hereafter know.
THAT there is such a thing as slavery in the world is a fact too evident to be denied; how it came, is another question. While the human mind is so universally set against it, and so shudders at the name of it, one would think it impossible it should ever have an existence.
the field. They are therefore obliged to perform the Seignor's orders, or be beggars. By having thus the balance of property, he is despotic, and commands the empire.
As this is a matter of great concern I would ask who is the ----- to be paid by, and let us attend to the consequences contained in the answer. This salary is to come from home, where those dangers which have so long threatened the constitution, originate.
It appears to me, that the ministry having tried every method of depriving this people of their constitutional rights, but in vain, have at length as the dernier resort, pitched upon the present mode; and a very effectual method this, unless timely prevented.
haps at the same time having the sound of the trumpet, and the alarm of war thundering in their towns and villages, the chance amounts to a miracle, if they rise superior to misfortune, cruelty, and despotism.
Some may tell us the ----- is a man of an upright heart, and it is impossible he should ever be guilty of these things. This is only begging the question.
If these things are true, let us see what is the consequence. I am not at this day to tell from whence government arose, in what it consists, and for what it is instituted.
have these laws put in execution? unhappily no. The withholding stipends, subsidies, and salaries, the usual mode of proceeding are no more.
In the midst of these distractions, should an Indian war break out, what a wretched situation are we in. The House by thus being unable to act, have no power to repel the foe, and make proper provision therefor.
The ----- tells the House, "their constituents will not be displeased to have this charge taken off." An expression which raises the old warmth of an American in me.
And now let the reader pause, and ask himself the following questions? Whether he does not think this present innovation, of most dangerous tendency?
"Remember your ancestors, and remember your posterity."
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. To VERUS.
SIR, IN your address to the free electors, &c. printed in Draper's Gazette of May 16, you inform us that Plutarch from Demosthenes dissuades young men from meddling with public affairs.

the state, for this province. Mean what it will, it naturally puts us upon the enquiry, what could induce his Excellency to chuse a way less eligible than that to destruction. Saint Paul who became all things to all men, could do every thing consistent with his duty to God, to please the people, could devote himself for his brethren according to the flesh: But the case is widely different where a man refuses to comply with the inclination and voice of the people. And this dilemma forces us to conclude either, that his Excellency made an unfortunate choice, without a reasonable motive, or that his choice respected something beside the good of the people, or lastly, that his Excellency and his present privy-council, have a better idea of the public weal, than the collective body of the people taken together. Our readers will judge for themselves, and in such extreme difficult cases I doubt not many will think themselves safest in the middle. Admitting this, the capital action of his whole life, "the change of the medium," for which, salarymen particularly will call him blessed, is naturally accounted for. "His integrity is acknowledged," and so was that of Jefferies, where thirst of blood and lust of power were unconcerned. His conduct in the Probate Office was so humane, so courteous and obliging, that his pretended calumniators most heartily wish, his successor more nearly resembled him. God knows the aversion I have to disparage any the minutest virtue which can be justly ascribed to him, I wish every imagination of his heart was righteous, humane, and benevolent, and that continually. Malice and envy may contradict what they please, but possessed of neither, I shall neither obscure or undervalue his merits, nor exaggerate his frailties, if in common with his fellow-men he is subject to any. I am sorry you are disappointed of that secret satisfaction you promised yourself in his retirement. In that case, undoubtedly the little he might have possessed in the fear of the Lord, might have yielded more true pleasure, than a large dividend of the spoils of a plundered and harassed people, in his present situation. I presume I know the temper of certain persons as well as you do, and am satisfied that they will never be at rest while one absolute despot, one lawless tyrant, one independent Governor reigns, in any corner of the British empire. Such a monster is abhorrent to the soil, and should be hunted like a Panther, and like the murderous fratricide in scripture, every one who finds him should slay him; for his hand being against every man, the laws of God and nature arm every man's hand against him. Rebellious doctrine you will say. True it is; and whenever tyranny and treasonable usurpation destroys the security of our liberties, lives, and fortunes guaranteed to us by the laws and constitutions of our country, and sworn to be preserved to us in their full strength and vigour, rebellion changes its nature and instead of an odious, becomes a glorious term. For who that has the spirit of a man would not rebel, i. e. return the compliment, when a traitorous and perjured villain takes war upon him? Persons of this disposition you think he knows too well, to admit them for his counsellors; and rejecting them, you foresaw that he would be as much vilified and traduced as any of his predecessors. Wonderful sagacity indeed! However the traduction you speak of is, gratis dictum to me, unless you are now upon that doctrine of libels, which holds, the more true a relation of the crimes of an exalted villain is, the more libellous.
How well he has succeeded in hardening his heart, and copying a great example of your fort of firmness, and in the capacity of turning away his eyes from the complaints of an injured, and too long insulted people; I know not, but I should not think it improper, for so celebrated a christian, to revolve his bible for once in a way, where he may find a text of this import, viz. He that being often reproved, hardeneth his neck, shall suddenly be destroyed, and that without remedy.
The word slander, Sir, you know means injurious falsehood; and words of that implication frequently occurring in your essay, oblige me to request you to point out something of the sort in all the liberal dispersions you complain of; and though I have not the honour of being the author of them all, I will engage you ample satisfaction for the least of them. And should you neglect this fair and generous proposal you are certainly
in danger of having the brat returned to your own door, and sitting down with the infamy of being a slanderer yourself. Among the many usurpations of your execrable party, it has not been the least insufferable, that you have calumniated, traduced, blackguarded, and vilified, without rhyme, reason or exception, men whose shoes you are not worthy to bear, and still maintain the rascally post of pretending them below your notice. It is pity such honourable gentlemen should habitually degrade themselves below common porters, who scorn to affirm a lie upon their honour, while the most palpable falsehoods are court-currency in your genteel publications. You may call for some instances in your next if you chuse it.
But to the main point, what are his faults? Say you; and answer, he is an enemy to liberty. This sub silentio seems taken for granted. And supposing it true, would not the man seem an idiot, who should endeavour to swell the account with anything more or further. Mr. Gordon, as quoted in this paper, tells us, one may defy anything out of hell, or even in it, or all that are in it, to do more mischief on earth than tyrants, i.e. enemies to liberty do. I believe Sir, Mr. Gordon is perfectly right; and should there be found a man, who confessedly "refuses to comply with the voice and inclination of the people;" and endeavours to render himself and the whole machinery of the executive government entirely independent upon them, and interested against them, when any question comes before them, wherein the tools of the court are concerned against the people; and thus to establish a regular system of robbery and oppression among them; I say, if such a man there is, may he not pass for a tyrant let the charge seem as odious as it will?
Your pitiful salvo for his wanton and obstinate breach of the constitution of this province is truly ridiculous as well as fallacious. Did ever man before the present exigency put invention to the torture, conceive of such a quibble as to render the plain words of an act mere matter of form, because some part of the form being necessarily variable, the letters A. B. were substituted for the names, which thank heaven are variable every year. Had William the third, been as permanently King of Great-Britain, as Boston is capital of this province, I would defy, the logic even of the learned Impavidus to demonstrate, that the form in that case ought to be altered. Mutatis mutandis is the furthest any rational man would wish to alter the laws, when neither angels nor devils can shew any inconveniences in them. But this stricture say the courtiers is inconvenient, for had not the governor an indefinite power to harass the other branches of the legislature, how could he punish them for their impudence in writing circular letters, and their obstinacy in not rescinding, that is, in not unvoting the vote of a former house, and not unwriting the letters which a year before had been sent through the continent? How insupportable a hardship is it for men of sense to be vexed with the caprice of such ignorant and ill-natured monkies, as will command impossibilities of the most ridiculous cast, and persecute to eternity the persons, who scorning to share their infamy, refuse compliance with their absurd behests?
The law Sir, on which the Governor has thus obstinately trampled is as clear and determinate, that they shall be summoned to meet in Boston, as to meet in May; and I think May of the two more liable to exception than Boston; the one being rotary, and the other, as fixed as the globe; of which it forms so respectable a part. Common lawyers say, ubi eadem est ratio eadem jus ; court sycophants, tools, and tyrants say, mutable persons and permanent seats of government are equally changeable, at the nod of a new, I may say raw American secretary. But to mend all, you conclude with the modest demand, "Find me the man that would not have done as he did." And in return I shall demand of you to find the men as consistent as we are, that the most ample political freedom is our unalienable birthright, and that have suffered the invasion of our rights, usurpation of our liberties, alienation of our properties against our wills, to daub them in gold lace on every dirty rascal, who has a scullion wench of a sister, inviting enough to make a whore to a commissioner; the intrusion of a meer army of these scoundrels upon us, of which our constitution knows no more, than of a troop of Cossacks; and as
much abhors them as these in the wanton exercise of their illegal power; the innumerable conspiracies, caballings, and consequent misrepresentations of these novel gentry; with the powers that were, and perhaps unfortunate for us, that continue, to bring a fleet and army to menace or murder us, as their occasions required, unless we would tamely submit to be pillaged. I say, show me a people who can bear to be hailed by soldiers, knocked down in the streets, stuffed into guard-houses, pricked with bayonets, besieged in their dwellings, assaulted before the magistrates, and even the magistrates themselves abused.--Prisoners rescued out of the hands of the civil officer, and carried off in triumph, in presence of a justice, and the constable badly wounded with a cutlass in the head; and to settle all on a tranquil bottom, find the people who could bear the riotous insurrection of 12 or 15 of these armed ruffians cutting and slashing naked persons in the streets; sentries leaving their posts to quarrel with boys in the street, for talking saucy, and a file of grenadiers with fixed bayonets coming to sustain this affiant, who in a very few minutes, with little provocation, fired down the people like pigeons, and yet escaped the punishments due to such inhuman murderers: Produce me, I request of you, the people that in these cases and circumstances would not have acted in some measure as we have done, if not with more impetuosity on some occasions. And what is more than all this, find me the community, that with all the knowledge of right, with all the improvement of a good education, with all the independency and dignity of spirit, which grows up with a man conscious of right and capacity to judge for himself, and determine his interesting concerns according to light of their own improved understanding, dependent on none but God alone for the tenure of life or property. And suppose such a people invaded by a pack of haughty, ignorant, lifeless, senseless, awkward, impertinent scoundrels, who claimed a power to controul their actions, and seize, confiscate, and convert their substance to what use they pleased, and all this mighty power derived to them from a nest of villains, who having sold their own and constituents persons or properties to an abandoned ministry, have the ridiculous effrontery to take upon them to better the bargain by a grant of other men's freedom and property, over whom they have as much right and authority, as over the dog star, and at present nearly the same influence: Suppose them suffering all the abuses, indignities, and calamities above mentioned from the influence of these villainous usurpers: Suppose in every court in the province, the said corrupt and pernicious influence had too evident an effect upon the laws; and that the same accursed leaven entered into every disposition of trust or power, civil and military throughout the province, and that an insuperable objection to approbation, in places, in the Governor's gift, is the candidate, being a friend to the people, as were immensely every one of the six negatived gentlemen; or perhaps some like Captain Heath in Roxbury, and Colonel Marshall, in Boston, are skipped because too capable and industrious in the promotion of military knowledge; and neither of them much to be depended upon, should the Brush-hill justice be commissioned to order them to command their regiments to fire upon the people, for assembling in King-street with buckets and engines to put out fire. I again say Sir, for I suppose you are pretty well tired with the length of my question, are you so credulous as to suppose, peace, and tranquility will readily take place, among a people, bitten, stung, and insulted, by the presence of such cockatrices every hour. If you are, all I can say will have little effect upon your honour at least, whatever it may upon the free electors, who on the authority of Lord C-----m, and others, you would persuade have no more freedom than the oxen in their plows; and tauntingly prefer your hero to them all, for abiding by his principles. Of such a firmness we have a striking parallel in the history of the apostles, among whom one under severe trial, having denied his master, went out and wept bitterly; the other who was a thief, and had the bag, and bare what was put therein, retained his principles entire till the day he was hanged.
LEONIDAS.
P. S. Let the sage Impavidus content himself with the honour of being quoted by me now and then, for I confess freely I have not
hardiness enough to engage in earnest with windmills.
P. S. the 2d, If a further enumeration of his Excellency's faults is earnestly required in any future paper, Verus is informed that a catalogue of the courtly number 17 articles is in readiness for publication.
To the PUBLIC.
TYRANT may be justly compared to a POLYPUS, of which the smallest portion broken off becomes almost immediately as big, as voracious, and deformed a thing as the original; entangling, plaguing and engulfing every thing within its reach and power. How applicable this may be to our petty lords the Custom-house Officers, every one is left to judge, after being informed, that THEY, to discourage THIS Paper, as they phrase it, have denied THIS Press the SHIP LIST; notwithstanding, according to the title, Pieces from ALL sides have been inserted in it. The Printer conceives himself in no wise to blame if the Court side are now at a loss for writers, it being his province only to publish.
P. S. Notwithstanding the above refusal of the Ship List, which we have also been refused by a Brother Type at the South-end, influenced by his matters at the Custom-house, we shall still obtain one for the use of our Customers.
THE SCOURGE. No. 1.
Major Hereditas venit unicuique nostrum A Jure & Legibus, quam a Parentibus.
A greater inheritance descends to us from the Laws, than from our Progenitors.
THE chief Magistrate is at last become so corrupt, that without some alteration in his conduct, we have all the misery to dread that can befall a nation, the laws have for a long time ceased to be the rule of government; they are no longer a terror to villains nor a protection for the innocent; justice and right are banished the kingdom, and in their place, the chief Justice and the Prince have substituted cruelty and oppression. To claim a restitution of those rights which the Sovereign encouraged his ministers to violate, is dignified with the title of treason and sedition. To assert and maintain the common rights of mankind, and support upon the principles of law and the constitution, the liberties and privileges peculiar to this nation, is now a scandalous, malicious, and treasonable libel. In a word, the situation of this country is much more deplorable at this time, than at the last stupendous revolution. The danger of a total subversion of the government, and extinction of the laws and liberties of England, is much greater now, from the corrupt subserviency of the present house of Commons to the despotic designs of the King and his ministers, than it was before the revolution, from the arbitrary and popish designs of King James. Indeed we have now hardly one shadow of our liberties left, and with them seems to be lost the heretofore invincible and free spirit of Englishmen. However I still entertain a better opinion of my countrymen, than to believe that they will degenerate so far from the virtue of their ancestors, as to resign up all their liberties at the shrine of despotism, and passively submit to a state slavery. No! I have a more noble, a more generous opinion, of the bravest, and I hope the freest people in the world; I can conceive they will soon see the necessity of leaving their wives, their children and dearest connections, and once more, gloriously vindicate their own rights, against the wickedness, treachery and corruption of the three estates of the realm, who should be their protectors; but who are become their known and notorious enemies, who have been for some time endeavouring to destroy, the liberties of Englishmen, and the constitution of England. Yes my fellow countrymen I am persuaded the day is not far distant, when we must all stand forth, and bravely attempt a restoration of our rights, or nobly die in the cause of freedom. Let me rouse you if I can.
Consider, my friends, upon your virtue and firmness, depends the liberties, and happiness of you and your children. If you vigorously exert yourselves at this time, you may yet recover your country, even from the brink of ruin upon which it stands at this melancholy era.
Consider, my friends by some means or other the integrity of the judges is corrupted, and it is shrewdly suspected, by the prince upon the throne.
Consider, your lives are now exposed to false accusations, and your persons to arbitrary imprisonments and heavy fines.

Consider, the judges before whom you are to stand upon life and death, and before whom all cases concerning liberty and property must be brought, venal and corrupt; witnesses, in all cases of moment to you, suborned and perjured; and the juries who are to decide your fate; packed, bribed and modelled, to the iniquitous and pernicious designs of a court serving judge, or a weak, wicked and detestable ministry.
Consider, the sovereign and his ministers, have packed a House of Commons, by bribery and corruption, and that they keep a majority of the representatives of the kingdom, in pay and dependency with the public money. And these abandoned tools are now giving sanction to every diabolical scheme of the King's minions, and as fast as possible riveting the fetters of Britons.
Consider, the great bulwark of the constitution Magna Charta notoriously violated in a variety of instances, whether by the immediate order or direction of the King, is not material to determine, it is only necessary to say, it was not done without his knowledge, otherwise redress had been obtained from his hands; he is therefore deeply involved in the guilt of his ministers.
Consider, the declaration of rights, the Habeas Corpus act and trial by jury, all explained away and reduced to mere shadows and empty names. The King must be weak indeed if he could give the least countenance to measures so destructive of his own interest and welfare; yet it is not possible to draw any other conclusion, for wicked and venal as our chief justice is and hardened in villainy as the present ministry are, they never would have been daring enough to have proceeded so far without such authority.
Consider, the act of settlement is prostituted, and every clause in it, made for the benefit of the people, either repealed or rendered useless.
Consider, the late daring attempt of the ministers to influence the election of one of the sixteen peers for Scotland. Can you my friends be so far duped, can you be so credulous as to believe, that Lord North, and Lord Sandwich, (the last not three hours in office) would be so presuming as openly and avowedly to subvert the constitution, and risk their heads, without the authority of the sovereign, for their proceeding, and a promise of protection; no my countrymen, this is too bare faced, here we cannot be deceived. If the King did actually authorise his ministers to do what Lord North and Lord Sandwich have done, he committed high treason, violated his coronation oath, and dissolved the compact between the House of Hanover, and the people of England. It is difficult to bring proof; but the conclusion is obvious.
Consider, Lord Mansfield, has succeeded so far in his vile, his infamous design of destroying the liberty of the press, that there is not one bookseller has now resolution enough to publish the most trifling essay with any kind of spirit in defence of the common rights of mankind; great and infinite are the obligations, the people of England are now under to Mr. Moore, who has boldly stood forth in these corrupt, these degenerate times the friend to his country and mankind; and who still perseveres, unawed by fear or prosecution. Had it not been for him, this and many other papers of the same kind would not have been ushered into the world, and we had now been little better than slaves.
In short consider, every fence to your liberties destroyed, and the constitution torn up by the roots. Once more I say consider, seriously consider these things, consider this picture I have drawn; here is no false colouring, this picture is drawn by the hand of truth. Will you hesitate then one moment what course to take; no, if you are Englishmen, if I may dignify you (I mean deservedly) with the title of Britons, you will not. Fired with the noble spirit of your ancestors, you will seek that redress for the injuries you have received which the laws of God and nature authorise.
(The Remainder of No. I. in our next.)
This day was published, price 3d. L. M.
THE SCOURGE, Numb. I. And To-morrow will be published, The SCOURGE, Numb. II. LONDON, printed; BOSTON, Re-printed, and sold by I. THOMAS, in Union-street.
EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
LONDON, March 29
LARGE wagers are laid that a certain assembly will proceed against alderman Wilkes with the greatest severity; a great minister having publicly declared, that popular as he may be rendered by punishment, neither the particularity of his situation, nor his wishes to be prosecuted, shall furnish him with a triumph over the laws of his country.
Maitland in his History of London, speaking of the Lord Mayor, says, "He is the King's Representative in the Civil Government of this city, First Commissioner of the Lieutenancy, Perpetual Coroner and Escheator within the City and Liberties of London and Southwark, Chief Justice of Oyer and terminer and Gaol Delivery of Newgate, Judge of the Court of Wardmote at the Election of Aldermen, Conservator of the River Thames and Medway, whereby he is empowered by his warrant to release any citizen or apprentice of this city that shall have been carried away, and forcibly detained on board any ship or vessel, and compel such Captain or Master to release them. He is also perpetual Commissioner in all affairs relating to the River Lee, also chief Butler of the Kingdom at Coronations; though the office is elective, it may be said to be perpetual, for his authority ceases not, neither on the demise or abdication of the King, as that of all commissioned Officers do, wherefore in such cases he is said to be the principal officer of the Kingdom."
March 30. The printer, yesterday evening received the following letter:
SIR, Thursday. "I am no way surprized, though I am greatly afflicted, at the events, to which I have this day been a witness. I have seen a multitude, certainly not less than fourscore thousand, exerting themselves, in the most extraordinary manner, in heaping insults, and outrages of all sorts upon the King's person, and even loading him with execrations. This is very melancholy, Sir, but the cause of it is worse. The King, with as many virtues as ever adorned a private person, is unfortunately beset with men, who care as little for his real honour and interest, as they do for that of the nation. By their advice, he shuts his ears to the complaints of his people, and suffers them to push him on to such violent measures, as must end in destruction. To day, indeed, he heard the voice of the people pretty distinctly, and if one may judge by his royal countenance, the crown of England would be dearly purchased at the price of such agonies of grief and shame, as he must have experienced this morning. The resentment of the populace would probably not have been carried so far as it was, but for the indecent and most shocking behaviour of Mr. Charles Fox, who is supposed to have great influence with his Majesty, and already assumes the stile and port of minister. This youth, for above half an hour, was leaning out of a coffee house window in Palace-Yard, shaking his fist at the people, and provoking them by all the reproachful words, and menacing gestures that he could invent. George Selwyn stood behind, encouraging him, and clapping him on the back, as if he was a dirty ruffian going to fight in the streets. They often pointed at the horse-guards, and it was evident they meant to urge the people to some violence, upon which they might call in the soldiery to butcher their fellow subjects. These are our senators; these are the men, whom our gracious king supports, and for whose sake he exposes his person to something much more serious than scorn and contempt. I am truly sorry to see him so shamefully ill-advised." Extract of a letter from an Officer at Bengal, dated Calcutta, Sept. 4, 1770.
"You will undoubtedly receive very shocking accounts of the famine that has made such terrible ravages in the provinces of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, nay throughout all Indostan: The dearth has been so very great for the last six months, that in the Company's districts alone upon a moderate computation, there have died upwards of three hundred thousand inhabitants through mere want. During the last six weeks we have lost in Calcutta and its environs 7600; and at the cities of Patna and Maxadabad it
is supposed more than double the number, although there are many public charities open, and every method that can be thought of taken for their relief. Hunger drives many of them to such distress, that the strongest frequently in some parts of the country, fall upon the weaker and devour them. Balls, concerts, and all public entertainments, ought to subside at this time of general scarcity; but I am sorry to say they have not; and under the doors and windows of these places of amusement lie many dead bodies, and others again in all the agonies of death, despair and want. But let me quit this melancholy subject, and inform you that there is a prospect of a very plentiful harvest, and grain begins to be cheaper. There has also been great mortality among the Europeans here; upwards of two hundred have died within these two months; and the sickly season is not yet over."
On Tuesday the 19th of March an express arrived from Lord Harcourt, our Ambassador at Paris, with an account that the King of France had written a letter to the King of Spain, wherein he assured the Catholic King, "That he was ashamed of the conduct of the Court of London; that he was ready and willing to co-operate with the King of Spain, in whatever future measures should be judged expedient; that he put himself entirely under the direction and wisdom of the Catholic King; and only begged, that in their future operations that Monarch would have an eye to the present situation of France." The next day Lord North, and the two Secretaries of State, waited on the King, who was exceedingly shocked at receiving this account.
His Majesty's ship Panther, of 60 guns, Capt. Gayton, is now at Blackstake taking in her guns and powder, from whence she is to go round to Spitehead. On board this ship Commodore Byron is to proceed to his government of Newfoundland.
April 2. A motion will certainly be made on Tuesday next to discharge the Lord Mayor and Mr. Oliver; a Great Personage has already declared that such a step would be very pleasing to him.
On the 8th or 10th of April the courier is expected to arrive from the court of Madrid, He is to take Versailles in his way to London; so that on his arrival here, the great event will be determined, and we shall then know whether peace or war with France and Spain is to take place or not this year.
April 3. The cares of the Lord Mayor for the Public and the City have not ceased by his imprisonment in the Tower. As there is no Sitting Alderman at Guildhall on Saturday, his Lordship desired one of his brethren to attend at the Mansion-House, that there might be no failure of justice, nor any innocent person kept in confinement till Monday, who was entitled to a discharge on Saturday. The City are extremely pleased with this conduct of his Lordship.
The two Kennedies, who have long been a terror to all the prisoners in the King's Bench and having wounded and ill-treated all who fell in their way, have at length fallen upon one another; one of them having last week bit a piece out of the other's breast.
A correspondent says, it is not to be doubted, that a number of ministerial writers will, during the recess of the Parliament, be fully employed in vilifying and traducing the characters of the Lord Mayor and Mr. Alderman Oliver, as the ministry must endeavour to lower these two upright Gentlemen in the people's opinions.
April 4. The packet brought by the courier that arrived from Spain on Saturday last, is not in answer to those sent from London the 5th and 11th of March, and therefore is not very material. The messenger that was dispatched by Lord Rochford with the ultimatum, was to be at Paris (on his return to London) the 2d inst. and is expected here to-morrow, which, it is supposed, will make great alteration in affairs; for our ministers have certain assurance of the hostile intentions of Spain they have insisted on their disarming immediately; and a refusal will be looked on as a declaration of war. As a categorical answer was demanded, nothing evasive will be put up with; and a plan is fixed on which our ministers are determined to proceed directly.
The right to Faulkland's Island, which is now the subject of dispute between the English and the Spanish ministers, is the cause of the fluctuation of the stocks, and the premiums of insurance. Hence likewise it is that the fleet, which was ordered to take pos-
session of these islands, had been commanded to postpone its departure. It is expected that the affair will be settled in a week's time, and that the next courier's arrival will determine whether we are to have peace or war. The danger which threatens the Ottoman empire is another circumstance, which renders the continuance of Peace very doubtful. The French and consequently the Spaniards, will throw themselves into the Turks if the Russians should force their passage through the Dardanelles, or take the castles and batteries, by which the straits are guarded.
A few days ago the Faulkland's island fleet was countermanded by express. This week by express it was ordered to proceed on its voyage with all possible expedition. The stocks are now more fluctuating than the resolutions of our august counsellors.
We can from good authority, assure the public that a truce is concluded between the Russians and Turks.
It is asserted that very great concessions were made to the popular prisoners in the persons of two royal visitors; but that they were of such a nature as to be genteely declined.
It is asserted, that two persons of the highest rank paid a visit incog. to the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor and Mr. Alderman Oliver on Saturday evening.
THURSDAY, May 23. BOSTON.
THE Hon. Jonathan Trumbell, Esq; is elected Governor of Connecticut for the ensuing year; and the Hon. Matthew Griswold, Esq; Deputy-Governor.
Azor Orne, Esq; and Richard Reed, Esq; are elected representative for Marblehead; Richard Derby, jun. Esq; and Mr. John Pickering, for Salem; Dr. Samuel Holten, for Danvers; Edward Sheaffe, Esq; and Mr. Nathaniel Gorham, for Charlestown; Mr. Benjamin Hall, for Medford.
We hear that one Pearce of Swansey, in Rhode-Island has discovered the LONGITUDE , which is founded on so plain and easy principles, that he can communicate the knowledge of it to any Seaman in three words speaking.
We have advice from Halifax, that 2000 sterl. had been found, being part of the 3000l. which was cast ashore, when the Granby sloop was lost, and all the people on board perished, as lately mentioned.
The 28th ult. one Franklin, of Henrico County, in Virginia, and his wife, went to a frolick in the Neighbourhood, leaving four children at home; and when they returned, about midnight, they found the house, and all the children, reduced to ashes.
We hear from North-Carolina, that the Governor, with a large body of militia, had marched for the back counties to quell the regulators.
On Tuesday last the body of a man, very much disfigured, drifted ashore at the bottom of the Common. It is supposed he was drowned some months ago.
DIED. Royall Tyler, Esq; one of his Majesty's Council for this province, and for many years an Overseer of the Poor of this town. Mr. William Price, aged 87. Mrs. Batch, widow. Mr. Temple Decoster, house-wright, who for several years was Master-Gunner of Castle-William. Mr. Merriam, blacksmith. At Charlestown, Mr. Samuel Kent. At Jamaica, Mr. Benjamin Codman, merchant, formerly of Charlestown.
** The freeholders and other inhabitants of the town, are hereby notified, that the May meeting stands adjourned to Monday the 27th instant, 3 o'clock, P. M. when the consideration of salary and grants will come on, and such a sum voted to be raised by a tax upon polls and estates, as may be thought sufficient for the relief of the poor, and defraying other necessary charges arising within the town the year ensuing.
SHIP NEWS. ARRIVED here. Rogers and Lamson from Philadelphia, Rogers from Surinam and Turk's-Island, Cambell from Halifax, Conway from Virginia, Jarvis and Sturgis from North-Carolina, Fletcher from Fyall, Smith from Bristol, Whae from St. Ubes, Rust from Gaudaloupe, Mitchel from Annapolis, Jordan from Nova-Scotia.
OUTWARD Bound. Kellam for Bay Chaleaus, Brown for Europe, Green for Maryland, Hepburn for New-Haven, Bryant for London, Fellows and Cordis for West Indies, Dunmore for Jamaica.

POETS CORNER.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
SOLUTION of the Acrostic REBUS in No. 11.
OUR mother, Britain, fain would make us slaves:
Our ships of Oak convey us o'er the waves: Soldiers did spill our blood, like sons of war! And Tories, friends of Liberty abhor: Th' Owl our ft--p-n apes in looks and name: Nobody mifchief does, and feels no shame.
Join these initials, you may surely tell BOSTON's the place where many beauties dwell.
An ANSWER to the Acrostic REBUS in the Spy, No. 11.
I'VE examin'd the Rebus, from th' initials I find That BOSTON's the name, that the author design'd. L. B.
LONDON, April 2, 1771.
Alderman SAWBRIDGE'S SPEECH, in defence of the LORD-MAYOR, in the House of Commons.
Mr. SPEAKER,
BEFORE you come to the determination of arraigning such a high magistrate as the Lord Mayor, I think it would not be amiss to enquire into the state of the law, and see whether he has really been guilty of an offence. You say that he has violated your privileges. But has he violated the law of the land, which is the standard of a magistrate's conduct? I defy you to prove such an assertion. He has strictly adhered to the letter of the law, and the spirit of the constitution. I do not therefore rise so much to defend him and his brother aldermen, as to return them my sincerest acknowledgments for their uprightness and intrepidity. Had I been in their place, I trust I should have had the virtue to act with equal firmness. Entertaining these sentiments, how can I help exclaiming against the proposed motion? The magistrates of the city have walked on legal and constitutional ground; do you follow their example. If you have already erred, do not aggravate your guilt by a fresh trespass. It is enough that your warrant was illegal; another illegal act will not mend the matter. You state, and look astonished, that I should call your warrant illegal. But I have said nothing which I am not ready to prove. Nor shall I use my own words; that what I affirm may have the more weight, I will use the words of Lord Coke. Four things (says that oracle of the law) are essentially necessary in a warrant. He who issues it in any particular case, must have lawful authority; it must be under his hand and seal; there must be a lawful cause of commitment; and it must have a lawful conclusion; that is, the warrant must declare that the culprit is to be safely kept, till he be discharged by a due course of law. Now are all these ingredients to be found in the warrant, which was brought before the Lord-Mayor? No, not one. For by what law is the Speaker of the House of Commons authorized to apprehend any delinquent in the city of London? No law for that purpose exists. But there is a law for the reverse. The city has from time immemorial enjoyed the right of executing and returning all writs, precepts, commandments, and warrants by its officers. No precept warrant is valid within the city, except it is backed by the Lord-Mayor. Where is the particular statute, that exempts the warrant of the Speaker of the House of Commons from this rule? I defy you to point it out. But prescription alone, which in this case would be sufficient, is not for the city. It has also positive acts of the whole legislature in its favour. Magna Charta says, let London possess all its ancient franchises and customs. The charter granted by Edward the third, with the consent of parliament, in 1327, declares, that no summons, attachments, or executions shall be made, but by the ministers of the said city. The charter granted by Edward the fourth, in 1460, renews the same assurance, and declares, that the right of executing and returning all sorts of writs and warrants shall be in the city. The act of William and Mary, in 1690, is, if it be pos-
sible, still more explicit; and, as it passed at a time when the government was unhinged, for the purpose of securing liberty, I look upon it as a constitution as irreversible as Magna Charta. Indeed it is the peculiar Magna Charta of the city, and ought to be for ever held sacred: What then becomes of the legality of your warrant? In the city it is not only contrary to immemorial prescription, which is common law, but also to all the charters of the city, and to the irreversible statute of William and Mary. Thus then the warrant is illegal in this particular case; because it infringes the rights of the city. This, though a sufficient justification of the Lord-Mayor's conduct, is not the only defence that may be offered. The warrant is subversive of the general and fundamental laws of the realm; laws which existed before the House of Commons was known. The Great Charter says, "that no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, &c. but by the lawful judgments of his peers, or by the law of the land;" or, as these words are explained by the statute of the 25th of Edward the third, chap. 24. "by indictment or presentment of good and lawful people of the same neighbourhood where the crime was committed, or by process made by writ original at the common law." The same language is held in 28 Edw. III. C. 2. How come you by the authority of superseding these laws? I apprehend that the three branches of the legislature cannot, without overturning the constitution, assume such an authority. They have, indeed, in cases of great danger and necessity, suspended the Habeas Corpus act. But was it ever heard that, when there was a king upon the throne, and a House of Lords in being, the Commons arrogated to themselves such a power? In the present case you claim a perpetual authority of suspending the law; a privilege, which the people certainly never meant to grant to the whole legislature, much less to a part, and that part too their own servants. I own that you can imprison, because you can impeach. But is this your intention on the present occasion? None of you will pretend to advance such an absurdity. That course, according to Lord Holt, is never to be taken, except where the crime requires a strict prosecution, and very much concerns the public. In no other case, but in that of actual contempt in the House, have you the right of committing persons, who are not members of your House. In consequence of a message sent by James the first to his House of Commons, they gave up this claim; except where you mean to prosecute, you have no authority to imprison; because your imprisonments are in the nature of judgments and punishments; powers not vested in you, as you are no court of judicature.---What is the reason? you cannot administer an oath. And a party, who denies or justifies, can never be legally censured or punished without an accusation upon oath.
The second ingredient in a lawful warrant is in yours totally wanting. You have no seal to use; a clear proof that the constitution did not mean to leave you the power of issuing warrants, any more than to the sovereign. If either of you judge yourselves injured, you are to order the proper officer to prosecute the offenders in the court of justice. When the King is obliged to follow this course, it is no degradation of your authority to be subject to the same regulation. However great and awful you may reckon yourselves, the law ought to be still more great and awful.
The third requisite in a good warrant needs but little discussion. The reason why you would commit was, because your speeches had been published. Is this a legal cause of commitment? Do you imagine that your constituents have no right to know how you execute your commission, how you discharge the trust reposed in you? You may complain that your speeches have been misrepresented. In what shape? Are they less elegant, nervous, or sententious? You cannot be vain, or uninformed enough to entertain such a notion. But they ascribe to you opinions, which you never harboured. I cannot think it. I have heard many of your harangues, and I am tolerably well acquainted with the doctrines embraced by the respective members; yet I cannot see any injury done
to them in the obnoxious speeches. Your political creed is there pretty faithfully copied. The only injury done you is, that your conceptions are better arranged, and better expressed. At any rate, if a particular member thinks that he is misrepresented, or rendered obnoxious to his constituents, why does he not commence an action at law? A jury will give him ample damages.
But, though your warrant had been unexceptionable, in these three points, yet the conclusion would have made it absolutely illegal and abominable. For it does not order the prisoner to be safely kept till he be discharged by due course of law, but till it shall please the House to dismiss him. What can be more subversive of our constitution, than such an unlimited, such an arbitrary power? It is, equally dangerous in the hands of a small body of men, and in the hands of a single person. It is in vain that we have rescued ourselves from the arm of the sovereign, if we are to be left to the discretion of the commons. In my mind, one tyrant is preferable to five hundred.
NATHAN FRAZIER,
Begs leave to inform the Public, That he has just imported from LONDON, in the vessels commanded by the Captains Cales, Gardner and Bryant, a large and compleat
Assortment of ENGLISH GOODS, Suitable to the Season,
Which he will sell, Wholesale and Retail, at the lowest advance for ready money, at his Shop the corner of Wing's-Lane, near the Market, Boston.
[All Gentlemen and Ladies, both in Town and Country, who are pleased to honour him with their custom, in either of the above-mentioned ways, may depend on the very best usage, and a grateful acknowledgment of their favours.]
Among his Goods are
A NEAT Assortment of low priced, middling, and superfine Broad Cloths, with Shallons, Buttons and Twist to match; also a great variety of newest fashion gold and silver thread buttons, German and embossed serges, flannels, Colchester, and drapery baize, a large assortment Manchester velvets and velverets, velvet shapes, sagathies, duroys, thicksets, fustains, Wiltons, everlastings and drawboys, nankeens, Damascus, ginghams, Bengalls and peniafcoes, &c. A very genteel assortment of Mantua silks and lute strings, rich cloth colour ducap; a variety of English and India damasks, English and India taffaties, brockades, plain, spriged and flowered sattins, alamodes, Persians, rich sarsenets, ribbons, lawns, cambricks, long lawns, yard wide book mullins, 6 4 wide ditto, plain and spriged gazes, catgut, a large assortment of coxcomb, blond, bone, and Troly laces, cap wire, a great variety of gimps, snail lace, callicoos, chintzes and patches, a large assortment of Irish linens of all widths and prices, sheetings, check'd linens, furniture check, with none-so-pretty to match; striped cotton Holland for shirting, dowlass, osnaburgs and ticklinburg, bed ticks, white cotton counterpains, calimancoes, tahmies and durants, poplins and cambleteens; a large assortment of mens, women's, boys, and girls worsted, thread and cotton hose, men's black and white silk do, men's and women's silk gloves, silk mitts, and out-lize ditto, a large assortment of worsted mitts, scarlet, black, buff and cloth-coloured worsted knit breeches, black silk do, Russian linnen and diaper, diaper and damask napkinning, damask and diaper table cloths, brown Hollands, brown and stays buckram, stay trimmings, yellow holland, yellow canvas and crewels, sattin and brocaded shoes and clogs, women's maids and children's pack thread stays, with a great variety of other articles, too many to be particularized.
** Women's Lynn made shoes by large or small quantities.
CASH given for Merchantable POT-ASH.
N. B. Said FRAZIER's Store at ANDOVER, is again supplied with a full and fresh Assortment of GOODS as usual.
ALEX. CHAMBERLAIN, jun. at his shop in Ann-street, begs leave to inform his customers, that he has just received a small but compleat Assortment of GROCERIES; also, Glass, Stone, De'ph; Cream-coloured and Liverpool WARE; likewise a quantity of Lamb-Black.
N. B. Constant attendance given, and favours duly acknowledged.
IMPORTED, In the Vessels lately arrived from England, by SMITH & ATKINSON, And now ready for sale, at their store in King street, Boston.
A LARGE and general Assortment of English, India, and other piece GOODS, suitable for the Spring trade, which were purchased on such terms at the different marts in Europe, as enables the importers, not only to serve those retailers who purchase their goods here, on the best terms but also to supply those who usually import, their assortments, with many articles as low as they are generally imported.
N. B. Russia and English Sail Duck, Ravens Duck, Gun Powder, Connecticut PORK, &c. &c. CASH given for Merchantable POT-ASH.
Imported from London by Captain Bryant, And to be sold by NATHANIEL NOYES, At his shop on the south side of Faneuil-hall Market, cheap for Cash only;
A COMPLEAT and fresh Assortment of MEDICINES both chymical and Galenical; with a number of true Patented Medicines, Hooper's Female Pills, Anderson's Scots ditto, Lockyer's ditto, warranted genuine. Turlington's Balsam, Walker's Jesuits Drops, Bateman's Drops, Betton's British Oil, MacKenzie's true Essence of Norway Tar. Also, Ouer, Sago, Salep, Nutgalls, Roll and flour Brimstone. Neat Ivory Syringes in Cases. Cinnamon, Cloves, Mace and Nutmegs.
Doctor's Boxes for Ships or private Families will be carefully prepared.
WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Mathematical Instrument-Maker,
Has to sell At his Shop in King-street, Two Doors east of the Sign of Admiral VERNON, Near the Head of the Long Wharf, BOSTON, A large Assortment of
HADLEY's and Davis's QUADRANTS, hanging and standing Compasses in Brass and Wood, Gauging and Surveying Instruments, Cases of Instruments, large and small Perspective Glasses in Ivory, Wood and Fish-Skin; plotting Scales, Gunter Scales and Dividers, Surveyors Chains, Artificial Magnets with Cases, Sand-Glasses, from two Hours to a Quarter of a Minute, Instruments of a new Construction to measure Boards, Quarter-Waggoner's, Atkinson's Epitomes, Wilson's ditto, Pattou's Navigation, Seaman's Assistants, Calendars, Mariner's Compasses rectified, Young Man's Companion, Journal Books, Ink Powder, Quills and Paper, Paper Hangings. An Assortment of Brass Pocket-Compasses with and without Cards, Box Rules, Slates and Pencils, Jack-Knives, plated Shoe and Knee Buckles, Pinchbeck, Block-Tin, and Brass ditto, Compass Seals, and Watch Keys. &c. &c.
DOWNES & DOGGET, PILOTS, at MARTHA'S VINEYARD,
GIVE this public notice to all Masters of Vessels, that they have provided themselves with an excellent good pink-sterned SCHOONER, about 15 tons burthen, which constantly cruises off the Vineyard. They therefore take this method of requesting the favours of such Masters of Vessels, who chuse to employ them, to pilot them to Boston, and may depend upon their care and assiduity.
BOSTON: Printed by ISAIAH THOMAS, in UNION-STREET, near the Market,
Where all Persons may be supplied with this Paper at Six Shillings and Eight Pence, Lawful Money, per Annum; and where Articles of Intelligence, &c. are thankfully received, and ADVERTISEMENTS taken in---PRINTING, in its various Branches, performed in a neat Manner, with the greatest Care and Dispatch, on the most reasonable Terms. --- Small Hand Bills at an Hour's Notice. SUBSCRIPTIONS for the SPY are also taken in by Mr. J. Larkin, chairmaker, and Mr. W. Calder, painter, in Charlestown; Mr. J. Hillier watch-maker in Salem; Mr. B. Emerson, Bookseller, in Newbury-Port; and Mr. M. Belcher, in Bridgewater.