Jenks' Portland gazette. Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1803-02-21 00:00:00

JENKS' PORTLAND GAZETTE.
MAINE ADVERTISER.
Number 252.
PORTLAND, (MAINE) MONDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1803.
Volume V.
To the Editor of the Portland Gazette.
ELM-TREES, 21st Jan. 1803.
THE appearance, our country now exhibits, is singular indeed—In politics, it has no character; to use a vulgar phrase, it is nothing but pulling and hauling . It was one thing yesterday, another to day, while no mortal can calculate what it will be tomorrow.—In religion it is nominally christian ; but deism has got possession of the high places and strong holds, and a majority of the people appear less alarmed at a belief and general spread of its principles than they are anxious for the welfare and prosperity of its advocates.—No standard of morality is acknowledged, the violation of which can render a person unpopular.
There are two great contending parties, and each has its code of laws; whoever becomes criminal by one code, is sure to find pardon and reconciliation in the other. Gallatin, according to federalism, was an insurgent against the government, and manifested the blackest malignity towards such as should attempt to execute certain of its laws; yet the President has placed him at his own right hand. Callender and Duane, the vilest of the out calls from Europe, were convicted by the federal code , but by the republican they have been pardoned, justified, adopted into their councils, and sanctified by the free grace of the treasury. But the fate of Callender is yet more singular; he seems to be a kind of foot-ball, for both parties to kick at each other, as either can get opportunity—He was first employed by Jefferson and his party ; then he defamed and libelled the federal ; for which crimes he was convicted and punished: But the republican pardoned and rewarded him; they declared him a virtuous, innocent man, and the best of patriots. It is not four years since this very Callender , with Jefferson , and Jonathan Robins the pirate, were toasted by the republican party . This was done at a public dinner, made in honor of Gov. M c Kean, while he and many of his court were present. I ought not to forget to add that Dr. Franklin, and Tom L. Loyd who was convicted of sedition, were brought in, towards the close of the feast, and toasted on the same list. It was then known that money had been given to Callender to write against Washington and Adams; and the Prospect before us , a joint work of Jefferson and Callender , had been read by M c Kean and most of his gang.
But in the face of all this evidence, in favor of poor Callender , morality and republicanism, and while Robins the pirate and all his toasted copatriots retain their riches in the republican temple , strange as it may strike you, this virtuous , this patriotic and republican Callender is now abandoned by those who delighted but so lately to honor him with their praises, and the federal party are playing him off against his old friends and fellow labourers, Jefferson and company.—Alas, how untable is republican favour ! Does not this very much resemble character , in all ages and all countries, whether good or bad, when floating on the tempestuous sea of liberty ?
This moment a paper is handed me in which I read the history of poor Callender being in prison again; to prevent his slandering the party that was base enough to hire him, a few years ago, to defame and libel the constitution, the government and the best characters in it!—What will come next?
Tom Paine, by dedicating his Age of Reason to the people of the United States, and publishing it in this country, has offered the nation a more aggravated insult than admits of a parallel, or can be illustrated without recourse to a supposition I hope the public ear is yet too pure to hear. But he is useful to the fe , and they will not altogether abandon him; their sentiments are so near akin to his, on religious subjects, as to make this insult pass over their feelings without leaving any impression. What they said, some time ago, of Callender , Duane , and Lyon , they now assuredly repeat of this blasphemer ;—"What-
ever his character is, he will be useful to us against the federalists, and rather than lose his aid, we will descend to the floor of infamy where his base-ness has placed him, and share with him the disgrace."
To soften a little the crimes of Jefferson by testing his character with a less rigid morality than that of the Bible, and to apologize for his encouragement and support of the blasphemer , as well as to justify the hostility to christianity in both of them, it has been repeatedly observed that the fe found it necessary that deism should be defended; but by the conduct of their champion it seems they are not willing to stop at this point. Simply to defend deism does not satisfy the republicans—their leaders and teachers have gone too far in the road of disorganization to leave the form and out works of the christian religion unattacked—Hence after endeavouring to shew there is no connection between religion and morality, Spintext wishes to insinuate that the clergy are useless if not positively injurious to society; and that Paine has done more service to the United States than thousands of its teachers of piety, religion and morality. But what he has done, and how far his labours can be brought into competition with the clergy of this country; whether we consider them as agents of the revolution and independence of America, or promoters of its prosperity and general happiness, may be the subject of another letter—For the present it may be worth while to see how the fe succeeds in shewing there is no connection between religious principles and moral conduct. For this purpose Spintext sets out with a clause from our Bill of Rights—"And no subject shall be hurt, molested, or restrained in his person, his liberty or estate, for worshipping God, in the manner and season most agreeable to the dictates of his own conscience, or for his religious profession or sentiments—provided he doth not disturb the public peace, or obstruct others in their religious worship."
'Till Paine and Jefferson become residents in this commonwealth, his clause can give them no rights; and I never heard of any democrat but Spintext , who was wild enough to suppose the clause lay any restraint on the freedom of discussion, or examination into the principles and characters of others in a religious or political view. When Paine publishes blasphemy, or Jefferson maintains that it does him no injury for his neighbour to assert there are twenty Gods or no God, it neither picks his pockets or breaks his legs, it is no violation of the cited paragraph, for me to say the former is a blasphemer, and the latter is no better than the ancient polytheists , or an atheist of the Epicurean school . Unless Spintext will shew the consistency of the latter declaration with christianity, may we not also say Jefferson is not a christian? On what ground can this give offence? Why then has this part of the Bill of Rights been brought into the dispute? Most clearly the object of Spintext was, if possible, to draw the minds of his readers from the real characters of Jefferson and Paine , and fix them to a belief that those who expose them are, in some sense or other, violators of the great charter of religious liberty. By acts and falsehoods of this kind have the Jacobins gained their present power in the national councils. But the people will eventually be convinced that as the federalists have always been unshaken friends to their true interests and lasting happiness, so are they the only supporters of genuine religious liberty , without encouraging that spurious freedom which leads directly to a separation between religion and morality.
So many of the Epicurean school , superior in genius and learning to Spintext , have failed in what he has foolishly undertaken, that I am at a loss to assign a cause for his conduct in this particular. Was it his vanity? or a knowledge that Jefferson let no services of this kind, however contemptible, go unrewarded? He certainly is the simplest of the fe . He says "Religion is a question between man and his maker"—"morals between man and man." And, tho'
true, what is this to his purpose? Has Paine , therefore, a right to publish impiety and blasphemy, and corrupt the source of morality, under an idea that it is a mere matter of religion ; and has no earthly tribunal a right to call him to an account for it, because, if he is in an error, God will settle it with him beyond the grave?—"God judgeth the heart," says he—and the civil law judgeth of all the actions of men, whether they be committed by the tongue, the hands or the feet. No man wishes to bring either Jefferson's or Paine's heart religion to the test of civil authority; but when it leaves the heart and stalks forth into the world in the form of blasphemy and impiety, or a species of corruption, which the devout worshippers of Venus and Bacchus think themselves conscientiously bound to render to their respective deities, it becomes the subject of legal cognizance as well as murder.—The proviso, in the clause quoted by Spintext , is evidence that the framers of the Constitution were not unmindful that some people might suffer their religious feelings to run into modes of worship that would disturb the public peace, or obstruct others in their religious worship. They did not think it proper to leave the subject of religion unqualifiedly to the control of conscience. History had told all, and experience, possibly, some, that conscience uninformed or misinformed had made wild havoc in the world.
ONE OF THE PEOPLE.
P.S January 26—I have read your extract from a Kennebec paper, informing that Mrs. D-b-u has treated the blasphemer in a manner becoming a christian believer . I hope it is true. The fact proves that she respects her religion, and feels the insult offered her. After this Jefferson ever again look her in the face? Will she not treat him with the same contempt that Mrs. Walker does? I trust her conduct will be uniform—it will be that of a sincere christian .
For this Gazette.
THE REFORM.—NO. IV.
THE real accomplishments of females often present themselves to my thoughts; I must beg leave therefore to suggest whatever shall occur to me on the subject. The scene of operation lies in retirement, and the effect which may be produced, must escape public notice; yet there is some consolation in thinking, that the most splendid achievements are not always the most useful, and that it is possible for the obscure consequences of obscure duties to weigh largely in the scale of general happiness.
In my last number upon education, the character of CERULIA was introduced—a person whom I am unwilling to bring into view, without endeavouring to display, to the greatest advantage, the amiable virtues she possesses. Our observation, as we pass, will naturally be led to the means which have conducted her to the eminence she has so happily attained. Her parents were cautious about indulging an early fondness for the pleasures of gaiety. Such, however, was her natural disposition, that they found this restraint to be attended with the greatest ease. Were the example of these worthy persons generally followed, should we so often see children collected in crowds, for the purpose of mimicking the pleasures of older children. The natural and necessary amusements of youth, they will find for themselves, if left to follow their instincts. They discover in most cases a propensity to extremes; but this, instead of being curbed and regulated, is rather encouraged, by the folly of reigning manners. Departing from nature and propriety, and may I not say from decency, you allow them to assemble in large parties, where they are left to themselves, distant from that controul which Providence has prepared for the wisest purposes. What mischief may not follow, in an extensive view of things, from indulging this combination of youthful feelings, all prone to evil! But you place great confidence in the virtue of your daughters, and force from your mind all anxiety about the consequences of any present indiscretion. This security arises from the blind partiality you feel for your own offspring, and from those rigorous
customs, which have defended the female character almost against the possibility of violation. Will you then lodge such a treasure in the suspicious keeping of public sentiment, or trust the affections of a young heart, until you have exhausted all the resources of your reason and piety in their improvement? The charge which heaven has thrown into your hands is too valuable to be suspended upon such slender threads.—But what though the external guard, which surrounds the object of your care, should prove sufficient for its protection—will this satisfy the demands of a good mind? Small that worth, comparatively speaking, which belongs to the mere show of virtue. A penetrating eye will easily pierce the disguise, and lay open to itself, and where honesty requires, to others, the corruptions of a heart which has never offered one sacrifice at the altar of truth. The world, in some respects, is more just than it appears to be. Men will sometimes please themselves with flattery; yet in forming a settled judgment, they will no farther allow the claims of character than they are supported by sincerity. But what is the opinion of one accurate observer, what the estimate of society! Will these hold any comparison with the sentence of our own mind? If conscience condemn, it is of little importance who condemns beside. Yet is there not a still higher power, higher than the tribunal erected within our own bosom? Yes—the messenger of heaven has said, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."
But the amiable mother of Cerulia has seen other inconveniences in the practice I am now endeavouring to expose. The young female, just at the period proper for cherishing that noble ardour which promises the fruits of useful and pleasing knowledge, must go through the time and toil of dress, in order to prepare for one of these fashionable scenes. What a waste of moments, what a tax of patience are here. How much more profitably might both be spent in cultivating the soul. This, however, is only the beginning of trouble. For the poor things are no sooner equipped, than they find themselves cut off from that exercise, which suits their age, and which health demands, either by the confinement of their clothes, by some law of premature politeness, or by the fear of injuring their best apparel. If they infringe these limits they must suffer for their indulgence either in bodily pain, in the contempt of some fastidious companion, or, what is worse, from the anger of those who cruelly forged their chains. It would be some palliation of these inconveniences, were sober hours observed by the little pupils of pleasure. But the period assigned to repose is robbed, and thus health is endangered, and the order of domestic life disturbed. Were I to lengthen my own evening in waiting the return of a child from one of these customary revels , I should look upon myself as abandoning a comfort, for what? For the improvement and happiness of one near my heart? No, but for assisting her advances in the road to destruction.—The pelican discovers a noble instinct, in opening her bosom to her young for a feast of blood; but the mother is mad, who relinquishes a moment's peace to gratify the artificial wishes of a daughter, while, at the same time, the most valuable satisfactions of existence are exposed to a dreadful forfeiture.—I shall conclude this paper with one more remark, on a subject so important to every person who is blessed with a rising family. The latitude which is given, at the present day, to female youth, is calculated to inspire such a rooted attachment to tumultuous and dependent joys, as must destroy all susceptibility to others of a superior nature. In the same proportion that infantile dissipation is indulged, we shall see those whom nature has destined to be the brightest ornament, and sweetest solace of life, growing up with such habits as will fix the chief scene of their delight, in the frequent assembly, and the crowded drawing room. P.
Portland, Feb. 1803.

Portland, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1803.
To Readers and Correspondents.
A disappointment in the receipt of our usual sized paper, compels us to issue this day's Gazette on a smaller sheet. But to make up any deficiency of matter, we have accompanied it with a half sheet extra.
We have taken advantage of the present dearth of intelligence, to accommodate our correspondents.
The important production of "ALPHA BETA," in the following pages, is in good time to operate against the infidelity of the blasphemer, whose energies are directed to the destruction of christianity. We are happy to find him opposed by one who appears master of his subject, and able to expose all the plausible sophistry of this champion of irreligion and fomenter of revolutions.
"ONE OF THE PEOPLE" continues to be read with much interest and advantage.
We solicit more frequent communications from the able and classical pen of the writer of "THE REFORM."
Our writers on the separation shall be treated with all the attention and impartiality the importance of the subject demands.
The communication on the subject of York Courts will be resumed in our next, and completed without delay.
For advertisements and articles of intelligence, see Supplement.
From WASHINGTON—Jan. 31.
TO THE EDITOR.
I send you a paper in which you will find the opinion of the President respecting the independence of the Judiciary." He must have changed that opinion before he signed the repealing law of last session—Eleven of these Judges who were deprived of their offices at that time have lately petitioned Congress for their salaries, praying that Congress would refer the question whether they are entitled to their salaries to some tribunal to be established by Congress. It will be remembered that during the discussion last session some of the advocates of the repeal contended that Congress had power to take from the judges their offices but that it did not follow that they could constitutionally be deprived of their salaries. Now when they have applied for their salaries, the democrats treated the petition in an indecent manner.—They refused to postpone the consideration of it for a single day, which is usual in all cases where it is requested—they refused to pay them any part of their salaries, and they refused to refer the decision of the question to any tribunal but themselves. In the Senate there happened to be a majority of federalists at the time when the petition was presented. It was referred to a committee, and that committee has reported in favor of a judicial determination respecting the claims of the judges. Whether the report will be accepted is doubtful.
"The President's project of a dry dock has been extremely ridiculed. It was thought that it would have destroyed all the ships in a very short time. The democrats begin to consider their great head as the visionary theorist which the good sense of the country, has long since pronounced him.—It is most fervently to be hoped that another project in the message, viz. to repeal the discriminating duties, will share the same fate. It is simply the freight of 14,000 hhds. of Tobacco (for that is the quantity consumed in Great Britain) which employs by calculation less than 9500 tons of shipping, which the Southern States expect to reduce, that is the primary mover of this proposition, and which in its consequences would reduce the carrying trade and the navigation of the country beyond calculation. The report of the committee of commerce and manufactures upon this subject, is allowed to be extremely superficial, erroneous and imperfect. Our merchants and mechanics are sending memorials to Congress against the repeal, but such is the rage for destroying the system of the past administration, that I fear it will be done."
[The following extract from a letter written by Mr. Jefferson to Judge Wythe, of Virginia, in 1776, is what our correspondent refers to. It appears it was written in reply to one from Judge W. when the Constitution was forming. His altering his opinion on this subject, affords another proof how far his practice contradicts with his professions.]
THE EXTRACT.
"The dignity and stability of government in all its branches, the morals of the people, and every blessing of society, depend so much upon an upright and skillful administration of justice, that the judicial power ought to be distinct from both the legislative and executive, and independent upon both, that so it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that. The judges, therefore, should always be men of learning and experience in the laws, of exemplary morals, great patience, calmness, coolness and attention; their minds should not be distracted with jarring interests; they should not be dependent upon any man, or body of men. To these ends they should hold estates for life in their offices, or, in other words, their commissions should be during good behaviour, and their salaries ascertained and established by law."
"For misbehaviour, the grand inquest of the colony, the house of representatives, should impeach them before the governor and council, when they should have time and opportunity to make their defence, but if convicted, should be removed from their offices, and subjected to such other punishment as shall be thought proper."
For this Gazette.
County Treasurer for York.
To the Voters of the County.
AT the approaching March or April meeting, you are to give your votes for some person as County Treasurer for the year ensuing. It appears that JOSEPH SAVAGE, Esq. of Doyt's Falls, is the gentleman named for that purpose. Major Savage is well known to the chief of you—and that circumstance is certainly in his favor. No one will undertake to deny his qualifications for the office—and should he be elected, I presume no person will be dissatisfied. He has been for many years a faithful servant of his country, and amply deserves your support and confidence.—Mr. Frost at this time is not considered as a proper person to hold the office any longer. A change is necessary—wished and determined on—No one is named to succeed him but Major Savage—he is postmaster—lives in a convenient situation for business, and all letters to and from him will pass free of postage. This will be convenient to all who have occasion to transact concerns with the office, without the trouble of going to the office in person.—Your attention to these things is particularly requested and your votes desired and expected in favor of Major Savage.
JUSTICE.
County of York, Feb. 1803.
From the NEWYORK HERALD.
IN the House of Assembly, of New York, on the 26th ult the following letter from GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, one of the Senators of this State in Congress, addressed to his Honor the Speaker, was read.
Washington, Dec. 25, 1802.
SIR, On the 24th of Feb. last, I communicated to the Senate of the United States, the resolution which you did me the honor to transmit. On the 3d of May, a resolution was brought up from the House of Representatives, embracing the latter part of that which the State of Newyork had proposed, viz. That in all future elections of President and Vice President, the persons voted for should be particularly designated, by declaring which is voted for as President and which as Vice-President. On the question my vote was in the negative, and had it been otherwise the resolution would have passed.
Having thus stated the facts, it may not be improper to trouble you with some of the reasons which governed my decision.
First—I am opposed to amendments on the general ground that changing the articles of a constitutional compact lessens that respect for it which is a main support of free governments. Secondly—I am opposed because it is, generally speaking, better to bear an evil which we know, than hazard those which we are unacquainted with. Thirdly—I am opposed because the present mode seems preferable to that which is proposed.
When this article was under consideration in the National Convention, it was observed, that every mode of electing the chief Magistrate of a powerful nation, hitherto adopted, is liable to objection. The instances were violence has been used and murders committed, are numerous. Those in which artifice and fraud have succeeded, against the general will and will, are innumerable. And hence it is inferred, that the mode least favorable to intrigue and corruption, that in which the unbiased voice of the people will be most attended to, and that which is least likely to terminate in violence and usurpation, ought to be adopted. To impress a conviction on this subject, the case of Poland was (not unaptly) cited. Great and ambitious princes took part in the election of a Polish King; money, threats and force were employed. Violence, bloodshed and oppression ensued. And now that country is parcelled out among the neighboring potentates—one of whom was but a perty prince two centuries ago.
The evils which have been felt in the present mode of election were pointed out to the Convention, but after due advisement the other mode appeared more exceptionable. Indeed, if the present be changed, it might be better to abolish the office of Vice President, and leave to legislative provision the case of vacancy in the seat of the First Magistrate.
The Convention was aware that every species of trick and contrivance would be practised by the ambitious and unprincipled. It was therefore conceived, that if in elections, the President and Vice President were designated, there would generally be a vote given for one of two rival Presidents while there would be numerous candidates for the office: because he who wished to become President would naturally connect himself with some popular man of each particular district, for the sake of his local influence, so that the Vice Presidency would be but as a mere bait to catch state gudgeons. The person chosen would have only a partial vote, be perhaps unknown to the greater part of the community, and probably unfit for those duties which the death of a President might call on him to perform.
The Convention not only foresaw, that a scene might take place similar to that of the last presidential election; but even supposed it not impossible, that at some time or other, a person admirably fitted for the office of President might have an equal vote with one totally unqualified, and that by the predominance of faction in the House of Representatives the latter might be preferred. This, which is the greatest supposable evil of the present mode, was calmly examined, and it appeared, that however prejudicial it might be for the moment, a useful lesson would result from it for the future, to teach contending parties the importance of giving both votes for man fit for the first office. This, sir, is one great object contemplated by the constitution: whether it would be obtained by altering the mode of election, deserves a serious attention. The other great object is to defeat the fraud, the force and the corruption which may be used to place bad men in high authority. After the most mature reflection of which my mind is capable, I am persuaded that the present mode is preferable to that which is proposed in lieu of it, and my voice has been given according to my conviction.
I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, sir, your most obedient servant,
GOUV. MORRIS
The Hon. the Speaker of the House of Assembly of the State of Newyork—Albany.
NEWYORK, FEB. 2.
A very singular occurrence lately happened in Westchester county. A laborer's wife in attempting to draw water from a well about ten feet deep, unfortunately fell into it. Her husband milking her instantly, ran to the well, and seeing part of her skirt, immediately went down, drew her from the water and by astonishing exertion, brought her up without any aid. Having then obtained assistance he carried her into the house, and laid her (apparently lifeless) body on a bed before the fire, which was rubbed for nearly an hour before any symptoms of life appeared. Finally, however, she began to respire, and the circulation of her blood recommenced; but the pains of returning, were far greater than those of departing life. Her screams and convulsions at first were great, but soon after she became more composed, and in a day or two was able to attend to her concerns, as before this almost fatal accident.
Legislature of the United States.
Second Session — Seventh Congress.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Thursday, January 27.
Mr. Griswold presented a memorial from eleven Circuit Judges of the United States, stating, that by a law of the last session of Congress they had been deprived of the exercise of their accustomed duties, and praying that Congress would assign them such judicial duties as may be thought proper, and would also make provision for authorizing a judicial investigation of their claims to the salaries secured to them by the Constitution. This memorial Mr. G. hoped would be committed to a select committee.
After some debate, on motion of Mr. Varnum, the petitioners had leave to withdraw their petition.
Friday, January 28.
Mr. Mitchel's Resolution for the appointment of a committee inquire into the best method of ascertaining the value or amount of property taken from the citizens of the United States by the citizens of France during the late war in Europe, and of ascertaining the several sorts of captures and arranging them in classes, and to make report to the house, to the end that indemnification may be made, was taken up.
From the course which the discussion took, the democrats seem to imbibe the opinion that an adoption of the resolution would be an acknowledgement on the part of the House, of the principle that the sufferers by those spoliations, or at least some description of them, are entitled to indemnification from the government. They therefore refused to adopt the resolution.
A letter from David Humphreys respecting presents made to him by the dey of Algiers, and the king of Spain, was referred to Messrs. Jones, Dana, and Elmondorf.
Mr. Eustis reported a bill to provide an additional armament for the protection of the seamen and commerce of the United States which was read twice.
Mr. Bayard presented a resolution, to indemnify the citizens of the United States, for losses by French seizures, and whose claims for indemnity were renounced in the late treaty with France. On motion to take up the resolution, it was negatived, Noes 45 Ayes 39.
After some time spent on the Patent Bill, which was eventually recommitted, the galleries were cleared, and the House remained with closed doors until four o'clock, when they adjourned.
Tuesday, February 1.
A bill was reported to prolong the continuance of the Mint at Philadelphia. five years, &c. which was referred for to-morrow.
Mr. Huger offered a resolution for an amendment to the Constitution, by which the legislature of every State shall be obliged to divide the States, respectively into as many districts as there are Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States from the States respectively; and that in each of those districts an Elector for President and Vice President shall be chosen by those who are qualified to vote for Representatives in Congress. The resolution was referred to a committee of the whole on the state of the union.
Wednesday, February 2.
The bill respecting consuls, vice consuls, &c passed to be engrossed.
Mr. S. Smith gave notice that he should call up the subject of discriminating duties on Monday next.
The bill to prevent the importation of certain persons whose admission is prohibited by certain laws of the state governments, underwent a lengthy discussion in committee, from which it appeared that great enormities had been practised by the French Governors in the Westindies, in procuring their disorderly blacks to be smuggled into the Southern States, and by that means very much endangering the lives of the inhabitants, and the tranquility of the Union. The committee rose without going through the bill and obtained leave to sit again,

For this Gazette.
To the Fair M. C.
Grant me, ye powers divine, to aid One spark of that poetic fire, To sing of her whose form was made The tenderest feelings to inspire. Whose fair complexion stands the test Of strict examination's rule; Who harbours not within that breast A passion to disgrace the soul. Who can with elegance and ease, Pleasure dispense to all around; Whose disposition's form'd to please, Whose voice harmoniously can sound. And if to me, sweet maid, were given The power to make thy heart to love, Not all the promis'd joys of heaven Superior to my bliss would prove AMPHIMEDON. Portland, February 1803.
For this Gazette.
MR. JENKS.
MANY of our citizens are probably of opinion, that too much notice has already been taken of Thomas Paine and his writings. But when a man intrudes himself upon the public, and with insinuating plausibility or bold effrontery advances and repeats dangerous errors, I think it highly improper to let them pass without animadversion and correction. This is my apology for calling the attention of your readers to some remarks respecting the late letters of the notorious Thomas Paine .
It is not so much his political, as his religious errors, which I propose to notice.—The former, indeed, are extremely palpable and eccentric. The only good such a man's political opinions can promote, is the destruction of an arbitrary system. They suit not a regular and permanent government. He is also entirely incorrect, in supposing that religion has nothing to do with politics. For it is impossible to maintain civil government without the aid of religious opinions. And here I must be permitted to observe, that human reason and philosophy have never been able to discover all the great truth of natural religion —and that idolatry, polytheism and the most shameful and the most shameful and pernicious vices have always prevailed where the light of revelation has not shone.—Yes, even in countries highly celebrated for literature and the arts.
I shall say little of his " Age of Reason :" for it is without much legitimate argument. Ridicule, a gross perversion of the genuine doctrines of christianity and the abuses of religion supply the plausible objections to our holy faith , which the infidel author so triumphant repeats. It is however, to my purpose to remark respecting this work, that it is still much upon the pretended absurdity of the doctrine of a providence directing and ruling the affairs of men; which is fully taught in the christian scriptures : and which is consonant to the most rational philosophy—which necessarily follows from the idea of God's being the righteous, moral governor of the world; and which is so full of consolation and joy to the virtuous in every period of life.—But tho' this idea is ridiculed in " the Age of Reason ," Mr. Paine is obliged, it seems, in some moments to admit it; or more probably, pretends to acknowledge it, with a view to restore, if possible, his ruined character with all people of piety and religion. He owes the preservation of his life, he says, to the continued care and protection of Providence. We do indeed, strongly suspect the sincerity of this declaration; especially, as in the same breath he expresses his contempt of all prayer, and of all piety, by using the latter synonymously with hypocrisy . But I was induced to animadvert on Mr. Paine at this time, after perusing his reply to Hon. S. Adams—in which I perceive much dangerous error advanced with great plausibility; and therefore likely to do mischief.
I shall first and particularly notice his assertion. "That the books called the word of God are thus denominated merely because it was so determined by the Nicene Council—and this only by the majority of one vote." He repeats the false assertion, and says the fact cannot be denied." Now I say in the face of Mr. Paine and all other infidels in the world, that this is a gross and malicious misrepresentation. Nothing is further from the truth of fact. There is scarcely the shadow of a fact to substantiate this bold and impudent declaration. I shall
state concisely the circumstances as they really were, and leave it with every candid person to determine for himself.
Long before the Nicene Council, even from the latter part of the first century and afterward, the four gospels were universally received in the christian churches as authentic and genuine—as written by inspired and apostolic men, whose names they bear: So also were the other books composing the New Testament, excepting the apocalypse of St. John, the Epistle to the Hebrews, those of James and Jude, the second of Peter and the second and third of John. Respecting the genuineness of these, 'tis true, there were doubts entertained by some. All these, however, were received by christians in general; and very few indeed doubted of that of James, and that to the Hebrews. The question respecting this latter was with regard to its author, not whether it were written by an apostolic man. And this circumstance proves that the primitive christians were very cautious how they received any books as inspired.
But of the genuineness of the four gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, and of the Epistles (those enumerated above excepted) there never were any doubts. These, I repeat, were universally received and acknowledged as inspired, by the christian churches even in the latter part of the first century—And they were so received upon direct and full proof of their being written by the Apostles and Evangelists, whose names they bear.
The fact, the undeniable fact then is, that the sacred books (excepting the few before particularized, and indeed these were generally acknowledged) were received and quoted as authority in religious matters even by the immediate successors of the apostles and their contemporaries—They were not therefore determined by a vote of any council on earth. They were not received merely on account of any human authority whatever; but were known and acknowledged by the christian church long before any council attempted to sanction them. What then is the foundation of Mr. Paine's assertion? It is this, and this only—That the Nicene Council, which was held in the fourth century, undertook to give their sanction to those books which were already received as sacred,* that the same entirely might be admitted by all persons in the christian church. But there never was a question, there never was a suspicion of the authenticity and genuineness of the four gospels, the history of the Acts of the Apostles, and the greater number of the Epistles. And even supposing those few doubted of formerly, and in favor of which there was a vote in the Nicene Council, were now rejected, would not our faith, would not the doctrines of christianity remain unshaken and uninjured by such rejection?
I have thus given very concisely a true statement of facts respecting this subject. And I ask, is it not ungenerous and base—is it not gross perversion, if not direct falsehood, to assert, as Mr. Paine does, that what we Christians call the word of God, depends upon the votes and decisions of the Council of Nice, or of any other assembly or convention of men?
But what is the necessity of all this dispute with Mr. Paine it may be asked, since he professes to believe in a God, and in the doctrine of immortality? I answer—so far is well. Natural religion is certainly better than no religion . Theism is preferable to atheism . But do not facts and history testify that
there is no pure theism in any nation unenlightened by the divine gospel?—It is the design and tendency of the gospel to establish and confirm the great doctrines of natural religion —the moral perfections and the providence of God—the accountability of man—a future state of rewards and punishments—and the pure worship and service of the Deity among men. The gospel, 'tis true, goes further, and teaches the mediation of the divine Redeemer, the messenger of heaven, and the great captain of our salvation . And what strength does it not give to the hopes of men, under a consciousness of sin, and anxiously solicitous for immortal life and happiness?
Is Mr. Paine, is any deist of great reading, ignorant that he owes his most correct ideas of God, and even his belief in a Supreme Being, infinitely wise and good, to revelation? If he is, let him reflect on the religious opinions and rites, on the characters and manners of all nations not favored with the christian scriptures. There never has been an instance, where polytheism, idolatry, obscene rites and gross vices did not prevail. Nor were the greatest philosophers equal to the task of enlightening and reforming the world. In fact, after all their speculations, enquiries and knowledge, they were in doubt themselves on these most interesting subjects. They believed, indeed, in some superior beings; but how inadequate, how absurd their opinions! And tho' they earnestly wished and hoped to exist hereafter, their hopes were accompanied with doubts and fears. And some of the wisest and best of them expressed a belief, that God would send a divine messenger to instruct men in the important truths of religion. Noble Spirits! Had ye lived in a christian land, ye had certainly gladly received the gospel of divine grace by the Son of God! And how unworthy the relation which they claim to you, are modern skeptics and infidels! Whilst they are indebted to christianity for their more correct and sublime conceptions of the divine character, they ungratefully refuse to acknowledge it; and unnaturally abuse and revile that religion which renders them less superstitious than Idolators and Pagans.—And not satisfied with this ungrateful conduct, they cruelly attempt to deprive their fellow men of their most precious hopes. Do they not more deserve our censure and execration than the midnight assassin? He can only deprive us of our mortal life—the other would rob us of our faith and hope in God and our divine Savior, which are infinitely more valuable than life itself.
After what has been observed, it would be thought unnecessary perhaps to be particular in shewing the dangerous tendency of Mr. Paine's ideas respecting religious institutions. He considers them altogether useless and ridiculous. But has he the consummate vanity to pretend to more discernment than a host of wise and learned men, who can easily be named, who have differed entirely from him on this subject? What if Mr. Paine and other philosophical and learned men need not the influence resulting from religious institutions; yet are they not absolutely necessary to preserve in the minds of men in general, a sense of important religious truths the recollection of which, is essential to the support of morality and virtue in the world? For without the observance of these institutions, all just sense of God and religion would be soon lost, and superstition and vice would become universal. And will a people who have always been remarkable for their veneration and observance of the public worship of God and of the institutions of christianity, suffer themselves to be laughed out of their religion by the boldness, the ridicule and the misrepresentations of Thomas Paine or any other skeptic?
These remarks, I have made in great haste, after perusing Mr. Paine's answer to Mr. Adams, lately published. It is not my wish to engage in news-paper controversy, upon religion. But I do think something is necessary to prevent the fatal effects which might possibly accrue from the boldness and positiveness of Mr. Paine; beside, a book would be read by few, who see this writer's letters in the public papers. And I also think that both patriotism and piety call upon every friend of religion and of rational liberty, to oppose with firmness and promptitude, the licentious and skeptical opinions of these enemies of human happiness.
ALPHA BETA.
W——1, Feb. 14.
Letter to the Editor.
From a Correspondent in this District, dated February, 1803.
Sir, AT your request I will write you on the separation; but an opinion I am not prepared to give. on the whole, until I know what constitution will be agreed on, which I could with might be the first question considered in the convention, if one is had. I should choose to adhere to the old until I was certain of as good, or the same adapted to our circumstances.
That the separation may proceed happily, and that our government may go on peaceably, if we should erect one for ourselves, all small questions and arguments should be avoided; also every thing which may tend to deceive the people into an expectation of benefits or savings improbable; or to enrage them with an idea that we are dependent, more than every part of the state is necessarily dependent on the whole; or that we are oppressed; or neglected in our applications and business. It is easier to divide than to unite, to pull down a house than to build one. And if the hatred of the people is excited, it may proceed against the common law , religion, and all those institutions of Massachusetts which have founded the freedom, strength and glory of New-England and America. Massachusetts has proved her willingness for our separation by twice submitting this question to our own choice. The long travel of our members is paid out of the common treasury.—The market will be increased in the capital of Maine and its vicinity, but the course of business and of money will still be to and from Boston.
I make not much of the advantage of sending two more northern Senators, for in this strife of separations the wider end of the union will beat us.
Our coasters have a serious objection to entering and clearing twice every trip when passing one state to go to another; but I have no doubt Congress will alter the revenue law, so that their business may proceed as it is; as the revenue by experience has not suffered by this business; if it is made a condition of our separation, in our application to Congress. Ohio is now making conditions of much less importance.
Another condition we ought to make with the state, that is, a fair division of all state property, in houses as well as lands, funds or stocks. And this will be granted, if we are not more eager to get off, than the prodigal who waited for "the portion of his goods." And thus all small matter might be removed which only tends to embarrass and confuse the subject. And the only question left will be this: shall we be better governed? Many things have been said, with great ingenuity and some force of reason, to shew the advantage of a seat of government nigher home; as the increase of offices will encourage education, emulation, elevation of character—invite emigration, and in a thousand ways enliven and adorn its court and vicinity. But if our house is not well founded and harmoniously edified—if it become an arena of contention, it will breed new divisions and trouble. What then are the foundations of government and happy society? and what are the materials with which we have to build? and where lies our greatest danger? But a little experience or history are necessary to feel the importance of those questions, and they may be examined together.—I shall only give hints to assist the thinking and awaken the thoughtless.
Without enquiring into the wise, moral foundations of other free and flourishing states, ancient or modern, they appear among us in the form of families, schools, congregations and courts. Each of these has been attacked by modern licentiousness.
1. Families, by attempts to make divorces easier obtained, than the Christian law in this case allows, which controuls a wanton fancy, and contrains the conjugal to protect and educate their young together, thus forming the primary school of society, instead of a mere concubinage, and union during pleasure. In Paris more divorces than marriages were had for the first year or two of the revolution. About the same time a law of that tendency came within one vote of passing our house of representatives, and two eastern members spoke for it. Thank God men of better principles now lead us. I hope.
2, Schools great and small are the

institutions least opposed with us, although much neglected.
And 3. The same neglect is evident of religion, and of course the seeking and supporting of able teachers of all denominations.
Massachusetts formerly cherished with its first cares these foundations of her glory. Learned ministers were brought over with her first founders, and a college and schools soon provided; and her constitution and laws do not now tolerate our utter neglect. She has endowed for us a college and academies, and she sends many missionaries and books into our destitute parts. Will Maine do still better? I hope it will, as so many events have arisen in our times to shew the folly of building government on air. When Rhode Island went out from Massachusetts, she would have no laws for such purposes; she thought she had too much of the spirit, to need any means of instruction. What was the consequence of this error? In the lapse of two or three generations, their Lord's day became Virginian. To say nothing of the maritime towns, which constantly exchanging their inhabitants with the rest of the colonies, and receiving emigrations from other countries, became like others; but in the most interior parts, where we must always look for the most ancient inhabitants of every country, you might see horse-racing, cock-fighting, man-fighting and every excess and riot, on the Lord's day, among the young and idle—the avaricious at work—and once in a great way, an old meeting house, equal to a common barn where a few old people still met to tell their dreams and fancies. Scarce one of these people could read; and they were generally as poor and vicious as ignorant.
4. Next to the public instruction is the administration of justice. I say next, because a government in the former, appears as a father who leads his children to piety and virtue, and forms them for a useful and cheerful obedience, which is certainly to do more than the agent who only punishes the delinquent, watching only for evil instead of producing positive good. These courts have been stopped in Massachusetts; they have been only threatened in Maine; but there is a fear, that men selling and living by plunder and training up a brood without schools or sober religious instruction, through the midst of our country, may greatly mar our beauty if not disturb our repose.
I will say nothing of the agrarian projects and frauds in Vermont* or
* Vermont made one tax, all on land, and equally on every acre in the whole territory; seven eighths probably owned out of the State, to pay all their debt, or in other words, all in all there paper money. We may guess at the design of its projectors, from the vast effects; although the majority, nothing dishonest, might at first appear. Their paper, which was in little credit, on account of their usurpation, & lying out of the confederacy of the States, had remained dead on their hands, was by this tax raised to half the value of silver and gold. Besides it gave them the opportunity of bidding off, most of the nonresident lands for nothing but the tax—Advertised only among themselves, irredeemable after six months—And these lands were to be sold for a mere song, by every body, every where; and no wonder needy emigrants flocked that way. Besides, taxes were made light; their public debts had been all paid at one stroke; and that stroke had enriched them. And now, having been a refuge for debtors, during the war, that refuge was prolonged by a tender act. Besides those causes of population, they were much handier to the more agricultural parts of New-England, than our wilderness lands. And where their neighbors and relations were gone, it was natural for other emigrants to follow; and the stream flowed on, until on the rich plains of the Connecticut it reached the Canada line, which comes far down that river. This stream is now turning into Maine. The prejudices which existed against our soil on account of a rugged coast settled first for the fish and lumber trade and navigation, are dissipated;—and nobody is ashamed of the country because it is a part of Massachusetts . A part, which in a few years, would have the seat of government one half of the time, or the whole, if that should be refused, in a few years after that, if the natural course of business and travel from the eastern coast to Boston by water should not render it ineligible to ourselves.
If the ambition of taking a part in the future government will attract reputable emigrants, this has all its effects now it is in expectation; it will be too late when the posts are filled. Some residence is necessary to gain confidence and places.
It will be long before we shall be able or willing to offer the premiums to promote agriculture, which are now offered by the rich gentlemen who compose the agricultural society of Massachusetts. And what more the inspection or other laws may do, may as well be done as we now are. But fancy can turn a wilderness into a garden without labor. It is time imagination had left to do with the sober work of government. Instead of reveries and theories, let us have a little of the practical.
Georgia, where the governments themselves were the agents. But we may recollect in the history of the agrarian law in Rome, something instructive. Founded in robbery and plunder, the never felt those strong foundations in religion as the ancient eastern, peaceful, happy empires, or the western christian nations, which form the republic of ever striving Europe, much less still than New-England, settled for it , in its purity and growing in all its branching honors from this strong ground. In Rome, an idle, profligate populace, always in debt, were always claiming a new division of lands, when in the course of industry and providence, they had fallen into other hands. To employ them out of the way, they were led to war and plunder; and to feed them, one nation after another was conquered and drained. Indulgence only increased demands, until they were at length intirely supported from these conquered provinces. Their religion, as poor as it was, furnished the senate and the laws with their chief defence in the insurrections of these people—They feared the gods; and would always wait for the augurs; which, connected with the senate and laws, would oppose and quell the surge; until atheism and consequent profligacy, as in France, coming in like a flood, swept away this and every other barrier. All Italy at length becoming Roman citizens, to enter into this trade of war, the multitude privileged to live in idleness, on the largesses of their demagogues, from the public granaries, became too great and strong for the laws, too bad for the restraints of religion, and soon made their leaders the military masters of the state, that they might seize all; and then, as in the short lived French republic, the sword of a consul or emperor, took place of their feeble religion, law and liberty.
Every long allowed injustice in a multitude, will inevitably root out all religion and morality; and a den of thieves, a banditti, or tribe of robbers is established, as in Arabia or Barbary. The man who lives in a known vice wishes there were no God—a multitude so doing will soon say there is none; or they will imagine him "altogether like themselves." The Roman plunderers called him at length nothing but Fortune—The French philosophers called him Fate, Nature, Chance, all things, any thing or nothing, to suit their purpose and pursuit. And much like these are the vagaries of the brutal infidel or mad enthusiast among ourselves, equally setting aside God's moral character, his true glory—Some of the latter, spoiled by presumption, and others by despair—Some expecting salvation, do what they will, and others damnation, be and do what they may; while a generation arising, ignorant of better principles, will become barbarous and ripe for the enterprizes of their demagogues.
These are some of our dangers; our duties are plain. And shall we do more with or without Massachusetts towards the instruction and reformation of this vast territory?—The business of government is not physical, but moral. It will not clear and plough our grounds, but cultivate our minds and manners, in the first place; and its last but least duty is to protect our persons and property against others by punishing the crimes it cannot prevent. Its best business and greatest glory is by proper institutions to prevent crimes, by promoting piety and virtue.
Religious instruction should be the prime object in schools, and that first, best school, a well ordered family. Religion is the only source and support of morality. Men do not naturally love or fear one another so much as to do all their duties to society, and resist every secret temptation to pleasure, profit or pride. It is that bond from the common parent of all the family of man, that binds the children to love and serve one another. Fear of him restrains from vice, love constrains to virtue. When these are lost in a country, it is not a few civil officers will govern it; and they lose their support in the moral sense of the people, as government must be military. So evident are these truths of late to all but incorrigible infidels and fanatics, that many of the states begin to stir themselves, to strengthen these foundations, while any materials are left from the overflowing scourge of error, which as a smoke from the pit has blinded and intoxicated the age.
The example of the Federal Government is out of the question; as its business being external, it was not charged with the public instruction and other
internal regulation, as the State governments are.
To get religion out of the world, infidels, to please fanatics, affect to believe it is too good, and ought to be left altogether to the world to come. But this world is given to prepare for that; and the same means which make the society happy there, must begin it here. God, the author of both, must be the support, the end and felicity of both. All our schemes and devices, which leave him out as the chief guardian, governor and good of man, are only spiders webs. All experience proves, that righteousness exalteth a nation, but that sin will disgrace, degrade and destroy any people; and that 'happy is that people whose God the Lord is.'
For this Gazette.
An exposition of "Reasons against the separation of Maine from Massachusetts." TO THE EDITOR.
SIR—IN three distinct articles nearly in succession, the author of the "reasons" has introduced the subject of the seat of government, as deserving of public attention, in connection with the main question of a separation. In all communities, private and local interests occasionally array themselves against public measures of expediency, and invest themselves with the dress of patriotism, the better to secure success in opposing the public interest, which they would be thought to espouse. A probable dispute about the seat of government is conjectured by the writer, and bro't forward as an argument that the government itself ought not to exist; for "Maine" he observes "will be found at present to be chiefly peopled in its southwester corner; but the time will come, when by the increasing population of Maine a corner will be thought an inconvenient situation for its government." And what is then to be done supposing this should be the case? According to the "reasons" we are to cleave to the inconvenience like the fallen tree to the ground; and, to follow his conclusion with a little more latitude, we are to embrace the disadvantages resulting from an injudicious choice of a seat of government, if such it should prove, with the same impolitic obstinacy with which we have hitherto adhered to those resulting from our present connection. It is not the authority of an individual, a town, or even a county that can force an opinion upon the public mind on any subject, and this consideration has probably labored in the author's mind with great urgency, whose opinions, circumscribed by local partialities, can hardly merit an influence correspondent with his wishes. The plain import of his "reasons" respecting the seat of government is this, let not the present inhabitants of Maine attempt to accommodate themselves, lest they should meet with opposition, but let them rest under their present inconveniences till the people shall become more numerous, less contentious, and better capable of thinking and acting for themselves. It is evident that all arguments drawn from this source, are closely connected with personal and local interest, and have not the smallest claim to public attention in considering the main question.
The adoption of new laws is another cause of apprehension to the writer, for these, he conjectures, probably will not be altered to advantage with so young a people and so young a set of lawyers as now appear in the District. It is not very strange that he imputes to the people a want of discernment to discover and pursue their best interest, considering they have so long been disposed to neglect it, and it is quite possible that in some instances, they might deviate from the rule of sound discretion in their elections, and here a possible case naturally presents itself—let us suppose that the author of the "reasons" with associates of equal information and clearness of perception with himself, should be elected to the legislature and entrusted with the penning of statutes, which should pass to be enacted; in such a case I should not be disposed to urge in opposition the "reasons" that the laws of Maine thus introduced would be likely to terminate in the public advantage. But it is to be considered, that the considerable towns in the District are but few, in which men of years and discretion are not to be found, and the state of society must be unhopeful indeed, when men of integrity and information are not generally elected to the legislature—a state, to which it is to be hoped, the District of Maine will not be degraded. For the consolation of the people at
large, the writer has acknowledged that their natural talents and tempers are as good as are to be found in any part of the Union; but he animadverts on their general ignorance with great freedom and assurance; it is by this mode of treating his subject, that he authorizes an enquiry into his competency to the task he has undertaken; and it is by his works, that he appears to be entitled to no very superior estimation, in a comparison with those whose understandings he has chosen to criticise. It is indeed to be regretted, that the means of information are not more general and effective, and the "reasons" are inadvertently directed against that measure, which is considered by many as the best calculated to promote and invigorate them; of the correctness of this belief, our neighboring states are incontrovertible evidence.
In enumerating the many privileges we enjoy in our present connection, the writer has discovered that the people of Maine, in the administration of justice, out of nine great law offices, possess exactly one third. Supposing this were a truth, it is too vacant to be urged as a relief to the inconveniences arising from our connection—but it is a fiction too idle for comment. Yet it may be permitted to stand as an expositor to other parts of the "reasons," from which we are given to understand, that our opportunities have been insufficient to form public characters, when, from the same authority we are informed, that according to our wealth and population, we have now more than a proportionate share in the offices of government—that a Minister to Europe has been furnished from our vicinity—that a department of the Federal government is indebted to us for its supply—that we have a conspicuous member in the state legislature—all these flattering considerations are brought up to view, in connection with the melancholly reflection, that we have been deficient of opportunities to form public characters!
Two articles in the "reasons" containing the authors sentiments of Boston, in relation to the subject of a separation, I think proper to give entire, respecting which he observes, "This intercourse with Boston offers our eastern delegates, who chiefly live on the sea coast on easy means of reaching the present seat of government earlier than any offering for any of the ports of Maine; those who travel by land when once they reach Boston, will generally find in that place, more advantageous ways of employing their leisure hours, than would occur in any part of Maine, distant from their own places of abode," and again "The visit to Boston is seldom chargeable with doing harm to the morality of our representatives and senators; and every one may be made sensible, that it improves the judgement and behavior of many who go there for the first time."
If these sentences did not exhibit the authors indisputable plain to compassion, they would urge even from the voice of candor, expressions of contempt. A separation is inexpedient, because a representative finds charms for his leisure hours in Boston, that no spot in a separate government could furnish—he is taken from the mast swamp, the saw-pit or the sifting schooner, a rough son of nature, makes but a single tour to Boston as a representative, and returns to his habitation the pride and ornament of his constituents, dignified by science and embellished by accomplishment!—It is such means of information occasionally furnished to the stupid, to which we are indebted for the gift of pedantry, and lest destitute of the fostering care that is due to our infant feminaries—But it must be acknowledged, that the Boston-polish is as cogent a reason against the separation, as any the writer has advanced; probably it is to that feat of refinement he is indebted for his instruction, and if the town of Boston could be established on the banks of the Kennebec, we should have little reason to doubt of his concurrence in the measure of a separation notwithstanding all the "reasons" he has furnished to the contrary: those which relate to the choosing of officers—the opportunities of individuals to rise to distinction—the changing of the axe for the mallet—the reciprocal zeal of Massachusetts and Maine for their mutual interests—and the versatility of federal sentiments, with many others of the like description, I necessarily pass without any other attention, than the traveller bestows on a barren plain, where nothing appears to form or encounter—nothing to enliven or attract.
LINEOLIN.
Published by T. A. Jones, No. 7, Fifth street.

JENKS' PORTLAND GAZETTE. MAINE ADVERTISER.
Number 252.
PORTLAND, (MAINE) MONDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1803.
Volume V.
Portland,
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1803.
From Washington—Feb. 5.
TO THE EDITOR.
The Senate of the U. States has lately decided two very important questions, after long debates. The first arose from the petition of three justices of the peace in the territory of Columbia, who were appointed by the late President Adams. These appointments had the sanction of the Senate. Their commissions were actually made out, & lodged with the secretary of state, to be by him delivered to the petitioners. Upon Mr. Jefferson's coming into power, these commissions were withheld; and have not been delivered to the persons appointed. In consequence of which they have been obliged to resort to a judicial course of proceeding, with a view to obtain the same.—To substantiate their claim they are obliged to prove, in court, that the Senate did advise and consent to their appointment. Application was made to the secretary of the Senate for his certificate, that this advice and consent was given, who refused to give the certificate without the consent of the Senate—whereupon the petitioners addressed themselves to the Senate, praying that body to permit their secretary to give them a certificate in the usual form. A request so reasonable would instantly have been granted, had not the Senate been aware that it would implicate the President, for withholding the commissions. The subject was debated, at great length, and to the extreme mortification of every one who values the most essential rights of the people, the certificate was refused. Every democrat voted against the granting it, and every federalist in favor of it. The votes were 15 to 13.
Another debate of possibly greater importance, took place in the Senate, respecting the memorial of the Judges displaced by the repealing law of the last session of Congress. They asked for their salaries, or that Congress would refer the decision of their claim to a judicial tribunal. It happened that this memorial was referred to a committee consisting of federalists; who reported that the President should be requested to direct the Attorney General to issue a process of quo warranto against one of those Judges, to shew cause why he claimed or exercised the office of a Judge.—This report was advocated by Messrs. Morris, Ogden, & Ross, in a style of argument and eloquence which would do honor to any legislative body. It was opposed by Messrs. Cocke, Wright, Stone, Jackson, Nicholas, and Breckenridge. This debate will be published. I therefore forbear any comment upon the mode in which the argument was managed. The report was lost, 15 to 13.
The friends of good government are deeply wounded by these two decisions of the ruling party. In the first instance, they have attempted to screen the President at the expence of a citizen—they have withheld the copy of a record essential to a cause. In the other, they have decided upon the constitutionality of their own law, and have refused to refer the question to any other tribunal. Our country has never witnessed more striking instances of "feeling power and forgetting right."
"Where is now the safety of the citizen, where the justice of the government!
"It is astonishing that the New-England merchants do not discover more general anxiety respecting the discriminating and countervailing duties. That part of the country would be more injured by the repeal than any other. I am inclined to think that the project will be abandoned, as it would diminish the revenue, and ultimately would be extremely unpopular."
Governor Strong has appointed the seventh day of April next, for a day of public fasting and prayer throughout the Commonwealth.
Mr. Monroe.—From recent advice, which may be relied on, it appears we were misinformed when we announced the mission of Mr. Monroe to Madrid, an envoy extraordinary; he goes direct to Paris.—Aurora.
BOSTON, FEB. 28.
Extract of a letter from Halifax to the editors of the Palladium, dated Jan. 28.
"A gentleman has assured me he has an intercepted letter, from Mr. Monroe, (while at Paris) to Mr. Randolph, with some information respecting the Louisiana business, not very honorable to the former person. He intends to have it published."
Capt. Cleaveland, who arrived on Wednesday, in 41 days from Rotterdam, left 12 ships including seven American, at Helvoetsluys, chartered by the French to carry troops to the Mississippi; among the American ships were the Cicero, Adams, of Newburyport, and the Hamden, Holbrook, of Hamden. They were to be beconvoyed by two frigates. Gen. Victor, the commander, in chief of the expedition, had arrived at Rotterdam from Paris. The fleet was expected to sail in 30 or 40 days.
DOVER, FEB. 12.
Accidental Escape.—On Thursday the 3d inst. as Mr. William Graves of Brentwood, was travelling from Newfield to this town—as he was passing through a peice of woods in Shapleigh about one o'clock P. M. the lightning struck three several times, viz. the first time it struck about three rods from him to the left, the second, about the same distance to the right, by this time (he said) "I began to be very much terrified, and set my horse out at full gallop, when a third flash of lightning struck just before me in the road, so near that it knocked both me and my horse to the ground." Mr. Graves, however, fortunately escaped unhurt, and was able to pursue his journey.
NEWYORK, FEB. 2.
The thunder storm of Thursday last was severely felt at the Hook and the Narrows. Most of the shipping in the bay experienced more or less damage, and some lives were lost. The sch. Paragon bound to St. Croix was struck and one man killed, and another was so badly wounded that his life is despaired of. The English ship Midway, for Madeira, and the pilot boat Ulysses,
were also struck, and one hand flounded on board of each.
Foreign Intelligence.
Constantinople, Nov. 10.—We hear from Egypt, that a French frigate has arrived there, with an officer, who said he was sent to inquire why the British had not evacuated the country; and that the British Gen. answered, he was not acquainted with the motives of his government; it was merely his duty to obey orders.
Hague, Dec. 23.—Our government have vigorously, and it would seem, at length, successfully opposed the continuance of garrisons of French troops here. Their head-quarters are removed to Breda.
Rotterdam, Dec. 14.—An Earthquake has been experienced at Algiers. The shock lasted 40 minutes. A village, about 6 leagues from Algiers, containing 200 houses was destroyed, and all the inhabitants perished. It does not appear that Constantinople has been destroyed—a severe earthquake has indeed been felt there.
Paris, Dec. 19.—Reports still continue that our government, and that of Austria, have not yet agreed on the supplemental indemnities for the Duke of Tuscany.
A squadron has sailed from Toulon, with 3000 infantry, picked men, and a corps of artillery, provisioned for 4 months. Destination secret. Another squadron is ordered to be equipped.
An affray has happened between the conscript (impressed) and regular soldiers. Several have been killed and wounded on both sides.
Warwick.
At Bridgton; Mr. Isaac Watson, of Waterford, to Miss Deborah Sampson, of the former place.
At Waterford, in the house of public worship, Capt. Abraham Whitney, of Stow, to Miss Sarah Jewell, of the former place.
THE Co-partnership of the subscribers, under the firm of GOSS & PAGE, was dissolved on the 1st ult. by mutual consent.—All persons having any demands against said firm, are requested to present the same for settlement, and those indebted are called upon to make immediate settlement with either of the subscribers.
E. H. GOSS, JONATHAN PAGE.
Brunswick, Feb. 14, 1803.
PUBLIC notice is hereby given, that the subscriber has been duly appointed Guardian, to BENJAMIN GOOCH, of North-yarmouth, a Spendthrift, and given bonds as the law directs.—All persons are hereby forbid to make any contracts, bargains, or discharge any debts with the said Gooch, as all such will not be valid after this date.
EBENEZER CORLISS.
North-yarmouth, Feb. 1, 1803.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice to all concerned, that having been duly appointed administrator on the estate of
SOLOMON MITCHELL,
late of North-yarmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, has taken upon him that trust by giving bond as the Law directs:—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to
JEREMIAH MITCHELL.
February 21, 1803.
Lands & Mills for Sale.
FOR SALE, on the most reasonable terms, a valuable set of Mills, being a Saw and Grist Mill, together with two hundred acres of excellent Land adjoining the same, including the privileges of said Mills, on both sides of the river, on which they stand. Said Land and Mills, lying in the flourishing and pleasantly situated Town of Bangor, at the head of navigation, on Penobscot River.
Also, between four and five thousand acres of choice Land, in Township No. 2, third Range, north of the Waldo Patent; exempt from immediate settlement:—Said land will be sold either in Lots, or by the whole quantity, as may best suit the purchasers. In the last mentioned township, is a saw and grist-mill, complete for business; together with twenty families; and is distant only twelve miles from navigation.
Likewise, three thousand acres of good Land, to settlers only, with a right to select the same, in Township No. 4, fourth Range, north of the Waldo Patent, in which several settlements have been commenced.
Also, a thousand acres, in Township No. 3, fourth Range, north of the Waldo Patent—in which township, there are between twenty and thirty settlements, together with several families now resident in said town.
Likewise, three hundred acres of excellent Land, of the first quality, in the noted and distinguished Township No. 3, fifth Range, north of the Waldo Patent; known by the name of Lincoln Town—in which a set of mills was erected last season, and in which there were then about thirty settlements.
Also, several thousand acres of good Land, in Township No. 4, seventh Range, called College Town. The whole of the above Lands, will be disposed of on liberal credit to settlers. The price of said Lands will vary as it respects their situation and quality, from nine to fifteen shillings per acre.
Gentlemen who may be purchasers of the above Lands, when they take into consideration the fertility of its soil, the agreeableness of its situation, being in the neighborhood of what soon must be an extensive navigation, will undoubtedly hereafter thank its present owner, for this opportunity, of making such a valuable acquisition; by which means they will be sufficiently able greatly to enhance their properties.
The terms and particulars of the sale of the above Lands, may be known by enquiring of MOSES HODSDON, jun. at Kenduskeag Plantation, twelve miles northwest of Bangor. Said Hodsdon resides at Berwick, county of York, from the first of December to the first of April.
Portland, Feb. 15, 1803.
Pocket-Book Lost.
LOST in Topsham, on the 4th inst. a red morocco POCKET-BOOK, containing about sixty dollars in bank-bills, sundry notes of hand and two tickets in South Hadley Lottery, (Nos. 4,391 and 4,371.) The name of the owner was marked in the book.—Whoever may have found said Pocket-Book, and will return it to the owner, or leave it with the Printer, shall receive Twenty Dollars reward. JOHN HOLLAND. Topsham, Feb. 18, 1803.
Portland Brewery.
SMITH & HORE,
BREWERS and MALTSTERS,
Respectfully inform the inhabitants of Portland, they continue to brew PORTER, STRONG BEER, ALE, and TABLE BEER. Masters of vessels may be supplied with Beer, warranted to keep in any part of the world.
Malt and Hops; fresh Yeast.
Cash for BARLEY and Empty BOT-TLES. Feb. 21.
Public Inn.
JOHN BUTLER, informs his friends and the public, that he has opened a House of Entertainment, for the accommodation of Travellers, in North-yarmouth, about nine miles from Portland; on the Eastern Post Road.—Those who may please to favor him with their company, shall receive every attention in his power to afford; and every favor duly acknowledged.
N. B. Convenient Stabling for Horses—Constant supply of good Hay and Provender. Feb. 21.
A fresh supply of French and Spanish float Indigo, just received for sale by AARON AUSTIN, at his store in Fore-street, Portland. Jan. 24.
Advertisements, and sundry other articles, prepared for this days paper shall be attended to in our next.

Sales at Auction.
To be Sold at Public Auction, On the 23d of February next, At 11 o'clock, A.M. If not previously sold at private sale. A Lot of Land, situated on the north side of Middle-street, adjoining Capt. Clapp's Land, called the CHURCH LOT—Also at the same time will be sold, the BUILDING thereon—Sale on the pre- mises.—For particulars, inquire of NATHANIEL F. FOSDICK. Portland, Jan. 29, 1803.
On Monday, the 28th day of February next, Will be Sold at Public Vendue, At the house of Capt. Ebenezer Whittier, in Wiscasset, ALL the Right and Title of JOSEPH CHRISTOPHERS, Esquire. A Bank- rupt, to the following Real Estate, situate in Wiscasset aforesaid, viz.—Eight House Lots, A piece of Flats, and a Plot in the Meeting- house.—Conditions will be made known at the time and place of sale. WILLIAM PIKE, BADDALLY CHILD, } Assignees. Wiscasset, Jan. 27, 1803.
Bankrupt Notices.
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy hath been awarded and issued against JOHN ANDERSON, of Wiscasset, in the District of Maine, Merchant; and the said JOHN ANDERSON has been declared a Bankrupt—he is hereby required to surrender himself to the Commissioners in said Commis- sion named, on Tuesday the first, on Monday the fourteenth, and on Monday the twenty- eighth days of March next, at ten o'clock, A.M. on each of said days, at the Office of SALMON CHASE, Esq. in Middle-street, near the Hay- Market, in Portland, and make a full dis- covery and disclosure of his Estate and Effects— When and where his Creditors are to come pre- pared to prove their debts; and at the second meeting to choose an Assignee or Assignees; and at the last meeting the said Bankrupt is required to finish his examination; and at said last meeting any of the Creditors of said Bankrupt may be heard before said Commis- sioners, against the making or allowing of a certificate to the Judge of said District, to enti- tle said Bankrupt to a certificate of discharge. All persons indebted to said Bankrupt, are to make payment; and those who have any of his effects, are to deliver the same to such persons only as the Commissioners shall appoint.
SALMON CHASE, WILLIAM WIDGERY } Commissioners. Dated February 14, 1803.
United States—DISTRICT OF MAINE, February 11, 1803. NOTICE is hereby given to the credi- tors of JOHN FAXON, of Camden, in the District of Maine, merchant, against whom a Commission of Bankruptcy has been duly issued and proceeded upon, that they may be heard, if they think fit, be- fore the Judge of said District Court, on the first Wednesday of March next, at the Court House in Wiscasset, in said District, against making and allowing a certificate of discharge to said Bankrupt; before which time exceptions to such allowance may be exhibited.
DAVID SEWALL, } Judge of the District Court of Maine.
United States—DISTRICT OF MAINE, 11th Feb. 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, to the Creditors, of JAMES HARRIMAN, of Mount-Vernon, in said District, trader, against whom a Commission of Bankrupt- cy has duly issued and proceeded upon; that they may be heard, if they think fit, before the Judge of said District Court, on the first Wednesday of March next, at the Court House in Wiscasset, in said District; against making and allowing a certificate of discharge to said Bankrupt, before which time exceptions to such allowance may be exhibited. DAVID SEWALL, Judge of the District Court of Maine.
NOTICE!
THE subscriber having been appointed Assignee of the Estate and Effects of HENRY COOLIDGE, of Waterford, in the District of Maine, Trader, a Bankrupt; requests all persons indebted to the said Coolidge, to make immediate payment; and those who have in their possession any of his Effects, are de- sired to deliver the same to NATHAN KINSMAN, Assignee. Dated 14th February, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the sub- scriber has been duly appointed as- signee of the Estate and Effects of CHARLES SHAW, of Portland, in the District of Maine, Trader, a Bank- rupt:—All persons indebted to said Shaw, are hereby requested to make immediate payment; and those who have any of his effects in their hands, are required to deliv- er the same without delay to J. D. HOPKINS, Assignee. Portland, Feb. 12, 1803.
Tickets Lost.
LOST, supposed in Portland, Three Tickets in the Second Class South Hadley Canal Lottery—viz. Nos. 6725, 6766, and 6727. Whoever has found the same and will leave them with the Printer, shall be rewarded for their trouble. Feb. 7.
Flour.
100 Bbls. Fresh Fine and Su- perfine Flour, for Sale by JOSHUA RICHARDSON, Feb. 14. At Richardson's Wharf.
Jamaica Rum,
FOR sale by RALPH CROSS— high fourth proof, and of good flavour just landed from Brig Jane . Also, a few bds. of best retailing
Molasses.
apply at his Store, West part of the town. February 14.
PHILADELPHIA Corn and Flour.
300 Bbls. scratched and fu- perfine FLOUR. Half Bbls. superfine do. 400 Bushels mixed yellow and white CORN.
LIKEWISE, A few Crates well assorted LIVERPOOL WARE, For Sale by W. STORER, No. 3, Union Wharf. Portland, Feb. 7.
Just arrived and for Sale, A quantity of excellent Molasses and Sugar, By EBENEZER STORER, No. 1, Union Row. Portland, Feb. 7.
Bartlet Adams,
MAKES Stone Stove Fire Places —a medium between Franklin's and Pain's Patent Stoves—includes all the good qualities of both, without any of their incon- veniences—saves one half the wood a common fire place consumes, and be equally as warm and comfortable—and are a sure remedy for smoky rooms. Portland, Feb. 14.
James Poole,
HAS received by the last arrival from Boston, a large assortment of MUFFS, TIPPLETS, and Dressed Skins for Trimmings, &c. which will be sold on the lowest terms for Cash or approved Credit (wholesale or retail.) Large allowance will be made to those who purchase to sell again—The Skins for Trim- ming will be sold only by the dozen. Payment may be made for the above (if more convenient) in undressed Shipping or Hating FURS, or many kinds of LUMBER. N. B. A few Boarders, may be accommodated as above. Portland (Court Street) Feb. 12.
BOOKS.
I. ADAMS, has for sale, at his Bookstore, No. 6, Jones' Row, a general as- sortment of
Books & Stationary.
AMONG WHICH ARE, Brown's Law Dictionary. Dunford & East's, Douglas', Cowper's. Stranges', Williams', and Raymond's Reports Sullivan on Land Titles American Precedents Powell on Contracts; Park on Insurance Morgan Vnde Macuam Blackstone's Commentaries, Espinafies Nisi Prius; Lillie's Entries, Justices Assistant; Town Officer, Clerk's Magazine (new edition) Kid on Bills, &c. &c. Townsend's Guide to health Morfe's Universal Geography, new edition Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, new edition Village Harmony SCHOOL BOOKS of all kinds Maps of Massachusetts and Maine Justices BLANKS Great variety of BLANK and ACCOUNT BOOKS. Cash and the highest price given for RAGS. Feb. 14.
J. Richardson,
HAS FOR SALE, At Richardson's Wharf. 20 Hds. Trinidad Sugar, 15 Bales Upland Cotton, 150 Barrels No. 1 Beef, 100 Casks Raisins, 40 Casks Hylton, Hylton skin, } Teas. Souchong, Bohea, and Congo 50 Bags Coffee, 25 Hds. Molasses, suitable for retailing. Ravens Duck, Boxes 7 by 9 Window Glass. Cordage. Sweedes Iron. Nail Plates, Iron Hoops, Casks Rice. Tar, Pitch, and Rosin. Bone & Middling Pork. ALSO, Fresh assortment India Cottons. Jan. 24.
To Let —The Store lately occupied by Mr. Adams, at the head of Richardson's Wharf—Apply as above.
LOST, in this town, a Saddle. Whoever will give information to the Printer where it may be had, will oblige the owner. Feb. 14.
Walter Hatch,
INFORMS his customers and others, that he now carries on the TAILORING BUSINESS, in all its branches. At his shop next door to the Bunch of Grapes, Fore street—where every atten- tion will be paid to all who may favor him with their commands, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged.
At the above shop—A few pieces of best superfine black, blue and mixed BROADCLOTHS and CASSIMERES, lately received.
Also, in store, on Titcomb's Wharf, and for sale, a quantity of St. Georges LIME, and GRINDSTONES, warranted of the first quality.
N. B. Those gentlemen who wish to employ Mr. JOHN CLINTON, will find him at the above shop.
Wanted, a Journeyman Tail- or, and a Boy as an Apprentice—one from the country will be preferred.
Rich Land for Sale.
SEVERAL original Proprietor's whole rights, and parts of rights, within that large tract called the "Twenty Associates Land" the situation of which Land may be seen on the Map of the District of Maine, the great road from Augusta, on the Kennebec River, passes thro' one of the plantations called Davistown , to Belfast , on Penobscot River;—the situation of this place is delightful—the Land super- latively good; fine streams intersect it and fall into navigable Rivers, in advantageous directions—on one side is the Kennebec only 15 miles distance, on another side Belfast on Penobscot River about 8 miles.
Also to be sold in the Plantation of Hope , and in the town of Camden , on Penobscot Bay, the rights in a number and parts of lots from 10 to 200 acres, very good land.
For price, and terms of payment en- quire at No. 58 Cornhill Boston , in Massa- chusetts. (4. w.) January 22, 1803.
For Sale,
THE following lots or tracts of LAND in Windham , viz.
100 acres situated near the Duck pond, formerly owned by Martha Lee, and conveyed by her to Joseph Blan- ney.
50 acres, being the southeast half of the hundred acre lot, No. 29, in the second division of hundred acre lots in said town.
And 40 acres, part of the 100 acre lot, No. 61, drawn to the right of Humphrey Devereaux, adjoining north- west on lot No. 62, drawn by Joseph Howard.
The above lots belong to John Callender, Esq. of Boston; and will be sold cheap for cash or approved credit, and good titles given.—For further partic- ulars enquire of the said Callender at Bos- ton, or of the subscriber, his agent in Portland. SALMON CHASE Feb. 3, 1803.
THE nonresident proprietors or own- ers of the several Lots of Land lying in Poland , in the year one thousand eight hundred and one, (now part in Poland and part in Mineot ) in the county of Cumber- land and commonwealth of Massachusetts, hereafter named, are hereby notified that the same are taxed in the Town Tax, in the bill committed to me the subscriber, one of the Collectors of the said town for the year 1803, to collect in the sums fol- lowing, to wit:
   FIRST DIVISION. Delinquents on the Highway Tax.   No. Acres. Value. Tax. No. Acres. Value. Tax.     20 100 50 7 18 50 24   76 100 100 13 22 100 9   54 100 150 20 91 100 48   31 100 150 20 20 100 12   43 100 150 20 96 100 35   40 100 150 20 76 100 24   77 50 50 7 54 100 36   155 100 200 26 31 100 35   13 100 100 13 40 100 36   150 100 50 7 66 100 35   25 100 100 13 77 50 6   107 80 120 17 SECOND DIVISION.   15 100 150 20 13 100 24   105 100 50 7 21 100 47   76 100 50 7 104 100 36   122 50 50 7 142 100 24   100 50 50 7 148 100 36   120 50 50 7 106 50 12   145 100 200 26 97 75 12   140 100 150 20 25 100 24   107 80 29   127 100 24   15 100 36   62 60 29   105 100 12   76 100 12   16 100 12  
If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and necessary charges, on or before the twenty-sixth day of the fourth month next, at nine of the clock in the forenoon, so much of said Lots of Land as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, at the dwelling-house of WENTWORTH RICKER, innholder in said Poland, according to law.
WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Coll. & Exor. Dated at said Poland, 6th day of Feb. 1803.
A House for Sale,
SITUATED on Uffly Street (leading from Back Street to the Cove.) The House is 41 by 17 feet, two stories, with two flacks of chimnies, and can be made con- venient for two families, being nearly fin- ished. There are about sixteen rods in the lot on which it stands. Terms of pay- ment made easy to the purchaser.—For particulars, inquire of NICHOLAS TITCOMB, on the premises. Portland, Feb. 7. (tf)
For Sale,
IN Newgloucester, a valuable and pleasant situation, for trading, or a public house—consisting of about a quar- ter of an acre of land, with a good dwell- ing house and barn thereon.
Also, about thirty acres of good land, suitable for a small farm, half a mile from the above situation. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser. Inquire of THOMAS B. STINCHFIELD, on the premises. Jan. 31.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the sub- scriber who has been chosen the At- torney and Trustee of the Creditors of JOHN PRITCHARD, of Portland, Trader; that he will attend to receive the several demands against said Pritchard, at his dwelling house in said Portland, on Wednesday next.
Those who are indebted to said Pritchard are hereby informed, that the demands against them will be put in suit unless paid within thirty days from the date hereof. DANIEL COBB, Attorney. Portland, Feb. 12, 1803.
WE the subscribers, Commissioners ap- pointed by the Hon. William Gor- ham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of JOSEPH WARD, Jun.
late of Gorham , in said county, soap-boiler, deceased, represented insolvent—hereby notice, that six months from the fourth Wednesday of January instant, are allow- ed to bring in and prove their claims; and that we will attend that service at CARY M'LELLAN's tavern, in said Gorham , on the last Monday of February next, the last Monday in April, and the second Monday in July following, from two to five o'clock, P. M. on each day.
JOHN PARK LITTLE, } Commis- ELIJAH ELDER, } sioners. Gorham , Jan. 31, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the sub- scriber has been duly appointed Ad- Administrator on the estate of EPHRAIM DELANO, late of Woolwich , in the county of Lincoln, Mariner, deceased; and has undertaken that trust by giving bond as the law directs. —All persons, therefore, having demands against the estate of said deceased, are desired to exhibit the same for settlement; and all indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment to DAVID GILMORE, Administrator. Woolwich , Feb. 1, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given, that the sub- scriber has been appointed Adminis- trator de bonis non on the Estate of SAMUEL COBB, late of Falmouth , in the county of Cum- berland, deceased, and taken upon him that trust by giving bonds as the law directs. He therefore requests all persons indebted to said Estate to make payment; and those who have demands to exhibit the same. EDWARD COBB. Portland, 2d Mo. 7th, 1803.
THE subscriber hereby gives notice to all concerned, that having been duly appointed Administrator cum testamento annexo on the estate of RICHARD KNOWLES, Senior, late of Topsham , in the county of Lincoln, Yeoman, deceased, has taken upon him- self that trust, and given bond as the law directs: He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to said estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to THOMAS RICE. Wiscasset, Jan. 31, 1803.
THE Subscribers having been appoint- ed by the Hon. Jonathan Bowman, Esq. Judge of Probate for the County of Lincoln, commissioners to receive and ex- amine the claims of the creditors to the estate of
JOSEPH TINKHAM, late of Wiscasset , in said County Esq. de- ceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice that six months are allowed unto said creditors for bringing in their claims and proving their debts; and that we shall attend on said business at the house of Mrs. Mercy Tinkham , at said Wiscasset , on the last Tuesday of the present and on the first Tuesdays of the five following months, from three to eight o'clock in the after- noon of each of said days.
JERE BAILEY, JOHN MERRILL, Jun. Wiscasset, January 19, 1803.
THE Subscriber hereby gives notice to all concerned, that he has taken upon himself the trust of an executor to the last will and testament of EZEKIEL LORING, late of New-Gloucester, deceased and as such, he requests all persons who have any demands upon the estate of said deceased to bring in the same, and those who are indebted thereto, to make payment with- out delay to DAVID LORING. Dated New-Gloucester, January 1, 1803.