The Newport gazette (Newport [R.I.]), 1777-11-20 00:00:00

THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1777.
English publication. dated London, August 18, 1777.
To the PRINTER,
SIR, I passed an evening a short time ago, in a company who differed in opinion upon American affairs. A staunch patriot exclaimed, Suppose them conquered, what is to follow? Are we to trample upon our fellow-creatures? — Another said, he hoped they should be governed, in future, altogether by a military power, so having, by their actions, forfeited any claim to the blessings of Civil Liberty. I thought the question of importance, (to wit) what should be their future condition, in case this rebellion was totally removed. And as I got little satisfaction in company upon the subject, I ruminated on it when I returned home, and send thoughts to you, in hopes, without affecting, of inducing some of your Correspondents to give their opinion upon the same.
I do not mean to point out every minute article which ought to be insisted upon by us, or acceded to by them, but only to mark the great outlines of their future establishment, without which we had better at once follow the plan of the ingenious and learned Dean Tucker, of declaring them altogether independent, provided we can, in our turn, get in the immense debts due to our merchants. When the Rebels submit, and are brought to due repentance, our general plan should be to grant them every indulgence which the just commercial interest of Great-Britain will allow of, and her power to annoy us permit.
1. Though the Navigation Act was not first disputed by the Congress, yet that being now as much denied and broke through as any other, the vigorous execution of that, in the first place, to its full extent, should be determined on. All acts, likewise, that tend to enforce and strengthen this, should be insisted upon, and executed in their utmost latitude.
2. The complaints of the Americans against the jurisdiction of the Admiralty, arising from their propensity to smuggling; as interfered so materially with this darling object, they reprobated it in the strongest terms. So far as this jurisdiction tends to prevent their trading with other nations, (as in New-England this illicit commerce had got to a pitch far beyond the common mode of smuggling) it ought to be most vigorously supported. If there are any parts of it which put it in the power of a judge to vex and distress upon trivial matters, it will be important for the Navigation Act, under which would do such away, and ample time should be done to the sufferers, com-
plaining in a legal way, of any abuse of authority in the Admiralty.
3. As the democratic form of government in the Massachusetts was, without doubt, a grand cause of the Rebellion, the act altering their Constitution should never be given up. Indeed wisdom would seem to direct, that every constitution in the colonies should be brought as near the form of that of this country, as their situation will admit.
4. As all laws are futile, without force to compel obedience to them, and as the Civil Power in America has been proved to be no wise adequate to it, his Majesty's right of sending and quartering soldiers in any part of his Majesty's dominions, should be clearly ascertained and insisted upon, in its full extent. This Lord Chatham himself, the great advocate for America, has proposed should be an article of accommodation.
5. The Courts of Justice in America should be immediately put upon a different footing. In some of the colonies the judges have no salaries at all, which is the introduction of weak and improper men to that important rank. In others, the salaries of the judges are granted precariously, as the people please, by which means they become liable to be overborne by popular prejudices, and entirely unfit for their stations. Judges should certainly be independent, and for this purpose liberal fixed salaries should be allowed by all the assemblies upon the Continent. These terms appear evidently so much to the advantage of the community where they are to extend, that it may seem strange that a conquering nation should be obliged to insist upon them; but when it is considered how much even one independent nation is concerned in the due administration of justice in another, with which it has any dealings, it will immediately occur how much we must be interested in the purity of the Courts of Justice in America, and how clear the distribution of law ought to be from all popular bias. When the judges receive their pay from the capricious determination of the people where they reside, we may easily imagine what would be their conduct when the interests of an Englishman and a native is in dispute upon some popular topic, (and I understand it is an easy matter to make any cause a party affair there) I fear human frailty would prevail, and the integrity of the Judge be lost. We have seen, with regret, that no attempt was ever made in their courts of justice to punish the most extraordinary riot, in all its consequences, that ever happened. — I mean the destruction of the Tea. A Judge equal to this station, and totally independent of popular influence, would have given this riot in charge to the grand jury, and, perhaps, by his dignity and perseverance, might have
occasioned something to have been done to have prevented this horrible war.
6. To support the dignity of, and give strength to Government, all the essential officers of it ought to be provided for, in a certain, liberal, and independent manner: I am far from meaning the establishing of sinecures and pensions among them; but it is well known how precarious the subsistence of any of the officers of Government in North-America is, where their services are either paid for by the people, or occasional grants of their assemblies; so much for that, their offices become hardly worth the acceptance of men qualified by abilities or education to execute them. When this point has been pressed upon the Americans, they have always, with great coolness, replied, Great-Britain can have nothing to do with these internal regulations; if men of integrity, &c. do not execute the offices, we are the sufferers; but the fallacy of this is seen at once. Great-Britain is highly interested in the appointment of proper men to discharge the business of each colony. All individuals trading, or having any property, are highly interested. The Government is highly interested in having such an establishment as may encourage men capable of giving some support to it, and to prevent the whole weight being, as it has hitherto been, in the popular scale, which totally destroys our constitution, the idea of which consists altogether in an equilibrio.
7. The resumption of Charters is a most delicate subject; those who settle under faith of them, ought to have every reasonable security for their continuance; however, we have in history many instances of their being forfeited. As far as this subject relates to the Americans, I would propose that some fair mode of trial, adapted (precisely adapted) to the case, should for the future be insisted on and settled. With candour, and a small share of confidence, even this important point may be fixed, without leaving any just ground of jealousy.
8. Principiis obsta is a favourite maxim in morality, and ought to be so in policy; without a number of previous seditious meetings, and petty outrages, we should never see a multitude in rebellion, which is brought on step by step. To obviate, therefore, the first movements of sedition, I would propose a Riot Act in America, to the same effect as that in England, which I am convinced would be of great advantage for the future: It would be merciful for the people; for by the reading of that, they would be apprized of their danger before the machinations of their leaders could take effect.
9. By the strictest methods they should be prevented from building ships above a (For the Remainder of this Publication see the last Page)

The Substance of Lord LYTTLETON'S SPEECH, at the Conclusion of Lord Chatham's Motion in the House of Lords, the 30th of May last, from a late Fish-Kill Paper.
Lord LYTTLETON controverted almost every thing material urged by the noble Lords who spoke in favour of the motion. He directed his attention first to the motion, and the noble Lord who made it. He acknowledged the eminent services which his Lordship had performed for his country; and said, what we notice the motion itself was deserving of, the moderate terms it offered, and the remarkable talents and decorum in which the arguments in support of it were urged, called for candour and moderation on his part. He seemed much surprised at the timid, dependent tone affected by the noble Earl, in relation to the conduct and ultimate views of foreign powers, whose force, spirit and zeal for the honour and dignity of his country, had carried terror and conquest among the surrounding nations. He asked his Lordship, whether he could reconcile it to his former conduct, to hold terrors out from the resistance we might meet in pursuing, and asserting our undoubted rights, either from America or elsewhere. He remembered the time, when the noble Lord had a different language, when he insisted the nation with the most exalted and heroic ideas; when he called upon the people to assert their honour, and do themselves justice, though every power in Europe should combine against them. His Lordship next turned to the state of America; the anarchy that at present prevails there; the acts of violence, treachery, cruelty and injustice that are daily committed in that country by our rebellious subjects upon their loyal and dutiful brethren merely because they would not join in their diabolical schemes of overthrowing a just and legal government. The laws trampled upon, the courts of justice shut, government dissolved, magistrates imprisoned or banished, the faithful and obedient part of the people depressed, despoiled of their property, suffering in dungeons, or obliged to fly their native land. He observed, that to all the horrors of war, the rebels had added the brutality of savages and the treachery of cowards. These were the perils, and this was the cause, some of their Lordships thought fit to espouse and defend. His Lordship reminded his opponents of their predictions concerning the conduct of France and their repeated assertions, that America had never any thoughts of independence. Experience had verified the language of administration on both these points. The noble Lord who made the motion laughed at the absurdity of such an idea, as no interference on the part of France; and the Congress have long since declared the united Colonies independent states. The other noble Lords, on the same side, denied the least probability of any such event, and pledged themselves, if it should happen, that they would be the first and most zealous in endeavouring to compel them to a return of their duty. The event has actually taken place, and what is their conduct? Instead of recommending vigorous measures; instead of supporting spirited and decisive exertions of our whole strength, we are told that France does not interfere; but lest she should, it is now proposed to open a treaty with declared and open Rebels. Our rights are to be abandoned or conceded, lest France should go to war, when our strength and resources are weakened and exhausted. This is surely a strange language, and equally pusillanimous, as unworthy the attention of this House.
France, I am satisfied from my own
knowledge, is neither able or willing to go to war; and though she were, I trust we are prepared to meet any foreign enemy whatever. Let us turn our eyes to the state of our respective finances, and we may be enabled to judge, in some measure, of the respective abilities of both countries. Let us reflect on the ease and expedition five millions were borrowed in a nation said to be verging towards ruin. I will venture to say, that a similar offer would not produce the tenth part of the sum in France. Does this accord with the horrible picture drawn by the noble Duke, or the terrors suspended over our heads, by the Right Rev. Prelate: Merchants and men in trade, however friendly to government, seldom care to trust their property to precarious security. They are, of all men, the most cautious of disposing or trading their money out of their hands, and know best how to lay it out, where it promises profit, properly secured. This unbounded credit is seldom a forerunner of a bankrupt government, or empty Exchequer. His Lordship next answered that part of the noble Duke's argument in respect of the petition from the Congress, and the evidence given by Mr. Penn. He insisted that the former was the effect of mere hypocrisy, and the latter, from his own knowledge, far from being supported by truth. But supposing the former was serious, what did it import? An appeal from the Parliament to his Majesty, and an endeavour to detach him from his Parliament by an abuse of his Ministers. As a proof that the Congress never meant to submit to the supremacy of Parliament at the very time they sent the petition alluded to, they made the most daring and inflammatory appeal to the whole British nation, and invited them to make a common cause with them, in resisting the legislative controlling power of the British Parliament over all the dominions of the British Crown. His Lordship imputed the present state of public affairs, to the backwardness and mistaken lenity of Ministers in the early stages of the contest. He reminded their Lordships of the part he took, and how frequently he pressed administration on the subject. He was confident, if vigorous measures had been adopted earlier, that the rebellious Colonies would now have been in a state of peace and obedience; and repeated, he said, what he had frequently said before, that lenity, by its consequences, caused often greater acts of cruelty, than those which were at the time desired from an account of their harshness. His Lordship spoke of the severe usage Col. Campbell had suffered in an American dungeon, which led him again to repeat his charge of cruelty and timidity. He allowed that a trade was carried on by the Rebels to some ports in France, but denied that it received any countenance or protection from that Court. They were private transactions, he said, which it would be difficult to prevent; and which had no origin but the spirit of mercantile adventure, and motives of profit.
His Lordship took great pains to show that the measures of Government were popular; and to point out the abilities of the Minister, who had so judiciously planned taxes, that would scarcely be felt, and yet would be so very productive. He spoke of the country gentlemen, as supporting the present war almost unanimously; passed great encomiums on their consequence and integrity, and affirmed, that while measures were thus strongly supported and approved of, both within and without doors, by such decisive and respectable majorities, we had every reason not only to expect an happy issue to the present rebellion, but that if we should be interrupted by any power whatever, that we were both able to defend ourselves, and make our enemies repent of their rashness. He observed on what fell from the noble Earl who spoke second in the debate, (Lord Gower) relative to the loyal and dutiful disposition of great numbers of people in America, where they were free to declare their sentiments, and not under the tyranny and despotism arising from anarchy and military government: he was certain that it was so, and he had himself lately received a letter to that purpose from a person on the spot; and many others of a like tenor, giving an account of the great numbers who came in under this proclamation, in order to claim the protection of the British government, as to offer their services in assisting to extinguish rebellion.
BOSTON, Oct. 27.
By the return of an express, we have the following copy of a letter from his Excellency General Washington to Congress.
Camp near Penibaker's Mill, Oct. 5, 1777.
SIR,
HAVING received intelligence, through two intercepted letters, that General Howe had detached a part of his force for the purpose of reducing Billings-Port (and the Forts on the Delaware); I communicated the accounts to my general officers, who were unanimously of opinion, that a favourable opportunity offered to make an attack upon the troops which were at and near Germantown; it was accordingly agreed, that it should take place yesterday morning, and the following dispositions were made. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were to enter the town by the way of Chestnut Hill, while Gen. Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, should fall down the Manayunk road, by Vandeering's mills, and get upon the enemy's left and rear. The divisions of Green and Stephens, flanked by McDougal's brigade, were to enter by taking a circuit by way of the Lime-Kiln road, at the market houses; and to attack their right wing; and the militia of Maryland and Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and Freeman, were to march by the old York road, and fall upon the rear of their right. Lord Stirling, with Nash's and Maxwell's brigades, was to form a Corps de Reserve. We marched about seven o'clock the preceding evening, and Gen. Sullivan's advanced party, drawn from Conway's brigade, attacked their picket at Mount Ring, at Mr. Allen's house, about sun-rise the next morning, which presently gave way, and his main body, consisting of the right wing, following soon, engaged the light infantry, and other troops, encamped near the picket, which they forced from the ground, leaving their baggage. They retreated a considerable distance; having previously thrown a party into Mr. Chew's house, who were in a situation not to be easily forced, and had it in their power from the windows to give us no small annoyance, and in a great measure to obstruct our advances.
The attack from our left column, under Gen. Green, began about three quarters of an hour after that from the right, and was for some time equally successful. But I cannot enter upon the particulars of what happened in that quarter, as I am not yet informed of them with sufficient certainty and precision.
The morning was extremely foggy, which prevented our improving the advantages we had gained so well as we otherwise should have done. This circumstance, by concealing from us the true situation of the enemy, obliged us to act with more caution, and less expedition, than we could have wished,

gave the enemy time to recover from the effects of our first impression; and what still more unfortunate, it served to keep different parties in ignorance of each other's movements, and hindered their acting one another for the enemy, which I believe more than any thing else contributed to the misfortune which ensued. In the heat of the most promising appearances, when every thing gave the most flattering prospects of victory, the troops began suddenly to retreat, and entirely left the field, in spite of every effort that could be made to rally them.
Upon the whole, it may be said the day was rather unfortuante than injurious. We retained no material loss of men, and brought off all our artillery, except one piece, which was dismounted. The enemy suffered nothing better by the event; and our troops, who are not the least dispirited by it, have gained what all young troops gain by being in action. We have had however several valuable officers killed and wounded, particularly the latter; Gen. Nash is among the wounded, and his life is despatched. As soon as it is possible to obtain a list of our loss, I will transmit it. In justice to Gen. Sullivan, and the whole right wing of the army, whose conduct I had an opportunity of observing, as they acted immediately under my eye, I have the pleasure to inform you, that both officers and men behaved with a degree of gallantry that did them the greatest honour.
I have the honour to be, with great respect, SIR, Your most obedient servant, G. WASHINGTON.
P.S. As I have observed, I have not received a return of our loss; but from what I have just now learnt from Gen. Greene, I fear it is more considerable than at first apprehended. The cannon mentioned above is said to have been brought off in a waggon.
To the Hon. John Hancock, Esq; President of the Congress.
Another letter of the 8th instant, says, The enemy in the action of the 4th instant have lost the following officers, viz. Gen. Agnew, killed. Colonels Abercrombie, Bird, Walcutt, and Gen. de Heister's son. Gen. Knyphausen, the present Hessian General, wounded in the hand. Between 2 and 300 waggon loaded with wounded soldiers, went into the city before Mr. _____ left it. Several Quakers, who were at yearly meeting, confirm the above, and say, that 2000 Hessians were sent over Schuylkill towards Chester, since the action, probably to secure a retreat. Our loss about 700, chiefly wounded and taken. General Nash, of the North-Carolina forces, dead of his wounds. Dr. Withepoon's son killed, two aids-de-camps mortally wounded, White and Sherburne, of General Sullivan's family. Colonels Henricks, Stone, and Lieut. Col. Parker, of Virginia, included in the above."
Camp near Parkers Creek, Oct. 6, 1777
"DEAR SIR, Shortly after I wrote you last from Philadelphia, the Congress were alarmed by an account received from Mr. Hamilton, one of Gen. Washington's aid-de-camps, that the enemy were at the Swede's Ford, and had possessed themselves of some boats, by which they might pass a small party into the city, and make them prisoners; they immediately packed up, and decamped in the middle of the night. I accompanied Mr. Hancock to Bristol, where I left him
and many other members of Congress; they have since proceeded to Lancaster, and from thence to York, where they intend to fix their residence.
"The enemy, a day or two after, made a show of passing higher up the Schuylkill, but suddenly returned down again, crossed at the lower fords with little or no opposition, took possession of Chestnut-Hill, and the heights in and about Germantown, and extended their right as far as Frankford. On the 16th ult. Mr. Howe made his triumphal entry into Philadelphia, with a very small part of his army, where he was most cordially received by his good friends the Quakers, and a few Loyalist Tories, who were left behind.
"Our army remained about 26 miles from Philadelphia, near a village called the Trap, waiting for a reinforcement, which was expected from Parkers Creek. This reinforcement, consisting of 1000 men, under the command of Gen. McDougal, arrived the latter end of last month, and General Washington moved his army down towards the enemy, and encamped about eight miles from Germantown, where a strong body of the enemy were encamped. On the 2d inst. the orders were given for an attack, and our army were in motion about nine o'clock. A fire in the morning of the 3d inst. we attacked the enemy in different quarters, drove in their pickets, and fell in upon their main body, which we also drove through their entrenchments. They left all their tent, standing, their baggage, and part of their park of artillery. Victory now seemed to have on every American brow; but alas! all of a sudden, and without any visible cause, our people go into confusion, and begin to retreat; the enemy perceived this, and immediately rallied, and having received a considerable reinforcement from Philadelphia, they pursued us in their turn, and we were obliged to quit all our acquisitions. The action was very obstinate and bloody, it lasted above five or six hours; we have left five or six hundred men, mostly wounded, which we have brought off. Gen. Nash's thigh is broke. Mr. Sherburne of Portsmouth, and Mr. White of Philadelphia, are mortally wounded; they were both Aids-de-Camp to Gen. Sullivan. Dr. Withepoon's son is killed. Capt. Sloman of Providence, badly wounded in the head; besides a number of others, whose names I cannot recollect. Since the action we have received a considerable reinforcement from Virginia, and our excellent General Washington has collected his force at the place from whence I date this letter, and intends soon to try another bout with them. All our men are in good spirits, and I think grow funder of fighting, the more they have of it.
"It was very unfortunate for us that the morning was very foggy. It is generally thought that the confusion of part of our army was occasioned by the appearance of General Green, who was coming towards their rear, with his division, to support them, which they mistook for a large body of the enemy, not being able to distinguish properly on account of the fog. It is a very mortifying circumstance, that when we had nearly gained a compleat victory, we should lose it again so unfortunately.
"About the same time that Congress left Philadelphia, the baggage and military chest were ordered to Bethlehem, where I remained till the day before the last action, when I received an order to repair to head quarters. I just got down time enough to meet our
* You will be surprized to hear that D. Gen. Morgan is of the Number.
people on their retreat. This misfortune was doubly aggravating to me, as I had just before been informed on the road that we had drove the enemy, and were in possession of Germantown."
The preceding Letters sufficiently corroborate and confirm the Accounts we have before received from New-York, of the disastrous Defeat of the Rebel Army, under Mr. Washington, at Germantown, on the 4th of October; and their Accounts of 300 Waggon, laden with wounded Soldiers belonging to the Royal Army, being sent into Philadelphia, we wish our Readers to compare with the List of killed and wounded, published in our last Paper, as it will at once shew the infamous falsehoods which these Men take the utmost pains to propagate.
NEWPORT, Nov. 20.
We have this Week seen several of the Rebel Papers; but cannot learn any Thing particular from the Seward.
By Mr. JOHN HILL, who left Boston the 15th of October, we learn, that Dr. Church, Mr. John Dean Whitworth, of the Queen's Rangers, and a Number of others, are yet confined in Boston; Dr. Byles is confined in his own House; and upwards of 70 Persons, who can be charged with no other Crime, but retaining their Allegiance to the King, and Attachment to that happy Constitution under which they were born, and from which they have enjoyed the most solid and inestimable Blessings, are now confined on board a Prison Ship in the Harbour. He also adds, that almost every Gal in New England is filled with these unhappy People.
Mr. Hill has also favoured us with the current Prices, in Low's Money, of the following Articles, at the Time he left it:
   L. s. d.     Beef, ——— 0 1 3   Mutton, ——— 0 1 6   Butter, ——— 0 4 0   A Turkey, ——— 0 18 0   A Goose, ——— 0 12 0   A Fowl, ——— 0 6 0   Potatoes per Bushel, ——— 0 8 0   Flour per Hundred, ——— 3 0 0   West India Rum per Gallon, ——— 3 0 0   New England, ditto, ——— 2 8 0   Brandy, ditto, ——— 2 10 0   Madeira Wine per Bottle, ——— 1 4 0   Port, ditto, ——— 0 18 0   Lump Sugar, per pound, ——— 0 12 0   Brown, ditto, ——— 0 6 0   Green Tea per ditto, ——— 7 4 4   Boh a, ditto, ——— 4 4 0   Coffee, ditto, ——— 0 18 0   Wool, per Cord, ——— 6 0 0   Men's shoes per Pair, ——— 2 2 0   Women's, ditto, ——— 1 10 0  
To be Sold by Public Auction, TO MORROW, at XI. o'Clock, A Pipe of Old MADEIRA Wine
To be Sold by Public Auction, On Monday 24th Instant,
A QUANTITY of OIL in Barrels; Also, a Quantity of dried Cod Fish in Bulk; some Molasses, Sugar, &c. being the Cargo of the Schooner Dolphin; likewise, the Schooner Dolphin and her Appurtenances. The SALE will begin at XI o'Clock, A. M. at Mr. CALEB GARDNER's Wharf.

44 certain burthen, casting cannon, or making any species of ammunition.  10. In opposition to our claim of taxation, the Americans advanced, "that our being in possession of their trade, in exclusion of the rest of the world, was a full joint compensation and advantage for all the expence we have been at in settling and defending them" I have not materials, or power of calculation, to ascertain the truth of this assertion. One thing I know to be true is, that we have never been in possession of their trade; to such an extent have they carried on illicit commerce, so far, that I have sometimes thought this, in a great measure, a war with smuggling.  The subject fairly and candidly brought to this point is a capable of settlement by figures, as the books in a mercantile counting-house; if upon exact examination, it be as out of debt from what they advance, in plain reason and common justice they should contribute something in their own way towards the general expence of the empire, which being complied with on their parts, we ought to make them perfectly easy and secure upon the head of taxation. There seems to have been no occasion for a rebellion to adjust this matter; for if they had been fair in their desires to avoid it, a decent and candid appeal to facts would have altogether prevented it.  E. B.
Samuel Goldsbury Has for S A L E, At his SHOP, adjoining Mr. WILLIAM ANTHONY'S, North Side of the Parade, formerly occupied by Capt. Wm. Rogers, At the very LOWEST RATES, (For C A S H Only)    FINEST Flavoured HYSON TEA.  by the pipe, quarter-cask, or dozen.    Bohea Tea, by the chest or smaller quantity,  Raisins, by the cask or pound,    Coffee, by the barrel or smaller quantity  Currans,    Loaf Sugar,  Butter, by the firkin,    Brown ditto, by the barrel or smaller quantity,  Candles, by the box or pound,    OLD MADEIRA Wine, by the pipe, quarter-cask, or dozen,  Snuff,    PORT ditto, by the pipe, quarter cask, or dozen,  Men's Beaver Hats,    TEN RIFFE ditto,  Men's Shoes,     Men's Worsted Stockings,     Green and White Broad-Cloth,     Striped Cotton, for Women's Gowns,     Belt Black Barcelona Handkerchiefs.    With a Number of other Articles. Cash given for empty Quart Bottles and Snuff ditto.
TO BE SOLD, By SAMUEL GOLDTHWAIT At his STORE, The Corner of ALMY'S Wharf:    G OOD brown Sugar per hogshead or barrel,  per cask or less quantity,    West-India Rum, per hogshead,  Wine, per pipe,    French Brandy and Holland Geneva,  English Hard Soap, per box,     Starch, &c. &c.    ALSO, ALL KINDS OF English PIECE GOODS as usual All of which will be sold on the lowest Terms, for Ready Money only.  Just Imported from New-York AND TO BE SOLD, by SIMON PEASE,    A FEW Pipes of Port Wine, of the Vintage 1774.  Brown Sugar, by the Hogshead or Barrel,    Madeira Wines, in Pipes and Half-Pipes,  Coffee,    Jamaica and Windward-Island Rum,  Flour,     Lith Rife Butter, &c. &c. &c.  
TO BE SOLD, By ANTHONY LECHMERE, ENGLISH GOODS, Fyal Wine by the Pipe, and Muscavado Sugar by the Hogshead.  FLAX - SEED, PURCHASED, BY MYER POLOCK. Constant Attendance will be given at his House on the Point, or at Mr. John Nichols's, on the North Side the Parade  Myer Polock has for SALE,    COARSE SALT,  Dry Cod-Fish,    West-India Rum  Beef and Pork,    Cherry and plain Brandy,  Butter,    Molasses,  Tallow Candles, by the box,    New Rice,  Nails,    Coffee,  White Beans,    Loaf Sugar,  Flour, by the barrel.    To be Sold to the highest Bidder BILLS of EXCHANGE, to the Amount of FIVE or SIX HUNDRED POUNDS Sterling, to defray the Expence of His Majesty's Naval Hospital. — Whoever is desirous to purchase the Whole, or any Part thereof, must send in their Proposals to the Subscriber, who will give the Preference to the Person that offers the most advantageous Terms.  JOHN HALLIBURTON, Agent to the Sick and Hurt
TO BE SOLD, By ISAAC HART, At his SHOP on the North Side of the GRAND PARADE and at his Dwelling-House on the Point, (As Cheap as at any Shop in Newport)  The following GOODS, just Imported, viz.    YARD-WIDE and 7-8ths Cotton Checks,  Scouchong Tea,    Yard-wide Irish Linen,  Bohea Tea,    Fans,  Loaf Sugar,    7-4 Thread Laces,  Sugar by the barrel    Cambric,  Coffee,    Linen Handkerchiefs  Mace,    Bandana ditto,  Cloves,    Threads,  Cinnamon,    Pins,  Nutmegs,    Silk Mitts,  Pepper,    Sweet Oil,  Allspice,    Best Madeira Wine,  Starch,    Claret,  Hai Powder,    West India Rum, by the hogshead,  Ivory Combs,    London Porter,  Hai ditto,    And an Assortment of Glass and Earthen Ware, &c. &c. &c.  Tallow Candles,     Soap,     Cut and Pigtail Tobacco,  
IMPORTED, by STEPHEN DEBLOIS, A large & compleat Assortment    IRONMONGERY  Soap,    Brazier's & Cutlery Wares,  Candles,    English and India Goods,  Raisins,    Starch,  Spices,     Pepper, &c. &c. &c.  
TO BE SOLD, By JOHN HOWE, At the Printing-Office, in Thames-Street.  An Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsylvania, By those Freemen of Pennsylvania, who were banished by Congress to Virginia.
TO BE SOLD VERY CHEAP, A Likely, healthy, honest NEGRO WOMAN, about 26 Years of Age—does all Sorts of Household Work. Likewise her Child about 4 Months old. For Particulars enquire of the Printer.
LOST, SUPPOSED TO BE STOLEN, A BOAT-CLOAK, of brown Camblet, lined with green Baize, almost new.—Any Person giving Information of it, so that it may be recovered, shall receive ONE GUINEA Reward of Mr. ARNOLD Silver-Smith. I lent to any Gentleman, he is interested to return it.
LOST, (About SIX WEEKS ago) A Silver-mounted PISTOL, Maker's Name GRIFFIN —Whoever has found the same, and returning it to the Printer, shall receive a GUINEA Reward. —if offered to be pawned or sold, it is desired it may be stopped.
WANTED, A SOBER, careful Person, who can be well recommended, to serve as STEWARD to a Gun-room Mess, on Board one of His Majesty's Frigates — Good Wages will be given. Enquire of the Printer.
Newport, 5th November. 1777. CARPENTERS are wanted in the BARRACK Department. Any Carpenters by applying to Lieutenant COOK, Barrack Master, at the Barrack Office in Thames-Street, will be immediately employed, and paid at the same Rate per Day, as in the Engineers Department.  STEPHEN COOK B.M. Newport.