Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1801-11-07 00:00:00

RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
"LIBERTY is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country." WASHINGTON.
NUMBER 6.]
NEWPORT, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 1801.
[VOLUME II.]
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNWORTH, Printer to the State—Near the COFFEE-HOUSE, Thames-Street.
Wanted Immediately, 2000 Bushels good clean BARLEY , to be delivered at Newport, for which CASH will be paid on delivery, by ROBERT LAWTON, jun. Newport, Oct. 30, 1801.
John & Henry Cahoon, HAVE FOR SALE, At their STORE on Banister's Wharf, BROWN SUGAR , by the hogshead or barrel; Molasses , by the hogshead; Flour , by the barrel; Pimento , by the bag; Powder , by the cask; Sheathing-Paper , by the hundred; Saltpeter & Hams ; Candles , by the box; Iron Castings ; Turks-Island Salt ; a few Boxes of Havana Sugar ; and genuine SPANISH SEGARS .
—ALSO— HONEY , by the hogshead or gallon—New-York Soap, by the box—Negro-Head Tobacco—Best 4th proof Jamaica Rum—Raisins, &c.—Iron Stoves—and two large Scale Beams.
—LIKEWISE— LIQUORS , of the best kind, a general Assortment—and various other Articles in the Grocery Line—a complete Assortment of which they propose to be constantly Supplied with.
MASTERS of Packets, Passengers, &c. may be Supplied at said Store, on the shortest Notice—with any Article they may want—and their Favors gratefully Acknowledged.
GREEN CHAIRS , per Dozen—Bar-Iron, per Hundred wt.—Midlings and Cornel, per barrel—Onions, per Hundred bunches, or smaller quantities—Tobacco, per hogshead, &c. &c. Newport, Nov. 7th, 1801. 3tf
For the Southern States, Or WEST-INDIES,
THE new Schooner FAIR PLAY , John Bourn, master; will be ready for sea in 10 or 15 days. For freight or passage, apply to CALEB LYNDON.
Newport, Oct. 31, 1801.
For Wilmington (N. C.)
SLOOP SALLY , Stephen Hefferman Master. Will sail in ten days.—For freight or passage, apply to JOSEPH COZZENS.
Newport, Oct. 31, 1801.
For Sale,
A FARM , on Point-Judith, in South-Kingstown, containing about One Hundred and fifty acres, with a dwelling house thereon. The fertility of the soil, commodiousness of situation, and the advantages of fish and manure from its shores, are too well known to need a particular description. For terms, apply to JOSEPH CASE.
North-Kingstown, Oct. 15, 1801. 3tf
For sale at this Office,
A Blow at the Root.
BEING A FASHIONABLE FAST-DAY SERMON,
Delivered at Cheshire, Massachusetts, April 9, 1801.
By JOHN LELAND.
I will also show mine opinion. ELIZ. SHOOT at her, spare no arrows; for she hath sinned against the Lord. JEREMIAH.
HAZARD & GARDNER,
Have for Sale,
At their Store, one door North of Mr. Townsend's Coffee-House,
PIPES of GIN —Do. of BRANDY —Do. Old particular Teneriffe WINE . Hyson, Sonchong, and Bohea, TEAS . Black Pepper — Brown Soap . 1600 wt. Best Green Coffee . 200 wt. Cassia — Nutmegs — Mace — Cloves . Kegs of Superfine Flour of Mustard . Bags of fine Ginger —10 cwt. Coppersas . Casks of London Porter and Taunton Ale . Crates of common Crockery Ware . 50 wt. Spanish Flote Indigo — French Do. Boxes of Warrented Essence of Spruce —Do. of Muscate and Smyrna Raisins —Casks and Jars of Malaga Do. Sacks of Soft Shell Almonds —Shelled Do. in Boxes. No. 1, and No. 2. Boston Chocolate , and a few cases SWEET-OIL .
—ALSO—
Hogsheads of best Retailing MOLASSES . Brown SUGAR per Hogshead or Barrell. Newport, Sept. 26, 1801. 36tf
FALL GOODS.
James Mumford
Has just received from New-York and Boston a fresh supply of ENGLISH and INDIA GOODS , which he offers for sale at the Sign of the GOLDEN BEE-HIVE , Thames-Street—viz.,
  BROAD Cloths , Cassimeres, Baizes, Flannels, Plains, Cassinet, Blue & Mix'd Serges, Blankets, Fine Lamb's Wool Stockings, Worsted ditto, White & other figur'd camel's hair Shawls, Parasol Gauze, Swan-down, Ratteen for Surtouts, Bombazet, Ladies' Shoe Bows, Linen Checks, Chintzes, Calicoes, Pencil, blue, & white Copperplate, India Calicoes, Striped Cottons, Russells, Calimancoes, Durants, Bandanno & Barcelona Handkerchiefs, Spanish Silk for knitting, Dimities, Muslinets, Ladies Silk Gloves & Mitts, of different colours, White Cotton do. Linens, Fine Humhums, Gentlemen's 3 thread-ed Silk and white Cotton Hose, Marseilles Quilting, Ladies Silk Shawls, of different colours,  Kid Gloves, White linnen pocket Hankerchiefs, Red & white spotted ditto, Worsted Binding, Nankeen Ferret, Suspenders, Cambrics, Sprig'd, Tambour'd, Jacquet, and Book Muslins, Black & Blue Lute-strings, Changeable ditto, Italian Silks, Pink & yellow Crape, Glove Ties, Ladies Sprigs & Feathers, Spotted and Plain Gauze, Velvet bindings for Boots, Narrow ditto for seam'd pantaloones, Ribbons, Edgings, Satin pealings, Sarcenets, Gentlemen's black & white Satten for Vests, Chintzes, Shawls, Galoom Binding, Black Muslins, Best kind Morocco Shoes, Ladies Bonnets, Gentlemen's Cravats, Thread of all colours, Shirt Buttons, Black Lace, as low as 1/3 per yd. &c. &c.  
—Also—
One Box of Gentlemen's Beaver Hats. Sundry other Articles, too tedious to mention. Newport, Oct. 17, 1801. 3tf
SEAMEN'S JOURNALS
For sale by the Printer hereof.
From the MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
TO THE PEOPLE.
YOUR civil and religious liberty, fellow-citizens, the most precious gifts indulged to mortals, were not obtained, nor can they be preserved but in the exercise of reason, knowledge, virtue, candor, a love of truth, and a love of country. Empty pretensions for a moment may ape information—blustering professions gain active attention—habits of deceit, pass for a pious concern—parsimonious exceptions to the extremes of slander, be viewed as candor, and a love of self, a love of triumph, and the pride of party, be imposed on credulity, as a fondness for truth, and an attachment to country. From the experiments which have been made, the arts of deceiving are brought to perfection. The apprentices in the trade, have exceeded their masters and setting up for themselves, are in business with improvements of their own. With some people, there is a fashion in their believing, thinking, speaking, hearing and acting. Lately a blind confidence, at present an unrelenting distrust, is the badge of right. Of old it was the precept, and the example of religion, to judge not at all; at present the fashion is, to censure without measure, and condemn without mercy, unheard and untried, every person discordant with unerring self. Formerly the hands of our rulers were to be strengthened, their hearts to be comforted and encouraged—now they are to be denounced, defamed, discouraged, opposed, and Ishmaelized, to have listed against them the hands of violent federalists. Formerly decently to censure the powers that were, was factious disorganizing and rebellious, like the sin of witchcraft; at present rising in malice, in fury and in bitterness against the characters, the measures and the authority of the powers that be, is a proof of exemplary submission to order and good government, and of cheerful acquiescence in the public will.
Under the old administration government could be administered only by its friends; at present it ought to remain in the hands of its enemies.—Then to divide the people from their government was jacobinism, now it is patriotism.
From this capricious fluctuation of opinions; from this tyranny loses her dignity, and consistency is placed in a state of exile. Honesty and uniformity feel a kind of reverential reluctance, a forbidding melancholy, while old doctrines are thus passing away, and fashionable counterfeits are succeeding to their places. The reign of folly and political foppery will be for a time, and then it must end, and with it, this facility to embrace doctrines which were once rejected, to discard principles long revered; the criterions of truth and falsehood, the tests of right and wrong, are not now cognizable by the understanding, but by the sensations of a devotion to
higher actors in the ruinous systems of public deceptions. Men have arrived to certainty in politics and divinity without intermediate ideas, and received a direction in their strongest movements from the passions of others, the worst which prejudice can ever furnish. In the hurry to act, there has not been time to think. It is easy to fall down a precipice, altho' the headlong rashness is followed by fatal effects. By closing the eyes, the ruin is not seen as it is coming, but the wounds and the bruises will apprise of the injury. The passions being armed with false arguments, and the discordant elements which lurk in the bosom, being put in motion, declamation on obloquy, reason and duty are forced to yield. But the spoils of darkness and delusion will be detected in the light, and reason, robbed by violence, will recover her rights.
In the confusion and noise of party, the order of nature and of government is inverted for a time, forecast gives way to improvidence, reason to feeling, wisdom and the soundest policy, to pride, passion and prejudice, but a reversal is certain.
On the occasion of the late election, volumes of misrepresentations, slanders and errors were struck off, and put in circulation (modestly enough in the printed impressions) but with monstrous improvements in their verbal editions. Worn out and worn down charges against the administration, which had been refuted, received and reconfuted a thousand times, were renewed and made to circulate. Anxiety for the public good, from the want of the means of information and reflection, was surprised and hurried into error. The best of people, with the best intentions, voted wrong. A little time and the evil is past and gone forever; the struggles to retain it, will but increase the difficulties of its ever returning. The fortunate candidate is considered as an anti-republican. If this is not his character, federalists, by deceiving themselves, have injured him. Had it been known, that he was a republican, he would have had the republican votes; should he prove to be such, he will have their best wishes, otherwise their decent acquiescence. They have a respect for his abilities, but their object is their country, not party—their attachment is to principles, not men. They do not complain that the electors have voted for whom they pleased. It was their right, privilege, duty and safety. But it ought to have been done with dignity and manliness; the vote which they gave ought to have been their vote, not another's fairly influenced, not forced; directed by truth, not falsehood. If these observations apply to both sides, they are the more necessary, and the transactions, which justify them, the more disgraceful.
*****
The Republicans are satisfied with what it, and with what has been. They are satisfied with their

candidate. Federalists once thought well of him, and if the finger of conjecture points right, some of those who have publicly attacked him. Should they ever become Republicans, or in any event be again associated together, they will at once see, and vouch for his merit. The friends to the administration have nothing to regret; they have done their duty, and in this they triumph. They have nothing to fear; federal abilities, if against the government, can never be disposed of more innocently, nor to less effect, than with the minority in Congress. Curiosity wishes to know what is now expected, or what could have been feared from reported poverty and imbecility, had they prevailed. Was it really the disgrace of the district? If so there is a claim on our gratitude. Or was it a fear of losing a character for federalism? It is so, why was not the election put fairly on its proper principles? Why delusion? Was it that it was known a large majority of the electors were republicans, and as such would not knowingly have contravened their own views, their highest interest? Republicanism was the objection, and honesty ought to have avowed it. It was not that the candidate was deficient in ability, or in property, or that early in the revolution the illustrious defenders of our country marching to its defence, measured their steps to the sound of his music, then a boy—No; had an angel from heaven been the republican candidate, he would have been opposed, if not as the player on a fife, or the tuner of a harp in some celestial concert; yet certainly on the ground of his being a foreigner, a native of the heavenly world.
The writer has but one request in respect to the past election. It is, that those who do not know the failing candidate, would make themselves acquainted with him; and decide for themselves, if representations have been true.—This knowledge will be useful on future occasions. By the experience which has been had, you may profit in trials to come.
The two last numbers of the Farmer were designed to call your attention to a general recognition of principles which were once dear to you, and to impress on your minds the importance of exercising the right of suffrage, free from passion, imposition and prejudice. In them was an attempt to evince the necessity of a candid examination into the conduct of leading men, and of circumlocution towards those, whose productions and statements have been the result of a contrivance, which time and events have fully disclosed.
The writer will endeavor, as leisure permits, to review transactions of a public nature, and to furnish facts, by which the husbandry of the country may form their own opinions. The present generation are the guardian for posterity, and extreme will be the evil if the trust is betrayed. The legacy in keeping is of inestimable value.—If it is suffered to be squandered, our progeny will be ruined. Civil liberty is on trial, the experiment is now making, and its friends should unite to give it success. The Farmer, like the son of Amilcar, vows eternal hatred to slander and corrupt party misrepresentations, by whomsoever practiced, and will not be wanting in his endeavors, to despoil them of the acquisitions they have made, the havoc they are making, and to produce that necessary confidence in the First officer in the Union, which is due to his virtues, his services, his talents, and his merit.
A FARMER.
FROM THE BOSTON CHRONICLE.
OLD-SOUTH—No. XLVII.
"'Tis from experience that we reason best."
AFTER the British Treaty was read in the Boston Town-Meeting, a respectable and venerable citizen enquired of the Moderator, "whether that was the whole of it?" on being answered in the affirmative, he made this shrewd reply, that "what he had heard was altogether in favor of the British, and he was in hopes of finding something in favor of America."
This remark is a just comment on Mr. Jay's Treaty, and I will defy any man to point out one commercial benefit arising to the United States from its adoption. The Merchants were in expectation of receiving their depreciation money ; and "THE PEOPLE" at large flattered themselves, that our commerce would hereafter be more respected. But in every particular we find the fallacy of our reasoning, as the Merchant continues in status quo as it relates to his claims, otherwise than an augmentation of imposition, by the expenses incurred in furnishing documents to English lawyers. The citizens in general, in their commercial concerns, experience the same violations on their property; and in no instance can it be proved, that the Treaty has been favorable in any decision in a British Court of Admiralty.—Even our latest papers furnish documents of the capture of 8 or 9 sail of vessels from the West Indies, within soundings and one in sight of the light-house!
It is expected that Mr. Gallatin, in his report to Congress on the state of the Treasury, will give a specific statement of the
expenses attending the British Treaty; how much money has been appropriated and how much expended. We should be glad to hear particularly the issue of Mr. Gore's embassy; he went to England at the earliest period of the Treaty, and under the most sanguine expectations of success; he returned to America and has made a second voyage on this important business. To know the real blessings of this instrument, which was so strongly advocated by certain individuals, it would be a gratification to state the Debt and Credit on this whole transaction. If there has been any benefit we would wish to know it; if the balance is in favor of the United States, or if the Merchants have received any compensation adequate to the advances of government, we shall readily pay the most profound respect to the judgment of those gentlemen. Till this is done, every citizen has a right to judge for himself, and a few anonymous publications, supposed to be written by Englishmen , will never persuade the people, that the Treaty is not, precisely, what the venerable SAMUEL ADAMS declared it to be, i. e. "pregnant with evil." The political foresight of this aged Patriot, will excite the plaudit of the historian; while the contracted, despicable policy of its advocates will equally rouse his indignation.
As a proof of its deficiency, (as it respects the anticipations of the Merchants ) we need only refer to the unsettled state of their claims, and the innumerable captures made of their property since its adoption. At the Old South Meeting-House, the friends of the Treaty urged its adoption as the immediate remedy for their grievances; give us the Treaty, (said they) and you give us our money . They placed the question, not as it related to a national concern , but as a controversy between the merchants of America and the British Government; the Treaty and their demands were so connected, that they considered the opposition to one, as equally a denunciation of the other. When they had obtained the vote, they viewed it a complete check on the Bank of England for the full amount of their depredations, and the buzzas attending the decision was nearly equivalent to "golden guineas" from the Exchequer.
This is not an exaggerated statement of the expectations of the Treaty advocates, as I accompanied on that day many of them to the Exchange; and their mutual congratulations on their success, were proofs sufficient to justify my observations. Nay, some of them condescended to speak to me on the subject, and wondered that I should be so opposed to their interest; that I should be so cruel as to wish to deprive them of so many thousands of dollars, which they should now certainly obtain. I could not, even at this zenith of exultation, but pity their folly and smile at their credulity.
But the most curious part of this farce, was the sublime speech of Mr. Ames, in Congress. He rose in that august assembly, apparently under all the infirmities of a man in the last stages of dissolution; he introduced his observations as the dying legacy of a departing patriot; fatigued and almost expiring under the weight of his observations, he was obliged to stop at proper periods and renew his strength by the assistance of a smelling-bottle . Under these impressions he ran thro' the horrid detail of " Indian scalping-knives ;" he portrayed with pathetic energy, the desolation of our fields, the conflagrated cities, the cries of frantic mothers and helpless orphans. He almost shook the sun in its stationary position, and nearly arrested the moon and stars in their career; after exhausting his poetic fire, he at length went his gait on the Rainbow , whose thousand tints were to expire under the agonizing expulsion of the British Treaty. Such a complication of natural disorders to arise from a political cause, were unparalleled in the pages of history. No wonder that the citizens were alarmed; if the British Treaty convulsed the system of nature, we cannot be surprised that the inhabitants of the globe were interested in its adoption. If the sun was to be darkened and the moon and stars were not to shed their light; if the rainbow (the auspicious harbinger of Supreme Benevolence) was to lose its radiancy, the consequences were too fatal to be sported with. If a weak, infirm man, just tottering over the grave, thus prognosticated such direful events from the rejection of the Treaty; or, like a second Noah, prepared it as the only alternative for the salvation of his fellow-citizens, the folly of our decision can be no otherwise apologized for, than the credulity attached to his infallibility.
But, fellow-citizens, at this age of reason, do we suppose the luminaries of Heaven would have strayed from their orbits? Do we apprehend that the planetary system would have been deranged in their revolution? Do we think that the milky way would have confounded its brilliant pavement into chaos? Or can we suppose, that the rainbow would have turned into a cloud of smoke, and all the variety of its magnificent texture be reduced to a huge mass of opaque atoms?
This portrait may be considered as a strong colouring; but if we revert to the period of the Treaty, we shall find it perfectly within the original. As a proof of which read Mr. Ames' famous speech; read the debates in the Old-South Meeting-House; recur to the documents of that day in the Cen-
tinel and other federal papers; and though we may now laugh at the idea then suggested , yet you will find them portrayed in all the publications which advocated the adoption of the Treaty. Our judgment was not then this criterion of decision, but our fears , and a strange frenzy and political fanaticism pervaded every part of the community. If a man talked about the moon's being turned into blood, or the rainbow perverted into an omen of terror, we were led to adopt the wildness and extravagance of his fancy. The Treaty, the Treaty, was all the cry, and none were even Christians , but such as admitted its efficacy; the pulpit on many occasions, was the ecclesiastical drum, to rally disciples, apostles, and adherents. In short, the ratification was so interesting, that Circular Letters were forwarded to be read after Divine Service.
The Treaty, federal gentlemen , you have obtained; the Republicans opposed it; and now, Sirs, it is your duty to point out its utility. You said that compensation would be made for British depredations; let me candidly ask you, whether you have received any and to what amount? You said, that our commerce would be more respected; please to tell us wherein. Have not American vessels been taken and condemned since, and upon as unreasonable pleas as before? Have not our sailors been impressed? Has not every imposition been equally practiced in the British Courts of Admiralty? Tell us, federal gentlemen , what remittances Mr. Gore has made you, and what account he gives of his embassy; whether he is now in a way to liquidate your claims, and whether you soon expect him, with bills of exchange , for the detention of your property. Let us know what advice you have received from Mr. King, and whether Pitt and Grenville are obliged to Mr. Ames, for securing the lustre of the Rainbow, by our adopting the Treaty.
If such favorable events have taken place, we are desirous to know them, and we are willing to participate in your good fortune, by reciprocating our congratulations. But believe me, federal gentlemen , when I tell you that the whole is a delusion, and that you will find a Faction has deceived you. Time will convince you, that the opposers of the Treaty have been , and now are , your only friends. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison's political principles would have helped you, but a British Junto led you to spurn their proffered friendship. If you do not get compensation, you must blame the last administration.
I did propose in this Number to point out the impositions on our Neutrality by Mr. Jay's Treaty, but finding them so innumerable, I have thought best to call on its advocates to declare the Commercial benefits they so confidently contemplated, and even pledged themselves would arise. If they are silent on this head, we are to presume they have never realized their expectations, that the whole was a series of fraud and deception, and solely calculated to root out, by means of Agents and Factors, every advantage of Commerce, heretofore enjoyed by our citizens. The United States have been at a vast expence to fulfil their engagements, while we have reason to think that the money expended has been absorbed in parade and diplomatic ceremonies.
A few observations on the late Treaty between Russia and England will exhibit our folly still further, which will be reserved for the next Number. OLD-SOUTH.
The Spanish Treaty with Portugal has at length appeared. It was signed at Badajoz, on the Guadiana, and on the frontiers of the two kingdoms on the 6th of June. It provides that all conquests of Spain should be restored to Portugal excepting the territory and fortress of Olivenza, which gives a natural boundary to Spain on the Guadiana, and guards that no trade injurious to Spain should be permitted on the frontiers, and requires a settlement at the treasury of Spain according to former accounts. It provides to shut all the ports of Portugal against Great Britain. All captures after the ratification of the Treaty are to be restored, all damages sustained unjustly in the war are to be considered on both sides. After the ratification, which was to be in ten days, the Spanish troops were to leave Portugal, the prisoners were to be restored, the dominions to remain inviolate, and a defensive alliance to be renewed.
The improvements in the city of Washington are stated by the National Intelligencer to be rapidly progressing, as well private as public. Since the rise of Congress, a period of about six months, it is calculated that 150 dwelling-houses have been erected, of which few remain vacant; from which it is supposed the population of the city has had an increase of one half within the above period. The Public improvements are equally progressive.
Infallible cure for a Hooping Cough. Dissolve a scruple of salt of Tartar, in a gill of water—add 10 grains of Cochineal finely powdered, sweeten this with fine sugar—give to an infant the 4th part of a table spoonful four times a day—to a child of 2 or 3 years
old, half a spoonful, and from 4 upwards, a spoonful may be taken—the relief is immediate, and the cure in generally within 5 or 6 days. [Palladium.]
It is now ascertained that twelve of the sixteen States, are decidedly Republican—and that the four which are yet federal, are fast approximating to a change. J. Ceu.
SPANISH SPOILATION.
We understand that the Chamber of Commerce of the city of Philadelphia, having presented to the President of the United States a remonstrance on the subject of depredations committed and threatened from the Spanish port of Algeciras, has received from the office of State, official intimation, that the interests of the United States, thus suffering, will engage the immediate attention of the President—that he will order without delay the proper representations and demands to be made to the Spanish government; and will take into consideration, with the solicitude due to the object, how far any other measures, within the authority of the Executive, may contribute to arrest the progress of so serious and so UNWARRANTABLE an aggression on the LAWFUL pursuits of our commerce.
We hear that GIDEON GRANGER, Esq. of Suffield (Con.) is appointed Post Master General of the United States, in the room of Mr. HABERSHAM, resigned.
Sales at Auction.
On WEDNESDAY, 11th inst. at 10 o'clock, will be sold at GARDNER & DEAN's Office, viz.
20 Pieces Broad Cloths, 10 do. Fine Flannels, 6 do. Cassimeres, 40 do. Chintzes and Calicoes, 40 do. Linens, 100 do. Fine Cottons, 6 do. Black Mdeas, 1 do. Do. Striped Sartin, 1 do. White Plain Do. 10 do. Black Mullins, 40 do. Printed Mullins, 30 do. Checks and Stripes, 50 Dozen Shawls, 30 do. Stockings, 30 do. Gloves and Mitts, 6 do. Silk Shawls, 40 do. Linen Handkerchiefs, 4 Pieces fine Dimities, 20 Bags best green Coffee.
Conditions at time of Sale Newport, Nov. 7, 1801.
JAMES MUMFORD
Has received from BARCELONA, via New-York, a variety of Silks, viz.
LADIES Silk Sleeves. Do. Do. Check'd Handkerchiefs. White, Slate, Black, Fletm, and Yellow. Silk Gloves. Ditto Do. Mitts. 3 & 4 Threaded Silk Stockings, with open Clocks. Ribbed Do. without Clocks. Blue and Black Striped Lace-trimmed. Plain Plumbe colored Do. Striped Sattins, for women's Gowns. One Box White and Black Lace.
Newport, Nov. 7. 619
FOR SALE, By
SAMUEL VERNON, jun.
COGNAC Brandy, Claret Wine in casks and boxes, Silks, Britannia Line, white Vinegar, Verdigris, and House-Paper:—The above articles are entitled to drawback, and are now landing from the Brig Hannah, from Bordeaux, at Mr. Robert Stevens' wharf.
He has also for sale, Russia and Raven's Duck, a few Demijans and long and short Corks.
Newport, Nov. 7, 1801.
Take Notice.
ALL Persons having demands against the estate of Joseph Pike, late of Newport, Ship-Wright, deceased, are requested to exhibit them to the Subscribers for settlement; and those indebted to said estate are desired to make immediate payment to
KATHERINE PRICE, Admin'r. ROBERT DUNHAM, jun. Admin'r. Newport, Nov. 7, 1801. 618
Just Published and for Sale at this Office, [Per Groce, Dozen, or Single.]
THE RHODE-ISLAND ALMANAC, FOR THE Year 1802,
Calculated, for the meridian of Newport, containing, beside the usual calculations, a great variety of useful and entertaining matter.

NEWPORT, Saturday, Nov. 7, 1801.
LEGISLATURE OF RHODE-ISLAND.
October Session of the General Assembly, held at State-Kingsburg, A. D. 1801.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, October 26.
NOT being a quorum this day to proceed to business, the House adjourned to Tuesday, 10 o'clock.
Tuesday 27. The morning was taken up in forming a House, which being done, a motion was made by Mr. N. Hazard, that the law of this State relative to administration, be amended—that whenever any administrator shall intermarry with any person, her administration shall cease. After making some observations on the propriety of this amendment, it was referred to the Attorney General and Mr. N. Hazard, and was passed during the session.
On Wednesday morning, Mr. N. Hazard, after making some observations on the importance of the resolutions from the Legislature of Maryland, relative to the choice of Electors of President, &c. moved that they should be referred to a committee of two members from each county. This was opposed by Mr. Potter, who declared that the House was now ready for the consideration of them. He said that the small States ought to be very cautious how they amended the Constitution, lest the rage for amendments might deprive them of their equality in the Senate of the United States. He also said that in the small State of Rhode-Island, there was no necessity for the amendment. Mr. N. Hazard supported his motion. He said it was a question of very great importance; and questions of importance it had been usual to refer to select committees. He denied that the rage for amendments could in any manner affect our equality in the Senate of the United States. For the Constitution itself had declared, that no State should be deprived of her equality there, without her consent. He showed, that even in the small State of Rhode-Island, the amendment would operate favorably. But on this question (he said) we should not confine ourselves merely to the State of Rhode-Island; but ought to take a view of its operation through the United States. He further observed, the Constitution itself was grounded on general convention, and the amendments to it ought to be similarly grounded. (The resolutions were referred to a committee of ten, to report at the next session.)
The militia bill was then called for, and read; when Mr. Rodes presented instructions from the town of Westerly to the members from that town, which were, that they use their endeavors to procure an allowance in money to the militia, on parade days.
Mr. C. Green observed that he thought something ought to be done to relieve the militia from the unequal burthen which at present devolved on them, in that they were obliged to equip themselves, besides losing their time, when they turned out on parade. It was an expence, he conceived, which ought to be paid by the property of the inhabitants at large, and not by those citizens entirely who were generally of the poorer class. The militia (said Mr. G.) is the bulwark not only of our liberties, but also of our property. Their arms defend our possessions and protect our interest. And it doth really seem inequitable, that those who are extremely wealthy, should be enabled so easily to elude a duty which falls with an accumulated pressure upon those who are poor. If, therefore (said he) any means could be devised which might tend to relieve them, & to apportion the duty with more equality, he should readily agree to it. He would, therefore, suggest the idea of some small compensation, and wished that a committee might be appointed to look into the business, and make a report on the same.
Mr. Potter opposed the measure, declaring that it would be a flanding army to all intents and purposes;—that it would bankrupt the State, &c. &c.
Mr. N. Hazard wished a committee to be appointed, in order to ascertain the number of persons who would receive pay as militia men; and the sums which it would be proper for each person to receive. He observed, that were this committee to be appointed, the whole sum necessary for paying the military would be known, and the House would have some ground to proceed upon—whereas, they now had only loose opinion. If the requisite sum should not be large; if the burthen on the State should be very inconsiderable, he should be for paying them. If, on the other hand, the requisite sum should be very great; if the burthen should be very heavy, he should be decidedly against it. He contended that the paying, or not paying the militia, was not a question of justice, as some gentlemen had observed—but merely of expediency.
Mr. Pitman spoke in favor of a Committee:—But that motion which had been the ground of his argument, and which had been seconded, was declared by the Speaker to be out of order. The sense of the House
was then taken upon the question ay , or no , which was carried in the negative.
Friday, a bill was introduced by Mr. Potter, to extend the power of taking Depositions, which was read.
Mr. P. M. Mumford said that he should oppose the bill as presented by the Gentleman. He believed the law, in that respect, as it now stood, was full as extensive as the purposes of justice required, and should the bill proposed be adopted, he believed it would lead to an endless source of litigation and fraud. It was his opinion that the practice of taking depositions ought to be strictly guarded, as he believed a trifling inadvertence in this particular, would open a door to perversion and injustice. The too general allowance of depositions might supersede the right to require the personal attendance of witnesses.
Mr. Potter wished he would point out his particular objections. It is (said Mr. P.) very expensive to carry witnesses to court. Suppose, for instance, said he, a doctor of this town should move over to Newport for the purpose of suing his accounts. Would it not be very hard upon those who might be sued, to be obliged to attend a court at Newport with their witnesses upon expence. If, after a deposition has been taken (said Mr. P.) the parties do not agree about it, the party defending may compel the deponent to come into court and testify.—(He advocated his bill at considerable length.)
Mr. Mumford observed, that no expence which would tend to purify the medium of justice, ought to be regretted; that the gentleman last speaking (Mr. Potter) had made out a long perambulation about the particular objections to his bill; and that it would be impossible to point them all out, without entering into a discussion of physiognomy. Every one knows, said he, that the best evidence which the nature of a case admits of, is required by the principles of law; and he believed that the advantages of testimony by the personal appearance of those who are to testify, over that which was to be derived from depositions, could not be enforced by words. He remarked, that when a person appeared in open court, under the solemnity of an oath, his inducements to speak the truth were multiplied; that his countenance, his appearance, and deportment were indicative of the weight, and veracity of what he said. He believed that there had instances enough occurred during the present session, to convince every member of the House, of the doubts and ambiguity, which uniformly attend on depositions. Different constructions, said he, might be forced upon them, 'till opinion is bewildered. Mr. M. observed, in the first instance, that too general an allowance of depositions might supersede the right to require the personal attendance of witnesses. It was answered that they might be summoned even after their depositions had been taken, provided the suitors did not agree. Is (said Mr. M.) the agreement of the parties required? Then no regulation can avail; because the dissention of either, would destroy the whole. And if the agreement of the parties was required, then there would be no need of any regulation about it, because even without any, such agreement would establish whatever it might be necessary to admit. But this, he said, was not the case. For if a particular mode of taking depositions was established by law, a deposition taken according to that mode, could not be controverted; but would pass to a jury under the direction of the court. It would be legal evidence , said he, and could not be turned aside.
Mr. Green conceived that the instance of the Doctor, which Mr. Potter had introduced in support of his bill, might operate fall as strongly against it. If, said he, the Doctor, (according to the supposition of Mr. Potter) who had moved at a distance from a neighborhood in which he had formerly practiced, should be under a necessity of suing his accounts, would it not be grievous, and oppressive to him to be cited to attend the taking a multitude of depositions, which might have no other object than merely to vex, and perplex him?
Mr. Lippitt thought the bill too general, and liable to objections on that ground. He moved that it be referred to a committee, and postponed.
Mr. N. Hazard said, that the testimony of witnesses appearing in court, was undoubtedly preferable to that testimony which was to be obtained from depositions; but that in many cases (particularly in cases of small importance) the expence and inconvenience of producing witnesses in court, made it necessary to allow the taking of depositions. He said there could be no kind of doubt but that a witness whose deposition had been taken, could afterward be brought into court; but as he thought the bill in some measure defective, he should second the motion made by Mr. Lippitt, to refer the bill to a committee, and to postpone the consideration of it to the next session. (The bill was accordingly referred and postponed.) A resolution was introduced by Judge Bicknell, for the appointment of a day of Thanksgiving.
Mr. Pitman rose, and said that he must oppose the resolution, for he was decidedly against a Legislative appointment of any particular day for that purpose. It seemed too
much like the molten calf, which Aaron shewed, and said these are thy Gods, O Israel. He knew and felt the delicacy of his situation;—that he should unavoidably provoke against him the honest prejudices of many, and many, perhaps less honest, would contribute to inflame those prejudices against him. But his own heart, and his own conscience admonished him that he should not become a sacrifice to them. We have, said he, the assurance of Christ himself (than whom there never was a more perfect character or better man) that those who resist the temporal power, from a connection with spiritual things, shall be countenanced, protected, and justified. "My friends be not afraid of them that kill the body, and after that have no more that they can do;—but I will forewarn you whom you shall fear. Fear him who after he hath killed, hath power to cast into hell." Thus high, and hallowed are the assurances (said Mr. P.) which strengthen me in my present situation. We read also (said Mr. P.) that Daniel was cast into a den of Lions, "for as much as he was faithful ," disregarding the projects of the Princes;—and Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, into a burning furnace, because the sound of the dulcimer and the harp could not allure them to fall down and worship the images set up by the king. But to them the jaws of the one were fastened, and the flames of the other were harmless.
He proceeded. The first and most earnest desire of the religious, and reflecting mind, as soon as it comes to a knowledge of the existence of a God, is, that it may form ideas worthy of, and suitable to that fountain of all goodness. Thus impressed, our hearts would be constantly filled with gratitude towards him. We should never be unmindful of the obligations we are under. A sense of that duty would ever be present with us, when we lie down, and when we rise up. To consecrate one day only, as sufficient to make a return of our thankfulness for continual bounties and blessings, was in his opinion, far from being right; was really disgraceful. The Legislature has no authority, nor can it have any jurisdiction in matters of religion. The Constitutions of nine states promulgate the principle, that it is the right of every man to worship God agreeably to the dictates of his own conscience. In the charter of this state, other words are made use of, as if it had been intended to preserve that right with more fulness and certainty. It is true, said he, it bears the semblance of a recommendation; but this is the first step to a religious tyranny. The Pope of Rome files himself Christ's vice-gerent on earth, and if his advancement to that station does not imply the power; yet it implies an acknowledgement on the part of the People, of a belief of the existence of that power which makes it constitutional. We have no delegated powers; for that reason, it would be an usurpation.
Mr. C. Green observed that he was very sorry to have occasion to speak again upon that subject in the Legislature of Rhode-Island. He believed it to be an unauthorized interference, and an objectionable assumption of power. For though it was clothed in the soft language of a recommendation ; yet it would operate upon those whose consciences might forbid a compliance, with all the disagreeables of penalty—the penalty of disaffection, disgust, and dislike, from the rest of their fellow-citizens. Experience had taught him the force of this observation. Many do not make the distinction between a recommendation of this kind, and a positive law ; but consider, that whatever comes from the Legislature, as entitled to respect, for which obedience is required. Thus its principal effect goes to create animosity among the people, and to make against many an unfavorable impression. He thought the bill to be an improper interference in matters of a religious nature. That all such interference was rather arbitrary, as the members of the House had no power invested in them to direct their constituents in spiritual matters. He believed that but few States were in the habit of this. It was true that the States of Massachusetts and Connecticut were: From whence he concluded that this State had taken the example. But he hoped the Presbyterianism of those States, in this respect would never be introduced into this State, to tyrannize over the inhabitants. Yet he ardently hoped that the Presbyterians of this State might ever enjoy their religious liberties, in the fullest manner. What (said Mr. G.) was the object of our forefather Roger Williams, who was the first settler of this State, in coming here from Massachusetts? It was that he might enjoy the liberty of conscience. He there perceived a species of bigotry rising to intolerance: He left, and came to this State, then wild and uncultivated, and we are all entitled to the freedom for which he suffered. Mr. Green concluded by observing, that the reason why, in this State, the different denominations had so long lived together in harmony and friendship, was because there was no preference given to any sect by the laws, and that the least interference would tend to destroy that harmony. And as a connection between church and state had ever been so dreadful an enemy to society, he hoped the Legislature would resist such an enemy while yet on the threshold.
The House being divided, the proposed resolutions were negatived by a great majority.
A motion was then made by Mr. Potter, that the yeas and nays be entered on the journals.
Mr. Mumford asked if it was proper that the yeas and nays should be called for, after the sense of the House had been taken. The Speaker answered that it was.
Mr. Taber observed that it appeared to him to be useless. Surely (said he) it cannot be intended to answer any fair, or beneficial purpose.
Mr. Green enquired of the Speaker, whether in case a question had been declared by him determined by a majority of one ; and after wards, when the yeas and nays were taken, some member, through fear, or whatever cause, had been induced to vote differently, the first vote would be destroyed, or not? He thought that the rules of the House ought to be guarded against such difficulty.
Mr. Hazard thought the yeas and nays could not with propriety be taken after the question had been determined. He asked for what purpose a vote is taken? It is merely to ascertain the sentiments of the House. After those sentiments have been ascertained no further vote can be taken, unless for party purposes merely. In this House we are to consult the public good; not to endeavor to create party. If this was a rule of the House, on this account he gave notice that he should move to abolish it.
Saturday. Mr. N. Hazard rose to offer several resolutions to the House. He said he offered them, not from any private opposition to any member of that House:—He offered them merely to express the high confidence we repose in the virtue and talents of His Excellency the Governor of this State—at a time when both his public and private character, have been wantonly and scandalously attacked in several public papers of this state, and of our full disapprobation of those Publications.
The resolutions were read, when a variety of motions were successively made by Mr. Potter, in order to prevent their passing the House. The question, however, was at length taken, and was carried in the affirmative by a great majority. The resolutions were as follows:
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
In General Assembly, October Session, A. D. 1801.
FORASMUCH as several Publications have of late been made, in a certain News-Paper printed at Providence by Bennet Wheeler, called the United States Chronicle, slandering and defaming the Governor, Supreme Court, and other constituted Authorities of this State, one of which Publications was subscribed by John Dorrance ,
Resolved, That in the Opinion of this General Assembly, the said Publications tend to discredit this State abroad, and to disquiet the good People of this State, by weakening public Confidence in the constituted Authorities thereof.
Resolved, That in the Opinion of this General Assembly, His Excellency the Governor, the Supreme Court, and the other constituted Authorities of this State, are well entitled to the public Confidence, and have deserved well of their Fellow-Citizens, by a faithful and meritorious Execution of the Trusts reposed in them by the People.
Voted, That the above Resolutions be published, for three weeks successively, in all the News-Papers printed in this State.
A true Copy: Witness, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
MARRIED]—In this town, on Tuesday evening last, Major WILLIAM MACREA, of the 2d United States Regiment, to Miss MARY CHAMPLIN, only daughter of the late Capt. Robert Champlin.
On Thursday, at the Friends' Meeting-House, Capt. ELIJAH SMITH, of New-Bedford, to Miss MARY SLUM, youngest daughter of the late John Slocum, Esq. of this town.
Blest is that Man, whose zealous search shall find A Fair, of temper mild, and gentle mind; Whose feet of sensibility can prove The charms of friendship, & the sweets of love.
DIED]—At Jamestown, suddenly, on Wednesday last, Mr. DANIEL WEEDEN, in an advanced age.

A NEW SONG. THE IRISH PATRIOT.
THE Sun sets at night and the stars thru the day, But glory remains when these lights fade away: Begin, ye tormentors, your threat'nings are vain, For a true son of Erin, I scorn to complain.
See halbert and thong my tormentors prepare, The loaded lash whizzing high quivers in air; But the halbert may parry, and the thong fly in vain, For a true son of Erin, I scorn to complain.
To the true sons of Erin I swore to be true, I swore to be hostile to tyrants and you: My life I may lose, but my oath I'll maintain, And Erin's proud boast shall be, ne'er to complain.
O blood of our brothers! O blood of our fires! Your voice echoes Vengeance! your incense inspires; This current congenial rolls rapid with pain, But, a true son of Erin I scorn to complain.
Warm, warm is my bosom, and high beats my heart, But the grave gives its sting up, and death drops his dart, Feeling's gone and my tortures I eye with disdain, While, a true son of Erin, I've scorn'd to
THE DRESS OF 1700.
[By ANDREW MERRY, Esquire.]
WHAT modesty now mark'd our fair They did not leave their bosoms bare, Creating passion! But hiding almost all the skin, They wore large caps tied under the chin; Ah! sweet old Fashion! And the rough handkerchief did so pin, That part of the breast lay open.—
The titled lady neat and prim, Exhibited a person slim, With waist so nice and taper; How neatly fix'd was every pin! So tightly lac'd, she look'd as thin As was her own Thread-paper. And then by a large Hoop's assistance, She kept the Fopling at a distance.
The MACARONI, like a Lord, Walk'd with full-bottom'd wig and sword, And Cravat as was made then; A long square coat, with a large cuff, For tailor's put in cloth enough; A sign that they were paid then! With fierce cock hat they look'd like men, And wore two costly Rings; At first large Buckles, small ones then,— But never thought of Strings.
INDIAN FEMALE DELICACY.
WHEN the Creek nation of Indians, some time ago, were at war with a more barbarous tribe, the unwarrantable attack of the latter upon the former induced a chief of that tribe to join the Creek nation in repelling and chastising their insolent neighbor. This chief, whose name was Greenluf, was an Indian of some address, and was thought handsome; he was very attentive to the savage girls in general, but particularly so to the daughter of the Redbud king. She was a beautiful female, and when Greenluf mentioned to her his wish to make her his wife, gratitude and love conspired to induce an acceptance of the offer. The day was fixed on when they were to be married; it arrived, the parties appeared at the house of the lovely Alvenà, (the name of the young savage girl) but what was her surprise when just before the ceremony was to be performed, an Indian squaw approached with two children in her arms (with rapid step) and addressed Greenluf in the following manner: Cruel and perfidious wretch! is it possible that you are about to abandon me and your two infants, and leave us forever a prey to disgrace and poverty? All was silence, when Alvenà arose, and, after a pause of a
minute, observed, that altho' she was sensible this affair would cost her her life, she rejoiced that she remained unstained by that wretch. She fainted—was taken and laid on a bed—she expired! The wife of Greenluf wandered about for a few weeks full of distress and trouble, when, after charging a brother to be revenged for the insult offered, she with a tomahawk, dashed out the brains of her children, and with a knife stabbed herself to the heart.
Advice from a Father to his Son.
I don't mind your taking a few glasses of wine in company; it cheers & enlivens, promotes mirth, spirit and conversation—Nay, if you can bear it, Tom, I don't much mind THIS bottle, or THAT bottle—but as you value yourself, and as you value my friendship—beware of the other bottle.
In all my experience in life, the mischief has been done by "other bottle."—It makes us drunk, quarrelsome, stupid, stay out late, keep bad hours, and bad company, and bad every thing—therefore I say again Tom, beware of the other bottle.
CURIous EXTRACT
From the Will of the late Governor of Plymouth, (Eng.) proved in Oct. 1782.
"I desire that my body may be kept as long as it may not be offensive, and that one of my toes or fingers may be cut off to secure a certainty of my being dead. I also make this further request, to my dear wife, that as she has been troubled with one old fool, she will not think of marrying a second."
The following is an exact copy of a Hand-Bill stuck up in several parts of the city of Dublin, in July 1800.
This is to certify, that I, Daniel O'Flanagan, am not the person that was tarred and feathered by the liberty mob on Tuesday last; and I am ready to give 20 guineas to any one that will lay me fifty, that I am the other man who goes by my name. Witness my hand this 30th of July, 1800.
DANIEL O'FLANAGHAN.
Take Notice.
THE Managers of the Bristol Church Lottery, inform the Public, that the drawing of the Second class, commenced on Wednesday: The following numbers were drawn and are Prizes of Five Dollars each.
No. 97, 215, 296, 344 376, 415, 841, 965, 1000, 1024, 1051, 1432, 1557, 1673, 1752, 1997, 2127, 2322, 2349, 2492, 2515, 2613, 2824, 2788, 2946.
In consequence of having received no returns, from many of those who had tickets for sale, the Managers have postponed the drawing to the second Wednesday in November, at which time they have no doubt, but they shall be able to complete the drawing.
Bristol, Oct. 1, 1801.
A few Tickets in the above Lottery, may still be had at O. Farnsworth's Printing-Office.
TO BE SOLD,
(And possession given immediately)
A FARM, lying in West-Greenwich, about 7 miles from East-Greenwich Meeting-House—with a good Dwelling-House, Barn, and Corn-House thereon—containing about Seventy Acres of LAND. Also, an Out Lot, containing about 35 Acres; which will be sold together or separate. For further particulars, enquire of JOB HARRINGTON, on the premises.
West-Greenwich, Oct. 1.
FOR SALE, By JOSEPH BRIGGS, 15 Hhds. W. I. Rum, 20 do. Jamaica Spirits, high 4th proof, and good flavored, —ALSO— A few Hogsheads good Retailing Molasses.
Newport 12th Sept. 1801.
STEPHEN T. NORTHAM, Has for Sale, THIRTY Hogsheads 3d proof Antigua RUM. Newport, July 11, 1801.
Lost or Stolen,
THE 8th instant, a Small Pinchbeck Watch, chased out side case, with a red stone Seal, set in silver. If either Watch or Seal is offered for sale, it is requested to be stopped; and either of the Watch-Makers in Newport, will pay a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS, if recovered and not injured. Newport, Oct. 23, 1801.
Take Notice.
THE subscribers, appointed by the Hon. Town-Council of Newport, Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of CALEB CORY, late of Newport, (Mariner) deceased, represented insolvent.—Notify said creditors to exhibit their claims to either of us at our respective dwellings within six months from the fifth inst. being the period limited by law.
SAMUEL CARR, ANTHONY DIXON.
The subscriber solicits all persons indebted to said estate, to make immediate payment.
ELIZABETH CORY, Administratrix.
Newport, Oct. 15, 1801.
TO BE SOLD,
On Reasonable Terms,
A FARM in Exeter, (one mile South of the ten-rod highway, and six miles from Wickford)—containing about one hundred Acres of Land, with a very good HOUSE, Barn, and Corn Crib; well fenced with stone wall. Said Farm has a quantity of young growing wood, and is tolerably well watered. For particulars, inquire of DANIEL TILLINGHAST, living near said Farm.
—ALSO—
BY PARDON TILLINGHAST, adjoining the above, about 180 acres, two Dwelling Houses and other Out Buildings. It may be purchased together or in separate divisions.—Payment will be made easy. Exeter, Sept. 21, 1801.
WILLIAM WILLBOR, Sign of the GOLDEN FISH, directly opposite Mr. Joseph Briggs' Thames-Street,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public in general, that he carries on the Glazing business in its various branches, where he offers for Sale, Window Glass of different sizes, by the Box, or smaller quantity, viz.—13 by 18, 12 by 16, 10 by 14, 10 by 13, 10 by 12, 9 by 11, 8 by 10, 7 by 9, 8 by 6—likewise, Sheet Glass, cut in any form or size—Putty by the quantity or single pound.
He has also, at Retail—Brandy—Rum—Gin—Brown, & white powder'd Sugar—Molasses—Flour—Rice—Sou-chong, Congo, and Bohea Teas—Chocolate—Coffee—Negro-head, cut, and Pigtail Tobacco—Segars—Raisins—Mustard—Pepper—Ginger—Starch—Candles—Writing Paper—Dutch Quills—Best New-York Hard Soap, &c. &c.
Newport, Sept. 19, 1801.
Thomas Howland,
MOST respectfully informs the Public at large, and his friends in particular, that he has qualified himself for an Auctioneer, and will be ready to serve them at any time or place. July 18, 1801.
215
William W. Vernon, PAINTER,
Has for Sale, at his shop, opposite William Cahoon and Company's, near the foot of the New Lane;
The following Paints, either Dry, or Ground in Oil:
BEST London White LEAD, Spanish BROWN, Whiting, and Spruce YELLOW (of an excellent quality) by the hundred wt. or single pound; India Red, Umber, Letharge, Red Lead, White Vitriol, Verdigrise, and Prussian Blue;
Painters Brushes and Tools; Black and Bright Varnish, Spirits of Turpentine, Linseed Oil, Boiled or Un-Boiled; 1 by 9, and 6 by 8 Window Glass, and Putty.
Newport, August 15, 1801.
Francis Anderson
and Company,
TAKE this method to request those that are indebted to them, as they are about dissolving their connection in partnership. They are also ready to make payment to those to whom the firm is indebted.
Newport, August 27, 1801.
NICOLAS GEFFROY,
Watch-Maker, in Newport,
INFORMS the Public, he has taken into Partnership Mr. L. TISSOT, a superior Workman, late from the Watch-Manufactory in Geneva, who will undertake to make New Watches;—and to repair, in the best manner, for Watch makers, or private persons, any new-constructed and complicated Watches, and Time-Pieces.—They will also import, from said Manufactory, at nine months warning, all such Watches and Time-Pieces, as their employers shall order.
They have also Constantly on hand,
An elegant Assortment of warranted, and common English, and Geneva Watches and Time-Pieces, which they will sell on reasonable terms.—In addition to the above, they carry on the Goldsmith's and Silver-smith's business, in all its branches; and likewise will make, or repair, any kind of Jewellery, in the neatest fashion.
They also have for Sale,
Wholesale and Retail, all kinds of Jewellery, imported and of the latest fashion; officers' gold and silver Epaulets; plated & brass Candlesticks; plated and Britannia Tea-Pots; Dirks, small Swords and Hangers; plated Bitts, Stirrups and Spurs; Tea-Trays; Castors; Andirons, Shovel and Tongs; Cutlery Ware of all kinds; Night and Day Spy-Glasses; Ladies and Gentlemen's Pocket-Books; Dressing Glasses; Suspenders; Trusses; Horse-Whips; Razors; Hopkin's famous Razor-Straps; best Beaver Hats; Perfumery of all kinds, from London and Paris; Hair-Powder; Starch; Barley-Sugar, and Sugar-Plums; Spanish Segars; best Macabau and Scotch Snuff; and a great variety of other articles, too numerous to insert here. Newport, Feb. 7, 1801.
FOR SALE,
A TWO Story Dwelling-House, pleasantly situated at the north-end of Thames-Street; with a good well of water, yard, garden and stable.—For further particulars, enquire JOSEPH COZZENS.
Newport, Sept. 25, 1801.
Information to Mariners.
THE public are informed that by the solicitations of Capt. John Earl, jun. of Newport, monies have been subscribed by a number of public spirited gentlemen of that port, for the purpose of placing an Iron Spindle upon the rocks at the East end or tail of Watch Hill Reef. The spindle is now up.—There is a large Black Ball upon the top of it, with a Director, which is painted white, and points to the Northward and Westward. The letters W N are painted in black upon the director, shewing the course to be W. by N. to Latimer's Rock, in Fisher's Island Sound; which rock has a spindle and ball upon it, and a good channel either to the Northward or Southward of it; to the Northward the water is deep near the rock; to the Southward it is shoal for about three cables length. The water is deep within a cable's length to the Northward of the Spindle at Watch Hill. Watch Point is shoal, with single rocks nearly half the distance from the Point to the Spindle.
Stonington, Oct. 6, 1801.
ROWSE TAYLOR,
Has opened his Evening SCHOOL. Newport, 9th of 10th Mo.