The Massachusetts spy, or, Thomas's Boston journal (Boston [Mass.]), 1772-10-08 00:00:00

THE Massachusetts Spy Or, Thomas's Boston Journal.
A Weekly, Political, and Commercial PAPER:--Open to ALL Parties, but Influenced by None.
DO THOU GREAT LIBERTY INSPIRE OUR SOULS,--And make our Lives in THY Possession happy,--Or, our Deaths glorious in THY JUST Defence.
VOL. II.]
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1772.
[NUMB. 86.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. Mr. THOMAS, The notice taken of the letter signed AKOLAX, in your paper No. 82, moves me to send you the following, to show the squamish Mr. H---, and his very complaisant c---, what letters his Master may divert himself with daily, from the presses of his own metropolis. X. Y.
From the MIDDLESEX JOURNAL.
To the K---.
THE K---'s speech, till within these few years, was always considered as the speech of the Minister, because this last was held to be the servant of the public, not one of your M---'s domesticks. Your M---y in your great wisdom, great folly, the event will determine which, has thought proper to destroy this idea. You are now confessedly your own Minister, and as such are accountable for every measure of your government. I shall therefore consider the speech you delivered last Tuesday as your own proper speech, and shall venture to make a few remarks upon it, with all the decency which becomes a good subject, but, at the same time with all the freedom, and even boldness, that is expected in one who laughs at the distastefulness of Monarchy, while he is conscious of your laws, and the laws of his country. Addressing yourself to the H---'s as you say,
"My L--- and G---, "I cannot put an end to this session of Parliament, without expressing the satisfaction I have felt in observing the temper and the prudence, which have governed all your deliberations during the course of it, and without returning you my particular thanks for the fresh proof you have given of your affectionate attachment to me in the additional security you have provided for the welfare and honour of my family."--Now, Sir, when you talked of putting an end to this session of Parliament, it would not have been amiss if you had informed the public why you did not put an end to it sooner, why you protracted it beyond the usual season. Was you ashamed to confess the real reason? Was you ashamed to confess that you kept the Parliament sitting, not for the purpose of settling our disputes with foreign states, not for the purpose of regulating the internal police of the kingdom, not with a view of setting some bounds to the luxuries of the rich, nor of relieving the wants and necessities of the poor; in a word, not for any single national object; but merely to gratify the vanity of a man who had no other merit than that of having acted as principal p---p to one of your worthless favourites? If it was shame that restrained you from making such a confession, I give you credit at least for this semblance of virtue; for to be ashamed of a mean or a base action has certainly such a semblance. But it was not shame, but fear that influenced you. Your M---y wants to pass for a religious man, though you have no just pretensions to such a character. The mask of it, however, is very easily worn, provided one observes a little circumspection; but you were justly apprehensive, lest this mask should have been pulled off, had you avowed so strong a connection at this prolongation of the session implied, with one of the most profligate men in the kingdom. As your M---y therefore could think of no false reason that would appear probable, and as the true reason would not bear the light, you very prudently assigned no reason at all, and left every one to form his conjectures on this
singular circumstance as his interest, his passion, or prejudice should direct him.
Instead of saying, as you do, that you felt great satisfaction in observing the temper, and the prudence, which have governed all the deliberations of P---t during the course of the session, it would have been more consistent with truth, and consequently more suitable to that candor and ingenuity which should ever mark the character of a K---, to declare that you was highly pleased with the blind and implicit obedience they had paid to all your imperial dictates, signified by your Minister; for their temper and their prudence, in the eye of common sense, amounts to no more.
As to the fresh proof they have given of their affectionate attachment to you, by passing the Royal Marriage bill, to which you plainly allude in the conclusion of the above paragraph, I have only to observe, that I am as zealous an advocate as your M---y can possibly be for a royal marriage bill: I only differ from you with regard to the mode of it. The controuling power should be entirely in the hands of the parliament, that is, of the people: Your Majesty, properly, should have no concern in it. Your M---y is not at liberty to marry as you please; and for a man, who himself is not at liberty to marry as he pleases, to be allowed to controul the marriage of other people is to be abhorred. He is allowed to marry at all, except the eldest, and he only to get an heir to the crown. If we have such a one to fill up a vacancy when it happens we want no more. We are already sufficiently burthened with the maintenance of your numerous family in a single state, without incurring the additional expence we must necessarily bring upon us, were we to suffer them to marry, and to have their already too great establishment still further encreased. Their cannot, indeed, be a greater curse to any nation than a numerous Royal Family. They are sure to rise to the first offices in the army, the navy, and perhaps even the state, without the least pretence to merit; and this furnishes such a precedent for preferring interest to merit in all cases, as must at last extinguish in the breast of the subject, every spark of honest ambition, every generous desire to excel.
You insinuate, that the sole intention of the Royal Marriage bill was to provide an additional security for the welfare and honour of your family. I doubt not but this was your M---y's intention. I doubt not even but it was the intention of the present menial and prostitute parliament. But I am sure it was not the intention of the people in general, nor will it be the intention of an uncorrupt Parliament, should such a Parliament ever be chosen; for should it be chosen, it will convince your M---y, that the ease, the convenience and the interest of the nation, not the welfare and honour of your family, were the great objects of the Royal Marriage bill. In France the glory of the Grand Monarque is considered as superior to the happiness of the people; but I trust the time will never come in England when the welfare and honour of the Brunswick family, or of any other family, shall be considered as superior, or even equal, or even in any the least degree comparable to the interest of the nation. The French King may tell his subjects, that they were made for him: The English will take the liberty of telling their King, that he was made for them. The French King may tell his subjects that he is their master: The English will take the liberty of telling their King, that he is only their servant and though their first servant, still but their servant.
And pray, Sir, what do you mean by the
honour of your family? Do you mean that your family would be dishonoured, if any male branch of it was to marry the daughter of an English Nobleman? Whatever your German pride may dictate, for though you was born in England, it is German blood that still runs in your veins--I will take upon me to inform you, that your family will be so far from being dishonoured by such a connection, that it would on the contrary, be highly honoured. The daughter of an English Nobleman is a fit match, for your brothers or your sons, or even for yourself. The only reason why we do not chuse to allow of such matches, is not from a regard to the honour of your family, but from a prudent attention to our own peace and quiet. You proceed thus: "I can with great pleasure acquaint you, that the dispositions of the powers of Europe give me the strongest reasons to believe, that this nation will not be disturbed in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace."--No Sir, we believe as well as you, that we are in no danger of being disturbed in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace, which you submit, and, what is infinitely worse, while you make a once brave and high spirited nation submit to every species of indignity and insult from the several powers of Europe. For where is the indignity or insult, where is the real wrong or injury, to which you have not submitted, though with great difficulty to procure a promise of payment of part of the Canada bills. But what is become of the Antigallican prize? What is become of the Manila ransom? What say you to the conquest of Corsica, by the French? What say you to the treatment your sister has met with in Denmark? And do you not, even now, meanly give up the intended expedition to the South Seas, for fear of offending the court of Madrid? You may therefore felicitate yourself and the nation on the prospect of not being disturbed in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace. The powers of Europe are too wise, as well as too humane, to make war upon a p---t, upon one from whom they can obtain every thing, by their threats, and busters, that they could possibly obtain by force of arms.
THE foregoing letter was first published in the Middlesex Journal, an ENGLISH paper, and no notice taken of it, either by the King, his privy council, Lord MANSFIELD, or the Attorney General; it has been republished in a neighbouring province, but we hear of no prosecution commenced against the printer. It seems as though I. Thomas, the printer of this paper, is the only person of his profession, marked out by a seal of ministerial power for a SACRIFICE. For what reason is not known, unless it be for printing a FREE paper. The piece signed AKOLAX, directed to the King, in No. 82, of the Massachusetts Spy, we are informed his Excellency laid before his council about a fortnight ago, and last Thursday, it is said, they unanimously resolved, that the King's Attorney be ordered to prosecute the printer IN WHAT MANNER HE THINKS BEST: Whether the design of this prosecution in him who first promoted it, was not MALICIOUS, we leave the world to determine. Should the liberty of the press be once destroyed, farewell the remainder of our invaluable rights and privileges! We may next expect paddocks on our lips, fetters on our legs, and only our hands left at liberty to slave for our worse than Egyptian task masters, or-- FIGHT OUR WAY TO CONSTITUTIONAL FREEDOM!
I. THOMAS. ALL Persons who are indebted to the PRINTER hereof, would greatly oblige him, if they would make speedy payment.
FRIDAY, October 2. BOSTON.
At a general council held yesterday at the Council Chamber, his Excellency the Governor was pleased to nominate, John Hill, Esq; and Joseph Williams, Esq; to be Justices of the peace and of the Quorum, for the County of Suffolk: Miles Whitworth, Esq; to be a Justice of the peace for the County of Suffolk: Stephen Barker, Esq; to be a Justice of the Peace for the county of Essex.
To which nominations his Majesty's council did advise and consent.
ST. VINCENT, July 4. THE following is the humble representation and memorial of the Council and Assembly of this island to his Majesty, on the subject of the Caribs, dated October 8, 1771, transmitted by his Excellency General Leyborne took after his arrival in this government, viz.
"May it please your Majesty, "WE your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Council and Assembly of your island of St. Vincent, on behalf of ourselves and every other inhabitant of this infant colony, beg leave once more to approach your most excellent Majesty, and to represent to you in the strongest terms the dangers with which we are surrounded; in order that your Majesty may, before it is too late, direct such vigorous measures as will secure the tranquility of this island or preserve the lives and properties of your faithful subjects. And whatever reluctance we have to interrupt, by our complaints, that happiness which we pray your Majesty may ever enjoy, yet a regard to the trust reposed in us for the common good of this colony will not permit us to be silent under circumstances so alarming as the present; being anxious that whenever any of those dreadful events happen, which we too well foresee, we at least may be conscious of having discharged our duty, and leave nothing in our conduct either to reproach ourselves with, or to expose us to the censure of others who must suffer in the general ruin.
"The fears and apprehensions expressed in our former address to your Majesty with respect to the Caribs of this island are now become certain dangers; and the acquisition of their land, however valuable it might prove to your Majesty's revenue, has for some time past been only a secondary and very inferior object, having yielded to a more important and natural consideration, the security of our property, and the safety of our persons. For by the facts which are to be the subject of our present address, we are persuaded that your Majesty will observe with concern the unhappy situation of your subjects, and will be convinced that the only alternative left at this day to the British crown, is this, either tamely to acknowledge that it has no right of sovereignty in the lands of the Caribs, or to consider them as a nest of most dangerous and insolent rebels.
"Encouraged and supported by a few individuals, who, regarding your Majesty's rights and of the public security, have made private contracts with these savages for the lands they occupy through your royal clemency, the Caribs are now taught to deny the right of the British crown to the most considerable part of the island of St. Vincent, and to affect an independent neutrality as well as an exemption from all civil jurisdiction or subordination. Yet a few months since, when we day expected to be involved in war, they but too strongly betrayed the strong attachment to that nation which their subjects and language they have been so long conversant with, and whose interests they are at any time ready to espouse to the prejudice of those of your Majesty, and to the sacrifice of our lives and fortunes. It

October 8.
was not to your Majesty's Governor, but to the General of Martinico that they resorted at that juncture; it was not your alliance or protection, but that of protection, but that of France they then courted; In a word, it was with the French, and not with us, that they offered to join arms, when they expected a rupture between the two nations. The good reception and encouragement they met with from the French General was hardly justifiable, even at that season; but the continuance of their intercourse in the midst of peace, and the style of the correspondence lately discovered between the Governor of St. Lucia and these rebellious people, are insults offered to your Majesty's crown, and the clearest proof of the advantages which the French intend to derive in the time of war, by preserving a good understanding with these Caraibs.
From these circumstances, your Majesty will little wonder at the repeated ill-success which your Majesty's commissioners have met with in their treaties with the Caraibs; not content with refusing to relinquish the smallest part of those vast tracts of land which they hold, in a manner useless to themselves and prejudicial to your Majesty in every respect, they have at last, in a solemn meeting of their chiefs, given their final determination not to accept of your proffered protection or gracious intentions towards them, and never to swear allegiance to your Majesty, or consider themselves as governed by or subject to the crown of Great-Britain. And just now, when a due attention to your Majesty's rights and to the safety of this island induced the legislature to exert their authority to compel the intruders to quit possession of the crown lands, the Caraibs instigated no doubt by those disappointed adventurers, have again blocked up the road, close to the windward-most settlement made by your Majesty's subjects. Thus are we daily exposed to the insults of savages, who, whilst they travel armed and unmolested throughout our country at pleasure, forbid us every intercourse or communication with their lands; and we are forced famely to submit, within the compass of a people pass and repass amongst us, over whom, let them commit what foul crimes or disorders they please, our civil policy, from want of power, loses its jurisdiction and authority.
Permit us to observe with all due respect, that your Majesty's subjects in this island purchased the crown lands at no inconsiderable prices, and that they have adventured their health and fortune, and strained their utmost credit, in the prosecution of settlements, already beneficial, and likely to become extremely advantageous to your Majesty's revenue: This they did under a firm assurance of your royal protection, and that nothing would be wanting to put their persons and properties on as secure a footing as those of subjects in the sister islands. They hoped too that ere long the more valuable parts of this island were to be settled in like manner by other British subjects, whose numbers would have added strength and security to the possessions of the whole; and who, by bearing a share of the public taxes and duties, would, in some measure, have eased the first settlers from a burthen which they are but little able to support. Instead of these prospects, we have the melancholy one of beholding our lives and properties left to the mercy of savages, bound by no ties, civil or religious, disaffected to your Majesty and ill-disposed towards your subjects; of seeing the whole extensive windward side of the island in their possession, and likely for ever to remain in a state of nature, useless to your Majesty and dangerous to ourselves; of being without a military strength sufficient to reduce the Indians to obedience, or even to defend us against them in case of an attack; and of foreseeing, that if these our intestine enemies are still permitted to continue in the country on their present footing, a declaration of war between your Majesty and the crown of France, at any future day, will be opened with the immediate destruction of all your Majesty's rights and possessions, and perhaps, too with the massacre of all your subjects, in this island of St. Vincent.
It is not for us to dictate to the wisdom of your Majesty's councils, what measures to resolve on in so dangerous a crisis; yet we cannot but observe, that the suffering such a separate empire as these Indians claim within your Majesty's dominions, is not on-
ly incompatible with the safety of your subjects, but highly derogatory from the honor and dignity of the British crown; that lenity and every humane expedient to bring them to a reasonable subjection have now been long tried without success; that with natures incapable of gratitude or sentiment, the mild hand of benevolence evidently loses its effect; and lastly, that a continuance of the same indulgence to the Caraibs will only serve, as it has already done, to increase their insolence, and cannot fail of being eventually the greatest cruelty to the subjects of this island, who, we flatter ourselves, have at least deserved better than those savages at the hands of your Majesty."
SATURDAY, October 3. BOSTON.
The several nations of Indians on the frontiers of the Provinces, appear much dissatisfied by the continual encroachments made upon the lands reserved for them by his Majesty; a number of idle and disorderly persons having built huts on their lands between the River Savannah and Ogeechee, his Honour James Habersham, Esq; Commander in chief of the Province of Georgia, has issued a proclamation, strictly commanding all such persons immediately to remove from the said lands, and all Magistrates and others his Majesty's liege subjects are commanded to do all that in them lies for preventing encroachments of the like nature.
One battallion of the 60th or Royal American Regiment is ordered to Jamaica under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Augustus Provost and the other to Antigua under the command of Major George Etherington.
CHARLESTOWN (South-Carolina) August 31. We learn from New-York, that the expedition of Colonel Dalrymple, with the 14th and 31st regiments, is certainly to be against the Caraibs of St. Vincent; where the troops will meet with an exasperated, wild, and valiant people, fighting pro Aris & Focis.
MONDAY, October 5. BOSTON.
His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to commission Nathaniel Barber, Esq; Captain of the North Battery in this town with the rank of Major.
A copy of Dr. Hill's Vegetable System, elegantly bound, in twenty Volumes Folio. On the 17th ult. a large new barn belonging to Mr. Isaac Marsh of New Hartford, was set on fire of Lightning and burnt to the ground, with about twelve loads of hay, which it contained.
Last week his Majesty's ship Captain with the Fowey and Lizard Frigates, who for some time past have lain below, came quite up into the Harbour, and are now at anchor off the center of the town.
The American philosophical society, held at Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge, have lately been favoured with a number of communications and presents, among which were the following, viz.
A letter from the Rev. Samuel Williams, of Bradford, in Massachusetts-Bay, containing accounts of the transits of Venus and Mercury, a solar eclipse, and Meteorological observations from January 1st, to December 31st, 1771. And
A letter from Andrew Oliver jun. Esq; of Salem, in New-England, Member of that society, with his essay on comets; and also some manuscript remarks of his own, relative to that essay.
It is said 800 or 900 people have died at South-Carolina, with the measles.
Just published in Newport, And to be sold by I. THOMAS, near the Mill-bridge, Boston,
NEW-ENGLAND'S MEMORIAL; or, a brief relation of the most memorable and remarkable passages of the providence of God manifested to the planters of New-England, in America: With special reference to the first colony thereof, called NEW-PLYMOUTH. As also a nomination of divers of the most eminent instruments deceased, both of church and common wealth, improved in the first beginning, and after progress, of sundry of the respective jurisdictions in those parts: In reference unto sundry exemplary passages of their lives, and the times of their deaths.
By NATHANIEL MORTON, Secretary for the jurisdiction of New-Plymouth.
*** Those who SUBSCRIBED for the above work, with I. THOMAS, are desired to call or send for their books.
N. B. The subscribers names are printed.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. Mr. THOMAS,
SOME of our wisest citizens being of opinion, that we have written quite enough to satisfy every man of common sense and honesty, of the justice of our cause, the villainy of our oppressors, and the necessity of taking other measures, than bare cool arguments, with a banditti, on whom no argument, but the terror of a burst of public vengeance can have any effect, I shall just transcribe you a few Sections from BURLAMAQUE's Politic Law, which being wrote by a professor of that science, in the city of Geneva, and admired by all honest men throughout the learned world, will leave inexcusable those perjured traitors to the best of constitutions, which has for time immemorial been the admiration of mankind, who have endeavoured to deprive us of all the blessings the blood, the treasure and the wisdom of ages have laboured to secure to us.
Principles of Pol. Law, C. II § 1. Civil society is nothing more than the union of a multitude of people, who agree to live in subjection to a sovereign, in order to find, through his protection and care, the happiness to which they naturally aspire.
C. III. § 14. The greatest part of mankind are strangers to the advantages of civil society, or at least they live in such a manner, as to give no attention to the beauty or excellence of this salutary institution. On the other hand, princes often lose sight of the end for which they were appointed, and instead of thinking that the supreme authority was established for no other purpose, than for the maintenance and security of the liberty of mankind, that is to make them enjoy a solid happiness, they frequently direct it to a different end, and to their own private advantage. Nothing therefore is more necessary, than to remove the prejudices of sovereigns and subjects in regard to this article.
§ 25. Civil Liberty is natural liberty itself, divested of that part which constituted the independence of individuals, by the authority it confers on sovereigns, and attended with a right of insisting on his making a good use of his authority, and with a moral security that this right will have its effect.
C. IV. § 4. To attain the end of civil society, it was necessary, 1st, To unite forever the wills of all the members of the society, in such a manner, that from that time the end and purpose of society. 2d. It was requisite afterwards to establish a supreme power, supported by the strength of the whole body, (by which means they might over-awe those who should be inclined to disturb the peace) and to inflict a present and sensible evil on such as should attempt to act contrary to the public good.
§ 5. It is from this union of wills and of strength, that the body politic, or STATE, results, and without it we never could conceive a civil SOCIETY.
§ 11. It is moreover this union of several persons in one body, produced by the concurrence of the wills and strength of every individual in one and the same person, that distinguishes a STATE from a multitude. For a multitude is only an assembly of several persons, each of whom has his own private will, with the liberty of judging according to his own notions of whatever is proposed to him, and of determining as he pleases; for which reason they cannot be said to have only one will. Whereas the state is a body, or a society, animated by one only soul which directs all its motions, and makes all its members act after a constant and uniform manner, with a view to one and the same end, namely the PUBLIC UTILITY.
§ 20. Notwithstanding it is of the utmost importance to mankind, to support the authority of kings, and to defend it against the attempts of restless and mutinous spirits, yet we must not deny evident truths, or refuse to acknowledge a covenant, in which there is manifestly a mutual promise of performing things to which they were not before obliged. When I submit voluntarily to a prince, I promise him allegiance, on condition he will protect me; the prince on his side promises me his protection, on condition I will obey him. Before this promise there was no such perfect obligation.
C. V. Passim. The design of a community in submitting to the power of a sovereign, whether consisting of one only, or a multitude, is to procure their own happiness. I add this in order to point out the end of sovereignty, that is, the welfare of the people. When sovereigns once lose sight of this end, when they pervert it to their private interests, or caprices, sovereignty then degenerates into tyranny, and ceases to be legitimate authority. Such is the idea we ought to form of a sovereign and of sovereignty.
C. VI § 23. No man can so far of his liberty, as to submit himself to a prince, who is to treat him according to his own fancy. This would be renouncing his own life, which is the master of; it would be renouncing liberty, which is never permitted. And thus with an individual, who should himself a slave, much less hath an nation that right which is not to be found in any of its members.
By this it appears most evident, that all sovereignty, how absolute soever we may suppose it, hath its limits; and that it can never imply an arbitrary power in the prince of doing whatever he pleases, without any other rule or reason than his own despotic will. For how indeed should we attribute any such power to the creature, when it is not to be found in the supreme Being himself? His absolute dominion is not founded on a blind will; his sovereign will is always determined by the immutable rules of wisdom, justice and beneficence. In short the right of commanding, or for reigning, ought always to be established ultimately on the power of doing good, otherwise it cannot be productive of a real obligation; for reason cannot approve or submit to it; and this is what distinguishes empire and sovereignty from violence and tyranny.
I shall just beg leave to add, that if the incontestable absolute Sovereign of the universe commands us, to use all lawful endeavours to preserve our own lives, and the lives of others, our tame submission to the successive usurpations of a lawless tyrant, who regardless of any agreement with this people, imposes what laws, tax-masters and taxes he pleases upon us, ordering, as is pretended, our towns to be laid in heaps, and our carcasses to dung the field, unless we become traitors to our own security, it is my humble opinion, we do it at the peril of our own eternal damnation. CLERICUS.
TUESDAY, October 6. BOSTON.
Last Friday Evening four or five young Lads at the South part of the town, having got together about 4lb. of gunpowder, which they were making up into serpents and other fireworks, it was, through carelessness or imprudence of one of them set on fire, and blew up, by which means three of the boys were much burnt, one of them in such a manner, that his life is thought to be in danger.
It is of its being ascertained to be verified by a theft that was committed one evening in the last week, when a window of a room was opened unperceived, where a large company were at supper, and a remnant of about nine yards fine Irish linen with a ruffled shirt, wrapped up in it, was carried off and the thief remains undiscovered.
DIED. Mr. Thomas Cockran, belonging to Newfoundland.—At Newport, Mr. William Rogers an eminent Merchant there.—At Weathersfield, Capt. Gersham Knott, formerly a very noted sea commander.—At Bridgetown in Barbados, Mr. William Johnston, Portrait painter, formerly of this town, son of the late Mr. Thomas Johnston, Jappanner.
PHILADELPHIA, September 23. Captain Brown, from Cape-Fear, informs us, that on the 31st of August, 14 vessels were drove on shore, and totally lost, with several seamen. Captain Brown was assisted by his Majesty's ship Tamer, with an anchor and cable: On the 7th instant his Majesty's sloop King's Fisher, arrived there from Boston, who had thrown overboard eight guns, had carried away two top-masts, and all her sails.
We are further informed, that considerable damage was done at Newbern, and several wharfs, ware-houses, &c. washed away.
NEW-YORK, Sept. 28. Capt. Effingham Lawrence, from London, on the passage, August 31, in lat. 38. long. 40. was in a most violent gale of wind from the S. S. W. which began about 4 o'clock in the morning, blew away the mainsail in hoisting, the foresail from the yard, and the forestay sail stay, and obliged him to lie too under bare poles. At 9 the wind shifted to the opposite point, blowing a hurricane, in which he lost his mizen sail, about 11 the wind became more moderate—saw a sloop dismasted which hung out colours, and at night two lights, which Capt. Lawrence answered, and plied towards her all night; at 7 o'clock in the morning, Sept. 1, hoisted out a boat, and went on board her: She proved to be the sloop Polly, Capt. Thomas Avery, jun. from Boston, who in a gale lost his mast, boat, and every thing off his deck, with all his sails except his mainsail.