Jenks's Portland gazette (Portland [Me.]), 1799-06-17 00:00:00

JENKS'S PORTLAND GAZETTE.
PUBLISHED ON MONDAYS, BY ELEZER ALLEY JENKS, PRINTER OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES, FOR THE DISTRICT OF MAINE.
[Number 60.]
MONDAY, JUNE 17, 1799.
[VOLUME II.]
Notice is hereby given,
TO those persons who have neglected to make an entry of, and pay the duties on WHEEL CARRIAGES for the year commencing the 1st of September, 1798, and to obtain Licences to retail Wines and foreign Distilled Spirits—That unless they immediately comply with the law in those respects, they will be prosecuted, and the penalty rigidly exacted. Apply at the Office of the subscriber, in Fifth-street, Portland.
EBENEZER MAYO,
Collector of the Revenue for the County of Cumberland.
June 4, 1799.
N. B. The penalty for neglecting to make returns of Carriages, is 25 per cent. and to take Licences, is 50 dollars.
Stone Lime—best quality.
Jonathan Bryant,
INFORMS his customers, that he has for sale at his Store and Lime Kiln, excellent Stone Lime, free of core.
Portland, May 27, 1799.
A HORSE taken up.
TAKEN up, in Northyarmouth, on Thursday morning last, a large HORSE, of a dark chestnut colour, a natural trotter, about fifteen hands high, with a black mane and tail. Said horse was full shod, and had rope yams round his neck—supposed to be about 12 or 15 years old. Whoever owns said horse, may have him again by proving property and paying charges. Apply to
NATHAN MERRILL.
Northyarmouth, June 8, 1799.
TAKEN up, on Thursday last, a brown COW, with a white face—appears to be about 12 years old—The owner may have her again by proving property and paying charges. Inquire of
IGNATIUS LORING.
Falmouth, May 25.
The Committee of Health,
To the Inhabitants of the town of Portland.
WHEREAS the Legislature of this Commonwealth have passed a law to prevent the spreading of malignant FEVERS and contagious sickness; and among many wholesome regulations in said law, by the eleventh section thereof towns are empowered to choose a HEALTH COMMITTEE, as follows—
“Be it further enacted, That each town, or district in this Commonwealth, may, at their meeting held in March or April annually, or at any other meeting legally warned for the purpose, when they shall judge it to be necessary, choose and appoint a Health Committee to consist of not less than five, nor more than nine suitable persons, or one person to be a Health Officer, whose duty it shall be to remove all filth of any kind whatever, which shall be found in any of the streets, lanes, wharves, docks, or in any other place whatever, within the limits of the town to which such Committee or Health Officer belongs, whenever such filth, shall, in their judgements endanger the lives or the health of the inhabitants thereof; all expenses thereof to be paid by the person or persons, who placed it there, if known, or if not, by the town by which said Committee or Health Officer was appointed. And whenever any filth as aforesaid shall be found on any private property, said Committee or Health Officer shall notify and order the owner or occupier thereof, after twenty-four hours to remove the same at their own expense; and in case said owner or occupier shall neglect to remove such filth from his or her property, after the expiration of the time aforesaid, he or they so offending shall forfeit and pay a fine of one hundred dollars, to be paid for and recovered, with costs of suit, by said Committee or Health Officer, before any court proper to try the same, for the use of the poor of the town, in which such offence is committed. And said owner or occupier as aforesaid shall be obliged to repay to said town all costs and charges, which the said Committee or Health Officer may have incurred in removing the filth from his or her property, and in case of refusal to pay the same, he or they may be sued in the same way as is provided in this act for the recovery of fines as aforesaid.”
Prefuming on the readiness of the inhabitants of the town, to take care that all nuisances of every kind be duly removed, and the purposes of the abovementioned Law, be fully complied with—the Committee hope and trust that they shall at no time be under the necessity of enforcing the powers in and by said law given them. But in case any person or persons shall be so void of care, and negligent of their own and their neighbour's health, as not to comply with the requisitions of the law aforesaid, by removing every kind of filth, rubbish or nuisance whatever from their respective houses, out-houses, barns, stables, shops, yards, wharves, docks, or their or any of their dependencies or appurtenances, the Committee will be under the necessity, and are fully determined, to do their duty, and prosecute all and every such delinquent to the utmost rigour of the law.
And to the intent that it may be understood in what manner the committee will prosecute their design, they give notice that the following regulations will be observed.
 1. The committee will appoint suitable persons to remove such nuisances as are within their jurisdiction at the expense of the offender or of the town.  2. After reasonable notice to any person of the opinion of the committee that any filth is within the design of the law, suits will be commenced and prosecuted without favour or distinction.  3. Information respecting the Inspector of Police will be attended to by the committee.  4. The Inspector of Police is appointed a sub-committee to direct such persons as shall be employed by this committee, and they are hereby required to obey his orders. 
JONATHAN DEANE. Inspector of Police. THOMAS MOTLEY, EBENEZER MAYO, WILLIAM SYMMES, SALOMON CHASE, Health Committee. June 1, 1799.
Portland,
MONDAY, JUNE 17, 1799.
COMMUNICATION.
DRAWING towards a close of this fugitive and defactory manner of writing, I cannot, however, quit the subject of government without a few additional observations. No nation has ever yet existed, and we may safely affirm that none ever will exist without Jacobins—that is, there will always be a party of pretty indifferent characters whose venom will endeavour to corrode the government—and yet who are not fit to rule, and if they should stumble into power would be obliged to lay aside their principles. This evil is not the peculiar fortune of a crisis or of any particular nation; but it is a property of human nature in the social state, which nothing but despotism can repress, and no government whatever exterminate. Hence, wherever you find a free constitution, there more especially are you to look for this adverse Manichean principle unshaken by any fetters of restraint, in full and active operation. It would be a curious disquisition to notice how it behaves, remark its versatility, and minute down its transformations. More calculated to be the favourite of the multitude from these circumstances than is the staid, sober, and monotonous character of government, it naturally forms the politics of the weaker class of aspirants, and in their dapper language it is called liberty, equality, republicanism, rights of man, or any thing else. Being itself a mere fashion, a cloud, or impalpable vision it is wonderfully given to lying, as of necessity it must, because the government will always take care to be honest, and truth can never be on both sides of a flat contradiction. The people, therefore, would do well to understand that the jerry set of politicians who call themselves the people's friends against the government, are no less viciously constituted than they are miserably qualified for what they offer to undertake. But it is an evil, as I said before, which must be borne; and there is nothing which government can or ought to do but to check its redundancy when it threatens to overtop the constitution, by detecting its fallacies and sending it back to the bosom of the multitude again to take new shapes and tell new lies.
But while there is essentially such a deleterious principle in all free societies, it will follow that the administration must always be at war with it; and it will no less follow that the arm of administration ought to be strong. We may discover on this occasion the art and address of the enemy, who for obvious reasons always endeavours to persuade the people that government should never be made too powerful, but kept to its good behaviour by apprehension and even by distress. This is his natural game—and as the devil tempted Eve, and made a Jacobin of her, so much to our cost, even to ever since he keeps urging, and we, true children, listening to his recommendations of forbidden fruit. The same subtle and seditious quest on always answers the purpose—Yea, bath God said, Ye shall not eat of every tree in the garden?—And when rebellion exhibits the credulous disciple to himself in conscious nakedness, and the voice of the Lord God is again heard in the garden, what a vast difference is found between unbending innocence, and penitential guilt! For a while, though no longer in paradise, the culprit may be tolerably happy and contented; but those who have fallen are always prone to sin. To drop the allusion—The opposite faction will always unnerve the hands of government if it can; and therefore it is that experience, standing armies, monarchy and all the bug-bears of Jacobin imagination will be dwelt upon; and every word which the people have hated will be applied to the administration, while republicanism, whiggism, and such like insignificant but popular terms will be with native modesty exclusively assumed. It is a very curious thesis in jacobin politics that republican governments should have no standing force; that is, that the weakest of all administrations ought to be most eminently unsupported. The jargon they have upon this subject every body knows. It may be time well enough employed to discuss this question; more especially as some very good men have not been able to digest it to their satisfaction.
So long then as the principle and party which I have been describing must and will exist in all free governments, and sometimes threaten them with dissolution: it is but mere common prudence to have something equal to oppose to it. Nobody will go so far as to say that the existence of the constitution is to be voted every day by a mob, though that mob, for the moment, should be more than half the people. Once adopted, it must not be permitted to be changed in any but the most deliberate manner. So that insurrection is just as fair a mark for resistance as invasion, and more so, if possible, as it respects the government, because it is more dangerous. Now this resistance ought to be prompt and infallible, and never to depend upon public opinion, which may too easily be prepared, confused, or perverted. Therefore the force composing it should be at the perfect disposal of government, whether it be money, men, or ships. But if we consider further that the factious party is always the object of foreign governments, and is always employed by them; the public force in the hands of government may always be said to be used against invasion, though it should be only insurrection. For invasion is the application of the force of a foreign nation to our own; and it is immaterial whether that force advance in the form of attack to our frontier line, or be exerted in corruption or division. It is equally invasion. So that if you deny the bank, the navy and the army, you declare that it is best that the nation should be totally incapacitated for self-defence.
Though I would by no means have a larger force on foot than a just estimate of exigency would require, yet I say there is no reason against such a force, but every thing in favour of it. No government yet was ever without it. Considered in the light of precaution, it will probably save instead of creating expense. But the idea of expense is made too formidable. In this country, a competent military and naval force may be supported for an inconsiderable sum. But if it could not, yet the first duty of nations as well as individuals is self-preservation, and whatever that will cost must be defrayed. If it be economy upon the whole to spend a great deal of money, who has any right to note the largeness of the sum?—It is no argument.
We take our habits of thinking to be right, and reject accordingly whatever we have disliked, as positive ill. Standing armies in time of peace, are a grievance of old; but no mind considers that these were British armies, armies of a government we were preparing to expel. Are we able to acknowledge that we were then rebels—and that authorities might as well be quoted from our own insurrections? There are a certain number of things which are always to be said by people in
the same circumstances, and the creed of rebellion is always occasional and artful. But after all, governments must do pretty much the same things. It qualifies ours, and will qualify its conduct, that it is our own.
In what other case besides government is it ever pretended to be proper to debilitate actual weakness?—Our own history is already a convincing proof that, notwithstanding all the fine pictures of visionary writers, a government without the means of energy, call it by what name you will, may be degraded. How many good men have no better idea of government now than as being one of two parties?—If we consider government and opposition then as placed at the two ends of a scale-beam, the time has been, the shameful time has been already, when they were about even. What would have hindered this disgrace? The power to punish the seditious correspondence of the clubs, and to shut up their doors. And who contended against this power? The clubbers themselves; that is, the insurrection, the rebellion, guided by France—If any government ought to have means besides authority, it is a republican or elective government. For to say that any government which has a system of policy the maintenance of which is essential to the existence of the nation, ought to be subject to perpetual embarrassment from ignorance and folly; is at once to bow its head beneath the creeds of other nations, who will always know this weakness and profit by it. In short, a government ought to be as independent as possible, that its mind may be free and its courage good—and if this be true, it will follow that the administration of an elective form ought always to have substantial means at its disposal in a more especial manner, because, being short, it will not be able to give satisfaction, nor contend with calumny, unless its measures are prompt, effectual and decisive. And we know that all wrong has the same final effects, though they may appear sometimes to arrive through different secondary causes. If the people are justly dissatisfied that is, really unhappy, it is no matter whether this arises from the abuse or the want of power in administration. They can never be made happy without power, and power is not mere authority but ability, the abuse of which may be punished in a proper manner.
Jealousy is a quality which, as applied to government, has come down to the present time much rarer from the dregs of the controversy with England than is necessary for any good purpose whatever. I mean that the principle is too strong in theory—for it must be owned that confidence has always appeared on great occasions, but the very manifestation of it shews the impression of jealousy to have been made. Why, for pity's sake should we be more jealous of our government than of a rebellion against it?—It puts one in mind of disordered persons who imagine such and such a one to be their enemies, and most generally their fathers and mothers, husbands and wives. To be afraid of a government so elected as ours, is carrying the religion of fear to a pitch of superstition, which, like chivalry of old, might well become the subject of romances. In fact, as in other cases, if instead of an excessive carefulness about every thing else, we could turn a part of our thoughts upon ourselves, a little jealousy might be very well expended. For under the American constitution there is at least an equal danger of fanaticism as of misrule. Political maxims want a revision; for it must be remembered that they were made before our constitution—and that our maxims, to be good, should be taken from ourselves.
But if jealousy must have its perfect work, it will be fair to find food for it. Now the natural food of this passion is unfaithfulness, intriguing, hypocrisy and encroachment. As none of these belong to us, and yet the devil is to pay, who has been to blame?—It is happy for us that the miserable squabble in France which perhaps has not been dignified by the name of revolution, appears in its true light, and is coming to its proper end. The idle jealousy against our government is thereby removed, and for the present will be at rest. But it is well, though perhaps singular to remark that if the government had been more powerful, it never would have existed. [To be continued]
HIS EXCELLENCY
INCREASE SUMNER,
Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Died at his Seat in Roxbury, on Friday, the 7th instant, at 11 o'clock, A. M.
Governor SUMNER was born in Roxbury, near Boston, on the 27th day of November, in the year 1746. After having received a suitable education, he entered as Student at Harvard College, in Cambridge; and in the year 1767, had the honors of that University conferred upon him. Having thus laid the foundation for progress in a useful Science, he applied himself to the study of the laws, under the instruction of a Barrister of eminence in the town of Boston. In the year 1770 he was admitted as an Attorney in the Court of Common Pleas, and within three years after, as an Attorney of the Supreme Judicial Court; where he was afterwards created a Barrister at law. His conduct and practice at the Bar afforded full proof, that he had, with assiduity, cultivated a genius naturally strong and prolific; and had raised a useful superstructure of science, on a broad foundation of pure classical literature. His deportment as a professional man, reflected the highest honour on the profession, and procured him a firm standing in the best wishes, and high expectations of his fellow citizens: He was, therefore, when he was very young, elected a Representative of the town of Roxbury; and was, soon after, chosen a Senator for the County of Suffolk.
Governor HANCOCK, in the year 1782 in compliance with his own opinion, as well as with the general wish of the public, appointed Mr. SUMNER a Judge of the Supreme Judicial Court. In this honorable, and useful station, he remained, respected, venerated, and beloved, until the free suffrages of his fellow citizens called him from the Bench, to the Chair of Government, in the year 1797.
The amiable manners of Governor SUMNER accompanied, and recommended him through all the stages of his life. His classmates at school, and in college, viewed him as their patron and friend. At the Bar, he was the man of integrity, good humour, and politeness. On the Bench, pity and compassion sat on his brow, whilst the exact rules of civil justice were impartially dealt from his hand. As a Chief Magistrate of an important State in the American Union, he was a firm, inflexible friend to the National Government and Federal interest. He was the real and substantial friend of liberty. Being continually in the councils of his country, whilst she was contending for freedom and independence, he had, with a pure unprejudiced understanding, and a discretion of sentiment, peculiar to himself, contemplated the rights of the human Race, and investigated the lines, by which civil liberty must be circumscribed. Hence he concluded, that civil freedom has its only foundation in government, and cannot exist unless it is established in, and supported and directed by permanent, and fixed principles of jurisprudence.
In the office of Governor, Mr. SUMNER was easy of access, ready to receive communications, polite and condescending to every application; but cautious, discreet, and deliberate in his engagements and measures. His elegance of Person, and unaffected urbanity of manners, made the most pleasing impressions on all who had concerns with him in his official character. His particular friends, and intimate acquaintance, were charmed with that easy, and natural politeness, which rendered him quite as agreeable in the most familiar and unguarded moments, as he was, when the forms of social decorum called him to a higher grade of restraint.
It would be an omission, quite unsuited to the tenor of his life and character, if we did not mention him, as a man of the purest morals, and as having an openly professed regard for the christian religion. In yielding obedience to the commands of that holy and divine system, he was constant, and exemplary from his youth: On that he placed his hopes, and from thence he drew his consolation, when the honors, and riches of this world, could afford him no comfort.
To attempt a full description of the virtues and accomplishments of Governor Sumner, in a biographical sketch, would be derogatory to his character. Various productions, will do justice to the memory of this excellent man, and will give his character more amply to the world. We, therefore, will excuse ourselves to our readers, by only adding, that in the death of Governor Sumner, the whole American nation has suffered a heavy loss; but which is more particularly felt by the citizens of Massachusetts, because they were more intimately acquainted with his invaluable worth. The universal sorrow, which on this melancholy event spreads itself through every class of citizens; and over every part of the Commonwealth, is the highest eulogy on his merit—These give, in the most unaffected, and sincere indications, full evidence, that the people lament the loss of a tried and faithful friend, and that the country mourns the death of a PATRIOT.
The distressing information of the decease of Gov. SUMNER, was announced to the Legislature, by His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, in the following MESSAGE:
Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, IT is with the deepest sorrow that I communicate the melancholy event of the death of his late Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, Esq. which happened this day about 11 o'clock. I am ready to attend to the Executive Business, of this Commonwealth, agreeably to the provision of the Constitution; and shall also be ready to unite with you, in our respects to the remains of so worthy and valuable a Chief Magistrate. MOSES GILL.
Council-Chamber, June 7, 1799. [Committed to the Hon. President, Hon. Messrs. Sexton, Jones, Davis, and Mason, of the Senate; and the Hon. Speaker, Messrs. Sprague, (of Lancaster) Smith, (of Boston) Skinner, Titcomb, and Soper, (of Portland) of the House, to report thereon.]
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
SENATE, June 8, 1799.
THE decease of his Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, Esq. having been announced to the two Houses of the Legislature by His Honor the Lieut. Governor:
Resolved, That the remains of the deceased be interred with Military Honors on Wednesday the twelfth day of June instant; and that the expense thereof be paid out of the public treasury; That the public procession commence at three o'clock, P. M. at the new State House, and from thence proceed to the Rev. Dr. Bexley's Meeting-House; and that the Rev. Dr. Thatcher be requested to perform divine service, and deliver a discourse suitable to the occasion.
And be it further Resolved, That this Legislature, in testimony of their respect and veneration for their late worthy Chief Magistrate, of the high sense they entertain of his faithful discharge of the duties of his important office, during his public administration, and of their desire to pay all possible respect to his remains, will, in a body, attend his funeral, and will, individually, wear a badge of mourning crêpe upon the left arm, during the present session of the Legislature.
And be it further Resolved, That a Committee of both Houses be appointed to arrange and direct the order and ceremonies of the funeral; and that his Honor,

the Commander in Chief, be requested to order a Military Escort from the First, Second and Third Divisions of the Militia.
Sent down for concurrence, JOHN C. JONES, President pro tem. In the House of Representatives, June 8, 1799. Read and concurred, EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Speaker. June 8, 1799. Approved. JOHN AVERY, S. cler. atty.
Hon. the President pro tem. Thomas Dwight, Daniel Davis and Jonathan Mason, Esqrs. of the Senate, and the Hon. the Speaker, Messrs. Skinner, Smith, Storer, and Mr. Hall of the House; were appointed a committee to arrange and direct the order and ceremonies of the funeral of his late excellency Increase Sumner, Esq.
ORDER OF PROCESSION FOR THE FUNERAL OF The late Governor SUMNER,
Procession from Roxbury.
Military Escort, Under the command of Brigadier General Winslow, Sheriff of the county of Norfolk. Committee of the Legislature in carriages Pall Supporters in carriages. THE HEARSE. Relations.
Citizens of Roxbury, &c. This Escort moved from the mansion-house of the deceased, through Roxbury-street and Boston Neck, Nassau and Common-street to the South gate of the Mall; from thence across the Common to the front of the State-House, where they halted, and placed the Corpse in the State-House.
The Whole Procession,
Was then formed, and, beside the Military, was thus arranged:
 Officers of the Militia with side arms.  Justices of the Peace.  Judges of the Probate, and  Justices of the Court of Common Pleas.  Attorney General and Treasurer.  Judges of the Supreme Judicial Court.  Members of the House of Representatives.  Members of the Senate.  Sheriffs of Suffolk and Norfolk.  Members of the Council.  Qu. M. General, { His Honor } Secretary.  Adj. General, { Lt. Gov. GILL, }  Rev. Dr. Thatcher.—Rev. Mr. Porter.  Rev. Dr. Howard, { Maj. Gen. Ashley, }  Chief Justice Dana, { Speaker of the House, }  President of the Senate, { President of the Council. } 
Relations.
 President's Private { PRESIDENT } Marshal of the  Secretary. { of the U. S. } District.  Members of Congress, Judges, District Attorney, and other Civil Officers of the U. S.  Officers of the Army and Navy of the U. S.  Members of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.  Foreign Consuls.  The President, Corporation, Professors and Instructors of Harvard University.  Ministers of the Gospel.  Selectmen of Boston and Roxbury.  Board of Health.  Overseers of the Poor.  Firewards.  American Academy of Arts and Sciences.  Humane Society.  Agricultural Society. 
On arriving at the Old South Meeting-House, the troops formed a line, divided their columns, and the respective persons escorted, passed, and entered the Meeting-House, where a well adapted discourse was delivered by the Rev. Dr. Thatcher, and an anthem suited to the occasion, was sung. After which the procession moved towards the burial ground, where the Body was entombed, amid the sighs and tears of a greater multitude of people than perhaps were ever drawn together on a melancholy occasion. After the interment the usual firing took place. The procession was the longest ever known in the United States, probably comprising 3000 persons. All the bells in the town were tolled during the procession, and minute guns were fired.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
HOUSE—MONDAY, JUNE 10.
A COMMITTEE was authorized to consider when the General Court may have recess.
TUESDAY, JUNE 11. —A bill to liberate poor convicts and to disperse of them in service, passed to be engrossed. His Honor the Lt. Governor, by Message, announced to the House his intention of meeting the two Branches of the Legislature in the Representatives Hall, on Thursday, at 12 o'clock.
A joint Committee was appointed to wait on His Honor the Lt. Governor to inform him the two Houses would be ready to receive his communications at the time assigned.
THURSDAY, JUNE 13. —The bill for continuing in force an act for rendering process in law less expensive passed to be engrossed.
A Committee was appointed to return the thanks of the Legislature to the Rev. Dr. Thatcher, for his Sermon at the funeral of his (late) excellency Increase Sumner, Esq. and request a copy thereof for the press.
At 12 o'clock, the Senate and House convened together, and His Honor the Lt. Governor, entered and delivered the following
SPEECH:
Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Senate, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
THERE is nothing in the concerns of the Commonwealth, which renders it particularly necessary that I should request a meeting with you at this time and place. The usage, as well before the Revolution as since the establishment of our happy Constitution, seems to demand this interview.
Although there is nothing special to communicate to you from the Chair, nevertheless the reciprocation of sentiments between the Branches of Government, cannot fail to have a salutary effect in promoting the peace and good order of the Commonwealth, and consequently the happiness of the People, which is the great end of all.—This can be done, consistently with the forms of our Government, in no other way, so conveniently and so well, as by those Communications between the Executive and Legislative Departments, which are contemplated in
the Constitution. But here, Gentlemen, the melancholy event, which has rendered it my duty to perform this part of governmental business, urges itself upon us, and irresistibly demands a moment's pause.
A few days, only, have passed away since the public eye was attracted with the warmest expectations, upon the character of a Man, as filling this Department, who was remarkably dear to his Country. If the ardent prayers and ready tears of the multitude of his brethren could have arrested his seemingly untimely fate, he would now have addressed you from this place. We have performed our duty to our constituents, and complied with the feelings of our own hearts, in paying all the respect within our power to his funeral solemnities. The badges of sorrow, with which we now appear, give evidence to the world in as forcible a manner as it can be done by external signs, of that unaffected grief, which cannot be fully expressed. It is not suitable to the present interview, that I should attempt an eulogy on the character of the late Governor SUMNER; but it may be proper for me to observe, that the dignity of his person, his equanimity and mildness of his temper, his real unaffected piety, his natural and governmental talents, rendered him an ornament to society, and a blessing in the world. We must kiss the rod, and while our tears are flowing, under a sense of a grievous calamity, we must adore Being, whose ways, though dark and intricate to us, are directed by unerring wisdom.
Continued from the Senate and
Continued from the House of Representatives.
The spirit of our Constitution of Government, points to the principles on which the prosperity of our Republic depends. Those being attended to and carried into execution, will continue to promote the public and private happiness of the People. An intelligent virtuous People, cannot be miserable; and those who fail to cultivate the faculties of the human mind, by the due means of education, can have no claim to public or private felicity.
Public worship may, with propriety, be considered as an important part of education; the genuine principles of Christianity melting the heart, and urge to the performance of social and private duties. You will, therefore, Gentlemen, employ all the means, given you by the Constitution, to maintain and extend those religious institutions which were pecuniarily useful to our pious ancestors; and from which we, in this day, in a great measure, derive our public happiness. To this end, you will give every encouragement to our University at Cambridge; that religion and learning may continue to flow from that fountain.
Gentlemen,
The state of the Treasury is under your eye; from that you will find whether new supplies are necessary, and for what purposes, and to what amount they may be wanted. From that we may learn, that our government may retain its reputation and supports its reputation without being a burden to the people; by which it was established, and by whose authority it is upheld.
The promotion of the Arts and Sciences, and those useful inventions by which the human race is lessened, are worthy the attention of every government. The encouragement of Agriculture, as the sure and substantial source of wealth, takes rank of all other considerations. With this natural branch of business, Commerce is immediately connected; for if only one of them flourishes, the other cannot long.
I recommend to you, Gentlemen, the revision of the Laws, as far as is consistent in a Summer Session. Those acts which are useful, and as now existing, will be revived, and the whole, a system, by continued attention, be reduced to such a state of plainness and simplicity as will be congenial to the nature of our government.
Gentlemen,
While we contemplate, with pleasure and satisfaction, the happy situation of our Commonwealth, we cannot forget that all our prosperity and all our hopes, depend, under God, upon ourselves. Unless we consider ourselves as part of the nation, we shall soon become the object of rapine and plunder from without, and the seat of discord and contention within. To prevent an evil of such a magnitude, we are to cherish and cultivate those feelings which result from an idea of our national character.
Sensible of the hazardous situation we are in, a body of authorized patriots compiled, and the people established, a National Constitution, which, in its principles, is mild, safe and equal, and in its mode of execution, wise and efficient; we have had at the head of the General Government, men who could have no honor but what they derived from the performance of their duty, and no interest but that of their fellow citizens. Hence it is, that, from the administration of a Washington and an Adams, we have derived national respectability and private security and prosperity. To counteract the constitutional measures of the President or Congress, is an attempt to subvert the sovereignty of the whole, and to prostrate the nation; and if divisions and internal animosities shall take place, if an uneasy and groundless jealousy shall prevail, the measures, from which alone we can expect to be defended, must be rendered inefficient.
My fellow-citizens will realize, that the Federal Government is as much their Government as is that of the Commonwealth, and their interest in it is as inalienable as their national existence; and, therefore, every idea of its being a foreign government, ought to be treated as dangerous and contemptible; but I am persuaded, that our enlightened nation will yield obedience to the laws, reverence and respect to their rulers and magistrates, which proceed from
themselves, and then we shall continue a united and happy people.
Gentlemen,
I shall communicate to you, by separate Message, whatever may be necessary in the present Session; and shall attend with alacrity to such acts as you may lay before me. Should I consider it to be my duty to disapprove of any of them, and to lay my objections before you, I have no doubt you will believe my conduct to proceed from a sense of duty, and consider it with candour.
The appointment of such Civil Officers as is devolved on me by the Constitution, shall be done with a view to the public good alone.—The men whose characters are fair, and whose morals are pure, whose patriotism is tried, and whose abilities are equal to the duties of their office, shall be the subject of my nomination.
MOSES GILL.
Council Chamber, Boston, June 13, 1799.
His Honor then withdrew, the Senate returned to their Hall, the Speech was read, and committed to Messrs. Lowell, Tncomb, Pickman, Skinner, and Storer of Portland.
In the Senate the Speech was committed to the Hon. Messrs. Dwight, Bigelow, and Mason.
Domestic Articles.
PHILADELPHIA, June 13. Extract of a letter from William Wetmore, Esq. of the United States at Barbary, to his friend, Venerable Esq. Gouge of the City of Philadelphia. I have the honor to inform you, that the late Mr. Sumner, Governor of the State of Maine, who was lately deceased, was a man of great abilities, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man.
WILLIAM WETMORE.
IMPORTANT NEWS.—The late Governor Sumner, who was lately deceased, was a man of great abilities, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man.
FREE MASONRY.—The late Governor Sumner, who was lately deceased, was a man of great abilities, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man. He was a member of the Continental Congress, and was one of the signers of the Articles of Confederation. He was also a member of the Constitutional Convention, and was one of the signers of the Constitution. He was a man of great learning, and a very good man.
The term limited by Congress, for naturalizing Aliens, expires on the 18th inst.
In a Hamburg paper of March 8, is an article of Paris date, 25th Feb. which states, that Robertot, minister at Rastadt, will fill an important place in the ministry. In a later date from same place, we find it stated, that Robertot is successor to Talleyrand as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Foreign Article.
Copenhagen, Feb. 5. A COURIER has just arrived here from Acre (in the course of Palestine) the residence of General Achmed Pacha, now Generalissimo of the troops destined against Egypt. In one of his letters to the Porte, he thus writes:— "That—Bonn-part—whom God will consign to destruction—has written me a letter, inquiring of me, if my armaments were directed against him; and that if they were, he would seek me at my own home, and treat me as I deserved. I answered:— "My armament is certainly directed against you. You may save yourself the trouble of coming to me; for I expect to be at Cairo in a short time;—when God will decide between you and the Grand Seigneur, which saved the mail high has suspended to cut off the heads of his enemies."
Portland,
Monday, June 17, 1799.
The list male furnished on Foreign News, has thus far been given in this Gaz. re.
The late severe rains have done much damage in carrying away bridges, mills, &c. in several of the neighboring towns.
A small discharge of cannon was heard on Friday morning last, by the Guard on the Fort, in a S. E. direction from the harbour. It continued two or three hours; a discharge at mid-day was also heard.
By an arrival at New-York, in a short period from Spain, accounts are received, that the French government have ordered the internment of all Americans found on board armed ships.
AMERICAN NATT.
The Maryland ship of war, was launched at Baltimore, on the 2d inst. Her head represents the Goddess of Liberty. On her stern are the arms of the State after which she is named. The carving was executed by a pupil of the celebrated Ruhl. At the launching of the vessel there were 15 other Federal ships and many other vessels. The ship is now in the harbor of New-York, on her way to the sea.
The late severe rains have done much damage in carrying away bridges, mills, &c. in several of the neighboring towns. A small discharge of cannon was heard on Friday morning last, by the Guard on the Fort, in a S. E. direction from the harbour. It continued two or three hours; a discharge at mid-day was also heard. By an arrival at New-York, in a short period from Spain, accounts are received, that the French government have ordered the internment of all Americans found on board armed ships.
The late severe rains have done much damage in carrying away bridges, mills, &c. in several of the neighboring towns. A small discharge of cannon was heard on Friday morning last, by the Guard on the Fort, in a S. E. direction from the harbour. It continued two or three hours; a discharge at mid-day was also heard. By an arrival at New-York, in a short period from Spain, accounts are received, that the French government have ordered the internment of all Americans found on board armed ships.
The late severe rains have done much damage in carrying away bridges, mills, &c. in several of the neighboring towns. A small discharge of cannon was heard on Friday morning last, by the Guard on the Fort, in a S. E. direction from the harbour. It continued two or three hours; a discharge at mid-day was also heard. By an arrival at New-York, in a short period from Spain, accounts are received, that the French government have ordered the internment of all Americans found on board armed ships.
The late severe rains have done much damage in carrying away bridges, mills, &c. in several of the neighboring towns. A small discharge of cannon was heard on Friday morning last, by the Guard on the Fort, in a S. E. direction from the harbour. It continued two or three hours; a discharge at mid-day was also heard. By an arrival at New-York, in a short period from Spain, accounts are received, that the French government have ordered the internment of all Americans found on board armed ships.
Festival of St. John the Baptist 24th instant. THE PORTLAND LODGE, intend to celebrate the Festival, and dine at the Ancient Room. An Oration will be delivered by the Rev. Dr. Dows, of the First Church. The Brethren are requested to meet at the Indian Hall at 11 o'clock, precisely—Adjournment then are desired. Tickets for dining may be had of the Secretary. By order of the St. John's Lodge. JOSEPH C. BOYD, Secretary. P. S. The Brethren are requested to prepare themselves with clothing. June 13.
Notice.
ALL persons holding subscriptions to papers for Dartmouth to Bowdoin College, are requested to forward them as soon as possible to one of the subscribers. JOHN DUNLAP, BENJAMIN J. PORTER, CHARLES COFFIN. Bucksport, June 11th. 1799.
LEFT at the store of HANNAN and Weeks, sometime last winter, a small parcel of WILCBRE, and a piece of yellow BAIZE. The owner may have them again by applying at said store. Also left at the same place, a dark colored GREYHOUND, supposed to belong to a person in the neighborhood. The owner may have it again by applying at said store, and paying for this advertisement. June 17.
TO BE SOLD, On board the Schooner Industry, at Ingraham's Wharf, 100 casks New Lime. Warranted of the best quality. June 17.