Jenks's Portland gazette (Portland [Me.]), 1802-03-08 00:00:00

JENKS' PORTLAND GAZETTE.
NUMBER 202.]
MONDAY, MARCH 8, 1802.
[VOLUME IV.]
Disceat.
From the description of Upper Canada , by SIR J. SHARPE , is the following account of the capital of that Country. YORK , which is, at present, the seat of Government of Upper Canada , lies in about 43 degrees and 35 minutes of north latitude, and is most beautifully situated, with an excellent harbour of the same name, made by a long peninsula, which embraces a basin of water sufficiently large enough to contain a considerable fleet. It has this advantage over the other ports on Lake Ontario , that vessels may ride safely at its entrance during the winter. On the extremity of the peninsula, which is called Gibraltar point , are commodious stores and block-houses, which command the entrance to the harbour. On the main land, opposite to the point is the garrison, situated on a point made by the harbour and a small rivulet, which, being improved by sluices, affords easy access for boats to go up to the stores. The barracks, being built on a knoll, are well situated for health, and command a delightful prospect of the lake to the west, and of the harbour to the east. The government house, which is not yet finished, is about two miles above the garrison, near the head of the harbour, and the town is increasing very rapidly. The front of the city, as now laid out, is a mile and an half in length: several handsome squares are projected, particularly one open to the harbour. The river Don , empties itself into the harbour a little above the town. The long beach, or peninsula, affords a most delightful ride, and as soon as the bridge over the Don is finished, will not only be resorted to for pleasure, but be the most convenient road to the heights of Scarborough . The Yonge-Street , or military way, leading to Lake Simcoe , and from thence to Gloucester , on Lake Huron , commences in the rear of the city. This great communication has been open to Gwillimbury , 32 miles, and must be the great channel to the north west, as it is considerably shorter than the circuitous route by the straits of Niagara and Detroit . After leaving Gwillimbury , you enter Holland river , and pass into Lake Simcoe , by the head of Cook's bay . A few small islands share themselves as the lake opens, of which Darling's island , in the eastern part, is most considerable. To the westward is a large bay, called Kempenselt's bay , from the head of which is a short carrying place to the river Nottawaga , which empties itself into the Iroquois bay in Lake Huron .
From the New-York Evening Post.
Examination.—NO. III.
HAD our laws been less provident than they have been, yet must it give us a very humble idea of the talents of our President as a statesman, to find him embarrassed between an absolute abandonment of revenue, and an inconvenient accumulation of treasure. Pursuing the doctrine professed by his set , that our public debt is a national curse which cannot too promptly be removed, and adhering to the assurance which he has virtually given that a sponge, the favorite instrument, shall not be employed for the purpose, how has it happened that he should have overlooked the simple and obvious expedient of using the supposed excess of income as a remedy for so great a mischief?
After all we have heard in times past, it would ill become either the head, or any member of the orthodox set to contend, that a too rapid reimbursement of the debt might be attended with evils. Inconceivable however, this shall be supposed to be urged by some new convert, who has not entirely shaken off the prejudices of former modes of thinking; and it shall be examined, whether this argument will afford a justification of the measure recommended.
It shall not be denied, that the immediate payment of our whole debt, if practicable, would be likely to be injurious in various ways. It would, in the first instance, produce a money-plethora (if the phrase may be allowed,) which experience has shown to be injurious to the energies, and especially to the morality and industry of a nation. The quick efflux of this money to pay a considerable part of the debt in the hands of foreigners, and to procure from abroad the means of gratifying an increased extravagance, would, after some time, subsiding into great vacuity to a too great fulness; leaving us to struggle with the bad habits incident to the latter state, and with the embarrassments of a defective circulation. To these, other reasons might be added, which, though equally just and valid, are omitted as being more liable to dispute.
Tho' an extreme case is here presented, the immediate reimbursement of the entire debt; yet it must be admitted, that the same considerations are applicable in a less degree to a sum, or very rapid repayment by large instalments. But the answer to all this is, that it would have been full time to adopt precautionary measures against evils from such a source, when experience had realized the danger. Till such time it is certainly the highest wisdom to continue the employment of a fund which is already provided, and without overburdening the people, for the all important
purpose of exonerating our nation from debt, and of placing it in a condition, with competent resources to meet future contingencies which may threaten its safety. On the other hand, is it not a mark of the highest imprudence and folly, to throw away an important part of this fund on the mere speculation that it may possibly be superfluous?
But admitting it to be already ascertained, that the fund is already greater than is requisite to extinguish the debt, with convenient celerity; does it follow that the excess, if retained, must be suffered to accumulate, and that no different method could have been found to employ it which would have been productive of adequate utility?
Whatever diversity of opinion there may be with regard to military and naval preparations, for the defence and security of the country, there are some things in which all well informed and reflecting men unite. Arsenals, foundries, dock yards and magazines, (especially those containing materials for the construction and equipment of ships,) so that upon the breaking out of a war there may be a sufficient supply of warlike implements, and of means for the speedy creation of a navy; are by all deemed eligible objects of public care. To provide for these objects upon a competent, though moderate scale, will be attended with expense so considerable, as to leave nothing to spare from the amount of our present income. To persons unacquainted with the subject, the quantities of several articles on hand may appear ample; but to good judges there are hardly any one class of supplies which will not be thought to require much augmentation. As far as a navy is concerned, the deficiency is palpable.
If dock yards are to be established in earnest, they ought certainly to be well protected. For this purpose, fortifications of a substantial and durable nature, very different from the temporary shifts hitherto adopted, ought to be erected. And if the President will enquire into the cost of even these trifling constructions, in the instances where they have been managed with all practicable economy, he will become convinced that the erection of proper works would call for an expenditure forbidding the supposition of a superfluity of revenue.
In addition to objects of national security, there are many purposes of great public utility to which the revenues in question might be applied. The improvement of the communications between the different parts of our country is an object well worthy of the national purse, and one which would abundantly repay to labor the portion of its earnings, which may have been borrowed for that purpose. To provide roads and bridges is within the direct purview of the Constitution. In many parts of the country, especially in the Western Territory, a matter in which the Atlantic States are equally interested; aqueducts and canals would also be fit subjects of pecuniary aid, from the general Government. In France, England, and other parts of Europe, institutions exist supported by public contributions, which eminently promote agriculture and the arts: Such institutions merit imitation by our Government; they are of the number of those which directly and sensibly recompence labor for what it lends to their agency.
To suggestions of the last kind, the adepts of the new school have a ready answer: Industry will succeed and prosper in proportion as it is left to the exertions of individual enterprise. This favorite dogma, when taken as a general rule, is true; but as an exclusive one, it is false, and leads to error in the administration of public affairs. In matters of industry, human enterprise ought, doubtless, to be left free in the main, not fettered by too much regulation; but practical politicians know that it may be beneficially stimulated by prudent aids and encouragements on the part of the Government. This is proved by numerous examples too tedious to be cited; examples which will be neglected only by indolent and temporising rulers, who love to loll in the lap of epicurean ease, and seem to imagine that to govern well, is to amuse the wondering multitude with sagacious aphorisms and oracular sayings.
What has been observed, is sufficient to render it manifest, that independent of the extinguishment of the Debt, the revenues proposed to be yielded up, would find ample and very useful employment for a variety of public purposes. Already in possession of so valuable a resource; having surmounted the difficulties, which, from the opinions and habits of our citizens, obstinacy, in this, more than in any other country, every new provision for adding to our public income, certainly without a colourable pretence of there being a grievous or undue pressure on the community—how foolish will it be to resign the boon, perhaps in a short time to be compelled again to resort to it; and for that purpose to hazard a repetition of the obstacles which have been before encountered and overcome; which, however, gave birth to one insurrection, and may give birth to another? Insanuated must be the councils from which so injudicious a project has proceeded!
But admitting the position that there is an excess of income which ought to be relinquished, still the proposal to surrender the internal revenue is impolitic. It ought to be carefully preserved, as not being exposed to the casual-
ties incident to our intercourse with foreign nations, and therefore the most certain. It ought to be preserved, as reaching to descriptions of persons who are not proportionably affected by the impost, and as tending for this reason, to distribute the public burden more equitably. It ought to be preserved, because if revenue can really be spared, it is best to do it in such a manner as will conduce to the relief or advancement of our navigation and commerce. Rather let the tonnage duty on American vessels be abolished, and let the duties be lessened on some particular articles on which they may press with inconvenient weight. Let not the merchant be provoked to attempt to evade the duties, by the sentiment that his ease or interest is disregarded, and that his capital alone is to be clogged and incumbered by the demands of the treasury.
But who and what are the merchants when compared with the patriotic votaries of whiskey in Pennsylvania and Virginia?
LUCIUS CRASSUS.
Examination.—NO. IV.
IT is a matter of surprise to observe a proposition to diminish the revenue, associated with intimations which appear to contemplate war. The suggestion in the Message respecting the Barberry states, plainly enough imply that treaties are found to be too feeble cords to bind them; and that a resort to coercive means will probably be requisite to enforce a greater sense of justice towards us. Accordingly, as a comment on this hint, we have seen a resolution brought into the House of Representatives, authorizing the President to take measures effectually to protect our commerce against those states. Believing it to be a found position, that these predatory nations will never be brought to respect sufficiently the rights of this country, whether derived from nature or from compact, without first being made to feel its power, there is no disposition to condemn the efficacious employment of force. Yet, considering the maxims by which those states are governed, and the obstinacy which they have evinced upon other occasions, it is likely that a policy of this sort will be attended with considerable, and with no very temporary expense. This alone is conceived to be a conclusive reason against parting with any portion of our present income; nothing could be less advisable, at a moment when there is the prospect if not the project of a general rupture with them.
Hitherto the proposal of sacrificing the internal revenue, has been tried almost wholly by the test of expediency; — it is time to put it to a severer test: to that of Right. Can the proposed abolition take effect without impairing the PUBLIC FAITH?
This is a question of infinite moment to the character of our Government—to the prosperity of our nation. If it is to be answered in the negative, it must be matter of profound regret, that a proposal which could give rise to it, should have come from the first Magistrate of the United States.
It is hardly necessary to premise, by way of explanation, that to pledge or appropriate funds for a public debt, is in effect, to mortgage them to the public creditors for their security. Retracing our financial system to its commencement, we find the impost and the excise on distilled spirits, repeatedly and positively pledged, first, for the payment and interest of the debt, next, for the reimbursement of certain instalments of the principal. It is true, the appropriation is qualified by the words, "so much as may be necessary," but the public faith is engaged in express terms, that both the funds shall continue to be levied and collected until the whole debt shall be discharged; with the single reserve, that the government shall be at liberty to substitute other funds of equal amount. It follows, that these two items of the revenue constitute a joint fund for the security of the public creditor, co extensive in duration with the existence of any portion of the debt: and it is to be inferred that the government, contemplating the possibility of a deficiency in one, intended that the other should serve as an auxiliary, and that the co-operation of the two should effectually guard the creditor against the fluctuations and casualties to which either singly might be exposed. Anticipating, however, the possibility that the one or the other, in whole or in part, might in practice be found inconvenient, a right was reserved to exchange either for an adequate substitute. But it is conceived, that this does not imply the right to exchange the one for the other. The effect would be essentially different in the two cases: In the first there would always be two funds, aggregately, of the same or similar force and value, to secure the creditor; in the last there would be only one from being double, the security would become single.
This mode of reasoning is the only one, upon which the rights and interests of the creditors can safely rest: It is plain and intelligible, and avoids the danger of erroneous speculations about the separate sufficiency of the respective funds. Admitting, however for the sake of the argument, that this is too rigid a construction of the contract and that when one of the two funds should have acquired a stable increase, which would render it equal to the purpose of the pledge, it
might then be made to stand in the place of both: yet, surely, neither the purity of the public faith, nor the safety of the creditor, will endure the application of this principle to any other, than as ascertained result.—Neither, certainly, will tolerate, that merely a reasonable ground of confidence shall authorise so material an alteration in the essence of the security which protects the debt.
The foregoing reasoning as to the question of right, may be further elucidated by the particular provision in the Act* which introduced the excise on distilled spirits. After a permanent appropriation of the proceeds of the tax to the interest of the debt, it provides that the surplus if any there shall be, at the end of each year shall be applied to the reduction of the principal; unless that surplus or any part of it should be required for public exigencies of the United States, and should be so appropriated by special "Acts of Congress." While at this early period of our finances it was not thought expedient to appropriate this surplus absolutely to the Sinking Fund, it was contemplated that it should not be diverted except for public exigencies.—Gratuitously to relinquish it, is therefore contrary to the letter as well as to the spirit of the original institution of the fund. The like observations, tho' with less force, apply to the provision noticed in another number, respecting the surpluses of the revenue generally, which, as we have seen, are all appropriated to the Sinking Fund. At the session of Congress immediately succeeding any year in which such surpluses may accrue, they may be specially appropriated or reserved by law, for other purposes; but if this be not done, they are then to go of course to the Sinking Fund. To appropriate or to reserve, plainly can never mean to relinquish. The true meaning of the provision appears, therefore, to be that, tho' Congress, under the restriction expressed as to time, may appropriate or reserve those surpluses for other objects of the public service, yet if not wanted for such other objects, they shall continue to enure to the fund for the reduction of the debt, so long as by the laws regulating their duration they are to continue to be levied.
Thus, on whatever side it is viewed, there is a temerity and a levity in the proposition which confounds and amazes.—If, unhappily, it shall receive the sanction of Congress, there will remain nothing in principle of our system of Public Credit—nothing on which the confidence of the creditor can safely repose. The precedent of a fatal innovation will have been established; and its extension to a total annihilation of the security, would be a step, not much more violent, than that by which the inroad had commenced. But it is devoutly to be hoped, that the delirium of party spirit will not so far transport the Legislative Representatives of the nation, as to induce them to put the seal to a measure, as motiveless—as precipitate—as impolitic—as faithless—as could have been dictated, even by a deliberate hostility to the vital principles of our national credit. Peculiarly the guardians of the PUBLIC FAITH, and of the public purse, they surely will not consent to impoverish the one, and the other, through an abject and criminal compliance.
It is a fact not unknown to himself, that abroad as well as at home, a diffidence has been entertained of the opinions and views of the person now at the head of our government with regard to our system of public credit. This undoubtedly ought to have been with him a strong reason for caution, especially at so early a stage of his administration as to any step which might strengthen that diffidence; which was in the least equivocal in its tendency. Nor ought it to have been overlooked, that the interest of the state, and a regard for his own reputation demanded this caution. The appearance of instability in the plans of a government, particularly respecting its finances, can never fail to make injurious impressions. To a government, the character of which has not yet been established by time, the example of sudden and questionable innovations, may be expected to be in the highest degree detrimental. Prudent men every where are apt to take the alarm at great changes not manifestly beneficial and proper; a disposition which has been increased by the terrible events of the present revolutionary era. Yet, disregarding these salutary and obvious reflections, the President has ventured, in the very infancy of his administration, upon the bold and unjustifiable step of recommending to the legislative body, a renunciation of the whole internal revenue of the country; tho' the nation is at this moment incumbered with a considerable public debt; and tho' that very revenue, is, by the existing laws, an established fund for its discharge.
What then are we to think of the ostentatious assurance in the Inaugural Speech as to the preservation of Public Faith? Was it given merely to amuse with agreeable, but deceptive sounds? Is it possible that it could have been intended to conceal the insidious design of aiming a deadly blow at a System which was opposed in its origin, and has been calumniated in every stage of its progress?
Alas! How deplorable it will be, should it ever become proverbial, that a President of the United States, like the Wierd Sisters in Macbeth , "Keeps his promise to the ear, but breaks it to the sense!"
LUCIUS CRASSUS.
* Passed March 3, 1789.

Senate of the United States.
FEBRUARY 3.
DEBATE ON THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM.
[As we entered the Senate Chamber at a late hour, we shall not attempt to give all the speeches in succession. This is the less necessary from the great length at which the debate has been already detailed. But the two following speeches we have thought it important to publish, as they present views in some measure new, and certainly deeply interesting.] (Intelligencer.)
MR. BRECKENRIDGE said, he did not expect to have risen again on this subject, more especially at so late an hour; (about 5 o'clock) but that he would beg leave to answer a single argument, which had been much pressed to-day, and he would promise to detain the House but a few minutes.
I did not expect (continued Mr. B.) to find the doctrine of the power of the courts to annul the laws of Congress, which they conceived unconstitutional, so seriously insisted on. Indeed I do not think it relevant to the subject before us; but as it has been insisted on, I shall not I presume, be out of order in replying to it. It is said that the different departments of the government are intended by the constitution to operate as checks on each other; and that this power is lodged with the courts to check the legislature. If this be even true, without enquiring into the policy and wisdom of this deposit of sovereign control, in the courts, I would ask, who checks the courts if they violate the constitution? Would they not by this doctrine have the absolute direction of the government? To whom are they, under the construction contended for by gentlemen, responsible? But I deny the power, and ask gentlemen to point out that part of the constitution which grants it. I can find no such power. Is it not remarkable, that if the courts possess this high power, it should not appear in the letter of the constitution, but should have been left to construction and implication only? And is it not truly astonishing, that the constitution should, in its abundant care to separate and accurately define the powers assigned to each department, have omitted an explicit declaration, on so important a power, as that of the courts to nullify all the acts of Congress, which in their opinion, were contrary to the constitution.
Never were such high and transcendent power in any government, much less in one like ours, composed of powers specially given and defined, claimed or exercised by construction only. The doctrine of constructions not warranted by the letter of an instrument, is dangerous in the extreme. Let men once look on constructions and implications, and at what point will you stop them? Is the Astoria of English judges in discovering the latent meaning and intentions of law makers, meanings not expressed in the letter of the laws, to be adopted here in the construction of the constitution? Once admit the doctrine, that either judges or legislators are to be indulged in these astutia and wire drawn constructions, to enlarge their own powers, or to control those of others, then I would join the gentlemen in the opposition in declaring, that the constitution would indeed be in danger.
To make the constitution a practical system, the power of the courts to annul the laws of Congress cannot possibly exist. My idea of the subject, in a few words is: That the constitution intended a separation only of the powers vested in the three great departments, giving to each the exclusive authority of acting on the subjects committed to each: That each are intended to revolve within the sphere of their own orbits; are responsible for their own motion only; and are not to direct or control the course of others: That those for example who make laws, are presumed to have an equal attachment to, and interest in the constitution; are equally bound by oath to support it, and have an equal right to give a construction to it: That the construction of one department of the powers particularly vested in that department is of as high authority at least, as the construction given to it by any other department: That it is in fact more competent to that department to which powers are exclusively confided, to decide upon the proper exercise of those powers, than any other departments, to which such powers are not intrusted, and who are not consequently under such high and responsible obligations for their constitutional exercise; and that therefore the legislature would have an equal right to annul the decisions of the courts founded on their construction of the constitution as the courts would have to annul the acts of the legislature, founded on their construction.
Although therefore, the courts may take upon them to give decisions which go to impeach the constitutionality of the law, and which for a time may obstruct its operation; yet I contend, that such law is not the less obligatory, because the organ through which it is to be executed, has refused its aid. A pertinacious adherence of both departments to their opinions, would soon bring the question to an issue which would decide, in whom the sovereign power of legislation resided, and whose construction of the constitution as to the law making power ought to prevail.
If the courts have a right to examine into and decide upon the constitutionality of laws, their decisions ought to be final and effectual. Are gentlemen then prepared to admit, that in case the courts were to declare your revenue, impost and appropriation laws unconstitutional, that they would thereby be necessarily blotted out of your statute book, and the operations of your government consequently arrested? It is making, in my opinion, a mockery of the high powers of legislation. I feel humbled by the doctrine, and enter my protest against it. Gentlemen are not aware to what dangerous lengths it may be extended. Let them therefore, consider well before they insist on an assumption of power by the judiciary, which goes to place the legislature at its feet. Let not so humiliating a condition be admitted, under an authority resting merely on application and construction. It may invite a state of things, which we are not justified by the constitution in presuming will happen, and which, should it happen, all men of all parties must deplore.
MR. MORRIS.—I rise to congratulate this house and America, that we have now, though late, reached the true point on which this decision turns. Here I knew we would come. Are we then prepared for a consolidated government of these states? If the doctrine advanced by gentlemen prevail, if it be true, then is there no legislature in America but that of the United States. All the arguments used by gentlemen in the course of the debate went to this end. Now happily the conclusion is avowed. They ask how your judges got this power of deciding on the constitutionality of the laws? They ask, is it in the constitution? They derived it from a higher authority than the constitution; the constitution of man—the organization of human nature. You pass laws; the judges declare their application to individual cases; their decision is final. It must be final. Thence the right of the judges to pronounce on the laws.
Mark the end to which you are going. The constitution says "No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation or other direct tax shall
be laid; unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States."
Notwithstanding these constitutional prohibitions, suppose a majority of the two houses, and the President pass such laws. A capitation tax then may be laid, and must be enforced its collection.—The honorable mover says, the legislature shall decide supremely. A capitation tax then may be laid, and must be enforced in violation of the constitution. Is this the state to which we are come? If this doctrine be sustained, is there any possible mode of avoiding this conclusion? The moment the Legislature determine they are supreme, they become so.
I saw the end to which the arguments of gentlemen went. I would not throw it out to the people. But I begged them to pause and consider before they acted. Before they virtually produced a system of consolidated government. If these prohibitory regulations are gone, where is the safety of the States?
When it was found absolutely necessary to enlarge the powers of the general government, it was said it was dangerous to confer them lest they might swallow up the liberties of the country; and when abroad in the public service, I felt a degree of pain at some things that took place at home, left too much power should be conferred upon the general government. Why? I knew that if these States were consolidated under one government, we could no longer remain a republic. Attached to a republican government as the best, having had an opportunity to compare it with other systems, I wished it to remain inviolate. I knew that if the States were once destroyed, the government would soon become, not a mild monarchy but a despotism.
It may be said the courts are bound by an oath to support the constitution: But when it is once established that you are the constitutional interpreters of the laws, they must be bound by your constructions.
Mr. Morris concluded by observing that in periods of peace the state governments were deemed most precious; but that when war came, and foreign danger threatened, the national government would be clung to; and from that moment, if the construction now contended for prevailed, the national government would be supreme. He therefore, called upon every gentleman in that body to say, whether he was ready to place the states at the feet of the general government. For his part he entered his protest against it.
From the WASHINGTON FEDERALIST—Feb. 13.
WHAT will eventually be the issue of the present high handed, over-bearing proceedings of Congress, it is impossible to determine: but we have daily additional cause for fearing that the measures at present pursued, while some of them are direct violations of our sacred constitution, and others are destructive of our welfare, will shortly bring us to a situation, the dreadful consequences of which seem to be little feared by the advocates of those measures, but which impartial, unbiased and reflecting men consider as immediately preceding the total destruction of our government, and the introduction of disunion, of anarchy and civil war.
If on any question, where there was a shade of doubt, circumstances and conduct could prove a destitution of good principles, of patriotic motives, of a regard for the public welfare, it does most sincerely appear to us, and we believe we judge without prejudice, that such destitution is evident, on attentive examination, in the conduct of the present ruling party of this country.
It would be astonishing, to the last degree astonishing, that a majority of the people of the United States should put these men in power, were we not to consider the means by which they have obtained it. These means have been, the want of correct information, and the diffusion of gross falsehoods and misrepresentations. Look at those sections of the country where democracy abounds; and see what knowledge the majority of the people there have of public characters and public transactions. We dare assert that in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, much of North and South Carolina, of Virginia, of Pennsylvania, &c. the great bulk of the people are almost wholly uninformed of the state of politics, of the measures of government; and what information they receive is mostly from the circulation of jacobin newspapers, and the report of jacobin characters. What cause had the constituents of Mr. Fowler of Kentucky, for disbelieving him when he hinted to them in an address last spring, that the public offices at the City of Washington were burnt by design, and to secrete forever the transactions of the officers concerned in them? They were not on the spot; a large portion of them trusted entirely to one they supposed knew, from his means of knowing, and one whose veracity they thought they might trust. What diabolical stories were told of Mr. Pickering, Mr. Dayton, &c. They were asserted with so much daring impudence, that people who knew not the characters of those who make the assertions, would have supposed that the wickedness of ten devils combined in one would hardly have been sufficient to have induced any being to have made such declarations without being able to substantiate their truth. Yet see: those declarations of fraud, of public robbery and theft of public money, are now well known to have been wholly without foundation; are well known to have been issued from a heart apparently moulded in hell, and thrice coated by some infernal smith with brass. And how is such a character rewarded? Is he scorned, detested by all men? By all good and intelligent men he is, but not by those in power.—Had Duane been guilty but of the one enormous, instead of numerous enormous, and not less criminal items, it would have been, we had supposed, sufficient to have made him a mark to have been shunned; instead of which he has been and now is, (heaven withhold its wrath) not only honored with the notice of a president of the United States, but admitted to share largely in the loaves and fishes; and to share in such manner as reflects no honor as for the secretary of the treasury.—
He can take thousands of dollars in advance from the treasury, purchase paper at Wilmington, and send it to the city and there receive four thousand dollars for what cost but three thousand. He can charge nine dollars per ream for paper, when others would be glad to sell the same for five. Can we doubt the Secretary's willingness to reward him thus; to give away the public money thus indirectly? And give it to such a being, when the old soldier, the brave officer, who ran to the field of slaughter and laughed at death, to gain our independence, is by this very Secretary doomed to dig, or beg, or starve. Great God, that such characters too should be considered patriots, and instead of being thrust into scorn and contempt, should be suffered to burst open the doors of honor and confidence.
By the insinuations and falsehoods of such wretches how many are deceived. Another cause—Men who have no patriotism, who wish to ride on the necks of the people, though they would see their head, as Nero said, if they had but one, quite cut off at one blow, are continually bawling about their dear love for the dear people; continually assuring them that those who are their best friends, are forging chains for them, are striving to introduce royalty, nobility &c. to set themselves above them. These scandalous tales have had much influence, nor does the farce yet cease. We even yet hear in congress pseudo patriots and pseudo orators farcically attempting to have it believed that their political opponents are royalists, with as much owl-like gravity as if they believed what they said. If the time ever should come, and of late there are some symptoms of its arrival, when the people shall judge men by their actions instead of their empty professions, and noisy declarations; then should we see turbulent patriots, some standing uncovered, and most returning whence they came, to "hewing wood and drawing water" And the time is assuredly nigh, when either the good sense of the people will return with the opening of their eyes, and their old friends be returned to seats of confidence and respect; or when some daring Bonaparte will crush the minor patriots, and from pure love of the people condescend to be their lord and master. The present state of things cannot long continue. The crisis is at hand. Those who have favored heretofore the present government have been in suspense, their fears begin to encrease, they have seen the constitution already severely wounded. They now see a most audacious attempt to stab its very vitals. They see an attempt made to use judiciary as a glove to the legislature; to be put on or pulled off at pleasure. Whether this last most daring attempt be effected or not, the people at large know motives, understand the wishes, the murder us wishes of those who hate the constitution. They will if practicable, constitutionally and peaceably effect a change in men and measures, if provoked, if compelled by democratic outrages, heaven defend us from the calamities that will attend the struggle to uphold our constitution, preserve our laws our liberties and republican government.
From the Poughkeepsie Journal.
FARMERS ATTEND!
Mr. Jefferson and his associates, claim the title of Friends of the People , and by abusing and misrepresenting the patriots who composed our late administration, and their measures have succeeded to rob them of our confidence, and to place themselves in their stations. Taking advantage of our prejudices, among other deceptions, they have taught us to believe the stamp act, and the excise upon whisky, and carriage tax, oppressive and unjust taxes, and, as a blessing and favor, propose to repeal them. Now let us for a few minutes candidly examine this matter, and we shall see how far we shall be benefited by this repeal:—All the money which is raised for the support of government, the payment of the public debts, and the national defence, arises from duties on goods imported and these internal taxes. Of imported goods, salt pays 20 cents per bushel; bohea tea, 12 cents per pound; brown sugar, 2 1/2 cents per pound; lowest proof rum, 25 cents per gallon; molasses, 5 cents per gallon; sherry wine, 40 cents per gallon; ironmongery and hardware, cotton, linen and woollen goods, earthen ware, glass, and china, 15 cents on every dollar's worth; all articles of greater luxury, such as fine teas, high priced wines, plated ware, &c. pay much more—but of these we use none, and I wish to confine myself to such articles as we cannot, or at least from our habit we do not, do without. Now suppose a farmer with a small family of five or six to consume in a year
   Dolls. Cents.     5 Bushels of Salt, he pays, - - - 1 0   6 Pounds of Bohea Tea, - - - 0 72   50 Pounds Brown Sugar, - - - 1 25   5 Gallons Rum, - - - 1 25   5 Gallons Molasses, - - - 0 25   Half a gallon of Sherry Wine in case of sickness, - - - 0 25   Of hardware, earthenware, glass, cotton, linen and woollen goods, 30 dollars worth, - - - 2 0   Dolls. 78  
Hence it is clear, that he will pay six dollars and seventy two cents a year in taxes; if he uses less he will pay less, if more, so much the more; every man, therefore, may make a calculation for himself, and it is hoped he will do so, and then ask himself how much a year he pays for stamp paper? how much for pleasure carriages? and how much for whisky? For stamps he seldom has occasion, and in truth he merchants and dealers in money pay the greater part of this tax; as to pleasure carriages,
we who have good waggons need none; and of whisky, those who can get good spirits do not drink it.—In reality, this tax was thought of, to cause our fellow citizens of the western country, to contribute a very small sum to our public burthens: As it is, it does not amount to one quarter part of what we pay upon spirits, and if it is repealed, they will hardly pay any thing at all.—The stamp tax, therefore, and that upon carriages, and the excise upon refined sugar, fall almost exclusively upon the merchants, the inhabitants of great towns, and the rich; and the excise on whisky falls very lightly on the inhabitants of the western country. Yet these taxes yield as much as six hundred and fifty thousand dollars a year, and if they are repealed, such taxes as you and I pay, must be continued so much the longer, or per haps increased.
From such friends, and such friendship, good Lord deliver us. A FARMER.
Of the Number of Judges in England.
Extract from Mr. CHIPMAN, of Vermont, his Speech in Senate on the Judiciary.
"To prove that six judges of the supreme court must have been competent to all the duties of that and the circuit courts, the honorable gentleman, who brought forward the resolution, drew a comparison from the courts and judges in England. He has told us, that in England there are but 12 judges, and three principal courts, that these courts embrace in their original or appellate jurisdictions almost the whole circle of human concerns, that the two courts of king's bench and common pleas, consisting each of four judges, entertain all the common law suits of 40s. and upwards, arising among nine millions of the most commercial people in the world; and that they have moreover the revision of the proceedings of all the subordinate courts in the kingdom down to the courts of piepounder; and that from long experience these courts have been found fully competent to all the business of the kingdom. This statement, sir, is by no means correct. In England the House of Lords is the supreme court of appeals in the last resort in causes both at law and in equity.
Instead of three there are four superior courts: The court of chancery, in which are decided all suits and matters in equity, including a very numerous and important class of causes.—The courts of King's bench, common pleas and exchequer, all of which have original jurisdiction in civil causes; and the king's bench, besides being the highest court of criminal jurisdiction, has also the correction and revision of the proceedings of all the subordinate courts, by writ of error or otherwise. The subordinate courts, which were barely mentioned, are very numerous. There are in England, exclusive of Wales, more than 40 counties, all of which have their separate courts and judges. Some of the counties are regular franchises. Lancaster, Chester and Durham, have their separate courts, both of law and equity, which claim cognizance of causes and parties within their respective jurisdictions, even against the courts at Westminster. There were also an immense number of cities & towns incorporated throughout the kingdom, the courts and judges of which, though more or less limited in their jurisdiction, entertain a vast variety of civil suits. There are besides these, the high court of admiralty, which has an exclusive jurisdiction in all maritime causes; the courts of the two universities, the prerogative court of the archbishop of Canterbury, the archiepiscopal court of York, the diocesan and other ecclesiastical courts, having also an extensive jurisdiction of a civil nature in causes testamentary and those relating to the distribution of the goods of intestates.
Wales is a principality, and its courts have exclusive original jurisdiction within the territory.—The great sessions is the highest court of the principality, from which a writ of error lies in the court of the King's Bench.—The subordinate courts and judges are equally numerous in proportion to the territory and inhabitants with that of England.—I omit the courts of conscience and other inferior courts, and magistrates almost without number. From this view, though imperfect, it is evident that the comparison attempted by the honorable gentleman is by no means favorable to his conclusion. The population of that country exceeds in number that of the United States by one third, perhaps more, but its whole extent inclusive of Wales, though not comprehended in the nisi prius circuits, does not equal one of the circuits of the United States, under the system of 1793; and yet that country employs, it is believed, more courts and judges not only than the government of the United States, but than all the individual states taken in addition. I do not however conceive that any advantage is to be derived from the comparison to the one side or the other.—The situation of property and civil policy, numerous and complicated rights, introduced by ancient usages and supported by laws and habits, and by interests public and private, may render a great number of courts and judges and a more extensive judicial system, necessary in one country than in another.—I think it ought to be laid wholly out of the question."
BALTIMORE, FEB. 12.
On Thursday a laughable piece of villainy was discovered in Baltimore. A person lodging at the house of Mr. Josiah Stevenson, near Market street bridge, made sale to him of a likely well dressed mulatto boy, who was found to be an active and expeditious waiter. But on a sudden, both the servant and the seller disappeared. Mr. S. pursued and overtook them in

heard a packet. When on some investigation, the active and smart boy was found to be—A boy dressed in masculine attire to aid the scoundrelly intention of her master!—Every generation grows wiser and wiser—but this fact is certainly an improvement on the wisdom of the present age!
PHILADELPHIA, FEB. 17. MAMMOTH THE SKELETON with which it is Mr. Rembrandt Peale's intention shortly to visit Europe, was yesterday so far put together, that previous to taking it to pieces for the purpose of packing up, He and twelve other gentlemen partook of a collation within the breast of the animal ; all comfortably seated round a small table and one of Mr. Hawkins' patient portable pianos!
NEWPORT (R.I.) FEB. 23. The office of Surveyor and Inspector of the Revenue for the port of Newport; which was conferred on Major Daniel Lyman, by President Washington, as a mark of the nation's favor for his services in her cause , has been taken from him, and presented to Mr. John Slocum at this place, as a reward for his services in the cause of Mr. Jefferson !
Portland, MONDAY, MARCH 8, 1802.
The intercourse between this place and Boston has not been so much interrupted for many years before as by the late snow. We have received no Boston papers later than the 25th Feb.—which in good weather arrive here the day after their date.—We have nothing new from the seat of government; but are anxiously waiting the arrival of papers from that quarter. We have had no late arrivals at this port from Europe or the West Indies.
To compensate for the want of news this day, we have endeavoured to enrich our columns with the most interesting political matters. The important numbers of Louisiana Gazette , cannot be read with too much attention. The writer understands well his subject, and treats it with a master hand.
Letters are said to be in town announcing the unpleasant news of many shipwrecks on Cape Cod. A Portland brig is mentioned to be among the number. We shall probably have some particulars by the next mail.
The election of Governor for New Hampshire, took place on Monday last. The federal candidate was the present Governor GILMAN, to whom the Jacobins opposed their favorite hobby, Col. LANEON. In Portland, that hot-bed of Jacobinism, the former had 145 votes—the latter 549. We have not heard from any of the interior towns, where Mr. Gilman has generally been supported.
MR. JENKS, The election for Governor, &c. in this State is near at hand; and it is time for the friends of our present worthy chief magistrate to be up and doing. His opponents have been long active, in their caucuses and political circles, to effect his removal at the approaching election. They will vary some of their mode of attack; and bring forward new calumnies at too late a period to be refuted. They are now regularly organized and trained to their business. They will make but little bustle until near the day of election, when they will be ready all as one, to make a grand effort to carry their favorite scheme of removing Gov. Strong from the chair of State.—The amiable character, and valuable qualities of this enlightened Statesman, render him a fit object for Jacobin opposition.—But every candid, every thinking man is asked why is a change contemplated? Is it not altogether from the vilest party motives? Can a better man be found—or one who would better administer our government? No one can be at a loss to answer. It is earnestly hoped then, that the public attention may be sufficiently awakened to consider the merits of Governor Strong and continue him in his important office.—The friends of Massachusetts and its present happy government, it is presumed will support the following ticket:— His Excellency CALEB STRONG, for Governor—and The Hon. EDWARD H. ROBBINS, for Lieutenant Governor.
At the same time, I take the liberty of recommending a re-election of the Hon. WOODBURY STORER, an d Hon. JOHN CUSHING, Esq's. SENATORS for the county of Cumberland. A Cumberland Elector.
From a report made to his Excellency the Governor by the Inspector general of beef and pork in the city of New-York, it appears that between the 25th August and 26th January last, there was inspected in this city, 11,604 barrels of Pork, 4,402 do. of beef.
From the Salem Gazette—Feb. 26. Monday the 15th inst. was the important day, on which the Jury trial respecting the Judiciary bill was to commence in the House of Representatives. This subject has undoubtedly called forth all the abilities of the parties, either in counsel, or in the field of debate. By all the accounts from Washington, it is certain it is there seriously considered as a question, whether we will have a written constitution, or whether it shall be attempted to bring every measure to the test of that variable thing called public opinion, that is, what those, who in the scramble happen to get the power, may declare to be so. It is said the Ministerialists were determined to drive through the business in one week, and have the decision on Saturday, so that the fate of the bill is probably ere now determined. By the Constitutionalists , every effort of resistance which a zealous patriotism could inspire, has undoubtedly been made; but, from all the information we have had of the pre-determination of the majority, hardly a hope can be indulged for the constitution. This once dissolved, instead of constitutional courts to determine on the right or wrong, we shall have an "arraignment of all abuses at the bar of public reason," as Mr. Jefferson expresses it; and this appeal to the "public reason," with the other wild project contemplated, will, we fear, produce such scenes of discord as will never be calmed by the mere force of "reason."
The debates in the Senate on the judiciary we are assured, have produced considerable change in the minds of the people at Washington and its vicinity, where they were almost wholly democrats. Even in Virginia, it is confidently said, they begin to be under serious apprehensions for the consequences of the rash measures pursuing by the Ministerialists ; and in Philadelphia and New York it is evident there is considerable alarm among that party, as well as among the Constitutionalists . This agitation in the public mind may possibly produce such an expression of public opinion as to save us from the ruin that threatens us.
The present Members of Congress (both Houses) amount to 136. Of these FIFTY SEVEN are natives of Virginia. The President, the Secretary of State, the Chief Justice, and many inferior officers, are also natives of Virginia. This must give a prepondering influence to that State, in the administration of the government. It might not be a useless inquiry, what number of foreigners are employed in the government.
A letter from the Secretary of the Navy to the Committee of Congress on naval affairs in forms us, "that from the reduced scale of the appropriation, the intended improvements of the navy yards must in a great degree be suspended." By the same letter we find that some of the navy yards are to be sold. The great WASHINGTON, who had a due sense of the virtuous and peaceable temper of the Americans, was thoroughly aware of the wickedness of other nations, and therefore repeatedly urged, in his addresses to Congress, that we could not expect perpetual peace, and that we ought in peace to prepare for war. Future events, if we doubt past experience, will show whether the maxims of the Washingtonian or Jeffersonian administration are the wiser.
Capt Ogilvie, arrived at New York from Cadiz, informs, "that no vessel from Norfolk or New York, are permitted to enter any of the ports of Spain; but that vessels from other parts of the United States are permitted to enter after performing a quarantine of fifty days."
The postscript of a letter, received at New Bedford, from Liverpool, of the date of Dec. 22, states, "that a motion had been made in Parliament to continue the prohibition of the use of Grain in Distilleries; but as the motion has been rejected, the prohibition will cease on the 1st of January next."
The Russian Archbishop, PLATO, who officiated at the coronation of ALEXANDER, is 105 years old, and a man of distinguished talents. He has consecrated three Sovereigns of Russia.
Died. In this town, Mr. MOSES ILSLEY, aged 63—formerly of Newburyport. At Windham, 28th ult. Mr. THOMAS SMITH, aged 31, eldest son of Peter Smith, Esq. At Newburyport, Mr. BENJAMIN MOODY, aged 81.
To be Sold in Topsham, A LOT OF LAND, containing about 60 acres; together with a Dwelling House, Barn, &c. standing thereon;—the terms of payment will be made convenient to the purchaser, and possession given on sale.—Also, the STOCK and FARMING UTENSILS which are now on it.—For further particulars, inquire of March 8. JONATHAN ELLIS.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, THAT pursuant to an order in writing to me, by the Judge of the District Court of Maine, the DISTRICT COURT, which was to have been held at Pownalborough, on the First Tuesday of March next, is now adjourned to the Second Tuesday of the same month of March—then to be held at said Pownalborough; of which all persons interested are to take notice, and govern themselves accordingly. ISAAC PARKER, Marshal of Maine. Portland, 27th Feb 1802.
THE copartnership of SMITH & LITTLE, by mutual agreement is this day dissolved:—All persons who are indebted, or who have demands on said firm, are requested to call on Thomas Smith, at their late place of business, for settlement. THOMAS SMITH, TIMOTHY LITTLE. Windham, Feb. 22, 1802.
Postscript.
The mails due last week, arrived yesterday afternoon;—but they do not contain much news. The following articles are the most interesting:
DISTANT AFFAIRS.
Boston Centinel; March 3. An arrival at Norfolk, from Falmouth (E.) has brought London papers to the 31st December, ten days later than before received here. They contain but few articles of real news.—The French West India fleet actually sailed from Brest, the 14th December.—The Definitive Treaty had not been signed at Amiens; though the Quidnunces of London daily expected it would be.—It is said, Spain refuses to cede Trinidad to England; and that an English squadron was preparing to blockade Cadiz.—This is not certain. The mutiny on board the British squadron in Bantry Bay, had been suppressed without much difficulty. Flour was rising in England.
Accounts from Guadaloupe mention, that the island was still in the hands of the Mulattoes; and that there was no appearance of any French fleet.—The French fleet bound to the West Indies was spoken, Jan. 21st, in lat. 20, long. 44, full of troops; very near the windward islands.
DOMESTIC CONCERNS.
From Washington—Feb. 19. I have only time to say—that this morning, soon after the members were called to order, the House went into a Committee of the Whole, on the Judiciary Bill. Mr. Bayard rose, and in the introductory part of his speech, which lasted nearly two hours, followed Mr. Giles in his criminations, yesterday of the late administration, and the judiciary. He continued on his feet until after four. He had then only considered the inexpediency of the repeal. The constitutionality , incomparably the most material part, remained. He observed to the Committee the late hour, but would proceed, if it were most agreeable to them. His friends near him found his strength failed him, and begged him to sit down. In a moment, he appeared to faint; his countenance, naturally florid, was remarkably pale; and he consented to desist.—The Committee rose and the House adjourned. Mr. Bayard has astonished his warmest friends. The solemnity, and marked attention of this sitting, has much exceeded that of any preceding day. The general opinion is, that his speech has surpassed any thing of the kind before in America. It is to be concluded tomorrow.—It is not in my power to paint to you the anxious state in which we are at this critical moment. The bill will pass, as I mentioned yesterday.
The latest papers contain, the proceedings of the Massachusetts Legislature, to the second inst.—Feb. 22, the committee on Eastern Lands was enjoined to sit immediately.—The Maine Bank incorporation bill was read a second time, and passed to a third reading.—On the 2d inst. a debate arose on the New Bank, which lasted until the time of adjournment—no decision took place.
Salem, March 5. SHIPWRECK.
A state of anxious uncertainty respecting the fate of the Brutus, and her consorts the Ulysses and Volusia has existed ever since the first report of their being wrecked on Cape Cod in the late severe snow storm, till yesterday, when a melancholy relief was afforded by letters from Capt. S. & J. Cook. These three valuable ships sailed from this port together on Sunday the 21st ult. It appears from the letters that they kept company together until 12 o'clock at night, when the weather was so threatening that Capt. S. Cook, of the Volusia, attempted to return, but before they could get sight of Cape Ann it became so extremely thick of snow and blew so very hard that it was impossible to make the land. They were then under the disagreeable necessity of wearing ship and endeavoring to keep off shore, which they effected until 11 o'clock next day, under reefed top-sails, &c. the wind at E. N. E. blowing extremely hard. The first thing presented to their view was the high land of Cape Cod under their lee. "Finding it impossible (says Capt. S. Cook's letter) to weather the Cape, we wore ship, thinking to get into the Cape Harbor, which was the only resource left us to prevent the fate which finally befel us. It then blowing excessively hard, we parted our fore top sail sheet and split the sail in pieces, at the same time carrying away the stangs of the fore yard, which brought the yard down on deck, and of course rendered our head sails totally useless. We then had no other alternative but to get on shore in the bell way we could for the preservation of our lives. In ten minutes the ship struck on a bar about one mile from the shore, previous to which we had cut away our mainstay. As soon as she struck we cut the main stays; as the main mast went immediately over the side; and the ship then beat over the bar, and upon the beach pretty high. We stayed by her until low water, when, with some assistance from the inhabitant, we got on shore all safe. We little expected the other two ships would have so soon followed us; but, painful to relate! they were both lost."
The Brutus, Capt. Wm. Brown, vessel and cargo totally lost; the captain and most of the crew perished.—The Ulysses, capt. James Cook, is gone to pieces, the cargo will partly be saved with damage. The Volusia is not bilged, and should the weather be good she may be got off again; the cargo will I am in hopes, be partly saved, but with great damage:—Since the date of the above letter, the wind has blown from the eastward with a heavy sea and we
ear that not much of the above property can be saved.
Capt. J. Cook, of the Ulysses, writes that he was wrecked about a mile distant from his brother, in the Volusia; that the goods from his ship might be saved, though in general damaged. "Poor capt. Brown, (he relates) is dead and all his people but four, and his ship and cargo lost. It does not appear that any of the hands either of the Ulysses or Volusia, have suffered material injury."
In the death of the worthy Captain Brown, the community suffer the loss of one of the most valuable members, and his relatives and friends all that can attach to the best of characters. We do not learn the names of the individuals who survived the fatal shipwreck. This sad disaster must create numerous mourners, and strongly excite the public sympathy. The loss of property is to be regretted, both for the sake of the enterprising owners and the community; but in the present case this is but a secondary evil.
A letter from Plymouth says, "in the violent storm of the 22d, the Schooner Lucy, Finny, from Nantz, was drove on shore at Salt-house beach; a sailor passenger, belonging to South Carolina, perished with the colli. Also went on shore, a ship loaded with salt, from St. Ubes, for Newburyport, via New York, and the Vineyard. The pilot and one man perished. Neither of the vessels are bulged."
Besides the Salem vessels, it is said that one other ship is on shore back of the Cape.
The brig Eliza, Ricker, of Berwick, was driven on shore at the Vineyard.
A Schooner from Saco, for Boston, is said to have gone ashore at Sand which.
A Schooner from Halifax for Boston, is drove on Cohasset Rocks—one or more of the crew lost.
Two Schooners are ashore on L. Island, near the Owls-head.
Accounts of several other shipwrecks, &c. were received, which want of room obliges us to omit.
The Ocean, Snow, and Portland, Lincoln, of Portland, were at Demarara, Dec. 25.
Ship Portland, of Portland, lately left at Berbice.
The Commerce, Elliot, of Portland, together with several other vessels, put into Ramsgate, by reason of weather, in Nov. and Dec. last.
Sales at Auction.
TO BE SOLD AT AUCTION, On TUESDAY, the 16th day of March,
next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. on the Premises.
THAT VALUABLE ESTATE, belonging to the subscriber, at Broad Cove, North Tarmouth, in lots of different descriptions, in order to suit those who may want small Farms, or such as carry on trade, navigation, and fishery, who may wish to have some Land, and that near the salt water. The first lot will be the Dwelling House, Orchard, Garden, and Out Houses, with twenty acres of Land, including a Building Yard, near the town landing; where a wharf will be built the ensuing summer, the timber being already brought to the spot. For further particulars, inquire of the owner on the premises—or of Mr. EDWARD OXNARD, Auctioneer at Portland; at each of which places a plan may be seen, and the terms of payment known, which will be liberal. Feb. 22. WILLIAM MARTIN.
DISTRICT OF MAINE.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Creditors of SAMUEL MOORE, of Duxbury, in said District, against whom a Commission of Bankruptcy has duly issued and proceeded upon, that they may show cause before the Judge of the District Court of Maine, on Wednesday the second day of March next, at the Court-house in Pownalborough, if they think fit, against allowing and approving of the Certificate of discharge of the said bankrupt. DAVID SEWALL, Judge of the District Court of Maine. February 22, 1802.
AT A COURT OF GENERAL SESSIONS OF THE PEACE, BEGUN AND HOLDEN AT MACHIAS, WITHIN AND FOR THE COUNTY OF WASHINGTON, ON THE THIRD TUESDAY IN AUGUST LAST, AND CONTINUED BY ADJOURNMENT TO THE THIRD TUESDAY OF OCTOBER, A.D. 1801.
THE petition of DANIEL P. UPTON, and others, humbly shews, that a new High Way or common Road is very much wanted, leading from Eastport thro' townships Number Nine and Number Twelve to Machias—that said high way would be of very great public utility, and would greatly accommodate the citizens of said county.
We therefore pray your honors to grant an order of notice to the proprietors of said townships in manner prescribed by Law, to them cause, if any they have, why a Committee should not be appointed to open and make said road—And your petitioners as in duty bound will ever pray.
  Daniel P. Upton,  Stephen C. Johnson,    John Burgin,  Josiah Harris,    Lewis F. Delesdernier,  Marshall Thaxter,    Abijah Crane,  William Chaloner,    Oliver Shead,  Jacob Penniman,    Jonathan Leavitt,  Simeon Foster,    Samuel Ellis,  Ebenezer Inglee.  
ON the petition of Daniel P. Upton and thirteen others—Ordered, that the petitioners cause the substance of their petition and this order thereon, to be published in the New-England Palladium , printed by Young & Muns, and Jenks' Portland Gazette , three weeks successively, the last publication to be thirty days at least before the sitting of said Court of General Sessions of the Peace, which will be held at Machias the second Tuesday of May next, as by adjournment from the third Tuesday in October, A. D. 1801.—To the end any person or persons interested therein may then and there appear and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. Attest, RALPH H. BOWLES, CLERK. A true copy of Record—Attest, RALPH H. BOWLES, CLERK.
THE subscribers, having been duly appointed by the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. Judge of the Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Cumberland, Guardians to ELIJAH TUTTLE, of Northarmouth, in said county—who by the Selectmen of said town has been adjudged a Spendthrift—hereby caution all persons against trading with him; and those who may be indebted to him, against paying any thing to him; but all such persons are requested to make payment to us; and those who have any demands against said Spendthrift, are also requested to bring in their accounts to us. STEPHEN L. HARRIS, } Guardians. DAVID PRINCE, } Northarmouth, February 10, 1802. Advertisements omitted; shall be attended to in our next.

Mr. Editor—If you think the following exotic lines, possess sufficient merit for a place in your paper, you will please to insert them. A. L.
THE PILGRIM.
WANDER!—nor pause within the heart of man; The brook and bramble yield repair to thee, Whose foul has form'd her airy pav'ng, To whom wild nature yields her region free.
The rising sun is thine, the sultry noon, Grey-footed morning, and the evening star; The midnight shadow, when the silent moon, Half horn'd on ending space is seen afar.
Thine virgin dew; reviving zephyr thine: Round thee the fragrance of the valley plays; To thee the thunder rolling o'er the line, Affords but mimic horror and decay.
Thou, blest by heavenly patience, here liest down On bed of new-mown hay, or fern, or sod; Thy temples seem to wear an azure crown, Thy dreams point upward to a smiling God.
Grant these fair visions vanish with the night, What feigned banquet yields so pure a joy; Thy heart beats humbly, full of fine delight, Thy memory holds it—for it ne'er can cloy.
Dear envy'd Pilgrim!—travel on, nor know, My deep affliction!—liberty be thine! To old Jerusalem, or Mecca go! And lay thy offering at some holy shrine.
Be it an Apple, Bracelet, Sigh, or Tear, No matter; each a tribute of thy love; Angels will wait thy weary soul to cheer, And waft thy innocence to the throne above.
EMILY.
Wholesale and Retail Ware-house, OPPOSITE THE COLUMBIAN TAVERN.
Wakefield & Dobbs,
Acquaint their friends and the public, that they have received by the late arrivals from London and Liverpool, a large assortment of Merchandise—Among which are,
BLACK , dark blue, olive, drab, brown, scarlet, and fashionable mixed London and Yorkshire fine and superfine Broadcloths. Black, white, dark, blue, buff, scarlet, drab, brown and mixed Kerseymere. Mixed and plain Forest Cloths, Fearnoughts from 7/6 to 12/6 per yard. Plain and twi'd Coatings; Striped Elastic Cloths, Orleans; white and colored Bazzes, White and black Flannels; Rose Blankets, 7-8 and 4-4 wide Irish Linen, from 2/6 to 7/6 pr. yd. Chintz and purple Calicoes; do. do. Furni ure, Durants; Calamancos; Jeans; Moreens, Black and blue Shallons; black Ruffsels, Taminy; white and colored Muslinette, Black worsted Gaiters, A large assortment of Men's, & Women's worsted, lambs wool, gauze, white & colored cotton, black and white silk Hosiery. Tape, stripe, and hair cord Dimities, Tambour'd, jacquet, cambric, and book Mullins, Black cambric do. Men's beaver, worsted, and silk Gloves, Ladies' extra white and colored kid and silk do. Ladies' English colored Kid Shoes, Black and colored Morocco do. Mogafons; Muffs and Tippets, Fancy Feathers and Flowers, Cotton, silk and silver Trimmings, Oil Cloths; Irish Diapers, Ladies', Gentlemen's and Youths' English beaver Hats; Straw Bonnets; do. Trimmings, Thread, Lace, and Edgings, Black broad and narrow silk Lace, Elegant Lace Shades; d. o. Veils, Men's plain and striped English and French black Satin; black and blue silk Velvet, Brown Holland; Swansdown from 5/9 to 15/ pattern Embroidered Silk; Ladies' black Satin, Silk and cotton Suspenders, Fine Thickset and Velveteen; Carpets, & Carpeting Bandannas; fashionable fancy silk Handkerchiefs, Chintz and purple Shawls; cotton and linen Checks, Black and white Italian Crapes, White and colored Thread, Plated, gilt, and metal coat and breast Buttons, Twist do.; linen and cotton Pocket Handkerchiefs, Bordered Lawn do.; camels hair Shawls, Tapes and Bobbins; shoe and quality Bindings, Cotton and silk Umbrellas, Gold and gilt Brooches; white and colored Beads.
Tea Trays, Waiters, Bread Baskets, Scissors, Razors, Pocket and Pen Knives, Knives and Forks, Dessert do. Chapel Needles, Thimbles, Pins, Tea-pots, Coffee Mills, Slates, Candlesticks, Combs. Cut and Wrought Nails.
Cognac Brandy, Holland Gin, St. Croix Rum, Madeira Wine, Box and Cask Raisins, Almonds, Figs, Nutmegs, Mace, Cloves, Cinnamon, Rice, Ginger, Chocolate, Indigo, Mustard, Allspice, Black Pepper, Lump and Brown Sugar, Bohea, Souchong and Hyson Teas.—Cheap for cash or approved credit. Portland, Feb. 1.
NOTICE is hereby given, to the nonresident proprietors of land in the town of Thompsontown, district of Maine, that their lands are taxed to the State, County and Town, for the year 1801, in the bills committed to me the subscriber to collect as follows:
   Names No Lot No Acres State tax County tax Town tax   D C D     James Bowdoin, Esq. 1 & 2 3385 5 64 13 52 9 2 2   Proprietors unknown 3 & 4 1380 2 30 5 52 3 68 6   6 720 1 20 2 88 1 92   6 665 1 10 2 66 1 77   James Bowdoin, Esq. 7 1200 2 4 80 3 20 20   8 1200 2 4 80 3 20   Proprietors unknown, 9 600 1 2 40 1 60 60   9 600 1 2 40 1 60   10 1200 2 2 40 5 60   part of 11 700 1 16 2 80 1 86  
And unless said taxes, and the necessary intervening charges, are paid to me the collector, on or before Thursday, the fifteenth day of April next, at ten of the clock in the forenoon, so much of said lands will then be sold by Public Auction, as will pay the same, at the dwelling house of capt. NOAH JORDAN, Innholder, in said Thompsontown.
Feb 15, 1802. PHINEAS JONES, Collector.
The Poor Gentleman,
A new COMEDY—is just received, and for sale at the Book Store of Jenks & Clark.
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY John Jenks, At his store No. 6, Jones' Row, Fifth street, AN assortment of INDIA COTTONS, consisting of PLAIN BLUE, STRIPED, CHECK'D, and WHITE, of various qualities; some of which are very fine.— Also INDIA CHINTZES, BANDANNA, and Check'd COTTON HANDKERCHIEFS.—Likewise, on hand, a large and general assortment of ENGLISH GOODS, as usual;—all of which he will sell on the most reasonable terms for cash. March 1.
JUST RECEIVED, AND FOR SALE BY How & Evans, At their Store in Middle-street, on corner Union street, A Large assortment of PAPER HANGINGS—75 different figures, of the newest fashion, at the Boston prices.—Also, English, Hardware, & West-India Goods, and Groceries, as usual. Portland, Feb. 22. (6m)
Stephen Thomas, HAS for sale at his Store in Fifth-street, a large and general assortment of Drugs & Medicines, as cheap as can be purchased in town. Port, Sherry, & Madeira WINES, of an excellent quality.—Also, very good Cognac Brandy, and Holland Gin. Portland, Feb. 15.
Molasses, Per Hhd. for sale at approved credit, by SAMUEL M. QUINCY, Portland, Feb. 15.
William Gorham, Respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he has just received for sale, at his store in Forest-street, an assortment of WINES, of the best quality.—Also, a large assortment of West-India Goods, Groceries, &c. all of which will be sold on the lowest terms for cash or country produce. Portland, Feb. 15.
Cotton Yarn. ALMY & BROWN , in Providence, State of Rhode-Island, being principally concerned in the most extensive COTTON MILLS on the continent, have for sale a large assortment of COTTON YARN, suitable for Warp or Filling; and also of two and three thread Yarn suitable for knitting or weaving flockings, both bleached and unbleached; equal in quality to any in America. They are enabled to supply their customers and others who may want, on as low terms as any persons in the United States, and on short notice. Orders from every part of the country will be duly attended to by addressing by post or otherwise, to the subscriber. ALMY & BROWN. Providence, 1st Mo. 1802.
John Taber & Son, NO. 8, MUSSEY'S ROW, KEEP the aforesaid Yarn constantly for sale, by the Bundle, at the same prices as at the Manufactory, with only the expence of transportation. Portland 2d Mo. 8, 1802.
Nathan & Company, FURRIERS, JUST arrived from London, will give the best price, and ready money, for all kinds of FUR SKINS, at Gen. Coss's Tavern, sign of the Eagle, Forest-street. Portland, Jan. 8, 1802.
The Art of Reading, A new and valuable School Book, by Daniel Staniford , for sale by JENKS & CLARK, per doz. or single. Advertisement.
FOR THE BENEFIT OF THOSE WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
THE subscriber has agreed with all the settlers, seated on his back Lands, and sold Lands in the same quarter to numerous and respectable Emigrants from the States southward, on principles promising them great prosperity, and the establishment of harmony and good order throughout that fertile region. He conceives therefore, that this is the proper moment to announce in the most public and solemn manner, that in future, no usurpation of his Lands will be tolerated.
As the Land is, and will be surveyed into Lots, no hope of impunity will arise from any supposed secrecy in the offence. Every regular settler has bound himself to discontenance and discover such lawless persons.—It would be deemed madness among farmers to suffer a wolf to enter and remain among their sheep; much more so would it be for regular settlers after having legally engaged to pay a valuable consideration for their Lands to suffer an audacious usurper to enter and remain amongst them, SCATTERING THE SEEDS OF DISCORD, MISERY AND INSUBORDINATION WITH BOTH HANDS.
Any person therefore, who shall in defiance of this notice, and in defiance of the laws, usurp Lands of the subscriber, will be prosecuted for the damages that may ensue; suffer the utter loss of his labor and fixtures, and be refused Land at any price whatever.
But the young, industrious and orderly Yeomanry and Artificers throughout New-England, are invited to view the Lands of the subscriber, lying west of Penobscot River, and extending to within 15 miles of Kennebec River, and contiguous to a line, on which it is contemplated to open and establish a Turnpike-Road from river to river.
These rich Lands are considered by impartial judges—soil, situation and climate combined—as affording as many at least, if not more advantages, to young Agriculturists, than any other within the United States.
These Lands are to be sold for actual and immediate settlement, either for money or upon credit.
A perfect title and deeds of warranty will be given on payment.
TIMBER and CORD-WOOD Settlers , throughout the Patent, strip and waste men, who instead of honestly cultivating the soil, attempt meanly and insidiously to gain property by this species of theft, will incur and receive all the punishment, and pay all the damages, which the law shall inflict; and also all those who shall aid and abet them in their unlawful conduct.
HENRY KNOX.
Montpelier, Thomastown, St. George's River, Nov. 27, 1801.
Fifty Dollars Reward.
STOLEN from the subscriber, on the 16th Sept. last, a bright bay MARE. The thief is a large man, dark complexion, with short black hair, by the name of MOSES BARTLETT.—Whoever will take up said thief, and give information to the subscriber, shall receive the above reward.—Said thief went from this town on the night of the 7th inst.
Norwich, Vermont, JACOB HOW, Feb. 8, 1802. GERSHOM BARTLETT,
N. B. Printers in the U. S. who have the good of Society at heart, will please to insert the above, that a noted villain may be brought to justice. March 1.
DIRECT TAX.
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, EIGHTH COLLECTION DISTRICT, SECOND DIVISION. NOTICE is hereby given, by virtue of an act of Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, entitled "An Act to lay and collect the Direct Tax, within the United States."—The following taxes assessed on the respective Houses and Lands, to which they relate, became due and payable on the 7th day of April, 1800, of which the said reputed owners, possessors, or occupants of said Houses and Lands, have been notified by the Collector in manner directed aforesaid; yet said taxes remain unpaid in said District, viz. Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland.
   Occupant. Owner. Value of House. Tax on House. Value of Lands. Tax on Lands.   D. C. D. C.     Silas Howel. Howel Silas 523 80 1 48   Michael Lunt. Lunt Mich. 400 80 1380 3 90   William Pr de. Pride Wm. 839 50 2 37   William Patrick. Patrick W. 300 60   Waldo Heirs. Waldo Samuel, Heirs of 3137 20 8 88   James Webb, do. 133   do. do. 1035   do. do. 621   do. do. 517 50   do. do. 4600   6911 50 19 50   Zachariah Small do. 398 1 13   Peter Chick do. 138 38   10584 70  
And that so much of the above described property as will pay the respective taxes assessed thereon, with costs and charges, will be sold at public vendue, at the dwelling house of SAMUEL STAPLE, Innholder, in Gorham, on Thursday the first day of April, 1802, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, unless prevented by previous payment.
THOMAS M'LELLAN, Collector. Gorham, Jan. 25, 1802.
DIRECT TAX.
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, ELEVENTH COLLECTION DISTRICT, SECOND DIVISION.
PURSUANT to an act of Congress, passed the fourteenth of July, 1798, entitled, "an act to lay and collect a Direct Tax, within the United States."—will be sold at public Sale at the dwelling house of Benjamin Hooper, jun. in Biddeford, on Monday the fifth day of April next, at ten of the clock, A. M. so much of the under described estates, consisting of dwelling houses and lands as will satisfy the taxes due thereon, together with costs and charges, as the law directs; unless said taxes and charges should be paid before that time.
   Value of House. Tax on each House. Value of Lands. Total tax on Lands.   D. C. D. C.     John Fairfield 550 1 65 1191 43 3 37   Obad & Ralph Emery 300 60 1563 2 25   Capt. Jacob Lane 300 60 1703 4 82   Dominicus Seammans 250 50 1852 93 5 24   John Davis 200 40 390 1 10   BENJAMIN HOOPER, jun. Collector. Biddeford, February 4. 1802.  
DIRECT TAX.
SEVENTH COLLECTION DISTRICT, SECOND DIVISION, IN THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
PURSUANT to an act of Congress passed the 14th of July, 1798, entitled, "an act to lay and collect a direct tax within the United States."—will be sold at public sale at the dwelling house of Benjamin Ayer, Innholder in Standish, on Monday the fifth day of April next, at 10 of the clock A. M. so much of the under described estates, consisting of dwelling houses and lands, as will satisfy the taxes due thereon, together with costs and charges as the law directs; unless said taxes and charges should be paid before that time.
   Names of Owner, or Occupant, at the time of taking the Value. Value of each dwelling house. Tax on each house. Value of Lands. Total tax on Lands.   D. C. D. C.     Burnal Stephen 504 1 43   Barton Isaac 270 76   Brown Jesse 240 68   Cookson John 235 67   Cookson Joseph 198 65   Camell Thomas 356 1 1   Cook Nathan 434 1 23   Dow Joseph 1140 3 22   Davis James 620 1 78   Elias H. Derby, ow. 650 1 86   Obadiah Mtn, occu.   Elias H. Derby, ow.   Desper West, occu. 220 63   Devenport John 324 92   Freeman George 209 40 990 2 80   Freeman Benjamin 350 99   Fly James 51 14   Gibbs Ezra 798 2 26   Haskell Jonathan 651 1 84   Hopkins Theo. 105 420 1 19   Harding Barnabus 45 13   How Jacob 509 1 69   Holmes Josiah 280 56 924 2 62   Jones William 300 60 1080 3 6   Enoch Ilsey, ow.   Robert M'Donald, occu. 180 51   Jackson Thomas 240 68   Kelley Peter 298 85   Kimball Jacob 605 1 71   Laraby Isaac 350 99   Libby Jonathan 237 67   Libby John 337 95   McDaniel Saml 452 1 21   McFerrey John, jun. 616 1 75   McFerrey Charles 70 20   Morton Elisha 228 65   Morton Joseph 180 50   Mearns David 60 17   M'Donald Robert 160 45   Millikins Josiah 528 1 50   Maxfield Josiah 264 75   Merrill Nathan 1450 5 80 4183 11 84   Nason Abraham 700 2 1   Nash Elijah 357 1 1   Parker Moses 150 30 540 1 53   Richard Pierce 125 25 456 1 29   Proctor Wm. 360 1 2   Pote Thomas 360 1 2   Row Ephraim, 3d. 103 29   Rogers Wm. 56 16  
   Row Webber     576 Robinson John 1 63   296 Sawyer John, jun. 84   108 Snow Thomas 30   288 Sweet Joshua 87   90 Stone Joshua 25   84 Skillings Benj. 44   180 Sanborn David 51   386 Sanborn David, jun. 1 9   176 Sawyer Saml. 58