Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-02-27 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican. AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Printed weekly, by OLIVER FARNSWORTH, (PRINTER TO THE STATE, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES.) Thames Street, NEWPORT.
Miss E. FIRTH,
(MILLINER IN NEW-YORK) RETURNS thanks to the Ladies of New- port and its vicinity, for their past favors, and begs leave to inform them, that her partner Miss MARY MOODIE, has arrived at Mr. JAMES MUMFORD'S, Sign of the Bee-Hive, Thames-Street, where she will reside for some months.—The Ladies may have their Millinery and Mantuamaking done in the most fashionable manner, at the shortest notice, and on reasonable terms.—She will be regularly supplied with new patterns from England. * * * Velvet and other Bonnets, a great variety, may be had as above.
Newport, Feb. 6. 19t2
Nicholas Webster,
INFORMS the Public, that he has opened a GROCERY STORE in Broad Street, in the house, late the property of Mr. Caleb Earl, where he has for Sale a general assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS.
Among others, are the following articles: Rum, Brandy, Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Teas of various kinds, Coffee, Chocolate, Raisins, Currants, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Butter, Cheese, Candles, Onions, Tobacco, Snuff, Powder and Shot, Lamp-Oil, Loaf and Brown Sugars, &c. —ALSO,
A general and extensive variety of Crockery and Hard Ware; Men's and Women's Shoes, &c. &c. with many other articles, too tedious to mention; all which will be sold at the most reduced prices.
Newport, Nov. 21. 8tf
PUBLIC NOTICE.
ALL persons having any demands against the estate of Israel Horsefield, late of Newport, deceased, are desired to exhibit them to either of the subscribers for settlement; and all those indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment.
SARAH HORSEFIELD, Executrix. TIMOTHY HORSEFIELD Executor. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 72t75
Drove Up,
ON the shore of the subscriber, about half a mile from the Pier, in Point Judith, an Oak BOAT.—The owner may have it, by proving property, and paying the expense.
STEPHEN CHAMPLIN. South-Kingstown, Feb. 19, 1802. 72t75
REAL Port Wine, in quarter and half-quarter Casks.
Malaga ditto ditto. 30 Casks Raisins. 40 Boxes Muscatel ditto. 10 ditto Jordan Rashed Almonds. 20 Jars Malaga Grapes. Turkey Figs of the nicest quality. Malaga ditto in frails. 10 Cases Creme de Noyau Cordial. 1 Butt Currants. Prime Nutmegs—Mace—Cloves—Cassia—Cinnamon. Madeira Citron. India Preserves in Jars, viz. Ginger—Citron—Lemon and Lime. The above Articles are of the latest Importation.
—A L S O—
A few Puncheons Antigua Rum, Black Pepper in bags. Best green Coffee ditto. Kegs of English Mustard. Salt-Petre by the cwt. Wrapping Paper per ream. Spanish Flote—French & Carolina Indigo, &c.
For Sale, by
HAZARD & GARDNER. Newport, Jan. 29, 1802. 18tf
FOR SALE, By
SAMUEL VERNON, jun.
COGNAC Brandy, Claret Wine in casks and boxes, Silks, Britannia Linens, white wine Vinegar, Verdigrease, & House-Paper:—The above articles are entitled to drawback, and are now landing from the Brig Hannah, from Bourdeaux, at Mr. Robert Stevens' wharf.
He has also for sale, Ruffia and Raven's Duck, a few Demijans and long and short Corks.
Newport, Nov. 7, 1801.
To be Let,
A LARGE and Commodious Dwelling House, in good order, pleasantly situated at the South part of Thames-Street; having six rooms on a floor; Two storages; a good Cellar, and paved yard; with a well of good water, and a large Garden.
Apply to SAMUEL ALMY. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 73tf
John & Henry Cahoon,
HAVE FOR SALE, At their STORE on Banister's Wharf,
BROWN SUGAR, by the barrel or box; Molasses, by the hoghead; Flour, by the barrel; Powder, by the cask; Shearing Paper, by the hundred; Candles, by the box; Iron Caboose; and genuine SPANISH SEGARS.—ALSO,
HONEY, by the barrel or gallon —New-York Soap, by the box—Negro-Head Tobacco—Best 4th proof Jamaica Rum—Iron Stoves—Salt-Peter & Hams—Butter, and Hog's Lard, &c.—LIKewise,
LIQUORS, of the best kind, a general Assortment—and various other Articles in the Grocery Line—a complete Assortment of which they propose to be constantly Supplied with.
MASTERS of Packets, Passengers, &c. may be Supplied at said Store, on the shortest Notice—with any Article they may want—and their Favors gratefully Acknowledged.
GREEN CHAIRS, per Dozen—Bar Iron, per Hundred wt.—Mouldings and Corners, per barrel—Onions, per Hundred bunches, or smaller quantities—LOAF-SUGARS, and a variety of the best TEAS.
Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 3tf
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the night of the 26th July, 1799, a negro man, named WILL, aged 49 years, about 5 feet 8 inches high; he is stout made and has a bald head; when he walks he throws out his feet and toes in a singular manner, walking very wide. He is a bold, daring fellow; talks and laughs much, and very loud; he speaks Low Dutch and midling good English, altho' he frequently gives his words the Dutch accent; he is not so very black as many of the African race; he is an active fellow, & very active on a farm, or on the water.
Any person who will take up said negro, and deliver him to his master, or secure him in any goal so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable charges paid.
All Masters of vessels and other persons are forbid taking away said slave, or harbouring him at their peril, under the penalty of one hundred pounds. DAVID BANKS. Newark, New-Jersey, Feb. 8, 1802.
N. B. The above negro has been seen at Providence (R. I.) and at Lime in Connecticut, but on being pursued, left that and is now supposed to be in some other parts of the Eastern States.
FOR SALE, in Good Repair, By THOMAS GREEN,
THE large commodious Dwelling-House, in which he now lives, in Thames-Street, near Carr's Ferry; a well constructed large convenient store in the front, the yard and cellar well paved, a good well of water in the cellar, and a cistern in the yard.—Said House is well known to be one of the best stands in town, for every kind of business; & will be set up at Auction (if not previously disposed of) the 1st Thursday in May next.
Said GREEN having on hand, of the latest importation, a complete assortment of English and India Goods, is determined to sell them for ready pay, at the most reduced prices.—ALSO,
Said GREEN earnestly invites all such of his friends and customers, who have open accounts, or anywise indebted to him, more or less, by book, note, or mortgage, to make payment as soon as may be convenient; especially those standing beyond three months (the customary term of credit;) while he hopes his good old friends will continue their favours, and not forsake him now in the decline of life, to whom he devoutly offers his grateful acknowledgments for manifold favours, already received for a long series of time past. Newport, Jan. 16, 1802. 16tf
John A. Shaw, & Co.
INFORM the public that they have taken a shop next door but one North of the Coffee-House, where they carry on the Watch-Making business in all its branches; and have for sale, warranted and common English and Geneva Watches, gold Necklaces, silver tea and table Spoons, Sugar-Tongs, &c.—Looking-Glasses, Tea-Trays, Waiters, Dressing-Cases, Piated and Wooden Castors, Suspenders, Knives and Forks, Globe Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, brass and japanned Lamps, Candlesticks, dart and common Walking Sticks, Scotch, Rappée & Maka-bau Snuff, Starch, Writing Paper, Dutch Quills, Britannia Coffee Pots, &c. &c. Together with an assortment of Jewellery and Perfumery.
Cash given for old Gold and Silver.
* * * Punctual attendance will be given, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged.
Newport, Feb. 12. 72tf
DEBATE
In the Senate of the United States,
On Mr. Breckenridge's motion to repeal the Act passed last Session, for a new organisation of the Judiciary system.
(CONTINUED.)
Mr. STONE, of North-Carolina. The importance of the present question might I presume justify any member, in delivering his sentiments without apology. But from the able manner in which the subject has already been discussed, I should have been induced to adhere to my usual course since I have been a member of this body, and leaving its elucidation to others of greater experience and more talents, have been contented with a silent vote. As however, the state whole servant I am, and whose faithful servant I will at all times to be found, has instructed her members on this subject, I will endeavor in the plain way of which alone I am capable to assign the reasons for my vote. And in doing this, I rather with than hope I may state any thing worthy the consideration of this enlightened assembly.
The arguments upon this question has naturally divided into two parts, the one of expediency—the other of constitutionality. If the repeal of this law shall be deemed expedient the Senate will doubtless consider it their duty to repeal it, if no constitutional objection opposes it; but if it shall be deemed unconstitutional to repeal it, then no considerations of expediency can stand in the way of that solemn instrument we are all sworn to support.
Before entering into an examination of the expediency of the repeal, it may be proper to remark that gentlemen who have spoken against the repeal, whose talents and eloquence I highly admire, have not correctly stated the question. The true question is, not whether we shall deprive the people of the U. States of all their courts of justice; but whether we shall restore to them their former courts. Shall we or shall we not, continue an experiment made, or attempted to be made, I will not say improperly, because my respect for this body and for my country forbids the imputation; but I will say that the length of time we remained without this system, and the repeated unsuccessful attempts made to establish it, present strong reasons for inferring that there are not those great apparent reasons in favour of it that have been stated. A system somewhat similar to the present, had been rejected by the legislature because they preferred the former system. Another evidence to the same evidence to the same purport is, that during the last session when the subject was again revived, and the present plan adopted, an amendment was offered, to amend by extending and enlarging the former establishment.
[Here Mr. Stone read the amendment proposed, which augmented the number of judges of the supreme court, and assigned their circuits.]
This amendment was rejected, and from the vote entered on the journal of that day, it appears that the difference of votes against the amendment was formed of those gentlemen, who were nominated to appointments made vacant by the promotions under the new law. I do not state this circumstance as an evidence that these gentlemen were influenced by improper motives—but to show that the manner in which the new system was formed was not calculated to establish in the public mind a decided preference of it over the old system.
Having made these remarks on the great deliberation said to have been manifested in the adoption of this plan, I hope I may be permitted to express my perfect coincidence with the gentleman from Connecticut, that courts are necessary for the administration of justice, and that without them our laws would be a dead letter.
But it appears to me essential to a due administration of justice, that those who preside in our courts should be well acquainted with the laws which are to guide their decisions. And I apprehend that no way is so much calculated to impart this knowledge as a practical acquaintance with them, by attending courts in the several States, and hearing gentlemen, who are particularly acquainted with them, explain and discuss them. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary in my mind, that the judges of the Supreme Court, whose power controls all the other tribunals, and on whose decisions rest the property, the reputation, the liberty, and the lives of our citizens, should, by riding the circuits, render themselves practically acquainted with their duties. It is well known that the knowledge of the laws of a State is not to be suddenly acquired, and it is reasonable to conclude that knowledge is most correctly possessed by men whose whole life has been devoted to the acquisition. It is also perfectly well known that the knowledge of the modes and principles of practice in the different States, or of any State, is most effectually to be acquired in courts, where gentlemen of skill and experience apply those principles to use upon existing points.
This defect then, of the present plan is in my opinion, so radical, that of itself it would decide with me the question of expediency.
With regard to the expense of this new system, I will say that it weighs as much as it is worth. The simple consideration of an expenditure of 30,000 dollars may not be deemed of much importance, when weighed with the benefits derived from an administration of justice over this extensive country. If this great object can be better effected with the additional expense, then it is proper to consider whether the amelioration is worth the price; but if it is not better effected, it surely cannot be the wish of any gentleman to incur a useless expense. If, when this law passed, the business, to the transaction of which the old courts were fully competent, was lessening, then surely there was no occasion for additional tribunals.
The more important consideration involves the constitutional question: Can we, according to that sacred instrument, repeal this law, and destroy the offices created by it? If we cannot, I hope the Senate will reject the proposition on your table.—But if we can, as an examination I think we may, I trust the resolution will be adopted.
The gentleman from Kentucky, who introduced this subject, has so fully and forcibly stated that part of the argument which establishes, that the office of judge being declared by the constitution to be during good behavior, must evidently apply to existing offices, and not to contest the power of the legislature in doing away offices, that I shall not touch it.
I have taken a view of the constitution, which though new in this argument, appears to me to be correct and conclusive. The 4th section of the 2d article of the constitution declares that "the President, the Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors."
This section being added to the article establishing the executive power, evidently operates as a restriction and curb to that power—to prevent the President, Vice President, or any officer in the appointment of the President from remaining in office, when in the opinion of the legislature, the public good requires them to be displaced. The practical construction put upon this article in connection with other parts of the constitution, is that all officers in the appointment of the President may be removed at his will; but that those officers, together with himself may finally be removed upon impeachment and conviction by the legislature. No part of the constitution expressly gives the power of removal to the President; but a construction has been adopted and practised upon, from necessity, giving him that power in all cases in which he is not expressly restrained from the exercise of it. The judges afford an instance in which he is expressly restrained from removal. It being declared by the 1st section of the 3d article of the constitution, that the judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behavior.—They doubtless shall (as against the President's power to retain them in office) in common with other officers of his appointment, be removed from office by impeachment and conviction; but it does not follow that they may not be removed by other means. They shall hold their offices during good behavior, and they shall be removed from office upon impeachment and conviction of treason, bribery and other high crimes and misdemeanors. If the word impeachment of high crimes and misdemeanors be understood according to any construction of them hitherto received and established it will be found that altho' a judge guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, is always guilty of misbehavior in office, yet that, of the various species of misbehavior in office, which may render it exceedingly improper that a judge should continue in office, many of them are neither treason, nor bribery, nor can they properly be dignified by the appellation of high crimes and misdemeanors. And for the impeachment of which no precedent can be found; nor would the words of the constitution justify such impeachment. To what source then shall we resort for a knowledge of which constitutes this thing called misbehavior in office? The constitution surely did not intend that a circumstance so important as the tenure by which the judges hold their offices, should be incapable of being ascertained. Their misbehavior certainly is not an impeachable offence; still it is the ground upon which the judges are to be removed from office. The process of impeachment, therefore, cannot be the only one by which the judges may be removed from office, under and according to the constitution. I take it, therefore, to be a thing undeniable that there resides somewhere in the government a power to declare what shall amount to misbehavior in office by the judges, and to remove them from office for the same without impeachment. The constitution does not prohibit their removal by the legislature, who have the power to make all laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States. But, says the gentleman from New-York, the judges are officers instituted by the constitution to serve the people from th

great enemies, themselves—and therefore they should be entirely independent of, and beyond the control of the Legislature. If such was the design of those wise men who framed and adopted the constitution, can it be presumed they would have proved so ineffectual a barrier as these judges can readily be shown to be? It is allowed on all hands, the legislature may modify the courts—they may add judges, they may fix the times at which the courts shall sit, &c. Suppose the legislature to have interests distinct from the people—and the judges to stand in the way of executing any favorite measure. Can any thing be more easy than for the legislature to declare that the courts instead of being held semi-annually, or oftener, shall be held only once in six, eight, ten or twenty years: or in order to free themselves from the opposition of the present Supreme Court to declare, that courts shall hereafter be held by thirteen judges. An understanding between the President and the Senate would make it practicable to fill the new offices with men of different views and opinions from those now in office—and what, in either case, would become of this boasted protection of the people against themselves. I cannot conceive the constitution intends so feeble a barrier—a barrier so easily evaded.
What danger is there to the people from the legislature which the courts can control? The means of oppression nearest at hand to the legislature, and which afford the strongest temptation to their use, are, the raising extravagant and unnecessary sums of money, and the embodying large and useless armies.—Can the courts oppose effectual checks to these powers? I presume not. The constitution merits their exercise to any extent within the discretion of the legislature.
The objects of courts of law, as I understand them, are, to settle questions of right between suitors—to enforce obedience to the laws and to protect the citizens against the oppressive use of power in the executive officers.—Not to protect them against the legislature; for that I think I have shown to be impossible with the powers which the legislature may safely use and exercise; and because the people have retained in their own hands the power of controlling and directing the legislature, by their immediate and mediate elections of President, Senate and House of Representatives.
It is not alone the sixteen rank and file which the gentleman from New-York has so ludicrously depicted, that I apprehend immediate danger from, but it is the principle which converts the office of judge into an hospital of incurables, and declares that an expiring faction, after having lost the public confidence, may add to those sixteen until they become 1600, or 16 000; and that the restored good sense of the legislature, the whole government and constitution retains no means of calling them off, but by destroying itself and resorting to revolutionary principles.—The legislature may repeal unnecessary taxes, may disband useless and expensive armies, may declare they will no longer be bound by the stipulations of an oppressive treaty; and if war should follow the constitution is still safe. But if the construction which gentlemen contend for be correct, a band of drones to any amount in number under the denomination of judges, may prey upon the substance of the people, and the government retains not the power to remove them but by destroying the constitution itself.
I beseech this enlightened assembly to pause before they adopt a construction capable of producing so great mischief, and so ineffectual to the ends proposed.
The question is not now, as it would seem from the arguments of gentlemen, they understand it to be; whether we shall abolish offices without compensating the officers for the sacrifices they may have made. If a proposal to compensate them shall be brought forward, the legislature will surely do what honor and justice shall require.
If I possessed equal powers of speech with the gentleman from Connecticut, I might be tempted to make an address to the feelings of the Senate. Sure I am, I feel as deep an interest in, and solicitude for, the constitution, as that gentleman. I view it with him as the bond of our union and the foundation of our safety. But it must be supported on reasonable and practical grounds. My understanding is incapable of seeing how the absurdities and evils of the construction contended for, can be avoided. I hope therefore that the power of the legislature to put down, as well as to build up, courts of justice, as the public good may require, will be established.
Not having accustomed myself to deliver my sentiments in this or the other branch of the legislature. I may not have comprised them in shorter a compass, nor in such orderly shape, as would be proper in submitting them to this enlightened assembly. If, however, I have succeeded in stating intelligibly the grounds of my conviction, I am satisfied. If my remarks have contributed to elucidate the subject to others, I shall rejoice; but if failing in this, they also are mixed with error, I trust gentlemen will set them right.
Mr. Olcott, of New-Hampshire, said this subject was of the most important kind, and though many able arguments had been already offered, he could not pass it over with a negative vote.
It has been suggested that the act, now proposed to be repealed, came in on the influx of passion, and that the influx of reason should sweep it away.—He did not know that this was the case. Some gentlemen contend that it was adopted with great deliberation.
He thought the reasons for a repeal of this law insufficient. It is not said, that it is the constitution vests a right to office in the judges, that we can affect them. He thought the constitution did vest the right, and he held it to be sacred.
The provisions of the constitution appeared to him so plain, that they scarcely admitted of
illustration. He who undertakes to explain the text, must find more explicit terms than those contained in it. He could not find any.
After dwelling upon the different provisions of the constitution, Mr. Olcott went upon the question of expediency at some length, and concluded that a repeal was as inexpedient as unconstitutional.
Mr. Cocke, of Tennessee, followed Mr. Olcott. He said he was sorry gentlemen attempted to make quack doctors of them, by saying we may give a wound, but cannot heal it. He wished the Senate to enquire whether the law now proposed to be repealed was constitutional or not. If it was not, we should act like honest men, acknowledge that we have violated the constitution, and restore it to its purity by repealing the law. Let us recur to the Journals of 1799, and see what was the understanding of these champions of our liberties, and whether they have not since changed. The Journals would prove that the judges were to mix with the legislature, were to be locked up in a closet, and to declare who was to be our executive magistrate.
[Mr. Cocke went into an examination of the arguments on the constitutional point.]
We have been told that the nation is to look up to these immaculate judges to protect their liberties—to protect the people against themselves. This was novel, and what result did it lead to? He shuddered to think of it. Were there none of these judges ready to plunge their swords in the American heart? He did not think it proper to be alarmed by the terrors held out. He wished to know no man; to take things as they are. But if gentlemen will attack, they must expect a reply.
Mr. Cocke then dilated upon the several points of the discussion, and concluded with the expression of the hope that the legislature would repeal the law, and that they would not give way to the ideas of gentlemen, that the government was made for a chosen few—for the judges to whom we are to look up for every thing.
(Debate to be Continued.)
LAW OF THE UNION.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
SEVENTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at their first session.
Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the 7th of December, 1801.
AN ACT
For the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Tripolitan corsairs.
WHEREAS the Regency of Tripoli, on the coast of Barbary, has commenced a predatory warfare against the United States:
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That it shall be lawful fully to equip, officer, man, and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States as may be judged requisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof on the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective public vessels aforesaid, to subdue, seize and make prize of all vessels, goods and effects, belonging to the Bey of Tripoli, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port to be proceeded against, and distributed according to law, and also to cause to be done all such other acts of precaution of hostility as the state of war will justify, and may, in his opinion, require.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That on the application of the owners of private armed vessels of the United States, the President of the United States may grant to them special commissions, in the form which he shall direct, under the seal of the United States; and such private armed vessels, when so commissioned, shall have the like authority for subduing seizing, taking and bringing into port, any Tripolitan vessel, goods or effects, as the before mentioned public armed vessels may lawfully have; and shall therein be subject to the instructions which may be given by the President of the United States for the regulation of their conduct; and their commissions shall be revocable at his pleasure: Provided, That before any commission shall be granted, as aforesaid, the owner or owners of the vessel for which the same may be requested, and the commander thereof, for the time being, shall give bond to the United States, with at least two responsible sureties, not interested in such vessel, in the penal sum of seven thousand dollars; or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundred and fifty men in the penal sum of fourteen thousand dollars, with condition for observing the treaties and laws of the United States, and the instructions which may be given, as aforesaid; and also, for satisfying all damages and injuries which shall be done contrary to the tenor thereof, by such commissioned vessel; and for delivering up the commission, when revoked by the President of the United States.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That any Tripolitan vessels, goods or effects, which shall be so captured and brought into any ports, or by any private armed vessels of the United States, duly commissioned as aforesaid, may be adjudged good prize, and thereupon shall accrue to the owners and officers, and men of the capturing vessel, and shall be distributed according to the agreement which shall have been made between them, or, in failure of such agreement,
according to the discretion of the court having cognizance of the capture.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the seamen may be engaged to serve in the navy of the United States for a period not exceeding two years; but the President may discharge the same sooner if in his judgment their services may be dispensed with.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
From the TRUE AMERICAN.
NEVER, since the creation of mankind, did the scales of delusion fall from the eyes of a deceived people, more rapidly than at present—Thousands, who had been led, by listening to a long series of falsehood and misrepresentation, to give their support and approbation to the measures of the late administration, and to oppose the election of the present Chief Magistrate, are now daily discovering, acknowledging and abandoning their errors—They now see and confess, that the Sedition Law was a direct violation of the letter and spirit of the constitution; an infringement of our natural rights of thinking, and expressing our thoughts; and an attempt to reduce us into the most abject state of slavery—That the Alien Law was inhospitable, unjust, unconstitutional and oppressive; and intended to aid the British government in its endeavors to prevent the miserable subjects of its extortion and inhumanity from seeking an asylum on our free and comparatively happy shores—That the Standing Army was designed to be the instrument with which to enforce these arbitrary and tyrannical laws, and to beat down all opposition to the then ruling powers; as well as to provide pelfs for a parcel of idle and indolent partizans and kinsmen—That the Navy was less meant for the protection of our commerce from spoliation, than the provocation of a "war of extermination" with the French people, and to create snug births for hungry expectants—That the new Judiciary Bill, and the appointment to seats under it, was merely intended to reward those zealous partizans who had supported mock Federalism thro' all its embarrassments, and not to accelerate the operations of justice—In fact, that almost every act of the late administration tended to one main object, that of rendering the Rulers independent of and paramount to the will of the people, which was found to impose too great a restraint upon their schemes of aggrandizement.
It is now seen, that all the hostile attachment of the Federalists to Religion, to Order, and to good Government, was the vilest hypocrisy—That their emphatic deprecations of anarchy, irreligion and licentiousness, which they predicted would abound if the Republicans got hold of the reins of government, were but miserable attempts to frighten the people out of their rights, by first frightening them out of their senses—That their feigned respect for the constitutional authorities, and candor in the investigation of public measures, continued no longer than while their favorite men were in authority, and their favorite measures adopted—That the reigning principle of Federalists, is ambition, their ruling passion, avarice; and that to gratify these, they would sacrifice the happinesses of their country, and the peace of the whole world.
It is now universally seen, that the evils which many feared and more pretended to fear, from the Presidency of Mr. Jefferson, were wholly imaginary and illusory—That Religion sheds abroad her divine and beneficent influence, in an increased and increasing degree, and is countenanced by the practice and precept of those in power—That peace abroad and tranquility at home are sought and secured—That the rights of the people are held sacred and their constitution preserved inviolate—That agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and arts, are protected and encouraged—That difference of political opinion, though it sometimes forms a cause of discrimination in appointments, is not made the subject of persecution—That our resources are prudently and sparingly employed, and our expenses reduced, and regulated by the strictest economy—That, in fine, the country was never more prosperous, or its inhabitants more happy than at the present time, under the so much deprecated reign of Republicanism, and beneath the rule of the so greatly execrated Jefferson.
It is sincerely and fervently to be hoped, that the deception which numbers of our fellow-citizens have suffered, will lead them to be more cautious in future how they credit the delusive pretensions and false assertions of designing and mercenary men, that it will induce them to investigate the true principles on which a free government ought to be administered, and examine with a critical tho' candid eye the manner in which public servants transact the business entrusted to their execution—Though our present victory is auspicious, the conquest is not final—Our enemies, and the enemies of our liberties, may again rally, devise new arts, assume new garbs, display new ensigns, and practise new stratagems, to deceive, decoy and betray us—Union, vigilance and firmness, among Republicans will enable them to receive with coolness, sustain with fortitude, and repel with vigor, any attack made upon them; dissention, negligence, or indecision, will pave the way to servitude or subjugation.
CIMON.
From the AURORA.
The fallen faction, while in power, did not confine their efforts to procuring the destruction of the liberties alone of the republicans, they attempted and frequently succeeded in depriving them of life and property also; and we find that the agents of that party, who are still retained in office, have not ceased in their exertions to the like purpose.
In many of our States, and in many of our cities, where an immense majority of the in-
habitants, by recent elections, have proved themselves republicans, we find many of the offices under the general government, and not a few under the State government, filled by men, who in the reign of terror, were most wanton and abusive in the exercise of their authority; we would not be understood as meaning that all they who are called federal officers acted thus; far from it, we know many who, much to their credit and honor, never considered whether a man, who had cause to call on them to have business transacted as a private citizen, was of this party, or that party, but did their duty; but we can also point out many who made every distinction, who even gave a preference to the interests of British merchants and agents to the injury of the American merchant. It might naturally be supposed, that on a total change in the administration of our government, which has most emphatically expressed the sentiments and wishes of the people, and declaring that a change of measures is necessary, that such federal officers as are retained should at least relax in their severity towards the republicans, but on the contrary, it is in many instances still exercised."
[In the following Reply of the President to the Baptist Association in the State of Connecticut, published in our paper of the 30th ult. an important omission escaped our notice. We therefore conceive it our duty to re-publish the Answer entire. The words which were omitted are now placed in capitals.]
GENTLEMEN,
THE affectionate sentiments of esteem and approbation which you are so good as to express towards me, on behalf of the Danbury Baptist Association, give me the highest satisfaction; my duties dictate a faithful and zealous pursuit of the interests of my constituents, and in proportion as they are persuaded of my fidelity to those duties, the discharge of them becomes more and more pleasing.
Believing with you, that religion is a matter which lies solely between man and his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, and not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should "make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof;" thus building a wall of separation between Church and State. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation, in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, CONVINCED HE HAS NO NATURAL RIGHT in opposition to his social duties.
I reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection and blessing of the common father and Creator of man, and tender you, for yourselves and your religious Association, assurances of my high respect & esteem. TH: JEFFERSON. Jan. 1, 1802.
LETTER
From William Eaton, Esq. Consul of the United States at Tunis—to the Secretary of State, dated, Tunis, 28th, June, 1801.
SIR, On the night of the 18th inst. a fire broke out in the Bey's palace, which in its progress consumed fifty thousand stands of arms. The second day following I received a message to wait on the Bey, but was at that moment confined to my bed with a bilious fever, so that it was not till this morning I have been able to go in my carriage to the palace. The Bey's object in calling on me was to demand of the United States, ten thousand stands of arms. I refused to state his demand. "I have proportioned my loss," said he, "among my friends, and this falls to you to furnish. Tell your government to send them without delay." It is impossible, said I, to state this claim to my government. We have no magazines of small arms; the organization of our national strength is different from that of any other nation on earth. Each citizen carries his own arms always ready for battle. When threatened with an invasion, or actually invaded, detachments from the whole national body are sent by rotation to serve in the field; so that we have no need of standing armies, nor depositories of arms. It would be an affront to my government, and an imposition on the Bey to state to them this demand, or to flatter him with a prospect of receiving it. "Send for them to France or England," said the minister.—You are in a much more eligible position to make this communication to Europe than we are, said I. "If the Bey had any intention of purchasing the arms from Europe" said the minister, "he could do it without your agency. He did not send for you to ask for your advice, but to order you to communicate his demands to your government."—And I came here said I to assure you that I will make no such communication to my government. "The Bey will write himself" said he. If so, it will become my duty to forward his letter, but at the same time it is equally obligatory on me to let the Bey be beforehand apprized, that he never will receive a single mufket from the United States.
I should suppose a sense of decency, if not of gratitude would dissuade the Bey from his new extravagant claim. Has he not within eighteen months received two large ships laden with regalia; have we not another ship laden for him on its passage; and has he not within sixty days, demanded cannon extraordinary, of the United States, at this rate when are our payments to have an end, "Never," said the minister; as to the ships you talk of, they are but the part payment of regalia you have long since owed us, as the condition of peace; the other claims we make are such as we receive from all friendly nations, once every two or three years, it is an established custom, and you like others, will be obliged to conform to it." When we shall have completed the payment of

our peace stipulations you may never calculate on further donations. It is by treaty considered as the condition of perpetual peace, and any new claims on your part, will be at least an infraction on the treaty, and will be so considered by us.—You may therefore at once forever abandon the idea of future claims; for I again assure you, in the name of my government and country, that the discharge of our treaty obligations will put an end to our contributions here. "Your contributions as you think proper to call them, said the minister, will never have an end. If this be the language you think of holding at this court, you may prepare yourself to leave the country and that very soon." If change of style, on my part, said I, be the condition of residence here, I will leave the Bey's kingdom to-morrow morning. "We will give you a month," said the minister—I ask but six hours, I replied. "But you will write?" "No. But it is your duty to write." For deficiency in duty this is not the place where I am to be questioned. "I tell you again," continued he, "your peace depends on your compliance with this demand of my master." It so, said I, on me be the responsibility of breaking the peace. I wish you a good morning. Leaving the palace I heard the minister say to one of his colleagues, "By God, this man is mad! but we shall bring him to terms—never fear." I do not know how this affair will end, I will not change my position.
I have the United States.
LONDON, December 4.
The celebrated Diamond, called the Regent, now worn by the First Consul, was purchased by Gov. Pitt at Fort St. George, during the time he was Governor of that place, in 1701, for 48,000 pagodas, i. e. 20,400l. instead of 200,000l. which Jamchund, a native merchant, first asked for it. It was consigned to Sir Stephen Evance, in the ship Bedford, by a bill of lading, dated the 8th of March, 1702, and charged to the captain at 6,500 pagodas only. It is said by a late writer, that the Regent hesitated at an expence which the revenue of France did not seem in a condition to bear, respecting the purchase; but St. Simon represented to him, that it was below the dignity of the King of France to be deterred by the price from purchasing a piece, which, as being singular in its kind, was of inestimable value, and would be an honor to the crown to possess. Anquetil's Memoirs of the Court of France , vol. 2. This writer also says, that the Diamond weighed more than 500 grains, was of the size of a large plum, perfectly white, without spot, and of an admirable water. Two millions were paid for it, and the seller was allowed to keep the filings. As the sum could not be paid in ready money, interest was given.
December 16.
The violent tempests of last months, did very considerable damage on the Dutch coast. While the North was ravaged by tempests, the South of Europe was deluged by incessant rains. The accounts from Italy are full of the most distressing particulars; all the rivers overflowed their banks, desolated large tracts of land, and destroyed bridges, houses, and mills. The Ticino and the Po, near Pavia, form but one impetuous river.
Haque, Nov. 28.
The terrible storm which began here on Saturday evening, continued with most unusual violence until yesterday morning, that is six days and six nights, and did incredible damage on our coasts. We yesterday received accounts that from the Vlie to Goree, 33 ships of different nations were wrecked. The lower part of Amsterdam is laid under water. At Haerlem great damage has been done by the sea overflowing the Slope-dyke.
DREADFUL INUNDATION.
Several Districts in the south-eastern parts of France, and in the north of Italy, have been entirely inundated, by the overflowing of the rivers, occasioned by incessant rains. A letter from Milan says, "The bridges of Pavia, of Lodi, of Bassano, are in part destroyed by the inundation, carrying away with them the unhappy travellers who were passing at the time. Similar disasters are said to have taken place at Ferrara, Casalmaggiore, Como, and on the Po." From the town of Aries, in the department of the mouths of the Rhone, a letter of the 15th says, "that the 9th of Nov. an inundation took place, the like of which has surely not been seen since the deluge. The damage it has done is incalculable. The rain continued to fall in torrents, and was accompanied the whole of the day before yesterday, with the loudest thunder. It seems as if the cataracts of heaven and earth were opened to overwhelm us. From the tops of our houses we see nothing but a roaring sea and the wrecks of buildings, and cattle passing every moment in dreadful confusion. All our cattle, our feed, and the produce of our last harvest, are destroyed. Our moles and our causeways, those immense works which our forefathers had built at a great expence to defend the soil, and insure our harvests, are all nearly destroyed. The rise of the waters has been so great, that it has surpassed by 4 feet, the dreadful inundation of the year 1755. The aqueduct of Cranonne, erected 26 feet above the level of the earth, is only 2 feet higher than the waters. Two quarters of the city are under water; several houses are fallen, and have buried under them merchandize, furniture, provisions, and every thing that the violence or suddenness of the inundation did not permit us to snatch from their fury."
From a London paper.
"THE FINGER OF HEAVEN."
At the commencement of the French revolution, Mr. Pitt saw the finger of Heaven pointed to the restoration of monarchy in France.
He accordingly obeyed the mandate, by instituting a crusade against those infidel French who were persuaded that the finger of Heaven pointed to a republic. But the crusade was unsuccessful; whereupon Mr. Pitt gave up the trade of interpreter to Mr. Addington. Now Mr. Addington had been accustomed to look at things through a more correct medium; wherefore, we shall not wonder that he soon found the finger of Heaven directed towards peace, instead of war. Peace he has obtained; whence it follows, that he had a better view of Heaven's finger than ever Mr. Pitt had.
In America, we have also had interpreters; the most conspicuous of whom was J. Adams. He told us that the "finger of Heaven pointed to war" with France; yet, notwithstanding this positive declaration, Congress would not believe that he had ever seen the finger of Heaven, and therefore refused to go to war. In fact, some humorous fellows have suggested, that Mr. Adams mistook his own finger for the finger of Heaven, when he made the declaration. Be that as it may, it must appear evident to the merest blockhead in existence, that nine-tenths of those fingers which are impiously called the finger of Heaven, are nothing else than the clenched fists of those intriguers who would sacrifice men as if they were bullocks.
BOSTON, February 18. Senate of Massachusetts.
It was stated by the opposers of a motion for presenting an Address to Mr. JEFFERSON, that "the appointment of Mr. Gallatin, a Genevan foreigner, who had been concerned in an insurrection against government, to the Secretaryship of the Treasury, was a reason for want of confidence in the President."
The objection to Mr. Gallatin's appointment was answered by a reference to his history and character. It was observed that the insinuation of his having been concerned in an insurrection against government was a mere party calumny, not supported by evidence and not founded in fact—and that the history of the insurrection alluded to, published by Emly, with the responsibility of his name and public character, would satisfy any candid reader of it, that Mr. Gallatin was so far from exciting the insurrection, that, next to the illustrious Washington, he did more than any other man towards restraining the madness of those times, bringing the insurgents to a sense of their duty and restoring order and tranquility. It was admitted that he was not born in the United States, a circumstance to be regretted, as it would be a gratification to our national partiality, and pride, to be able to consider him a native of the same country, which gave us birth—but that genius and virtue were not confined to any climate or any particular soil—that the only rational objection against a foreigner must arise from his local habits and prejudices; that Mr. G. was born in Geneva, a small State at the foot of the Alps, between which and this country there could be no dangerous competition of interests; that Geneva was a place of general resort for the education of youth of all nations, a seat of science, and of the reformed christian religion, the birth place of eminent scholars, divines, and financiers—once the abode of freedom, but at the time when young Gallatin arrived at years of manhood, unfortunately subjected to an aristocratic establishment—that having formed an early aversion to that species of government, and a rational predilection for ours, from having read our history & constitutions, instead of taking a part in the politics of his country, although free from personal embarrassments, he dissolved his connections there, bid adieu to his native soil, and crossed the Atlantic, to plant himself for life in this land of freedom—that he was here naturalized and had by his industry acquired a handsome landed estate, married an American wife, by whom he has a family of children—that he was a citizen of the United States before the adoption of our constitution, and, as such, a party to that national compact, and by the letter and spirit of it eligible to any office under it, not excepting even the Presidency—that he served many years in the legislature of Pennsylvania, and afterwards in Congress, where he was distinguished for integrity, talents, system, and an habit of application, particularly to fiscal concerns.
Good judges, of all nations, agree in considering the American Expedition into the Mediterranean , last summer, one of the best planned and best executed, one of the most brilliant, most seasonable and most useful expeditions ever known. It has reflected equal honor upon our Government and our Navy; and practically refuted the federal calumny, that the present administration are unfriendly to commerce and opposed to its protection.
A gentleman, who has lately travelled thro' Connecticut, the western part of this Commonwealth and Vermont, assures us that the attachment of all denominations of people to the Republican administration and system is rapidly increasing, according to his own observation and the universal declaration of all with whom he conversed.
A correspondent thinks it is a proof of liberality in the House of Representatives to appoint the Rev. Thomas Baldwin to preach the next Election Sermon, he being of the Baptist Denomination. The Baptists, throughout the United States, with few exceptions, are Republicans, strongly in favor of Mr. Jefferson and his principles and measures. Their general Association in Connecticut have even manifested their attachment by an affectionate address.
[Boston Chronicle.]
PORTSMOUTH (N. H.) Feb. 16.
A remarkable high wind was experienced about the last of Dec. in Adams , in this State. Seventeen houses and barns were blown down. The house of Mr. Ephraim Tickel rock fell and was consumed during the hurricane. All the furniture, 200 bushels of corn, and a quantity of provisions was destroyed.
NEWPORT, Saturday, February 27, 1802.
The great snow which fell here on Monday last, and the severe weather since, will, it is presumed, be a sufficient apology to our readers for the barrenness of news in this day's Republican—two mails being due, which had not arrived when this paper was put to press.
We fear considerable damage has been done at sea, during the late violent storm, especially to vessels on the coast. A sloop was towed in here on Wednesday, belonging to Connecticut, having her mast cut away.
A New-Bedford packet arrived on Thursday from New-York. Came passengers, John Jones Clarke, Esq. of Providence, and Capt. Crowninshield of Salem. It was with great difficulty that she rode out the storm.
COMMUNICATION.
THE general joy expressed by all parties on the reception of the news of the removal of Major Lyman, and the appointment of Mr. Slason, evinces with so much force the propriety of the measure, that I should have been induced to have let the Major pass unnoticed from silent retirement, had I not been drawn forth by the curvature of the remarks in the last Newport Mercury. It is said the office "was conferred on Major Daniel Lyman, by President Washington, as a mark of the nation's favor for his services in her cause."
I ask, what were the particular services which entitled the Major to such pre-eminent reward? What were his sufferings? Where was he in danger?—(It is true he was an Aid to General Heath, who, the federalists say, "never smelt gun-powder.")—Was he in a single action during the whole revolution?—It is said, however, he acted as groom of the bed-chamber to Colonel Washington, (a nephew to President Washington,) while he was in this town, who recommended him to his uncle's favor.—"His is the mighty service he rendered his country, and this is the way he was introduced to his office; for he was as totally unknown to President Washington, as he is himself, to principles favorable to our constitution and the rights of the people. It is said also, that "it was consistent with the principles of Gen. Washington to bestow the nation's favors on those who had served her best;—who were honest; who were wise; who were faithful to the constitution." I am sorry the Gen. was in this instance so egregiously imposed upon. Is he honest? If honest he could speak, more than a thousand of them it is presumed would declare in the negative. As they cannot—upwards of a hundred importers of Brandy & Spirits will answer for them. Is he wise, who declared "he would sooner get a living by the wheel-barrow than hold an office under Mr. JEFFERSON," though he should be elected President according to the rules of the constitution? Is he faithful to the Constitution, who would make such an expension, and who would make every effort to support a man who had avowed himself an enemy to that Constitution, by declaring publicly, that the people of this country would never be happy until their Chief Magistrate was hereditary, and the Senate hereditary, or for life?
I would ask every candid man of our country, who has the best title to the honor and confidence of his fellow-citizens—he who entered the contest which achieved our Independence, merely for personal aggrandizement, and with a view of establishing a government here, similar to the one against which we contended;—or, he who essentially contributed to secure to us the enjoyment of the blessings for which we contended in our revolution, by entering "the contest of opinion through which we have passed," which terminated in the establishment of Republican principles, by the election of the present Executive of the United States.
From the WASHINGTON FEDERALIST.
"WITHIN a few days, our tolerant and sweet tempered President has dismissed from office Major Lyman, who was supervisor in the State of Rhode-Island. Mr. Lyman served through out our revolutionary war; he is a republican of the Washington School—he has grown grey in the service of his country—he has a wife and thirteen children. Here are the merits of this war-worn soldier."
COMMENT.
Mr. Lyman may have "served throughout our revolutionary war;" but his subsequent conduct has proved that it was not from motives honorable to himself, or advantageous to his country. He is not, as asserted, "a republican of the Washington School." He is an avowed monarchist, of the Adams School, and a pupil of Hamilton. It is doubtful whether "he has grown grey in the service of his country," as he is now in the prime and vigor of life. The number of his children* is immaterial, since the liberal compensations of his country for his services have been competent to afford them a respectable education in the fear of God, and regard for their country's rights; being able to boast a property of at least forty thousand dollars, from small beginnings. And add to this, his constant practice at the Barr, and peculiar address in accumulating wealth.
Is such liberality the object of railing, or gratitude?—judge ye. Shame! shame! where is the blush!
CORRECTOR.
* What other merits, beside those honorable to himself, could the writer allude to, in calling him a "war-worn soldier?"—But the Honorable Mr. Lyman is said to be scrupulous to the Editors of the Washington Federalist, ought to have been more explicit. He should have stated the number of his farms (which is not less than 6 or 7) as also his grey hairs, which might be easily counted.
While the President of the United States, through the public agents for Indian affairs, is promoting the improvement of the several western and southern tribes of United States Indians, in the arts of civilization and government, the societies for propagating the Gospel, by their Missionaries, are endeavoring to evangelize them. May God crown their united exertions with success!
Pittsfield Sun.
Where neighbours, of different politics take different political Newspapers, it is a good practice for them to interchange papers, so as to read both sides, that they may compare the merits of the two parties and their respective opinions and arguments.— Republicans with for such a comparison;—and Federalists ought not to decline it. For it tends to the correction of errors and the promotion of truth.
ibid.
There appears to be a misunderstanding in the newsprints respecting the French Convention. It is thought that by this treaty all claims for compensation for depredations on our commerce are abandoned. But by the following Note to the Estimate of the expences of carrying the convention into effect, by the Secretary of the Treasury, it would seem that the demands of our merchants for restitution are considered by our government as good and authorised by that instrument.
"NOTE. The sum of 2000 dollars per annum, to cover the allowances to an agent at Paris to perform the office of soliciting the claims for restitution under the convention, has been included in the general estimate for the service of the year 1802."
The President has recognized Don Valentine de Forada, as Consul General of the Spanish nation within the United States of America.
De Witt Clinton, Esq. is elected by the legislature of New-York, a Senator of the United States, in place of Gen. Armstrong, resigned.
MARRIED.—In this town, on Sunday evening last, by the Rev. Mr. Bradley, Mr. JOHN STRATTON, jun. to Miss RUTH HART.
DIED.—In this town, on the 20th inst. Mr. WALTER EASTON, aged 78. As a tribute of respect to his memory, we would remark, that he happily possessed those pleasing traits in his character, which rendered him the indulgent and affectionate husband, the tender parent, and kind neighbor; generally beloved and respected by his friends and acquaintance: During a long and tedious illness, alleviated with the most excruciating pain, he ever manifested that patience and quiet resignation to the divine will of his Creator, truly characteristic of the real christian. He bade adieu to this troublesome world, under, the consoling impression, that his heavenly Father would receive him into the mansion of his kingdom.
'Tis immortality, 'tis that alone, Amid life's pains, abatement, emptiness, The foul can comfort, elevate, and fill. That only, and that simply this performs: Lifts us above life's pains, her joys above;
CUSTOM-HOUSE,
District of Newport, Feb. 26.
ENTERED,
From
Brig Mary, Tallman, Providence
CLEARED,
For
Sloop New-York Packet, Barker, Providence Lydia, Smith, New-London
DOCTOR BARTLETT,
PRESENTS his Compliments to his friends—and takes this opportunity to inform them of his return from a visit to his relations in Connecticut, and is ready to attend their calls in the line of his profession, and otherwise. Monday, 22d Feb. 1802. 74
To be Sold,
A FARM, I LATE the property of Jonathan Hopkins, containing about seventy acres of excellent land, well watered, with a good Orchard which will make about thirty barrels of Cider, in a bearing year; and also a convenient two story dwelling House, with a Barn, Corn Crib, and Cheese House, situated in Middletown, about four miles from the State House in Newport. For terms, apply to
WILLIAM BROWN.
Middletown, Feb. 25, 1802. 74
For Sale,
By JOSEPH BRIGGS, 10 Hhds. 3d proof Windward-Island RUM, good flavor'd. 3 Do. Jamaica SPIRITS, 4th proof. 20 Hhds. of good retailing MOLASSES. 50 Firkins of the best of Hog's LARD. Newport, Feb. 27. 5ctf
TO BE SOLD,
A FARM,
LYING in Exeter, State of Rhode-Island, about six miles from Wickford, containing 180 acres of good Land, with two Dwelling-Houses, and other out buildings. It may be purchased together, or in separate divisions. Payment will be made easy.
—ALSO—
A share in the Ohio Company, containing nearly Twelve Hundred Acres of excellent Land. For further particulars apply to PARDON TILLINGHAST. Exeter, Feb. 25. 5ctf

SONG.
“WHEN married,” they say, “that our love’s at an end, In a wife we can neither find mistress or friend; But I, who have try’d it, with reason can say, “I never was happy till that happy day.”
Since the day on which Hymen consign’d to my arms My Celia, possess’d of a thousand soft charms— So smooth and so happy the hours have run on, Five years have claps’d, and we tho’ it but one.
Our cares and our pleasures have still been the same; And of sorrow, we’re thankful, we know but the name: We’re mutually pleas’d in endeav’ring to please, And tho’ we’re not rich, still we live at our ease.
When crosses occur (who have not their crosses?) As misfortunes at times may subject us to losses, Yet while they are trivial, in each other’s arms We can sleep without care, & are free from alarms.
The cynics must err, when they say, “in this life “There is nothing but folly, and madness and strife;” I believe no such prating: their text I deny:— Take such wives as my Celia, and prove that they lie.
BIOGRAPHY
GIDEON GRANGER, Esq.
Who has been lately appointed Post-Master-General, is descended from a respectable family in the state of Connecticut. He has improved the advantages of an early education, and has for many years been distinguished as the most eminent lawyer in that state. His abilities have been justly appreciated by all parties and his character held in the highest estimation by all who have known him. He has, for many years, been a Representative in their state legislature, and altho’ he has been borne down by the pressure of political persecution, has risen, by the intrinsic force of his talents, to the first rank of distinction, at the bar and in their assembly.
IF REPUBLICANS will be steady, firm, and united, there is little doubt that they will ultimately prevail.—They have the CONSTITUTION, the GOVERNMENT, and the PEOPLE on their side.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Martinique, to his friend in Philadelphia, dated Jan. 8, 1802.
“The conclusion of the Definitive Treaty of Peace between France and England, has been signed the 29th Nov.”
POMPOUS EMBASSY.
In the year 1725, when the Mar-shal Duke de Richlieu, went ambassador to Vienna, he made his entry into that capital with 69 coaches with six horses, and six others likewise with six horses, prodigiously rich. The ambassador’s body coach was lined within and covered without with crimson velvet, over which was an embroidery of gold in relief, with fringes of gold; the four pannels were adorned with the arms of the Ambassador embroidered in relief; his cypher, embroidered in the same manner, filled the small side-panels; the large pannel behind was ornamented with an embroidery in relief, as well as the imperial, the velvet of which was covered with large branches of gold embroidery likewise in relief, which, uniting in the middle, formed a sort of flower;—the horses were brown bays, the harness of crimson velvet, covered with plates of silver gilt and gold point d’Espagne; and the aigrettes of plume; crimson mixed with ornaments of gold.
The suite was no less brilliant; six horses clothed with red velvet, laced all over with silver, and the rest of their attire of silver stuff and fringes. Fifty footmen dressed in scarlet cloth, with broad lace of purple and silver; their hats embroidered and adorned with white plumes, and wearing silver hilted swords. Twelve buffars, holding in their hands silver clubs. Twelve pages on horseback, dressed in red velvet, embroidered with silver. The rest in proportion. The Governor of the Pages, Sub-Governor, Equerry, Sub-Equerries, Swiffes, twenty-four grooms riding on horseback, and leading horses. A more extraordinary circumstance will for ever distinguish this entry from that of all other Ambassadors. The horses of the Duke’s carriage, and the led horses in his suite, were shod with silver, held by a very small nail, so that on the road all of them lost their shoes, which were picked up by the people.
MESSAGE,
From the President of the United States, Gentlemen of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives,
I LAY before you the accounts of our Indian trading houses, as rendered up to the 1st of January, 1801, with a report to the Secretary at war thereon, explaining the effects and the situation of that commerce, and the reasons in favor of its further extension. But it is believed that the act authorizing this trade expired so long ago as the third of March, 1799; its revival therefore, as well as its extension, is submitted to the consideration of the legislature.
The act regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes will also expire on the 3d day of March next. While on the subject of its continuance, it will be worthy the consideration of the legislature, whether the provisions of the law in striking on Indians, in certain cases, the punishment of death by hanging, might not permit its commutation into death by military execution; the form of the punishment, in the former way, being peculiarly repugnant to their ideas, and increasing the obstacles to the surrender of the criminal.
These people are becoming very sensible of the baneful effects produced on their morals, their health and existence by the abuse of ardent spirits: And some of them earnestly desire a prohibition of that article from being carried among them. The legislature will consider whether the effectuating that desire would not be in the spirit of benevolence and liberality which they have hitherto practised towards these our neighbors, and which has had so happy an effect towards conciliating their friendship. It has been found too, in experience, that the same abuse gives frequent rise to incidents tending more to commit our peace with the Indians.
It is now become necessary to run and make the boundaries between them and us, in various parts. The law last mentioned has authorised this to be done; but no existing appropriation meets the expence.
Certain papers explanatory of the grounds of this communication are herewith inclosed. TH. JEFFERSON.
January 27, 1802.
Cheap! Cheap! Cheap!
THOMAS GREEN, by reason of age and infirmity, proposing to retire from business in a short time—and having on hand, a handsome assortment of
English and India Goods,
which he wishes to sell soon, either by wholesale or retail:—And instead of an Auction (as usual in such cases) is disposed to deal them out with his own hand.—Accordingly, said Goods are now selling at as
LOW RATES, or LOWER,
than might reasonably be expected at a Vendue, free from those disorders and impositions which frequently take place at a public Sale. Customers will receive decent and orderly attention with utmost dispatch.
Town and Country Traders, may probably find their accounts, by calling at his Store. Newport, Feb. 5.
Francis Anderson,
TAKES this method to inform his Debtors and Creditors, that his Partners have called on him for settlement, and are determined the Copartnership shall be dissolved in a few weeks, when he will remove from the said Store: He therefore once more earnestly requests those to whom the firm is indebted, to come in for settlement; and such as are indebted to said firm, to make immediate payment, as this is the last time he shall give notice in this way. And unless immediate settlement is made with all who have accounts open, either by note or payment, he will be under the disagreeable necessity of pursuing different measures for collection. Newport, Feb. 12, 1802. 72tf
WE the subscribers, being appointed by the Hon. the Court of Probate for the town of Tiverton, Commissioners, to receive and examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of Joseph Antons, Taylor, deceased, represented insolvent; and Six months from the first of February last, being allowed:—Notice is hereby given, that we will attend for that purpose, at the house of Taylor Davenport, in said Tiverton, on the last Saturdays of March, May, and July next, from one to five o’clock, P. M.
BENJ. HOWLAND, } Commissioners. HOLDER ALMY, }
All persons indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment to REDFORD DENNIS, Administrator. Tiverton, Feb. 11, 1802. 72174
FOR SALE,
171 Acres of Land,
LYING in South-Kingstown, in the County of Washington, with Two Dwelling Houses thereon, one Corn-Crib, one Barn, about eighty apple trees of the best kind of grafted fruits, well watered as any Farm in the State. Sixty acres of it is good Meadow, very clear from stones; bears great corn, barley, and grass; & is convenient for a dairy, having good pasturing, &c. Any person inclining to purchase will have credit for a part.—Said Farm lies within half a mile of Point Judith Pond—7 miles from Narragansett Ferry, adjoining the stage-road, and is very handy to sea-weed from the shore. For terms, apply to TIM. PECKHAM, on the premises. South-Kingstown, Feb. 13, 1802. 72tf
For Sale at this Office, SPELLING-BOOKS, Testaments & Primers.
Wm. Moore, jun. & Co.
HAVE FOR SALE, At their Store near the Red Market, A NEW
and General Assortment of Seasonable
DRY GOODS;
A few Boxes English and American HATS; A Large Stock of Cutlery, Hard-Ware, and GROCERIES, WHOLE-SALE and RETAIL, warranted as Cheap as at any Store in the State.
—ALSO—
20 Hhds. Good flavor’d Tobago RUM. 8 Do. Antigua and Jamaica RUM. 4 Pipes Holland GIN. 3000 wt. COFFEE. A few Chests TEA. 50 Kegs Negro head TOBACCO. A few Bags of PIMENTO.
—LIKEWISE—
20 Hhds. good retailing MOLASSES at a reduced price—For Cash or approved Notes. Newport, Jan. 2, 1802. 10tf
To be Let, on Shares,
FOR the ensuing year, about Nine acres of good tillage land, suitable for Corn or almost any kind of Grain. Apply to ABIGAIL CARR. Farmstown, Feb. 5, 1802. 19
TO BE SOLD,
A NEW House, in Broad-Street, completely finished, with a Yard, Garden, and good Well of water. Any person inclined to purchase, may know the terms, by applying at the House of M. R. JOHNSON. Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 15tf
William Douglass,
At the Head of Broad-Street,
HAS just received Two Thousand weight of long clean FLAX, which will be sold at a very small advance for Cash. Also, West-India and other GOODS, as usual. Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 15tf
Wanted Immediately,
1000 Bushels good clean BARLEY, to be delivered at Newport, for which CASH will be paid on delivery, by BENJ. MARSHALL. Newport, Feb. 6, 1802. 19tf
For Sale, by the Subscriber,
BETWEEN one and two thousand weight of Oakum, which will be disposed of, either in large or small quantities, as may best suit purchasers. * * * CASH, and the highest price, given for old JUNK, as usual. JOHN WILLIAMS, Keeper of the Work-House. Newport, Feb. 12. 72tf
To be sold, and possession given next Spring.
A F A R M,
LYING in Suffield, State of Connecticut, pleasantly situated, within 40 rods of the Meeting-House and Academy, in said town, and only 16 miles from the City of Hartford, on the great Stage Road leading from thence to Dartmouth College; and from Boston to New-York, Albany, &c. Said Farm contains 100 acres of Land under good improvement; well fenced; with a suitable proportion of Orcharding, Mowing, Pasturing, Plow-land, &c. two handsome and convenient Dwelling-Houses; Barns, with good Stables, Out-Houses, two Wells of excellent water, and almost every other accommodation necessary for a Tavern.
It is as beautiful and eligible a Rand, perhaps, as any in the state, for a Public House, and has been improved as such upwards of 30 years successively. It is likewise central and commodious for a Merchant or Tradesman.
A good bargain may be had, and an indisputable title given.—For further particulars, enquire of the Printer hereof, or the Subscriber, living on the premises. SETH AUSTIN. December 12, 1801.
D I R E C T T A X.
PURSUANT to an Act of Congress, entitled, “An Act to lay and collect a Direct Tax within the United States”—Will be sold at Public Sale, at the house of Peleg Arnold, Esq. Innholder in the Town of Smithfield, on the sixth day of March next, at one o’clock in the afternoon, the under mentioned Estates (situated in said Smithfield) or so much thereof as may be necessary to satisfy the taxes due thereon, together with costs and charges, unless the said Taxes, Costs and Charges shall be paid previous to that time.
   Names of Occupants in Oct. 1798. Names of Reputed Owners in Oct. 1798. Kind of Estate. Tax   Dols. Cents.     Benjamin Arnold. Benjamin Arnold. Land. 1 43   Christopher Angel. Christopher Angel. Land & house. 1 18   Jeremiah Bucklin. Jeremiah Bucklin. Land & house. 2 5   Nathan Cargill. Nathan Cargill. Land & house. 5 14   Jesse Hutchinson. Arthur Fenner. Land & house. 5 55   Amos Keech. Amos Keech. Land. 2 27   Jonathan Newhall. Jonathan Newhall. Land & house. 3 1   Widow Olney. Jeremiah Olney dec’d heirs. Land & house. 7 14   Chad Smith. Arthur Fenner. Land & house. 6 1   Joseph Slack. Joseph Slack. Land & house. 6 55  
Smithfield, December 18, 1801.
JAMES PAINE, Collector of the Revenue.
N. B. The above Taxes may be discharged by calling on Thomas Buffum, at his Store in said Smithfield. 14 2m
LUMBER.
BENJAMIN RUGGLES
Respectfully informs his Customers, and the Public in general,
THAT he will undertake to procure House or Store Frames, or any other dimensions of Timber, Plank for Wharves, &c. of the following kinds of Eastern wood, viz. White-Pine, Spruce, Norway-Pine, Hemlock, Black or Yellow-Birch, for Cabinet work; Cedar, Hackmatack, Maple, Black or White-Alt, Beach, or Rock-Maple:—Also, Masts and Spars of any dimension, and Birch or Hackmatack, Ship-Timber; any of which, if applied for this Winter, may be delivered here in the course of the next Spring or Summer, on the easiest possible terms. Any person wishing to contract, would do well to apply early in the Winter, that proper time may be had to get the Timber out.
He has, likewise, on hand, at his Lumber-Yard, on Slocum’s wharf, in Newport, a general assortment of Eastern Lumber; such as Boards, Timber, Spruce and Hemlock Joist, Window-frame-Joist, Shingles, Clapboards, Cedar-Polls, Laths, &c.—A supply of which he proposes to keep constantly on hand.
Also, gented Boarding and Lodging may be had for two Gentlemen, on easy terms. Newport, Nov. 27, 1801. 9tf
Lost or Stolen,
THE 8th instant, a Small Pinckney Watch, chased out side case, with a red stone Seal, set in silver. If either Watch or Seal is offered for sale, it is requested to be stopped; and either of the Watch Makers in Newport, will pay a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS, if recovered and not injured. Newport, Oct. 23, 1801. 4tf
NICOLAS GEFROY,
Watch-Maker, in Newport,
INFORMS the Public, he has taken into Partnership Mr. L. TISSOT, a Superior Workman, late from the Watch Manufactory in Geneva, who will undertake to make new watches;—and to repair, in the best manner, for watch-makers, or private persons, any new-constructed and complicated Watches, and Time-Pieces.—They will also import, from said Manufactory, at nine months warning, all such Watches and Time-Pieces, as their employers shall order.
They have also constantly on hand, An elegant assortment of warranted, and common English, and Geneva Watches and Time-Pieces, which they will sell on reasonable terms.
In addition to the above, they carry on the Goldsmith’s & Silversmith’s Business, in all its branches, and likewise will make, or repair, any kind of Jewellery, in the neatest fashion.
They also have for Sale, Wholesale and Retail, all kinds of Jewellery, imported and of the latest fashion; officers’ gold and silver epaulets; plated and brass candlesticks; plated and Britannia tea-pots; dirks, small swords and bangors; plated bits, stirrups and spurs; tea-trays; castors andirons, shovel and tongs; cutlery ware of all kinds; night and day spy-glasses; ladies and gentlemen’s pocket-knives; dressing-glasses; suspenders; trusses; horse-rubbs; razors; Hopkin’s famous razor-strops; best Beaver hats; perfumery of all kinds, from London and Paris; hair-powder; starch; Barley-sugar, and sugar plums; Spanish Jigars; best Malabar & Scotch snuff; and a great variety of other articles, too numerous to insert here. Newport, Feb. 7, 1801. 10tf
TO BE SOLD,
(And possession given immediately)
A FARM, lying in West-Greenwich, about 7 miles from East-Greenwich Meeting-house—with a good Dwelling House, Barn, and Corn-House thereon—containing about Seventy Acres of LAND. Also, an Out Lot, containing about 35 Acres; which will be sold together or separate. For further particulars, enquire of JOB HARRINGTON, on the premises. West-Greenwich, Oct. 1.
For sale at this Office, Blank Deeds, and Justice’s Writs, and Executions, for sale at this Office.