Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1806-09-08 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
Two Dollars per Annum
PORTLAND (MAINE) Published by ISAAC ADAMS, at his Printing-Office, No. 7, Fish-Street.
[Payable Yearly.]
No. 21 of Vol. IX.]
MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1806.
[Whole No. 437.]
Miscellany.
From the Richmond Enquirer.
TO THE EDITOR—SIR, THE events of the last session of Congress have furnished ample cause of speculation to the curious, and regret to every true friend of his country. The mystery which enveloped their proceedings, and beneath which some of their most important transactions yet remain shrouded, could not conceal from the most careless observer, that a schism had arisen in the republican party. But the causes which led to this afflicting event, are still buried in obscurity. In the history of this memorable occurrence, all is darkness, confusion and contradiction. The public mind, impatient of suspense, and as if despairing of further information, seems to have out run the evidence, upon which alone its judgement should have been bottomed. So far as their opinion can be gathered from the public prints, the voice of the people has declared for the Administration. In the decision, perhaps, it might have been the duty of the republican minority and of their friends, to acquiesce, had a fair view of the subject been laid before the public. But knowing as I do, from the most indisputable proof, that facts have been mistated, opinions misrepresented, much truth suppressed, and more falsehood suggested;—approving at the same time, from my heart the course which they have pursued, I am impelled to offer to the world some facts and observations which may enable them to form a more just opinion of the conduct of the republican minority, during the last session of Congress, and of the motives by which they were probably actuated.
It must be obvious to the most superficial eye, that every consideration of a selfish or prudent nature, would have dissuaded any man or set of men, among the republicans, from an open opposition to any leading and favorite measure of the Executive, at that juncture. The President of the U. S. had just been re-elected by a great and imposing majority of the people. The acquisition of Louisiana had given an eclat to the Executive, and cast a splendor around the administration, in which every minor defect of the Government was eclipsed and forgotten. The colossal popularity of the President seemed to mock at all opposition. UNMINDFUL OF PAST AND DEAR BOUGHT EXPERIENCE, THE REPUBLICANS HAD ERECTED A POLITICAL IDOL, ON WHOSE ALTARS HE, WHO DARED TO QUESTION ITS INFALLIBILITY, MUST PREPARE TO BLEED. In this posture of affairs, all opposition was indeed a forlorn hope. There was every thing to lose, nothing to gain. The minority had only to compromise their principles, to betray their duty to themselves, their constituents, and their country, in order to enjoy the countenance of the Administration, to ensure the approbation of the public for a time, and their own contempt forever. They had but to acquiesce in measures which their conscience and judgment condemned, and swim in ignoble security with the current of the day. They were not insensible to the danger of the opposite course; but while they coolly estimated the difficulty, they had the fortitude to encounter it. Let it be admitted, for a moment, that these gentlemen were mistaken in their view; still I pronounce that he who does not applaud their independence and firmness, is unworthy the name of freeman. They had the courage to assert and maintain the deliberate convictions of their honest judgment against the proudest authority, and preferred the hazard of their popularity, to the surrender of their understandings and consciences.—
Let the people look to it. Is there any danger of time-servers under any administration, which has the power of rewarding them? That due respect will not always be paid to the loaves and fishes? The history of this Government, of every Executive with regal powers, must answer the question. Let the members constituting the republican minority be dismissed from the confidence and employment of the people—can they look for anything like independence in their successors? It would indeed be an idle expectation.—They must enter upon their legislative duties with instructions to lay aside the suggestions of their own understandings, and conform themselves in all things to the wishes of the Cabinet. The first lesson which they learned would teach them to consider any variation from the Executive Standard, as the most heinous sin in the political decalogue.—Would such men dare to oppose any Presidential project, however criminal? From the very nature of their appointment, they must become the puppets of the administration, for the time being. A House of Representatives, so constituted, must dwindle into a mere chamber for enregistering ministerial edicts; and whilst the forms of the constitution were preserved, its substance would vanish.
On the third of December, 1805, the President's public message was laid before the two Houses of Congress. The aggressions of Spain were specially noticed. "With Spain (says the Chief Magistrate) our negotiations for a settlement of differences have not had a satisfactory issue. Spoliations during a former war for which she had formally acknowledged herself responsible, have been refused to be compensated but on conditions affecting other claims in no wise connected with them; yet the same practices are renewed in the present war, and are already of great amount. Our commerce through the Mobile continues to be obstructed by arbitrary duties and vexatious searches. Propositions for adjusting amicably the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to. Whilst however the right is unsettled, we have avoided changing the state of things, by taking new posts, or strengthening ourselves in the now territories, in the hope that the other power would not by a contrary conduct oblige us to meet their example, and endanger conflicts of authority, the issue of which may not be easily controlled.—But in this hope we have now reason to lessen our confidence. Inroads have been recently made into the territories of Orleans and the Mississippi. Our citizens have been seized and their property plundered in the very ports of the former, which had been actually delivered up by Spain, and this by the regular officers and soldiers of that Government. I have therefore found it necessary, at length, to give orders to our troops on that frontier to be in readiness to protect our citizens, and to repel by arms any similar aggressions in future."
It should be kept in mind that the "piratical acts" (mentioned in the second paragraph of the same message) "committed at the very mouths of our harbors, by private armed vessels, some without commissions, some with illegal commissions, others with those of legal form, but transcending the authority of those commissions, plundering and sinking our vessels and exposing their crews in open boats or on desert shores," were perpetrated chiefly, if not exclusively by Spanish and French privateers, fitted out principally from the eastern ports of Cuba.
In the third paragraph, Congress was called upon to make effectual and determined opposition to the new principles interpolated in the law of nations;—in reference, no doubt, to certain decisions of the British Court of Admiralty. This address was received by a spirited (however precipitate) resolution of the Virginian Assembly.
[This follows the President's Secret Message to Congress—which was published in our last.]
This message, with the documents accompanying it, were referred to a select committee consisting of Mr. John Randolph, Mr. Nicholson, Mr. John Cotton Smith, Mr. Mumford, Mr. Williams, of S. C. Mr. Bidwell, and Mr. Brown.
It may be proper to remark that this message, although deemed by the clerk (as he stated to the house) to be a part of the secret journal, which had been ordered to be printed, was nevertheless omitted; nor has the omission ever been satisfactorily accounted for.—The house by a subsequent vote refused to make it public.
The chairman of the committee to whom the confidential message was referred, immediately waited on the President, and informed him of the direction which had been given to it: expressing at the same time his willingness and readiness to cooperate, as far as his principles and judgement would permit, in such plans as the executive might have devised for the occasion. He then learned, not without some surprise, that an appropriation of two millions was wanting to purchase Florida.—He told the President, without reserve "that he would never agree to such a measure, because the money had not been asked for in the message:—That he could not consent to shift upon his own shoulders, or those of the house, the proper responsibility, of the executive; but that even if the money had been explicitly demanded, he should have been averse to granting it; because, after the total failure of every attempt at negotiation, such a step would disgrace us forever: because France would never withhold her ill offices, when by their interposition she could extort money from us: Because, if Great-Britain, with whom we had serious matters of controversy, did not consider our supplying her enemies with money as a breach of our neutrality, it must inspire her with contempt for any attitude of resistance which we might assume towards her: That it was equally to the interest of Spain and of the United States to accommodate the matter by an exchange of territory;" [to this mode of settlement the President seemed much opposed] "that the nations of Europe, like the Barbary powers, would hereafter refuse to look at the credentials of our ministers, without a previous dower." and much more to the same purpose.
The committee met on the 7th of December, but came to no definite resolution. One of its members [Mr. Bidwell of Massachusetts] construed the message into a requisition of money, for the purposes of foreign intercourse, and proposed a grant to that effect, but in this construction he was unsupported, and his proposition over-ruled. He himself, when the subject was agitated in the house would not avow the same construction of the message which he had given to it in the select committee. On the 14th December, the chairman of that committee was obliged to go to Baltimore, from whence he did not return until the 21st.—During this interval, the dispatches from Mr. Monroe, of the 18th and 25th of October, were received by government. Previous to the chairman's departure, having occasion to call on the Secretary of State, he was told by that officer, "that France would not permit Spain to adjust her differences with us: That France wanted money, and that we must give it to her or have a Spanish and French war. It was when he related this circumstance to the house that Mr. Randolph said, "his confidence in the Secretary of State had never been very high, but that now, it was gone forever." And on the same occasion Mr. Nicholson [who had voted for the appropriation] exclaimed, that he trusted in God the negotiation would fail.—Several other republican members
seemed shocked at this disclosure, and expressed regret at the vote which they had given.
[This follows the remarks which were published in the last Gazette.]
The committee now assembled, and instructed their chairman to write to the Secretary of War for his opinion as to the force which it would be requisite to raise for the defence of the southern frontier, and requesting, at the same time to be informed what number of troops were already stationed in that quarter. In his answer, the minister stated the force which the U. S. had on the Mississippi and its branches, ready to descend the river at a short notice, to be some what less than a thousand men: that he had intelligence that Spain was collecting an army on the frontiers of New Mexico, & transporting troops from the Havanna to Pensacola, and that the force requisite on our part, would depend upon that which would be opposed to us, which he estimated (vaguely) to be superior to our own.
About this period the news of the sea-fight off Trafalgar reached America, the event of which alarming the Spanish ministry for the safety of their W. India colonies, forbade the weakening of the important post of the Havanna, and suspended the hostile movements on the part of Spain against the U. S. And to this circumstance we have been probably indebted for the undisturbed possession of N. Orleans and its dependencies.
When the Secretary of War's letter was laid before the committee, Mr. Bidwell moved the same proposition which the Secretary of the Treasury had some days before put into the hands of the chairman, and which he (Mr. B.) afterwards introduced into the house; viz. a vote of two millions and a continuance of the duties, the proceeds of which constituted the Mediterranean fund. It was rejected, and the chairman directed to draft the report which has been printed with the secret journal, and published in all the newspapers. The committee saw, in the multiplied aggressions of Spain ample cause of war, on the part of a government with which the welfare of its citizens was not paramount to every other consideration. But conceiving that the true interests of the American people (which alone it behoved them to consult) required peace, they forebore to recommend offensive measures. They believed it to be our policy to reap the neutral harvest, and seize the favourable occasion of extinguishing the public debt—at once the price of our liberties, and the badge of our ancient servitude. So long as this debt remains unpaid we can scarcely be considered as a truly independent people. The sense of the committee was, neither to make war nor purchase peace, but to provide for the defence of our actual territory, which the highest authority had announced to have been violated and to be menaced with fresh invasion. On this point they concurred there could be but one sentiment, whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of pledging the nation to protect its flag in remote seas or its ability to afford such protection. A poor attempt has been made to reproach the committee with a want of reliance on the militia, and a preference for the standing army. When it is considered that all the protection then and since extended to the country in question consists of regular troops, and that the nearest states from which the militia could be marched for its defence, are separated from it by many hundred miles of intervening Indian country (not to mention that these states themselves are amongst the weakest in the union) the incompetency of the militia to the service in question and the futility of the objection, must become manifest to all.
Besides, the president had no occasion to apply to congress for power to call out the militia to repel invasion, that force being under
such circumstances, already at his disposal; and it is worthy of remark, that the far greater number of these would be partisans of the militia referred to adopt the measure recommended by the executive, (or indeed any other) for giving efficient operation to that great constitutional defence.
The report of the committee, although in strict unison with the official recommendation of the Executive, was rejected by 72 to 53 votes; and the proposition to appropriate dollars for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses of foreign intercourse, which had been previously laid on the table by a member of that committee, before their report was made to the house, was immediately taken up.—The avowed object of this measure was to enable the President to open a negotiation for the purchase of Florida. A motion was then made by Mr. J. Randolph to confine the appropriation to that object and agreed to, yeas 78, nays 58. Another motion was made by the same gentleman to render the debt which was proposed to be incurred, redeemable at the pleasure of the United States. This was carried without a division. But afterwards, when the bill was brought in, the house rescinded its vote for a specific appropriation, and the money was left applicable at the discretion of the Executive, to any other purpose of foreign intercourse whatsoever. Mr. J. Randolph also moved to limit the amount which the government might stipulate to pay for the territory in question; upon the ground, that if Congress were disposed to acquire Florida by purchase, they should fix the extent to which they were willing to go, and thereby furnish our ministers with a safeguard against the rapacity of France; that there was no probability of our obtaining the country for less, but every reason to believe, that, without such a precaution on our part, she would extort more. This motion was over-ruled. When the bill came under discussion, various objections were urged against it by the same gentleman. Among others, that it was in direct opposition to the views of the Executive, as expressed in the President's official communication, (it was on this occasion that General Varnum declared the measure to be consonant to the secret wishes of the Executive:) that it was a prostration of the national honor at the feet of our adversary: that a concession so humiliating would paralyse our efforts against Great Britain, in case the negotiation then and now pending between that government and ours should prove abortive: that a partial appropriation towards the purchase of Florida without limiting the President to some specific amount, would give a previous sanction to any expense which he might incur for that object, and which Congress would stand pledged to make good: that, if the executive, acting entirely upon its own responsibility, and exercising its acknowledged constitutional powers, should negotiate for the purchase of Florida, the house of Representatives would, in that case, be left free to ratify or annul the contract: but that the course which was proposed to be pursued, (and which eventually was pursued) would reduce the discretion of the legislature to a mere shadow: that, at its ensuing session, Congress would find itself, in relation to this subject, a deliberative body but in name: that it could not, without a manifest dereliction of its own principles, and perhaps without a violation of public faith, refuse to sanction any treaty entered into by the Executive under the auspices of the legislature and with powers so unlimited: that, however great his confidence in the chief magistrate, he would never consent to give any President a dangerous proof of it: that his duties as a member of that house, as the independent representative of an independent people, were paramount to every other consideration: and that he would never preclude himself, by any previous sanction, from the uncontrolled exercise of his judgement on measures which thereafter were to come before him: that the house had no official recommendation from the Executive for the step which they proposed to take, on the contrary it was in direct opposition to its sentiments as expressed in the confidential message; that the responsibility would be exclusively their own: that, if the President deemed it advisable to purchase foreign territory, he was free to enter into stipulations for that purpose, whilst Congress would remain equally free to sanction or disapprove such stipulations; or that, if he thought proper to ask for an appropriation for that object, the responsibility of the measure would rest upon him: but when the legislature undertook "to prescribe the course which he should pursue, and which he had pledged himself to pursue," the case was entirely changed: that the house could have no channel thro' which it could be made acquainted with the opinions of the Executive, but such as was official, responsible, and known to the constitution; and that it was a prostration of its high and solemn functions to act upon an unconstitutional suggestion of the private wishes of the Executive, irresponsibly announced by an irresponsible individual, and in a direct hostility to his avowed opinions.
To every objection, the "Louisiana president," as it was called, formed the only answer, although in the latter stages of the discussion, no reply was attempted. The doors were closed, and the minority, whose motives were impeached, and whose persons were almost denounced, were voted down without debate. In reply to the case of Louisiana, it was said, that it was no precedent at all: that every argument drawn from that source was utterly inconclusive in the present instance: that no two cases could be more dissimilar: that, except the parties being the same there was no point of resemblance: that, when Spain withheld from us the right of deposit at New Orleans, congress had acted on its own instigation alone; they had not been apprized by the Executive of any hostile movement on the part of Spain; the territory of the U. S. had not been

...the President of our citizens, within our own jurisdiction violated? It had not been officially announced to Congress, that "their protection as well as the spirit and honor of our country, rendered the interposition of the national force indispensable;" the chief magistrate of the union had not officially declared that the act of aggression in question, was committed by persons acting by the orders and under the sanction of the Court of Madrid; on the contrary, the House of Representatives had expressed, by a formal resolution, their belief, that the wrong in question, had proceeded from the unauthorized misconduct of certain Spanish officers, and declared their determination, in case it should be sanctioned by their government, to redress the injuries and vindicate the rights of our citizens. On that occasion, Congress avowed, that they would resort, in the first instance, to an amicable explanation with the Spanish court; on this, the fair experiment of negotiation had been tried, and after five months of fruitless endeavor, on our part, to bring them to some definite and satisfactory result, had entirely failed. It would not escape the recollection of the house, to how great an excitement, the denial of a conventional right had at that day, roused the minds of our citizens. And it must be remembered, that the acquisition of Louisiana, which put a stop to these aggressions of Spain, (for which no satisfaction had as yet been rendered) was made, not from the party by whom those offences had been offered, but from one in no wise connected with them. And, admitting at this juncture the propriety of our making overtures for the purchase of a country, the possession of which, it was conceded on all hands, was highly desirable to us; yet, what measures had we taken, or did we propose to take, for the refusal, on the part of Spain, to satisfy her connection with us, as far as her own minister, under the eye of his sovereign, pledged her to make compensation for spoliations committed upon our citizens during a preceding war?—to indemnify our citizens for the removal of the same practices, already of great amount, during the present war?—for the obligation to the navigation of the Mobile; for refusing to come to any fair and amicable adjustment of the boundaries of Louisiana; and for a daring violation of persons sailing under the authority of Spain and no doubt apprised of her sentiments and views, of our undisputed limits, which she had solemnly recognized by treaty. NONE! The denial of the stipulate compensation for the spoliations of a former war; the reiteration of the same practices during the present; the obtrusion of the Mobile; the peremptory refusal to adjust the boundaries of Louisiana; the insults committed on our territory, and the violation of the property and persons of our citizens within our acknowledged limits; all seemed forgotten, in the zeal to purchase Florida, or thrown with the national purse into the scale. The bill nevertheless passed by a great majority. A motion was then made to transmit, by a committee, the following message to the senate.
By the House of Representatives, Jan. 16th 1808. Cavaliers of the Senate, We transmit you a bill which has passed this house, entitled "an act making provision for defraying any extraordinary expenses attending the intercourse between the U. S. and foreign nations," and in which we require your concurrence. The bill has been passed by us to enable the president of the U. S. to commence with more effect a negotiation for the purchase of the Spanish territories lying on the Atlantic ocean, and Gulf of Mexico, and eastward of the river Mississippi. The nature and importance of the measure contemplated, have induced us to act upon the subject with closed doors. You will of consequence, consider this communication as confidential.
Mr. J. Randolph then moved to strike out the words "river Mississippi," and to insert "bay of Perdido" upon this ground—that the country between the Mississippi and Perdido was in dispute between the U. S. and Spain, being a part of Louisiana, "such as it was possessed by France," and conveyed by the treaty of Paris of the 30th of April, 1803, to the U. S. To the territory in question (embracing both banks of the Mobile, and out of which all our differences with Spain, on the subject of boundary on this side of the Mississippi, had grown,) the executive had advanced, what they deemed, an undoubted claim. Upon this claim congress had a ready legislated, having passed a law, erecting the shores and waters of the Mobile into a collection district, and it was deemed, that the authorizing the president to purchase that portion of the country would not only be a compromise of the national honor, but might fairly be considered as a surrender on our part of all pretensions to the disputed territory. This motion however was negatived, Yeas 59—Nays 68. It is perhaps worthy of remembrance, that, on this, as on most of the other questions arising out of this subject, many of the warmest advocates of the measures eventually pursued were in the minority. (See the secret journal, since published, page 53.) But, to the message itself, as well as to the general course of proceeding this strong, and (as it is presumed) unanswerable objection was taken:—That the direction which the House of Representatives had chosen to pursue was to be preferred not to the senate, but to the president; and that it would be impossible for the Executive, even with the ingenuity of Cæsar himself, to divine from a message (the senate, what was the real intention of the Representatives of the people: that this message was not to be announced to him, but to the other branch of the legislature, and that even if it were, his duty was to execute the laws, which should be enacted, and which could not be enlarged, restrained, or modified in any degree whatever, by any message from one house of congress to the other; and the appropriation being for any "indefinite purpose of extraordinary foreign intercourse," and not made in consequence of any intimation, or recommendation from the president he must be presumed to be solely in the dark, "as to the secret objects" of the senate and House of Representatives, and to be incapable of inferring the intentions of the legislature from anything but the context of the law itself: much less should be deemed responsible for the execution of plans, of which, by the general maxims of legislation as well as by the known principles of the constitution, he must be supposed to be altogether ignorant. As I have said however, this, with every other difficulty that could not be solved, was overruled: and on Thursday the 16th of January, the engrossed bill, with the message above recited, was transmitted to the senate. On the day following, when the bill was no longer in the possession of the house, or under its control, the dispatches from our minister at London, of the 18th and 24th of October,
1807, which had been four weeks lying in the office of the secretary, were laid before the house. Those dispatches which had a most important bearing upon our Spanish relations, which had occupied the attention of the House of Representatives for nearly three preceding weeks, during which their doors were closed, produced an instantaneous conviction on the minds of many, the best informed and most influential members of the house, who had hitherto voted with the majority, that the course which they had pursued was wrong. A feeble insinuation was indeed made by certain members of the house, presumed to be in the confidence of the secretary of state, that the dispatches had but lately arrived; and this inference was supported by this circumstance, that a single copy only (perhaps the original) was submitted to the two houses, to be interchanged between them; from whence it was concluded by many, that sufficient time had not elapsed, since their reception to enable the clerks in the office of foreign affairs to make out duplicates of the papers. But this fact was immediately disproved by Mr. J. Randolph's calling at the secretary of state's office, where he learnt from Mr. Wagner, the chief clerk of that department, as well as from the secretary himself, that they had arrived the week before Christmas; that is prior to the 21st of December.
The House of Representatives having resolved to incur an expense for the purchase of Florida, the second member of Mr. Bidwell's resolution, to continue for—years, the additional duty of two and a half per cent. ad valorem, imposed by the "act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the U. S. against the Barbary powers," to make good the fame, came under consideration; but this proposition was vehemently opposed by Mr. Randolph, who stated, that he deemed it an unconstitutional mode of voting supplies to raise taxes in conclave: that if the members of that house should once come to levy impositions upon their constituents with closed doors, whilst the votes which they should give (to say nothing of the discussion) from the very nature of the secret journal remained concealed from their constituents, there was an end of the public liberty. Congress might thus pass any laws, however unconstitutional and oppressive, whilst the people would remain ignorant of the part which their Representatives respectively had taken, and consequently unable to apply the proper corrective, and that, however, reasons of state might render it expedient to proceed in this way against a foreign enemy, or to give a secret direction to military expeditions against the common foe, those reasons were totally inapplicable to the imposition of burdens upon the people, or to any curtailment of their rights, with which that enemy could have no concern, and from the knowledge of which he could derive no advantage. The proposition was at that time withdrawn, but, on the last day of the session, April 21, this tax was continued: the only ostensible motive is to be found in a message from the Executive of the 14th of the same month, terminating the existence of an unfriendly disposition on the part of Tunis towards the U. S.
In a future number, some remarks will be offered on the proceedings of congress respecting our relations with Great Britain: a subject, which if possible, has been more misrepresented, and less understood, than that of the present communication.
DECIDU Communication No. II FOR THE PORTLAND GAZETTE
MR. ADAMS, I FEEL very serious indeed, to see so much wickedness and infidelity prevailing in our land of liberty and religious privileges. I wish for some free and familiar conversation with christians. By Christians, I mean not those, merely as distinct from Musulmen, Pagans and Heathen, but as distinct from those, who have only the form of godliness without the power, and to such, of whatever denomination, that have thought favorably of a government, as wished for by democrats. I would ask, Why do you wish to affect a change in this commonwealth? Has not the government hitherto been administered agreeable to our excellent constitution? Can you find any fault with our present governor? Do you think his council this year, consists of better men than last? Can you suppose that all of them have a greater regard for religion and your best good than those of last year? Can you suppose the majority of the senate this year did right in disfranchising the people of the governor they had elected, and assuming to themselves the right of choosing a man who did not exist? Is it nothing, that they should spend 12000 dollars of your property at least, to endeavor to carry their point? When you find the most flagrant violations of rights published to you, and hear them say, they care nothing about legality, so long as they have numbers, does it give you no uneasiness? Will you take no warning from other States, that would not rest until they were democratized, but are since thrown into the most unpleasing and distressing anarchy and confusion, and are quarrelling among themselves, and find no way to get along but by returning to right principles? Have you no reason to suppose that it is a gross misrepresentation for the Argus to tell you, that nineteen twentieths of the people are democrats? Don't you believe he knows himself, that there is not the least spark of truth in the assertion? Don't you remember how often he misrepresented to you the situation of the Province House, relative to Governor Strong? Have you no recollection of seeing the same falsehood republished last spring, after he knew a report of a committee of both parties
had stated that the Gov. "never had any pecuniary benefit from it? When you see these things & a thousand others as grossly false, why will you continue to believe him? Have you one thought, that the federalists wish for monarchy? If you have, you ought to know better, for there is not the least possible ground for it. I never knew but two men that expressed any thing like it, and both of those were very warm democrats; and one of your party was heard to say repeatedly last spring, "he wished the governors of the states were to be appointed by the president" and thereby the people be deprived of their privilege of election for themselves. Is it possible you can believe the federalists are old Tories? This is too shameful to answer. 'Tis, so far from being true, that there is no doubt, but two to one of the old Tories that are now living are warm democrats, every individual of the old Tories that I am acquainted with are so, and a certain town in this commonwealth, that during our late revolution rendered itself infamous for Toryism, is now as much so for democracy, and furnishes it is year three members of the General Court, neither of whom would you consider as any ornament to christianity, even if it was "founded wholly in democracy." 'Tis undoubtedly a solemn truth, that all those persons who were conspicuous in the Shay's insurrection are democrats, and some of them are now much esteemed by your party in the Legislature. Every person, I believe, excepting two, that were in the convention for accepting the constitution and voted against it are democrats, and one of those at least is your Counselor. All these persons have ever been against the constitution, and are now, and some of them at the opening of the last session of the General Court were bold and wicked enough (as I believe,) to propose that the constitution should not operate as a bar to their measures—and you have undoubtedly heard that Mr. Jefferson was against it and wrote home from France to that effect. Notwithstanding your party pretend to eulogize Gen. Washington, now he is dead, it was not so while he was live; money was then given for the printing a publication to calumniate him—they could curse him without remorse, wish him in every battle during the revolution, and be killed in each, and a certain "meek, peace-making" democrat who lives not far from the Argus office, has been heard to say, that hanging was too good for him, and he ought to be gibetted. But, can you bear to hear the name and character of Christ Jesus vilely traduced? "Is he not precious to all those that believe?" But can you brook the idea that true religion is "founded wholly in democracy?" When you have enjoyed sweet communion with the blessed Jesus and realized those comforts, that the world can neither give nor take away, has the foundation of those comforts resulted from your being democrats? Recollect the vilest democrat within your knowledge (and there are a great plenty) will you, can you, take him into your christian communion and fellowship, merely because he is a democrat? Is it not a fact, that in general, those who are notoriously wicked and vile above measure, are democrats? Can't you see, that the leaders of your party are generally opposed to religion, gospel ordinances, and true piety? Do you believe that many of them are any better than the Argus writer? Do you find that your leaders are opposed to titles, grandeur, pomp or riches? Don't you remember that while the federalists were the majority in congress, they talked very loud about six dollars per day and other high salaries? Don't you know that they have continued the same since they have had the majority, and increased them in some instances? And I might mention a thousand more things equally as inconsistent and vile, but there is no end to them. 'Tis time for you to take the alarm. Can you wish to leave your children impressed with an evil and wicked they will get to heaven? Let me to entreat you, to pause a moment at least, before all is gone. We have it yet in our power to stop their career. Bethink and bestir yourselves before your privileges both religious and political are gone forever. Shun these profane persons as deceivers. Only think for yourselves, and act according to the rules of God's word, and all these wicked people will hold that place in the estimation of the public which they merit. And then and not till then may we expect better times. CALVIN.
FOR THE PORTLAND GAZETTE
MR. ADAMS, I HAVE just been looking over the Argus, and was astonished at the wild and incorrect assertions it contained in a piece signed "OXYGEN." The writer of this piece, is most assuredly a vain, foolish person. And I will venture to say, that he never has read
the works of Boerhaave, Vanswieten, Huxham, Culpeper, nor Cullen; if he had, he would not have appeared so ignorant of the subject he has undertaken, nor have attempted to pervert the public opinion, at noon-day, and as it were in the face and eyes of so much authority, as can be adduced in favor of the doctrine, that bile, is the cause of all those diseases, which are called bilious. Mr. Oxygen says, "That bile is never the existing cause of those morbid states of the system, which are attended with a plentiful discharge of it."
Now I do affirm, and I have the most celebrated medical philosophers to support the affirmation, that the bile is always the existing cause, of those diseases in which a large quantity of putrid and acrimonious bilious matter is discharged. Boerhaave, Culpeper, Huxham and Cullen, were each of them supporters of this principle. These respectable physicians, had great advantages, and were well skilled in natural philosophy, physiology, and chemistry. This being the case, I would ask Mr. Oxygen, whether he thinks he shall be successful, in his attempt at innovation; and, whether, because he says there is no such thing as bilious diseases that we who have been long in the habit of thinking so, and of practising accordingly, must now renounce all as error, falsehood and quackery. If Oxygen entertains such notions as these, he will find himself mistaken.
I will now take the liberty of recommending to Oxygen, the perusal of Huxham on fevers, &c. Cullen's first Lines, and Culpeper's English Physician. AN ENEMY TO INNOVATION.
Foreign Articles. FROM RECENT LONDON PAPERS.
PARIS, JULY 12, 1806. OUR Minister of Marine, Decres, has sent circulars to the various ports of the Empire, informing, that by a Decree of the Emperor and King, the embargo is taken off all Russian vessels detained in consequence of hostilities between the two countries; and those vessels are permitted to depart.
Some of the papers say "Prussian" instead of Russian vessels—We think Prussian to be a misprint—We do not recollect, that an embargo was ever laid on Prussian vessels in France; and the taking off that laid on Russian vessels is one of the strongest indications of peace between France and Russia.
GERALD, JUNE 25. Sicily has no fears of a French invasion; but the French in Naples are busily employed in raising fortifications to keep off Sir Sydney Smith—Sir Sydney was at Palermo, having fully supplied Gaeta. The Prince of Hesse has had to encounter traitors, spies, and cowards, within his works, as well as the whole victorious French army from without. Some of the spies he has hung; others have been banished with ignominy from his post.
LONDON, JULY 9. The poles are not more opposite than are the professions and practices of office seekers. When the present whig Ministry were in power, none could talk louder and falter about economy and saving the People's money, than they—Now they have succeeded to the control of the park-street, none can be more profuse than they—Besides the immense sum of nearly 150,000L. sterling to "support the dignity of the new Earl Nelson;" they have, at one dash, raised the incomes of all the minor branches of the Royal Family, some of them fifty per cent.—The salary of the Princesses (several of whom live with the Exiles) are raised from 12,000L. to 18,000L. per annum.—The Duke of York is an exception—he refused to have his salary augmented.—The Princess Charlotte of Wales, (the heir presumptive of the British throne) from 6,000L. to 7,000L. per annum. The Princesses from 5,000L. to 6,000L. and other parts of the family in like proportion. There is no other family in Europe, (excepting Bonaparte's) that are better provided for. They have also continued the pension granted to Admiral Lord Rodney, to his grandson the present Lord Rodney.
JULY 14. The rumors of Peace are still heard in the wind; and His Majesty's Cabinet Council are said to be divided on the subject.—The division stands thus:—
   For Peace. Against Peace.     Mr. Fox. Lord Grenville,   Lord Henry Petty, (a) Lord Spencer,   Lord Maria, (b) Lord Sidmouth, (c)   Lord Hawick, (c) Lord Elfenborough,   Lord Erskine, (d) Mr. Windham.   Lord Fitzwilliam.  
And since the appointment of Lord MINTO, as Governor-General, in India, and Hon. T. Greville (f) succeeding to the Presidency of the Board of Control, he has been admitted into the cabinet; which makes the number six in favor of, and five opposed to Peace with France.
(a) Second son of the Marquis of Lansdown.—(b) Formerly Lord ROWDON. (c) Late Lord GREY DE HOWIE, a general in the army. (d) The Hon. Mr. ERSKINE, the celebrated Counselor, now Lord Chancellor. (e) Late Mr. ADINGTON. (f) Brother of the Marquis of BUCKINGHAM. The others are well known.
By the Apis. NEWYORK, AUG. 30. Weekly Inspector, by Mr. Fessenden.
THE first number of this neat little weekly paper came out to day in a pamphlet shape. It is printed on good paper, a new type and with Watt's Patent Ink.—All the original articles are written with correctness, strength and purity. The following is all our limits
allowed us to extract as a sample of the editor's manner: "To attempt to foster a Commerce without armed ships to protect it, is like sowing a field of wheat without fencing it. Those profound politicians, who inform us that we ought not to commence the establishment of a military marine till we are able to contend with the navy of Great Britain, are as wise as the fond old lady, who would not suffer her darling to go into the water, until he had learned to swim. One may carry pistols against foot-pads, although they would avail him nothing in opposition to a well appointed train of brass field-pieces."
Sept. 1. Jerome Bonaparte—A gentleman who arrived here yesterday morning in the stage from Philadelphia, informs that a French frigate, dismasted, with 300 English prisoners on board, had been driven by stress of weather, into the Delaware—that it is frigate was one of Jerome Bonaparte's squadron, the remainder of which had arrived at the Chesapeake—and the report, was, that Jerome had captured and destroyed the whole homeward bound Jamaica fleet.
Sept. 2. A Mr. Pritchard, is set up for Congress in Ohio, against Mr. Morrow, the present Representative. The Democrats affect to have found the latter gentleman out—to have discovered his propensities. So much zeal is displayed by some of his opponents, that it seems a person would hardly be safe who should say "god morrow," in their presence.
Letters from Halifax, received from very respectable gentlemen, state, that Capt. Whitby, was put under arrest, and sent home as a passenger, in the ship Leander, of which he (Capt. W.) formerly had the command. Capt. Whitby, we understand is sent to England, to account to the British Government for his conduct on the American station, and the depredations he committed off Sandy Hook.
Left of the ship Robin Hood—It is with much regret we have to state the loss of the ship Robin Hood, commanded by Capt. S. Barker, bound from Charleston to this port. This ship went off 9 o'clock on Sunday morning last, off Barnegat, during the gale which was severely felt in this city. It is painful to state, that out of forty-nine persons on board, 21 were drowned—Gen. Macpherson, of Charleston, in saving the life of his daughter lost his own. On Monday, at 11 o'clock A.M. the survivors were taken off the wreck by the British brig Swift, Captain Phelan, of St. Johns, and brought safe to this port.
The following are the names of the persons saved: Capt. Stephen Barker, Capt. Oliver Champlin, Miss Eliza Macpherson, Hon. John Rutledge, Mr. E. Petray, Mr. Brennan, Joseph W. Page, B. Booth, John Tavis, D. Bottleur, H. Turner, N. Perry, D. Crocker. Seamen—Benjamin Brayton, W. Van Eighen, John W. Gibbs, Randall Cornell, Loyd B. Burd, John Hathway, Lewis Riley, James Quin, Thomas Conly, William Cowan. Aides of Color—Baptiste, a eunuch, John Murray, Henry Davis—28 saved.
DROWNED.—Gen. Macpherson and servant, Mrs. Booth and Son, Mr. Clark, James Miller, jun. Thomas Tait, Henry Bowering, Doct. Ballard and servant, Mr. Kotteur's servant, Mr. D. Crocker's servant.
Shipwreck passengers and seamen—William White, John Porcha, D. McCarty, William Robinson, Charles Bryce, Fortune Johnson, John Trudy, blacks, Adam Knorr, black, Harry Kid black.—Drowned 21.
From PHILADELPHIA—Sept. 7. ON Saturday last arrived at New Castle, a French frigate, having carried away her mizen mast and main-topmast, and received some other damage in the late gale of the 23d; she has a number of British prisoners on board; and from reports only, we are enabled to say, that she is one of Jerome's fleet, that they have all been in the gale, that one of them was obliged to throw over all her guns, that most of them had received damage, that they were bound for the Chesapeake, that they had taken upwards of 20 sail of British vessels, supposed part of the Jamaica convoy, and that they had a great number of English prisoners aboard.
Sept. Columbia, from hence for Savannah, fell in with the French squadron on the coast, about the 12th of Aug. They have undoubtedly continued cruising; a few degrees from the coast to interrupt British vessels from the Leeward islands. They must have met with some success; and may have steered for the Chesapeake.
A British Leeward Island Fleet, of 300 sail, convoyed by Ad. Cochrane, was met Aug. 10, lat. 25, lon. 61.
Duane has publicly compared Mr. Jefferson, with his heads of departments, to a man surrounded by four villains, with ropes round his neck, striving who should be the first to destroy him.—Freeman's Journal.
Duane represents the president, as a weak unfortunate being; and the heads of departments, as designing, unprincipled knaves.—Ibid
SIGNS OF THE TIMES. A Vermont democratic paper, which is patronized by all the thorough-going revolutionists of that State, prefaced a false account of Ohio's improvement at Litchfield, with the following horrible exclamations: "Republicans, read!—Imprints on the heads of these execrable monsters! As for 'em! CALL ON HEAVEN AND EARTH TO CURSE THEM!!"

More than a century ago, the lips of a Jacobin in the days of the French revolution, when the streets of Paris were literally inundated with rivers of blood. The individual who can countenance them, are alike ripe for "treason, fratricides, and crimes"—and would not hesitate to employ the rack, the gibbet, or the guillotine, in the glorious work of revolution.
Portland, Monday, September 8, 1806.
In this days Gazette we have given place to the strictures, which accompanied the publication of Mr. Jefferson's secret message, in the Richmond Enquirer, a paper which has been one of the ablest and warmest supporters of the President. Whoever may be the author of these remarks is not material, one observation to those who do not accord with us in politics may be necessary; they are not the production of a federalist, and they will command the serious perusal and consideration of all honest democrats.
The importance of the subject, renders any apology for its length, unnecessary. The worshippers of Mr. Jefferson may now behold an illustration of his character by his friends. It is a fact that many in the United States believe that Mr. Jefferson can do no wrong; but what opinion must the impartial observer entertain of the man, who unmindful of the dignity and importance attached to the office of chief magistrate of the Union, should advance different opinions on the same subject, one public the other private, and from the mean view of maintaining a temporary popularity.
Commencement at Bowdoin College. Owing to the inclemency of the weather the ceremonies which were to have been performed on Wednesday last, were postponed to Thursday, when the first Commencement of Bowdoin College was celebrated.
A large and brilliant audience testified by their attendance the high reputation this infant seminary has already acquired. At 11 o'clock, a procession was formed at the College Chapel, consisting of the Trustees and Overseers of Bowdoin College, Public Characters, Clergy and those of a public education, the procession moved, preceded by the members of the institution and accompanied by a band of music, to the Meeting-house, where the exercises proceeded in the following order:—
Prayer, by President Mr. Kim. Salutatory Oration, by Benjamin Titcomb. Disquisition on the influence of commerce on public manners, by George Thorne. Forensic disputation on the question, whether utility be the foundation of moral obligation, by John Davis & Benjamin Titcomb. Disquisition on the use of history, by Richard Cobb. Disquisition on the power of language, by John O'Brien. English Oration, by John Davis. Disquisition on the solar system, by Moses Quimby. Valedictory Oration, by Isaac Foster Coffin. Address to the Baccalaureates, by the President.
[We much regret it was not in our power to obtain a copy of this excellent address which so happily combined the principles of religion, virtue and moral conduct; at the same time displaying the effects of a parent to his children, it was emphatically observed that the future celebrity of the institution depended more on the reputation and conduct of the class which were about to receive the first honors, than on any succeeding one.]
The degree of Bachelor of Arts was conferred on Richard Cobb, John Davis, Moses Quimby, Benjamin Titcomb, Isaac Foster Coffin, John O'Brien, George Thorne.
The names of those Gentlemen who received honorary degrees are not recollectable. Prayer by Dr. Dins.
The public, from the specimen they have now seen, will feel assured, that while the distinguished scholar who now presides over Bowdoin College, shall continue to guide and direct its operations, the youth who may be there educated, will never be found inferior to those which any university in the United States can furnish.
A large concourse of ladies and gentlemen from Boston, and other citizens partook of the entertainment of the day. Splendid entertainments were given, and notwithstanding the most violent storm, which this season ever produced raged for a great part of the time, as much hilarity and rational mirth was found, as the most lively anticipate on such occasions.
The Governors having found it necessary, on account of the violence of the wind and unfinshed state of the meeting house, to postpone the exercises until Thursday a subscription Ball was given on Wednesday evening; and thursday evening "the Commencement Ball," given by the graduates, was attended by more fashion and beauty than ever before appeared in the District of Maine.
One hundred and twenty ladies, and a greater number of gentlemen were present on this occasion; and a stranger would have imagined himself in Boston or New York, rather than in a humble village, had he taken a view of this splendid assemblage. Thus, amid the rage of elements, and fury of the storms, the hours passed merrily away; and the "first Commencement," at Bowdoin College will long be remembered as furnishing the highest gratification to the mind and to the eye, which scenes like that are intended to afford.
It must be a subject of grateful consideration to the friends of science and virtue, to witness the liberal means of education which are afforded to the rising generation throughout the District of Maine; and the patriot will feel a lively sensibility in the extension of learning and refinement, as affording the surest pledges of the continuance of national happiness and prosperity.
Latest from Europe. By an arrival at Boston, London dates to 28th of July have been received. The most important article of intelligence is the increasing prospect of Peace.
On the 23d of July, the Lord Chancellor delivered a message to both houses from the King, informing them that the state of the public business enabled his majesty to close the present session of Parliament, and stating that the King was engaged in a negotiation for peace; the success of which would depend on a corresponding disposition on the part of France.
M. D. Obriel, Russian negotiator arrived at Paris, July 6, and it is believed the late differences between Russia and France will be amicably adjusted.
The misunderstanding between Prussia, and Sweden have not been adjusted.—Warlike preparations are making with activity on both sides.
Mr. Pinkney, the American minister, was presented to his Britannic majesty the 23d of July, by Mr. Monroe, and was favourably received.
The Hon. David Erskine, is appointed by the King Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States.
The last accounts from Bonavista state, that salt and water were scarce; goat skins from 40 to 50 cts. and scarce; corn 1 dollar.—It was common for vessels to wait 6 weeks for salt.—A famine in the island of St. Antonio, and the people compelled to eat asses.—[Baltimore pap.]
Another "Visiting Committee." We learn that the Jail in Providence was broken open a few nights since and a prisoner confined for Burglary, released.—His benevolent comrades were, perhaps, no more nor less than a "Visiting Committee," appointed to enquire into the "state of Health" of their "perfectest Friend."—Conn. Cent.
The editor of the United States Gazette, says, Dr. Leib has positively declined a re-election for congress, notwithstanding the urgent solicitations of the good people of the Northern Liberties. And that Dr. John Porter is nominated by the county conference in his place.
Fatal Effects of Intemperance. We understand that a laborer, of the name of Patrick O'Connor, got hold of a quantity of rum yesterday, which was landed on one of the wharves, and drank himself into a stupor from which he will never awake.—N. T. pap.
FIRE. On Sunday evening, the 30th ult. the Printing-Office of Messrs. Lang and Turner, Proprietors of the New-York Gazette and General Advertiser was consumed by fire—Besides the destruction of their Printing apparatus, we understand they have also lost the books and accounts of the office.
MARRIED. In Boston, Mr. Samuel Holmes, to Mrs. Abigail Davis—Mr. Gideon Vinal, to Miss Mary S. Penniman. In Saco, Mr. John Webster, to Miss Mary Staples.
DIED. In Germany, the celebrated Gen. Melas, commander in chief of the Austrian army in the battle of Marengo. In England, the Hon. Mrs. Reigh, of Stonehenge, by her death an estate which 60 years since rented for 17,000l. per annum, devolves upon some unknown heir at law. The rents on her estate had not been raised for 60 years!
In Saco, Mrs. Olive Scamman, aged 25, wife, of Mr. James S. In this town, a child of Mr. Thomas Bangs, aged 16 months—A child of Mr. Edward B. Southier, aged 4 weeks—An infant of Mr. John Phillips, aged 2 days—A child of Mr. H. G. Quincy, aged 8 months.—Rebecca, daughter of Mr. Samuel S. Clark, aged 15 months.
Gazette Ship News. PORT OF PORTLAND—1806. No foreign arrivals at this port since our last.
VESSELS LEFT. At St. Vincents, Aug. 8, John, of Wiscasset, to fail in 5 days.—At Tobago, Aug. 1, Stranger, Perkins for Kennebec, in 18.—At Isle of May, ship Manning, Salter, of Portland waiting for salt—ship Washington, Wells, for Portland, do.
VESSELS SPOKEN. Aug. 30, on George's bank brig Lark of Saco, from Portland, for West Indies, out 23 hours—Aug. 14, lat. 36, long. 55, fch. Federal, 12 days from Portland, for Gaudaloupe—Aug. 29, off Cape Cod, brig Merchant, Pope, of Kennebec, 24 days from Tobago, for Boston.—Aug. 5, lat. 45, long. 48, ship Mary, 9 days from Portland.—Aug. 21, in lat. 40, fchr. Elizabeth, Morse, 3 days from Portland, for Gaudaloupe; supplied a Baltimore ship with bread, and some potatoes.
ARRIVALS, &c. At Philadelphia, Aug. 29, Polly, Folger, Passamaquoddy.—At Boston, Sept. 1, brig Decatur, Jones, of Bath, 60 days from Lisbon.—Same day, ship Jane, McIntosh, from the Bay of Honduras, last from Charleston, 20 days.—Brig Cygne, Kerley, of Hallowell, 22 days from St. Thomas.
SHIPPING MEMORANDA. The brig Amphion, of Portland, failed from Amsterdam, for Isle of May, about the 16th July.
MAINE LOTTERY OFFICE. Thomas Clark, HAS for sale at his Book-store, nearly opposite the Custom-House, and Insurance Office, Fifth-street, Portland,
Tickets, Halves, Quarters & Eights, in the following Lottery,—viz. The 6th and last Class Piscataqua Bridge, which is the next to be drawn. Tickets 5 D. Quarters 1 D. 58 C. Halves 2 D. 75 C. Eights 75 C.
Will soon be raised, 10,000 dollars highest Prize; and contains 12,000 tickets only—Prize Tickets in the Amoskeag Lottery which has just finished drawing received in payment.
Also—Tickets and Parts in the 9th Class Amoskeag Canal Lottery. —Prizes free from deduction—$3,000 dollars highest prize and contains 10,000 tickets—Tickets 5 dollars—Halves 2 62—Quarters 1 38—Eights 75 cents.—The time for drawing will soon be appointed.
Harvard College Lottery —no deduction from Prizes; 15,000 dollars highest Prize, and contains 20,000 tickets.—Tickets 5 dollars—Halves 2 62—Quarters 1 38—Eights 75 cents. The time for drawing will soon be appointed.
Hatfield Bridge Lottery. —8,000 dollars highest Prize—contains 15,000 tickets.—Tickets 5 dollars—Halves 2 62—Quarters 1 38—Eights 75 cents. The time for drawing will soon be appointed.
** Letters, Ordering Tickets or Parts in either of the above Lotteries (Post Paid) enclosing Cash or Prize-tickets, will be punctually attended to. Sept. 8.
SETH CLARK, INFORMS that he continues to occupy the stand formerly improved by Watson & Clark, Fifth-street, three doors below the Maine Fire and Marine Insurance Office—where he carries on the TAILORING BUSINESS.
He has for sale a few pieces best superfine Broadcloths, Kerfeymeres, Vest-Patterns, &c. &c. Trimmings of all kinds constantly on hand.
Wanted, At the above business, a LAD, of 14 years old, of "steady habits"—to whom good encouragement will be given. Sept. 8.
REMOVAL, Henry F. Dupee, INFORMS the public that he has taken the store directly opposite his former stand and next door to Mr. David Pease's Auction Room, Fore Street, head of Ingraham's Wharf, where he has just received a fresh supply of
DRUGS & MEDICINES, of the first Quality, which with his former stock forms an excellent Assortment in that line and will be sold on reasonable terms.—Also
L. P. Madeira, Old Cherry, Lisbon, Old Port, Vidonia, Claret, Frontignac, Teneriffe, Bottled Cyder, Old Jamaica Spirit, 4th, proof Cognac Brandy, Hollands Gin.
WINES. Also—A General Assortment of Dye Stuffs —Medicine Chests put up for Merchants, Captains of Vessels and others in the best manner and at the shortest notice. Sept. 1.
TAKE YOUR CHOICE OF 10,000 or 15,000 Dollars. Tickets and Quarters in Piscataqua Bridge and Harvard College Lotteries for sale by ISAAC ADAMS. at his Bookstore No. 7 Fifth Street. Those who wish to obtain Tickets cheap, will consult their interests as will rise the first of October. Sept. 1.
REMOVAL. THOMAS SIMONTON, has removed to the Premises lately occupied by Mr. STEPHEN LEE, in Free-Street—where he keeps constantly, good Horses and elegant Carriage To Let, on reasonable terms. For Sale—A number of new and second handed CHAISE. (9w) Aug. 18.
Portland Book-Store. JUST received, the Secret History of the Court and Cabinet of ST. CLOUD. ALSO,
Few Kegs Watts' unchangeable Ink, Breamaons Monitor, Complete Letter Writer, Penkerton's Geography abridged, For the use of Schools—price one dollar.—In the description of the United States, each State is more systematically described, than in any work of the kind heretofore published. Also,
Dwight's Geography, price 2/6, Abridgement of Murray's English Grammar, containing Exercises in Orthography, in Parsing in Syntax, and in Punctuation, designed for the Younger Class of Learners. Sept. 8.
Account of the Murder! JUST received and for sale (price 12 1/2 cents) by ISAAC ADAMS, at his Book-store No. 7, Fifth-street.
SKETCHES OF THE LIFE OF Capt. James Purington, who on the night of the 8th of July, murdered his wife, six children and himself! with particulars of that shocking catastrophe; to which is subjoined, REMARKS on the fatal tendency of erroneous principles and motives for receiving and obeying the pure and salutary precepts of the Gospel. Sept. 8.
FOR SALE, At No. 10, Long-Wharf, THE Cargo of ship Edward and Charles, from Russia—consisting of Hemp, Iron, Russia & Ravens Duck, Diapers, Huckaback and Beds. Sept. 8.
WINTER RYE. A QUANTITY of excellent Winter Rye for sale by POPE & DAVIS, No. 7 Muffey's Row. 9 Mo. 8, 1806.
William B. Peters, GREATFULLY acknowledges the liberal support he has hitherto received from the citizens of this town, in the TRUCKING BUSINESS, would further observe that owing to ill health he is unable to attend personally, which has given rise to a report that he has relinquished the business, which is not true; on the contrary his teams will be found on the stand, provided with a careful Overseer, (Mr. Alpheus Smith) in addition to the drivers, who will faithfully execute all commands of his friends and customers. Sept. 1.
The Maine Spelling Book. (Third Edition.—Price 1 D. 75 C. dozen, 20 C. single.)
CONTAINING a variety of Words, accented and divided, with moral and entertaining Lessons, useful Tables, &c.—To which is added, a Geographical Description of the United States in general, and the District of Maine in particular.
Notwithstanding the number of school books of this kind in use, the Maine Spelling Book has the largest sale of any Spelling book in this District—in many respects it is better calculated for the use of schools than any other Spelling book—being cheaper, correctly printed, on good paper; containing a great variety of Lessons in Spelling and Reading, and the arrangement and division such as greatly to lessen the labor of the master in teaching a large school.
The above Book may be had in sheets, or bound, by the gross, dozen or single, of THOMAS CLARK or ISAAC ADAMS, at their respective Book-Stores, Fifth-Street, Portland. August 11. (6w)
DANCING. MR. SMITH intends opening an Evening School for teaching the polite accomplishment of Dancing, the in September, instant: He hopes (by furnishing a convenient Hall and good Music) to render his School both instructive and pleasing to those who will honor him with their attendance, and assures them that his highest ambition will be to merit their approbation.—For terms apply at, No. 5, Union-Wharf, or at Mrs. Greenleaf's, Middle-Street. Sept. 8.
The following list of BLANKS, WELL printed, on good paper, are constantly for sale at the Book-Store of ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth-street.
Affirmations of Judgment, Writs and summonses, Executions, Subpoenas, Replevin writs, Rules or Agreements for References, Acknowledgements of Debt, Complaints, Search Warrants, Collectors Warrants, Memorandums, Complaints against Delinquents in the militia, Summons and Warrants against do. in the do. Warranty Deeds, Quitclaim do. Mortgage do. Bonds, Bills of sale, Leafes, Sheriff's Bail Bonds; Apprentices Indentures, Certificates of Publications, Filaments for marriage, Powers of Attorney, Bills of Exchange, Policies of Insurance, Bills of Lading, Debentures, Charter-Parties, Shipping Papers, Fishermen's do. Foreign Manifests, Coastwise do. Bills of sale for Vessels with the Register inserted, Do. with the Enrollment inserted, List of crews, Rolls de Equipage, Checks on the Maine Bank, Do. on the Portland do. Blank Notes, &c. &c.
BLANKS of all kinds printed at the Gazette-Office. Sept. 1.
Robert Kendall, WISHES to inform the public, that he has taken that spacious House at Freeport corner, (the property of Mr. Jacob Johnson,) to occupy as an INN.—Those who may please to honor him with their company, may depend on the best attendance. Freeport, Sept. 1.
Valuable Family Books. ORTON'S EXPOSITOR. THOMAS CLARK, has just received for sale, a short and plain EXPOSITION
Of the OLD TESTAMENT, with Devotional and Practical Reflections for the use of families, by the late Rev. JOHN ORTON, S. T. P. Published from the author's Manuscripts, by Robert Gentleman—price 12 dolls. 6 vols. octav. in boards, and 15 dolls. handsomely bound.
** Subscribers for the above work are requested to send for their books.
THE NEW UNIVERSAL BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY, and American Remembrancer of Deceased Men.
Containing complete and impartial accounts of the Lives and Writings of the most eminent persons, in every nation—but more particularly in those who have signalized themselves in America. By JAMES HARRIS, A. M.—4 vols. bound in neat, 10 dolls.—do. elegantly bound in calf, 11 dolls.
Belknap's American Biography Bonaparte and the French People Beauties of the Bible Carr's North in Summer Carver's Travels Cook's Voyages Death of Abel Gibbon's Surveying Gordon's History of America Guthrie's Geography with Atlas Hume's History of England, with Smollett's continuation, 12 vols. Hunter's Sacred Biography Free-Mason's Monitor Moral Monitor Morse's Geography Mavor's collection of Voyages and Travels, 24 vols.
Mavors Universal History, from the earliest record of time to the peace of 1801, 25 vs. Plutarch's Lives, Russell's Ancient and Modern History Follin's Ancient History Winterbotham's History of America, with Atlas Buchanan's Domestic Medicine Bell's Surgery Cullen's Practice Chefeldon's Anatomy Edinburgh New Dispensatory Townsend's Guide to Health Thompson's Family Physician Hooper's Medical Dictionary Underwood on Diseases of Children Water's Extracts from Bell's Surgery Zoonomia
Botanquet and Fullers Blackstone and Earl's Epitomes and Raymond's Reports. Macculoches Term Willes and Wilson's Cornish's Digest, Graydon's do. Gilbers Law of Evidence Epitomes Nisi Prius MacMally's Evidence Peak's ditto Town Officer, Clerk's Magazine Probate, Directory and Justices Assistant.
The Works of the BRITISH POETS —containing the works of Addison, Armstrong, Green, Akenside, Burns, Gray, Johnson and Collins, Milton, Pope, Thomson, Watts and Young. Also,
A general assortment of SCHOOL BOOKS, Blank Note Books, with an assortment of STATIONARY.
TICKETS, Halves, Quarters, and Eights, in the Piscataqua Bridge, Harvard College, and Hatfield Bridge Lotteries. Sept. 1.
EVENING SCHOOL. IN order to keep two Quarters, the Subscriber will commence his Evening School on the first Monday of September next, at the UNION SCHOOL ROOM; where a convenient lighted room and instruction four nights in a week, will be provided for Three Dollars per Quarter. One Dollar paid at entrance.
Where likewise will be taught, Surveying, Navigation, Book-keeping and a short, easy and accurate method of calculating. LUNAR OBSERVATIONS, by DUNN'S LINEAR TABLES; by which the true Longitude at Sea, may be found in a few minutes of time. This method is then learned, and not easily forgotten; and has been highly approved, by the most experienced instructors in the United States.—By WILLIAM MOODY. Portland, August 25. (tl)
Tallow Chandlers, &c. A PERSON perfectly acquainted with the Tallow-Chandling and Soap-Boiling Business, wishes an engagement to manufacture by commission, in steady employ or otherwise.—Inquire of the printer. Portland, Sept. 8.
District of Maine—to wit, Be it remembered, that on the twenty first day of July, in the thirty-first year of the Independence of the United States of America, DANIEL JOHNSON, of said district here deposited in this office, the title to a book the right whereof he claims as proprietor, in the words following, to wit:—
"The Columbian Orthographer; or First Book for Children. In which the words are methodically arranged, rationally divided into syllables; and accurately accented according to the best authority. For the use of Schools—by JAMES PINK. In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors or proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned;" and also an act entitled "An act supplementary to an act entitled an act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors or proprietors of such copies, during the time therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving and engraving historical and other prints." HENRY SEWALL, Clerk. A true copy as of record. Aug. 8.