The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1799-02-13 00:00:00

The Providence Journal.
AND TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. at the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 7. ]
WEDNESDAY, February 13, 1799.
[ Vol. I. ]
REPORT of the SECRETARY OF STATE, ON THE TRANSACTIONS RELATING TO THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE, SINCE THE LATEST COMMUNICATIONS TO CONGRESS ON THAT SUBJECT.
[Concluded from our last.]
WHEN the French Directory wished to enlarge the field of depredations on neutral commerce, and on the 4th of January, 1798, proposed to the two councils the project of the iniquitous law "to declare to be good prize every vessel and her cargo, to whomsoever belonging, if any part of the cargo came from England or her possessions"—there was a ready obedience. "The Directory think it urgent and necessary to pass the law." The plan of a decree is reported to the council of Five Hundred on the 11th, and "urgency" being declared, is immediately and unanimously adopted. It goes to the Council of Ancients—that council approves the act of "urgency," and on the 18th of January the project of the Directory becomes a law.
This law was necessary for the French government: so many American vessels had been entrapped by the Directory's decree of March 2, 1797, requiring the role d'équipage , that the residue were now generally provided with that paper: some new pretext was therefore requisite for "seizing" the people of the United States of their property; and an ordinance of one of the kings of France, made near a century past, having declared lawful prize, the vessels and their cargoes, in which were found English merchandise "belonging to enemies,"—the Directory declare that the provisions of this ordinance ought to be extended, to comprehend the vessels and cargoes of friends: that is, of allied and neutral nations. The Directory knew that the United States, whose inhabitants were chiefly cultivators, required a greater supply of English manufactures than any other neutral country of equal population; and those manufactures too were, from the course of American commerce, combined with almost all our mercantile operations, and pervaded entirely our great coaling trade. Hence it is evident that this law was chiefly aimed at them.
It will be remembered also, that this law was passed while our three envoys were at Paris, where they had passed three months unheeded by the French government, except by its indignities—and when they had in vain solicited to be heard on the just claims of our citizens, plundered and ruined under the former decrees of the republic. This time was preferred, in order to add insult to injury. The envoys had firmly resisted her demands of loans and douceurs; and when speaking of their country, dared to intimate that it was independent: it was therefore requisite, on the French system, to "chastise," as well as to "fleece" it.
In closing this subject, it will be proper to notice an assertion of Mr. Talleyrand, in a conversation with the envoys on the 2d March, 1798. In reply to some observations of his respecting the proofs of friendship required by France from the United States, Gen. Pinckney observed, that the envoys being in France was a proof of the friendly disposition of our government; and that while they were there, the French government had passed a decree for seizing neutral vessels having on board any article coming out of England; which, in its operation would subject to capture all our property on the ocean. Mr. Talleyrand replied, "that this was not particular to us, but was common to all neutral powers." This assertion of Mr. Talleyrand is not true. Although the decree in its terms is general, and applicable to all the neutral powers, yet in its operations, it was not designed to be, and has not been so applied—it has not touched a vessel of Prussia. The motives of this exemption are obvious: France wished not by irritating Prussia to add so powerful a nation, and one so near at hand, to the number of her enemies, while her peace with Austria remained precarious. But this exemption of Prussian vessels from the operation of a general law, merits particular notice. It demonstrates that there exists in the French republic, a dispensing power—a power above the laws—a power which can prevent its execution: and it is alike demonstrable, that this sovereign controlling power can exist, and in fact does exist, in the Executive Directory. It might then, if the Directory desired it, be exercised in the exemption of American as well as Prussian vessels: but the Directory do not desire it: we have not yet been sufficiently "fleece" and "chastised."
Mr. Skipwith's letter of the 4th of August inclosed the decree of the Executive Directory already noticed, passed the 31st of July, respecting French depredations in the West-Indies, and on the coast of the United States. His letter of the 8th of August, inclosed Mr. Talleyrand's letter to him of the 6th, respecting that decree in which it is plain that the minister supposed the world, and particularly the United States, will be amused by that illusory device, and imagine that it was intended to stop abuses, and give security to neutral commerce.
Mr. Skipwith's letter of the 22d of August, covers another letter from Mr. Talleyrand, dated the 20th of August, in which he incloses copies of two letters from the minister of marine, respecting American seamen who had been imprisoned. When in July last, an embargo was
laid on the American merchant vessels in the ports of France, the agents of the marine took out their crews and threw them into prison; thus hazarding the loss of the vessels, and injuring the men by confinement and the bad provisions of their jails. These seamen were ordered to be released. The other letter from the minister of marine required, that no injury should be done to the safety and liberty of the officers and crews of American vessels found to be in order, nor to passengers and other citizens of the United States having passports and protections.
The same letter from Mr. Skipwith inclosed the copy of a decree of the Directory passed the 16th of August, for taking off the embargo laid a month before on American vessels.
The decree itself occupies but two lines: but its preamble is extended for the purpose of insulting the government of the United States, when an act of common justice was done to some of their citizens: by insinuating that the government was "abandoned to the passions of the British cabinet!" This however is but the repetition of a calumny familiar in French diplomacy, respecting other nations as well as our own. Barras, President of the Directory, in his valedictory address to Mr. Monroe, declared that "France would not absolve herself by calculating the consequences of the condescension of the American government to the suggestions of her former tyrants!" professing at the same time great "esteem for the American people." Mr. Adet had before charged the American government with a "perfidious condescension to the English;" and after making his last communications to the government, he by their immediate publication under his orders, appealed from the government to the people of the United States. Yet Mr. Talleyrand says, that the French government has indeed "complained of the American government, but to the government itself;" meaning to have it understood, though carefully avoiding the expression, that it had complained to the government alone. With the like sophistry he attempts to evade our well founded allegations, that the French government has made reproachful and injurious distinctions between the government and people of the United States, endeavouring to separate the latter from the former. He says, "it is utterly false, notwithstanding the public and private insinuations which have been made in private writings and in solemn acts, that the French government has ever sought to detach the people of the United States from the constitution they have given themselves." Such a charge against the French government has not, that I know, ever been made by the American government: but we have accused them, and truly, with endeavours to detach the people of the United States from the government chosen by themselves to administer that constitution: and this the minister does not attempt to deny. The Directory would perhaps be contented that the people should retain the forms of "the constitution they have given themselves," and to which they are attached, provided they would elect to administer it men devoted to France, and ready to obey the intimations of her will. And because the people have not been thus obsequious, but have dared to make a different election—the French government has expressed its "terrible" resentment. Mr. Barlow has assured us, in the passage already cited from his letter, that for this single act of the people of the United States, in exercising freely their right of election, the Directory passed a decree "which was meant to be little short of a declaration of war;" by which it "was determined to fleece the people of their property;" certainly in expectation that by touching their feelings in that "nerve," they would be induced, in order to save their property, to submit implicitly to the government of France. Failing in this attempt, the French government made another, in the decree of the 18th of January, 1798, which, though general in its terms, I have shown to have been levelled directly and chiefly at the commerce of the United States. And this at the time (as I have before remarked) when three envoys extraordinary were waiting month after month; and most respectfully soliciting to be heard, and to enter on the discussion of all the subjects of difference between the two countries; and among these, on the French depredations on our commerce. Yet, Mr. Talleyrand has the confidence to assert, and to Mr. Gerry too, one of those envoys, that the French government "never refused and never will refuse to enter into discussion upon every proper subject of discussion." Does the minister mean that those depredations are not "a proper subject of discussion?" Yes, with respect to a vast proportion of them. Mr. Y. his private agent, explicitly told our envoys, that the condemnations of vessels for want of the role d'équipage were not to be questioned; "that being a point on which Merlin, while minister of justice had written a treatise, and on which the Directory were decided."
It is fit here to recollect another and a peremptory refusal of the French government, "to enter into discussion" upon the subject of difference between France and the United States.
General Pinckney, appointed a minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the French republic, went to Paris in the autumn of 1796.
There was at first (as in the case of the envoys extraordinary in 1797) a shew of receiving him; but soon the scene was changed; and he was not only refused a hearing, and after bearing a thousand indignities, ordered to leave France; but the predecessor of Mr. Talleyrand, Charles De La Croix, in a letter to Mr. Monroe, intended to be communicated to General Pinckney, declared (being specially charged to do so by the Directory, and Mr. De La Croix repeated the declaration to General Pinckney's secretary) "that it will not acknowledge nor receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States, until after the redress of the grievances demanded of the American government, and which the French republic has a right to expect from it." To this resolution we have seen the Directory adhere; and we have also seen, in the demands it made to our envoys extraordinary, as the indispensable preliminaries to any negotiation, what it meant by a "redress of grievances" prior to the reception of a minister from America; it consisted in a douceur for the pocket of the directors and ministers—in the purchase at par of thirty-two millions of Dutch securities, then worth but half that sum, and in loans as immense and indefinite as their depredations on our commerce.
The same letter from the French minister De La Croix to Mr. Monroe, affords another proof of the aim and endeavours of the French government to separate the people from the government of the United States. In the sentence next following the above quoted passage, Mr. De La Croix says, "I pray you to be persuaded, citizen minister, that this determination having become necessary, allows to subsist between the French Republic and the American people the affection founded upon former benefits and reciprocal interests."
If I were to allow myself to make any further reflections on the conduct of France towards the United States, it would be to illustrate the truth of Mr. Barlow's assertion, That the French government determined to fleece us. If the French government "listened (as Mr. Talleyrand says it does) "to nothing but justice," and really desired a reconciliation, it would have proposed to fix some measure of satisfaction , for the injuries it said it had received. Or if too proud to propose to us, at least it would have prescribed to itself some limit to reprisals : or at any rate, it would not have spurned us from its presence, when we respectfully presented ourselves, sought a reconciliation, and offered to make a just satisfaction for every injury we had committed. And if (as Mr. Talleyrand asserts) "the French government has not ceased to offer the exact justice it demands," it also would have permitted us to state our claims. But it would have been so easy to ascertain all the damages we had done; and their amount would have been so small, even if we agreed to pay for all English, Spanish and Dutch vessels brought by French cruisers into our ports, while all those nations were at war with France—a few of which the justice of the federal courts, in vindication of the sovereignty of the United States , rescued from the hands of the French consuls, agents and privateersmen; and if to that amount we also added ten times the value of the miserable corvette Le Cassius , a vessel which had been unlawfully fitted out for war in the United States, but which has been the burthen of every note from Adet's in 1795, to De La Croix's and Talleyrand's in 1796 and 1798, the amount of the whole, it was known, would be so small, the French government did not choose to have it ascertained: for then the injuries done by the French to the commerce of the United States must also have been examined and adjusted: and when adjusted, payment must have been made or stipulated: but in this, the French government doubtless thought, "it would find only a real disadvantage:" the amount of its own demands deducted from those of America, would hardly seem to have diminished the latter.
Such a mutual adjustment would also have been accompanied with a settlement of all questions and disputes about the construction of treaties, and all other subjects of difference: but in this also the French government, upon its own system, "would have found a real disadvantage." For it would have vastly reduced the field for privateering in the European seas; and in the West-Indies it would have been nearly annihilated: for there, for every vessel taken from the enemies of France, her cruisers have probably captured twenty belonging to the United States. But the French government, by always abstaining from making specific demands of damages—by refusing to receive our ministers—by at length proposing to negotiate in a mode which it knew to be impracticable—with the person who had no powers, and who therefore constantly refused to negotiate—and thus wholly avoiding a negotiation—it has kept open the field for complaints of wrongs and injuries, in order, by leaving them undefined, to furnish pretences for unlimited depredations.—In this way it "determined to fleece us." In this way it gratified its avarice and revenge—and it hoped also to satiate its ambition. After a long series of insults unresented, and a patient endurance of injuries, aggravated in their nature and unexampled in their extent—that the government expected our final submission to its will. Our resistance has excited
its surprize, and as certainly increased its resentment. With some soothing expressions, is heard the voice of wounded pride. Warmly professing its desire of reconciliation, it gives no evidence of its sincerity; but proofs in abundance demonstrate that it is not sincere. From slandering credit, and in that commanding attitude requiring implicit obedience—cowering, it renounces some of its unfounded demands. But I hope we shall remember, "that the tiger crouches before he leaps upon his prey."
TIMOTHY PICKERING.
Department of State, January 18, 1799.
FOR THE PROVIDENCE JOURNAL.
MR. CARTER,
I AM much gratified in observing that your paper is justly considered as uniting utility with elegance, and that it has acquired a circulation as general as your most sanguine friends could expect in this early stage of its appearance.
I noticed with great satisfaction, in a late number of the JOURNAL, a publication signed " A True American Yankee ," on the important subject of creating a respectable naval force for the defence of our growing commerce. It may perhaps appear unnecessary to add any remarks to the judicious observations of your correspondent, whose signature is well chosen, and whose performance breathes the spirit of the times when an American Yankee felt himself adequate to a British veteran—but as the subject is novel, and as it is highly interesting to the peace and security of our country, it should be inculcated and enforced on the public mind by " line upon line, and precept upon precept ." If an army was necessary to wrest from Great-Britain our violated rights, a navy is no less necessary to secure those rights from insult and injury. It has been asserted, in and out of Congress, that arming our merchantmen would commit the peace of our country—but the fallacy of this assertion is fully evinced by the history of the European maritime nations. The northern powers formed an armed neutrality for mutual defence, during the late war between this country and Great-Britain; and has not our own experience furnished ample and mortifying proof of the indispensable necessity of adopting measures to compel that respect for our rights which the simple remonstrances of justice can never obtain? The laws of nature, of nations and religion, are urged in vain against the imperious dictates of superior force, which it is evident virtually considers the maxims of civilians as " worm eaten things ;" for such Genet, in the plenitude of his insolence, styled them.
At the commencement of the present desolating war, the executive of our country, with that enlightened patriotism for which that branch of our government has been happily conspicuous, announced by proclamation that the United States had chosen a neutral position: the belligerent powers were designated, and a pacific line of conduct enjoined on all our citizens: it then became the duty of all as it was before the inclination of every good man to adhere to peace and amity with all the contending parties; and although as a nation we had an incontestible right to assume this station, did it secure us from annoyance? no; the British, without any previous indication, suddenly attacked our defenceless commerce, and despoiled us of millions. But as this wound is healed by a successful negotiation, it is best to touch it delicately, or rather only to glance at it, in order that we may not forget what may again happen. After that danger was averted, we flattered ourselves with the pleasing prospect of deriving an honest advantage from the crimes and the follies which so often embroil the nations of Europe. Our extreme and even culpable partiality to France rendered us unsuspicious of any injury from them; but as soon as the British discontinued their depredations, France, who had for several years been stunning all the world with the cry of " Rights of Man "—France rushed upon our navigation with all the fury of "a bear bereaved of her whelps;" and those adroit manufacturers of liberty and justice soon convinced us that the " little finger " of their tyranny "was thicker than the loins" of the English; and their spoliations continued till our commerce was almost annihilated, before our citizens were permitted to exercise the natural right of repelling those nautical robbers.—It is alledged by many patriotic people, whose intentions are good, that the war in Europe may soon terminate, and then a navy would be an useless and expensive incumbrance. But if we had this day authentic intelligence that peace was restored to that distracted country, it ought not for a moment to divert our attention from the great object of a navy. If we only advert to the experience of Great-Britain, it will appear that from the year 1689 to the present time, comprehending a period of 109 years, they have been 48 years of that number involved in war; which is about four years of war to five of peace, and are still engaged in the former. Let it be moreover considered, that the greater part of the time specified the European nations have tenaciously preserved the balance of power, which the French revolution has completely destroyed; and the nations they have

prostrated already begin to struggle to extricate themselves from their present unnatural and suffering state, which is very unfavourable to a permanent tranquility, even if peace now existed: but the "raging of the nations" has banished that invaluable blessing, and probably it will never return, to make a stable residence amongst them, till the arrival of that auspicious period when "The Lion and the Lamb shall repose together." But let me ask, will a prudent sick man wait till his disease acquires an incurable ascendancy before he applies for medical assistance? Shall we then delay providing a navy till the moment it should be floating on the ocean, that great highway of nations, which the bountiful Creator designed for the free use and accommodation of all?
As your valuable Yankee correspondent has expatiated on the existence of a navy establishment, and scouted that bug-bear from the field, it may be necessary only to remark, respecting that particular, that it is stated, on very correct authority, that "in the British empire, whilst the United States were a part of it, the American built ships were to the British as 23 to 40: New England furnished about three-fifths of the former." It will no doubt occur to the reader, that the disparity between this country and the greatest commercial power in the world, was no more than what is specified at a time when we were in a state of infancy, feeble and dependent; when our trade was fettered by colonial restrictions and navigation acts, and our revenue emptied into the treasury of Great-Britain. Imagination swells at the prospect of our augmented commerce, when our thoughts dart into futurity, and contemplate the rapid population, increasing resources, and enterprising spirit of our country. Look at Great-Britain, a little insular spot compared with our extensive territory, her principal port is the mart of all nations; and, as an inspired prophet said of ancient Tyre, "it is the crowning city, whose merchants are princes." But what has elevated them to the zenith of opulence and power? their commerce. And what has fostered and protected that commerce? their navy. It conducts their manufactures to all nations, and returns the wealth of all nations to replenish their treasury—to enrich individuals, and to animate industry. Once more—the building of a navy will have a tendency to combine the interests of the different branches of the union, as mutual advantage promotes mutual attachment. The southern states will have a home market for their naval stores—the eastern, ample employment for their artisans of all descriptions, and we shall all enjoy defence for our coast, protection for our commerce, and respect for our rights.
The building and equipment of a maritime force, composed of the number and size of ships recommended by the Secretary of the Navy, will invest the United States with a preponderating influence in the scale of European politics. When this is accomplished, and the sooner the better, our future envoys will never again be insulted with the mortifying "demand of tribute," only to purchase the wretched privilege of uttering their complaints.
But it is superfluous to add more on the subject. France has imposed on us the only alternative of taxation for ourselves, or tribute for them. Is there an American who can hesitate for a moment which to choose? The amount of the former when assessed is ascertained, its application is known, its expenditure is amongst ourselves, and for the security of our independence and dignity as a nation, and of our rights and enjoyments, civil and domestic—in a word, of all that is dear to us as men and as citizens—but the latter, that is tribute (I hate the word, and it is painful even to write the degrading term) but this tribute to foreign despots is an unbounded, imperious, increasing and insatiable demand; it incessantly reiterates the craving language of the horse leeches' daughters, mentioned by Solomon, "give, give." Millions disbursed for it discharge no debt, but is only a pledge for future payments, and a warrant for future exactions. It is therefore no paradox to affirm, that it is cheaper to pay a hundred dollars tax, than a cent tribute; because the former is regulated by the ability of those who pay; the latter by the avarice of those who demand; and they may claim a million as well as a cent. Add to this, that to submit to the one is a servile acknowledgment—to pay the other an honourable duty.
Let not the most timid and pacific citizen be alarmed at the proposition for a naval establishment; it is not designed to subject us to war, spoliations, or "diplomatic skill"—but on the contrary, to secure for our country the inestimable blessings of peace, prosperity and safety.
A TRUE AMERICAN.
European Intelligence.
VIENNA, October 10.
The Court Gazette of this day contains a long extract from the Manifesto published by the Ottoman Porte against France, and communicated to all the foreign ministers. It is to the following purport:
"It is known to all courts, that the friendship and good understanding of the Sublime Porte with France, in conformity with treaties, has been carefully maintained by the Porte. Immediately after the French revolution commenced, when the European powers confederated to make war upon France, the conduct of the rulers of that nation was highly irregular; but the Porte still observed its ancient alliance, and remained neutral. Frequently was it invited to take part in the war. The conduct of France daily excited greater enmity against her, and the keys of the country, to the north, were in the hands of the troops of the Emperor; the only arsenal of the French fleets in the Mediterranean (Toulon) had fallen into the power of the English; La Vendee was in a state of insurrection, and France weak, and in danger. Had the Porte then broken its neutrality, the French
nation must have been reduced to despair; but, on the contrary, it acted in a manner so favourable towards France, as frequently to excite the displeasure of other powers.
"After a conduct so generous, the Sublime Porte might reasonably have expected that France would have acknowledged the value of its friendship. But the persons in power in that country, only attentive to their own interest, and the extending and maintaining their own authority, sought to spread the fire of revolution, which had desolated their own country, over all others; to destroy every constitution and every religion; to plunder every thing valuable; and, mislead mankind by the empty phantom of liberty, to plunge the human race again into savage state. To obtain this end, and all means with them were just, they neither spared the most remote or the most friendly powers, but every where endeavoured to excite insurrection against regular authorities."
"On the one hand, the French envoy gave the Porte the strongest assurances of friendship, and endeavoured to prevail on it to engage in a war with other powers; while on the other side, the generals commanding in Italy were indefatigable in dispatching emissaries to Romelia, the Marea, and the islands, to excite the subjects of the Grand Seigneur to rebellion. The letter of Buonaparte to the Mainots, and other writings, the productions of his treacherous genius, are well known. When the Porte complained of this, the French government replied, that it wished nothing so much as to maintain its friendship with the Porte; but the generals made no alteration in their conduct, but acted more boldly and openly than before."
"The Porte by this was convinced of the falsehood of the assertions of the Directory, and the conformity of the criminal conduct of its ministers with their instructions. Though it appeared useless to make further complaints, hopes were entertained that it might be possible that the Directory might at last renounce the wretched policy of throwing the whole world into confusion; or that at length the French nation itself, wearied with the endless evils with which from the beginning of the revolution it had been overwhelmed, by the ambition and self interest of intriguing persons, would change the state of things. The Sublime Porte therefore was silent, and observing the utmost moderation, avoided every occasion of rupture."
"The French government had declared, that it had no wish to extend its territory, and that when peace should be concluded, the conquered countries should be restored. Yet France not only conquered large countries, but after her arts had separated the combined powers, she has attacked, without any other pretext than that of doing mischief, republics and other independent States which have observed the same neutrality as the Porte, and whichever they found them without defence."
"At length, totally dismissing all regard for honour and shame, and in order to declare to all nations that she is to be bound by no treaties, and make no difference between friendship and enmity, by a most unexampled violation of the rights of nations, she has, with piratical violence, attacked Egypt, the most valuable province of an empire from which she has received proofs of the most unequivocal of the sincerest friendship."
"As soon as it was known to the Porte that Egypt was to be attacked, the French envoy, Ruffin, was sent for to a conference, and questioned concerning the views of his government. He replied, that the plan of the Directory was totally unknown to him, but he believed it was intended to punish the Beys; and distress the English East-India trade. He was answered, that an attack on Egypt, under whatever pretence, would be considered by the Porte as a declaration of war, and that not a foot of land of Egypt would be ceded; that if the Beys had acted wrong, the Directory should have applied to the Porte; that there was the strictest friendship between the Porte and Great-Britain, and that no passage would be allowed through the States of the former, to the injury of the latter. Of all this he was to inform the Directory."
"Before he could send off these dispatches, he received another letter from the Directory, importing that Buonaparte was indeed going to Egypt, but only to punish the Beys; to procure advantages to the trade of France, and to do injury to that of England; and that an ambassador would be sent to Constantinople to point out to the Porte the various advantages that would result to it from this expedition; but if it could not understand them, would persist in making war, it would be immediately attacked by the two imperial courts. Of this unmeaning communication, Ruffin delivered a copy."
"Ali Effendi, envoy of the Porte at Paris, in consequence of orders he received, waited on Talleyrand Perigord, the minister for foreign affairs, and required of him a categorical explanation. This minister, who had probably forgotten what he had wrote to Ruffin, assumed the language of dissimulation, and absolutely denied that there was any intention to attack Egypt; that the commission of Buonaparte was only against Malta, and that the destruction of that Order deserved the thanks of all good Mussulmen."
"It is hence manifest, that the Directory wished to deceive the Porte, and gain time to seize the fate of their fleet. Blinded by pride and vanity, they have forgotten every thing that is called principle; not a word they say is to be confided in."
"Their arbitrary, violent measures, have no other object than to loosen the bands of union of all nations, to which end they employ both secret art and open fire and sword: they mean every where to erect feeble republics, which France may govern, and thus proceed to enslave the world."
[The remainder of this Manifesto states the Turkish preparations for war; the sending of the French ambassador to the Seven Towers, and calls upon all the European powers to make a common cause with the Porte.]
BRUSSELS, November 6.
Yesterday and the day before, during the whole day, there was fighting without interruption upon the canal of Brussels and Antwerp, particularly in the environs of Room, Wilbroeck, and of Capellen Aux Bois. A part of this last place was burnt by the republican artillery. The insurgents defended themselves with a rage bordering on despair; they lost a great number in these different actions. An officer and several wounded soldiers have been brought in here.
Yesterday, at two o'clock, large detachments of cavalry and infantry, with six pieces of cannon, went thence to attack the rebels again, who had joined with two other columns of troops. There will probably be this day a general attack of the rebels, and there is reason to hope it will be decisive on the points to which it will be directed. We learn, on the other hand, that in the departments of the Lys and the Forests, the rebels have again been beaten. Troops from all the armies continue to arrive.
LONDON, November 27.
Extract of a letter from Capt. Samuel Hood, of his Majesty's ship Zealous , to Rear Admiral Lord Nelson, R. B. dated off Alexandria, September 19, 1798.
On the 2d instant his majesty's ships Seahorse and Emerald chased in shore, where they anchored near the town of the Arabs, the French gun boat ( avisos ) L'Anemone , commanded by Ensigne de Vaisseau Garbon, of 4 guns and 62 men, having on board Gen. Camin, and citizen Valette, aid-de-camp to general Buonaparte, with dispatches from Toulon, which place they left July 27, and Malta August 26. On the approach of the boats of our ship, she fired on them, cut her cable, and ran in shore into the breakers. General Camin and aid-de-camp Valette, having landed with the dispatches, and the whole of the crew, were immediately attacked by the Arabs. The two former and some others making resistance, were killed, and all the rest stripped of their clothes. Her commander and a few of the men, about seven, made their escape naked to the beach, where our boats had by this time arrived, and begged on their knees to be saved. I am happy in saying the humanity of our people extended so far as to swim on shore with lines and small casks to save them, which they fortunately effected. Amongst these was particularly distinguished a young gentleman, midshipman of the Emerald , who brought off the commander Garbon at the hazard of his own life through the surf.
Almexa, off Damietta, Sept. 21.
SIR, I HAVE the honour of informing you that I arrived yesterday, off Damietta, and pursuant to your orders cut out all the vessels that were anchored in that road, being eight in number, loaded with wine and other necessaries for the French army.
I am, &c. GEORGE HOPE.
To Samuel Hood, Esq. Captain of his Majesty's ship Zealous , &c.
BALTIMORE, Feb. 1.
Arrived last evening, the ship Harriot , capt. William Martin, 51 days from Hamburg. Capt. Martin completed his voyage out and home in the remarkable short period of 108 days.
We most cheerfully express our thanks to capt. Martin for favouring us with the latest Hamburg papers (the latest received on the continent) to December 8.
Hamburg, Dec. 5.
Extract of a letter from Barcelona, Nov. 14. "We have received here the disagreeable intelligence, that the British have invaded Minorca with a considerable force."
A letter from Naples, of the 18th November, contains the following details:—"The French garrison in the city of la Vallette, on the Island of Malta, made a most desperate sally on the 6th of Oct. in which they cut the besiegers and their auxiliaries to pieces. Among the prisoners carried into the fortress were a number of officers of the king of Naples, who lays claim to Malta. Admiral Nelson has since appeared before the island, and summoned the garrison to surrender. But the truce returned with General Dubois's refusal:—The island of Gozza, near Malta, has surrendered to Admiral Nelson by capitulation. The garrison consisted of 113 men. They marched out with the honours of war, and are to be sent to France. The Neapolitan flag was immediately hoisted in the island. November 5, Admiral Nelson arrived at Naples with two of his ships and the prisoners from Gozza. Four Portuguese ships soon after followed him, which had suffered in a storm before Malta, for the purpose of repairing there.—The Imperial General Meck is gone to the Neapolitan army. It is momentarily expected that our troops will enter the territory of the Roman Republic. The king has put all the horses in the city in requisition. On the 5th of Nov. the French consul put up at his windows the emblem of the Republic, upon which the populace immediately collected and dashed the windows of the consulat to pieces. Lacombe St. Michel has presented a remonstrance to the Marquis de Gallo on the subject of this outrage."
A postscript to a letter from Hamburg, of the 29th of November, to a mercantile house in this town, says—
"Within these few days past, much talk has been caused by the arrest of Napper Tandy, and 6 other United Irishmen, at the request of the British minister. The French minister tells the Senate, that if they are not restored in 24 hours, he will leave the city. The Senate, however, still keep them in prison, and the matter in dispute is to be referred to the king of Prussia."
NEW-YORK, February 6.
Information for Merchants and Seamen of the United States. In December last, by order of the President of the United States, letters, under the date of December 15th 1798, were dispatched to Fulwar Skipwith, then our consul general in France; Joseph Fenwick, consul at Bordeaux; Nathaniel Gutting, at Havre; and William Vans, at Morlaix; directing them severally no longer to exercise their respective functions for and in behalf of the United States.
The whole consular authority for the United States in France, is now vested in three gentlemen whose names follow, viz. Stephen Cathalin, at Marseilles, who will attend to American affairs respecting seamen, &c., in the French ports on the Mediterranean.
Isaac Cox Barnet is removed from Brest to Bordeaux. And P. E. Dobre is continued at Nantes. These two gentlemen will superintend all proper cases of seamen, &c., occurring in the French ports on the Atlantic.
Yesterday there was a universal suspension of business, and the day was consecrated to humiliation and prayer. The churches were thronged with their respective congregations; and the most fervent supplications were offered up for the exemption of our city from further visitations by pestilence.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, January 29.
THE Quarantine and Health Laws Bill passed.—Several petitions, &c., were read and disposed of.
NAVAL AUGMENTATION.
The House in Committee Resolved, That two Docks be established in the United States, for which 50,000 dollars are appropriated.—That 100,000 dollars be appropriated for purchasing Timber.—That the Navy be augmented SIX SHIPS, TO CARRY NOT LESS THAN SEVENTY-FOUR GUNS each, to be built or purchased in the United States.—Sum appropriated 1,000,000 dollars: That the President be authorized to augment the number of guns on board the vessels now in service, or building, and that 35,000 dollars be appropriated therefor.—That the President be authorized to take the Revenue Cutters into service: Bills are to be brought in pursuant to the above resolutions.
Wednesday, January 30.
A Bill for the support of the Military Establishment for 1799, read and committed.
Two Petitions, respecting the repeal of the Alien and Sedition Bills, were read, and committed, as usual.
A Bill for amending the Stamp Act was discussed, and several clauses adopted, but the whole was not finished.
The Treasury Department communicated the statements thereon for the last year.
Thursday, January 31.
Several petitions about the Alien, Sedition, Stamp and other Laws, were presented and committed.
THE STAMP ACT
Amendment bill was again discussed, and several alterations made; when it passed for a third reading to-morrow. A motion to allow the supervisors 4 per cent. passed—Yeas 49, Nays 40: On this subject Mr. Gallatin observed, that complaints had come in this day of the burden of taxes: If those citizens were to hear that such an high commission was proposed for compensation to this officer, in the same day, he did not know but they would have ground to think that too much of the taxes were used to pay our officers.
Mr. Otis, in answer, said he would not enquire into the origin of this dislike to certain laws, but he had no doubt much diligence was used to mislead the people; but when those people came to be informed of the real necessity of those measures, and that taxes were not only reasonable, but really for the interest of the country, their remonstrances would be stopped, and a contrary effect would be wrought on their minds.
Friday, February 1.
NAVAL AUGMENTATION.
Bills for augmenting the Navy, and fixing the pay of Captains, &c.—for establishing Dock-Yards, and for purchasing Timber, were severally read twice, and committed.
THE STAMP ACT
Amendment Bill passed to be enacted. It commences operation the 31st of March next.
A Resolution on the subject of a treaty with the Creek Indians, passed; and a bill ordered.
DIRECT TAX.
A Bill emendatory of the Dir. & Tax Act was debated, but was not gone through with.
ARMY.
A Bill came down from the Senate for authorizing the President, in case of war, or imminent danger, to augment the military force with 24 regiments of infantry, a battalion of artillery and engineers, and three regiments of cavalry. The bill also contains provisions respecting the volunteer corps.
To the Editor of the Providence Journal.
SIR,
AS the health and happiness of man so much depend on the nature and variations of the air; observations on this element, which will tend to secure its benefits and avoid its inconveniences, cannot be uninteresting. I have therefore begun a course of observations, which I propose to enlarge and continue, and for which I now solicit a place in your JOURNAL. At present, I can furnish an estimate only of the heat and cold, as I am possessed of no philosophical instrument, except a thermometer. It would be a desirable acquisition, if some person in the town of Providence, who has a good Barometer, would present you with a weekly statement of the weight of the air. This might be printed in a column adjoining that which contains the estimate of heat and cold. The weight of the air is its most important property, for the whole world is interested in it, particularly plants and animals. I began my observations last Thursday morning, and have continued them till this morning. I now present them, hoping that this small attempt will excite the attention of some person possessed of an apparatus sufficient to make a complete course of Meteorological Observations. J. M.
Rhode-Island College, Feb. 12, 1799.
FEBRUARY, 1799.
   DAYS. HOURS. TEMPER.     THURSDAY, 7 1 8 9 34 29 29   FRIDAY, 8 1 8 9 38 44 50   SATURDAY, 9 1 8 9 56 51 58   SUNDAY, 10 1 8 9 35 35 31   MONDAY, 11 1 8 9 42 49 49   TUESDAY, 12 1 8 9 39 39 39  

Our readers will find the report of the Secretary of State, be in our last, and concluded in this number, highly interesting: We cannot forbear to give the following observations thereon from the New-York Spectator:
"In this important state paper, the hand of T. PICKERING, Esq., is readily recognized—that peculiar energy and simplicity of style, the patriotism, integrity, and sacred regard for truth, which so eminently characterize this Statesman, are traced in every line of this document. If any thing has been wanting to expose more clearly the "foul abominations" of the French rulers, in their conduct towards America, this ingenious and candid production is sufficient to make up every deficiency. The insufferable pretensions of that unprincipled and haughty power are, in a comprehensive view, laid open in such a manner as must excite pleasure in the mind of every person who delights in the detection and exposure of villainy, and who prefers the interests and honour of his own country, to the vile duplicity and insolent tyranny of a foreign government."
FROM THE COLUMBIAN CENTINEL. BUONAPARTE'S EXPEDITION.
Divested of the gaseous which envelopes all modern French accounts of events, the short and long of the prolixity from BUONAPARTE'S army in Egypt, are, That he arrived at Cairo about the 23d of July, and was there the 11th of October;—that he was amusing, fraternizing and regimenting the natives;—new fashioning the government after the Parisian cut;—attending and making festivals;—and securing the Diarchy in the capital of Egypt, by detachments of his forces in Syria to Suez on the Red Sea, and upon the banks of the Upper Nile;—and by incorporating with his forces all the Arabs and Mamelukes he could cajole or frighten into his ranks.
If India was the prime object of BUONAPARTE'S expedition, why should he tarry two months at Cairo? From the known activity of this General, his stay at Cairo shows, that the colonization of the regions of Egypt, and not the conquest of India, is his aim; and if so, then his expedition is of no more real interest to the United States, than if he had made his descent on New-Holland, or had revolutionized the governments of Siam and California.
FROM FRANCE—DIRECT.
There are several letters in town direct from Paris, in which the subject of the existing difficulties between the two countries, is freely discussed. All we have seen concur in applauding the manly and dignified opposition made in the United States to French hostility; and that the spirited and patriotic measures adopted by Congress, and seconded by the people's voice and offerings, have had the most penetrating effect in Europe.—That they had inspired the neutral nations with confidence; and that the language of complaint, which before had been heard only in whispers, had assumed the style of injured virtue. At the same time that it had effected an entire change in the language of the French Dictators. Instead of that contumely and hauteur which have unceasingly been exhibited for years, nothing was to be heard from the Directorial Agents but the accents of peace, mildness and friendship. As if waking from a trance, the Directory appeared to be convinced that its rigorous conduct to neutrals had not only been hurtful to France, but had been beneficial to its enemies; and that it ought to be renounced, even at the expence of its pride, provided a similar disposition should be manifested by its opponents:—that in consequence, it apparently meditated to repeal all the acts of France, authorizing the capture of neutral property against the law of nations, as impolitic and unjust:—That the Directory is aware its apparent mildness will be ascribed to fear; but it seems willing to have it appear as a return of justice:—That it knows America to be united to resist all depredations from any power whatever; and that the writers think the present the most favourable period for a reconciliation that could have happened; provided the United States do not in the least degree relax the efficient measures which have produced the change.
The above are the opinions of well informed men. If, however, the Directory of France is sincere in its friendly and mild desire to do justice, and effect a reconciliation—let it give an evidence in deeds—let it repeal its laws—restore the plundered American property—call in its privateers, and release the American vessels in its ports from durance. Let it do these, and the President of the United States has declared the door of reconciliation to be open, and until it doth these, the United States will not relax a fibre in her preparations for war.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of high respectability to the Editor.
"I have to acknowledge a line from you on the subject of promoting the circulation of the JOURNAL.—This useful paper meets with general approbation; but from the great number of papers received here, so large a subscription as I could with its prevention; but as several of them will be discontinued, the number of your subscribers will increase: I consider the JOURNAL as the most useful paper of any printed in the State: it might be made still more so, by publishing the laws of the United States. It appears to me there is a deficiency in government in not having the laws more public. I do not recollect of seeing published the Alien and Sedition Acts, against which such clamours are made in the southern states."
"As Congress have resolved to increase our naval establishments, with a compliment may be paid to a patriotic farmer in the vicinity of this town, who has for many years carefully preserved a beautiful grove of the largest oaks, and lately expressed a wish that he might have the honour of furnishing timber for at least one ship of the line."
"Preparations we understand are making in Boston, for celebrating the birth-day of Lieutenant General WASHINGTON."
"Several respectable subscribers have suggested the propriety of giving a Price-Current in the JOURNAL, we this day present one corrected by the latest New-York Price Current."
Strange as it may appear, yet it is a fact, that the parchment cartridges, 24, 18, and 9 pounders, taken out of the French prizes captured off the coast of Ireland, on unlading their stores, prove, on examination, to be made out of the prayer-books they plundered in France and Italy. On ripping them open, several beautifully illuminated initials were discovered, elegantly painted in the title of a highly finished miniature, particularly an holy family, and a Romish priest administering the Sacrament.
The American government, having made application to our ministers, that such American seamen as are on board the English fleet, be discharged and sent home to man the ships of their nation: the lords of the admiralty gave orders to that purpose. Lon. pap. Nov. 20.
Amount of flour shipped for exportation at the port of Philadelphia, in the year 1798, 100,475 barrels.
NEW-HAVEN, Jan. 31.
The PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES.
WE, the Bishop, Clergy and Lay Delegates of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the State of Connecticut, in convention assembled, embrace this opportunity of expressing our affectionate attachment to the laws and constituted authorities of the government under which we live.
Affairs of state, Sir, are never the subject of our discussion; yet at this important crisis, we do not consider it improper to certify the Chief Magistrate of the United States, that we entertain a grateful sense of the numerous blessings, both civil and religious, which we enjoy. Whilst a desolating war rages among the nations of Europe, and daily threatens to involve us in all its calamities, we believe, Sir, that unity, under the gracious protection of Heaven, will prove our strongest shield of defence. Impressed with the importance of this sentiment, we assure the rulers of our country, that we will use our best endeavours to promote unity of opinion, respect for the laws, and reverence for all that are in authority over us. And to our best endeavours, we add our prayers to Almighty God, "Beseeching him to direct and dispose the hearts of Christian rulers, that they may truly and impartially administer justice to the punishment of wickedness and vice, and to the maintenance of true religion and virtue."
(Signed) ABRAHAM, Bp. Connecticut.
ANSWER.
GENTLEMEN, I THANK you for this Address, agreed on in convention assembled, and presented by Mr. Hillhouse, one of your Senators in Congress.
Your affectionate attachment to the laws and constituted authorities of the government under which you live, is at once a demonstration of candour, moderation and liberality in yourselves, and in those laws and authorities. Although affairs of state, as such, are never the subjects of your discussion, yet it is impossible for you at some times to discuss the subject of your church, without discussing those of the state, or to explain the duties of men and Christians, without inculcating those of citizens. It is not in your power to bestow a higher eulogium on the government of your country, than by this explicit acknowledgement of the grateful sense you entertain of the numerous blessings of civil and religious liberty which you enjoy. May you and your posterity ever enjoy them, and freely as you have received, may you freely give.
Your endeavours to promote unity of opinion respecting the laws, reverence for all in authority, are in character, and your prayers to Almighty God, "Beseeching him to direct and dispose the hearts of all Christian rulers, that they may truly and impartially administer justice to the punishment of wickedness and vice, and to the maintenance of true religion and virtue,"—I sincerely hope and believe will avail much. JOHN ADAMS.
Port of Providence.
ENTERED.
Schooner Nancy Wright, Brown, New-London; schooner Commerce, Mawney, St. Croix; sloop Friendship, Russell, New-York; sloop Warwick, Trowbridge, do.
CLEARED.
Sloop Betty, Child, St. Christopher's; sloop Independence, Bowler, Teneriffe; sloop Victory, Luce, New-York; brig Polly & Betty, Fenner, St. Croix; sloop Dove, Swain, Nantucket.
Arrived on Tuesday last, the Schooner Commerce, capt. Mawney, 19 days from St. Croix.—Left there the brig Nancy and Polly, Lowell, and Schooner Gray, both from Portland. February 8, in lat. 34 30, spoke a brig from Surinam, bound to New-York. Sailed in company with the brig Eliza, capt. Dennison, bound to New-Haven, and parted with him two days after.
Capt. Mawney brings a confirmation of the sloop of war Montezuma having taken two French privateers, one of 12, and another of 18 guns; and further says, that the frigate United States, Capt. Barry, chased a French privateer into Guadalupe, and followed her to close in, that he was in great danger from the guns fired from the fort, as he was becalmed. Several heavy shot fell within four feet of the frigate.
The ship Harriot, Capt. W. Martin, arrived at Baltimore in 51 days from Hamburg, left there on the 6th of December the following American vessels:
Ships Dauphin, Fitch, and Dispatch, Brushby, New-York; Ships Amazon, Trivett, Nancy, Joy, and Superb, Fernal, Boston; Brigs Propper, Williams, and Pragee, Vauantrop, New-York; Brig Bee, Hanlon, Philadelphia; Brig Salem, Ober, Salem.
Schooner Frederick, Clark, for the coast of Guinea, ready to sail.
Brig Aurora, Woodman, at Crushaven, ready to sail. December 10, sailed from Crushaven in company with the ship Four Friends, of and for Philadelphia, Capt. Hubbard. Dec. 14, parted company with the Four Friends, Fair Island bearing S. E. distant about 4 leagues.
Jan. 1, spoke the ship Thetis, of Boston, from Charleston, bound to London, lat. 43 30, long. 41 16, W.
Jan. 22, spoke the brig Little George, of and from New-York, Captain Griffin, bound to St. Thomas.
Charleston, Jan. 18.
The Herring ship Northern Star, J. D. Shower, master bound to this port, foundered in a gale of wind in the North Sea, on the first of November last. The whole of the crew perished, except three sailors.
Philadelphia, February 6.
The brig reported to be ashore on Horeford Bar, proves to be the Polly, Senkey, from New-York to this port. She has since got over the bar into the inlet, with trifling damage.
Late last evening, we received from our Boston Correspondent the papers of that place printed on Monday and yesterday: they contain not one article of consequence.
The Minerva, for London, sailed on Sunday, well armed and equipped.
Letters from Capt. John Prince, of the Snow Hope, belonging to Boston, state, that on his passage from Surinam, with a valuable cargo, he was taken and carried into Barbados, and after two trials fairly acquitted; the letters further state that he should sail in a few days with a convoy.
PROVIDENCE BANK, Feb. 12, 1799. ALL persons who are desirous to subscribe to a LOAN of FIVE MILLIONS of DOLLARS, proposed by the United States, are informed that the books are now open at this Bank, and will continue open until three o'clock on Saturday next, when the Subscription will close, and the receipts be forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasury, agreeably to his directions.
By order of the President and Directors, OLNEY WINSOR, Cashier.
TO BE SOLD.
A Good FARM, pleasantly situated in the south part of Smithfield; containing about 156 acres of land, including a valuable cedar swamp within half a mile of the premises: A dwelling-house, barn, and corn-crib near the centre of the improvements; well proportioned with pasture, orchard, meadow, and tillage land; a plenty of timber, and the farm well watered; two saw-mills, two grist-mills, a fulling-mill, and a blacksmith's shop, within half a mile of the premises, with many other good advantages. It will be sold on reasonable terms, and the pay made easy, if applied for soon. For terms, apply to the subscriber, on the premises.
JOHN WINSOR.
Smithfield, Feb. 13, 1799.
FLAX-SEED.
WANTED by the subscriber, two thousand bushels of FLAX-SEED, for which a generous price will be given.
SAMUEL BROWN.
Said BROWN has for sale, painters' colours, dye-stuffs, &c. of almost every description. He executes ornamental painting and gilding with accuracy and attention.
February 13.
(t.b.c.)
NOTICE.
THE Stockholders of the Providence Bank are desired to meet at the Bank-House on Saturday next, at 10 o'clock in the morning, to consider and decide on a proposition for uniting the new established Insurance Company with said Bank, by receiving part of their funds, in eight per cent. stock of the United States, and giving them Bank Shares for the same, on such terms, and to such an amount, as the Stockholders of the Bank, and the Directors of the Insurance Company may agree. The Directors of the said Insurance Company are also desired to attend, that the business may be adjusted previous to the loan of five millions being closed at said Bank, which will be, as advertised by the cashier, at 3 o'clock of the same day.
JOHN BROWN, President.
February 13, 1799.
For Sale.
THE FARM on which the subscriber lives, in Plainfield, in Connecticut. It lies near the centre of the town, on the stage road from Providence to Norwich, containing about 200 acres. The buildings are good, the land fertile and pleasant, and the situation very healthy. It will be sold all together or in lots, as may best suit the purchaser.
He has also three very valuable JACK-ASSES for sale, raised from the Spanish breed in the country.
ELISHA PERKINS.
Plainfield, February 8, 1799.
(t.b.c.)
Sales at Auction.
On FRIDAY, the 15th instant, By Jacob Whitman, jun. & Co.
At their Auction Room,
No. 2, Westminster-street.
A FEW Pipes of Cider Brandy
A few hds. of Molasses
2 hds. of Jamaica Rum
A few barrels of Gin
A few ditto of Jamaica Spirits
1 Pipe of Malaga Wine
Ginger in Kgs
Gin Casks
Boxes of Chocolate
India Cottons, by the piece
Mens' and Boys' Hats
A few pieces of Irish Linens, &c. &c.
Sales to begin at 10 o'clock.
February 13.
To the PUBLIC.
THE Purchasers of the Almanack, published by the undersigned, for the present year, will please to notice and forgive an error, which has escaped till now his observation. By some means, Easter is placed on the first Sunday in March, instead of the fourth. He begs those who are interested in the observation of the moveable feast in the Protestant Episcopal Church to amend the blunder by noting Easter on their Almanacks on the fourth Sunday of March, and crafting it on the first. The other days of observance, consequent upon Easter, they will attend to of course.
It is a duty he owes the purchasers of his Almanack to give this notice of an error, wherein many are interested; and he does it in this public manner on the moment of its discovery.
Worcester, Jan. 15. ISAIAH THOMAS.
Prices Current at New-York.
February 2.
Table with 4 columns: Item, Unit, From D.C., To D.C. Items include ASHES, Beans, Beef, Brandy, Bread, Candles, Coal, Cocoa, Coffee, Cordage, Cotton, Duck, Flax-seed, Fish, Flour, Furs, Hemp, Indigo, Iron, Lumber, Molasses, Nail Rods, Oil, Pepper, Pitch, Plaster of Paris, Rum, Salt, Sugar, Tea, Tar, Tobacco, Wines.
PRICE OF STOCKS.
Table with 2 columns: Stock Type, Price. Includes 6 per cent. (not amount) for cash, 3 do. do., Deferred do., National Bank Shares, do.
COURSE OF EXCHANGE.
Table with 2 columns: Bill Type, Rate. Includes Bills on London, 30 days, For cash, do. do. 60 days.

Original Poetry.
TO AMANDA.
CALM was the night, and still was every breeze; The distant main was faintly heard to roar; A solemn murmur whisper'd in the trees, And the pale moon-beam slept along the shore.
'Twas meditation's solitary hour— Along the borders of a stream I stray'd, I saw the mule, and felt her magic power, As with light feet she press'd the verdant glade.
To thee, AMANDA, did my soul repair, And view'd with joy that heav'n-illumined face; Where blushes sweet the spotless mind declare, Array'd in all the dignity of grace.
Early in life the celestial genius fired Around thy form the rays of love refin'd; She pour'd rich blessings on thy happy head, And in thy bosom fix'd the feeling mind.
What soft eye-unmour'd can e'er behold Thy flowing locks, by artless nature dress'd, That turn and wind in many a careless fold, And roll luxuriant down thy snowy breast?
Need I describe thy beauty-beaming eyes, Where all the powers of sweet persuasion glow; Which smile when pleasure's airy phantoms rise, Or melt in pity at the tale of woe?
Beauty, alas! is but a summer flower In which no real happiness is found; It buds, and blooms, and withers in an hour— Then lies neglected on the lowly ground.
But the sweet virtues which adorn thy form Shall take deep root, and long shall blossom here, And when transplanted, shall survive the storm, And bloom more glorious in a happier sphere.
HERMES.
MR. PICKERING'S REPORT.
WHEN this able and spirited paper was read in the House of Representatives, on the 21st ult. Mr. Sewall moved for the usual number of copies to be printed.
If ever any thing written by man deserved to be printed, this report certainly deserved it; yet was there found, in that house, a man with brass enough to oppose it. This was Macon, of the ancient dominion, who said, that the report was of a very novel nature; that it was the first time that the heads of departments had thought it necessary to make a comment on facts laid before the house. He said it was a complete satire on the members of the house, and he called upon gentlemen to reflect before they voted.
They did not take much time to reflect, for Mr. Sewall's motion was carried 46 to 35, and the perspicacious Macon was obliged to sit down under his disappointment.
Reader, have you carefully perused Mr. Pickering's Report? If you have, can you conceive how any American, after having heard it through, could possibly object to its being printed? It is a complete history of the duplicity, the villainy of the French Directory towards these States; it unravels all their infernal intrigues, and exposes them, in their monstrous deformity, to the indignation of the people whom they have insulted and injured, and whose total ruin and subjugation they had planned. I make not a single exception, when I say, that this report contains more useful information than any thing ever published in America; and, as a State Paper, it does infinite honour to the gentleman who wrote it, and to the country that has had the wisdom to avail itself of the aid of his talents and his integrity. Yet, this valuable production founded harsh in the ears of patriotic Macon; he wished to keep it out of print; but he will not fail, when occasion serves, to boast of his adoration of the sovereign people, and of their right to be fully informed on every subject!
FORCUPINE'S GAZETTE.
By Authority.
WHEREAS, by an act of Congress passed on the 16th day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, the President of the United States is authorized to borrow on behalf of the United States, from the Bank of the United States, or from any other body or bodies politic or corporate, or from any person or persons, and upon such terms and conditions as he shall judge most advantageous for the United States, a sum not exceeding five millions of dollars; so, however, that no contract or engagement be made which shall preclude the United States from reimbursing any sum or sums borrowed at any time after the expiration of fifteen years from the date of such loan: And whereas it is declared by the said act, that so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on imports and tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be pledged and appropriated for paying the interest, and also for paying and discharging the principal sum or sums of all the monies which may be borrowed, according to the term or terms which may be fixed, pursuant to the authority aforesaid: And whereas by the said act, the faith of the United States is pledged to establish sufficient permanent revenues for making up any deficiency that may hereafter appear in the provisions before mentioned for paying the interest and principal sums, or either of them, of any monies which may be borrowed pursuant to the said act: And whereas the President of the United States did, by an act or commission under his hand, dated the ninth day of January, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, authorize and empower the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow, on behalf of the United States, any sum, not exceeding in the whole five millions of dollars, and to make such contract or contracts as should be necessary, and for the interest of the United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress above recited:
NOW THEREFORE, the undersigned, Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of the act of
Congress, and the authority from the President of the United States, above mentioned, doth hereby, on behalf of the United States of America, contract and engage in manner following, to wit:
1st. A book for receiving subscriptions to a loan of five millions of dollars, for the use of the United States, shall be opened in the city of Philadelphia, at the Bank of the United States, on Thursday the twenty-eighth day of February ensuing; which book shall continue open, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions, until the whole of the said five millions of dollars shall be subscribed. If more than five millions of dollars shall be subscribed on the first day of opening the said loan, the surplus shall be deducted in proportion to the sums subscribed by individuals, exceeding four thousand dollars.
2d. For every hundred dollars which may be subscribed, there shall be forthwith deposited and paid the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents and like payments of twelve dollars and fifty cents shall be made within the first ten days of the months of April, May, June, July, August, September and October ensuing. The Secretary of the Treasury however reserves the right of reducing the number of instalments, by special agreements with the individuals who may become subscribers.
3d. On the failure of payment of any instalment of the sums subscribed according to the tenor of the second article, the next preceding instalment of twelve dollars and fifty cents, which shall have been paid, for every hundred dollars subscribed, shall be forfeited to the United States.
4th. The sums subscribed shall and may be paid to the credit of the United States, at the Bank of the United States, or at the offices of discount and deposit of the said Bank at Boston, New-York, Baltimore or Charleston, or at either of the Banks of Salem, in Massachusetts; Newport and Providence, in Rhode-Island; Hartford, in Connecticut; Albany, in New-York; or Alexandria, in Virginia; for which payments, the receipts of the Cashiers of the offices of discount and deposit, and of the Banks aforesaid, shall be received at the Bank of the United States as equivalent to money; but no payment of a subsequent instalment shall be received at any other place than that where the first instalment was paid, except at the Bank of the United States: in case any deposit shall be made at the offices of discount or deposit, or at either of the Banks aforesaid, which shall not be applied to the payment of the first instalment of subscriptions to the loan aforesaid, the said deposits shall be forthwith refunded by directions from the Treasury.
5th. For the sums or number of shares of one hundred dollars, which may be subscribed, certificates shall be given by the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, which shall be assignable by indorsement, and delivery of the parties in whose favour the said certificates may be issued, until the completion of the payments required by the tenor of the 2d article preceding.
6th. The sums subscribed and paid in pursuance of the tenor of the second article preceding shall, after the said payments have been completed, constitute a funded capital stock, divisible into shares of one hundred dollars each, which capital stock shall bear interest at the rate of eight per centum per annum from the times fixed for the payment of the respective instalments, payable quarter yearly at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan-Offices where the same may stand credited, until the last day of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
7th. After the last day of December, in the said year one thousand eight hundred and eight, and after reasonable notice to the creditors, which shall be given by an advertisement in some public newspaper, printed at the seat of the government of the United States, the said capital stock shall be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, by the reimbursement of the whole sum or sums borrowed, and which may constitute the said capital stock, either at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan-Offices where the same may stand credited.
8th. The credits for the said capital stock shall and may be separately certified in sums either for one hundred, four hundred, one thousand, four thousand, or ten thousand dollars; and the credits so certified shall be transferable by the creditors, or their attorneys, at the Treasury and Loan-Offices respectively, in pursuance of the rules which have been or which may be established relative to the transfer of the funded stock of the United States.
9th. A sufficient sum of the surplus of the duties on imports and tonnage, beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, together with the faith of the United States, are hereby pledged for the fulfilment of this contract, in pursuance of and according to the terms and conditions of the act of Congress herein before recited.
Given under my hand, and the seal of the Treasury of the United States, at Philadelphia, this twelfth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
John Harwood, jun.
OFFERS FOR SALE.
A LIQUID, prepared by himself, which, from long experience, has been proved to be a complete and radical cure for that loathsome disorder, the ITCH. This Liquid is simple in its composition, perfectly innocent in its operation, and is attended with no inconvenience whatever.
It is sold directly opposite the Turk's-Head, Market-street, at 4s. 6d. per bottle, with printed directions.
Jan. 30.
Benjamin Thurber,
At his shop, nearly opposite the Episcopal Church, at the sign of the BUNCH OF GRAPES, offers for sale a very good assortment of English, India, Scotch and other GOODDS:
AMONG WHICH ARE, A NEAT assortment of coloured taffetas, lute-strings, fustians, persians, modes, and some new fashioned silk; also straw bands for ladies hats, black girdles, and clasps, long and short womens' kid gloves.
Newest fashioned dark and light ground patches and chintzes, black ruffel, mureens of all colours, neat morocco and cloth shoes, broadcloths, durants and baizes, tambour muslins, muslinetts, dimities, and a variety of good laces of the newest fashion; ladies' hats, childrens' fur hats, elegant shawls, waistcoat patterns, best fleece cotton, nankeens and nankeens, some neat muffs, furs and crinines.
Spanish float and French indigo, warranted brass kettles, warming pans, London and Bristol powder, knives and forks, shovels and tongs, coffee-mills, candlesticks, an assortment of looking glasses, Delf, China and glass ware, iron hollow ware, cart and waggon boxes; clover seed, herdigrafts, red and bent seed, meal and lawn lieves.
West-India Goods, oranges, lemons, raisins, figs, tamarinds, and many other articles, too tedious to mention. The whole will be disposed of at a low advance.
All old friends and new customers are desired to call and see for themselves. A daily expect a fresh supply of goods from New-York and Boston.
Jan. 30, 1799.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. Feb. 4, 1799.
THE Creditors of Richard Lee, of Foster, in the county of Providence, labourer, are hereby notified to appear, if they shall think fit, at the General Assembly to be holden at East-Greenwich, on the last Monday of February instant, then and there to shew cause, if any they may have, why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in 1756, entitled "an act for the relief of insolvent debtors," ought not to be granted.
By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. Feb. 4, 1799.
THE creditors of William Horton, of Providence, in the county of Providence, Mason, are hereby notified to appear, if they shall think fit, at the General Assembly to be holden at East-Greenwich, on the last Monday of February instant, then and there to shew cause, if any they may have, why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in 1756, entitled "an act for the relief of insolvent debtors," ought not to be granted.
By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. Feb. 4, 1799.
THE creditors of Joseph Hendrick, of Smithfield, in the county of Providence, are hereby notified to appear, if they shall think fit, at the General Assembly to be holden at East-Greenwich, on the last Monday of February instant, then and there to shew cause, if any they may have, why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in 1756, entitled "an act for the relief of insolvent debtors," ought not to be granted.
By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
For SALE, by
Munro, Snow and Munro,
At their Store, next east of the Coffee-House,
FRESH Baltimore superfine FLOUR, in whole and half barrels—Also, Pilot and Ship BREAD; just received by the Schooner Olive-Branch, Capt. Remington.
They have also remaining on hand,
A few pipes of excellent Coniac-Bourdeaux BRANDY—some Jamaica RUM and SUGAR, and Turks-Island Salt.
N. B. To be Let, and entered upon immediately, on the west side of the bridge, near Capt. James Aborn's, a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, with a Wood-House, Yard and Garden.
Jan. 9, 1799. (t.b.c.)
NEW AND FASHIONABLE GOODS.
Samuel Ames
HAS JUST OPENED FOR SALE,
A N assortment of calicoes and chintzes, muslins, muslinetts and dimities; lute-strings and fustians, modes, fustians and tiffanies; Italian, crape and Rutland net gauze; silk, worsted and cotton hose; black and white silk gloves; long and short white and coloured kid gloves; a variety of plain and fancy ribbons; laces, edgings and fur trimmings; ferrets, tapes, bobbins and threads; pins and needles; fine and superfine broadcloths and cassimeres; fashionable cape velvets, ratineens, shalloons, rufels, durants, tammies, Irish linens and sheetings, fine and low priced India cottons, gentlemens and childrens fashionable fur hats, gilt, plated and steel coat buttons; ditto vest ditto, an assortment of thick woolen goods, with many articles of hard ware and other goods, too numerous for an advertisement; all which he will sell at reduced prices for cash.
Jan. 30, 1799. (gw.)
Now opening, by Carrington and Bowers,
No. 1, CHEAPSIDE. A Fresh assortment of FANCY GOODS, which they have just received by the latest arrivals from Europe, and now offer for sale on the most reasonable terms for Cash. Jan. 30, 1799.
For SALE, by Benjamin & Edward Aborn, At their STORE, one door North of the Long Wharf,
250 barrels of Menhaden FISH, put up late last fall, and in good shipping order.—A few hogheads Tobago RUM.—Rock and Turk's Island SALT, by the quantity—and TURPENTINE, by the barrel or quantity.
They want to purchase, Sweet Cider, good Cheese, & Potatoes. They have to Let,
One half of their STORE, which can be made convenient either for Wholesale or Retail business. Feb. 6, 1799.
Final Notice.
THE Hon. Court of Probate having allowed the further time of six months, from the fourth day of December last, for closing the administration on the estate of the late Dr. EPHRAIM COMSTOCK, all persons interested are requested to avail themselves of this information, as no claim will be received or allowed after the expiration of that time.
EDWARD DEXTER, Administrator. February 6, 1799.
FRESH GOODS.
William Blodget, jun.
No. 3, CHEAPSIDE. Opposite Governor FENNER's, by the Minerva, at Boston, and a late arrival at New-York, has received, and opened for Sale,
A Large supply of fine Irish Linens, long lawns, cambricks, dimities, an elegant assortment of plaid, striped and fancy figured chintzes and calicoes; superfine, second and third plain striped and fancy mixed cassimeres and broadcloths—cotton, silk and Morocco slings—double and single elastic, long and short kid, beaver, wals and fancy patent mock fawn gloves; kid and Morocco shoes, with and without heels; cotton, silk, and plated hose, with and without lace clocks; muslin and linen handkerchiefs, fancy worked gauzes, common and Paris net for veils, jacquet and book muslins and handkerchiefs, white and coloured threads, shirting and sheeting muslins, hats, and a general supply of THICK GOODS, wholesale and retail, for cash or approved credit, on terms highly favourable.—As usual, but one price. Jan. 30.
THE subscriber having taken part of the shop formerly occupied by Dr. Joseph Bowen, takes this method of informing his friends and acquaintance, that he intends carrying on the TAILORING BUSINESS.—Those who wish to employ him, may depend on his assiduity in performing their work to satisfaction. JOSEPH W. LARCHAR. Jan. 30, 1799.
I. P. Berfon,
PORTRAIT PAINTER & DRAWING MASTER.
IN his way from New-York through this town, takes this method of informing the ladies and gentlemen of Providence, that he takes the most exact and striking likenesses, and intends painting some portraits in this town; for which purpose he has provided genteel and convenient rooms in the house of Mr. Martin Seamans, main street, where those gentlemen and ladies who wish either to have their portraits taken, or to see some of his performances, will be pleased to call, at any time in the day.
Those gentlemen and ladies who have a natural taste for drawing, who should wish to have any of their children taught in that fashionable and most useful branch of genteel education, so carefully attended to by all the respectable families of Europe, may find an opportunity of having them taught in this pleasing art; the subscriber intending to give instructions to a few private pupils during his residence in this town. And from the great practice and experience he has had in that line, which he taught for a long time in Europe, and for several last years in the first families both of Philadelphia and New-York; he flatters himself by his short method of explaining the rules of the art, to enable his pupils in a very little time to delight with accuracy and elegance, and paint in water colours all kinds of subjects, useful to their various occupations, such as human figures, landscapes, flowers, ornaments for embroidery or tambouring, &c. The terms of tuition may be known by applying to him at Mr. Seamans', main-street. Feb. 6.
Left at Mr. Esek Aldrich's inn, about 5 or 6 months ago,
A large Bundle,
Containing many articles of wearing apparel, and the log-book and journal of a voyage (the latter end of '97 and beginning of '98) to St. Croix, in the brig Ceres, of New-York, Robert Williams, master.—The owner may have his property again by applying at Mr. Aldrich's, and paying the price of this advertisement. Jan. 23.
For SALE, by the Subscribers, at a very moderate price,
THE STORE lately occupied by Messrs. Benjamin and John Brown, a little north of the State-House, in the chambers of which is a convenient tenement for a large family. The terms of payment will be made easy. BENJAMIN HOPKIN & Co. Jan. 9, 1799. (2m)