Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1809-03-27 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE,
And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 40, of Vol. XI.
MONDAY, MARCH 27, 1809.
[Whole No. 570.]
Mr. Bayard's Speech,
[CONCLUDED FROM OUR LAST]
We have, Sir, to choose our enemy between these two nations. We are hardly equal to a contention against both at the same time. How does the case stand in relation to them? The emperor first issues his Berlin decree, interdicting our trade to England and her colonies. England then gave us notice, if you allow France to prevent your trading with us, we will not suffer you to trade with France. If you are tame enough to submit to a French decree, you will surely not be too proud to yield to a British order. Affure us that you will resist the execution of the decree, and we will not resort to its principles upon you. This our government declined doing, and let England to pursue her own course. Her government then issues the order of the 11th of November, retaliating the Berlin decree. I do not defend this order; but if the administration had resisted as they ought to have done, the Berlin decree, we should not have been the order. What now is to be done? England insists on her orders, as a measure of retaliation against France. Prevail on France to repeal her decrees, or agree to resist the execution of them; and if England then executes her orders, I will be as free as any man to go to war with her.
No such course has been taken, but what have we done? Laid an embargo. And for what purpose did we lay the embargo? This is a subject of conjecture to some; but our government tells us, it was to preserve our ships, our sailors, and our mercantile capital. Some have said to preserve them from the operation of the orders in council. When the embargo was laid the orders in council were not known in this country.
Of this fact I want no stronger proof no stronger can exist, than that the President in his message to Congress, in which he recommends the embargo, lays not a word of these orders in council. No, the embargo was not produced by the orders in council, nor by any thing which we heard from England, but by news which had then been recently received from France.
We are told the embargo was to save our ships, our sailors, and mercantile capital. I do not believe that such was its object, but if such were its purpose, we have been miserably disappointed. The embargo for a short period, might have been a prudent measure. As a step of precaution, to collect our seamen and mercantile capital, I should never have complained of it. But it is insulting to common sense, to propose it as a scheme of permanent security, as it must daily consume, and finally annihilate the objects of its preservation. Your ships once in, and the danger known, you should have left your merchants to their own discretion. They would have calculated the profits and perils, and been determined by the balance of the account. No class of society is more capable of taking care of itself.
It is said we have preserved our seamen. The President has as gravely repeated this remark in his message, as he recommended to us to devise means to dispose of our surplus revenue, at a moment when it was evident that the situation of the country would drain the treasury of its last dollar.
Where are your sailors? They are not to be seen in your ports. One half that were employed by you have passed into foreign service, and many that remain, are to be found begging in your roads and at your doors.
As to our ships and mercantile capital, the one tenth part of the loss from decay and waste and want of employment, would have paid for an insurance against every danger to which they would have been exposed. It is not my intention, Mr. President, to detain you with any details on this subject, as I should be compelled to repeat the same things which have been stated by other gentlemen on a former occasion. But there are some general views of the subject not undeserving of notice, which yet remain to be taken.
If the embargo were ever a measure of precaution it certainly has long lost that character. As a measure of coercion, it was hopeless unless completely executed. If the party to be coerced was partially supplied, the object was defeated.
Now I ask you, Sir, if your government ought not to have been acquainted with its own powers, its own people, and its own situation well enough to have known that it was impossible for it to confine the whole produce of the country within its limits for any length of time? Ought they not to have foreseen the vast temptations which have arisen and presented themselves, as well to our own citizens as to foreigners, to combine in order to break or elude your laws? Ought they not to have known, that with our extent of coast and frontiers, with our numerous waters, that a wretched gun boat navy, aided even by ten thousand regulars, were not capable of covering our borders and shutting up the numberless outlets of the country? Could they expect that patriotism was to feed and to clothe the people of the north; or that thousands would submit to starvation in order to contribute to the success of an experiment?
We all know that the opposition to the embargo in the eastern states is not the opposition of a political party, or of a few discontented men, but the resistance of the people to a measure which they feel as oppressive and regard as ruinous. The people of this country are not to be governed by force, but by affection and confidence. It is for them we legislate, and if they do not like our laws, it is our duty to repeal them.
It is madness to talk of forcing submission when there is general dissatisfaction. Your government is in the hands of the people—it has no force but what it derives from them; and your enforcing laws are dead letters when they have once been driven to resist your measures.
It would, Sir, be some consolation, amidst the sufferings which this miserable system has caused, if in looking abroad, we could discover that the nations who have injured and offended us felt its oppression only equally with ourselves. But when we find that we have been scourging ourselves for their benefit and amusement, when they can tell us with indifference and contempt, that they feel for us, but that we must correct our own folly; instead of meeting with the poor comfort which we expected, we are overwhelmed with accumulated mortification.
Was this a measure against France? No—the emperor commands the magnificent sacrifice which you have made of your commerce, rather than submit to British tyranny on the ocean.
His imperial majesty never approves what he does not like—and he never likes what does not comport with his own designs.
I consider it as admitted that the embargo was intended to coerce England; and the gentleman from Virginia now contends that if it had been strictly executed it would have had that effect. Nothing has happened that common foresight might not have foreseen. The gentleman has read to you, extracts from an English pamphlet, published before the embargo was laid, which predicts the very evasions of the law, the difficulties it would produce, and the opposition it would meet with, which we have all had the melancholy opportunity of witnessing. I know the pamphlet was referred to for another purpose—to show that British gold or influence had corrupted or seduced the Vermonters before the embargo was imposed. The gentleman may believe the fact to be as he pleases; but I say, Sir, that your government here, with all its means of information, ought to have known as much about the condition of Vermont as a pamphleteer on the other side of the Atlantic.
It seems now to be admitted, that the fact is too evident to be denied, that the embargo has failed in its coercive effect upon Britain. The want of bread, cotton, or lumber, has neither starved her subjects, nor excited them to insurrection. Some gentlemen have had firebrands enough to discover an effect in an English price current, which might to be sure, have been owing to the embargo, or might have been produced by the operation on the market of some private speculation. But it has enriched Canada, and has taught the islanders their policy and ability to live without us.
Would to God, Mr. President, that the embargo had done as little evil to ourselves as it has done to foreign nations!
It is ourselves who are the victims of the miserable experiment. Your treasury will lose at least fifteen millions of dollars, and your country in addition not less than forty. This tax has not been so much felt, though it has not in truth been less paid, because the embargo has not taken the money out of our pockets, but only prevented its going into them. This measure has been not only ruinous to our interests, but it is hostile to the genius of our government. It calls for an increase of your regular army, and a vast augmentation of your military force. Ten thousand bayonets were not sufficient to enforce it, but fifty thousand volunteers as I have seen by a bill on the table were to be invited to assist in its execution.
That measure of an administration which arms citizen against citizen, or requires the folding to act against the citizen, is baneful to liberty. If persevered in, there would soon be an end of free government.
The effect is also to be deprecated, upon the spirit of your military. They are called upon to execute laws they are unable to contrive, and in obeying their orders are exposed to the commission of murder.
Your naval forces are sent out to cruise, not for enemies, but for defenceless
fellow citizens, and they return to boast not of a gallant battle, but of a miserable seizure which may bring poverty upon some wretched family in their own country.
It has been often said in defence of the embargo, that the nation had nothing left but that measure, submission or war. Can you distinguish between the embargo and submission? Can you pretend to say that it is a voluntary self-restraint imposed as a matter of choice? Can it be denied that it has been forced upon us by the conduct of one or of both the belligerents? And with a full knowledge of the fact, can you describe it as any thing but vile abject submission? France tells you, you shall not trade to Britain, you obey her—Britain then tells you, you shall not trade to France, you submit. You have not resisted the decrees or orders, but have complied with the object of both. We have borne the burthen of the embargo till it has almost broke our backs, and even when we are sinking under it, we pretend to say, it was or war—submission in this case it is then said, there only remained submission the head of one American! But I deny that war is necessary in this case, and I never will admit it, till I see sincere efforts made to accommodate our differences with England. The President in his message at the opening of Congress, would give us the impression that Britain had refused the last and fairest offer it was in the power of our government to make, in order to preserve peace. It will be important for us to understand the nature and extent of that offer. The proposition no doubt was made by Mr. Pinkney, in conformity to his instructions. To avoid error, I will take the liberty of reading to the Senate the words of Mr. Pinkney to Mr. Canning on the subject, in his letter of the 23d of August last:—
"I had the honor to state to you, Sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by the act of the last session of Congress, entitled "An act to authorise the President of the United States under certain conditions, to suspend the operation of the act laying an embargo on all ships and vessels in the ports and harbors of the United States, and the several supplementary acts thereto," by suspending the embargo law and its supplements as regards Great Britain. I am authorized to give you this assurance in the most formal manner."
Now, Sir, what is the amount of this boasted offer? Nothing more than the assurance of our minister of an intention of the President to remove the embargo in case the orders in council were actually repealed. Great B. was to repeal her orders, allow the President to make the most of that act with her enemy and trust to his executing his good intention when it should suit his good pleasure. The offer to England related only to the embargo, when this experimental measure so far from being injurious to her, was adding to her wealth and strength. It leaves her navigation without a rival on the ocean, and has restored to her more seamen, than she could have impressed in ten years. Well may Mr. Canning say, there is no assignable relation between the removal of the embargo, and the repeal of the orders in council.
The President had instructed his minister to assure the British government, that the embargo was designed solely as a municipal regulation, and not as an act in any degree hostile to them.
The orders in council were a measure of hostility against France; and we offer to revoke a municipal regulation operating in favor of Britain, if she will relieve us from the pressure of a measure adopted against her enemy. But let me ask was there any offer made to recind the proclamation or to repeal the non-importation law? Two measures much more offensive and hostile to Great Britain, than the embargo. With these laws in force, it was a mere mockery to offer the removal of the embargo. What more proof do we want, than this transaction affords, that the executive has not been sincere in his endeavors to restore a good understanding between this country and England. And therefore it is that I contend that war is not unavoidable with that nation. I confess, Sir, I should think a war with England, one of the greatest evils which could befall this country, not only from the sufferings which it would inflict upon it, but also from the fatal connexion with France to which it would give birth.
We have seen what has been the course of the government in relation to Britain; and I will beg a few moments to examine what has been its conduct in regard to France? The last proposition made to Britain is well known—the documents fully disclose it; but what at the same time was proposed to the French government? This we know little of. We have not been furnished with the correspondence with that government, on the subject. The transaction is covered with a dark and impenetrable veil. The President tells us in his message that the same proposals were not made to the two belligerents, and it would seem from what he hints, that the offer to France in case she repealed her decrees, was to join her in the war against England. It cannot be denied, that we have lost more by the spoliation, and have been more harraffed under the arbitrary edicts of France, than of England. By the treaty of 1800, we gave up more than twenty millions of dollars which had been seized, and against all right, confiscated in France. Since that time we are officially informed, that an amount nearly equal has been seized, and confiscated or confiscated. She has wantonly burnt our ships on the ocean and made no compensation. Her Berlin decree of the 21st of Nov. 1806, commenced the present system of outrage upon neutral rights. In effect it interdicts all trade with England and her colonies. This is followed by the Milan decree of the 17th of December, 1807. Under this edict an American vessel which has been searched, or visited against her will, by a British cruiser or is proceeding to, or returning from England is liable to be captured as good prize. And finally, to complete this monstrous system, comes the Bayonne decree, the 17th of April, 1808, which declares every American vessel found upon the ocean, liable to seizure and confiscation. Opposed to these accumulated violations of our neutral rights, what steps has our government taken against France? Have they passed a non-importation act, issued a proclamation, or imposed an embargo? The last measure is general in its terms, but is avowedly against England alone. To, they have contented themselves with memorializing, remonstrating, and protesting. Against England we took every step short of war, against France we have employed nothing but gentle words. Has your government then shown an equal resentment against the wrongs suffered from these two powers?
It may be from the habit of enduring; but we do not feel any aggression from France with the same quickness and sensibility that we do from England. Let us see, Sir, the same conduct observed with regard to both belligerents; let us see the impediments to a friendly settlement with Britain removed; let us witness a sincere effort made, to regulate the intercourse of the two nations by a treaty formed on principles of mutual concession, and equal interest, and I will answer for it, if Great Britain persists in her orders, that you will find no division in this country on the question whether we shall submit to them or resist their execution.
Permit me, Mr. President, to detain you a few moments longer. I am sensible that I have already trespassed upon the indulgence of the Senate, and I shall hasten to conclude the remarks which I have thought it of importance to make upon the resolution which has been submitted.
The objects of the resolution are embargo, non-intercourse and non-importation as to England and France, and their colonies. The existing embargo is to be repealed only in part—one half of the channel of your rivers is opened, the other is to be embargoed; and vessels may proceed to sea, but they must not pass through the embargoed waters. I can well conceive if one port in the United States being embargoed and the other open; but of an embargo which gives the right to every vessel in a harbor to leave it, I confess I have no comprehension. I should have supposed that the honorable gentleman might have ventured to repeal the embargo generally, and trusted to the provisions on the subject of non-intercourse to accomplish what seems to be the object in view, in partially retaining it. Sir it is a strange infatuation that the name of this odious measure should be preferred, when the thing itself is abandoned.
And what, Sir, are we to gain by a non-intercourse? It can never benefit the nation—it is nothing more than a part of that miserable misquito system, which is to sting and irritate England into acts of hostility. I have no doubt she sees the object, and she will take care not to give us the advantage which would be derived from war being commenced on her part. But I ask what will be the effect of non-intercourse? I see no other than that it will require two voyages instead of one to transport our produce to the markets of the interdicted countries. You carry your merchandise to Lisbon, and there deposit it; and from thence it is carried in foreign ships to England and France. Who will pay the expense of this circuitry of transportation? The U. States. It will be deducted from the price of your produce. Can the gentleman contrive no system which will operate with less severity upon ourselves than upon those whom he deems our enemies? If the resolution has no design, but what is apparent on the face of it, it is evident that its sole operation is against ourselves. The inevitable effect will be to reduce the profit of what we have to sell, and to increase the expense of what we have to purchase. I can perceive also, Sir, that it will be a measure of unequal pressure upon the different sections of the country; and that its weight will fall heaviest upon that part of
the union already too much galled to suffer any addition to its burthen. The lumber, the live stock, the fish, and the articles of common exportation to the eastward will not bear the expense of double freights. Will they thank you for repealing the embargo, and adopting a substitute which continues to shut for a measure of the north while it opens those of the south? Will they thank you for a measure which deprives them even of the miserable consolation of having fellow sufferers in their distress? If this resolution be adopted you do nothing to heal the wounds which you have inflicted. If New England loses her trade she will derive no comfort from its being under a non-intercourse, and not under an embargo law.
It is a part of the resolution, that we are to import no produce or merchandise from England, or France, or their colonies. Do you expect, Sir, that a failure of England can make them the manufactures of any country in Europe, or that they will attempt to imitate. But, Sir, the consequence of being to be dreaded from such a measure, would be the practice of smuggling, to which it would certainly give birth. We know, Sir, the power of habit: it is a second nature. Can an act of Congress instantly change your nature?—No, Sir—they who can afford it, will have what they have been accustomed to. They will pay any price for articles, without which, perhaps, they can scarcely exist. Smuggling must follow—and will follow with forgery and perjury in its train. It is the honor and character of your trading people which now protects you from smuggling. Break down this sentiment, habituate them to perjury, destroy the disgrace attached to this violation of your law, and you lose half the security and means you have in the collection of your revenue.
The complaint has been made, that while we find fault with the measures proposed, we refuse to point out the course we would have the administration pursue. I have, Sir, no hesitation on my part to disclose my opinion, or to offer the humble assistance of my advice on the subject. In a few words I will tell you what I would do—Place England and France upon the same footing, by repealing the non-importation act, rescinding the proclamation, and repealing the embargo. Then ask for, and insist upon adequate reparation for the affair of the Chesapeake. Make a treaty with Great Britain, if as good terms could be obtained as those in either of the treaties which have been refused. Agree to resist the execution of the Berlin decree, and if the afterwards persisted in her orders in council, declare war against her. Such would be my course. War would be the last resort; and I believe, in my conscience, we should never be driven to it, if the course were pursued with a sincere disposition to preserve peace.
Permit me, Sir, to notice one remark of the honorable gentleman from Virginia, which had escaped me, & I am done. The gentleman tells us, that the removal of the embargo was designed as a concession to our eastern brethren. I rejoiced to hear this sentiment of forbearance. Such sentiments give hopes that the union may still be preserved. We have been led to the brink of a tremendous precipice—another false step, and we shall be lost in the abyss. Our safety is in treading back our steps. We have lost our way. Some ignis fatuus has beguiled us. There is a path of safety and honor—the path the nation once trod. Let us endeavour to regain it, and invoke the spirit of Washington to lead us once more into it!
SENATE vs. THE PRESIDENT.
The rejection of the nomination of Mr. Adams, as minister to Russia, indicates a spirit of honorable independence in the Senate. But that nomination, which could only have been calculated to shield Mr. Jefferson from indelible disgrace, in consequence of his appointment of Mr. Short, by holding out the idea that such an appointment was necessary, although the person who was first named might have been an improper one (Mr. S. having been for twenty years a Frenchman rather than an American, which Mr. Jefferson knew better than any other man)—and the intended nomination of Mr. Gallatin as Secretary of State, which was withdrawn from prudential considerations alone—speak a language loud and ominous, in respect to a disastrous influence which is evidently exercised by the late President over the present one. Mr. Giles, not a little to his honor, manifested the utmost indignation at the attempt to force Mr. Gallatin into the Department of State. He exclaimed that the country was already sufficiently disgraced by the elevation of a foreigner to the control of the finances, and that to place our diplomatic relations in such hands would be perfectly intolerable. Both the Senators from Vermont, and indeed the ministerial Senators generally, intimated a strong dislike to the measure, and little caucuses were held, to decide upon the propriety of causing it to be hinted to the President that the nomination, if persisted in, would be rejected, in order, by this course, to prevent an unpropitious collision between the President and Senate, in the first moments of the administration. At length both Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin were given to understand, in some way or other, that the thing will not do at all , and, to save appearances, it was given out that Mr. G. had been offered the appointment, but had declined it. One and all then snatched eagerly at the nomination of the respectable American, Mr. Smith, although doubtful of his capacity for the station. Indeed, the contrast between that gentleman and his predecessors, a Jefferson, a Pickering, a Marshall, and a Madison, in point of talents, particularly diplomatic talents, must be great in the extreme. Even Edmund Randolph was a much abler Secretary of State than Mr. Smith will be, and the office has never been filled with so little ability, except during the short period, of mandamus memory, when the famed and ever to be famous lawyer and civilian, Levi Lincoln , heretofore Attorney General of the United States, Author of the new Law of Treason, and Arguer of the Sugar Cause, and now Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts, with a little very "brief authority," was invested—(Tell it not in Gath—record it not in the most perishable page of our history!)—with the sublime functions of Secretary of State of the United States of America, PRO TEMPORE !!— F'ns Journal.
John Randolph. —This man, who has been the pride and boast of self-styled republicans, who has heretofore been the "ministerial mouth-piece," and the file leader and champion of the democratic phalanx in Congress, is now dubbed by that same gentry, with the odious and opprobrious epithets of " federalist ," "an enemy to his country," and a " lover of British gold ." Formerly he was cried up as an orator, a statesman, a man of profound and universal science, and the (then) ablest speaker on the floor of congress—But now, forsooth, (blessed consistency!) because he cannot, in conformity with his duty, as an honest and independent man, "chant barbarous orgies to celebrate the philosophic empire of democracy;" and has taken a bold and determined stand against this hydra of faction and anarchy, he is declared to be destitute of talents, of political honesty or principle—in whom confidence cannot or ought not to be placed—a man actuated by impure motives, and operated upon by " British influence "—this is the hue and cry of the present day.
The fact is, that Mr. Randolph has been guilty of exerting his talents to prevent the destroying angel of wild and licentious democracy from overspreading our country with its baleful effects. He has opposed a principle of abject and degrading submission to any foreign power. He has opposed that defamed handling of Jacobinism, "conceived in sin and brought forth in iniquity"—the Embargo . He is opposed to going all lengths with the party minions of the present "time-serving" administration—For these reasons has he been denounced, but democracy is always consistent in its inconsistency.

Electioneering Department.
FEDERAL NOMINATIONS.
GOVERNOR, Hon. Christopher Gore.
LT. GOVERNOR, Hon. David Cobb.
SENATORS.
YORK DISTRICT.
Hon. Joseph Leland, Nahum Morrill, Esq.
CUMBERLAND DISTRICT.
Hon. Ammi R. Mitchell, Hon. Lothrop Lewis.
Lincoln, Hancock & Washington, Hon. Theodore Lincoln, Mark L. Hill, Esq.
KENNEBEC.
Hon. Nathaniel Dummer.
MR. SHIRLEY.
AS the office-seekers and advocates of the embargo are circulating the most scandalous lies and falsehoods to prevent the election of Mr. Gore—such as that he is an advocate for war, a dissolution of the states, a British partizan, &c.—you will oblige a friend to the liberties and prosperity of the people, by publishing the following short review of his life and conduct. Let me add that he was, tho' young at the time, a zealous and active supporter of the American revolution, and bore arms, as a volunteer, in defence of our Independence. That he ably and eloquently advocated the adoption of the Federal Constitution , as a member of the convention in the state, as may be seen by a recurrence to the debates of that honorable body. But the only hopes of a few desperate men, foes to the happiness of Massachusetts, are, if possible, to carry the election of their candidate, by destroying the character of this worthy citizen.
AN OLD MAN.
From the Boston Gazette.
Mr. Gore was born in Boston, about the year 1759—the youngest of a large family of children, whose parents, and grand parents were natives of the same town. At a very early age he entered Harvard College, and immediately after receiving his degree, he was entered a pupil in the office of that excellent lawyer and most estimable man, the late Judge Lowell. With him he remained the ordinary period assigned for the completion of those studies, which are requisite, to prepare a young man for the practice of the law, in our courts. At the expiration of his clerkship, he opened his office in Boston, and by his talents, industry, and good conduct, soon acquired an extensive practice. In the duties of his profession he remained busily employed until the year 1788, when the Convention of Massachusetts was called to ratify, or reject, the present Constitution of the United States. To this assembly Mr. Gore was returned a delegate for the town of Boston; and was one of the most active and influential members of that highly patriotic and respectable body. After the organization of the Federal government, Mr. Gore was appointed, by President Washington, District Attorney for the Massachusetts District; and it is doing but scanty justice to Mr. Gore's character and conduct in that office, to declare—that to his vigilance, perseverance and decision, were the United States in a great degree indebted for the preservation of their neutrality in the District of Massachusetts .
It was at that period, the influence of French money, French flattery, and French principles, began to sow discord and confusion among our people; and laid the foundation for that party, which by their aid, has since marched to power, over the calumniated worthies, and violated the constitution of our country. In the year 1796, Mr. Gore was appointed by Washington, one of the commissioners under the British treaty, commonly called Jay's treaty. He sailed for England in the month of May in that year, and except a passage he made in order to have an interview with his government, remained there, discharging, with unwearied patience and fidelity, the arduous and important duties of that office, until the whole object of the mission was accomplished, most satisfactorily for his country. Those only who distinctly know the difficulties and labour attendant upon this commission, can truly estimate those talents and exertions, which were instrumental in bringing it to so fortunate and honourable a conclusion.
On Mr. Gore's return to this country, the merchants and others, his fellow citizens, invited him to a public dinner, which they gave as a testimony of their high sense of his services, and their respect for his publick and private character.
Since that time, until the present
moment, Mr. Gore has been annually honoured by the suffrages of his fellow citizens, with a seat in one or other branch of the State Legislature. It remains only to observe, that Mr. Gore in his department, exhibits the manners of a polished gentleman—an accomplished scholar.—He has made himself familiar with the best models of ancient and modern literature. At the bar, he is remarkable for cool investigation candid argument, and a style of eloquence, at once animated and impressive, classical and correct. In his private life, Mr. Gore partakes of few or none of those occupations, which the world call amusements, and many of which are innocent:—His intervals of relaxation from business, are employed in the cultivation of his farm, the pursuits of literature, and the enjoyment of an extensive society of friends, who love and respect him; and whose good opinion, constitutes his greatest felicity. In fine, we are confident, we are in no danger of contradiction, when we say, that there is no community, who is freer from the vices which party asperity would throw on him, than Mr. Gore—that there is NO ONE who has more personal friends, an NO ONE who more richly deserves the affectionate respect, with which they cherish & admire his virtues and his talents.
"I tell you that which you yourselves do know."
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Levi Lincoln's qualifications for Governor.
It is a fact which ought to be known to the people of Maine, that many even of the democratic party in that part of the state where Levi Lincoln resides, are far from approving of his nomination for Governor, for this good reason, because they know the man. They know him to be tyrannical, avaricious and mercenary in his disposition, and of a violent and obstinate temper; unfriendly to commerce, attached to the Virginia interest, and hostile to those measures which are the pillars of New England prosperity. He has made use of every exertion in his power to induce the general government to persevere in their embargo and non-intercourse policy; and approves of all the oppressive and arbitrary acts, passed to enforce these cruel and unequal laws. Is opposed to & condemns the people for exercising one of the dearest rights which freemen possess, that of petitioning their rulers for a redress of grievances. Surely, the citizens of this District have experienced too large a share of suffering and loss, the last fifteen months, to give their votes to a man who will support measures that will not only continue, but increase their sufferings. Justice to themselves and posterity forbid it. But these are not the only objections to Levi Lincoln's being a proper character for chief magistrate. He is as deficient in abilities as he is erroneous in principle; and it is wholly owing to his zeal in aiding the election of Mr. Jefferson, that he ever rose from the seclusion of a money getting lawyer. He possessed neither virtues nor talents to recommend him to the notice of President Washington, nor to the people who were attached to his policy. This his ambition could not brook, and he became a violent partizan of Mr. Jefferson and all his measures; and soon obtained a share in the loaves and fishes, in being appointed Attorney General of the U. States. Here his ambition and cupidity, for a time, were alike gratified. But it soon appeared, in his attempts to discharge the duties of the office, that he had "ventured like wanton boys that swim on bladders, far beyond his depth." In his management of the cause of the Sugar Refiners he discovered only stupidity and ignorance, as will appear by the following account published at the time. The Editor of the Frederickstown Herald , of the 29th September, 1804, thus notices an article which appeared in Mr. Jefferson's dauber , the National Intelligencer , of the same month, which was in these words—"the short period during which he (Levi Lincoln) held a seat in Congress had not admitted of a development of his talents, but he entered the body with the reputation of eminent talents."
"We should be glad to know with what reputation he left it? The truth is, that he entered the body with the reputation of being one of the writers in a Worcester paper, called the Egis , and was supposed to be one of the authors of a series of essays, (if a mass of slander, personal, vindictive and unjust, deserves the name) called the "FARMER'S LETTERS;" this was the only evidence which the public had received of his talents and with this reputation he entered the House, and with this reputation only he left it. It is true, that a farther "development of his talents" did not take place during his stay in Congress; but it is not true that it was owing to "the short period" to which it was confined. He remained sufficiently long to have developed his talents on the many important and interesting topics which were each day the subjects of discussion. Awe'd by the splendor which surrounded him, he dared not expose his prate to the keen animadversion of his contemporary opponents. Having just sense enough to practise the maxim of "ur sapit qui pauca loquitur," he shielded himself in a stupid silence, and sat scowling at the eminence which he had not the power to resist. He therefore went out of Congress as he came in, with the reputation of being a very weak spoke in the wheel of government."
"Mr. Lincoln was now appointed Attorney General of the United States, and during the long period in which he has held, we will not say discharged that office, he has permitted a farther development of his talents, by making one speech and an half in the Supreme Court."
"The first speech was a sufficient development of his talents, to induce Administration to believe that in any future development, it might be necessary for the interests of the country, that he should be assisted by other council, and therefore, in the celebrated case of the Sugar Refiners ,
Mr. Dallas was employed, at the expense of several hundred dollars, to render this assistance. The cause was tried at the capitol, Washington, during the sitting of Congress before Chief Justice Marshall, and Judges Chase and Washington. The hall of the court was crowded with spectators, among whom were observed many foreigners of distinction, and members of Congress. The honourable Levi Lincoln arose—one hand was rested on a large pile of law books, which it would seem he intended to use, the other contained a roll of manuscript notes of the case, to which it would seem he intended to refer. He neither used the one nor referred to the other. He was on the floor about ten minutes, when, having concluded his prefatory remarks, he said, "I will now inform this honourable Court, of the first point which I have taken in this case."—He paused, "I say, may it please your honors." (continued he, after a little hesitation) and paused again.—The Court listened with the utmost attention; the spectators who were at a little distance from the bar, anxious to witness the event which this illustrious instance of the "notions parrotism," seems to promise, closed up in a semicircle around the balustrade of the forum. "As I was saying, (said Mr. Lincoln) I have made a point."—He had so. He had not that the court that he begged their kind indulgence; that he felt exceedingly embarrassed and wished a few minutes for recollection. The Court bowed assent, and Mr. Lincoln sat down.
"After a pause of fifteen minutes, during which there was the most solemn stillness, Mr. Lincoln rose again. He continued to speak about ten minutes more. His manner was wild, incoherent, and unargumentative, and seemed to be an unconnected, miscellaneous, and irregular assemblage of words, without the smallest attention to an oratio verborum . "I have now come, (said he) may it please your honors, to the second point proposed—I say—the second point which I have taken is this—I have got (said he) to second point."—He, however, was never able to get any farther, and the Court remain yet to be informed what that second point was. Mr. Lincoln was obliged once more to apologize to the Court for being unable to proceed. He said, he felt an embarrassment which he could not conquer, and that Mr. Dallas would go on with the cause. A confused murmur was heard throughout the hall; it was the hum of vexation, disappointment, and keen remark. Some of the auditory felt chagrined at this debasement of our national dignity; some felt disappointed and astonished that this exertion of forensic eloquence, should have terminated in such a mortifying development of the talents of their Attorney General; and others laughed at the impotency which they had predicted—whilst the poor Mr. Lincoln sat down at the bar, and covered his face with his hands. It would be vain to deny the truth of this statement; the hundreds who were present can testify to its truth."
I will adduce another instance of this man's 'useful labours,' where his impartiality is as conspicuous as his ability was in the preceding one. The infamous Callender, the reviler and libeller of Washington, had been convicted of publishing the most villainous and groundless falsehoods, against the most eminent and patriotic characters in the country, for which he had been convicted by a jury, and sentenced to pay a fine to the United States of two hundred dollars. (If he had been sentenced to pay two thousand dollars, he would have had no more than justice done him) But the infamous Callender had helped to lie Mr. Jefferson into office, and this was sufficient atonement to induce a democratic administration to pardon any crime. Shortly after Callender had paid the fine to the Marshall, Mr. Jefferson granted him a general pardon, remitting and releasing all penalties incurred. Doubts were entertained whether the Marshall, having once received the money from Callender, could legally pay it back to him. These doubts were communicated to Levi Lincoln, then acting as Secretary of State, who, after a delay of nearly a month, replied, that the question had been considered, and that "before a fine is paid into the treasury, a pardon remits and restores it to the party," concluding with a direction to restore the money to Callender, which was accordingly done.
The arguments which were adduced in the discussion of this subject, were unanswerable, that when a fine is paid, it becomes property vested; and that a charter of pardon does not imply restitution. From the foregoing exposition of the abilities and principles of the democratic candidate, it is clear to every honest and impartial elector of Massachusetts, that he is totally unqualified for the office of Chief Magistrate.
JOHN CODLINE.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. SHIRLEY. I have been waiting to see in your paper some particular account of the Embargo and Non-Intercourse Laws; so that the people might know how far they are to be relieved by what Congress did at the close of the session in partly raising the Embargo; but not having seen such an account, I will state some of the outlines, lest many should be deceived into a belief that our rulers had really restored us again to our rights.
1. We are now absolutely forbidden to go with our vessels to any English or French ports—as much as we have been for fifteen months past; and the Embargo Law is in full force as to all such connection. 2. 'Tis now as unlawful to transport any of our produce by land into the British dominions as it has been for fifteen months past—and the Embargo Laws; even the last tremendous enforcing act, in full force as they respect this kind of commerce. We are as much subject to military law—to the despotism of Collectors—to midnight searches of our dwelling-houses and wanton violation of our castles as before. 3. Our Coasting Trade is shackled with restrictions and continued under heavy bonds. 4. We are still subject to be governed and condemned by Presidential Instructions instead of Laws; and instead of enjoying our liberty according to our constitution, we are by the Embargo Laws now in force, compelled to give bonds for our good behavior, when we have neither done wrong, nor threatened to do it. 5. The evils of the Embargo laws are increased by the non-intercourse law, because, in eight weeks from this time we shall be forbidden to import one single article either from England or France, or any of their Islands.
The above is a faint picture of our present situation: a situation calculated, and Mr. Giles has openly declared in Congress, designed to bring on War with England. In fact the present trifling relaxation will only give opportunity to make bad voyages to glutted markets—or expose property to confiscation and our country to war and confusion. These are serious truths and I fear we shall too soon be taught to feel them as well as hear of them.—And yet, in order to promote the election of Levi Lincoln and the list of democratic candidates for the Senate and House of Representatives, the Jacobin papers are singing aloud the praises of Mr. Jefferson and his junto for having enriched our country—preserved our peace and honor, and now again given life to Commerce and all classes of people connected with it. Surely when such false reports as these are spread, and such false hopes are raised, 'tis time for the people to pause and enquire for themselves, what mighty boon Congress has now given them? how their burthens are lightened—their wrongs redressed or their sacred rights protected. No, my fellow citizens, it is all deception—'tis all hollow-hearted profession—Congress have done this to lull New-England at the time of her elections—they are to assemble again in May, as soon as these elections shall be over, and then the doors of commerce will again be closed or some more disastrous measures adopted.
CITIZENS OF MAINE: arouse from your security—stand fast in the faith—quit yourselves like men—be strong.—If you now enjoy any more privileges than you did a month ago, whom will you thank for it? Not the democrats. What they did in Congress to give this little relief to Commerce, was done because the loud, strong voice of New-England demanded it—because the people spoke out, & abashed those head strong politicians who were pushing the country to ruin—consider for yourselves—on the 9th of January the fatal Enforcing Act was passed: dressed in horrors and filled with a thousand restrictions on your rights—purposely to bind you in chains and crush your Commerce to atoms. What but your voice could so soon as in six weeks, oblige them to give up their plan, and acknowledge its danger as well as foolishness: or at least to appear to do it. Let this encourage you to proceed—"tis now no time to withdraw your shoulder, the moment you begin to remove your burthen. You petitioned your Legislature—they did what they could—they proclaimed your rights and your will—they described your feelings—they portrayed your sufferings—they anxiously endeavoured to protect you in the possession of your houses and your fire-sides—they passed an act to secure your dwelling houses from midnight searches, and unlawful invasions—and it would have been a LAW, if Levi Lincoln had not refused to sign it—but he did refuse—and you must submit 'till you will do yourselves justice. Come then, and on the first Monday of April, choose the
HON. CHRISTOPHER GORE,
FOR YOUR GOVERNOR—AND THE
HON. DAVID COBB,
FOR YOUR LT. GOVERNOR.
Then shall your dwelling-houses be your Castles, and all the People shall say—AMEN.
SOLOMON.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
As the day of Election approaches, the democrats become more and more artful in their deception and scandalous in their falsehoods. They are determined this time to make one violent effort to get the government of Massachusetts again into their hands—and they are now using, without scruple all kinds of means, except honorable ones, to carry their point—of course it becomes the solemn duty of the federalists to exert all their strength, or they will soon have occasion to lament their folly and their indolence in sackcloth and ashes.
Besides the lies about Mr. Gore, which every democrat is taught to circulate far and wide, the whole host of democracy are now singing songs of gladness among the people, and proclaiming that the Embargo is raised—the British orders and French decrees are annulled; and that Commerce is again as free as it ever was! These falsehoods are, without a blush, or a stammer, published in every quarter, with the hope that the truth will not overtake them soon enough to open the eyes of those whom they are deluding.—Let the good people in the country be on their guard. The enemy is sowing tares; the embargo is not removed, except as to a few ports; the French and British orders are not revoked; the evils of our country are by no means lessened. But instead of this, a cloud is gathering, which will certainly become a storm, and a tempest, unless the good sense of New-England awakens to a view of our danger, and to the means to avoid the portending evil. In this momentary calm is concealed the beginning of the hurricane. In this non-intercourse law, are concealed the design of war and all its horrors. Depend on it, our rulers love their systems too well to give them up so easily. They are only shifting the burthen from one shoulder of the people on to the other. New-England patriots, and they only, will be able to take the burthen off of both shoulders, and enable us to stand upright again, as we have been used to do.
All eyes are now on Massachusetts. On the fate of the election this spring, depends the prosperity of the Commonwealth, and the peace of the United States. Let New-England once more have democratic rulers, and the consequence will be a War with England, and an alliance with Bonaparte, whose tender mercies are cruelty, and whose pretended friendship is the certain prelude to ruin and confusion.
A FRIEND TO PEACE.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. SHIRLEY. Through your paper, permit me to address a few words to the people of this District, particularly to the citizens of the counties of Lincoln, Hancock, and Washington. I do not, indeed, pretend to more information than others; nor do I claim the right of dictating to them; I am no more than a common citizen; and my great anxiety
is to contribute my mite to assist in bringing able and honest men into power, that so the welfare and liberties of the country may be preserved. Nor do I conceive, that we need much new information; it is only necessary to look back on past transactions, to divest ourselves of all prejudices, and to act according to our best judgment.
We must be on our guard against the ill reports, the intrigues and misrepresentations of ambitious and selfish men. We have often been deceived by them heretofore. Let us be more careful to examine and judge for ourselves. The charges against Federal Republicans , which the democrats have made, are, "that they are under British influence—friends of monarchy and enemies of religious liberty." A little reflection will not fail to convince us, that these charges are wholly unfounded, that having been made by these only who were seeking for place and power.
It cannot be denied, that Federal Republicans were the warm and active friends of the Constitution . By them it was defended and established, in opposition to the democratic party . The measures of Washington in administering the general government were all approved by the Federalists . But those, who are now the leaders of the democratic band , censured and opposed those very measures.—Washington's proclamation of neutrality, his commercial treaty with England, his declining to unite with France in a war against the British (a thing some now wish) were violently condemned by the democratic faction . After he went out of office, he was called a traitor and an apostate by these very men. And our democratic rulers have displaced those whom he had put into office, and openly patronized the wretches, who had slandered that great patriot. The federal policy and measures with regard to France in '93 were also fully approved by Washington, as appears by his letter to President Adams, accepting the command of the troops then raised.
How then can it be pretended the Federalists are friends to monarchy?—We challenge any man to show, that they have ever wished or attempted to destroy the principles of the Constitution ; or to change our happy republican forms of government. It will not be denied that the federalists are desirous of preserving peace and maintaining a free trade with England, on fair conditions. It will also be admitted, that they wish success to the brave Spaniards now struggling for liberty and independence against the monstrous tyrant of France. But does this show their love of monarchy or England. They wish neither France or England to give laws to the world—But to have both confined to reasonable limits and powers. Men must be rogues or fools, who make the above charge against federalists .
Another stigma is attempted to be fastened on the federal republicans , viz. "that they are enemies to religious liberty." One would think the people could not be so ignorant as to believe this charge is well founded. When did federal rulers, or federal legislatures ever attempt to abridge the rights of conscience. They made and are the supporters of the State Constitution , which confirms these rights. The thing was never contemplated. It is a base and wicked falsehood. The people had all the freedom in matters of religion under federal governors and rulers as under any others. The Convention which adopted the Constitution of this state, was composed of Baptists, Congregationalists and Presbyterians —and all these denominations of christians are alike protected and defended by the Constitution , in the full enjoyment of their religious privileges. Let this unfounded charge then, be treated with the contempt it deserves.
The federal Republicans , therefore, being the sincere friends of the Constitution , of true freedom, of peace and commerce, let the people, one and all come forward on the first Monday of April and give support to men of this character; men both able and patriotic. Then impending evils may be averted—war prevented—prosperity restored, independence and liberty perpetuated.
In the counties of Lincoln, Hancock and Washington, a happy union exists. Every thing augurs well. But we must not sleep at our posts. The wicked are still sowing tares. If, however, we are deceived again, we must blame none but ourselves.
The Embargo, indeed, is off partially—But no thanks to the democrats. They did all in their power, merely from party feelings, to continue that distressing measure. The removal of the Embargo is owing to the manly exertions of the Federalists . And the Non-Intercourse will come off, not until we raise our voices against it. The object at present, is, to lull us into security, and to prepare us, if possible, for War.
The candidates for the Senate, with the friends of commerce and peace, are

Hon. Theodore Lincoln, AND Mark L. Hill, Esq. They are good men and true. They are impartial and firm—Can any honest citizen who loves his country and wishes its prosperity, hesitate between these men, and Win King and Francis Carr ? Ask the democrats themselves in Hancock county, whether Mr. Carr be an honest man? And ask mercantile and independent men, whether Mr. King is to be trusted by any party. No man condemns the Embargo in private more severely, yet publicly he approves and praises the measure. Between interest on one hand and popularity on the other, he is hesitating and indecisive. Surely, a man who has acted the part he has for two or three years past, and especially for the last six months, cannot merit the confidence of the people.  A COMMON CITIZEN.
FOR THE GAZETTE. MR. SHIRLEY, IN this part of the country we are very glad to find that the people of the District have agreed to support the Hon. Anni R. Mitchell, AND THE Hon. Lothrop Lewis, As Senators for the present year. We have understood they have done their duty faithfully—and were firm supporters of those measures which the General Court adopted the last session for the relief of the people. They have in this done nobly, and deserve our full confidence and best support. Let us all be united. Democrats are always united. Let us all turn out on the first Monday of April, and show our enemies that we prefer peace, commerce and plenty, to embargo, non-intercourse and war.—Let no man stay at home who can go to meeting—nor any man throw away his vote, after he has got there, by voting for any other candidates.  STEADY. New Gloucester, March 20.
FOR THE GAZETTE. MR. SHIRLEY, I am very anxious the good people of the District, when they give in their votes on the first Monday of April, should consider the immense difference between the objects and views of the Federalists and of the Democrats. The Federal Republicans are seeking to support and preserve the Constitution, to maintain peace and to remove the distressing embarrassments of Commerce. They wish for a "government of laws and not of men." If the Federal Candidates are elected, the people will still enjoy the rights and privileges guaranteed to them by the Constitution, and which they enjoyed under the administration of federal rulers, both of the state and nation, before ever democracy bore sway. On the other hand, the leading democrats are striving to obtain all power, with a view to their own profit and aggrandizement, to persecute those who are not of their party. For it is a fact, that the democratic leaders were always enemies of the Constitution, opposers of the policy of Washington, and the apologists of French intrigue and injustice. They were members of the jacobin clubs introduced, in this country by violent French partisans, who wished the United States to join France in a war against England. They rejoice at the prospect of the subjugation of Spain, by the great Despot of Europe. And they openly declare (in conformity with the address of Lt. G. Lincoln to G. Sullivan last March) that every federalist shall go out of office, that the federalists shall be kept down by force—and that they will build up their own party, if possible, even at the risk of peace and of the violation of constitutional principles. Will the people any longer be the dupes of these designing individuals? Will they assist in plunging the country into war, or in placing liberty in the hands of a few ambitious men, rather than preserve the constitution sacred and inviolable? We trust they will not.  A LAND HOLDER.
Trouble in the Wigwam. The guardians of the Embargo and Levi Lincoln, held a grand provisos in this town (Gray) last Monday, for the purpose of furthering the election of the embargo men candidates, and "restore the harmony of social intercourse" between the office seekers and office holders.  It is evident there was something rotten in their camp. An electioneering pamphlet had been put in circulation, to which was tacked the democratic ticket for Senators, containing the names of Daniel Bailey , ex-member of Congress, and Levi Hubbard . But it soon appeared this pair would not take. The electors of Cumberland and Oxford are too sensible of the evils brought on them by the embargo; and the self-created dictators of the people thought it wise and prudent to substitute Yim Means in the lieu of Major Bailey .  But the people are not to be deceived by this measure. This Means has done all he is capable of doing—that is, he voted against every measure brought forward in the legislature to give relief to the people. He opposed, even petitioning Congress, to repeal the ruinous embargo laws; and his brother Caleb , late, Hubbard , is of the same kidney.
Fellow citizens! if you do not wish to be denied the use of your commercial privileges—if you do not wish to see the produce of your farms sold for one half the price which it would command if commerce were not restricted, you will never vote for the democratic candidates.  A FARMER. Gray, March 23.  Democratic Patriotism; OR THE Skinner plunder of 58,000 dollars. The leaders of the democratic party are constantly boasting of their economy and guardianship of the public money, and of their extreme anxiety for the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people. But there is a wide difference betwixt their professions and practice. During the two years these hollow-hearted patriots held the reins in the government of this State, the Treasury was robbed of more than fifty eight thousand dollars ; and it is wholly owing to there being a federal majority in the legislature the present year, that a stop was put to this scene of iniquity and public plunder.—If the democrats had had a majority last May, Skinner would have been re-elected Treasurer, notwithstanding it was well known at the time, that he was a defaulter in a great sum, and the Commonwealth in all probability, by this time, would have been defrauded of more than one hundred thousand dollars. But the democratic papers tell the people that Skinner's bondsmen are able to pay the money. If so, why have they not done it? Why compel the present Treasurer to hire money and pay interest on the Bonds, for which the people must be taxed? Because they hope to work themselves clear. They are making every exertion to obtain a democratic legislature. They know that democrat will not eat democrat, and he re-ly hangs a tale. Such men as would aid the remission of Callender's fine, can assist to exonerate the bondsmen of Skinner.  A FRIEND TO JUSTICE.
Portland, Monday, March 27, 1809.  FOREIGN. The latest intelligence from Europe was received by the arrival of the brig Batavian at New-York, from Rochelle, which place she left Jan. 14. Bonaparte has been successful in Spain, entered Madrid, and re-crowned his brother, Joseph Bonaparte, in that city. After issuing a proclamation to the Spaniards that the Almighty had given him the power to rule them; verbal accounts say, that he left Madrid for Lisbon, December the 3d.  Many Americans are imprisoned in France, and treated with most unjust and cruel rigor, being fed with bread and water and liberated only upon condition of entering on board French men of war. A reward of 5000 dollars had been offered for capt. Sinclair , who had effected his escape from a French prison. The Admiralty Courts in France continue to condemn American vessels, still the leading democrats tell the people that the French are our "dear friends," and Bonaparte calls us his "dear allies."  The English ministry have rescinded that part of their orders in council laying a duty (tribute, as our democrats call it) on articles from an enemy's ports, so far as it respects vessels of those nations which admit British vessels; but our peace-loving democrats, by their non-intercourse laws, deprive the United States of all the benefit resulting from this relaxation. Let the people look to these things at the approaching elections.  All hail, Newhampshire!! It is with much pleasure, we learn that the late election of State Officers, has resulted in favour of the friends of PEACE, COMMERCE and FREE TRADE.—A federal Governor, a federal majority of Representatives and Senators are said to be chosen. A glorious example for Massachusetts to go and do likewise.  On Tuesday last the District Court adjourned after a session of two weeks at Wiscasset . During the term several important cases of seizures and prosecutions for penalties for supposed breaches of the Embargo Laws were decided. Almost all the decrees and verdicts were in favor of the claimants and defendants.—His Hon. Judge Sewall conducted the business with his usual patience and impartiality—and it is no more than justice to observe that the decision of Court and jury did honor to the talents and integrity of all concerned in the administration of justice.
A Democratic Electioneering Trick. No tyrant, or oppressor, ever put in operation a more base and unprincipled scheme, to obtain power and office, than a few desperate characters of the embargo party, are now producing, to promote the election of the democratic candidate for governor. They know that they have induced thousands of honest citizens in this state, to vote with them, by circulating lies about the federalists. But last election of members to Congress, has told them, in language not to be misunderstood, that there is a large majority of the people in Massachusetts who are most heartily sick of democratic rulers, and their measures; they wish for no more philosophical experiments; are determined to place the management of their public concerns in the hands of the friends of Washington, and those who will pursue his system of policy. If possible, in order to prevent this, those who expect to obtain offices (should Levi Lincoln be chosen Governor,) are busy in circulating, throughout the District of Maine,
that this man is the venerable patriot and soldier, GENERAL LINCOLN, the friend and companion of our beloved Washington; and by sticking to this lie, they are in hopes to induce the honest, but uninformed citizens, to vote for Levi Lincoln.—Those men who nominated the democratic candidate, would be the last to advocate the election of Gen. BENJAMIN LINCOLN, who is as unlike Levi , as Washington was unlike Bonaparte. Gen. LINCOLN is a real friend to the rights and liberties of the people. He resigned his office of Collector at Boston, last winter, worth five thousand dollars a year, rather than be instrumental in enforcing the tyrannical, oppressive, and unconstitutional embargo laws. This act, alone, will ever render the name of BENJAMIN LINCOLN dear to freemen. What a contrast there is in this conduct, when compared with that of the would-be-governor during the last session of the legislature! He opposed every measure for relieving the distresses and securing the safety, liberty, and privileges of the people. He condemned them for exercising one of the birth rights of freemen—that of petitioning the government for a redress of grievances they were suffering under; yet the democratic papers, and the partisans of Levi , have the shameless effrontery to tell the people that this man is a friend to their liberties, and an advocate of their prosperity.
Caution. The Selectmen of the several towns in the District of Maine are desired and urged to be particular in the manner of signing and certifying the returns of votes for Governor, Lt. Governor and Senators—and to be sure that they are returned in season to the Secretary or the Sheriff as by law required.
Villainous Conduct Somewhere. We much regret that our friends in the different parts of the District experience great difficulty in obtaining the Gazette till it has been due several times, and in some instances not at all. Our papers have constantly been seasonably and regularly put into the Post-Office in this town, and it must be owing to the unprincipled conduct of some vile wretch on the way, who purports himself by violating the duties of his office to serve party and electioneering purposes, that they are stopped. Let such miscreants recollect that there will be a day of retribution when they will answer for these things.
Married, In Standish, Mr. FRIEND LORING , of Portland, to Miss RHOBA MOODY . In this town, Mr. THOMAS WEBSTER , merchant, to Mrs. DEBORAH SIMONTON .
Died, In Gray, Mr. James Webster , aged 75. In this town, on the 15th inst., Mrs. Arwithera Cummings , aged 46.—Mrs. Sarah Harding , aged 41.—Mr. John Newman , aged 24 years.
Concert. ON TUESDAY EVENING NEXT, THE SINGERS of the Second Parish in Portland, will give a Concert, or entertainment of Sacred Music, at the Meeting House of the Rev. Messrs. Kellogg and Payson. The Exercises will commence about 7 o'clock, of which notice will be given by the ringing of the Bell. At the close of the Entertainment, the Wealthy the Generous and the Amateur will have an opportunity of contributing according to their ability and pleasure.  For the Benefit of Master THOMAS COOPER , the Organist.  Order of the Exercises. 1st. Introduction—A Water-Piece, from the original, G. F. Handel. 2d. A Fugue—Nations join in sacred song, G. F. Handel. 3d. An Anthem—With songs and bonos sounding loud, W. Shield. 4th. Denmark—Before J'coubel's awful throne, W. Shield. 5th. A prayer. Rev. Mr. Kellogg. 6th. An Anthem for Thanksgiving. Psalm xxix. for three, O God, in Zion, G. F. Handel. 7th. An Appropriate Discourse, Rev. Mr. Payson. 8th. An Anthem for Christmas—Exulting Angels in seraphic strains, G. F. Handel. 9th. A Song from the Oratorio of Sampson—Let the bright Seraphim, G. F. Handel. (To be sung by Master Cooper, accompanied by Clarinet, &c.) 10th. Chant—Our Lord is risen from the dead, Dr. Arnold. (Sole, to be sung by Master Cooper, with Instrumental accompaniments) 11th. Contribution. 12th. Benediction. * In case the weather should be foul, the performance will be the first fair evening. March 27
TOWN ACCOUNTS. THE Committee for examining Accounts against the town of Portland, will meet for that purpose, at the Office of Ben. Mayo, Fifth street, Portland, on the 30th and 31st days of March inst. from 10 to 12 o'clock a. m. and from 3 to 5 p. m. of each of said days.  DANIEL TUCKER , Chairman. March 27, 1809.
Cut Nail Manufactory. T. & E. ODIORNE, ARE proprietors of a new patent machine, for cutting and heading nail at a one operation. They have established a Manufactory at Malden, near Boston, from which they expect, shortly, to furnish two tons of nails per day. They manufacture various sizes, and those of the same length they can make of greater or less thickness, as the market may be intended for may require. Being sensible that the success of their undertaking must depend upon the good quality, and low price of their nails, they are determined to pay due attention to these particulars. Orders will be carefully and punctually attended to, and the prices will be uniform, as well to distant customers, as to those who are near. 5 per cent is their usual discount for cash.  Boston, March 1809.
FOR sale by the Subscriber, at his store in Middle street,    Cognac Brandy  Coal  SUGARS    Bordeaux do.  Lump    Hollands Gin  Havana white    American do.  and brown    Old Jamaica Spirits  Coffee    St. Croix and Antigua Rum  Chocolate    Cherry Brandy  Chocolate Shells    Raspberry do.  Rice    Aniseed  Pearl Barly    Madeira  Olives    Teneriffe  Fresh Turkey Figs  WINES    Sherry  Muscadel Raisins    Port and Claret  Bloom do.    Hyson  Almonds    Young Hyson  Shagharks    Hyson Skin  Confectionary of all kinds usually sold    Souchong and Bohea  Spermaceti, Mould & dip'd Candles    Citron  Ear Soap    Mace  Windfor and Cañile    Nutmegs  Soap    Cinnamon  Wash Bells  TEAS    Cloves  Winter pressed Sperm.    Cassia  Oil    Pepper  Rotten Stone    Pimento  Whiting    Ginger  Spanish Brown    Cayenne  Mats of all sizes    Mustard  House Brushes    Soy  Brooms    Catchup  Cin Cases    Capers  Demijohns  OTHERS    Anchovies  Jugs    Bottles & flasks Olive Oil  Pots    Ground Rice  Powder of first quality     Shott do. &c.                        A few boxes first quality Spanish Segars; one hundred barrels Cider, suitable for bottling or table use; 75 gross Junk Bottles; 360 gross real velvet Corks; 5000 wt. first quality Connecticut Cheese; 50 quintals dumb Fish of a good quality; 50 bks. Cider Vinegar. The above Goods will be warranted as good as can be obtained, and sold as cheap as can be purchased at any store in town, for Cash or short credit.  The smallest favor punctually attended to. DAVID DANA. Portland, March 27.
TAKE NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the late firm of STUART and LINCOLN, or to JONATHAN STUART, either by Note or Account, are once more called upon to make immediate payment, if they wish to prevent cost. JONATHAN STUART. March 27, 1809.
LIME. D. PEASE has for sale, 100 casks new burnt Thomas STONE LIME. Portland, March 27, 1809. (6w)  Messrs. Tappan & Sewall, REQUEST those who have any demand upon them, to present them for settlement, with all convenient speed.—They have for sale, if applied for immediately, 55 casks Pot and Pearl Ashes A case Windfor Soap—Ink Powder And a few prohibited articles, Pins, Sewing Silks and Buttons. No. 21, Haymarket-Row. March 27.
Robert H. Smith, At the sign of the Indian Chief, Fifth street, OFFERS for sale a general assortment of Tobacco and Snuff, viz. Pig Tail, Fig, and Fine Twist Also—10000 lbs. Leaf Tobacco, suitable for the West-India market. Rappes and fine Scotch SNUFF, by wholesale and retail, as low as can be purchased in town.
WANTED, Two APPRENTICES to the Tobacco Business from 14 to 16 years of age—to whom good encouragement will be given—Inquire as above. Portland, March 27.
A SERIOUS CALL! ALL persons indebted to the late firm of Dearborn & Wilson, are informed, that thirty days longer are allowed for them to call and adjust their accounts; and that those who neglect a settlement until after that time, will have the pleasure of doing it with an attorney. SIMON DEARBORN , also, requests those indebted to him, either by note or book account, to call and adjust the same immediately, at his shop, No. 6, Jones' Row. March 27.  NOTICE. WHEREAS His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal, has been pleased to declare that all American vessels in his port shall be considered as those of the most favoured nations—The undersigned hereby give notice, that they have been authorized by JOSEPH PADERNAS, Esq. Consul General and Charge des Affaires from His Royal Highness to the United States, to legalize all papers necessary for vessels bound to Portuguese Ports, and to act in all other matters as Consular Agents for the States of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island. It is necessary that all masters of vessels should have their Bills of Health legalized, otherwise they will be subject to quarantine; and to avoid unpleasant discussions of reclamations, it is also requisite that any articles shipped for account of Portuguese subjects, should be declared and sworn to in the bills of lading as being Portuguese property, and those bills also legalized by the Consular Agents. GOODWIN & WHITING. March 22 No. 23, Long wharf, Boston.  CODFISH. FOR sale, 1000 quintals CODFISH, in good shipping order—Inquire of ANTHONY FERNALD, Contract Wharf. March 20.
Taken by Execution, and will be sold at Public Auction TOMORROW, 23d inst. at 10 o'clock A. M. at E. Greely & Co's Office, A VARIETY of Household Furniture, consisting of—1 Mahogany Dining Table—1 do. Bureau—brass and iron Shovel & Tongs—1 high post Bedstead—1 field do.—1 bed &c.—Chairs—Looking Glass—Bed Curtains and Counter Paces—Sheets—Table Cloths—1 plated Cator—15 vols. Books, &c. &c.—By order of J. M. GERRISH, D'y Sheriff. Portland, March 27, 1809.
Sheriff's Sale. Taken by Execution, and will be sold at Public Auction, tomorrow, 28th inst. at 11 o'clock A. M. at E. GREELY & CO's Office, A VARIETY of English Goods, consisting of—check'd and other pocket Hks.—Camels hair Shawls—Muffs—Sains—Motes—Gloves—Tapes—Bindings—Knives and Forks, &c. &c. —ALSO— 1 Piana Forte—1 Clock—4 Pictures—1 Carpet—Shovel Tongs and Hooks—3 Hearth Rugs—1 Silver Watch. By order of EZRA GIBBS, D'y Sheriff. Portland, March 27, 1809.
Sale at Auction. By order of Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate for the County of Cumberland, will be sold at Public Auction, on FRIDAY, the 7th day of April next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. at E. GREELY & CO's OFFICE, A VARIETY of Household Furniture, &c. consisting of Feather-Beds, Bed-quilts, Bedsteads, Blankets, Sheets, table-cloths, towels, dining and other tables, Looking Glasses, brass andirons, shovel and tongs, 1 Bureau, 1 Sleigh, 1 Gun, Joiner's tools, Chairs, Crockery and Glass Ware, Wearing Apparel, and a variety of other articles. LUCY RANDEL , Administratrix. March 27.
FOR NEWBURYPORT, THE Sloop GENNETT , lying at Ingraham's Wharf, being very convenient for Passengers, will sail this week.—Said Sloop will sail from Portland to Newburyport and directly back to Portland, once a week through the season.—Strict attention will be paid to Passengers and Freight. Apply to Moses or Nathan Davis. Portland, March 27.
POCKET BOOK LOST, on Saturday last, between the Hay-Scales and Ebenezer Lord's store, near Union-Hall, containing fifty five dollars in bank-bills; also, one note of hand for fifty dollars, with other valuable papers. Whoever has found the same and will return it with its contents to the subscriber, shall receive a reward of TEN DOLLARS. Gorham, March 9 WILLIAM DYER.
Travels in Spain. JUST published, and for sale at the Book-Store of ISAAC ADAMS, Travels thro' Spain & part of Portugal, with Commercial, Statistical and geographical details. Illustrated with a modern map of those countries. "Half a word, fixed upon or near the spot is worth a cartload of recollection."—Gray's Letters.
CONTENTS OF THE WORK. CH. I. Arrivals at Barcelona; The Port; Cathedral; Custom-house; Theatre; Expenses of a journey to Valencia; The king's visit to Barcelona in 1802; Vilna; Academy of Arts; Monjuich cannon foundry; Palace of commerce  CHAP. II. Road to Montserrat; Vale of the Llobregat, Martorell; Arch of Hannibal; ascent of the Mountain; The Convent; Termitages; A learned Spanish Monk; Modern Miracles; The holy Image; The Prince of the Peace; Feast of the Holy Ghost; Days of Indulgence; Officers of the Monks; Return through Tarragona to Barcelona.  CHAP. III. Environs of Barcelona; Plain of Villa Franca; Roman Antiquities; Tarragona; Late Archbishop; San Carlos; Barragona; Castle of Almenara; Plain of Valencia; Saguntum; Valencia The Theatre.  CHAP. IV. Valencia; Its Buildings; Convent of San Francisco; Cathedral Archbishop; View from the Tower; Religious Concert; Corpus Christi Day; Processions at Valencia and Madrid.  CHAP. V. Route to Madrid; Almazan; A new Ventadefert Country; Banditti; Lar Mancha; Country Church; Osuna; Aranguez; Approach to Madrid.  CHAP. VI. Madrid; Real Armony; Plaza Mayor; Cabinet of Natural History; The Younger Roffler; Theatre; Palace of Peace; Prado; Prado and striking Spectacles there; New Palace; Bull fight; Comedy of Lope de Vega; General View of the Metropolis.  CHAP. VII. St. Ildefonso; Old Castle; Segovia Cathedral; Alcazar; Aqueduct; Guadarrama Mountains; Park of the Escurial; The Convent; The Casa Real.  CHAP. VIII. The Escurial and Madrid continued; Manners at Madrid; Commercial and Statistical Details of the whole Kingdom; Different Skins of the general Manners of the Spaniards, and of the Rate of the Army.
Samuel Snow's Estate. THE heirs of the estate of Samuel Snow late of Harpswell, in the county of Cumberland, mariner, deceased, and all concerned, are hereby notified, that Stephen Parrington Esq. administrator on the estate of said deceased, has presented to me a copy of an administration on said estate; and that the same will be considered at a Probate Court to be held at the office of John Frosting, Esq. in Portland, on the fourth Wednesday of April next, at ten o'clock, in the forenoon—and where will also be considered his application for a certificate relative to the sale of the whole of the Real Estate of said deceased. SAML. FREEMAN , Administrator. March 23, 1809.

Poetry.
WOULD-BE GOVERNOR! The following Poetry, on the subject of Lieut. Governor Oppugnation's pleading the famous sugar case, whilst Attorney-General of the United States, is from the pen of Doctor Caustick. Not possessing sufficient ability to prosecute the practice of law with effect, (point two being insurmountable to him) his democratic eulogists boast of his having relinquished the profession. Had he never engaged in it, and have pursued a profession for which nature designed him, his obscurity might have afforded a shield against the arrows of satire, and saved him the mortification which resulted from his engaging in a business he had not ability to manage.
First he advanc'd with hems! and hals! "May't please your honours, in this cause, With your good leave, I say, as how, My point the first I'll open now:
"May't please the Court—I would say— hem, "Fore Gad I'm in a fine dilemm'! "May't please the Court—your honours please,
"My arguments are simply these: "Let my opponents do their worst, "Still my first point is—point the first— "Which fully proves my case, because "All statute laws are—statute laws!!! "That is to say—the matter's here, "Since I have made this point so clear, "In favour of my cause and client, "Then our side's right, you may rely on't "I think this argument is pat "In point, it therefore follows—that— "Good Lord, I wish I were a mile hence! Quoth Lincoln—but quoth Sheriff—"silence!"
Our Lawyer having found, I trow, That point the first would hardly go, Now stopp'd to cogitate a little, To hit point second to a little. Point first deliver'd as you see, his Head was not pregnant with ideas, Therefore to put things in a train, He sat down to conceive again. Now having charg'd his horse and fir'd— A word or two, which all admir'd, Then for a true put in petition, As he was out of ammunition. And after many a tug, he found That point the second kept his ground, With most provoking "oppugnation," To our great Lawyer's grand oration.
Select Paragraphs.
Our Banished Seamen.
Extract of a letter from a master of an American vessel, at Greenock, England, to his owner, in this country. "I don't know what I shall do for men; I have not one on board, except the Mate. Sailors think the Embargo is not coming off, so they are afraid to come home for fear they shall starve; and prefer sailing in British ships. I shall get runners to go with me to Liverpool, and take the chance of getting men there; for you might as well ask a man here to jump overboard, as to go to America."
Another extract of a letter from the same, to his father in Gloucester. "I have not a sailor on board my vessel, except my mate, for they expect the Embargo will never be taken off, and they prefer a British ship to coming home to their once pleasant country to starve."
RELAXATION!!!
Two American vessels were condemned at Paris, Dec. 21, for having been boarded at sea from a British cruiser! This, and the late Dutch decree, exposing our captains, mates, and sailors, to the hazard of being condemned to serve as common sailors on board ships of war, are relaxing with a vengeance!
A correspondent enquires if the "Embargo" system is not of the growth, produce or manufacture of France, or of her colonies or dependencies; and if so, whether by the 25th section of the interdicting act it is not liable to forfeiture, being imported into the U. S.—unless indeed it was imported without the knowledge of the owners. [Salem Gazette.]
DECLARATION OF WAR!
The exclusion of the British flag from the ports of the U. S. by the late act of Congress appears to us very much in the light of a declaration of war; still more so does the positive instruction of the Secretary of the Treasury to the Collectors, wherein he says, "No even English vessels can be cleared to the United States of America." If such vessels are not by this condemned as prizes, they are at least condemned to be here and rot; and if their owners comply, will the British government bear them with indifference! Ibid.
NOTICE TO VOTERS.
THE Selectmen of the town of Portland give notice, that they have posted up a List of Voters in each town, at each of the following places, viz— At Mr. Freeman's Office, and at Mr. Burnham's Tavern in said Portland; and request that those persons who consider themselves qualified to vote, and whose names are not entered on the list, would give information thereof to any one of them on or before the third day of April next, at 8 o'clock, A. M. at which time, and at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of the same day, and also on Saturday the 5th day of the same month from 8 o'clock to 10 o'clock, A. M. they will be in session at Mr. Freeman's Office in said town to receive evidence of their qualifications. SAMUEL FREEMAN, Chairman. March 18 [20]
TO LET.
A CONVENIENT DWELLING-HOUSE, situated with about four acres of land, pleasantly situated near Gorham Academy—possession will be given on the 24th inst.—For terms apply to DANIEL JOHNSON.
New & Interesting Publication!
Citizens of New-England! READ AND JUDGE FOR YOURSELVES. JUST published, and now offered for sale, at the several Bookstores in this town, (price 12 1/2 cents) a Political Pamphlet, being
Reflections and Critical Remarks on the present UNHAPPY SITUATION of the United States; comprising a review of the Federal and Democratic administrations of the General Government, with a development of those causes and measures which have involved the country in great and general distress, and pointing to the citizens the course to be pursued in order to regain their former state of prosperity. "If we will tell the truth, believe us for the truth's sake."
HENRY SMITH & CO. House for sale, No. 4, Mufley's Row, SUPERFINE Blue and Black BROAD CLOTHS and CASSIMERES. March 13.
FOR SALE—BY I. Richardson, Hds. and bbls. SUGAR, Barrels Mels. No. 1 and No. 2 BEEF, Half barrels Mels and No. 1 BEEF, Portland, March 13.
FOR SALE By Samuel Trask, No. 6, Long-Wharf, 850 Bbls. NEW BEEF 700 half barrels do do of different qualities. 20 half barrels NEATS' TONGUES. March 13.
FOR SALE, THE Hull of a BRIG, about 150 tons burthen, together with a complete set of Masts, Spars and Blocks. Said brig is new, and built by a good workman, of the best materials. Her timbers are seasoned white oak—she is high deck and handsomely drafted; has a patent windlass, and is particularly calculated for a fast sailer. Inquire of Hussey & Winlow, Who have for sale, wholesale and retail, Spermatic OIL and CANDLES, of the first quality. March 13.
Day & Illey, ARE about settling their present line of business, offer for sale the remaining part of their stock on hand—consisting of Hds. of Rum—pipes of Brandy and Gin—Madeira, Cherry, Lisbon and Port Wine—bds. barrels and bags of Sugar—bags and barrels of Coffee—cheeks of Tea—20 casks Rum—100 bags Pepper—cask of assorted Nails—a quantity of the best of Cheese—barrels of Butter—Hogs Lard—25 barrels Pork—Raisins—Currants—Almonds—Spices of different kinds—100 gin cases—90 Demijohns—a few crates of assorted white Ware—5000 gallons of Vinegar—Allum—Copperas—Brimstone—Indigo, &c.—Many other articles, all which will be sold at a discount from the cost, on a generous credit for approved Notes.—Any person wishing to purchase the whole, or part may meet with a good bargain.—No goods will be sold in the store by retail except for cash only. Unless said goods are sold on or before the 10th of next month they will then be sold at Auction. —ALSO— 98 kegs of Butter, put up in shipping order 18,000 lbs. brown Soap. March 13.
TO BOARDERS. FOUR or five gentlemen Boarders, may be accommodated with Boarding—For particulars, enquire of JOHN DEERING, Portland, March 13.
GLAZING AND Repairing Windows and Quadrants, will be carried on as usual at the subscriber's shop after the Embargo is off—unless a non-intercourse is established between his former customers and himself.—Application at present may be made to him at Quincy & Baker's Store, Fore Street, where the smallest favours will be gratefully acknowledged. March 13. SAML M. QUINCY.
NOTICE. JOHN FARWELL requests all those who have unsettled accounts with him, to call and have them adjusted as soon as possible, as he expects shortly to leave town. Portland, March 6, 1809.
BOARDING. TWO genteel Boarders may be accommodated in a very healthy and pleasant part of the town—Inquire of the Printer. March 13.
FOR SALE, IN Northborough, near Broad Cove, a conveniently situated HOUSE-LOT, consisting of an acre and an half of excellent Land—with a commodious two-story Dwelling-House on the same.—Said stand is well calculated for a Trauer or Mechanic, and is well accommodated with Water near the house.—For particulars inquire of DAVID STAPLES, Northborough, March 13.
FOR SALE, AN excellent FARM, situated in Paris, in the county of Oxford, containing upwards of 200 acres, with a house 36 by 28 feet, and a barn 42 by 32 feet—with a young orchard of about 200 apple trees, with other fruit-trees. Said Farm is so situated that it may be easily divided, and will make two convenient Farms. It contains as much as 78 acres of improved Land, well watered, and produces from 30 to 50 tons of hay yearly. The conditions will be one half down, the remainder made easy to the purchaser.—For further particulars, enquire of JAMES MORSE, on the premises. Paris, March 13.
TO BE LET, HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD, Portland, Nov. 7. (tf)
FOR SALE, A FARM in Cape Elizabeth, containing about 50 acres of land, well watered, and cutting 20 tons English, and some salt hay, and having thereon a two-story brick Dwelling-House, a Barn 51 by 34, well finished, and other out houses. This Farm is very pleasantly situated, having a complete view of the Town and Harbor of Portland; it is also connected with the waters of Fore river, and within half a mile of the contemplated Bridge to Malam's Neck. Terms will be liberal.—For further particulars, enquire of NATHANIEL FREEMAN, Cape Elizabeth, March 6, 1809. (tf)
FOR SALE—AT S. Patten's Book-store, No 10, Fane's Row, 200 Ream's Writing Paper, first quality 200 ditto Wrapping Paper 30 gross Bonnet do. 10 ditto Press Papers TICKETS in Rhode-Island Coal, and the 5th class Hatfield Bridge Lotteries. N. B.—Half of a House in a pleasant part of the town, to be let. March 20. [6w]
TAKE NOTICE! THE subscriber having removed to Gusham, gives notice that his accounts are left at the store of Henry F. Duper & Son. No. 6, Mufley's Row, where those indebted are requested to call and adjust the same immediately. HENRY F. DUPEE.
FOR SALE, A Schooner of about 40 tons burthen, the hull of which as well as the rigging, &c is in good repair and may be fitted at a small expense. For particulars enquire as above. Portland, March 20.
WANTED TO HIRE, A GOOD FARM, situated 8 or 10 miles from Portland, with the Stock and farming utensils necessary to carry on the same.—by a gentleman formerly a farmer in Roxbury. For particulars inquire at the Gazette Office. March 20.
Maine Missionary Society. THE Subscriber gives notice that he has been appointed agent for the Maine Missionary Society, and has for sale at his Store Middle Street, the PANOPTIST MAGAZINE, which will be delivered monthly to subscribers—also subscriptions are received for the above work. NATHANIEL CROSS. March 20.
A FARM FOR SALE, IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of Land, of which thirty is Interval, and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story House and Barn, with out houses. The soil of said farm is inferior to none.—Inquire of OLIVER WINSLOW. Oct. 17. (t.f.)
FOR SALE, A ONE STORY DWELLING-HOUSE, with five Rooms completely finished on the lower floor, and one in the chamber, together with the lot of land it stands on, with an excellent well of water, situated on Cumberland-street, occupied by John Light.—For further particulars apply to OLIVER EVERETT. Portland, Feb. 20. (6w)
United Marine & Fire Insurance Company. ANNUAL MEETING. THE Stockholders of the United Marine & Fire Insurance Company, Portland, are hereby notified that their Annual Meeting for the choice of seven Directors for the ensuing year, will be held at their Office on TUESDAY the fourth day of April next, at 3 o'clock, P. M.—By order of the President & Directors, JOHN WATSON, Secretary. United M. & F. Ins. Office, Portland, March 13, 1809.
Come and See. AN excellent FARM for sale, situated in Falmouth, on the main road leading from Portland to Brunswick, in the Province of Maine, and within four miles of Portland.—Said Farm lies between New-Casco meeting-house and Presumpscot bridge, within a few rods of each, and contains about two hundred acres by estimation, be the same, more or less. The house on said farm is large, commodious, and very pleasantly situated, commanding a fair prospect of the open sea at the entrance of Portland harbor, as also a very considerable part of that beautiful town.—The barn is 32 by 74 feet. Said farm is sufficient to produce hay enough for forty cattle, & contains about eighty acres of good pasture, well supplied with fresh and salt water through the whole season, as it is bounded on the sea shore. It is an excellent feat for a house of public entertainment, and will beautifully accommodate merchants and mechanics with house-rooms, in addition to that little neat village, above the shipyard, which has already been sold off the farm. Within half a mile of the ship-yard are nearly twenty-five acres of perhaps the best white oak timber in the whole town.—Within one mile of the house lie twenty acres of land, well covered with wood and timber. Within two miles of the house, are about twenty acres of good land situated on the abovenamed high-way leading from Portland to Brunswick. There is also a valuable piece of salt-marsh, which produces from six to eight tons of hay in the year, within half a mile of the barn, which may be purchased with said farm.—Farming utensils of all kinds necessary to carry on said farm, may also be purchased. A view of the farm will afford its best recommendation. The terms of payment will be made easy to the fortunate purchaser. For further particulars inquire of DAVID MCGREGOR, of Medford, N. H. or of ADAMS MERRILL, on the premises. N. B. Now or never; for the farm will doubtless be sold within three months. March 6. (3m)
FOR SALE, A FARM in Cape Elizabeth, containing about 50 acres of land, well watered, and cutting 20 tons English, and some salt hay, and having thereon a two-story brick Dwelling-House, a Barn 51 by 34, well finished, and other out houses. This Farm is very pleasantly situated, having a complete view of the Town and Harbor of Portland; it is also connected with the waters of Fore river, and within half a mile of the contemplated Bridge to Malam's Neck. Terms will be liberal.—For further particulars, enquire of NATHANIEL FREEMAN, Cape Elizabeth, March 6, 1809. (tf)
SCHEME OF THE Fifth Class of Hatfield Bridge Lottery. 1 prize of 8,000 Dols is 8,000 Dols. 1 do. 1,000 — 1,000 3 prizes of 500 are 1,500 100 do. 100 — 10,000 100 do. 50 — 5,000 125 do. 20 — 2,500 3500 do. 7 — 24,500 52,750
12,000 Tickets at Five Dollars each are 60,000 Dollars. Capital Prizes determinable in the following manner, viz:
First drawn blank on the 5th day of drawing entitled to 500 dollars. do. — 10th do. 500 do. — 15th do. 1000 do. — 20th do. 800 do. — 24th do. 500
The last drawn blank of every day's drawing entitled to 100 dollars, and also every fiftieth number on the last day's drawing, (except the last drawn number which is provided for above) entitled to 100 dollars. Five hundred numbers will be considered one day's drawing, and the fortunate blanks determined accordingly.
The drawing will commence, at Boston, on the twenty-fifth day of May next: after the fifteenth of said May, tickets in the hands of vendors, will be considered as retained at their risk, and rise to 5 dollars. 50 cts. Tickets unfold may be returned to either of the Managers, Messrs. Gilbert and Dean, of Boston, or Mr. Isaiah Thomas, jun. of Worcester.
Prizes less than 500 dollars will be paid in thirty days; of 500 and 1000 dollars in sixty days; and the highest prize in ninety days after the drawing is completed, in current bank bills. Prizes not demanded in one year after the drawing is completed will not be paid. Tickets for sale by the Managers, and at the usual places.
SAMUEL PORTER, ELIJAH DICKINSON, ISAAC ABERCROMBIE, SAMUEL F. DICKINSON, JOHN HASTINGS, Jun. Managers. February 28, 1809. Tickets and Quarters in the above Lottery for sale by ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth street. 17 Prize Tickets taken in payment.
To the Honorable the Senate and the Honorable the House of Representatives, of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in General Court assembled, HUMBERT SHEW,
Eben Preble, of Boston, in the County of Suffolk, merchant, that in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty five, his father, JEDIDIAH PREBLE, late of Portland, Esquire, deceased, was proprietor of a lot of land, situate in Middle-street, in said Portland, and sometime afterwards said JEDIDIAH sold the same to his son JEDIDIAH PREBLE, jun. who sold to Joseph BARBOUR, a part of said lot of land, (being the easterly part thereof as represented in the plan herewith presented.) In the year 1781, the said JEDIDIAH PREBLE, Sen. intended to convey to your petitioner the residue of said lot of land, (also described on the plan,) but the person employed to make the conveyance, did not describe said residue, but referred for description to the deed of Arthur Goddwin, and to that of E. Knights, to said JEDIDIAH, Senior, when, in fact, a part of the land, in those deeds described, was the same which had been by the said JEDIDIAH, Junior, conveyed to said BARBOUR as aforesaid. This mistake was not then discovered, and the said Eden went into possession of the land intended to have been conveyed, and has been in possession thereof ever since. The mistake has been very lately discovered, in consequence of an investigation of title, by a person who intended to purchase from him. The said Eden further represents, That the land so conveyed, by said JEDIDIAH, Junior, to said BARBOUR, and which said BARBOUR, and those claiming under him possess, has been built upon, and has become very valuable, and much more so than that part of the land which the said Eden has been constantly in possession of, and which was intended to have been conveyed to him by said JEDIDIAH, Senior. The said Eden further represents, That he cannot now have his title to said land, which was so intended to be conveyed to him, perfected by deed, because the said JEDIDIAH, Senior, died, leaving numerous descendants, some of whom are in Europe, and some in the Southern States, and some of whom are minors; and that although the deed which his father gave him of the same land which had been previously conveyed to said BARBOUR, was recorded before the deed to BARBOUR was recorded, and although thereby the legal estate is vested in him, yet neither your petitioner nor the said JEDIDIAH, had any intention to have such estate vested in the petitioner.—Wherefore the said Eden prays, that a resolve may be passed confirming his title to the land which the said JEDIDIAH, Senior, intended to convey to your petitioner; provided he shall release all right and title to the lands which the said JEDIDIAH, Senior, conveyed to his son JEDIDIAH, Junior, who conveyed to said BARBOUR. EBEN PREBLE.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the House of Representatives, March 1, 1809. ON the petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the petitioner cause an attested copy of his petition, with this order thereon, to be published in the New-England Palladium and Portland Gazette, three weeks successively; the last publication to be twenty days, at least, before the second Wednesday of the first session of the next General Court, that all persons interested may then appear and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. In Senate, March 1, 1809. Read and concurred. H. G. OTIS, President. A true copy— Attest, N. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate.
TAKE NOTICE! ALL persons indebted to the subscribers either by note or account are respectfully called upon once more to make payment by the 15th of May next, or they will be left with an attorney for collection after that date. J. & A. CARTER. March 20.
FOR SALE, First or Second THE Schooner COLUMBIA, eighty four tons burthen, high deck. She is a fast good vessel, having been thoroughly repaired, and well formed, and can be fitted for sea immediately, at a trifling expense. She has good room for forage, and is well calculated for the Southern or West India Trade. —ALSO—
For Sale or to Let, A brick Store, in Fifth-street, with a chamber and cellar, with a Dwelling House adjoining, and may be had together or separate—Inquire of THOMAS LEAVIS, No. 9, Fane's Row. Portland, March 20.
THE Copartnership of Nove & Robinson, House Right is this day dissolved by mutual consent. DANIEL NOYES. March 17. DANIEL ROBINSON.
Equity of Redemption. Cumberland, ss.—Taken on Execution, and will be sold at Public Auction, on the 21st day of April next, at 11 o'clock, A. M. at the office of E. GREELY & Co. Portland,
ALL the right in equity of redemption in and to the following described, mortgaged Real Estate situated in Portland, consisting of four Acres, more or less, being one tenth part of all the dower of the Widow; Karenhappuck Brackett, situated between Maine-street and Fore river, containing forty five acres or thereabouts, as set off and assigned unto her out of the homestead of her late husband, Anthony Brackett, deceased (reserving thereout of said one tenth part one quarter of an acre, lying in the Northwesterly corner of said dower, now owned by Isaiah Thomas and Mary his Wife) being all the right and title of said Isaiah and Mary in the aforesaid dower (saying the reservation aforesaid)—also one other lot containing one tenth part of said—Karenhappuck Brackett's dower aforesaid, being part which fell to her as heir to her son Samuel Brackett, deceased—also one other containing three fourths of one tenth part of the dower of the Widow Karenhappuck Brackett aforesaid—all in common and undivided. JOS. M. GERRISH, Deputy Sheriff. Portland, March 20, 1809.
To the Hon. Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in General Court assembled at Boston, on the last Wednesday in May, A. D. 1808.
HUMBERT SHEW, the subscribers, Directors of the Maine Turnpike Association, that by an act of the Legislature, passed March 8th 1803, the said Maine Turnpike Association was vested with the right and power to erect and make a turnpike road from the line of New-Hampshire to Portland, and the further right to erect and keep in repair such bridge and bridges as might be necessary on said route. That said Corporation has laid out and located a part of the route from Portland to the line of New-Hampshire, but before that part of the route so located can be fully completed a bridge must be erected from the bank of Fore river in Portland, over the said Fore river to Malam's neck (so called) in Cape-Elizabeth and the expense of building said bridge will be so great, that no encouragement at present under the existing act is offered for erecting the said bridge, as the toll which the Corporation might receive now, provided said bridge was erected, would not be sufficient to keep the bridge in repair and of course be no remuneration for the large sums of money which must necessarily be expended to complete it. Your petitioners further beg leave to state to the Honorable Legislature, that repeated applications have been made by various persons to complete the most difficult parts of the route, for the toll now granted by the act of incorporation, but owing to the magnitude of the undertaking of building said bridge, and for merely the consideration of receiving such toll as is now granted, this part of the route is unfinished, and the residue of the same remains also unfinished. Your petitioners therefore, humbly pray, that your honours, (if on due consideration it should be thought expedient) would pass an act authorizing the Maine Turnpike Association aforesaid to receive such reasonable toll from those who may pass said bridge (when it shall be completed) with their teams, horses, carriages or otherwise in addition to the toll which they might now receive, were the bridge erected as in their wisdom they may deem equitable.—And as in duty bound will ever pray. JOHN THRASHER, RICH'D. HUNEWELL, HENRY F. DUPEE. Portland, May 1808.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts, IN SENATE, FEB. 3, 1809. ON the Petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the Petitioners cause an attested copy of their petition, with this order thereon, to be published in the Eastern Argus and the Portland Gazette, printed at Portland, three weeks successively, the last publication to be thirty days, at least, before the second Wednesday of the first session of the next General Court, that all persons interested may then appear, and show cause (if any they have) why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. Sent down for concurrence. H. G. OTIS, President. In the House of Representatives, Feb. 4th 1809. Read and concurred. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. A TRUE COPY—Attest, N. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate.
WE the subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Judge of Probate for the county of Lincoln, Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of ROBERT DOW,
late of Boothbay, deceased, represented insolvent, and six months being allowed said creditors to bring in and support their claims, do hereby give notice that we will attend the business of our appointment, at the dwelling-house of William McCobb, Esq. in said Boothbay, on Monday the twenty-seventh day of March instant, and on the fourth Monday of the five following months, from one o'clock P. M. until five. WM MCCOBB, JOHN M. FARLAND } Commissioners. Boothbay, March 10, 1809. (20)