The Massachusetts spy, or, Thomas's Boston journal (Boston [Mass.]), 1773-05-06 00:00:00

O S T S C R I P T TO THE
Massachusetts S P Y : , THOMAS'S BOSTON JOURNAL.
A Week DO THOU GRE VOL. III.
SAM 111.)
THURSDAY, MAY 6, 1773.
(NUMB. 118:
BOSTON, MAY 6. have the pleasure to be acquainted, that the proceedings of this town on the 20th of November last, have been so well approved of by our friends on the other side of the water, that the pamphlet containing them had been reprinted in London, with the following very sensible and judicious preface of the British editor, in order to make our grievances more generally known; and that Britain might be convinced that the late measures of administration are not more affrontive and grievous to Americans, than they are wrong and injurious with respect to themselves.
A LL accounts of the discontent so general in our colonies, have of late years been industriously smothered, and concealed here; it seeming to suit the views of the American minister to have it understood, that by his great abilities all faction was subdued, all opposition suppressed, and the whole country quieted.—That the true state of affairs there may be known, and the true causes of that discontent well understood, the following piece (not the production of a private writer, but the unanimous act of a large American city) lately printed in New-England, is republished here. This nation, and the other nations of Europe, may thereby learn with more certainty the grounds of a dissention, that possibly may, sooner or later, have consequences interesting to them all.
The colonies had, from their first settlement, been governed with more ease, than perhaps can be equalled by any instance in history, of dominions so distant. Their affection and respect for tis country, while they were treated with kindness, produced an almost implicit obedience to the instructions of the prince, and even to acts of the British parliament, though the right of binding them by a legislature in which they were unrepresented, was never clearly understood. That respect and affection produced a partiality in favour of every thing that was English; whence their preference of English modes and manufactures; their submission to restraints on the importation of foreign goods, which they had but little desire to use, and the monopoly we so long enjoyed of their commerce, to the great enriching of our merchants and artificers. The mistaken policy of the stamp-act first disturbed this happy situation; but the flame thereby raised was soon extinguished by its repeal, and the old harmony restored, with all its concomitant advantages to our commerce. The subsequent act of another administration, which, not content with an established exclusion of foreign manufacturers, began to make our own merchandise dearer to the consumers there by heavy duties revived it again: And combinations were entered into throughout the continent, to stop trading with Britain until those duties should be repealed. All were accordingly repealed but one, the duty on tea. This was reserved professedly as a
standing claim and exercise of the right assumed by Parliament of laying such duties. The colonies on this repeal retracted their agreement, so far as related to all other goods except that on which the duty was retained. This was trumpeted here by the minister for the colonies as a triumph; there it was considered only as a decent and equitable measure, shewing a willingness to meet the mother country in every advance towards a reconciliation. And the disposition to a good understanding was so prevalent, that possibly they might soon have relaxed in the article of tea also. But the system of Commissioners of customs, officers without end, with fleets and armies for collecting and enforcing those duties, being continued, and these acting with much indiscretion and rashness, giving great and unnecessary trouble and obstruction to business, commencing unjust and vexatious suits, and harassing commerce in all its branches, while that Minister kept the people in a constant state of irritation by instructions which appeared to have no other end than the gratifying his private resentment*, occasioned a persevering adherence to their resolution in that particular: And the event should be a lesson to ministers, not to risque, through pique, the obstructing any one branch of trade, since the course and connection of general business may be thereby disturbed to a degree impossible to be foreseen or imagined. For it appears, that the colonies, finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed, were rejected and treated with contempt, and that the produce of the duty was applied to the rewarding with undeserved salaries and pensions every one of their enemies, the duty itself became more odious, and their resolution to starve it more vigorous and obstinate. The Dutch, the Danes and French, took the advantage thus offered them by our imprudence, and began to smuggle their teas into the plantations. At first this was somewhat difficult; but at length, as all business improves by practice it became easy. A coast, 1500 miles in length, could not in all parts be guarded, even by the whole navy of England, especially where the restraining authority was by all the inhabitants deemed unconstitutional, and smuggling of course considered as patriotism. The needy wretches too who with small salaries were trusted to watch the ports day and night, in all weathers, found it easier and more profitable not only to wink at sleep in their beds, the merchant's pay being more generous than the King's. Other goods also, which by themselves would have made a smuggling voyage sufficiently profitable, accompanied tea to advantage; and they had the cheap French silks, formerly rejected not to the taste of the colonists, may have had their way with the wares of India and established themselves in the popu-
* Some circular letters had been criticised by one or two of the American assemblies.
lar use and opinion. It is supposed that at least a million of Americans drink tea twice a day, which at the first cost here, can scarce be reckoned at less than half a guinea a head per annum. This market, that in the five years which have run on since the act passed, would have paid 2,50,000 guineas for tea alone, into the coffers of the company, we have wantonly lost to foreigners. Meanwhile it is said the duties have so diminished, that the whole remittance of the last year amounted to no more than the pitiful sum of eighty five pounds for the expence of some hundred thousands in armed ships and soldiers to support the officers. Hence the tea and other India goods that might have been sold in America, remain rotting in the company's warehouses, while those of foreign ports are known to be cleared by the American demand. Hence in some degree the company's inability to pay their bills; the sinking of their stock, by which millions of property have been annihilated; the lowering of their dividend, whereby so many must be distressed; the loss to government of the stipulated 400,000 l. a year, which must make a proportionable reduction in our savings towards the discharge of our enormous debt; and hence in part the severe blow suffered by credit in general, to the ruin of many families; the stagnation of business in Spital-fields and at Manchester, through want of vent for their goods; with other future evils, which, as they cannot, from the numerous and secret connections in general commerce, easily be foreseen, can hardly be avoided.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. Mr. THOMAS, You are requested by several of your Subscribers, to publish the following copy of a Letter, from a Gentleman to his friend. Your's. A. Z.
W HENEVER, in my walks abroad, I meet with Messrs. Bioker, Bowman, or either of the late vendue masters, I am very naturally led to contemplate the uncertainty of success in any lawful business a man can by any possibility enter upon for the support of himself and family; men generally and rightly apprehend that it is right and fit to engage in any business that is not prohibited by some law, and from this reasonable apprehension, industrious men, when one business or trade fails turn to another, and oftentimes, to secure themselves from poverty, run large risques and are at great expence to enter upon and establish some new method to maintain themselves.
When we see men anxious to keep out of idleness and taking pains to investigate some employment that will keep themselves always busy, we cannot help applauding them. The community are benefited by such persons.—Idleness necessarily produces vice, and vice seldom fails of ruining persons, families, and even states! Every le-

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gislative therefore should take great care not to discourage INDUSTRY: But whether a late act of the general court of this province, relative to vendue masters, has not this tendency, is humbly submitted to the members of that court, for their serious consideration. The great laws of nature ought never to be infringed by the positive institutions of a state. All laws that are retrospective, are wrong in their very nature, but very injurious if they create crimes. "Where there is no law there is no transgression," is the unvariable voice not only of reason but of inspiration: It may hence be concluded, that any occupation, not forbidden, either by natural or municipal laws, may reasonably be followed by any person at pleasure; and in reason every man ought to be protected in the quiet and peaceable pursuit of his business by the laws of the land.
It should also be considered that prohibiting any person the exercise of his common lawful calling, as it has a tendency to reduce men to straits and difficulties, and perhaps to subject poverty, so it operates as a punishment, which can with no propriety be inflicted upon the innocent: Besides, what encouragement can any man have to promote industry, either in the way of trade or manufacture, if the legislative may at any time, of their mere will, forbid him pursuing his plan. The law before mentioned, is naturally productive of all the foregoing evils, and of this very stricting additional one which must be very irritating to the sufferer, viz. that without any assigned reason, it takes the bread out of one man's mouth, and perhaps a poor man, and gives it to another, perchance a rich man: This seems scarcely justifiable in the sight of God.
The bare regulating of such business as may be rendered detrimental to society would be a laudable undertaking, but wholly to divest a man of the means of subsistence, without making him ample compensation, is certainly inconsistent with the principles of the English constitution, and an infraction of a natural right.
It is therefore humbly proposed, that at the next session of the general court, the late act should be REPEALED, and the former vendue masters, as of right they ought, should be restored to their former business, which may be regulated by the legislative, and after them, no other persons admitted to be vendue masters, but such as are licenced according to a law made for that purpose. By this means the number in time will naturally be reduced as proposed, and no person have reason to complain of any injury.
You will excuse me for troubling you with a subject that doth not particularly concern either of us; this I am confident you will do, if I may judge from your known attachment to the laws of liberty, equity and justice. Yours, &c.
The following is inserted by particular desire. For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. Copy of a letter to the assessors of ministerial taxes in C [No. 2.]
GENTLEMEN, YOU remember in my letter to you last new-year's day, I remonstrated against your issuing bills to extort from me the maintenance of a form of religion disagreeable to my profession and conscience, which extortion is contrary, not only to the christian spirit, but to the natural rights of mankind, to the protestant profession, and the express letter of the charter of this province, which says, 'that for ever hereafter there shall be a liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all christians (except Papists) inhabiting or which shall inhabit or be resident within our said
'province or territory.' You cannot think, Sirs, that I can take it as satisfactory treatment, that you have not told me whether I have a right to enjoy this liberty, or whether you have, or our fathers in the year 1692 had, a right to deprive me and impose upon me a form of religion contrary to my conscience, profession and practice. This matter ought not, nor cannot lye in suspence, wherefore I hope and expect, Sirs, you will give me a direct answer. I will use the freedom to make a few observations, and as I aim at nothing but truth, I pray you will give me an impartial hearing. If a civil community have a right to determine matters of faith and dictate the worship of God, then all reformation and the protestant cause is but rebellion, and all hopes and possibility of reformation is cut off except the world in general will be so good as to reform. If a civil community have not this right, what cover can you have for this imposition, no doubt you can say we look upon the religion and worship we profess to be right, and he must be a fool, or worse, that cannot say so of what he professes: But would you not think it had if you might not judge for yourselves. I wish you the full enjoyment, and all the benefit of your religion and worship (except what is made up of force and violence) without molestation or any other form forced upon you: and why cannot you allow me the same liberty and privilege? Is it in regard to my welfare that you would fain load me with your form of religion? If so I pray you to recommend it at least, by shewing that its advocates receive so much benefit by it, as to make them willing to bear its charge, if Baal be a God let him plead for himself. Is it not ridiculous, and too audacious to be borne, in any public market, to be forced to buy the wares and the merchant set his own price, especially if the commodity be so great a drug that you would by no means be burdened with it, exclusive of the price? It is not a grievous burden rather than a benefit, to be drove into a religious society, where I must be deprived of all manner of social freedom and liberty, and be pinioned and tied down to a degree intolerable to be borne by a sensible man in any civil community? Could you with any tolerable patience attend town-meetings for the regulation of outward affairs, and improvement of worldly interest, where you must be deprived of speaking in behalf of the town, to promote its interest and give your reasons against what is to its detriment, where a man must be sent and stationed to speak and dictate in all matters depending, because he better understands laws and customs than the town inhabitants.—Would you think it honourable or satisfactory to be a member of a general assembly, where you must perpetually attend and hear what your master has to say, and no liberty to speak in favour of the public interest, or against the reverse, without being looked upon as a disturber; because it is thought most orderly and regular, that one bred and brought up for the business, should dictate speak and govern.—And can I with any conscience or satisfaction join in a religious assembly, where I cannot have liberty openly, to bear testimony to the truth and against falsehood, and orderly to speak and improve, as I may have ability and a disposition for the benefit of the society, and where I cannot have the satisfaction of hearing any other member, properly disposed, so speak and so improve, according to the direction of the Apostle, in the 1st of Cor. the whole of the 14th Chap. Are you not reduced to these pitiful circumstances, by the law which upholds this imposition (and which is all the covering you can have to distinguish these bills from forgery, although this law is made of gross oppression and palpable contradiction) for by this law the inhabitants of any town in the province must by no means meet together and worship God according to his will and their consciences, by the space of six months together. No, they must hire done and pay the cash for it, raise money, ch a committee to hire preaching, &c. &c. so they must go to heaven (or to hell) for law requires, that they be not destitute of a learned, orthodox minister or ministers who fion abundant and plenty, but where is just maintains the store or magazine, I fitters ask who is to furnish such numbers of it with grace and gifts sufficient, for th
is Jesus Ch allow him number as w where to send them promise sufficient ance and reward, if the to be greater than his bove his Lord. If they are therways than by him, it of and avoid them: But quire that if such delect purchase one, the Court let one over them and shall think fit: Is this these his doings?
You can feel to complain, ing (with reason enough) governors independant of the people, of courage can you put on, where can for relief, in fear you may lay schemes disgrace, be disappointed: If instead of the bands of wickedness and undoing he burdens and letting the oppressed go free, breaking every yoke, you persist in upho a law which imposes governors upon God's ritage, by hundreds as independant of the p ple and perhaps of as little value and bene and as great a charge and burden to the la as his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson and thers; although the heads judge for reward, te prophets also teach for hire, and the priest d vine for money, and that is not the worst of it, for the people love to have it so.
It may be you will say what can we do, how can we help it: The remedy is easy where the will is good, it is only to declare uprightly as I now do, that I will neither directly nor indirectly, uphold, maintain or countenance any thing whereby men are deprived of the free liberty of using and exercising their property and faculties in obedience to God, as he in their consciences shall direct. So help me God. Then shall thy light break forth as the morning, and thine health shall spring forth speedily.
I hope, Sirs, your custom of laying out money for preaching will not hinder your kindly accepting this short epistle, or New-Year's gift, which is freely offered without money or price. I wish you much profit by the truth contained, and that you may enjoy a comfortable and happy year. If you find any thing want correcting, you will please to shew me wherein, and oblige, gentlemen, Yours's, In all reasonable service and demands, a loyal subject to authority, divine and humane, but not diabolical or tyrannical Liberty of Conscience.
January 1st, 1773. P. S. I understand, Sirs, you made out a bill against me last year; I should have thought it had been more proper to have made me some consideration on account of what I have suffered by the like imposition for seven years before: But unless you make out that my conscience and property are exposed to idolatry by a public vote, I can take no further notice of it.
*** THE extensive circulation of the MASSACHUSETTS SPY, through town and country, renders it very beneficial for those who ADVERTISE therein. Advertisements (sent in season) are inserted in a neat and conspicuous manner on the most reasonable terms.
Ch gentlemen and ladies, in this province as are desirous of taking in the SPY, which contains the earliest and most important Foreign and Domestic Intelligence, a number of ORIGINAL papers, on a variety of subjects, and which has met with very great encouragement from the public, may be regularly served by directing a line or leaving their names with the publisher, at the small price of six shillings and eight pence, lawful money the year, unsealed, or eight shillings sealed and directed, which is cheaper than any public paper or other periodical publication whatever, of its bigness, in the four quarters of the globe.
BOSTON: Printed by ISAIAH THOMAS.