The Delaware gazette (Wilmington [Del.]), 1809-12-09 00:00:00

THE DELAWARE GAZETTE.
VOL. I.]
WILMINGTON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1809.
NO. 45
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DOCUMENTS,
Which accompanied the Message of the President of the United States.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith.
Washington, 23d October, 1809.
SIR—
The letter, which you did me the honor to address to me on the 19th inst. was delivered to me on the following day. I shall without loss of time transmit it to my court where the various and important considerations which it embraces will receive the attention due to them. In the interval, I would beg leave to submit to you the following observations as they arise out of the communications that have already occurred between us.
In fulfilling a duty which I conceive to be due to my public character, I have never suggested, nor meant to suggest, that the mode of negotiating prescribed by you on this particular occasion—an occasion selected for the purpose of removing existing differences—was otherwise objectionable, than as it appeared to me to be less calculated, than it does to you, to answer the professed purpose of our negotiation.
It was against the general principle of depriving a foreign minister, in the short space of one week after his arrival, and without any previous misunderstanding with him from all personal intercourse, that I thought it right to protest. Since, however, I find by your letter that it is not intended to apply that principle to me, I will only observe, that in the case which you mention to have occurred between Mr. Canning and Mr. Pinkney, the conferences were held, under an expectation at least on the part of the former of their leading to a written communication, whereas in ours, I, from the beginning, stated that I had no such communication to make. There is also this essential difference between the two cases that Mr. Pinkney was charged to convey an important proposal to his majesty's government, the particulars of which it might be very material to have correctly stated whilst the object of that part of my conversation, to which you seem to attach the most importance, was to say that I was not charged to make any proposal whatever.
It could not enter into my view to withhold from you an explanation merely because it had been already given, but because, having been so given I could not imagine, until informed by you, that a repetition of it would be required at my hands. I am quite certain that his majesty's government having complied with what was considered to be the substantial duty imposed upon it on this occasion would, had this been foreseen have added to the proofs of conciliatory good faith already manifested, the further complacency to the wishes of the U. States of adopting the form of communication most agreeable to them, and of giving through me the explanation in question. I have therefore no hesitation in informing you, that his majesty was pleased to disavow the agreement concluded between you and Mr. Erskine, because it was concluded in violation of that gentleman's instructions, and altogether without authority to subscribe to the terms of it. These instructions I now understand by your letter as well as from the obvious deduction which I took the liberty of making in mine of the 11th inst. where at the time, in substance made known to you; no stronger illustration therefore can be given of the deviation from them which occurred, than by a reference to the terms of your agreement.
Nothing can be more notorious than the frequency with which in the course of a complicated negotiation ministers are furnished with a gradation of conditions on which they may be successively authorized to conclude. So common is the case which you put hypothetically that in according to the justice of your statement, I feel myself compelled to make only one observation upon it, which is that it does not strike me as bearing upon the consideration of the unauthorised agreement concluded here, in as much as in point of fact, Mr. Erskine had no such graduated instruction. You are already acquainted with that which was given, and I have had the honor of informing you that it was the only one by which the conditions on which he was to conclude were prescribed. So far from the terms, which he was actually induced to accept, having been contemplated in that instruction he himself states that they were substituted by you in lieu of those originally proposed.
It may perhaps be satisfactory that I should say here that I must willingly subscribe on this occasion to the highly respectable authority which you have quoted and I join issue with you upon the essentials which that authority requires to constitute a right to disavow the act of a public minister.
I is not immaterial to observe on the qualification contained in the passage you have quoted—as it implies in the case of a minister concluding in virtue of a full power . To this it would suffice to answer, that Mr. Erskine had no full power ; and his act consequently does not come within the range of your quotation, although it cannot be forgotten that the United States have at no very distant period, most freely exercised the right of withholding their ratification from even the authorised act of their own diplomatic agents, done under the avowed sanction of a full power.
I conceive that what has been already said establishes beyond the reach of doubt or controversy that his majesty's minister did violate his instructions, and the consequent right in his majesty to disavow an act so concluded.—That his majesty had strong and solid reasons for so doing will appear not only from his instructions having been violated, but from the circumstance that the violation of them involved the sacrifice of a great system of policy deliberately adopted and acted upon in just and necessary retaliation of the unprecedented modes of hostility resorted to by his enemy.
There appears to have prevailed throughout the whole of this transaction a fundamental mistake, which would suggest that his majesty had proposed to propitiate the government of the United States in order to induce it to consent to the renewal of the commercial intercourse between the two countries; as if such had been the relations between Great Britain and America, that the advantages of that intercourse were wholly on the side of the former; and as if in any arrangement whether commercial or political, his majesty could condescend to barter objects of national policy and dignity for permission to trade with another country.
Without minutely calculating what may be the degree of pressure felt at Paris by the difference in the price of goods whether landed at Havre or at Hamburg, I will, in my turn appeal to your judgment, sir, whether it be not a strong and solid reason , worthy to guide the councils of a great and powerful monarch to set bounds to that spirit of encroachment and universal dominion which would bend all things to its own standard? Is it nothing in the present state of the world, when the agents of France authoritatively announce to their victims "that Europe is submitting and surrendering by degrees," that the world should know, that there is a nation which by that divine goodness so strongly appealed to in the paper to which I allude, is enabled to falsify the assertion? Is it not important at such a moment, that Europe and America should be convinced, that, from whatever countries honorable and manly resistance to such a spirit may have been banished, it will still be found in the sovereign of the British nation and in the hearts of his subjects?
As to the precautions taken in England to insure from injury upon this occasion the citizens of the United States, and which appear to you to be even yet insufficient, I am confident that in every doubtful case the usual liberality of our tribunals will be exercised in determining upon the circumstances of it; and it was at Mr. Pinkney's express requisition, that additional instructions were given to the commanders of his majesty's ships of war and privateers to extend to vessels trading to the colonies, plantations and settlements of Holland, the same exemption from a capture and molestation, as was granted to vessels sailing for any of the ports of Holland.
On the subject of the return cargoes from those ports, I must observe that although it was intended to prevent as far as was practicable the inconveniences likely to be created by the unauthorised agreement made here in April last, yet it was not and could be intended to obviate all possible inconveniences, even such as might have arisen if no such agreement had ever been made.
If an American vessel had sailed from A-
* Augereau's proclamation to the Catalonians.
merica for Holland in a time of profound peace, or in time of war, the ports of Holland not being at the date of sailing under blockade, it might yet have happened that, in the period between the commencement of such voyage and the arrival of the vessel at the port of destination, a blockade might have been established before that port. The vessel arriving would in that case, have been warned not to enter the port, and would have been turned away with the loss of the whole object of the voyage.—This would be no extraordinary hardship, and would afford no legitimate ground of complaint.
The order in council is far less strict than such a blockade would be, for as much as it provides for the original voyage, commenced in expectation of being admitted to the port of destination, by permitting by entry into the ports of Holland; and it is no just ground of complaint, that it does not superadd to that permission the liberty to re-export a cargo of the enemy's goods or produce.
I beg leave briefly to re-capitulate the substance of what I have had the honor to convey to you as well in a verbal, as in written communications.
I have informed you of the reasons of his majesty's disavowal of the agreement so often mentioned; I have shown them, in obedience to the authority which you have quoted, to be both strong and solid, and such as to outweigh, in the judgment of his majesty's government, every other consideration which you have contemplated; I have shown that agreement was concluded in virtue of a full power, and that the instructions, given on the occasion, were violated.
Beyond this point of explanation which was supposed to have been attained, but which is now given, by the present letter, in the form understood to be most agreeable to the American government, my instructions are prospective; they look to substituting for notions of good understanding, erroneously entertained, practical stipulations on which a real reconciliation of all differences may be substantially founded—and they authorise me, not to renew proposals which have already been declared here to be unacceptable, but to receive and discuss any proposal made on the part of the United States, and eventually to conclude a convention between the two countries. It is not, of course intended to call upon me to state as a preliminary to negotiation, what is the whole extent of those instructions; they must as I have before said, remain subject to my own discretion, until I am able to apply them to the overtures, which I may have the honor of receiving from you.
I have the honor to be,
With great respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant, F. J. JACKSON.
The Hon. Robert Smith, Sec. &c.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith.
Washington, 27th October, 1809.
SIR,
Finding by your letter of the 13th inst. that notwithstanding the frequent statements made by me in our conferences of the terms of satisfaction which I am empowered to offer to this country for the unauthorised attack made by one of his majesty's ships of war upon the frigate of the United States, the Chesapeake, I have not had the good fortune to make myself distinctly understood by you, I have the honor to inclose herewith a paper of memoranda containing the conditions on the basis of which I am ready to proceed to draw up with you the necessary official documents in the form proposed in my letter of the 11th inst. or in any other form upon which we may hereafter agree.
I have the honor to be, with great respect,
Sir,
Your most obedient Humble servant.
J. F. JACKSON.
The Hon. Robert Smith, Sec. &c.
The president's proclamation of July 1807, prohibiting to British ships of war the entrance into the harbors of the United States, having been annulled, his majesty is willing to restore the seamen taken out of the Chesapeake on reserving to himself a right to claim, in a regular way by application to the American government the discharge of such of them (if any) as shall be proved to be either natural born subjects of his majesty, or deserters from his majesty's service.
His majesty is willing to make a provision for the families of such men as were slain on board the Chesapeake, in consequence of the unauthorised attack upon that frigate, provided that such bounty shall not be extended to the family of any man who shall have been either a natural born subject of his majesty, or a deserter from his majesty's service.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson.
Department of State, Nov. 1, 1809.
SIR,
Your letter of the 23d ult. which was duly received, would have been sooner acknowledged had I not by sickness been rendered for several days utterly unfit for business.
Although the delay and the apparent reluctance in specifying the grounds of the disavowal of the government with respect to the orders in
council, do not correspond with the course of proceeding deemed most becoming the occasion, yet as the explanation has at length been made, it only remains, as to that part of the disavowed arrangement, to regret that such considerations should have been allowed to outweigh the solid objections to the disavowal; it being understood at the same time his Britannic majesty perseveres in requiring as indispensable conditions on the part of the United States, an entire relinquishment of the right to trade with enemies' colonies, and also permission to the British navy to aid in executing a law of congress; pretensions, which cannot but render abortive all proposals whatever upon this subject, whether made by the United States or by his Britannic majesty.
Whilst you have deemed it proper to offer an explanation with respect to the disavowal of one part of the arrangement, I must remind you that there is not to be found in your letter any like specification of the reasons for the disavowal, nor particularly is it shewn that instructions were violated, as to the other part, viz. the case of the Chesapeake; the case in which in an especial manner an explanation was required, and in which only you professed to have authority to make to this government any overtures.
For the first time it is now disclosed that the subjects, arranged with this government by your predecessor, are held not to be within the authority of a minister plenipotentiary, and that, not having had a "full power" distinct from that authority, his transactions on those subjects might of right be disavowed by his government." This disclosure, so contrary to every antecedent supposition and just inference, gives a new aspect to this business. If the authority of your predecessor did not embrace the subjects in question, so as to bind his government, it necessarily follows, that the only credential yet presented by yours being the same with those presented by him, give you no authority to bind it, and that the exhibition of a "full power" for that purpose, such as you doubtless are furnished with, is become an indispensable (relinquishing to furnish negotiation; or, to speak more strictly, was required in the first instance by the view of the matter now disclosed by you. Negotiation without this preliminary would not only be a departure from the principle of equality which is the essential basis of it, but would moreover be a disregard of the precautions and of the self-respect enjoined on the part of the United States; by the circumstances which have hitherto taken place.
I need scarcely add, that in the full power alluded to, as a preliminary to negotiation, is not intended to be included either the whole extent or any part of your instructions for the exercise of it. These, of course, as you have justly remarked, remain subject to your own discretion.
I abstain, sir, from making any particular misadversions on several irrelevant and important allusions in your letter, not at all comporting with the professed disposition to adjust in an amicable manner the differences subsisting between the two countries. But it would be improper to conclude the few observations to which I purposely limit myself, without advertting to your repetition of a language implying a knowledge on the part of this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorise the arrangement formed by him. After the explicit and peremptory assertion that this government had no such knowledge, and that with such a knowledge no such arrangement would have been entered into, the view, which you have again presented of the subject, makes it my duty to apprise you, that such insinuations are inadmissible in the intercourse of a foreign minister with a government that understands what it owes to itself.
I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed)
The honourable
Francis James Jackson, Sec. &c.
Mr. Jackson to Mr. Smith.
Washington, 4th Nov. 1809.
SIR,
When I forwarded to my court your letter of the 19th ultimo, and the answer which I returned to it, I imagined, and I may add, I hoped, that the retrospective correspondence into which you thought it necessary to enter with me had been closed. You will, no doubt, recollect with what reluctance I acquiesced in your intimation on this head; not, as I believe has been seen, from any difficulty in maintaining the justice of the cause which is entrusted to me, but because I was and still am of opinion, that this sort of correspondence is not calculated to remove differences and soothe irritations of the most unfortunate tendency. As, however, I had no choice but to renounce, for the present, the hope of effectuating this desirable object, or to pursue it in the manner prescribed in your letter of the 9th ultimo, so I am now unwillingly compelled to enter upon the consideration of another letter from you under date of the 1st inst. which but too strongly confirms the opinion I before entertained.
Since, sir, it has been judged expedient to confine to a written form this important and interesting discussion; since that mode has been declared by you to be indispensable, I will first appeal to the written communications which have passed between us; and I do this with the greater satisfaction, because I consider it to be

the chief cause of the present remarkable state of things, that in speaking of engagements contracted or supposed to be contracted between the two countries, understandings or implicit engagements have been a lowed to take place of written compacts, and have been considered, in some instances, as having the same validity. It is furthermore necessary to place in the most unequivocal light a topic, which I observe to be constantly and prominently restated in your letters, notwithstanding the repeated, but, as it should seem, fruitless endeavours used in mine, to clear it from the slightest shadow of obscurity.
You say, "that it is understood that his Britannic majesty perseveres in requiring as indispensable conditions on the part of the U. States, an entire relinquishment of the right to trade with the enemies' colonies, and also a permission to the British navy to aid in executing a law of congress."
This same statement is contained in your letter of the 9th inst. and represented as the substance of what had fallen from me in our previous conferences. In my answer to that letter, I took the liberty of shewing that such a supposition was erroneous, and I have looked in vain to my letter of the 23d to find in it any suggestion of a similar tenor. I believe, therefore, that by reference to my two letters you will find, that the statement now brought forward is contained in neither of them, that it made no part of my previous conversations with you, and that I have in no way given room to suppose that I ever made any such statement at all.
That before the orders in council can be revoked, their object must be obtained in some other way, is unquestionably true—but you may be assured, sir, that there is no wish whatever entertained in England, that the British navy should be employed in executing a law of congress. If the proposal that was made upon that subject, and made, as you now know, because it was believed to be acceptable here, had been adopted, and had become a matter of compact between the two countries, and thereby a part, not of the law of congress, but of the public law binding upon both parties, and which both would have had a common interest in seeing duly executed—in that case the agency of the British navy would not have had the invidious aspect with which it is now attempted to be given to it—At present there is no engagement between the two countries, no laws of congress which bear a reference to any such engagement, and consequently it cannot be wished to take any share whatever in the execution of those laws.
In regard to the colonial trade, I need only observe, that all, or nearly all, the enemies' colonies are blockaded by British squadrons—it cannot therefore be so much an object of solicitude as you imagine, to obtain the relinquishment of the trade of any country to those countries. On the contrary, you will find it stated in my letter of the 11th ult. to be a matter of indifference whether the order in council (on this subject) be continued, or an arrangement by mutual consent substituted in its room.
When I informed you that the agreement concluded here in April last, had been framed in deviation from the instructions given for the occasion, my explanation was intended to apply to both parts of that agreement. That nothing, required by the most scrupulous accuracy, may be wanting, I now add, that the deviation consisted in not recording in the official document signed here, the abrogation of the president's proclamation of the 2d July, 1807, as well as the two reserves specified in the paper of the memoranda enclosed in my official letter to you of the 27th ult.
There is another motive for the disavowal of this part of the arrangement, considered to be so strong and so resplendent upon the very face of the transaction, that I am not compelled to do more than indicate it in the manner I have already done. By this embarrassment, his majesty conceives that he is giving an additional pledge of his sincere disposition to maintain a good understanding with the United States.
I am somewhat at a loss to give a distinct reply to that part of your letter which relates to Mr. Erskine's authority to conclude with you in virtue of his general letter of credence—because I do not very distinctly understand the tendency of it. I never before heard it doubted that a full power was requisite to enable a minister to conclude a treaty, or that a mere general credence was insufficient for that purpose.
If it were otherwise, and a government were in all cases to be bound by the acts, however unauthorized, of an accredited minister, there would be no safety in the appointment of such minister, and ratifications would be useless.—No full power was given in the present case, because it was not a treaty, but the materials for forming a treaty in contemplation.
In his despatch of the 23d of January, Mr. Secretary Canning distinctly says to Mr. Erskine—"Upon receiving through you on the part of the American government a distinct and official recognition of the three abovementioned conditions, his majesty will lose no time in sending to America a minister fully empowered to consign them to a formal and regular treaty."
This minister would, of course, have been provided with a full power; but Mr. Erskine was to be guided by his instructions, and had the agreement concluded here been conformable to them, it would without doubt have been ratified by his majesty. I must beg your very particular attention to the circumstance that his majesty's ratification has been withheld not because the agreement was concluded without a full power, but because it was altogether irreconcilable to the instructions on which it was professionally founded. The question of the full power was introduced by yourself to give weight by a quotation from a highly respected author, to
your complaint of the disavowal, in answer to which I observed that the quotation did not apply, as Mr. Erskine had no full power. Never did I imagine, or any where attempt to rest the right of disavowal upon that circumstance; undoubtedly his agreement would, nevertheless, have been ratified had not the instructions which in this case took the place of a full power, been violated.
I am surprised at the transition by which it appears to you that this part of the subject is connected with the authority empowering me to negotiate with you. It will not, I dare say, have escaped your recollection that I informed you at a very early period of our communications, that in addition to the usual credential letter, his majesty had been pleased to invest me with a full power under the great seal of his kingdom, for the express purpose of concluding a treaty or convention. I well remember your testifying your satisfaction at the circumstance; and I have only now to add that I am ready, whenever it suits your convenience, to exchange my full power against that with which you shall be provided, for the progress of our negotiation.
I am concerned, sir, to be obliged a second time to appeal to those principles of public law under the sanction and protection of which I was sent to this country. Where there is not freedom of communication in the form substituted for the more usual one of verbal discussion, there can be little useful intercourse between ministers: and one, at least, of the epithets which you have thought proper to apply to my last letter is such as necessarily abridges that freedom. That any thing therein contained may be irrelevant to the subject it is of course competent in you to endeavor to shew, and as far as you succeed in so doing, in so far will my argument lose of its validity—but as to the propriety of my allusions, you must allow me to acknowledge only the decision of my own sovereign, whose commands I obey, and to whom alone I can consider myself responsible. Beyond this it suffices that I do not deviate from the respect due to the government to which I am accredited.
You will find that in my correspondence with you, I have carefully avoided drawing conclusions that did not necessarily follow from the premises advanced by me, and least of all should I think of uttering an insinuation where I was unable to substantiate a fact. To facts, such as I have become acquainted with them, I have scrupulously adhered, and in so doing I must continue, whenever the good faith of his majesty's government is called in question, to vindicate its honor and dignity in the manner that appears to me best calculated for that purpose.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, F. J. JACKSON. The Hon. R. Smith, &c. &c. &c.
Mr. Smith to Mr. Jackson. Department of State, November 8th, 1809.
Sir, In my letter of the 19th ult. I stated to you that the declaration in your letter of the 11th that the dispatch "from Mr. Canning to Mr. Erskine of the 23d January, was the only dispatch by which the conditions were prescribed to Mr. Erskine, for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it relates, was then for the first time made to this government." And it was added, that after this dispatch had been communicated at the time of the arrangement, or if it had been known that the propositions contained in it were the ones on which he was authorized to make an arrangement, the arrangement would not have been made.
In my letter of the 1st inst. adverting to the repetition in your letter of the 23d ult. of a language implying a knowledge in this government that the instructions of your predecessor did not authorize the arrangement formed by him, an intimation was distinctly given to you, that after the explicit and peremptory asseveration that this government had not any such knowledge, and with such knowledge, such an arrangement would not have been made, no such insinuation could be admitted by this government.
Finding that in your reply of the 4th inst. you have used a language which cannot be understood but as reiterating and even aggravating the same gross insinuation, it only remains, in order to preclude opportunities which are thus abused, to inform you that no further communications will be received from you, and that the necessity of this determination will, without delay, be made known to your government. In the mean time a ready attention will be given to any communications affecting the interests of the two nations through any other channel than may be substituted.
I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) R. SMITH. The Hon. Francis James Jackson &c.
Mr. Oakley his Majesty's secretary of Legation is desired by Mr. Jackson to state to the Secretary of state that, as Mr. Jackson has been already once most grossly insulted by the inhabitants of the town of Hampton in the unprovoked language of a buse held by them to several officers bear-
ing the King's uniform, when those officers were themselves violently assaulted and put into eminent danger; he conceives it to be indispensable to the safety of himself, of the gentlemen attached to his mission and of the family, during the remainder of their stay in the United States, to be provided with passports or safeguards from the American government.—This is the more necessary since some of the papers of the United States are daily using a language whose only tendency can be to excite the people to commit violence upon Mr. Jackson's person. In consequence he requests that the under mentioned names be inserted in the document to be furnished him.
Francis James Jackson, Mrs. Jackson, their three children, Charles Oakley, Esq.
His Majesty's Secretary of Legation. Mr. George Ottey, Private Secretary.
SERVANTS. Robert Clavering, Francis Martin, William Attre, Charles Beecroft, Richard Lowe, John Price, John Lilly, James Wright, Amelia George, Mary Smith, Harriet Patten, Martha Wood, Francis Blackwell.
[Received at the Department of State, on the 11th Nov. 1809]
Mr. Oakley is desired by Mr. Jackson to say to the secretary of state:
That Mr. Jackson has seen with much regret that facts which have been his duty to state in his official correspondence, have been deemed by the American government to afford a sufficient motive for breaking off an important negotiation and for putting an end to all communication whatever with the minister charged by his sovereign with that negotiation so interesting to both nations and on one point of which an answer has not even been returned to an official and written overture.
One of these facts alluded to has been admitted by the Secretary of State himself in his letter of the 19th Oct. viz. that the three conditions forming the substance of Mr. Erskine's original instruction were submitted to him by that gentleman. The other, viz. that that instruction is the only one in which the conditions were prescribed by Mr. Erskine for the conclusion of an arrangement on the matter to which it related, is known to Mr. Jackson by the instructions which he has himself received.
In stating these facts and in adhering to them, as his duty imperiously enjoined him to do, Mr. Jackson could not imagine that offense would be taken at it by the American government, as most certainly none could be intended on his part; but since he has been informed by the Secretary of state that no farther communications will be received from him, he conceives that he has no alternative that is consistent with what is due to the King's dignity, but to withdraw altogether from the seat of the American government, and await the arrival of his majesty's commands upon the unlooked for turn which has thus been given to his affairs in this country.
Mr. Jackson means to make New-York the place of his residence.
WASHINGTON, 13th November, 1809.
From the National Intelligencer.
Our readers have now before them the whole correspondence that has passed between the secretary of state and Mr. Jackson, and are competent to judge for themselves on the conduct of both parties. These documents are so satisfactory in elucidating the spirit with which Mr. Jackson commenced his career as to require little comment. It may, however, not be altogether useless to submit a few remarks. Before these are offered, the public will pardon our saying a few words in some measure personal to ourselves. The statement of the grounds of the rupture with Mr. Jackson, as given in the National Intelligencer of the 13th inst. although received with implicit confidence by the mass of the nation, and even by a great majority of the federal party, has been assailed by two or three of the prints devoted to Britain with a profligate contempt of truth, and in terms felt by us to be totally unworthy of notice. This paper having never intentionally mistated a fact, or, so far as is recollected, unintentionally mistated any important measures of the government, and having invariably considered it a duty to repair any mistake into which it may have inadvertently fallen, it was not deemed at all necessary to rebut calumnies, which it was foreseen would have an ephemeral existence, and only serve to debase their authors. The documents are now in the hands of every one, who will see that the statement given in this print is most scrupulously faithful, and that so far from aggravating the tenor of Mr. Jackson's letters, it in fact, omitted much harsh matter, noticed concisely only such parts as were essential to give any adequate idea of the reasons that induced the executive to refuse to receive any further communication from him.
At the fitness, may the indispensable consequence of this step, we presume no doubt can be entertained. We are certain, at any rate, that an argument would be lost upon those who cherish such doubt. It is perhaps fortunate that the conduct of the British envoy, on this head, conveys a bold appeal, not merely to the understandings, but likewise to the feelings of the American people, who, it will be seen, like every other free people, will be even less patient under insults than injuries. The most important question that naturally flows from a perusal of these documents is—had no such obstacle occurred as that which arose from the wanton and useless language of Mr. Jackson, was there the least prospect of the negotiation issuing in any arrangement of substantial utility? Even this is no otherwise important, but by enabling us to understand the precise ground on which we stand, to lead to the adoption of such measures as shall most effectually guard our interest from the unprincipled outrages now habitually perpetrated against them.
On this enquiry, these facts offer themselves at the very threshold.
An arrangement was made between our government and Mr. Erskine, who had constantly enjoyed the confidence of his government.
This arrangement was made on terms mutually equitable and liberal; terms, which gave us nothing but what we had a perfect right to claim, and deprived Great Britain of nothing which could be beneficial to her.
It is not, therefore, unfair to infer that these terms are substantially those on which, and on which alone, the American government can at any time make an arrangement with Great Britain.
The arrangement of Mr. Erskine concluded on these terms, is disavowed, and we are told by Mr. Jackson that it is disavowed, because they are such as his government will not, cannot agree to, by whom, he adds, he is not authorized to make any proposition to our government so far as relates to general concerns.
Was there, then, under these circumstances, the faintest chance of concluding any satisfactory arrangement with him?
Let it, moreover, be considered that the arrangement with Mr. Erskine consisted of two branches; one respecting the Chesapeake; the other respecting the general affairs of the two countries; and that even had the terms of the latter been settled, the former still remained as an insuperable barrier. For there can be no doubt, that due reparation for the outrage on the Chesapeake must precede a satisfactory arrangement of the general concerns.
What then were the disposition and powers of Mr. Jackson on the affair of the Chesapeake?
Simply these—without offering the least apology for the disavowal of this part of Mr. Erskine's arrangement, without shewing in how much that arrangement varied from Mr. Erskine's instructions, he declares himself merely empowered to restore the seamen taken from the Chesapeake and to make provision for the families of the slain, on condition that the recognition of the annulling of the president's proclamation of July 1807 should precede this stipulation of the British government, and on condition that a right might be reserved to claim the discharge of such of the restored seamen, and to withhold the promised bounty from the families of such of the slain seamen, as were either "natural born subjects of his majesty or deserters from his majesty's service."
It must have been known to the British government that a reparation, clogged by such degrading conditions, never would be accepted by our government, and consequently not terminate in any arrangements propitious to a satisfactory accommodation of the differences between the two nations. Had, then, the manner in which Mr. Jackson demeaned himself been perfectly respectful, the very terms of his instructions must have rendered his mission altogether abortive.
It was our purpose to have gone somewhat more fully into this subject; but the extensive view taken in the article in our preceding columns induces us here for the present to close our remarks.
[It is our intention, after getting through with the documents accompanying the President's message Congress, to publish the article referred to in the preceding paragraph.]
Congressional Register.
House of Representatives.
Monday, December 4.
Mr. Nicholson proposed a resolution, declaring that provision ought to be made by law for the establishment of a general system of Banking throughout the United States, the profits of which to be appropriated to making roads, bridges, canals, and to the purposes of education. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Fisk offered the following resolution, which was adopted and referred to a committee of five members.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for taking the third census of the inhabitants of the U. States.
Tuesday, December 5.
Mr. Trump, said that he held in his hand certain resolutions relative to commercial rights; for he thought it was high time these rights should either be defended or abandoned. He contended that the principle of retaliation avowed by the belligerents was an unjustifiable pretension. He averred that the professed right of

blockade did not most unquestionably grow out of a state of war; and if we submit to the right of blockading provinces and kingdoms by a peace of parchment, in time of war, we must also submit to it in time of peace. Mr. T. entered at length into this subject, arguing generally, that if the British government had a right to prohibit any of our trade because it was her interest to do so, we had the same right to consult our interest in prohibiting any of their trade. If England, he said, could order out our vessels into her ports and force them to pay a license to trade, we could with equal justice turn her vessels into our ports, and force them to pay a license. Although he expected these resolutions would meet with opposition, it could scarcely be supposed that their adoption would lead to hostilities; because they were merely retaliatory, and rested on the same basis as the decrees and edicts of the powers which they were intended to affect [England and France.] He thought it would readily be perceived, that these resolutions had particular reference to the trade to the Brazils and South America. After some further observations, Mr. Troup read the resolutions as follows:
Resolved , That it is expedient to authorize the president by law to instruct the commanders of armed vessels of the U. States, to stop and bring into the port of the same, all ships or vessels with their cargoes, the property of the subjects of the king of Great Britain, or of the emperor of France, bound to ports other than those within the dominions or colonies of either.
Resolved , That it is expedient further to authorize by law the detention of all ships and vessels with their cargoes, the property of the subjects of the king of G. Britain, until the duties to be regulated and ascertained by law, shall be first levied and collected upon the goods and merchandise whereof the said ships or vessels shall be laden or tariff therein prescribed, and until the said ships or vessels shall have received due licence to depart.
Resolved , That it is expedient further to authorize by law the detention of all ships or vessels with their cargoes, the property of the subjects of the emperor of France brought within the ports of the U. States, there to abide the formal decision or order of the government in relation to the same.
Resolved , That an ad valorem duty of be levied and collected on all goods, wares and merchandise of British produce and manufacture.
Resolved , That it is expedient to authorize the president, on paying of the duties authorized to be levied and collected on the goods laden on board vessels the property of the subjects of the king of Great Britain forthwith to grant license to such vessels to depart and proceed to the port of original destination without further hindrance or molestation.
After some further observations to show that these resolutions were more hostile towards France than G. Britain, since the vessels of the latter were licensed to depart while those of the former would be detained, Mr. Troup observed that in order to give every member an opportunity to consider the resolutions, he moved that they be printed and ordered to lie on the table. Agreed to.
The Gazette.
Wilmington, December 9, 1809.
"A friend to well disciplined militia" in our next.
We are happy to find Congress, at so early a part of the session, evince a disposition to pursue energetic measures—the present crisis imperiously requires them. Mr. Giles has reported a bill to prevent the abuse of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by foreign ministers in the United States. This bill authorises the president to order any diplomatic character out of the United States who should dare to insult this government. He has also offered a resolution reprobating the conduct of F. J. Jackson.
The following extracts from the Journals of the British House of Commons, shew the course pursued by that body, in a case analogous to that of Mr. Jackson:
Extracts from the Journals of the HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Mercurii, 8 die Martii;
Anno 13 Georgii, Regis, 1726.
Resolved , That an humble address be presented to his majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that the memorial presented to his majesty on Thursday last, by Monsieur de Palm, the imperial resident, may be laid before this house.
Ordered , That the said address be presented to his majesty by such members of this house as are of his majesty's most honorable privy council."
Lunae, 13 die Martii;
Anno 13, Georgii Regis, 1726.
And a complaint being made to the house, that the substance of the said memorial had been printed and published in a paper intituled,
Translation of the memorial presented in Latin to the king of Great Britain, by Mons. de Palm, the imperial resident, upon the speech of his Britannic majesty, made to the two houses of his parliament on the 23 17 of January, 1726-7.
The said printed paper was brought up to the table and read.
The said printed paper is bound up with the other papers of this session.
Resolved , nomine contradicente , That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to express the highest resentment of this house at the affront and indignity offered to his most sacred majesty, by the memorial delivered by Mons. de Palm, the emperor's resident, and at his insolence in printing and dispersing the same throughout the kingdom; to declare their utter abhorrence at this audacious manner of appealing to the people against his majesty, and their detestation of the presumptuous and vain attempt, in endeavouring to instil into the minds of any of his majesty's faithful subjects the least distrust or diffidence in his most sacred royal word:
"To return his majesty the thanks of this house for his care and vigilance in discovering the secret and pernicious designs of his enemies, and his goodnes in communicating to his parliament the dangers that threatened this kingdom; and to assure his majesty that this house will stand by and support his majesty against all his open and secret enemies, both at home and abroad; and effectually defeat the expectations of all such as may have in any manner countenanced, encouraged or abetted the disturbers of the public tranquility, in this extravagant insult upon his majesty; or flattered themselves with hopes, that an obstinate perseverance in their destructive measures could stagger the firmness of the British nation in vindication of his majesty's honor, and in the defence of their rights and privileges."
Ordered , That a committee be appointed to draw up an address, to be presented to his majesty, upon the said resolution.
Venetiis, die Martis;
Anno 13 Georgii Regis, 1726.
"Mr. Speaker reported, that both houses did yesterday attend his majesty with their address, to which his majesty was pleased to give this most gracious answer:
"My Lords and Gentlemen,
"Your unanimous concurrence in this dutiful and affectionate address gives me the greatest satisfaction. The just concern you express for my honor, and the dignity of the crown is very becoming a British parliament; and this fresh proof of your confidence in me will convince the world, that all attempts to divide our hearts will be vain and ineffectual."
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR. JONES.
I AM much pleased with Mr. Troup's resolutions on the violation of neutral commerce, [see this day's congressional register] and should have been still better pleased if they had embraced the subject of our fellow-citizens now languishing on board British men of war; but I trust before Congress rise, a resolution of the following import will be adopted:
Whereas many citizens of the United States of America, whilst in the prosecution of lawful and laudable pursuits, have been seized and violently compelled to enter into the service of the king of Great Britain, and to fight his battles on board his ships of war; therefore,
Resolved , That after notice shall be given to the British king, through our minister at London, that if our distressed citizens are not discharged and permitted to return to their homes, &c. an equal number of men from among British agents and subjects of his majesty the king of Great Britain shall be put on board the armed vessels of the United States, and there be compelled to do duty until the American citizens now in bondage in the British navy shall be so discharged and permitted to return home, or during the natural lives of those thus forcibly detained on board British vessels of war.
An Old Revolutionist.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Omnia suo tempore peregranda.
THE present times are fraught with events—sufficient, to fill with astonishment, those most accustomed to reflect on the revolutionary changes of the world.
In no period does history speak of days so indicative of great and important changes.—In the present emperor of France, we see replete, talents, necessary to the greatest events. If we trace the various movements of this warrior and politician, we see them most evidently guided by the hand of destiny. If we advert to those times when his genius first dawned, and contrast them with the present, we behold changes beyond our weak conceptions.
Europe, which a few years back contained kings and kingdoms, proud even as Rome herself, is now humbled, or rather struck from the map. Napoleon, guided by Providence, in his conflicts, has acted with prudence. 'Tis not my intention to say his own views are most pure. We must view him as a man endowed with the greatest talents; possessing every qualification necessary to carry into effect the inscrutable designs of Providence. The late coalition opened a new field to display his great and warlike genius. Austria, as though blinded to her own interest, once more repaired to the banks of the Danube, to decide her fate. Scarce had her arms glittered in the field, or her drums sounded the unhappy contest, than she was humbled at the feet of France. Bonaparte, though ambitious, cannot be deemed cruel in his conquests. Wherever his arms have been victorious, we see the arts and sciences introduced. Spain, among the unhappy nations of the earth, for a long time groping in a cloud of ignorance, seems just verging towards the dawn of day. We hope ere long in this unfortunate country, to
liberty and peace prevail; and its unhappy subjects developed from that awful state, which had nearly buried it in oblivion.
It has been the unfortunate lot of many of our citizens to labour under fears, relative to the emperor, when the nations around him are subdued. Those who have fears of this kind, cannot view in the proper light the revolving changes of time. Napoleon has not yet fulfilled his important mission. Europe will require his attention. Asia, ere long, must be the field for the greatest display of his military talents. If we look at that quarter of the globe, we see a numerous and, in some parts, a warlike people, labouring under all the disadvantages of a state of ignorance—habiting a country, once the garden of the world; but, now, the habitation of merciless tyrants. Europe, for fifteen years, has experienced the horrors of devastating wars. And, can we reasonably suppose, that Asia shall escape the conflicts of these inauspicious times? No—every man whose mind has soared, must look with horror upon the approaching scenes of carnage. Turkey already trembles to her foundation. Military movements appear upon her borders. Russia and France, two great powers, are looking with attention towards those immense countries, the glory of former days. Should they unite, the eagles of France must soon expand in every part—her tri-coloured flag must fly on the ruins of ancient cities—intercourse again revive with Egypt, and all those countries, once dependent on her for commodities and science.
These may appear conquests attended with the greatest difficulties. But the superior genius of the emperor, aided by a powerful ally, is adequate to the greatest events. If we look at the past, we may in some degree judge of the future. One battle, in the late contests, has decided the fate of nations.
And, when we reflect upon the important changes of those anticipated conquests, we are led to believe it will open a new field for the wisdom of the present day. That it will unfold to our expectation immense archives, now locked in obscurity; and shed a ray upon the christian faith, that will rush like a flood of day upon that obscurity of mind, now too prevalent. No, Americans—you are not the plants of a day. Your government is founded upon wisdom, and while you respect the laws of freemen, will be feared and respected by the nations of the earth. Cultivate virtue, the radical support of a free people. Fear not the present commotions of a world that needs chastisement. View them as a warning. Look at the sad consequences of tyranny and oppression. With humility, view yourselves as the first and most favored people upon earth. Remember the settlement of this free and unpolluted soil has set an example to Europe, which will finally lead to the emancipation of every enslaved nation upon earth.—Let us with respect view the man, the instrument to bring about one of the greatest changes that can ever happen. He himself appears ignorant of the great work he is executing. Yet, certain it is, he is guided by the hand of Providence.
Britain, now the merciless tyrant of the ocean, must soon succumb at the feet of justice. The time is near at hand. Gloomy clouds are already thickening over her, which must burst with a dreadful explosion on her deluded citizens. How fortunate for us that we have so long shunned those scenes of confusion.—And that it may ever be our lot, is the sincere wish of
AN OBSERVER.
In the Court of Chancery.
Thomas Robinson, sen. executor of Abraham Robinson, dec'd.
James McIlvain and Mary his wife, and Thomas Perkins and Sarah his wife.
IN the Court of Chancery of the state of Delaware, held at New-Castle, for the county of New-Castle—Bill filed Feb. 10th, 1808—Subpoena issued, &c.
Upon the petition of the complainant Thomas Robinson, and upon the affidavit of Francis Haughey, esq. late sheriff of New-Castle county, it is ordered by the Chancellor, this thirtieth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and nine, that James McIlvain and Mary his wife, two of the defendants in the said bill of complaint, do appear in this Court on Saturday the tenth day of March next, to the said bill of complaint, and on failure so to do, that the said bill be taken pro confesso.
NICHOLAS RIDGELY, Chancellor.
New-Castle County, ss.
I DO CERTIFY , That the above is a true extract from the record thereof. Given under my hand and the seal of the said Court, at New-Castle, this fifth day of December, A. D. 1809.
HUGH W. RITCHIE, Reg'r. in Ch'ry. for N. C. County.
TO BE RENTED.
And possession given on or before the 25th of March next.
ALL that valuable property formerly occupied by Col. Thomas Duff, in the village of Newport—consisting of a large commodious brick dwelling-house, pleasantly situated on the main street and elegantly fronting the river Christiana, well calculated for a large store, and as the Turnpike road leading from the Gap Tavern or Lancaster to that place is now in considerable forwardness, and will probably be carried into effect in the course of the next summer, it will certainly be one of the most eligible
spots for business in the state of Delaware. It has every convenience, such as a good garden, barn, stabling and other houses, &c. &c.—A handsome FARM of excellent land, contiguous to the town, will be let with it, and two or three Lots in the vicinity the col. well adapted for grass, or as the renter may think proper to apply them. There are also eight acres of first rate Marsh, now in good order, a sm. distance from the town. The terms of renting said property may be known by applying to THOMAS DUFF, Esquire, residing at Mrs. Huggins's, Wilmington.
N. B.—No part of this property will be let separate from the other.
Wilmington, Dec. 8th, 1809.
ff.
Genuine Lee's Elixir!!
A sovereign remedy for Colds, obstinate Coughs, Catarrhs, Astimas, Sore Throats, and approaching Consumptions.
A single trial of this medicine will prove its efficacious quality in restoring a perspiration common to healthy people, it dislodges and expels the tough viscid phlegm or mucus, strengthening the weakened vessels of the lungs, that striking at the root of the disorder; the symptoms of coughs are effectually and permanently conquered. The great number of cures performed by this elegant and useful preparation, is sufficient to convince those that labour under colds, coughs, &c. of being immediately relieved. For the information of those persons, if any there be, that have not heard of the balsamic qualities of LEE'S ELIXIR, we give the names of the following persons, who are well known to our citizens in general as persons of integrity and strict veracity. From the following certificates it will plainly appear, that a three years consumption, a common cold, or cough, are all with ease removed by LEE'S ELIXIR.
To Parents who may have Children afflicted with the
Whooping Cough.
This discovery is of the first magnitude, and affords immediate relief, checks the progress, and in a short time entirely removes the most cruel disorder to which children are subject—the Elixir is so perfectly agreeable and the dose so small that no difficulty arises in taking it.
Messrs. R. Lee & Son,
The superior qualities of your Medicine called LEE'S ELIXIR, induces me to give you this certificate for publication, to point to my suffering fellow mortals the road to health, the most valuable of all earthly possessions. For upwards of three years I have been afflicted with a severe cough, tightness of the breast, lowness of spirits, and a gradual wasting of the flesh, having tried different medicines recommended for such cases with receiving an real benefit; fortunately one of your advertisements was given to me and I immediately applied to Mr. Vance, 173 Market Street, for some of your ELIXIR which has contrary to the expectations of my friends, restored me to my former good state of health. Any information will be given by me.
George Harwood, Market street, Baltimore.
Messrs. R. Lee & Son,
You are at liberty to publish for the good of others, the benefit I have received from your excellent preparation, called "Lee's Elixir" Being afflicted with violent pain in the breast, loss of appetite and debility of the whole system, which rendered me unable to attend to business, being advised to try your Elixir, I procured two bottles of Messrs. Warner & Hanna, which has entirely removed the complaint, and restored me to a perfect state of health. From the good effects of your Elixir I was led to suppose your other medicines were equally efficacious which induced me to give your Worm Lozenges to my children, and with pleasure I inform you, they had the desired effect. Any other information I shall give on application to me at my house Sly's street, Baltimore.
John Keller.
Messrs. R. Lee & Son,
I was attacked with a violent cold, a severe cough and pains in the breast, which continued to grow worse; during which time my appetite failed and my voice altered so much, that it was with the utmost exertion I could pronounce a single sentence louder than my breath. Some of my friends having observed to me, that much good had been done by Lee's Elixir—advised me to procure a bottle from Messrs. Warner & Hanna, which I accordingly did—and to those persons, unacquainted with the merits of this medicine, it will appear astonishing that three doses should remove the pains in my breast, and the use of the bottle restored me to perfect health.
J. A. Smith, Market street, Fell's Point.
Edward Higgins,
South-street, Baltimore, administered Lee's Lozenges, agreeable to the directions, to a child of 14 months old—the first of which expelled a Worm measuring 20 inches long, near half an inch thick, the second expelled another 16 inches long & the same thickness, and a quantity of small worms mixed with slime, &c. The child enjoys a good state of health.

To detect counterfeits, observe that none can be genuine without the signature of Michael Lee, & Co. (Late Richard Lee & Son.)
N. B.—Each and every medicine above enumerated, have directions describing their mode of use in the most perfect manner.
Sold at the bookstore of Mathew R. Lockerman next above the Bank of Delaware, Market-Street, Wilmington. December 9, 1809. ly
To Sportsmen.
WILL be let out for hunting, on Christmas Day the 25th inst. at 10 o'clock in the morning, at the Indian Queen, corner of Market and Queen streets,
A Wild Deer,
Where persons desirous of partaking of the pleasures of the chase are requested to attend. Wilmington, Dec. 6, 1809. 5t
Sein Twine and White Rope Manufactory.
Plough Lines, Plough Traces, Bed Cords, Halters, Bed Laces, Sewing and Seine Twine, warranted equal to any imported, for sale by
John Hedges. Dec. 6, 1809. 6m
Take Notice.
W. taken up on suspicion of being a runaway, and now confined in the jail of Chester County, Pennsylvania, a Black Man, who calls himself Shadrack Macklin , appears to be about 21 or 22 years of age; about 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high; full face; thick lips; a small scar under his right eye; says he was brought up with Sampson Davis, a colored man, and a house carpenter, near Milford in the state of Delaware, and set free by him, March 1809, but has no credentials to show this was the case.
Any person owning said black man, is desired to come forward, prove his property, pay charges and take him away before the 17th of December next, otherwise he will be discharged from prison.
Thomas Evans. West-Chester, Nov. 23, 1809. 4t
NOTICE
Is hereby given, that an industrious man, as a Farmer, with a small family, well recommended for honesty and sobriety, will meet with encouragement to attend a small Farm near the town of New-Castle by applying to the subscriber.
John Crow. New-Castle, Nov. 25, 1809. w.4t.
To be Rented,
For one or more years, and possession given the 25th of March next,
A PLANTATION,
Well known by the name of
Bread & Cheese Island.
It is situated on White Clay Creek, five miles from Wilmington, two from Newport, and half a mile from Slaughter. The situation is healthy and pleasant, and convenient to mills markets and places of public worship.
A large portion of the land is marsh meadow, in excellent order, and well calculated for grazing. The improvements are, a good dwelling house and kitchen, and all necessary out houses for the accommodation of a large stock. As it is presumed that any person wishing to rent will first desire to view the premises, a further description is deemed unnecessary. For further particulars enquire of the subscriber, in the village of Newport.
Aron Justis. November 22, 1809. oc
For Sale,
An excellent MILCH COW. For particulars enquire of the subscriber, at Brandywine Mills.
James Jefferis. Nov. 15, 1809. 4t
For Sale,
A VALUABLE PLANTATION,
Containing 200 acre Land, situated in Mill Creek hundred, New Castle county, and state of Delaware. There are on the premises a very comfortable dwelling house, a good barn, hay house, &c. all in good order. A considerable portion of the ground is well timbered, the remainder arable and meadow.
The natural soil is good and may be improved at small expense, being situated within a short distance of an extensive lime stone quarry. Possession may be had on the 22d of next March and the terms of sale known by applying to John Fennimore in Wilmington, Dr. James McCalmon in New Castle, or Joseph England near the premises, who will also show the property, if called on.
New Castle, 15th Nov 1m
BREWING.
THE subscriber having commenced Brewing for the season, begs leave to inform his Town and Country Customers that he has STRONG & TABLE BEER of an excellent quality constantly on hand, which he will dispose of at the usual prices. All orders will be promptly attended to.
Joseph B. Shipley, Wilmington, Nov. 1, 1809.
Notice
Is hereby given, that the subscriber intends to apply to the Legislature of the State of Delaware, at its next Session, for a law empowering certain persons, therein to be named, to improve and straighten Murderhill Creek, in Kent county.
Walter Douglass. Mordinton Mills, Nov. 4, 1809. tf.
NOW DRAWING.
Baltimore College Grand Lottery
It commenced on Monday the 6th November—Days of drawing, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, in every week—500 tickets to be drawn each day, and on no account whatever will it be delayed one single day.
It contains the following capital prizes.
 2 of $30,000....40,000 dolls.  3 10,000....30,000  3 5,000....15,000  2 2,500....5,000  10 1,000....10,000 
And not two Blanks to a Prize.—Tickets, at Twelve Dollars each, may be had at G. & R. WAFFE'S truly-fortunate Lottery Office, corner of Charles and Market streets; where was sold, in the late Baltimore Lotteries,
 No. 6974....30,000 dolls.  15563....15,000  7001....10,000  5865....5,000  6977....5,000 
And several other capital prizes to a very large amount.
** The two twenty thousands, two of the ten thousands, and two of the five thousand dollar prizes are not stationary, and are liable to be drawn early.
The inhabitants of WILMINGTON and its vicinity are assured that by sending their orders to G. & R. Waite in Baltimore, per mail, and enclosing the cash, they will be punctually attended to; and at the close of the drawing advice will be sent them of the fate of their Tickets. For their further accommodation, half, quarter, and eighth parts of Tickets may be had at the same proportion, in price, of whole Tickets.
November 11, 1809. w.4t.
Stop the thief.
25 DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN out of the stable of the subscriber, living in Nottingham, Cecil County, Maryland, on the night of the 15th inst. a bright BAY MARE, with white face and hind legs, dark mane and tail; is a natural pacer, trots hard when in haste, moves awkwardly, not being well broke to the rein, shod all round, and is somewhat chased by working in the waggon. Whoever takes up said mare, and secures the thief, shall receive the above reward, or twenty dollars for the mare if brought home, with reasonable charges.
Eli Haines, (Potter.)
N. B. The above mare is remarkable for carrying her tail to one side. 11th mo. (Nov.) 22, 1809. 4tp.
To Let,
And may be occupied after ten days notice, the following property—For terms inquire of the subscriber.
No. 1. A convenient two story Brick House, garden, stables, &c. The house is situated on Prospect Hill, on the north-west side of Washington street, equally convenient to each Market-house.
No. 2. A Grass Lot on the north-east side of Washington street and in front of No. 1.
No. 3. Three acres of land, two thirds in grass that has been mowed three times in the season, and one third in pasture ground, situated on Second street on the corner of Adams, Jefferson and Madison streets, the two last named streets laid out but not opened.
No. 4. A convenient Brick Tenement, 36 by 30 feet, situated on the corner of Second and French streets. All the passage round this house paved with brick, and a hydrant of spring water in the kitchen. Stables and carriage house will be let with this house, if required, convenient to the house.
Allen McLane
Wilmington, (Del.) Oct. 25, 1809.
Notice
Is hereby given, to all whom it may concern, that application will be made to the General Assembly of the State of Delaware at their next session at Dover, for an act authorizing them to bank off, flop and drain the waters, marsh, low lands and cripples of the North-West Branch of Duck Creek, at or near Mr. Edward Roberts's farm, in Thoroughfare Neck, Appoquinimink hundred, New-Castle county and state of Delaware.
John Fennimore,
John Taylor,
Thomas Emory. Aug. 12. 8m
To be Rented
AND possession had immediately the Store-Room and Cellars under the Printing-Office of the Delaware Gazette.—For particulars enquire of the Printer. Nov. 8, 1809. 36 f.
WILMINGTON COLLEGE,
THE Trustees of Wilmington College take pleasure in being able to announce to the public the revival of the Latin school in this institution, under the immediate care of Mr. Bigelow and general superintendence of the Rev. Dr. Read. The healthy situation of Wilmington, its character for morality, the goodness of its market and choice of best boarding houses, joined to the evidence of Mr. Bigelow's capacity as a teacher, and the long and justly established reputation of Dr. Read as a successful preceptor, all concur to recommend this seminary to the attention of Parents and Guardians, anxious to promote the education and improvement of the youth intrusted to their care, especially when they are further assured that the other departments of the College are provided with tutors fully adequate to their appointments, and unexceptionable moral characters.
By order of the Board,
 ROBERT HAMILTON,  EBENEZER A. SMITH,  JOHN RUMSEY,  WILLIAM PRYCE, 
July 22, 1809.
For Sale,
AT the Book-Store of M. R. LOCKERMAN, Wceens' Life of Washington, containing a fund of information and amusement.
An interesting history of the Knight's Templars, their origin, character and persecution.
The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, by Edward Gibbon; containing memoirs of his life and writings.
Patriotic sketches of Ireland, written in Connaught, by Miss Owenson.
Poetic Trifles, by John Henry Mills, comedian.
The Wild Irish Girl, by Miss Owenson.
Montalbert a novel; Armenian or Ghost Seer; Joseph Andrews; Roderick Random; Charlotte Temple; the Drown'd Wife; the Vicar of Wakefield; Blair's Lectures; Goldsmith's Rome; Jess's Surveying; Jackson's Book-keeping; the Clerk's Magazine; and a great variety of histories, voyages and travels, day-books, journals and ledgers, and writing-books of every description; writing paper, slates, scales and dividers, quills, inkstands, wafers, &c. &c.
* That scientific author speaking of the French and Indian wars about the time of Braddock's defeat describes the effect the news had in England thus:—
Swift as the broad-winged packets could fly across the deep, the news was carried to England—Its effects there was like that of a stone rudely hurled against a nest of hornets. Instantly, from centre to circumference, all is rage and bustle....The hive resounds with the maddening insects; dark tumbling from their cells they spread the hasty wing, and shrill whizzing through the air, they rush to find the foe. Just so in the searing island, from queens house to ale-house, from king to cobbler, all were fierce for fight. Even the red-nosed porters, where they met, bending under their burdens, would stop to bat, in the streets, to talk of ENGLAND'S wrongs; and as they talked, their fiery spirits were seen to grow more fiery still, and more deform. Then throwing their packs to the ground and leaping into the attitude of boxers, with sturdy arms across and rough black jaws stretched out, they bent forward to the fancied fight! The frog-eating foe, in shirtless ruffles and long lank cue, seems to give ground! their rising in their might, with fire striking eyes they press hard upon him, and coming in, hand and foot, with kick and cuff and many a hearty curse, they shew the giggling gown, how damn 'em! they would thump the French."
September 6, 1809.
NOTICE.
NOTICE is hereby given to all persons that the Subscriber intends applying to the Legislature of the State of Delaware at their sitting in January next, on behalf of the Heirs and legal Representatives of William Peery, deceased, and John Lanke, deceased, for the condemnation of a certain Mill stream on the head of Mill Creek, above Holland's mill, in Broadkiln Hundred, Sussex.
James Peery. October 14, 1809.
Take Notice.
NOTICE is hereby given that application will be made to the Legislature of this State, at their next session, for a law to enable the owners of a parcel of Marsh lying on the south side of Port-Penn, between that place and the Piers, to embark the same.
David Stewart. Port-Penn, Oct. 24, 1809. 1.w.4f
Matthew Kean
INFO MS his friends and the public that he has opened a Dry Good Store of the west side of Market Street, next door below the corner of Second Street; where he offers for sale a handsome assortment of reasonable goods on moderate terms Wilmington, June 17, 1809.
Notice.
SUCH persons as are indebted to the estate of ESTHER YARNALL, deceased, either by bond, note, or book-debt, are requested to make immediate payment to John Warner and John Torbert, or either of them, who are legally authorised to receive the same. And those who have claims against said estate are requested to present them for settlement. William Warner, Ex'r. Feb. 11, 1809. tf
James Gardner,
RESPECTFULLY informs his friends and the public that he has removed his store to the east side of Market-street, one door above Spackman & Grubbs, (nearly opposite the post-office) where he has opened a large assortment of elegant Dry Goods among which are,
 Blue, black, brown, drab, corbeau, bottle green, grey, and dark mixed superfine cloths  Cassimeres  Bennett's patent cord  Coatings and flannels  Forest cloths  Velvets and constitution cords  Beverens  7-8 and 4-4 Irish linens  blue & yellow mankeens  Wide and narrow cotton cassimeres  Chintzes and calicoes  Cambric and common dimities  Calimancoes  Durant and Jones' spinning  Cotton and worsted hosiery  Colored, chambray, cambric, jackanet, mouselin, India, British, book-gurrah, bafta, & jeno Muslins  Mouselins quiltings  Fustians and jeans  Lute strings  Sinsah and Mantua silks  Silk & york tan gloves  Banlana and Madras handkerchiefs  Cammel's hair shawls  Checkered and striped linens  Damask shawls  Russia & dowlas linens  Rattine & bombazens  Red & green hocking baize  Brown holland  Suspenders  Um'rellas & parasols  Black satins and florontines  Scissors & pen-knives  Silk hose  Gilt & plated buttons  Oil cloths  Trunks  Morocco & kid shoes &c. &c. 
N. B. Country Store Keepers supplied on the lowest terms for cash or the usual credit.
James Gardner
Patent Washing Machines.
THE subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public in general, that he has, some time ago, purchased an exclusive right of making and vending Patent Washing Machines throughout the hundreds of Brandywine and Christiana, in New-Castle county, a number of which machines he has already made, which have been tried by divers persons and highly approved of, as they save a great part of the labour of washing in the usual way, and are less injurious to clothes. He will continue to make and have a supply of them on hand, which he will sell on reasonable terms to such as favour him with their custom: and will also sell to any person a right to make and use them within the hundreds aforesaid.
ABRAM GEST. Wilmington, Jan. 21, 1809. tf
John Dixon
HAVING succeeded Warners & Torbert in the grocery business, at the stores lately occupied by them on Market-street wharf; offers for sale on the most moderate terms, for cash or the usual credit, A General Assortment of Groceries. And hopes by a strict attention to business, to merit a share of the public patronage.
The Packet, Sloop Hope, Capt. Milner, with good accommodations for passengers, will ply between this Town & Philadelphia as usual—all freight sent by said packet will be carefully attended to. Wilmington, July 8, 1809.
NOTICE,
Is hereby given, to all whom it may concern, that Joseph Vincent intends to apply to the legislature, at their next session, in order that he may be enabled to ascertain the boundaries, of part of a certain tract of Land, called Round Pond enlarged, situated in Broad Creek hundred, in the county of Sussex; which said part of Land was directed to be laid off to Sally M. Houston, under whom he claims, by the last will and testament of John Houston, dec'd.
JOSEPH VINCENT. Nov. 12, (15) 1809. 6t
HARLAN'S Square Sun-dial Compass.
THE subscriber has invented an instrument to survey by the sun, which in every respect supercedes the needle, and not being subject to attraction or variation, will point out the variation of the needle at sea, and the time of the day. It may be seen at Richard Baker's, Bradford, near the Forks of Brandywine, till the 25th of March next. The said Baker will show any gentleman the practice and principle of the instrument for one quarter of a dollar.
JEHU HARLAN. Nov. 15, 1809. 4t