The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1799-04-10 00:00:00

The Providence Journal.
AND
TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. at the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 15. ]
WEDNESDAY, April 10, 1799.
[ Vol. I. ]
From a late LONDON PAPER.
How or Never:
Or, BRITAIN'S PEACE in her OWN POWER.
"An ego, cum omnes calcent ignaviter "Aliquid faciam?" CICERO.
THE actual state of the war, in which we are now on the eve of closing the present year, and of entering upon the next, must fix the thoughts of every Briton in amazement, and animate his heart with the most glowing gratitude. The sudden and astonishing change which has taken effect in the relative situation of every nation in Europe—not only of those that are immediately engaged in the war, or that maintain a neutrality in the contest, but even of those that are still bleeding and groaning under the tyranny and perfidy of France;—this sudden change, brought about by one unexampled victory, has dispelled the gloom which has been growing for some years over Europe—has arrested the progress of the storm—and has caused a brilliancy of light to break forth, and disperse itself, once more, over the face of the christian world.
The victory, of which the arms of Great-Britain have been made the favoured instrument, appears to be becoming received by the whole nation; and to have impressed them with this most important and awful conviction—that "It was not their own sword nor their own arm that saved them—but that his right hand and his holy arm hath gotten him the victory, who is governor among the nations—and who ruleth by his power forever."
It is impossible to take even a summary view of the particular circumstances attending our late deliverances, or to observe the extraordinary coincidences which distinguish them, without becoming more and more sensible of the cause to which we originally owe them. The progress of mischief had been suffered to make a gradual advance towards a point, which, it now appears, it was not to exceed; every measure that a malignant envy and an infernal vengeance could devise, seemed on the eve of accomplishment; the enemy had found the means of reaching, almost at the same moment, two principal vitals of the British empire; his hand was already raised to strike with force upon Ireland and India—when the arm was suddenly checked and paralyzed; and the blow, designed for our demolition, fell with unexampled fury and confusion upon his own head. Deliverances so distinguished, so critical, and so productive, impose on the mind an obligation to examine and appreciate their character; and since it would argue an extraordinary dullness of thought and feeling not to be able to ascertain that character, we may venture, without presumption, to embrace them as unequivocal marks of divine approbation of our constancy and perseverance in a cause, which now alone maintains and vindicates the sacred relations subsisting between God and man.
Whether we view the crisis produced by these great events according to the rule of worldly prudence, of religious duty, or of both, we must be sensible that it is incumbent upon us to turn the incalculable advantages that they present to the best account; and to improve, to the very utmost of our power, the splendid opportunities that they afford. It is now that we discharge this task. Time is fugitive and insecure; and if we neglect or procrastinate its use, the rapid succession of events continually arising, will materially impair, if not totally destroy, the happy peculiarity of our present position. Peace—the tranquil and secure enjoyment of our time, our talents and our property; which forms the constant object of all our active efforts, and all our secret desires—such a peace depends, for its existence, upon our wise employment of the present fortunate conjuncture.
In order to obtain such a peace, with security and tranquillity in its train, we are now to determine upon the measure that wisdom, experience and duty, shall prescribe. If we enquire what that measure is? we shall presently find the answer: To extinguish the principle of the war must discover itself to all, who are capable of any deep reflection, as the only possible method provided in nature for obtaining the security and tranquillity of peace. As long as that principle shall continue to survive in power, a principle so particularly and rancorously hostile, not only to the freedom and prosperity of the British empire, but the very existence of the British name—so long peace will be incapable of receiving substantial excellence; and will remain a mere watch word, enabling faction to seduce our confidence, while it insults our understandings.
Peace, therefore, is to be the steady object of our struggle at the present important moment; but it must be sought for, by vigorously extinguishing that principle that would fain extinguish it; and that would substitute in the place of peace, a system of general dependence on, and submission to, the arbitration of one great paramount nation; a state, pacific indeed, because controlling the independence of every future hostile exertion.
And if this is the way to peace; as none can
doubt who have considered it with reasonable concern; it is plain, that now or never is the moment to pursue it. That power, which has so repeatedly assailed and insulted every character of peace, and which has hitherto maintained its usurped ground with such colossal firmness, has received from our late successes so radical a concussion, as to be compelled to anticipate its own decline. Its foundations are disturbed—its solidity is impaired—it feels a principle of infirmity and decay growing within its system—it perceives that in its intoxication it has miscalculated its own puissance and our debility;—it has at last received the severe and secret warnings of that monitor, which first convinces tyrants of their crimes, and then haunts them with the expectation of their destiny.
In this condition of the principle of the war, what are the suggestions of wisdom?—I conceive her suggestions to be, as usual, short and plain—namely, that it will be a work of infinitely less difficulty for us now to extinguish it entirely, than it has hitherto proved to reduce it during the struggle to its present declining condition;—whereas if, while it is now in our power to extinguish it, we fail to do so, but leave that principle capable of reviving, we shall entail upon ourselves the necessity of recommencing the whole dispute at a future, and not very remote day; without a ray of reasonable hope, that such another favourable moment will ever again be indulged to us.
Such, then, is the actual state of the war:—that our artful and insidious enemy is brought to the verge of his fall, and that he already betrays a bitter consciousness of this reverse in his fortunes. And it will be for the world and for posterity to see and record, which of the two contending parties shall turn the crisis to the best account—which shall extricate himself from the difficulties of the contest with the greatest skill, wisdom and integrity.
The notorious craft and meanness of spirit now governing in France; its equal aptness to counterfeit moderation or to unmask its ferocity—to fawn before the power which it fears to assail, or to insult over that which it expects to subdue; these qualities render it an object of no small anxiety, to all those who consider deeply the interests of England, to form a reasonable conjecture, how the Directory of France will probably shape its conduct, under its present reserve, towards the fair and generous character of the British people? and what advantages that unblushing fraudulence may not find the means of deriving from a nation prone to peace and prosperous industry; and unacquainted with the excesses and infinite combinations of artifice and falsehood.  In this contemplation, the most probable event which can suggest itself, is, that such an enemy, so circumstanced, will not be backward to offer to us a separate negotiation for peace; thus fuing , as it were, for his own restoration to an eminence, from which he feels himself manifestly declining. We have already had complete experience of the real disposition of this enemy in respect of peace, when fairly tendered to Great-Britain; we cannot therefore be at a loss to judge of the principle of any negotiation extorted from it by the sense of declining power; and proposed only in order to the recovery of that power, by checking the progress of its decline. Nor can we avoid perceiving, in a review of the late negotiations, and of the evils we have escaped through their failure, that compliance with any such partial overture, can be nothing less than consenting to the degradation of Great-Britain, and at the same time to the renunciation of all the benefits now disposed within our reach, by foregoing the moment which might rivet them in our possession. Such a negotiation could produce but one great and certain effect; that, namely, of laying by in store the seeds of the present disorder; and of furnishing the principle of the war with the time and means for recruiting its vigour; so as to recover at length its former ascendancy, and produce at a future day the repetition of all the horrible convulsions which now agonize Christendom. With such an enemy, whose principle is essential hostility , no terms of compromise can be safe from ruin; nor is it possible that any negotiation, which does not tend absolutely to incapacitate that principle, by being made general , and by uniting into equal action the influence of every European power, can operate in any degree to produce the issue of real and secure pacification to Europe.  Plain, however, as this reasoning should seem, to all who have taken a just and dispassionate estimate of the French usurpation, and of its inevitable relations to the interests of this country; yet, such is the variety of the human judgment; so oppositely do different individuals conclude from the same event, that there will doubtless be some who will dissent from what has been here contended; so that, should such a step be finally adopted by the French Directory, we may reasonably suppose that there will not be wanting persons at home who will at all events strenuously advise on amicable compliance with the overture; and who will urge it before the public with all the ingenuity and recommendation of argument in which eloquence is able to invest it.  But this is not all; we may further be reasonably prepared to expect, that the same persons who could think thus favourably of a pacific challenge sent from the Directory, may not wait for the arrival of overtures from France; but, shutting their eyes under the prejudice of opinion, upon all the experience derived to the nation from the two last negotiations; and overlooking the goading indignities we then sustained, may paint in brilliant colours the advantageous ground we have now acquired, and may urgently advise our attempting a third negotiation; as one in which we must stand superior to the insolence of France, and from which we cannot fail to return with very considerable emolument. In either event, whether they should advise the opening an overture from this country, or should only advise compliance with one offered by France, we still know who the politicians must be , whose opinions could favour such a system of pacification; recommending it upon their own judgments , as tending by the most direct process to the extinction of war , and to the confirmation of a secure and lasting peace .  The parties, with whose opinions these modes of proceedings would best accord; we can have no difficulty in tracing out; since they themselves have taken particular care to enable us to do so, by the principles which they have elaborately and unequivocally exposed before the public during the conduct of the war, and more especially during the two late attempts to open a negotiation for peace with the Directory of France. They are those persons, or a part of them, * who have aged an avowed and systematical opposition to the measures of the British Government, during the whole progress of the present war.  But since experience is the test by which all reasonable men are to determine their opinions, it will be just and natural for us also to consult our experience, upon a matter of such extreme importance, in order to inform ourselves thoroughly concerning the qualifications of those politicians for raising confidence, either in counselling the crown, or persuading their countrymen, concerning the public safety; concerning the causes which may endanger it, or those which may confirm its security. For I have always been of the opinion, and I have yet met with no reason sufficient to move me from that opinion, that the public measures and the avowed principles of the opposition, are as fairly open to examination and calculation as those of the administration; that is to say, of those who are candidates for official situations, as of those who actually possess them—of those who wish to get into office, as of those who desire to remain in it.  To concentrate our view; and to avoid distraction in the enquiry, let us take one test; which being in itself complete, may render it unnecessary to have recourse to any other.—Let us then look back to the fruitful experience of the present year, and turn our thoughts, with grave and serious attention, to the ever memorable transactions at Maidstone ;—to the cordial and emphatic testimony, given upon oath, to the loyalty and fidelity of Arthur O'Connor; to his allegiance to the sovereign—to his attachment to the principles which placed his illustrious family on the throne—and to his abhorrence of any conspiracy with a foreign enemy, for the invasion of these kingdoms, and the subversion of this government. When we shall have sufficiently impressed our minds with the spirit of this most solemn evidence, let us next transport our thoughts to Dublin , and contrast our impressions with the formal and precise declaration and asseveration of the same O'Connor, delivered also upon oath, only a few weeks after the former evidence;—in which he expressly and distinctly makes confession of his disloyalty and treason—avows his determined enmity to the established constitution of the kingdom, and lays open the deep engagements of conspiracy in which he was implicated with our inveterate enemy, for the introduction of a foreign invader, for effecting the dissolution of the British Monarchy, and separating Ireland from the crown of Great-Britain.—With this guide (such an one as perhaps was never before afforded to a nation, to conduct its public opinion through the intricacies of contending politics) let us proceed to make our estimate of the judgment of those persons concerning the public safety; whose sentiments, at the same time, betray a constant bias and inclination to meet half-way the friendship of the directorial government.  In making this allusion to the evidence at Maidstone , and contrasting it with the confession at Dublin , I positively disclaim all intention whatever of arraigning or outraging the integrity of the parties concerned on the former occasion; their integrity remains absolutely  unviolated by the present argument; but their judgment (that only other alternative) that quality which can alone give them a title to offer counsel or opinion concerning the public safety of the country, and the best means of defending it, that quality is here most deeply committed. Indeed it is proved here to be so fallacious, of such uncertain operation, and capable of such gross imposition, as to repel confidence, by being wanting in the qualities which properly attract it. Had not they in whose hands the public power of the state was happily vested, possessed a longer sight—had they not been susceptible of an early conviction that Ireland was ready to explode with treason, that kingdom would have been irrecoverably lost. But, fortunately for Great-Britain, they took a different and more comprehensive view of the affairs of Ireland, than those persons whose confidence Mr. O'Connor was so successful in seducing; and did not wait to receive their first persuasion of a projected conflagration, from the successful explosion of the flames.  Many, I believe, now candidly declare, that they were deceived in respect of affairs in Ireland; some begin also to confess, that their eyes are now open in respect of the character of the French system; but this candour works no retrospective improvement of their judgment; since it is at best the avowal of a tardy discernment, which is persuaded, after a lapse of time, of that, which the great majority was convinced of long before.  Since, therefore, such persons, however uprightly and honourably they may intend, can have no superior claim as authorities to our confidence and submission, either in estimating the actual situation of the country, or in pointing out the means by which the security of peace can be best obtained; and since the interests we have at risk in the issue of the war are infinitely too valuable to be sacrificed either to complacency or experiment; let us have recourse to the exercise of those principles of fair and lucid wisdom, by the aid of which the nation has been already extricated from so many dangers, and has been piloted into that station of complete repose, in which it now braves the furious but ineffectual menaces of the surrounding storms.  These principles will plainly discover to us, that secure peace is disposed now within our power, provided we will pursue her vigorously through the natural sequel of the present war; a war, whose aspect and circumstances, under the conduct of Providence, have now recently become so cheering and propitious.  We could not give a more manifest proof how ill we deserve the blessing of this great change, than by betraying a backwardness or reluctance to make the sacrifices necessary for securing and appropriating the benefits with which it teems. But the sense of our dependence on Providence, of the certainty of his support—and the excellence of our cause—will make us sensible of the abject wickedness of withdrawing ourselves now from the contest; merely because we may feel it inconvenient; and will teach us that, comparing our state of eminent prosperity and unimpaired security with the hurricanes which distantly sweep round us; it behoves us to press forward in the conflict—to animate the hopes and courage, by setting before our minds the signal deliverances we have experienced; and to make every effort that can be assigned to us; for extricating the world from its present dilemma, and finally extinguishing that raging spirit of impious disorder, whose actions operate against every best interest of man: whether it be the interest of social security in respect to this present life, or of pious consolation in respect of that which is to follow.  Many are the considerations, arising from policy, which come to the support of duty, in her exhortation to make those efforts that the nature of the present occasion renders indispensable. The measure, proposed by them who have conducted us hitherto so safely through the troubles brought by France upon Europe; bears marks of the soundest policy: it is simply this, that, instead of borrowing money for the public, to disadvantage, in order to defray the necessary expenses of the ensuing year, and then burthening the public with a permanent interest to answer the engagements of that great increase of debt; only a part of the money required for the yearly service shall be raised by proceeds of a loan; and the remainder be levied in a clear sum assessed by an equitable scale on the income of individuals—which latter project; as it will not add a shilling of increase to the debt; so it will not entail any engagement of interest. And although the levy of such a sum must necessarily, for the present, press somewhat heavier upon each; yet that burthen will be immediate and transient, instead of continually recurring; and permanent. If now such a system can be rendered perfectly effect-  * It is ardently to be wished, that the wise and manly sentiments delivered by Gen. Tarleton, in his remarks on Sir John Sinclair's salutary opposition to Mr. Pitt's motion, respecting the naval service of the ensuing year, may be a testimony of a settled determination to give full effect to the measures therein proposed; and that measure will not be impeded in its progress to success by any attempt to separate Great-Britain from her allies; or by any facility afforded to the French usurpation to recover from the blow it has received, by the discovery of an easy and imbecile disposition on the part of Great-Britain to treat for a nominal peace.  † It will be, indeed, a stroke of masterly policy, should it be stated in the public prints to be correct, concerning the terms on which we have evacuated St. Domingo.—It is renouncing that destructive territory, whose only value to Great-Britain was in enemy and commerce, his majesty's ministers have succeeded in detaching it from France, and have secured its trade to this country; they will have taken the most effectual means to repair the losses which the transactions of that colony have hitherto caused us to sustain; and will be justly entitled to the applause of the public.

and if the nation will cheerfully and fairly come forward and meet the endeavours of the minister, with a vigour of determination and integrity of dealing, suited to the magnitude of the occasion, and will co-operate in giving effect—we shall then have obtained the means of putting in full force our stupendous resources, and shall have demonstrated to the enemy the perfect vanity of any hostile system, founded upon an hope of exhausting them.
The vigorous state of our public credit—the high value of our funds, and the unexampled prosperity of our commerce, which has uniformly increased in proportion to the prolongation of the war; these are lofty considerations, sufficient to determine us to prosecute cheerfully a contest which impairs to little the vital springs of the empire; especially, when we find the scale turning with such decision in our favour; and when we perceive, that a perseverance in exertion on our part, comparatively short, must compel the contest to an happy and honourable issue. These facts, joined to a consideration of the energy increasing in the different powers in Europe, who had either been violently separated from our alliance, or who had deserted it through a mistaken policy, or who had slunk into a neutral lethargy from the commencement of the war, may convince us of the value of the present effort. And we may further add to these reflections, a foresight of the prodigious enlargement of our means of commerce, by the annihilation of the French power in the Mediterranean, and of their trade and interest in the Levant. Not forgetting to embrace within our view, the prospective hopes of finally breaking asunder the ancient union between France and the Ottoman Porte; and, perhaps, of establishing in its place such commercial relations between the latter power and Great-Britain, especially in respect of her East-Indian dependencies, where France had plotted her destruction, as shall inspire new vigour into that quarter of her trade; while, at the same time, it shall impress the Porte with the conviction of the preferable connexion of this country.
The heroic exertions of our great natural ally, the emperor of Russia, whose fleets and valiant armies are just now entered on the theatre of war; the vigorous concurrence of the Turk, whom the monstrous system of France has compelled into cordial alliance with her ancient adversary—the congenial spirit breaking forth among our brethren in America, and tending to efface every hostile vestige, while it repairs the ancient bonds of brotherhood—the activity discovering itself at Naples, at Vienna, and even at Berlin, in consequence of the relief afforded to Europe by the great victory of the Nile—the foresight of its ultimate effect upon Spain—the kingdoms of the Baltic—on the oppressed and harried inhabitants of the Netherlands—and on that most injured race, the brave but persecuted and truly wretched natives of Switzerland; these surely are considerations powerful enough to call forth all our manhood; to rouse our virtue, to provoke our honour, to animate our hopes in the great cause, and to induce us to resolve, not to sustain the irreparable loss that would accrue, should we suffer the political machine, now so highly wound up, to run down without effect; or allow the exalted and universal spirit of patriotism to evaporate, without availing ourselves of all its present energies.
We cannot be so blind as not to discern, that a positive turn has taken place in the fortunes of this French usurpation. It is only by following up the blow, that we can hope to annihilate it; and, if it is not annihilated, it will never under a peace to all that dimension of mischief, which has enabled it so long to be the arbitress of tranquility or discord of Christendom. We must not be so heedless as to forget, that at all times the central position of France alone, by means of which she is able to put in motion her powerful armies towards every part of the continent; whilst her prodigious extent of sea coast, and her maritime opportunities, are sufficient to keep alive the whole jealousy of the navy of Great-Britain—that this central position alone (which she must ever exclusively possess) more than doubles the importance of every point of her territory.—That to extend to the most tyrannical excess these superior advantages of position, forms precisely the policy of the present system in France; and that, to circumcribe those unequal advantages within a proportion consistent with the general and lasting peace of Europe, forms precisely the policy of Great-Britain and her allies in strenuously prosecuting the contest.
It is now or never, therefore, that we must push forward for the separation of Flanders from the usurpation of France; by possessing which, her dominion extends from the Tiber to the Elbe—the entire western coast of Europe presents a line of French frontier between Great-Britain and the other powers of the continent—and, while the body of France broods in her ancient seat, her monstrous wings, spread over Spain and Holland, extend almost from the Mediterranean to the Baltic. While this contiguous, the balance of Europe [that balance which determines all its peace] is over-set by the enormous preponderance of France. But the present period promises to afford an opportunity of eventually wresting Flanders from the
4 The following passage in a letter from Cicero to Brutus is too obviously and remarkably applicable to the present subject to be withheld from the reader. It will be sufficient merely to present it; without attempting to offer him any assistance, either to discern its wisdom or to trace out the correspondence which has caused it to be introduced here.
“I have rendered to the state, Brutus, all that ought to be rendered by one who occupies that high station in which I am now placed, by the voice of the Senate and the people. Not merely those things which are to be demanded from every man: fidelity—vigilance—and a love for my country: for these are qualities which can be dispensed with in no man: But have ever been of opinion, that he, who takes upon himself to give counsel in the senate concerning the public affairs, is bound to accompany that counsel with wisdom. When I ventured to far as to take upon myself the arduous office of guiding the helm of the state, I accounted myself to be no less open to just reprehension, if that which I recommended in the senate was destitute of utility, as if it was devoid of integrity.”
gripe of France, and, perhaps, of again obtaining its insertion into the trunk of some great and principal power, who may thus stand forward—with an arm continually extended—between France and Holland; screening Holland from the influence of France, and covering the north of Europe from French aggression; and who may present a point of contact to Great-Britain, enabling her to maintain that intercourse with the interior powers of Europe, which France labours so earnestly and anxiously to destroy. For, the true political importance of Flanders in respect of Europe has hitherto been, neither its soil nor its population; but, that connexion with the house of Austria, which has rendered it a theatre upon which the noble force of that powerful and illustrious house might occasionally be transferred; thus opposing to France a formidable barrier on the north: and offering a degree of resistance, infinitely beyond any that Flanders, moulded into a petty state nominally independent, can never be able to produce.
It is now or never, that we are to seek the accomplishment of all these great ends: it is now or never that we are to prevent the principle of the French usurpation from taking a permanent root in Europe, and at the same time to render permanent the fair benefits derivable from our own distinguished successes; it is now or never the time—by means of a lofty policy, and a brave and virtuous determination, to encounter every difficulty, and to submit to every sacrifice that duty can impose, to accomplish the extinction of a cause which acts with implacable enmity against every ancient interest of Christendom; and by means of a peace—meriting the name of peace, to establish, with God's assistance, on a secure and incontestable foundation, the civil and religious liberties of the world.
Latest Intelligence from Europe.
LONDON, January 11.
THE intelligence from Germany is of a pacific complexion. The Emperor, so far from indicating any hostile intention against France, has sent a secret agent to Paris, to confer with the Directory; and such is the confidence placed by the French in the pacific disposition of the empire, that they have withdrawn the greater part of their troops from the right bank of the Rhine.
Passawan Ogloiu has obtained some further advantages over the troops of the Grand Seignior.
THE AMBUSCADE.
Captain Jenkins, of the Ambuscade frigate, has written a letter to Lord Bridport, containing advice of the capture of his ship by the French ship Bayonnaise, mounting 32 guns of different calibres. She was taken after a long and very severe action, in which nine were killed and thirty one wounded. Among the former were the 1st lieutenant and master; and captain Jenkins is himself dangerously wounded, and so is the lieutenant of marines. The Ambuscade is carried into Rochefort. The Ambuscade carried 32 guns, and was built in 1773.
In addition to the particulars we have already inserted relative to the capture of this frigate, we find the following account in the French papers:
“Extract of an official Letter from Rochefort, addressed to the Minister of the Marine.”
“The corvette, the Bayonnaise, mounting 26 eight-pounders, commanded by citizen Richer, Lieutenant des Vaisseaux of the republic, on her return from Cayenne, and at the distance of only 25 or 30 leagues from the coast of France, was attacked on the 24th Frimaire, (Dec. 14) by the Ambuscade English frigate, of 40 guns, viz. 26 sixteens on the main deck, 8 eight-pounders on the quarter deck and forecastle, and 6 thirty-six pound carronades.
“She was seen and chased at the distance of 40 leagues from the French coast by the Ambuscade English frigate, by which she was at first very roughly handled. The commander of the corvette, and the second in command were both severely wounded; when the officer of the land troops proposed boarding. He harangued his soldiers, and asked them which they would prefer, chains or glory? The choice was soon made. All hands flew upon deck eager for a combat, and seemed already assured of victory. The corvette, disregarding the fire of the enemy's broadside, bore up to the frigate, and fell upon his stern. At this moment three pieces loaded with grape shot were discharged, which cleared the deck of the frigate a little, and the crew of the corvette took advantage of the confusion to run on board. The shock which took place when the two vessels struck against each other made the mast of the corvette, which had been wounded, fall upon the enemy's deck, which thus formed a bridge for our troops. They ran towards the English, who returned and endeavoured to defend themselves with musketry. Their retreat was, however, soon forced, and the French spread every where terror and death.
“The French had thirty killed and as many wounded. The loss of the English was much more considerable.
“This capture has restored 50 French prisoners to liberty, who were on board of the frigate; but they were of no use in the action, as they were confined in the hold.”
January 21.
On Saturday and yesterday arrived two mails from Ireland, which bring news of considerable importance. As the period of the projected union approaches so very near, the discontent assume a more prominent character, and have in some places broken out into violence and open rebellion. The following is an extract of a letter from our very intelligent correspondent:
“Dublin, January 15.”
“The most alarming accounts are this day re-
ceived from the county of Clare. On Saturday last the whole mass of the inhabitants of the western coast of that county rose in insurrection, and when the accounts came away, they were in full march to attack Ennis, the county town, which being garrisoned by a few of the Longford militia, can make little stand against an army of 5,000 men. Clare castle, a ruinous barrack, two miles nearer Limerick, may hold out somewhat longer, but it is by no means necessary for the rebels to pass Clare castle to advance to Limerick.
“This event is a clear refutation to the reports industriously circulated, that the Orangemen were those who excited insurrection. An Orangeman was never even heard of in the county of Clare. The insurgents are to a man Irish Papists, and I question whether of the 5,000 insurgents, ten men ever heard English spoken, or dreamed of the Rights of Man. Their priests are their leaders, and completely govern all their motions.
“I am under some little uneasiness respecting the city of Dublin, in case of a commotion.”
Extract of another letter.
“We grow every day more doubtful and perplexed in our political prospects.—The city of Dublin, almost to a man, is hostile to UNION; and the terms lately published from a very authentic source, have made no abatement in the general opposition. The unwise policy of first depressing the loyalists, and then bringing forward this measure, has absolutely produced such a coalition between them and the rebels, that Grattan begins to be spoken of without any outrageous expressions of contempt or indignation. The Papists have had four meetings, but have come to no decision. Their policy is to look on, and wait their own advantage.
“If you could look for a moment into our politics, you would be puzzled to reconcile them. Government brings forward a measure, which has as yet only been publicly recognized by the corporation of Cork; several of the supporters of government are furious against it; the rebels in the back ground encouraging the loyalists to frenzy in their opposition; the Papists (as a body) holding off the Orangemen, as a body renouncing any share in the dispute; and no one considerable interest yet openly pronounced as favourable to the measures.”
The city of Dublin continues to be a scene of political intrigue and of the most violent cabal. Meetings are every where advertised, and a new association has been formed in Dublin, called “the friends to the independence of Ireland.” To such an height is party spirit carried even among the yeomanry, that the captain of one of the yeomanry corps of Dublin (Sir W. Worthington, captain of the Liberty Rangers) has issued a notice, “that on Monday (meaning the 21st inst.) the corps of — will parade with the king's colours, and instead of their regimental colours, a standard with this inscription. “For our king and the constitution of Ireland.” Other corps have been invited to follow this example.
The corporation of the city of Cork has at length stepped forward in opposition of the city of Dublin, and has avowed its wishes for an union of the two countries in the most decided language.
Lord Ormond was obliged to take refuge from the outrages of the Dublin mob on Tuesday morning last, and Lord Clareleigh, it is said, was on the following morning conveyed home under the protection of Sir John Forrell. Several of the persons who drew the Speaker were young gentlemen of the university.
No less than ninety-three members spoke on the question of the union in the Irish House of Commons on Tuesday last. The debate was uncommonly warm, not unfrequently tumultuous.
Although the question of union is still open to discussion, never having been regularly before the House, yet we have good reason to know that it is for the present abandoned in Ireland. The outlines of the plan will be submitted to the British Parliament to-morrow, which, after due consideration, will record its opinion on the expediency of the measure: and here the question will probably rest until the present ferment is allayed, and the Irish nation more disposed to receive it; or perhaps until a new Parliament is called to give its assent to it in some future period.
The Court of Spain has categorically refused the demand made by the Directory for the passage of an army of 80,000 cavalry destined against Portugal. It is expected that this refusal will produce a total change of measures on the part of the Spanish government.
According to private advices received by the Hamburg mails, it appears probable that Sweden will join Russia in the war against France: and in this case it is likely that Denmark will not remain neutral. The king of Sweden having refused to accept of citizen La Marque as French minister, the executive Directory has threatened to break off all communications with the Court of Stockholm.—Since then the alliance between Sweden and Russia has become more close. The king of Sweden depends on the powerful assistance of Russia, to keep the states of his kingdom in awe, should they shew any signs of tumult at the approaching meeting of the diet. It is probable that this may be the cause of the king's refusal to receive citizen La Marque, fearing the intrigues of the French government.
January 27.
By the advices which were transmitted by Lord Nelson to Earl St. Vincent, and brought to England in the Resolution lugger, lieutenant Western, the accounts of the victories of the French, which we formerly received thro' the Paris papers, are not only confirmed, but we are informed that, pursuing their success, the republican troops have compelled the king
of Naples to fly from his capital, and abandon the largest and most valuable part of his dominions to the enemy.
Lord Nelson's dispatches are dated the 16th inst. We understand that they state that the Neapolitan army, having experienced a continued succession of defeats, and that Gen. Mack having despaired of being able to protect the capital, their Neapolitan majesties, and about 400 persons of the highest rank in the kingdom, were under the necessity of taking refuge on board the British fleet lying in the bay of Naples.
The king and queen embarked on board the Vanguard, commanded by Lord Nelson, and the noble admiral was about to proceed with them to Palermo, or Messina, in Sicily.
About twenty thousand of the Neapolitan troops, it is said, laid down their arms to about 8,000 French, who were advancing against the capital. It is understood that the royal family have been able to carry with them the royal jewels, regalia, and many articles of value.—There are, however, in the different arsenals of the kingdom, great quantities of naval and military stores, which, it is thought, cannot be prevented from falling into the hands of the enemy. It is possible, too, that they may also obtain possession of some of the Neapolitan ships of war.
The next advices are expected to bring the news of the city of Naples, which ranks as the third city in Europe for riches and population, having been delivered up to the pillage of the French soldiery. After having laid the country under contribution till it can pay no more; after having emptied every store, and carried off every valuable article of furniture and pictures, the directory will be willing to sell the naked soil to the first rogue who will treat for the purchase of it.
On Saturday messengers were sent off to his majesty at Windsor, and to the different cabinet ministers, with the above intelligence; and on the same day the marquis de Circolo attended at the admiralty to learn the particulars which Admiral Nelson's dispatches contained.
We understand, that there is now little expectation of the Emperor being inclined to make an effort to retrieve the fortunes of his Neapolitan majesty. Indeed, it is whispered, that ministers have received advices both from Vienna and Berlin, which render the part which these cabinets are to take no longer doubtful. They have, it is said, positively refused to join the confederacy against France.
February 2.
We last night received Paris Journals up to the 16th ult. inclusive. They do not state, as our readers will see from the extracts we have made, that their arms has actually taken possession of Naples, but we understand that ministers have received late advices, which state that they are masters of the city.
The most important information brought by these Journals is, that no movement has taken place on the part of the great powers of Germany, in consequence of the events in Italy, and no appearances indicate their design of moving; France is therefore left to consolidate her conquest of Italy, from which she will probably proceed to revolutionize the Greek Islands, with a view of opening to herself a communication with Egypt, and recovering her influence and power in the Mediterranean.
CONSTANTINOPLE, Nov. 25.
According to the last accounts from Egypt, Buonaparte is still living, and occupies his entrenched camp near Cairo, with a small body of troops; but he is in a very critical situation, as he is in want of every kind of necessary, and is cut off from any communication with other places.
As he is however strongly entrenched in a very advantageous position, the Arab chiefs, who have surrounded him on every side within cannon shot, have resolved not to attack him in his trenches, till the Russian and Turkish artillery should arrive. According to advices received this day, this artillery, together with a strong reinforcement of troops, has already been landed in Egypt.
According to some accounts, Buonaparte has retired to Damietta, where there is a French garrison of several thousand men, but as the communication between Alexandria, Rosetta and Cairo, is cut off, it is not probable that he can remain there long.
PARIS, January 26.
Letters from Constantinople of the 15th December, arrived at Berlin by way of Belgrade, state, that the Pacha of Syria had come to a close action with Buonaparte, which had been bloody, but not decisive. The French found themselves wholly hemmed in. The Porte expected a more decisive success when the troops of Syria reached their destination.
Letters from Leghorn of January 11th state, that by the advices from Palermo, received there in four days from the latter place, the king and queen of Naples, and all their suite, had reached Palermo on the 25th of December, after a very dreadful storm.—The Vanguard had only her lower masts standing upon reaching the harbour. One of the king's children, of six or seven years of age, is said to have died on the passage. Prince Pignatelli remained at Naples, to hold the reins abandoned by the government.
THE Subscriber hereby gives public notice, that he has taken upon himself the trust of administrator upon the estate of NATHAN TINGLEY, late of Attleborough, in the county of Bristol, deceased;—and, as such, he requests all persons who have any demands upon the estate of said deceased, to bring in the same; and those who are indebted, to make immed a e payment to ARAUNAH TINGLEY, Administrator. April 10.

American Occurrences.
PHILADELPHIA, March 28.
IMPORTANT LETTER.
The following extracts of a letter of the 23d inst. from a gentleman of the first intelligence and respectability in Northampton, gives a pretty accurate view of the real situation of that county.
"With respect to the general disposition of the people in this county, it is very difficult for me to obtain such information upon which I can form a correct opinion. Many do not view the affair at Bethlehem to amount to any crime at all, but believe the act was perfectly right, inasmuch as the object was in defence of liberty; others again believe that they have gained a complete victory over government, and that from henceforth they will not be troubled for the payment of taxes. Others believe that government will not be able to bring a large body of men to act against them; because, say they, every body thinks as we do, except a few d-d tories in Easton. For my part, I trust government will judge of the business as is right, and not look upon it as a contemptible thing. Should a small number of men be sent to support the marshal in the execution of his duty, and they should meet with the least check, then it will become a serious piece of business to us few that have firmly adhered to the government. In such a case, a large number, who from fear have for the present remained neuter, will at once declare themselves for the rebels, and become active in the cause of sedition. ... it is true, have been in the country, preaching (as it is said) submission to the laws; but I doubt whether the impression, if any was made, will be lasting. Some people, I am told, begin to swear at them, and say they have all turned tories since they went to Philadelphia, because they tell a different story now from that which they told at the election."
"In Mount Bethel township, a number of persons met to consult whether Capt. Fries was right or wrong in what he had done. They were divided in opinion; their colonel and a captain proposed waiting on Gen. Brown, to hear his sentiments, before they came to a conclusion. The meeting was then adjourned to another time, to receive the report from the general. The messengers, the colonel and captain, waited on him; he recommended submission to the laws—this they reported. The clamorous part of them then suspected that the general, colonel and captain, were all turned tories, or would turn, and therefore should not be trusted!"
"K—— believes, because he was told so, that Congress have empowered the President to borrow as much money as he pleases, and mortgage any or all the states, for the payment! that he will surely mortgage Pennsylvania first, because it was the richest! and that when he has got all the money, he will run off to England, buy himself a lordship, and marry one of his daughters into the royal family! ! !"
From this letter, it is obviously to be inferred, that although there is a great deal of gross ignorance and delusion in the country, yet there is also much wicked and determined obliquity—they will trust nobody that advises subordination to government. Even their political friends and advisers, on former occasions, lose all power and confidence when they recommend submission to law. Another observation that arises from this letter is, that the strange uncertainty and delay with which the preparations to quell this insurrection have been conducted, have already infused a confidence among the rebels in their own strength, and a contempt for the government. It is now three weeks since a mob of an hundred men set themselves up in open defiance of the government, and in violent opposition to its laws. It is not wonderful if such want of speed and vigour gives even men less rash than an ignorant mob of insurgents, an unfavourable idea of the energy of the government.
To MR. FENNO.
SIR, I FIND myself under the disagreeable necessity of appealing to the public, in contradiction of a malicious and unfounded falsehood, which appeared in your paper of the 27th inst. under the New-York head, which states that I had compelled a French privateer to strike, and then had not courage to take possession of her.
Every man who is acquainted with the duty of a commander of a vessel of war, will admit, that if the privateer had struck, it was not my duty to take possession of her, but to have sent an officer.
The report may have arisen from my chasing a French privateer into the island of St. Eustatia, at which I fired a number of shot; which chase I continued as near to the shore as I thought prudent and proper; all the particulars of which were communicated to the proper officer.
The report is stated as having come from one of my officers, which I am convinced is as impossible as it is untrue.
THOMAS WILLIAMS.
The different printers who have inserted the above said paragraph, are requested to give a place to this also.
March 29.
INFERNAL OUTRAGE.
A gang of United Irishmen yesterday beset the house of Mr. Brown, editor of the Philadelphia Gazette, at several different times during the day; but not finding him at home, or finding him armed, were repeatedly foiled in their design to murder him. At about two o'clock, however, several of them carried their design partly into execution, by assaulting and abusing Mr. Brown in the most cruel and barbarous manner. The following publication
was declared by the assassins to be the ground of their outrages:
Dr. Reynolds in the Chair!
On Monday the 18th inst. a number of United Irishmen assembled to get drunk together at a private house, having neither cash nor credit to procure an entertainment at a public one—Dr. Reynolds was unanimously called to the chair—what a villainous gang must it have been, when he was the chief! The toasts and music used on the occasion, have in them a degree of hardiness and contempt for the public feeling of this country, that could scarcely have been looked for even from the desperate band that huzza'd to them.
"The French Republic"—Irishmen cannot be ungrateful." Nine cheers, and the Marseilles Hymn."
What has France done to deserve the gratitude of Ireland? Under deception after deception, under promises of assistance and protection, which France did not and could not afford, Ireland became plunged into a scene of universal uproar and carnage, and is gashed with many a deep wound, which years will not heal. Who should curse France more loudly than Reynolds and his associates in rebellion? Did not this pestilence of France, this promised aid which never arrived, drive him and his associates into extremities, not at first contemplated, and which have ended in the banishment of Reynolds and many hundreds of his brethren—in the hanging of such as were not fortunate enough to escape, and the entire discomfiture of the whole system of insurrection? It is evident too that France endeavoured to separate Ireland from Great-Britain, to take possession of it herself, and that the Irish Directory began to discover this, which produced some delay and confusion in their negotiation.
"Army of Ireland"—Music, Ca Ira." This must mean THE KING'S ARMY in Ireland, as there is no other there.
"The Emigrant Irish Republicans"—Soon and successful be their return."
Amen! Amen! and let all the people say Amen!
"The Martyrs of Irish Liberty": who have taught us how to live and die—Tone, Fitzgerald, &c. &c."
That is, how to live in infamy and die on the gallows—a United Irishman does not require many lessons for this instruction.
"Alexander James Dallas"—the independence of the Bar."
That these fellows should toast their attorney is no ways remarkable; as Irishmen cannot be ungrateful, it was certainly indispensable; but that they should talk of the independence of the Bar, is most astonishingly impudent.—It is ascertained, beyond all controversy, that every juror, witness, justice or lawyer, concerned in the apprehension or conviction of any United Irishman, was exposed almost to certain assassination, from that desperate banditti in Ireland, among whom Reynolds was a leading character.—It was even a solemn resolution, that if a United Irishman consented to a verdict against a United Irishman, "he ought to lose his existence." Here is the independence of justice then finely disposed of: And yet these fellows have the effrontery to come here and prate about the independence of the Bar.
Many observations might be made on this private entertainment; but as it may have been the principal object of these poor wretches "to push about the jorum," and get mellow without expence, it is a pity to interfere with the only pleasure they can enjoy.
Although the murderous deeds of this the most detestable banditti that ever infested a civilized community, cry aloud for the avenging arm of justice; and although the violated ties of nature, the offended charities of social intercourse, and the common civilities of life, ought to have ensured the apprehension of the assassins, yet the mob who gathered round them was so base as to let them off.
Thus the immediate agents have escaped: our attention turns, therefore, to the two villains who suborned them. A fellow, once acquitted for an intent to murder, very naturally tries his hand at it again. With him no one is more likely to coalesce, than the infamous wretch who could pervert the currents of justice to acquit him. These two villains, I mean to hang up to the infamy they merit, in terms so clear that their persons cannot be mistaken; but as it is desirable to comprize under one view all that is to be said on this occasion, and as one point on which it will be necessary to dwell, as material, is not yet fully ascertained (I mean, whether Claypoole and Bradford condemn or applaud, or wholly omit to notice this transaction) what remains to be said, along with some collateral evidences in my possession, is reserved for another day.
N. B. As prosecutions for pretended libels have become more common (and ten times more oppressive in the mode of their conduct) than the Lettres de Cachet of Louis Quatorze, I venture to suppose that no one will be absurd enough to presume that I mean to convey any allusion to Dallas, Secretary of State, and of the Democratic society.
From the Charleston Gazette of March 11. A very alarming and distressful event happened at the Church Street theatre on Friday night last. As the Assembly of a very crowded house were pressing out after the close of the performances, the lobby, leading from the lower boxes to the stair case, gave way in an instant, by which twenty or thirty persons were precipitated upon the crowd of people under them, who were at the same time pressing out of the pit. Several persons, it is said, were considerably hurt: but the greatest sufferers were George Flagg, Esq. whose thigh was broken, and a young lad, son of Mr. Beffiers, whose leg was broken.
We are informed, that previous to the opening this season, a certificate of the strength and safety of the theatre was given by 3 carpenters, one of whom had assisted in the repairs.
Providence.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10. From the Boston Mercury , of Yesterday.
TRUXTON FOREVER!
On Sunday night arrived Sloop Phoenix, Capt. Doane, 17 days from Antigua. Two days before he failed, a vessel in 24 hours from St. Kitts arrived, the Captain of which informed him, that he there saw a French privateer schooner of 18 guns, and 150 men, which was sent in by Commodore Truxton. That officer had failed from St. Kitts on the 10th of March, in the Constellation, in company with the Insurgente. They separated as they approached Guadaloupe; and when they came in full sight of that island (agreeable to a plan concerted) they both appeared to bear up for port—the one under French colours, the other under American. They soon met, and effected a very furious combat. The French on shore, deceived by these appearances, hastened the sailing of the above mentioned privateer to aid their countrymen. She came out accordingly, and did not discover the deception till too late. 18 shot were fired at her, however, before she was brought too. Capt. Doane (our informant) speaks with confidence of the correctness of the intelligence; says he had a long conversation with the captain from St. Kitts, as had others at Antigua, where the news was credited.
The Constitution frigate was lying at Antigua, in order to have her foremast fished. She had not captured any thing.
INFANT NAVY—increasing.
Capt. Jones, of the brig Anua Maria, 20 days from Curacoa—failed in company with four schooners, all for Baltimore, under convoy of the United States' sloop of war Montezuma, Capt. Murray, who accompanied the above vessels as far as the latitude of 26.
Capt. Murray informed Capt. Jones, that a few days before, on his cruise from the Windward Islands, he had fallen in with, and captured a French privateer of 16 guns, which, after landing the prisoners at Curacoa, he had sent down to Jamaica—for which place he failed after he left the convoy. N. Y. Daily Gaz.
At the annual meeting of the Providence association of Mechanics and Manufacturers, on Monday last, the following members were duly elected to the offices assigned to their respective names, viz. JAMES BURRILL, President. BENJAMIN TALLMAN, Vice-President. SAMUEL THURBER, jun. Treasurer. JOSEPH BALCH, Secretary. Select Committee.
John Carlisle, Richard Anthony, Joel Metcalf, James Burr, Nathan Fisher, Peter Grinnell, John Howland, William F. Greene, Jonathan W. Coy, James Ormsbee, Grindall Reynolds.
The meeting of the association stands adjourned to Friday evening, the 18th inst.
The Hon. THEODORE FOSTER, Esq. Senator in Congress for this State, arrived in town on Monday last, from Philadelphia.
From the Vergennes Gazette .
Into Germany 120,403 Frenchmen have emigrated. Those sansculottes have entered and troubled the repose of all countries on the whole globe. Thousands of them are in the United States, aiding Demos, demons, preaching in every corner against our government making a law to curb sedition, and against giving the administration power to send out of the country those aliens, who have escaped a gallows in their own, and still merit one in this! It is no secret that the directory have their spies in all nations, who are both spies upon one another and on the nation they mean to conquer. Circumstances are such as effectually conceal these spies from being discovered. They almost universally pretend that they are nephews or first cousins to Louis Capet, and royalty forced them to become exiles, from the famous Talleyrand down to the meanest hostler. Still they bear the pretended injury of their own country with cheerfulness, and, like the Spaniel, love it more for the punishment they received. In decisive measures, they have the intolerable presumption to justify or extenuate the measures of the directory, and condemn those of this government and of individual citizens. They attempt to overawe political opinions, and threaten clergymen and friends of government, who are most accustomed to speak and write on principles. For when the presses and individuals shall cease to declare the intrigues of domineering sansculottes to the public, a French invasion and conquest of a country will be an easy task. This has been the case in the subdued nations of Europe, as Italy, Venice, Switzerland, &c. The instance of Talleyrand should never be forgotten. He pretended, when he came to this country, that he was an exiled priest of the high order of Bishops, which was accredited. But succeeding events have shewn that he was only a more artful spy. No sooner does this exile return to France, than he is made first minister of state and the persevering enemy of the United States, more formidable because he knew our situation better; and bitter in proportion to the friendship which that exiled bishop received at our hands.
Relation, in his proofs of conspiracy in Europe against all religions and government, has discovered, that to effect this, the most successful plan is to seize on the education of youth, as well as to influence the writers in the public papers. If the youth, whom they instruct, can be secured, the conquest is made before the community even dream of danger. Political principle, atheism, deism, and immorality, can easily and imperceptibly be insinuated into the unsuspecting inexperienced mind, along with the forming hand of private instruction. American institutions are as important as American principles; and the extinction of the former will rapidly annihilate the existence of the latter!
DIED.
At Canandarque, State of New-York, on the 6th ult. at about 2 o'clock, A. M. in the 25th year of her age, Mrs. LEVINIA PORTER, the amiable consort of Mr. Augustus Porter, and daughter of Mr. Timothy Steele, of Hartford. Early, bright, transient, chaste as morning dew. She sparkled, was exhaled and went to heaven. YOUNG.
At Attleborough, Mr. Samuel Atherton, in the 65th year of his age.
At North-Providence, Mr. Oliver Angell, in the 83d year of his age, who sustained an unblemished character.
Meteorological Observations, in our next.
PORT OF PROVIDENCE.
ENTERED.
Schooner Zeviah, Remington, Alexandria. Sloop Cordelia, Anthony, New-York. Sloop Hancock, Crapon, Ditto. Sloop Leopard, Farnum, Newport. Sloop Humbird, Ox, Bristol.
CLEARED.
Brig Charlotte, Cooke, St. Thomas. Sloop Juno, Trowbridge, New-York. Sloop Romeo, Heath, Newport. Sloop Sally, Phillips, Dighton. Sloop Union, Bosworth, St. Thomas.
Sales at Auction.
On FRIDAY, the 12th instant,
Will be sold at PUBLIC VENDUE,
At the STORE of
James Atwood,
ALL HIS STOCK IN TRADE,
—CONSISTING OF—
 A Variety of English Goods  A quantity of excellent Sherry Wine in lots  A few casks of Clover Seed, in lots  An assortment of Hard Ware  Boxes of Window Glass  A few casks of Rice  Soal and upper Leather  Lines, Ropes and Spun-Yarn  Skins of different kinds  Rozin and Turpentine  Weights and Measures  Bar Iron, Spices  3 Hogheads of Rum,  With a great variety of other articles, too tedious to mention.  April 10.
Great Encouragement!
 WANTED immediately, for the United States frigate GENERAL GREENE, Christopher R. Perry, commander, now fitting at Newport for a cruise with all possible speed, a number of able-bodied seamen and landmen. All young men disposed to serve their country, against the lawless depredations of its enemies, may have an opportunity, by applying to the rendezvous in this town. April 10.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. April 9th, 1799.
THE Creditors of Colvill Dana, of Providence, in the county of Providence, merchant, are hereby notified to appear (if they shall think fit) at the General Assembly, to be held at Newport on the 1st Wednesday of May next, then and there to shew cause (if any they may have) why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in the year 1756, entitled, "An act for the relief of insolvent debtors," ought not to be granted. By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Secretary.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. April 9th, 1799.
THE Creditors of Nathan Wilcox, of Providence, in the county of Providence, trader, are hereby notified to appear (if they shall think fit) at the General Assembly, to be held at Newport, on the first Wednesday of May next, then and there to shew cause (if any they may have) why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in the year 1756, for the relief of insolvent debtors, ought not to be granted. By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Secretary.
State of Rhode-Island, &c. April 9th, 1799.
THE Creditors of Cyprian Sterry, of Providence, in the county of Providence, merchant, are hereby notified to appear (if they shall think fit) at the General Assembly, to be held at Newport, on the first Wednesday of May next, then and there to shew cause (if any they may have) why his petition for the benefit of an act passed in 1756, for the relief of insolvent debtors, ought not to be granted. By order, SAMUEL EDDY, Secretary.
Medical Assistance gratis.
DR. F. CADETE , Vice-President of the Physical Faculty of Salamanca, in Spain, lately from North-Carolina, where he practised eight months with the greatest success, as also in Europe and the West-Indies for many years, on persons labouring under diseases pronounced incurable by the most eminent Physicians, proposes to practise a few months here, and tenders his assistance to the citizens of Providence and its vicinity in the following complaints, which he cures to a certainty, viz. the gout, rheumatism, numbness, fits, deafness, films, gutta serena, palsy, gravel and stone, disorders of the spleen, asthma, dropsy, consumptions, spitting and puking of blood, sterility, all kinds of fevers, convulsions, cholics, contractions, cutaneous foulness, and the most inveterate venereal complaints, without mercury, all of them in a short time, with safety.
N. B. He will attend, prepare medicine, and deliver directions to his patients gratis, they furnishing medicine, which will be attended with a very inconsiderable expence. Enquire at Mr. Esek Aldrich's, where he may be consulted from 9 to 11, A. M. and from 2 to 4, P. M. None need apply but for the disorders above mentioned.
April 5, 1799.

Original Poetry.
Mr. CARTER. The following Poem was written by a member of the Junior Class, merely for the amusement and gratification of a leisure hour...
Exil'd from Europe, first our fathers sought This western clime; by persecution taught To bear those ills their infant state endur'd...
NORFOLK, March 20. GAMBLING REVIVED.
Although the Legislature of this State, in their sitting before last, passed many edicts against Faro Banks, Billiards, &c. we understand the former game was of late carried on in this borough...
ADVICE to a YOUNG LADY. With an Allegorical Description of her Person. As you are a tenant at will, in a very handsome and genteel house...
Your building is composed of some of the finest materials I ever saw, and is so much the more liable to discover any flaw or spot that may accidentally touch it...
ANECDOTE.
On the 10th of August, 1778, Count D'Estaing, with his fleet, passed before the British batteries at Newport, and there was a brisk cannonade on both sides.
For Sale, At the GOLDEN BEE-HIVE, FEW Pipes of 4th and 5th proof genuine French Brandy...
William Blodget, jun. No. 3, Cheapside, OFFERS for cash, at unexceptionable prices, a general assortment of India, English and Scotch GOODS...
For SALE, by Isaac Boorum and Co. 20 Hhds. of prime Georgia Tobacco 100 Barrels of Tar...
Rhode-Island District. BY order of the Hon. BENJAMIN BOURN, Esq; Judge of the District Court for the District of Rhode-Island, NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN...
Final Notice. THE Hon. Court of Probate having allowed the further time of six months, from the fourth day of December last, for closing the administration on the estate of the late Dr. Ephraim Comstock...
Examine your TEETH. I. GREENWOOD, Surgeon Dentist, WHO has had the experience of 18 years practice, continues to perform every operation that will have a tendency to eradicate all diseases incident to the teeth and gums.
LOST, ON Friday last, between the house of the subscriber, and Sylvanus Martin, Esq; a black leather POCKET-BOOK, containing about 20 dollars in bank-bills, and a number of bills and notes of hand...
John Harwood, jun. Offers for Sale, A LIQUID, prepared by himself, which, from long experience, has been proved to be a complete and radical cure for that loathsome disorder, the ITCH.
For CHARLESTON (S. C.) THE new sloop CAROLINA, Cyrus Allin, master; now lying at Capt. Samuel Godfrey's wharf: She is built for a packet, and intended for a constant trader...
For CHARLESTON (S. C.) The Brig HERMES, Oliver Earle, Master; Will sail in 12 days, wind and weather permitting. For freight or passage, apply to Capt. William Earle...
For BALTIMORE, The Ship General GREENE, to sail with all convenient speed, and will take on board any quantity of freight on very reasonable terms. Apply to BROWN & IVES.
For SALE, by Elisha Dyer, A Few Pipes of real French Brandy, 5th proof, warranted to reduce from 60 to 65 per cent. Loaf Sugar, Molasses in tierces, Codfish, and a few barrels of excellent mels and prime Pork.
JUST IMPORTED, In the ship JOHN JAY, from Russia, and for SALE, by Brown and Ives, On liberal terms, BEST St. Petersburg clean Hemp...
For SALE, by Munro, Snow and Munro, At their Store, next east of the Coffee-House, FRESH Baltimore superfine FLOUR, in whole and half barrels—Also, Pilot and Ship BREAD; just received by the Schooner Olive-Branch, Capt. Remington.
To be Sold or Let, ON REASONABLE TERMS, A Large and commodious four story HOUSE, in Westminster-street, adjoining the Theatre, with a good store convenient for the retailing business.
For Sale, THE FARM on which the subscriber lives, in Plainfield, in Connecticut. It lies near the centre of the town, on the stage road from Providence to Norwich, containing about 200 acres. The buildings are good, the land fertile and pleasant, and the situation very healthy.
NOTICE is hereby given, That the co-partnership between the subscribers is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. All persons having demands against said firm are requested to present the same for settlement to John Eveleth...