The Massachusetts spy, or, Thomas's Boston journal (Boston [Mass.]), 1773-02-04 00:00:00

THE Massachusetts Spy
Or, Thomas's Boston Journal.
A Weekly, Political, and Commercial PAPER:--Open to ALL Parties, but Influenced by None.
DO THOU Great LIBERTY INSPIRE our Souls,--And make our Lives in THY Possession happy,--Or, our Deaths glorious in THY JUST Defence.
VOL. II.]
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1773.
[NUMB. 105.]
FRIDAY, January 29.
BOSTON.
In COUNCIL, JANUARY 22, 1773.
The committee appointed to prepare an answer to his Excellency's Speech, beg leave to report to the honourable board, the following draught of an answer.
In the name of the committee.
JAMES BOWDOIN,
In COUNCIL, January 25, 1773.
Read and unanimously accepted, and ordered that William Brattle, Harrison Gray, James Pitts, James Humphrey, and Benjamin Greenleaf, Esquires, be a committee to present the same to his Excellency.
THO'S FLUCKER, Sec'y.
To his Excellency THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esquire, Governor and Commander in Chief of the Province of Massachusetts-Bay, &c.
THE ADDRESS of his Majesty's Council of the said Province.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY,
HE board have considered your Excellency's Speech to both houses with the attention due to the subject of it; and we hope with the candour you are pleased to recommend to them.
We thank you for the promise, that "if we shall not agree with you in sentiments, you will with candour likewise, receive and consider what we may offer in answer."
Your speech informs the two houses, that his Government is at present in a disturbed and disordered state; that the cause of this disorder is the unconstitutional principles adopted by the people in questioning the supreme authority of parliament; and that the proper measure for removing the disorder must be the substituting contrary principles.
Our opinion on these heads, as well as on some others proper to be noticed, will be obvious in the course of the following observations.
With regard to the present disordered state of the Government, it can have no reference to tumults or riots: From which this Government is as free as any other whatever. If your Excellency meant only that the province is discontented, and in a state of uneasiness, we should intirely agree with you: But you will permit us to say we are not so well agreed in the cause of it. The uneasiness, which was a general one throughout the colonies, began when you informed us the authority of parliament was first called in question, viz. about seven or eight years ago. Your mentioning that particular time might have suggested to your Excellency the true cause of the origin and continuance of that uneasiness.
At that time the Stamp-Act, then lately made, began to operate: Which with some preceding and succeeding acts of parliament, subjecting the colonies to taxes without their consent, was the original cause of all the uneasiness that has happened since; and has occasioned also an enquiry into the nature and extent of the authority by which they were made. The late town meetings in several towns are instances of both. These are mentioned by your Excellency in proof of a disordered state: But though we do not approve some of their resolves, we think they had a clear right to instruct their representatives on any subject they apprehended to be of sufficient importance to require it: Which necessarily implies a previous consideration of and expression of their minds on that subject: However mistaken they may be concerning it.
When a community, great or small, think their rights and privileges infringed, they will express their uneasiness in a variety of ways: Some of which may be highly
improper, and criminal. So far as any of an atrocious nature have taken place, we would express our abhorrence of them: And as we have always done hitherto, we shall continue to do, every thing in our power to discourage and suppress them. But it is vain to hope that this can be done effectually so long as the cause of the uneasiness which occasioned them exists.
Your Excellency will perceive that the cause you assign is by us supposed to be an effect derived from the original cause above-mentioned: The removal of which will remove its effects.
To obtain this removal, we agree with you in the method pointed out in your speech, where you say, "the manner of obtaining redress must be by representations and endeavours in such ways and forms as the constitution allows, in order to make any matters alleged to be grievances appear to be really such." This method has been pursued repeatedly. Petitions to parliament have gone from the colonies, and from this colony in particular; but without success. Some of them, in a former ministry, were previously shown to the minister, who (as we have been informed) advised the agents to postpone presenting them to the House of Commons until the first reading of the bill they referred to: When being presented, a rule of the house against receiving petitions on money bills was urged for the rejecting of them, and they were rejected accordingly: And other petitions for want of formality, or whatever was the reason, have had the same fate. This we mention, not by way of censure on that honourable house, but in some measure to account for the conduct of those persons, who despairing of redress in a constitutional way, have denied the just authority of parliament: Concerning which we shall now give our own sentiments, intermixt with observations on those of your Excellency.
You are pleased to observe, that "when our predecessors first took possession of this colony, under a grant and charter from the crown of England, it was their sense, and it was the sense of the kingdom, that they were to remain subject to the supreme authority of parliament." And to prove that subjection the greater part of your speech is employed.
In order to a right conception of this matter, it is necessary to guard against any improper idea of the term supreme authority. In your idea of it your Excellency seems to include unlimited authority: For you are pleased to say, you "know of no line that can be drawn between the supreme authority of parliament and the total independence of the colonies;" But if no such line can be drawn, a denial of that authority in any instance whatever, implies and amounts to a declaration of total independence. But if supreme authority includes unlimited authority, the subjects of it are emphatically slaves: And equally so, whether residing in the color a ses or Great-Britain. And indeed in this respect all the nations on earth, among whom government exists in any of its forms, would be alike conditioned: Excepting so far as the mere grace and favour of their governors might make a difference: For "from the nature of government there must be, as your Excellency has observed, one supreme authority over the whole."
We cannot think, that "when our predecessors first took possession of this colony, it was their sense, or the sense of the kingdom, that they were to remain subject to the supreme authority of parliament" in this idea of it. Nor can we find that this appears from the charter; or that such authority has ever been exercised by parliament, submitted to by the colony, or acknowledged by the Legislature.
Supreme or unlimited authority can with fitness belong only to the sovereign of the universe: And that fitness is derived from the perfection of his Nature. To such authority, directed by infinite wisdom and infinite goodness, is due both active and passive obedience: Which as it constitutes the happiness of rational creatures, should with cheerfulness and from choice be unlimitedly paid by them. But with truth this can be said of no other authority whatever. If then from the nature and end of government, the supreme authority of every Government, is limited, the supreme authority of parliament must be limited; and the enquiry will be what are the limits of that authority with regard to this colony? To fix them with precision, to determine the exact lines of right and wrong in this case, as in some others, is difficult; and we have not the presumption to attempt it. But we humbly hope, that as we are personally and relatively, in our private and public capacities, for ourselves, for the whole province and for all posterity, so deeply interested in this important subject, it will not be deemed arrogance to give some general sentiments upon it, especially as your Excellency's speech has made it absolutely necessary.
For this purpose we shall recur to those records that contain the main principles on which the English constitution is founded, and from them make such extracts as are pertinent to the subject.
Magna Charta declares, "that no aid shall be imposed in the kingdom, unless by the common council of the kingdom, except to redeem the King's person, &c." And that "all cities, boroughs, towns and ports shall have their liberties and free customs; and shall have the common council of the Kingdom concerning the assessment of their aids, except in the cases aforesaid."
The statute of the 34th of Edward I. de tallagio non concedendo, declares "that no tallage or aid should be laid or levelled by the King or his heirs in the realm, without the good will and assent of the Arch Bishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, Knights, Burgesses, and other the free men of the commonality of this realm."
A statute of the 25 Ed. 3 enacts "that from thenceforth no person shall be compelled to make any loans to the King against his will, because such loans were against reason and the franchise of the land."
The petition of rights in the 3d of Charles 1st, in which are cited the two foregoing statutes, declares that by those "Statutes, and other good laws and statutes of the realm, his Majesty's subjects inherited this freedom, that they should not be compelled to contribute to any tax, tallage, aid, or other like charge, not set by common consent of Parliament." And the statute of the 1st of William 3, for declaring the rights and liberties of the subject and settling the succession of the crown declares, "that the levying of money for or to the use of the crown, by pretence of prerogative without grant of parliament, for longer time, or in any other manner than the same is or shall be granted, is illegal."
From these authorities it appears an essential part of the English constitution, that no tallage, or aid, or tax shall be laid or levied "without the good will and assent of the free men of the commonality of the realm." If this could be done without their assent, their property would be in the highest degree precarious; or rather they could not with fitness be said to have any property at all. At best they would be only the holders of it for the use of the crown; and the crown be in fact the real proprietor. This would be vassalage in the extreme; from which the generous nature of Englishmen has been so abhorrent, that they have bled
with freedom in the defence of this part of their constitution, which has preserved them from it: And influenced by the same generosity, they can never view with disapprobation any lawful measures taken by us for the defence of our own constitution, which intitles us to the same rights and privileges with themselves.
These were derived to us from Common law, which is the inheritance of all his Majesty's subjects; have been recognized by acts of Parliament; and confirmed by the province charter, which established its constitution; and which charter has been recognized by act of parliament also. This act was made in the second year of his late Majesty Geo. II. for the better preservation of his Majesty's woods in America; in which is recited the clause of the said charter, reserving for the use of the Royal Navy all trees suitable for masts: And on this charter is grounded the succeeding enacting clause of the act. And thus is the charter implicitly confirmed by act of Parliament.
From all which it appears, that the inhabitants of this colony are clearly intitled to all the rights and privileges of free and natural subjects: Which certainly must include that most essential one, that no aid or taxes be levied on them without their own consent, signified by their representatives. But from the clause in the charter relative to the power granted to the General Court to make laws, not repugnant to the laws of England; your Excellency draws this inference, that "surely this is by charter a reserve of power and authority to parliament, to bind us by such laws, at least, as are made expressly to refer to us, and consequently is a limitation of the power given to the General Court." If it be allowed that by that clause there was a reserve of power to parliament to bind the province, it was only by such laws as were in being at the time the charter was granted: For by the charter there is nothing appears to make it refer to any parliamentary laws, that should be afterwards made, and therefore it will not support your Excellency's inference.
The grant of power to the General Court to make laws runs thus, "full power and authority, from time to time, to make, ordain and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable, orders, laws, statutes and ordinances, directions and instructions, either with penalties or without (so as the same be not repugnant or contrary to the laws of this our realm of England) as they shall judge to be for the good and welfare of our said province," &c. We humbly think an inference very different from your Excellency's, and a very just one too, may be drawn from this clause, if attention be given to the description of the orders and laws that were to be made. They were to be wholesome, reasonable and for the good and welfare of the province, and in order that they might be so, it is provided that they be "not repugnant or contrary to the laws of the realm," that were then in being: By which proviso, all the liberties and immunities of free and natural subjects within the realm were more effectually secured to the inhabitants of the province, agreeable to another clause in the charter, whereby those liberties and immunities are expressly granted to them: And accordingly the power of the General Court is so far limited, that they shall not make orders and laws to take away or diminish those liberties and immunities.
This Construction appears to us a just one, and perhaps may appear so to your Excellency if you will please to consider, that by another Part of the Charter effectual Care was taken for preventing the General Assembly passing of Orders and Laws repugnant to, or that in any way might militate with Acts of Parliament then or since made, or that might be exceptional in any other respect.
[For the remainder see the last page.]

Mr. THOMAS,
Please to insert the following from the New-London Gazette of January 15th, 1773.
To the PRINTER.
You are desired to publish the following Letter from a Lover of his Country, in one of the most respectable Colonies in America, not of the Massachusetts Bay you may be sincerely assured.
THERE cannot be a cause of greater importance, or more interesting to the welfare of mankind in this world, than that now depending between Great Britain or more properly the ministers of State to the King of Great Britain, and the numerous extensive English colonies in America. It is no less than whether the latter shall enjoy one single blessing or privilege which can render life for its own sake desirable, (for it is all embraced in the ideas of liberty and bondage. Shall the free born sons and daughters of America any longer enjoy the blessings of English freedom? or shall they become tributaries and slaves to the K— and P— of G— B—n, or rather to the Slaves of G— B—n's K—, is the question. And a question it is, big with consequences to many ten millions of America born and yet unborn, too great to express, or almost to conceive; and so great as that surely nothing but a firm persuasion that this is in reality the question, can be wanting, to inspire the head, the heart, the hand, the foot, the every power and faculty of body and soul, in English America, (not lost to every sense of virtue and humanity) with a determined resolution to bring this question to a happy decision. I need not therefore except by name the abandoned, apostate herd of place-men, pensioners, and their train of dependent blood suckers, whose gain is their God. To the rest I speak, and to the few only of them, whose eyes through inattention are not already wide open. And you, my dear countrymen, I ask only to consider, that by reason of the corruption and depravity of human nature, (come by it how they might) it was absolutely necessary for the welfare of mankind, that civil government should be set up and maintained in the world, to defend men's persons from injuries and their property from rapine and plunder, and therefore for those great and salutary ends the all-wise and beneficent father of the universe instituted and established Kings and Princes in the earth to decree justice and judgment; not for their own sake, but for the sake of his people. The establishment and exercise of such government within the rules and reason of its institution, approves itself to the understanding and consciences of all mankind, and from the beginning has had their consent and approbation, as a measure productive of every good and preventive of every evil in civil society.
No institution or appointment of the God of reason and justice, ever was or ever can be repugnant to, or contradict the universal sense and reason of his rational creatures. But the idea and notion of slavery, or a subjection of the lives and properties of mankind, or of States and communities of mankind, to the arbitrary will and pleasure of any individual, or number of individuals, acting for and under him, is repugnant to the universal sense of mankind, contradicts the first principles of self preservation, and is in opposition to, and destructive of, the primary end, reason and foundation of civil government. Therefore it is impossible it should be instituted by the King of Heaven, or be in its own nature justifiable or right. And yet it is a fact too notorious to admit of dispute that this is the unhappy state of much the greatest part of the world, among some in a more absolute degree than others. If it should then be asked, how came mankind into a condition so abhorrent to their own sentiments, and so inconsistent with their own happiness? It may be answered, that it has pleased Almighty God to permit the sin and folly of mankind thus to punish itself; it is not brought upon them by his immediate Agency, but the boundless ambition and lust of power, in those at first exalted to rightful dominion, taking advantage of the pride, luxury, ambition, hopes, fears and folly of human nature, artfully managing and skilfully playing off their various jarring appetites and passions one against another, has blinded their eyes, and lulled them into security, or by wicked exercise of rightful power, with violence blood and slaughter established those systems of despotism, which are and long have been the curse and plague of the human species.
No nation or people were ever made slaves at once, nor until wondrous craft and subtlety had gilded the fatal pill, or by their
own corruption and wickedness, inattention and stupidity they were become too weak to resist the bitter portion. Almost infinite have been the arts and intrigues, the tools, the instruments, emissaries, ways and means, which the princes and great ones of the earth, have made use of to accomplish this grand, infernal project. Considering therefore the unbounded thirst of dominion, inseparable from the princes of this world, whose greatness is their supreme good, and that there are such is no incredible supposition) the ten thousand advantages they have to obtain their purposes—considering also the folly and wickedness of human nature, the fraud and temptation, to which it is liable from the subtil and the mighty; it is a miracle of mercy that there is any nation under Heaven left tolerably free from the iron rod of tyranny and oppression. Oppression and tyranny once established, grasps with strong and mighty hand. It is amazingly harder to break its hold and unloose its gripe, than to guard against its first approach, difficult and impracticable as the latter has been found to almost all the nations of the world; the wretchedness of it great beyond description, and not fully understood by any but its miserable subjects. Since liberty then is a prize of such inestimable value, so easily lost and so impossible to regain, with what vigilance and care, with what activity and zeal ought it to be watched and defended.
And is it well with America? Are her liberties secure? And has a false and groundless alarm sounded in our ears?—Consider, my friends, Great-Britain is almost the only nation in Europe, or in the world, that has preserved its virtue and liberty to this day, and how difficult has been the struggles; many a time has it been upon the very verge of ruin. Infinite have been the arts, strong and mighty the efforts of many of the Kings and princes to enslave her. To say nothing of earlier times, one of the race of Stewarts lost his crown and his head, another was driven from his kingdom, and wandered a fugitive in the earth, rather than give up their pretensions to arbitrary sway, and a sovereign deliverer called in to rescue the nation on the brink of destruction. The spirit of luxury and dissipation and the depravity of morals was not then universal, nor the system of corruption completed, so that the near prospect of destruction opened the eyes of the nation, roused the spirit of liberty, and kindled the sparks of virtue into a blaze, consumed their oppressors, rescued and restored the constitution. But it was then obtained with an amazing struggle and hazard, and not until very many had given the point for loss, and our fathers fled for refuge to the savage deserts of America. Quis talia fando, &c. Since which the rights of the people have been again invaded, and defenders brought, insidious arts practiced, prerogative extended, and almost every support of the glorious fabric of liberty sapped and undermined by degrees. Yet we hope the case is not quite desperate in the nation, but greatly to be feared, that the noble defenders of the common cause will not be able to resist with the former success. Let us co-operate with them to the utmost of our power, and we with them a blessing in the name of the Lord. But let us especially look to ourselves; and if Astrea , if sacred liberty should be forced to fly from her ancient seat, O let her find a secure and lasting retreat in this new discovered world. But alas! according to present appearances, it seems as if this would not long be her resting place. The designs of those who rule the B—sh councils are visible as the blazing sun. With what devouring jaws would that horrid monster the stamp-act have crushed and swallowed us up, had not the genius of America roused her sons, and breathed a divine ardor into all their souls from east to west. In vain was salvation attempted and hoped for, from the prayers, petitions, and remonstrances of the united continent, and vain to the last period of time would have been efforts of any other kind than you used with success. And they are justifiable only in cases of extreme necessity, and where the rights of mankind, the supreme law, can be no otherwise maintained and defended. But when this monster bled and died, his ashes and blood gave life to another, prolific of all evil and danger, viz. a decree that the authors of his being, had right to bind and subject all these colonies in all cases whatsoever. Words significant and comprehensive indeed. My friends, the liberty we claim as Englishmen, consists not in a freedom from the restraints of law and government, and an exemption from the expenses of its support; but in being governed by laws enacted, and having our property
taken and used for the public good, only by our own consent in a constitutional way. But what is the language of this emphatical decree, but that all the property, liberty and lives of English America are at the absolute controul and disposal of a legislature four thousand miles distant, in whose creation or election not all America has a single voice, and who are as independent on, and unconnected with us, in their capacity, as the inhabitants of the moon, and more than that whose interest it is to burden us for their own emolument. Yet this legislature and the British ministry, are carrying into execution as fast as art and policy will permit, the powers claimed by this all comprehending decree, laying and encreasing grievous and heavy burdens on all our trade and commerce, which not only affects those more immediately concerned therein, but every farmer and other individual who has occasion to sell any of his own, or purchase any of their commodities; erecting new courts and commissioners with extraordinary powers; enlarging jurisdictions and powers of arbitrary Admiralty courts; appointing Judges and officers, whose only qualifications are their enmity to the liberties of the country; rendering our Governors, before appointed by the crown, completely independent on the people and all with enormous stipends paid and refunded by the labours and treasure of the honest and industrious Americans, wrested from them against their will by the hand of power; fleets and armies sent over in hostile array, to take possession of our capital towns and fortresses, with sword and fire to awe or murder the inhabitants into a submission to measures which reason and justice would never inforce; for what, in the name of God, could render them necessary, but consciousness of injustice? For Americans are loyal subjects, loved their King and ever obeyed his righteous laws. In fine, our judges, the arbiters of our fortunes and lives, rendered absolutely independent on their country and dependent on the K—, or rather his M—st's, for their continuance and support, and in effect for their appointment. And lest all this should not sufficiently bind us in all cases whatsoever, when occasion requires awful mandates are issued, to seize our inhabitants, bind them in chains, and transport them to Britain for trial of crimes real or supposed, where without money and without friends, and every hand of power lift up against us, to be suspected and accused, is enough to be condemned and hanged.
Think O my countrymen, is this to your wretched case, is it I, is it I? Would not a poignant plunge into your breast be more eligible? and all your complaints neglected, rejected and despised. Yet these are but part of your grievances: The patriots of Boston, I am told have pointed them out, and in a much better manner I am sure. It is time then to look about us in good earnest, and seriously to consider when and how these things will end. Is not the plan uniform, and perusing step by step? our liberties invaded and taken one after another, and link added to link of our chains. The road to despotism is not open attack upon all a people's rights at once; the alarm would be too general, and opposition too strong. Seneca, that great philosopher, and good man of Rome, says, we can live without liberty but it is better to die. You my friends know the value of freedom, and are doubly intitled to all the rights of Englishmen, by birth and also by a much greater sum than Licinius the chief captain obtained the privileges of a Roman, viz. The vast expence of blood and treasure by the fathers of New-England especially to secure and transmit that first of blessings inviolate to posterity. And you have also richly merited it at the hands of Great-Britain's King, by the immense addition you have made to his dominions, to his subjects, and to the wealth of the nation, and thereby to the weight and dignity of his crown. You will not, you cannot therefore let it perish in your hands, nor be torn from you but with your lives. You—I not be gulled out of it by the vile and infamous art of ministerial tools; but make use of every effort in your power, not inconsistent with the righteous laws of heaven and earth, to preserve that choicest gift of heaven: and be inspired with a resolution firm and unshaken as the perpetual hills, that you will never part with it in life or death. Put your religious trust and confidence in Almighty God; He will not forsake you nor the cause—it is his own—persist and persevere and be sure of success. Great and marvellous have been the appearances of his providence in our favour, for which glory be to his name. And with warmest gratitude also remem-
ber the many worthies of our country, who have asserted our rights, vindicated our cause, warned us of our danger, and pointed out the means of safety. Among the brightest of whom shines the patriot farmer of Philadelphia. High also in the list of worthies stand those generous and noble friends of their country and of mankind the patriots of Boston; their counsels have been wise, their measures prudent and their conduct firm, animated by that first and best of principles the love of their country. Justly are they and may the whole country be alarmed at the late interesting ministerial manœuvre, in rendering our judges, in whose hands are our lives and properties, as well as our Governors, dependent for their daily bread on those whose interest and design is to subject them both to their will and pleasure. Can any be so blind as not to see the fatal tendency of those measures? What if next you should be prohibited council when you are arraigned before them, and trials by juries be abolished, when you cannot conveniently be transported across the Atlantic for judgment. And why not this, and anything else, as soon as matters will bear, I am not able to conceive. Where will you make a stand, my friends, and what will you stand upon when the foundations are destroyed? If you wait till the modes and measure of opposition are adjusted to the satisfaction of your oppressors, or their tools, you will wait till opposition is useless and vain. The efforts used to baffle and defeat the efforts of your friends, are nothing new, but precisely the same in kind as have ever been practiced by artful oppressors, to slander and ridicule the defenders of liberty, to represent them to be factious and designing fellows; to run down and crush the man that dare assert his rights; to biacken his name, and weaken his influence by various pretences; to flatter some and browbeat others; to persuade one that things go well, and there is no danger; to convince another that if there is, this or that, or whatever measure is pursuing, is not the right way to obtain redress; that the public welfare is not the concern of individuals, nor small bodies or communities, the law points out other work for them, but of the whole legislature; and then tell them their constituents are easy; it is yet too early to stir; the system of oppression is not yet complete—aye, and possibly the life of this or that, who have power and temptation to oppress, is not to continue during the bene placito of his master, but only their own bene gesserint —Be it so, while the measure of the one is the standard of the other, as will ever be the case, the difference between them is great and important, as in Swift's tweedledee, and tweedledum .
Be not deceived, be not mocked, my friends, with ten thousand such deceitful arts, the most successful weapons that can be used in the cause of tyranny. The game is playing, and your liberty and property are the stakes. Be not dismayed—be not disheartened—Ye faithful friends of your country—ye noble and blessed effortors of her rights—go on—the race is glorious and the prize immortal. The hearts and hands of the people—yea of all the people, are with you—you will assuredly find it so in a day of trial, and the arms of your hands shall be made strong by the hands of the mighty God of Jacob.
JUNIUS CATO.
To be LET,
And entered upon the beginning of April next,
A large FARM lying in the town of Brookfield, about a mile from the meeting-house, containing between 3 and 400 acres of good pasturing, plowing, mowing, and orcharding, now in the occupation of Mr. John Wait, ian holder in said town: There are on said farm, a large double house, two large barns, &c. Any person inclining to hire it, or to take it on any other terms, may know further by applying to
DUNCAN INGRAHAM, in Concord.
Who has for sale,
A large assortment of English and West-India GOODS, by wholesale and retail, as cheap as at any store in Boston.
N. B. Good hoghead hoops, lumber, and grain of all sorts, will be received as payment for goods.
To be SOLD, by wholesale or Retail, by
JOSEPH PALMER & SON,
As their STORE opposite the Golden Ball:
PALMER'S common Chocolate
as cheap and good as any; excepting only some which they make of a superior quality, fit for any gentleman's table. Also cocoa, sugars, tea, flour, flax, table fish, hollow ware, glass ware, indigo, raisins, &c.
N. B. There are English Goods at said store, now selling off very cheap for cash, West-India goods, or any kind of barter that may suit.

MONDAY, February 1. BOSTON.
It is remarkable that there was a perfect unanimity in both houses of the General Assembly last week, when their several answers to the Governor's speech were passed.
Since the chymical analysis of the Governor's speech, by the reverberatory fire of both houses, has hardly left a caput mortuum for his friends to hold up; they give out that he has it in command from the minister, to obtain the full of the claims of the people, that administration may have opportunity to examine their foundation, and conclude how to proceed respecting them.
We are told, his Excellency now declares he hopes great good will come out of this session.
Beware new commissioners: It would be a miserable blot in the escutcheons of many of you, if after all your vile prostitution and traitorous abandoning the cause of your perishing country, your principal should turn short about and leave you to bear the scorn and contempt of mankind, without one more ray of his approving countenance!
TUESDAY, February 2. BOSTON.
On Tuesday the 19th ult. a large Dwelling House improved by Mr. William Barker of Boston (being the Property of Dr. John Sprague of this Town) was consumed by Fire, with most of the Household Furniture and Wearing Apparel; also about one Hundred Pounds of Indian Corn, and some Rye, with some other necessary Provisions for the Family.
Among the many acts of generosity in Mr. Thomas Bradshaw while secretary of the treasury, it ought to be remembered with gratitude that he procured for his private clerk Martyn Leake (who is also a clerk in the treasury) the sum of two hundred pounds sterling a year of the public money for said clerk's being, as he is called, agent at the treasury for the Boston commissioners!
WEDNESDAY, February 3. BOSTON.
Thursday last the General Assembly made choice of the following civil officers for the year ensuing, viz.
The hon. Harrison Gray, Esq; Treasurer and Receiver-General. The hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq; Commissary-General.
neral. The hon. James Russell, Esq; Impost Officer. Mr. Jedediah Prebble, jun. Truck-Master for Fort Pownall.
Last week his Majesty's Council made choice of the Rev. Mr. Charles Turner, jun. of Duxbury, to preach the sermon on the anniversary election the last Wednesday in May next.
We hear his Excellency the Governor has signed all the grants of salaries lately voted by the General Assembly, except those to the Justices of the Superior Court for this province.
THURSDAY, February 4. BOSTON.
Capt. Hulme will sail for South-Carolina, the first wind, with whom goes passenger Joshua Quincy, jun. Esq; for the benefit of his health.
We hear from Grenada, that his Excellency General Leyburne has appointed the hon. Hugh Hall Wentworth, Esq; Lieutenant Governor of Grenada and the Grenadines, in the room of Andrew Erving, Esq.
We hear from Lancaster, in New-Hampshire, that the dwelling-house of Mr. Buckman, of that town, lately took fire and was consumed, together with all his furniture, &c. to the value of £. 100 lawful money.
Last Thursday se'nnight, a large new dwelling-house, belonging to Mr. Hyman, of Cornwall in Connecticut, caught on fire and was entirely consumed.
We hear that Capt. Cochran in a snow from this port for the West-Indies, on his passage thither ran upon some of the rocks near Bermuda, and received so much damage that he was obliged to put into that island to refit.
DIED] Benjamin Hallowell, Esq; Nathaniel Balfour, Esq; one of his Majesty's Justices of the peace for the county of Suffolk, and formerly an eminent merchant in this town --Mrs. Margaret Patterhall, widow, Mr. James Beighton, blockmaker --Capt. John Decker --Mr. Joseph Davis, --Mr. Thaddeus Sergeant, --Mrs. Christian Bell, wife of James Bell, Shoemaker, a native of Scotland, who is committed to goal on suspicion of being the occasion of her death by repeated blows on her body, undeservedly given by him, more particularly one or more upon her head, just over the right eye.
PORTSMOUTH, January 29. Monday last being very pleasant, wind at N.W. several vessels sailed from this port, amongst whom was Capt. Homes, in a ship bound to the West-Indies; this ship was piloted down the river by Capt. King, who left her just without the harbour's mouth: Soon after the boat put off from the ship, the wind and sea arose to a most violent degree, and forced the boat to sea.
with, when he arrived at the house; his son remained senseless until the next day, when they were brought to town, very much froze in the hands and feet, but all likely to recover.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. MR. THOMAS.
I OBSERVED a piece in your paper of the 28th ult. dated from Gloucester, signed "A Friend to his Country," where in the writer says, a notorious deceiver lately came there, who seemed to have the gift of the tongue, and imposed on several gentlemen in said town, and asserted that the Ipswich people had deprived them from digging clams in said Ipswich, and that Mr. D--ge, one of the principal actors in that matter, was about to deprive them of the fish which they had in great plenty, and had laid a plan wholly to stop up the fish-ways; and that this gentleman, who the writer is pleased to stile a notorious deceiver, had a petition to present to the General Court, signed by a great number of persons to prevent said passage being stopped: Now, by the way, I would just observe, notwithstanding what the writer says afterwards, that he acknowledges he liked the scheme of a petition very well and signed it, and thought it his duty so to do.
of Top-field, Boxford and Middletown on the one part, and the proprietors of the mill-dams across Ipswich River, in said town of Ipswich on the other part, on the 31st day of December, 1772, hath mutually agreed," &c. Now, Mr. Pinter, I would inform you that there were three committee men chosen for the town of Middletown, and but one of them signed the agreement, and that one has since informed me that he was persuaded to do it, and now desires that the old act may be renewed; and one of the committee for the town of Boxford hath declared, that it was his opinion, that nothing less than the old act being renewed, would answer the purpose for which it was made, therefore the agreement could not be mutual as but one person out of three signed it in Middletown, and he not of his own will, but at the persuasion of others, as he himself declares.
The town of Middletown chose agents to meet with the owners of the mill-dams at Ipswich, and instructed them to present a petition to the General Court, to get the late fish-act renewed.
The above-mentioned writer pretends that he lives at Gloucester, but I rather think he lives at Ipswich, and I think I can describe him so that any person may know him, by his dodging and tossing up his head, (which is as remarkably small as his neck is long) screwing his nose and twisting his mouth, and is grown very proud of late and hath money at command, owing to a late wind-fall.
I believe that Mr. St--r had a hand in the above-mentioned piece, but a gentleman on the other side of the water, has lately handled him, for some of his tricks there, tolerably well. I shall pass him over in silence.
Upon the whole, it evidently appears that the piece was calculated by a few turbulent persons to answer their own private ends and injure the public good of said towns, besides the character of an honest man, who is employed by them, in their behalf in this matter, I therefore hope that notice will not be taken of it by any person who has the least regard to truth and justice.
TRUEMAN. Gloucester, February 1, 1773.
THE persons mentioned with so much Politeness by Mrs. Hall, in her advertisement, for the sale of the house in Hanover-Street, request the public to suspend their judgment both as to the merits of the cause and the title she is able to give, until the same shall be determined in a DUE COURSE OF LAW.
The conduct of the parties from first to last will best appear, either to their Honour or Disgrace, when the evidences on both sides are properly examined.
When Mrs. Hall gave notice, that the matter was dropped, she should have added -- "in order to be taken up at another Court." See Edes & Gill's last Gazette.
Boston, January 13th. 1773.
THIS day absconded from the subscriber, an indentured servant, named SETH CHAPEN, about twenty years of age, about five feet seven inches high and mealy stout, freckled face, his hair somewhat sandy: Had on when he went away, a pair of buff coloured leather breeches, a chocolate coloured coat and waistcoat, checked linen shirt, and a light coloured fustout coat.
WILLIAM CURTIS.
All masters of vessels and others, are hereby cautioned against harbouring, concealing or carrying off said apprentice, as they would avoid the severest penalties of the law.
This day published, price 7 coppers. And SOLD by
E. RUSSELL,
Next the Cornfield, in Union-Street, Boston
THE Appendix: Or, some Observations on the Expediency of the Petition of the Africans, living in Boston, &c. lately presented to the General Assembly of this Province. To which is annexed, the Petition referred to. Likewise, Thoughts on SLAVERY: With a useful Extract from the Massachusetts Spy, of January 28, 1773, by way of an Address to the Members of the Assembly. By a Lover of CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY.

whatever: for the Charter refers to his Majesty the Appointment of the Governor, whose Assent is necessary in the passing of all Orders and Laws...
Your Excellency next observes, "that it cannot be conceded that by the Liberties of free and natural Subjects is to be understood an Exemption from Acts of Parliament...
This Grant of Liberties and Immunities, your Excellency informs us, is nothing more than a Declaration and Assurance on the part of the Crown...
The Dominion of the Crown over this Country before the Arrival of our Predecessors was merely ideal. Their Removal hither realized that Dominion...
If the Plantations be Part of the Dominions of the Crown this Clause in the Charter (granting Liberties and Immunities) does not, your Excellency observes, confer or release any Liberties...
Your Excellency next observes "that it is impossible the Rights of English Subjects should be the same in every respect, in all Parts of the Dominions..."
When English Subjects remove from the Kingdom to the Plantations with their Properties, they not only relinquish that right de facto, but it ought to cease in the Kingdom de jure.
Parts of the Dominions" under a like Form of Legislature. This Right of Representation is so essential and indispensable in regard of all Laws for levying Taxes...
But your Excellency is pleased to say, that "they who claim exemption as part of their Rights by Nature, should consider that every restraint which Men are laid under by a State of Government, is a privation of part of their natural Rights.
Your Excellency's Premises are true, but we do not think your Conclusion follows from them. It is true, that every restraint of Government is a privation of natural Right...
Life, Liberty, Property, and the Disposal of that Property with our own Consent, are natural Rights. Will any one put the other in Competition with these...
Thus have we considered the most material Parts of your Speech, and agreeable to your Desire disclosed to you our Sentiments on the Subject of it.
"Independence, as your Excellency rightly judged, we have not in Contemplation." We cannot however adopt "your Principles of Government," or acquiesce in all the Inferences you have drawn from them.
We have the highest Respect for that august Body the Parliament, and do not presume to prescribe the exact Limits of its Authority, yet with the Deference that is due to it...
In such Principles as these "our Predecessors were easy and happy;" and in the due Operation of such, their Descendants the present Inhabitants of this Province have been easy and happy...
It would give us the highest Satisfaction to see Peace and Tranquility restored to the Colonies; and especially to see between Great-Britain and them an Union established on such an equitable Basis...
New Book-Store. JOHN LANGDON, Opposite Mr. THOMAS LEVERETT's leading to the Market.
Informs his friends, and the Public, that he has received in the several last ships from London and Scotland, A LARGE and Grand Assortment of BOOKS...
which, with his former importations, make a large collection as is to be found at any Store in America. As he intends for England in the Spring, every Gentleman who may please to favour him with their custom may depend on purchasing at a little more than the sterling cost and charges.
LEE and JONES, Have for sale at their shop near the Swing-bridge, at the lowest advance, A Large assortment of Winter GOODS...
LADIES SILKS, SILVER WATCHES, Gunpowder, Brimstone, Nails, Glass &c. &c. A few pipes of Fyal Wine.
The SECOND EDITION. This Day was published, AN ORATION on the Beauties of Liberty or the essential rights of the Americans. Humbly dedicated to the right honourable the Earl of Dartmouth.
BOSTON: Printed by ISAIAH THOMAS, At the South Corner of MARSHAL'S LANE, leading from the MILL-BRIDGE into UNION-STREET...
IRISH LINEN. WILLIAM SCOTT, At the IRISH LINEN STORE in Ann-street, near the Draw-Bridge, Boston, Has just imported from Ireland, A Large quantity of 3-4, 7-8 and yard-wide Linens of all prices...
A great variety of European and India Goods, amongst which are, broad Cloths, Lambkins, Coatings, Baizes, &c. silk and worsted Stuffs, Poplins, Crapes, Denmark Lustres, Mouselins, Dorsetteens, Camblets, worsted Damasks, &c. Sattins and capuchin Silks of all colours...
Excellent Gloucester Cheese, French Indigo, Teas, Coffee, Spices, &c. patent Cakes for making the liquid shining blacking for shoes and leather bottomed chairs, &c. a number of low priced bound Books of divinity, Bibles, Testaments, &c.
JACOB HEMET, DENTIST to her Majesty and the Princess Amelia. BEGS Leave to recommend to the Public, his newly discovered Essence of Pearl, and Pearl Detritrice...
Said (by appointment of Mr. Hemet) wholesale and retail, by W. Bayley, Perfumer, in Cockspur-street, near the bottom of the Hay-market, London, and at William Scott's Irish Linen Store, near the Draw-Bridge, Boston, New-England.
NEW RICE, Indigo, and a few quintals of choice dumb Fish, brown and loaf Sugars, Tea, Coffee, Chocolate, Spices, Cheese, Indian and Rye Meal, Oatmeal, Spermaceti Oil, &c. to be sold cheap for Cash, at CHARLES LOWE's Shop in Marshall's-Lane, facing the Boston-Store.
N. B. English Beer and London Porter, sold as usual. Cash given for Bottles. To be SOLD, by NATHANIEL RUSSELL, In Common-street, a little to the northward of Dr. Byles's Meeting-House, BOSTON, A Compleat assortment of HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE...
BOSTON. To be sold by Samuel Sloane, at his Distil-House, opposite the Blue-ball and Mason's-Arms, formerly Green-Dragon, New-England RUM, and all sorts of SPIRITS, cheap for cash or Molasses; and as he makes those articles himself, he will warrant them fit for any market.
To be LET A Convenient Blacksmith's shop at the North-End. Enquire of the Painter.
DANIEL SCOTT, At his Medicine Store the Sign of the Leopard, South End. TAKES this method of informing all Gentlemen, Ladies, and others, who have had the Misfortune to lose their Teeth...
At the above Store may be had Morgan's useful Eye-Water, which has in so many cases been found serviceal that it must escape the censure of the critical Oculist... An assortment of genuine patented other Medicines of the best quality...
This day were published, price 1s. 2d. SEVEN Sermons, viz. I. Of Unpardonable Sin against the Holy Ghost... VII. The future State of Man: Or, A Treatise on the Resurrection. By ROBERT RUSSEL, At Wardour in Sussex.
This Day was published, The new Book of KNOWLEDGE, shewing the Effects of the Planets and other Astronomical Constellations; with the strange Events that befall Men, Women and Children, born under them.
To be SOLD cheap, A Cooper's Shop, Warehouse and Wharf in Fifth-street. Enquire of Abigail Marshall, of Boston, in Fifth-street aforesaid, or Francis Marshall, of Newton.
ADVERTISEMENTS taken in -PRINTING in its various Branches, performed in a neat Manner, with the greatest Care and Dispatch, on the most reasonable Terms. Small Watchmaker in Salem; Mr. B. Emerson, Bookseller, in Newbury-Port; and Mr. M. Belcher, in Bridgewater.