The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1799-01-09 00:00:00

The Providence Journal, AND TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. at the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 2. ]
WEDNESDAY, January 9, 1799.
[ Vol. I. ]
Political Miscellany.
The following Charge is an excellent defence of the national government and laws of the United States, and should be republished by every new-paper printer, and read by every citizen on the Continent. J. Russell's Gazette.
A Charge,
Delivered to the FEDERAL GRAND JURY for the district of Virginia, on the 23d of November, 1798.
By the Hon. JUDGE CUSHING.
Gentlemen of the Grand Jury,
YOUR important duty, and ours, respects the support of Government; by which are secured to US the enjoyment of all our rights and privileges, with whatever we hold most dear and valuable in life.
The people of this country, from the beginning, being generally educated in principles and habits of virtue; used to regular orderly government; sensible of its absolute importance to the peace and happiness of society; having fought and bled and spent their treasure to settle their liberties upon a solid basis; having deliberately formed their own constitutions, so balanced, as they conceived, best to guard against despotism on the one hand, and licentious anarchy on the other; having clearly seen the absolute necessity of a close union of these States, to their security and independence; and established a constitution, accordingly, upon the same free model with all the state governments: These weighty considerations bearing upon the minds of all considerate men, of all good citizens, they will ever hold themselves sacredly bound to maintain, to their utmost, and perpetuate those fundamental barriers to liberty and property; those supports to virtue and piety—against all combinations of foreign influence and intrigue, of internal anarchy and discord, misrepresentation, calumny and falsehood, operating from political, ambitious and selfish purposes—against all impious attempts to root out of men's minds every trace of christian and natural religion, with all sense of a Deity and moral obligation: Of all which evil workings we have seen too many and lamentable specimens in America within a few years past.
Asto the Federal Union, or General Government, it may give us a particular striking view of its importance, by only turning our minds to the consequences, and the probable situation which these states might have been involved in, had they remained separate and disconnected, during the fierce struggles and convulsions that have been taking place in Europe: When we find the whole power of the Union, with all its energy, has been competent, but with difficulty, to preserve the peace and tranquility of this country; amid the clamours of faction, the unaccountable rage of pretended patriots to subvert the government and general interest of this country, by subjugating all to the political will and pleasure of a foreign one; flandering all real patriots with whom the constitution and the people have entrusted the management of their affairs; extending their unceasing torrents of calumnies even to the character of the great and good Washington, who has spent a painful and laborious, but successful life, in war and peace, in virtuous and noble actions; in calm, wise, intrepid, dignified conduct—and in glorious achievements for his country, and for the cause of real liberty; who, like an Angel of deliverance, now again appears to command our armies. Continuing the same shameful indecencies and abuse towards his able and inflexible patriotic successor; whose unshaken independent spirit of liberty and eminent displays of genius in the most useful services to his country, in the most critical times, for above thirty years, in America and in Europe—are well known to all who are acquainted with the history of their own times.
How is it possible for any free government to stand the shock of such perpetual, inveterate, malicious, hostile attacks?
I will tell you—It is only by the people being inquisitive, knowing, and alive to their own interest; by their being wiser, honester, and more patriotic, than those who abuse and would mislead them.
As light and knowledge increase to the people, deception vanishes; hence it is that democratic societies, set up to pull down free republics, are now scarcely known or heard of.
And yet the same evil spirit continues to operate in the unbounded licentiousness of some presses, by the grossest misrepresentations of public men, and almost every measure taken for the safety of the country.
Those who have so long advocated the cause of a foreign nation against their own, with as much zeal as if under large pay for their services, to seduce this people out of their neutrality, and plunge us into the wars of Europe; on a sudden would have imposed this other extreme absurdity upon their country—that a simple preparation for defence against the most flagrant attacks upon property, amounts to a declaration of war.
There has been an unprovoked war upon property, for above five years past, to the amount
of many millions, by estimation; besides five or six more by violation of contracts, under which widows and orphans and others are now suffering, throughout the United States; in direct infringement of the rights of mankind, and of solemn treaty.
These hostilities commenced near a year and a half prior to the British treaty; that great pretext and apology (with some) for violating all principles of right and justice.
Though that was only an exercise of the right of a free and independent nation, to adjust their own differences amicably, by negotiation, rather than rush, in the first instant, upon the uncertainty of sword and battle; at the same time expressly reserving the rights of all other nations, unimpaired.
The clamour so much laboured to be raised against that measure, by the opposers of neutrality, was clearly owing to this—that it tended to defeat the great object which they had so invariably and intemperately pursued from Mr. Genet's arrival; the embarking us in the war (at all hazards) on the side of France.
There is somewhat so abhorrent to justice, that one can hardly find a name for it—that while our envoy, or envoys, have been humbly waiting and attending in a foreign country for a year and a half, with full powers to settle all difficulties upon the most liberal principles, and have been rejected or kept at a distance, treated with contempt, unheard, unrecieved by the government; that very time has been improved to increase hostilities to so extensive and almost universal devastation of our commerce; so that, (as our faithful and able envoys declared in their late memorial at Paris)—"The property of American citizens has been taken to a much larger amount than would have been possible in a state of actual war." All which and much more appears from the dispatches, instructions, and other publications, which have been lately exhibited to the world.
Instead of making reparation for injuries and insults, she additionally demands large tribute, as of a conquered nation, and large douchers for the private pockets of her ministers.
The most likely way to prevent war, is by being prepared for self defence.
The right to defend property at sea, that great highway of nations, is the same as at land.
Tamely to give up one, is but an invitation to avarice and ambition to demand the other.
As to foreign commerce, that source of wealth, so interesting to the farmer, the merchant, the seaman; to manufacturers, tradesmen, and mechanics of various sorts; so important to the support of government; so likely, if uninterrupted, to afford revenues sufficient, or nearly so, without the aid of other duties or taxes: in what manner this great object can or ought to be defended, with our country in general, at any and at all points—our only safety is in leaving such power and discretion where the constitution has lodged them—to our representatives in Congress assembled—whose time, talents and studies are devoted to such great national objects; for whose propriety of conduct we have all the security the nature of things admits; their integrity and ability, their liability to the same consequences of war, their sensibility to the same blessings of peace, with any of us their constituents.
And, though individuals have an undoubted right to express their opinion upon public matters, in a decent manner: Yet, that it would oblige Congress to act against their own sense and judgment of things, I believe no mortal will pretend.
As such a supposition would tend to utter anarchy, confusion, and the dissolution of all governments.
A charge against America, long dwelt upon by the unceasing opposers of our government, has been, that France being a free republic, fighting for liberty at land, and for the freedom of the seas; America had ungratefully refused to join her; thereby risking the extinction and the loss of all liberty.
'Tis true, when that revolution began, America rejoiced—in hope of seeing real liberty spread far and wide, and established upon a substantial, unmoveable basis; but nine years melancholy experience and observation present a very different prospect and state of things.
The first three years (which were not without their multiplied troubles and commotions) were spent principally in tearing up the old foundations, and erecting a new system, called a limited monarchy; to which all orders of state solemnly swore fidelity, in the Field of Mars—in the midst of 600,000 spectators.
In a little more than two years, the same constitution, so solemnly established, was completely overturned by the aid of the same men who introduced it, by means of a formidable insurrection, attended with the slaughter of multitudes of citizens in the streets of Paris, on the famous 10th of August, 1792.
In less than a month followed the horrid massacres of September, in the prisons of Paris, of above 1000 citizens, untried and uncondemned of any crime; perpetrated by a band of hired assassins—deliberately carried on, night and day, for four days together—unchecked by any authority, though done under the very eye of the national assembly, in whom was supposed to center all power, executive, legislative and judicial.
No justice of the nation has ever reached a single one of those assassins to this day: on the contrary, some persons, who had the virtue and courage to solicit an enquiry into the villainy, were obliged to meet the same adverse fate, in order to intimidate from all further attempts to discover and punish the authors of those horrid butcheries.
The same awful and barbarous example was immediately followed in other great cities, by sacrificing the prisoners who were committed on various political suspicions; while, unauthoritatively liberated from jail those who were implicated in robbery, theft, or any other crime against the old standing laws of the country.
The whole bloody reign of Robespierre and his accomplices, which followed in 1792, 1793, and 1794, when above 400,000 people were under imprisonment at one time, upon mere suspicion; when 400,000 of all classes of citizens, men, women, and children, were obliged to submit to the guillotine, to drowning, or to some violent death, without trial, without evidence of crime; many sacrificed merely for their wealth, acquired by industry; when the christian religion was abolished, and the first day of the week, to worship their Creator; when a member in convention could rise and announce himself an atheist, with public applause—this certainly was not a time of true liberty, but the reign of wild anarchy, terror and cruelty.
And yet, at the very time these horrors were committing, and all principles of humanity were continuing to be outraged beyond example, we had a set of men in this country, and a set of servile news-papers, constantly employed in celebrating and extolling that same unhappy man, Robespierre, as the great patron and defender of liberty.
Astonishing insult and imposition upon the good people of these states! What has been the state of things since that period?
Their last constitution of 1795, after providing many articles in favour of liberty and free elections, proceeds to establish several other articles, which are the bane of all liberty, and directly tend to subvert the whole—furnishing the usual weapons by which liberty is overturned at a blow, a standing army in time of peace to maintain internal government, and a power to put an entire restraint upon the freedom of the press.
What the practice has been under this constitution, the notable events of the 4th of September, 1797, among others, will inform; when part of Buonaparte's army of veterans, under orders from the directory, surrounded the legislative body, at 4 o'clock in the morning—seizing above 50 of its principal members, with two of the directory, and compelling an instant decree of banishment against them and a number of public officers to a distant country; (a number of whom had certainly publicly advocated peace and amity and a more friendly conduct towards America; which probably was their greatest crime;) also nullifying above 140 elections of the people, in an instant; all in violation of the most useful important articles of their constitution—without trial—without liberty of defence—without evidence offered of any crime—arresting and punishing without trial above 30 printers, and subjecting the press to the entire controul of government.
Where then is French liberty? What becomes of the boasted free republican constitution upon paper, before an immense army in the hands of the directory?
Again, what has been the treatment of other nations?
Belgium, a neighbouring province, was entered by an army Nov. 1792, as friends, under a solemn decree of the convention, promising full security to property, public and private, and a right un molested to form and enjoy their own government.
The next month passed another decree, directly reverse; ordering general Dumourier to seize all the public property of Belgium, with the treasure in churches, to the use of the republic.
This order appeared so unprincipled and outrageous, that Dumourier refused to execute it: and it was, in fact, executed by other agents, inferior jacobin officers, who are said to have embezzled, in the collection, a large share to their own private use.
And, to complete the scene of treachery—instead of being suffered to form their own government (according to promise) the Belgians were intimidated and compelled, at the point of the sword, to pray and petition to be annexed to France.
Another army entered Holland, being easily let in by the aid of the patriots, so called, in hopes of having their liberties better secured, according to promises, understood to be held out by decrees of convention.
And now Holland is groaning under tribute, after advancing immense sums upon requisition, with a foreign army in its bowels, dictating and controlling all its councils and operations, and causing decrees of banishment against uncomplying, refractory members of the Dutch convention, after the example of the 4th of September, at Paris.
Venice sold to a foreign power. Great part of Italy revolutionized into nominal republics, and enslaved to its conquerors.
The Pope, called Antichrist, whose spiritual despotism over nations had been declining for ages, and had become reduced nearly to a nullity, forcibly thrust out of his small remaining territory; but succeeded by another antichrist, composed of atheism, military despotism, and the prostration of all principles, civil, moral and religious.
Query—Wheth— and Resolved, That any power by such a change? Is any Fire Wood
Spain, now trembling for the match, not be accessible from her ancient ally.
Portugal, also in danger, being too near and too small to expect to escape the all-devouring grasp of the republic.
The small but virtuous and respectable republic of Geneva, which had for centuries produced some of the greatest men in learning and in arts; whose liberties the most powerful monarchs of France had respected, and left untouched, are now, without provocation overturned, its blood drained by a course of the vilest treacheries and seditious practices; aided by an army, to renounce its independence, and lose itself in the great despotic republic.
Those innocents, whom kings, in their pride, had spared, have been wantonly and without mercy sacrificed, by haughty pretended republicans.
Thus also has fallen in the fatal snare the too credulous, though brave people of Switzerland, who had maintained their independence in the mountains towards 500 years, and had lived perhaps, the most easy and happy of any people on the continent of Europe, till lately they were surprised, trepanned and fraternized out of their liberties.
America, the first to acknowledge the republic, and conducting with all possible friendship consistent with the rules of neutrality, threatened with like vengeance, and a similar fate.
All this does not bear any of the marks of fighting for liberty at land, or for the freedom of the seas, but for the absolute dominion of both, and for a general domination over all countries.
We certainly wish for peace and amity with all nations, but not for subjection to any.
Whatever nation should gain the full mastery, both at land and sea, the probable consequence and counterpart would be general vassalage and subjugation.
It must, therefore, be the dictate of self-preservation and sound policy to keep up a balance of power among nations, as much as may be by all lawful and prudent means.
Thus are we unfortunate enough to see despotism only changing its form—the people changing masters; and under the specious pretences and allurements of liberty and equality, and republics one and indivisible, we only see the people of many of the smaller nations of Europe subjected, under a foreign power, to the strong irresistible arm of a cruel settled military tyranny.
It is important here to remark, and seriously to consider, that all those subjugated nations, who are now paying large exactions to foreign armies for keeping them in subjection, did not come to their fate, so much by the power of arms, as by their imprudent listening to artful incendiary intrigues, to false flattering promises of fraternity and protection held out to allure all people to revolt from their governments; thus duping them to their own destruction, making the people the voluntary instruments of their own misery.
This horrible plot against the rights of nations and of mankind, and against all religion and virtue, order and decency, carried on by French ministers, emissaries and philosophers, and, what is worse and more astonishing, abetted by a party of our own countrymen, is now pretty generally seen through, and has rouzed the spirit of free Americans to a sense of their danger, and to some preparation to prevent the fatal explosion of it upon themselves.
Thank heaven—America is not in very great danger of revolutionizing at present, unless by force of arms, and a superior overbearing power operating in the heart of the country; for this plain reason, that the fellow-citizens of America all now stand upon as equal a footing, in point of property, and of civil and religious rights, as government, society, and the nature of things admit. We have chosen our own governments and constitutions; our elections under no governmental military controul; we live under the only free republics, of any extent, that exist upon the earth; the only ones that do or can maintain civil government without the aid of a standing army, kept in pay for that purpose.
Under the smiles of heaven, through the prudence and patriotism of our representatives, America has been wonderfully preserved in peace—while many nations of Europe, for a course of above six years, have been shaken to the centre by discord, wars and convulsions.
Many, through blood, seeking for liberty; while the blessing, like a phantom, flies before them, and continually eludes their grasp.
What is the result of all?
That in this alarming crisis, all parties and patriots firmly unite and persevere in support of their own government, constitution, liberties and independence; and of all necessary measures adopted and to be adopted for the general safety.

And God grant that all national differences may soon be ac- commodated, and the blessings of peace, substantial liberty, and stable government, be the portion of all nations.
Gentlemen, I must put you in mind of the special duty of your office at this time—to make diligent enquiry and true pre- sentment of offences against the United States, according to law; wherein you will be duly assisted by the attorney for the govern- ment, and by the court, if necessary.
I shall mention particularly a law which has been much mis- represented: a late law against an old offence; against what might be deemed a dangerous offence in all societies, and under every form of government, viz. combinations or conspiracies to raise insurrections against government, or to obstruct the oper- ation of the laws made by proper authority; subjecting offenders to fine and imprisonment: also, printing and publishing false, scandalous and malicious writings against the government, with intent to stir up sedition or insurrection, or resistance to the laws, or to encourage any hostile designs of any foreign nation against the United States, their people or government. Of- fenders of this kind are also subjected to fine and imprisonment, and justice; for every one must see, that an unbounded, un- checked licence, or rather licentiousness in this way, would put it in the power of bad and discontented men, nay, of the worst men in a community, to overturn the freest government in the world, by dealing out, under false fictitious signatures, a continued course of falsehood, misrepresentation, deception and imposition, upon the public.
What but this, with the artful, inflammatory and impudent publications of the democratic societies, set up by Mr. Genet to the time has flown! encouraged and produced
Tho' many powers, which cost the United States a great deal of money to acquire, is an insurrection raised As kind of pretext of opposing an arbitrary law about a matter of excise; a law in its foundation expressly war- ranted by the constitution. Taxes, duties, imposts and excise, being the necessary means explicitly lodged in the hands of Con- gress by the constitution, for the support of government, for the common defence, and for the general welfare.
What but this long deceived many good people in America, with respect to the internal state and debts of France? repre- senting her as exhibiting a perfect pattern of true liberty, and wishing to communicate it to all the world; when, in fact, ac- cording to their own histories, written by the revolutionists themselves, such as Brissot, Louvet and others, and by the re- cords and reports in the national convention itself, a course of cruelties, tyrannies and perpetual violations of all principles of liberty and property, was more extensive and atrocious than was, perhaps, ever known under any monarchy.
What but this has deceived even the rulers of France, for some time at least; making them believe that their diplomatic skill had had its full effect in setting the people of America at war with their own government, and making them ready to join France in overthrowing it? And yet some printers have cried out, that by this law they are abridged the liberty of the press.
But certainly not, unless the liberty of the press comprehends a right to print and propagate scandalous and malicious false- hoods, to the injury of the public, which no man of virtue or modesty will pretend, any more than that liberty of action ad- mits of committing murder, theft, or any other crime.
The law provides a full and sufficient guard to innocence, by allowing the party accused a fair trial by a jury of his country, and to acquit himself entirely, only by proving the truth of his own assertions.
Thus is this important point of the liberty of the press placed upon the only just and equitable foundation; safe to the inno- cent and the patriot, by allowing them to publish any truths they please; essential to the preservation of any free government; only forbidding malicious lies and slander, which no man, pos- sessed of any principle of virtue or honesty, would indulge him- self in.
Different in this from the law of England, which admits not the privilege of proving the truth of the words written, upon an indictment for a libel; and more different still from the practice in France, where a citizen may be arrested at the pleasure of the directory, for publishing any thing discreditable, however true, and sent without trial beyond seas into banishment, per- haps 4000 miles distant from his native country, his family and estate.
As to the alien law, it is a little strange that any American should be found to complain of that which touches not the rights of any individual free citizen; but only provides for the safety of all (in case of war or threatened invasion) by the removal of dangerous alien enemies, who may be plotting secret mischief in the midst of us, and co-operating with the enemy without, in order to invade or subjugate our country.
Objections are made to the constitutionality of these laws. But can any reasonable man suppose that a government, in- stituted for the protection of all the states, and all the citizens, with full powers to do every thing necessary for that important end, has no power to protect itself, by laws to prevent crimes which tend directly to its overthrow and destruction?
Can it be imagined, that the supreme authority of a govern- ment, which is vested with the important powers of war, and of the common defence against public enemies, and of protecting each and all the states against invasion, and is expressly autho- rized by the constitution to make all laws necessary and proper to carry those powers into execution, has no power to remove alien enemies?—to remove aliens who belong and owe alle- giance to a foreign state, that is waging war with us; that is in- vading, or upon the point of invading, our country by an hostile army?
But it is suggested, that aliens cannot be touched in such case without the intervention of a jury, because it is provided (in the 7th article of the amendments of the constitution) that "no per- son shall be held to answer for a capital or other infamous crime, but upon a presentment or indictment of a grand jury; or be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law;" —and in the 8th article of amendments, that the accused shall have a trial by jury.
There is no doubt, but that any alien, permitted to reside a- mong us, committing any crime against the municipal laws of the country, is to be tried in the common way, by jury. But that no way touches the present case.
There is no crime of that sort charged. The grand question is—Whether the supreme authority has not a right, with ample powers, in case of the country being in- vaded, or about to be invaded by a hostile nation, to remove ali- ens who are subjects or citizens of, and owe allegiance to such hostile nation, and who may be extremely likely to join in its stan- dard; and to prescribe the modes of removal, with all its circum- stances and conditions, as Congress cannot do it in person?
Surely these articles of amendments never intended to take a- way the powers before granted, to defend the country against in- vasions, and "to make all necessary and proper laws for that purpose."
Nearly as well might it be said, in case an hostile army was to land on our coast, that we must summon juries to try the soldiers of that army, before we could proceed to abridge them of their liberty.
No; the only constitutional mode, in such case, is to proceed, directly, with sword and bayonet.
So as to aliens of such hostile nation, not actually in arms, to remove them from a situation to injure us; and this by the ef- fectual rights of war and self-defence.
What possible motive can any persons have for their great zeal and anxiety to get rid of these wholesome and necessary laws, un- less they imagine it will give them a more easy talk to overturn the government and constitution of the United States; unless they mean to pave the way to a more easy invasion and conquest of this country, by some foreign power?
Gentlemen, Let us all be faithful in discharging, not only our special duties of office, but generally, all those of men and citizens, of patriots and christians, and thereby endeavour to secure the blessings of heaven upon ourselves, and upon our country.
ALBANY, December 24.
The new Dutch Church, in this city, is com- pleted. It is a superb and elegant building, finished in the most modern style, with two handsome domes, or steeples. It is situated in Pearl-street, at the intersection of Orange-street, and takes the name of The North Church.— The architects were Messrs. Putnam and Hook- er; the contracts 10,000.—The sale of the pews commenced on Monday last, when 82 were sold for 10,371 dollars, with a reservation of 418 dollars annual rent.—Several of the largest pews averaged from 4 to 500 dollars. 77 yet re- main subject to the disposition of the consistory.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, December 26.
The Speaker laid before the house a letter and report from the Secretary of the Navy, in pursuance of a resolution of this house of the 18th instant, containing a view of all the vessels of war employed in, and preparing for the ser- vice of the United States, the names of command- ers, where commanders have been appointed, the places where they were built or are build- ing, their size and number of men and guns, the sum necessary for the annual support of each—Also, the sums given for some of the ves- sels the prices per ton at which others have been built, or are building, under the direction of public agents, without particular contracts; likewise, estimates of the expense of building and equipping the vessels now building under public authority. The Secretary apologizes for not being able to state the cost of the equip- ments, all the accounts not having been receiv- ed, and such as are received, not yet at pre- sent arranged. Referred to the committee ap- pointed on the subject of the Navy, ordered to be printed.
Mr. Griswold said, he wished to call the resolu- tion upon the table relative to a subject, which, in his opinion, deserves consideration. Its ob- ject, said he, is to punish a crime which goes to the destruction of the executive power of the government. He meant that description of crime which arises from an interference of indi- vidual citizens in the negotiations of our execu- tive with foreign governments. As every gen- tleman must be satisfied of the importance of this object, and the propriety of making some provision with respect to it, he trusted it would meet with no opposition. The resolution was in the following words:
"Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire into the expediency of amending the act entitled "An act in addition to the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," so far as to extend the penal- ties of the said act, and other penalties, if need be, to all persons, citizens of the United States, who shall usurp the executive authority of this government, by commencing, or carrying on, any correspondence with the governments of any foreign prince or state, relating to contro- versies or disputes, which do or shall exist be- tween such prince or state and the United States."
Ordered to lie on the table.
THURSDAY, December 27.
Mr. Griswold called up for consideration the resolution which he yesterday laid upon the ta- ble for the appointment of a committee to con- sider the propriety of amending the act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States, so as to provide a penalty for any citizen who shall usurp the Executive authority of this government, by commencing or carrying on any correspondence with the government of any foreign prince or state, relative to contro- versies or disputes, which do or shall exist be- tween such prince or state and the United States.
Mr. Nicholas said it was quite a novel subject of legislation; he was not apprised of the pro- priety of making such enquiry. If there was any ground for the motion at all, it certainly must appear that it was premature, for surely if there was any improper conduct transacted by any person, it must be proper that the House be informed what that conduct was, before they could legislate on it. We were told three weeks ago, that communication would be made to us in relation to the French government. The house had already been engaged in reference to that government; they had already given their opinion respecting it; if this measure was adopt- ed, it might prevent that communication coming in; it was saying, we had no need of any com- munication on the subject. We ought to know what it is that has given rise to so new a species of legislation. He said he was surprised that cause for such a motion should have been appre- hended by any gentleman; he did hope that there was nothing new in the state of this coun- try that could direct the gentleman's attention to any particular person; and this opinion ap- peared to be maintained by the speech of the President; but if there was, it would be the sub- ject of a future communication, and in such a state of things, it would be wrong to fix an im- proper hold on the minds of people, before the subject should fairly become an object of legisla- tion. As he had observed, he did think from the tone of the President, that the state of affairs was mended; he was strengthened in that prin- ciple from the tone of many gentlemen last ses- sion; they then repeatedly expressed their opin- ions that we were brought to the last stage of the business, and that a declaration of war was not only proper but necessary; but it appeared that since that, the state of things was improved, and that there was really a possibility, arising out of the facts which had come to view, and what were in the President's knowledge, that an ac- commodation with France could take place. This being the general appearance of affairs, he contended that the house ought to wait a com- munication before they proceeded to a measure like this.
Mr. Griswold said that the gentleman was mistaken, as to the object of the resolution: it did not respect any circumstance which might have been transacted. It appeared to him an ob- ject demanding general legislation; which the example of Europe pressed the necessity of. If any thing which the resolution aimed at had been done, it could not be thought to aim at that, as it could not effect it; it only looked forward to what may be. If the agent of a nation should hereafter cross the Atlantic, by the desire and for the benefit of the views of that nation, and such agent should treat with that foreign nation,
unauthorised by the Executive; such a man ought to be the subject of a law, and ought to be punished severely.—Viewing it in that light, there appeared a propriety in bringing forward the resolution for enquiry to be made of the propriety of a law; he was not perfectly san- guine in his expectations that such provision could be made, but he hoped it could; he hoped there would be no occasion for the law, but there may be. The object was to make enquiry on its necessity and practicability. He did not think it could destroy the tranquility of the house, as he did not believe there was a member on the floor, who would pretend to say that an individual ought to conduct our foreign relations. The constitution has vested the President alone with that power, and the people or an individual may as well pretend to legislate for this house, or to usurp the judicial authority, pass sentences and execute it, and stamp it with authority, as to as- sume the Executive authority in its relations with other countries. These departments ought to be kept distinct from interference with each other, and much more so to prevent individual usurpation.
Mr. Nicholas had no idea that the gentleman from Connecticut could mean to make this law retropective; but he thought the house ought to possess more information on the subject, before they undertook to legislate upon it. The con- stitution having defined what treason shall be, he conceived it was not in the power of the le- gislature to create a new offence of this kind; and if it could, he thought it would be unneces- sary. Whether the gentleman had any reference in what he said of a faction, or a section existing at present in this country, he could not tell; he would say, however, that if he had had any share in framing the gentleman alluded to France, he should not be ashamed to confess it: he should not be ashamed, or afraid, to promote the peace of his country. Nor, were it not for the appar- ent arrogance of such a step, should he himself be ashamed or afraid of crossing the Atlantic, if by doing so he could procure peace for his coun- try. Nor did he think the people of America would be offended with him for thus acting. If, said Mr. N. all individual interference is to be prohibited, the President having declared all ne- gotiation to be at an end, how is peace to be procured? Who, said he, are so likely to take a step in a business of this kind as those who are to share the enjoyment of peace? This mis- chief which gentlemen see in a conduct of this kind, he could not understand. If, said he, any individual or set of men were bent upon involv- ing the country in war, the case would be very different.—He could not consent to class the two descriptions of persons together.
Mr. Rutledge said, this was a measure of de- fence, and demanded the attention of the house. He was surprised to hear an assertion like that from the gentleman from Virginia, that there was no evil in carrying on a negotiation with foreign nations. But though the gentleman thought such conduct perfectly harmless, he thought it must appear to be otherwise to those who seriously considered it: and when indivi- duals pretend to tamper and intermeddle with Executive business, a legislative interference with such officious conduct must be called novel legislation! Example after example had been seen, which having produced dreadful misfor- tunes to governments, may serve to guard us against an interference which may be dreadful. The patriotic party, as it was called, in Holland, had their agents in France, which by their joint exertions, ended in the entire subversion of the government. We also know that the United Irish- men, who have carried murder, massacre and de- vastation before them, had their agents in France, by which their enormities were supported.
But, he said, he should forbear referring to facts which were not before the house; if the circum- stance adverted to should be presented to the no- tice of the house, it must command serious atten- tion. Would it not be wise in the house, seeing such serious events had occurred in other coun- tries, to guard against such in this country, by making such suitable regulations to prevent them? It may be supposed that our citizens are too wise to submit to the fate of the examples we have of desolation in Europe: But it must occur, that though the government may be wise, there may be a number of people whose consti- tutional habits lead them to complain: every govern- ment is troubled with such people, and individu- als, not having a knowledge of consequences, may be induced to opposition. The general govern- ment only are authorized to treat with foreign nations; not even the state government can in- terfere: if some persons were to present them- selves at the bar of the council of Five Hundred, and say, we come from the patriotic government of Virginia, or of Kentucky, they must then sup- pose that the zeal of such persons carried them to a great length, and it would not be wondered if that zeal was to increase to such a length as to think that the improper measures of the Amer- ican government may be checked by landing a French army. These things may happen if en- couragement is given, by permitting individual citizens to go to that country and carry on negoti- ations with impunity, supposing all the time there is no harm, as their views are only to promote peace, and that our government has no punish- ment for it: Thus you would have the people going on contrary to the government, and trans- acting whatever they conceived the government remit in.
He had seen nothing in the speech of the Pre- sident which would induce the most sanguine members of the legislature to retract in the least the exertions put in force last session: He hop- ed and trusted the same exertion would be con- tinued this session, and even be heightened; but he conceived it was owing to that energy and determination to oppose aggression, that the se- curity we enjoyed issued. It was necessary to let the citizens know to whom foreign inter- course was intrusted in our government. If the house were to take notice of the transaction al- luded to, in a manner becoming the dignity of the nation, it would require more serious atten-
tion; but it was not in the resolution, that had only a view to future occurrences of the same nature, which it was intended to correct.
Mr. Gallatin went over nearly the same ground that Mr. Nicholas did. He was for waiting un- til the promised communication of the President was made. He confessed, that generally consid- ered, the subject was important. If a person in- terferes with the executive power, he is, said Mr. Gallatin, guilty of a crime which ought to be punished by the laws.
FRIDAY, December 28.
Mr. Otis, from the committee appointed to report a bill to amend the stamp act, reported a new bill, which was read and committed for Monday.
Mr. Harrison presented the petition of Wil- iam Boyse, an officer in the late war, praying to be allowed continental bounty land, which was referred to the committee of claims.
Mr. Otis, in behalf of the committee on the subject of defence, asked leave to report by bill or otherwise, which being granted,
He reported a bill for encouraging the capture of French armed vessels by armed ships or ves- sels owned by a citizen or citizens of the Un- ited States, and for allowing salvage in certain cases; which was read and committed for Mon- day.
Mr. J. Parker, in behalf of the committee ap- pointed to consider subjects relative to the navy establishment, also asked for privilege of report- ing by bill, which was granted.
The whole of the remainder of the sitting of this day was occupied by a continuance of the debate on Mr. Griswold's motion, relative to Executive usurpation. The speakers in favour of the motion were, Messrs. Otis, Harper, J. Williams and N. Smith; against it, Messrs. Gallatin and Mason. Mr. Baldwin also made a few observations in favour of a reference, but against some of the provisions which might be contemplated by the resolution. The question was finally carried by the yeas and nays being taken as follows, and a committee of five appoint- ed to consider the subject; yeas 65—nays 23.
Adjourned till Monday.
MONDAY December 31.
Mr. Otis said that he was instructed by the committee of defence to submit a resolution to the house which must be considered as exceed- ingly interesting to the United States. It was well known that a report had been circulated of late relative to the impressment of American seamen from on board an American ship of war, by an armed ship of Great-Britain. The com- mittee are sorry to say, that though they have re- ceived no official account of it, there appears too much reason for believing this report to be true. He thought an indignity of this kind call- ed loudly upon every branch of this govern- ment, but would principally depend upon the President to use the proper remedy. It was al- so necessary that this House should show Great- Britain and the whole world, that we are sens- ible of such aggressions, and determined to pro- tect the American flag from all insults whatever. It is possible that this measure may require le- gislative provision. We have very little chance of success from our infant navy, if insults and conduct like this is passed over without due at- tention; therefore the committee have instructed me to submit the following:
Resolved, that the President of the United States be requested to lay before this House such information as he may possess relative to the im- pressment of any seamen belonging to the United States sloop of war Baltimore, by any ship or vessel of war belonging to the King of Great- Britain.
Mr. Harper hoped it would be laid on the table, which was done.
The following message was received from the President of the United States, by his Secretary.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, I enclose you a report of the Secretary at war, made to me on the 24th instant, relative to the military establishment, which I think necessary to lay before Congress, and submit the same to their consideration. It was referred to the com- mittee of defence, and ordered to be printed.
The secretary proposes a new organization of the army.
Mr. Baldwin hoped the unfinished business would be laid aside, in order to take up the Georgia remonstrance, which he said was made the order for this day. It was a matter of con- siderable importance to that state, and very ne- cessary that it should be provided for this session. —He was sensible that there was no intentional disposition in the house to slight it, but its delay must give that opinion ground. Near the close of the last Congress he believed it would have been decided on, but the house then determined that no private business whatever should be ta- ken up. Last session it was referred to a com- mittee and reported in a manner that was quite to his satisfaction, and he had no doubt it would be so to the state. He would not urge a bill, but hoped that the house would give an opinion of it this morning, as by taking it up, such pa- pers may be afterwards referred to as the exten- sion of the subject may demand, and on some future day it may be taken up. The bankrupt bill may take up much time. The Legislature of Georgia will soon be in session, and it is ne- cessary they should know it during their next session.
Mr. Otis was earnest that the bankrupt bill should be taken up, else he feared it would be postponed in such a manner as not to pass an act at all on the subject.
The question was taken on the business to be taken up and carried for the Georgia memorial.
The report of the committee was then read, which contains a resolution that compensation be made to that state for a certain tract of coun- try, which was ceded to the Indians by a treaty entered into at New-York, belonging to the state of Georgia.
After some debate, the committee rose, and had leave to sit again,

Official News from Europe.
DESTRUCTION of the FRENCH FLEET.
From the LONDON GAZETTE EXTRA, dated Oct. 21.
THE Lords of the Admiralty have received the following dispatches of commodore John B. Warren :
On board the Canada, Lough Swilly, Oct. 16. Sir,
IN compliance with your orders, which I received by the Kangaroo brig, I sailed with my ship, the Canada, of 74 guns, the Robust, of 74, Foudroyant, of 80, and Magnanime, of 44, to the heights of Archillhead. On the 10th inst. were joined by the Melpomene, of 44, and the Doris, of 38. The latter I ordered to cruise between the isle of Tory and Rosses in search of the enemy. The same evening were joined by the Amelia, of 44, which had parted with the Ethalion, of 38, Anson, of 44, and Sylph, of 18, and said that those vessels had been carefully observing the manoeuvres of the French since Sept. 17. On the 11th we fell in with these vessels; and soon after, on the M. W. of us, got sight of the enemy's squadron, consisting of one 80 gun ship, 8 frigates, a brig and schooner. I made the signal for a general chase, and to form the line of battle as our ships came up with them. Which, however, we did not do until the 12th, owing to a heavy sea, and our enemies being to windward. Notwithstanding the severity of the weather, we continued the chase through the 11th day and the night. At half past five o'clock, on the morning of the 12th, we saw the enemy not far from us. They formed a close line of battle, and advanced on us on our starboard side. But we did not meet till seven o'clock—as the chase had scattered my vessels. I made the signal for the Robust to lead and engage, which was instantly obeyed—and the other ships formed after her. The action commenced 20 minutes before 8 o'clock; the Robust bearing 15 miles S. S. W. of us. At 11 o'clock the Hoche surrendered, after a gallant defence. All the frigates at that moment fled. A signal was made for pursuing them; and in 5 hours after, three of them were captured. The remaining 5 escaped for that time. All these frigates, as well as the ship of the line, were new and full of troops, provisions, ammunition, &c. to forward their designs in Ireland. With pleasure I observe, that the behaviour of all my officers and sailors was such as evinced the warmest affection for their king and country. I left Capt. Thornborough with the command of the Magnanime, Ethalion and Amelia, to take charge of the prizes, and conduct them to port. I expect him here every moment. I have the honor to be, &c.
J. B. WARREN.
v. s. The following ships were in the battle, viz. Canada, Robust, Foudroyant, Magnanime, Ethalion, Melampus and Amelia. The Anson did not arrive till after the action—as she had in the chase carried away a top-gallant-mast. I have ordered my lieutenant, Turgard, to take charge of the Hoche.
Commodore Warren, in another letter of the same date, to Lord Castlereagh, says, that among the vessels of the enemy which escaped, was a brig, supposed to have Napper Tandy on board; that he was of opinion the fugitive ships could not reach France, as every one was more or less damaged in masts and rigging, and had to sustain a heavy gale the day after the action.
The London and other English Gazettes also contain accounts of the capture of five French ships of war after the action; which if true, will prove the taking and destroying of almost the whole Brest Squadron.
BUONAPARTE in ADVERSITY.
VIENNA, Oct. 21.
Letters from Messina, dated Oct. 10, state that a vessel had arrived there from Alexandria, with intelligence that Buonaparte's army, after a bloody battle (in which even the victorious Arabs lost 12,000 men) was reduced to a few thousand men; and had fled to Alexandria. The account adds, that Buonaparte is a prisoner; but for this last particular we do not pledge ourselves. [The route of this intelligence is direct—the dates are not contradictory; nor the event improbable.]
SOUTH-HADLEY (Mass.) December 28.
In the night of the 24th inst. God in his Providence permitted the house of Sherebiah Butt, Innholder in this town, to be consumed by FIRE, together with all the furniture, clothing, and provisions therein;—three promising boys, from twelve to seventeen years old, perished in the flames—the rest of the family, except the man who was absent, narrowly escaped the devouring element. The family now consists of the man, his wife and three children—they are left wholly destitute of all the necessaries of life, except what was received from the hand of charity.
"Man knoweth not his time."
NEWPORT, December 29.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of undoubted information, dated in Philadelphia, December 19, 1798.
"The principal part of the naval force of the United States will be employed and distributed this winter in the West-Indies, as follows: Several vessels of considerable force, and some of 10 and 14 guns, will rendezvous at Prince Rupert's Bay, in the island of Dominica, and will have for their object the protection of our trade, from St. Kitt's as far windward as Tobago and Barbados; and will pay attention to Curacoa, and as the force increases, to the Spanish main. A strong ship and four or five vessels of inferior force will rendezvous at St. Kitt's, and cruise as far leeward as Porto-Rico. A strong ship and one or two smaller vessels will guard the windward passage, between Cuba and Hispaniola; and a similar force will cruise in the vicinity of the Havanna, for the protection of that trade.
To the EDITOR of the PROVIDENCE JOURNAL.
SIR, WHEN the proposals for publishing your paper were first issued, I had rather a disinclination to become a subscriber. This hesitancy continued, till the prepossessing appearance of your first number decided me in favour of a publication which I conceive will be of great utility; and, while it reflects credit on the town, it certainly merits a liberal patronage.
As you intimated a readiness to comply with the request of your Correspondent, A. Z. to appropriate "a small portion" of your Journal to moral subjects, it must, I imagine, contribute to render it more generally useful, by imparting "a word in season," that may sometimes affect a cursory reader, even more than an elaborate dissertation from the pulpit.
The connexion between a regular adherence to the duties of religion, and the stability if not the existence of civil government, is so often urged, that the subject may appear trite and uninteresting; but altho' it is a truth too obvious to escape notice, it is at the same time so inestimably important, that it cannot be too frequently or too forcibly inculcated. Hence the wise and the good in all free governments have fervently recommended and exerted their influence to impress a due attention to religion and morality, as essentially necessary to secure and promote political happiness and prosperity. The venerable WASHINGTON, in his valedictory address to the people of the United States—an address worthy to be written on every heart—says, in reference to those sacred principles—"In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity." And he subjoins this important article—"Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion." In perfect conformity with those excellent sentiments are the judicious remarks of an European author, thus elegantly expressed—"There is no careless reasoner but what must readily see and confess that all moral obligations are easily loosened, unless they stand upon the ground of religion. The reverence for general laws and particular institutions must be planted in the heart and in the conscience, which is to produce any permanent and regular subordination among the people; and though a precarious and extorted obedience may subsist awhile under an unnatural and extreme state of monarchical power, yet its case is that of the Elm, which is green and flourishing at top, while its root is perishing fast, and which, without any warning or violent invasion of wind or weather, when its last ligament has failed, suddenly succumbs before a spring shower, or a summer zephyr."
Those observations are not only true in theory—France has for several years exhibited an awful example and confirmation of their verity—a dereliction of all religious principles has rendered the whole republic one vast and dreadful theatre of crimes, while the warning voice of divine Providence more than seems to address our country in the solemn and impressive language of inspiration—"Be not partakers of her sins, that ye receive not of her plagues."
If you think the preceding merits an insertion in your paper, please to present it to your readers; perhaps it may induce a more able pen to occupy and embellish the space you intend for moral reflections—and you will permit me to avail myself of this opportunity to request your acceptance of my cordial wishes for the ample extension and success of your Journal—may it realize the pleasing anticipations which the first number has inspired—and may your exertions to render it a valuable repository of intelligence, instruction and amusement, be richly compensated with numerous subscribers, prompt pay—and the approbation of a discerning public.
EUSEBIUS.
For SALE, by
Munro, Snow and Munro,
At their Store, next east of the Coffee-House,
FRESH Baltimore superfine FLOUR, in whole and half barrels—Also, Pilot and Ship BREAD; just received by the Schooner Olive-Branch, Capt. Remington.
They have also remaining on hand,
A few pipes of excellent Coniac Bourdeaux BRANDY—some Jamaica RUM and SUGAR, and Turk's-Island Salt.
N. B. To be Let, and entered upon immediately, on the west side of the bridge, near Capt. James Aborn's, a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, with a Wood-House, Yard and Garden.
Jan. 9, 1799.
For SALE, by the Subscribers, at a very moderate price,
THE STORE lately occupied by Messrs. Benjamin and John Brown, a little north of the State-House, in the chambers of which is a convenient tenement for a large family. The terms of payment will be made easy.
BENJAMIN HOPPIN & Co.
Jan. 9, 1799.
Picked up in the street, yesterday,
a BAG, containing sundry articles. The owner, proving property, and paying for this advertisement, may have it again, by enquiring at the Journal Office,
Jan. 9, 1799.
The Journal.
PROVIDENCE, JANUARY 9.
The Proprietors of the OHIO PURCHASE are notified that a meeting will be held at the Coffee-House on Saturday next, at 9 o'clock, A. M.
On Monday evening last an Insurance Association, under the title of "THE PROVIDENCE INSURANCE COMPANY," with a capital of 150,000 dollars, in 2000 shares, was formed and organized by the stockholders. The following gentlemen were appointed officers of the same, viz.
JOHN MASON, Esq; President. Messrs. CHARLES LIPPITT, ZEPHANIAH BROWN, JOHN INNES CLARK, THOMAS P. IVES, JOHN CORLIS, ZACHARIAH ALLEN, JOHN ROGERS, MOSES LIPPITT, SAMUEL BUTLER, jun. THOMAS L. HALSEY, JAMES BURRILL, jun. YOUNG SEAMANS, Directors.
The Directors will immediately assemble, for the purpose of making arrangements preparatory to the opening of the office, which will probably take place early next week, for making insurances on vessels, houses and lives.
On the 1st inst. at 12 o'clock, the officers of the militia of the city and county of Philadelphia waited on the President of the United States, and paid him the compliments of the season. Col. Gurney headed the patriotic body, as the indisposition of the Governor prevented him from joining in this respectful attention to the Chief Magistrate. On this occasion most of the members of Congress, the different officers of government, and other citizens also presented their respects to the President.
The legislature of North-Carolina have passed a law to suppress all kinds of gaming. Billiard tables, Faro banks, E. O. tables, all games at cards, dice, &c. are suppressed by this law, under severe penalties and forfeitures.
The launch of the General Greene sloop of war is postponed on account of the harbour of Warren being entirely froze up. On Saturday last the mercury in the thermometer stood at 5° below 00.
On Monday the 1st instant was presented to the President of the United States, by a citizen of Vermont, a petition from Matthew Lyon, one of the representatives in Congress for that State (now confined in prison, in consequence of a conviction of seditious practices) praying for a remission of the punishment to which he has been sentenced.
The duty on carriages produced, the year past, 72,335 dollars; that on refined sugar, 68,921.
The Legislature of Massachusetts convene this day at Boston.
By the politeness of a friend, we received last evening the Boston MERCURY of yesterday. It contains no news of consequence.
DIED.
At Berbice, Mr. William Peck, son of Mr. Elihu Peck, of this town. At Charlestown, Massachusetts, Mr. Samuel Rand. At Baltimore, in a fit of Apoplexy, Robert Merry, Esq; the celebrated Poet.
Ship
News.
There have been no arrivals or clearances from this district since our last; the extreme severity of the weather having closed our river with ice.
The ship America, of this port, Capt. John Field, has arrived at London, from Gibraltar, and was to sail for home in October last.
The Lucretia, Weedon, from East-Greenwich, has arrived at Charlestown.
The ship Atlantic, Read, from Madras, has arrived at Philadelphia, last from the Cape of Good-Hope, in 57 days, where she touched to water. Left at the Cape, Brig Betty, Bell, of Philadelphia, and sailed in company with the Columbia and Harmony, bound to Bengal and Batavia. Capt. Read informs, that the ships Sanson, of New-York and George Barclay, of Philadelphia, arrived at Madras about the 24th of May, and both had proceeded on to Calcutta. He further adds, that when the government of the Isle of France stand in need of Funds, they take in American vessels, and condemn them without much form.
The Schooner Keziah, Howard, from Newport, has arrived at Charlestown, 17 days passage.
The sloop of war Baltimore, Capt. Phillips, has captured a French copper-bottomed privateer of four guns.
The United States Schooner Retaliation (formerly Croyale) has been captured by two Frigates, near Guadaloupe, and sent in there.
Boston, Jan. 8. Letters from Capt. Trail, of the ship Merchant, to his owners, dated in London the 24th of October, says, he has been waiting some time for a convoy; that he hoped one would be appointed in a little time; that his ship was then at Gravesend, and the next day he was to proceed with her to Portsmouth to join the other American trade, and there wait for the convoy, which they were not allowed to sail without, and they are obliged to pay convoy duty.
Our London traders, we understand, are all armed, and manned in proportion. It is very unfortunate for the owners, and the merchants who have goods on board, that they are so long out of season. They usually arrive in October and November. We learn, there are 6 or 8 vessels bound to this port in the convoy from London.
At a Town-Meeting of the Freemen of the Town of Providence, legally warned and assembled at the Town-House, on the third day of January, A.D. 1799.
AN ACT, in amendment of an act passed on the twelfth day of November, 1798, relative to the admeasurement of Fire Wood.
It is Voted and Resolved, That for the better execution of said act, the following persons be appointed surveyors and measurers of wood, namely; for the north end of the town, over the Mill-Bridge, Jehu Smith; for the other avenue by the north end of said town, Aaron Mason and Obadiah Mason; for the west end of the town, by the avenues of Cranston and Johnston roads, Ezek Eddy and Jacob Westcott; for Pawtuxet road, Jonathan French; for the avenue by India-Bridge, Aaron Seamans, and for that by the central bridge, Henry Wyatt; That the persons aforesaid, and those who may be appointed to that office, shall survey and measure all Fire Wood, in the manner prescribed in said act; and all Fire Wood offered for sale shall be accompanied with a certificate of the admeasurement thereof, from one of the surveyors and measurers by this act appointed, or the same shall be forfeited.
It is further Voted and Resolved, That any person who shall hereafter purchase any Fire Wood offered for sale as aforesaid, which shall not be accompanied with a certificate as aforesaid, shall forfeit and pay as a fine the sum of two dollars, to be recovered by action of debt, complaint or information, before any one Justice of the Peace for said town, with costs; one moiety thereof to be for the use of the complainant, and the other moiety thereof to be for the use of the town; And that it be recommended to the purchaser of Fire Wood to repay to the seller the expense of measuring the same, and to take up the certificate.
And it is further Voted, That that part of said act of the twelfth day of November, A. D. 1798, by which the additional surveyors and corders are appointed, be repealed.
A true copy:—Witness,
GEORGE TILLINGHAST, Town Clerk.
For SALE, by Augustus Larned,
200 barrels of prime BEEF, 100 ditto PORK, on good terms, Meats Pork and Beef in whole and half barrels, Surinam Molasses per hoghead, Baltimore fine and superfine Flour, Pilot Bread, White Beans per barrel. Jan. 9, 1799.
Eight and a half tons of Scrap Iron,
For Sale by SAMUEL ABORN, jun. Apply at his Store, on the Long Wharf, or at Jacob Whitman, jun. and Co.'s Auction-Room, No. 2, Westminster-street. Jan. 9, 1799.
Providence free Insurance-Office.
THE subscriber takes the liberty to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he still continues his Office on the parade, opposite the Brick Market, where Insurance can be effected on Policies of every description, provided they are clear of fraud. He pledges himself that the business done in his Office shall be placed in such hands as are really possessed of Funds capable to pay their losses, which will be done without any deduction. He further observes, that notes will be taken for the premium without interest, unless the person be a stranger. As he has practiced in the business upwards of thirty years, with fidelity and dispatch, he flatters himself that his friends and others abroad will favour him with their commands, which will be gratefully received, and punctually observed.
JOSEPH LAWRENCE.
John Jenckes, GOLD and SILVER-SMITH and JEWELLER,
TAKES this method of informing his friends and the public, that he has taken the Shop formerly occupied by Mr. JOHN GIBBS, in company with the Widow ELIZA GIBBS, under the firm of
JOHN JENCKES & Co.
Where he intends prosecuting the business carried on by the late Mr. John Gibbs, in its various Branches, viz.—Warranted Gold Necklaces, Ear Knobs and Twists, Miniature Cases, Fancy Jewelry, Table Spoons, Desert, Tea, Salt and Mustard Ditto, Gold and Silver Watch-Chains, Keys and Seals, &c. &c. Also, the Plating Business in its various Branches. Umbrellas repaired and covered in the best manner.
N. B.—Cash given for old Gold, Silver and Brass. Jan. 9, 1799.
Just Landing, and for Sale by Joseph S. Martin,
A FEW Hhds. of green COFFEE, A few ditto of brown SUGAR, some fleece COTTON, all subject to the drawback. Also, A few Hhds. of MOLASSES, and a few hogheads of Tobago RUM. Jan. 2, 1799.
For SALE, by Young Seamans,
A FEW Hhds. first quality green COFFEE. Ditto brown SUGAR, both entitled to draw back.—MOLASSES fit for retailing, and fleece COTTON. Jan. 2, 1799.

Original Poetry.
ON THE NEW YEAR.
THOU glorious orb, ascending bright, Shoot thy long levell'd lines of light; The gloomy face of nature cheer, And hail the NEW-BORN YEAR.
O could the sorrows of an aching heart, With fierce Ambition, tyrant of the mind, Like yonder fleeting Year depart, Nor leave a trace behind.
Father of light, the dart restrain, Thy stern destroying angel slings; Give health her vermilion course again, And life to gush from thousand springs.
The infant o'er his parent's grave, Depress'd with anguish, bows the knee— Without an human arm to save, He lifts his little hands to thee: Preserve from harm the unprotected boy— In sorrow's desert plant the rose of joy.
RELIGION, we adore thee still; On him who heav'n and earth defies, A voice from Calvary's awful hill— A MURDER'D GOD, for vengeance cries.
Then Gallia, though thy powers extend Far as yon radiant orb shall shine, Thy fancied glories soon shall end, Before the POW'R DIVINE: E'en now a strange dismay she feels, While horrid ruin dogs her heels.
Ere we submit to foreign chains, Or to proud tyrants bow the head, Our patriot blood shall flow the plains Where once our great forefathers bled.
While Europe rises in alarms, And thunders with her hundred arms— Calm and compos'd may we her fury dare; Like that tremendous form* which stood Near old Ontario's foaming flood; Whose head erect, in native pride, The fiercest blasts of heav'n defied, And from his forehead shook the burning war.
When gloomy cares the world perplex, May heav'n preserve the beauteous Sex; Those long and graceful locks, that flow On the sweet bosom's heaving snow; The crimson glowing blush, that flings Like morning clouds on summer skies, When the rude northern blasts deform— Long may this flow'r survive the storm.
HERMES.
* See the Indian fable of the Mammoth, in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia.
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, December 19.
MR. Gordon said, it would be recollected, that when the bill for laying a direct tax upon the United States was under consideration, certain amendments were proposed, which, for want of time, were passed over. One of these, which related to the conveyance of lands, he thought essential; and in order to bring the subject before the house, he moved that the committee of ways and means be directed to enquire whether any, and if any, what amendments are necessary in that act, and that they report by bill or otherwise.
Mr. W. Claibourne called up the resolution which he laid upon the table on Monday, for causing to be printed a number of the constitution of the United States, as amended, to be printed and distributed gratis throughout the United States.
Mr. C. moved to fill the blank with 40,000 copies, which motion was carried, 33 to 32.
Mr. Harper moved to refer it to a select committee. Mr. Claibourne wished this committee to be further instructed to enquire how far the laws of the United States have been carried into execution, and whether any, and what further provisions are necessary on this subject. The laws passed at the last session, he said, had not yet been forwarded to the several States, though several of the legislatures were in session; nor did he believe the members of this house had got copies of them. He knew he had not.
Mr. Goodrich wished the resolution to embrace another object. At present the laws of the United States are inserted by order of the Secretary of State in five news-papers in the union. This he did not think sufficient. He supposed when this was ordered, it was expected that other papers would copy the laws without being paid for their insertion; but this had not been found to be sufficiently the case, and it is necessary the provision should be extended. The Speaker said the present resolution would comprehend this object.
Mr. Harper, from the committee of ways and means, reported a bill for the enumeration of the United States, which was committed for Friday. Adjourned.
THURSDAY, December 20.
Mr. Sewall moved that the House go into a committee of the whole, on the bill for establishing an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States. The motion was carried, 38 to 25.
Mr. Harper, from the managers appointed to conduct the impeachment against William Blount, reported, that the said managers had, pursuant to a resolution of this house, attended before the Senate, to request that a further day might be assigned for proceeding with this business: and that Monday next, at twelve o'clock, was assigned.
The report further stated, that the Managers having considered the subject, conceived that it would not be consistent with propriety or the solemnity which ought to be observed on this occasion, to proceed to the trial of William Blount, in his absence; and that having failed in his appearance, the Managers on the part of this house ought, when they next appear before the Senate, to request that further order may be taken to compel the attendance of the said William Blount. The Managers, therefore, submitted a resolution to the house for adoption, to the following effect:
"Resolved, That the Managers appointed on the part of this house, for conducting the impeachment of William Blount, be instructed to request, at their next attendance before the Senate, that further order may be taken to compel the attendance of the said William Blount, at the bar of the Senate."
Mr. Venable hoped that the gentleman who made this report, would suffer it to lie till to-morrow. He conceived that the question whether the Senate ought to proceed in the trial of William Blount, in his absence, is a question which ought to be settled by themselves, and not by the House of Representatives. However, as this was an entirely new subject, he hoped an immediate decision upon the report would not be desired.
On the question for taking up the report being put, it was negatived without a division. The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Treasurer of the United States, inclosing his specie account, and his account with the War Department, the one up to the end of June, and the other to the end of November, which were ordered to be printed.
Mr. S. Smith, from the committee of commerce, reported a bill to alter the stamp duty imposed upon foreign bills of exchange, and bills of lading, by an act laying a duty on stamped vellum, parchment and paper, and further to amend the same, which was committed for to-morrow. Adjourned.
FRIDAY, December 21.
A committee was raised to report a bill providing compensation for Clerks, Marshalls, Attorneys, Jurors and Witnesses.
BLOUNT'S IMPEACHMENT.
The House spent the day in debate on the manner in which the impeachment should be prosecuted. The managers proposed a resolution, requesting the Senate that further order be taken for compelling the appearance of William Blount. The supporters of the proposition were Messrs. Sewall, Harper and Gordon—its opponents, who contended that the trial might proceed without Blount's personal attendance, were Messrs. Nicholas, Otis, Dana and Edmond. The question being taken, the Yeas and Nays were, for the resolution 11.—Against it 69. Adjourned to Monday.
MONDAY, December 24.
The Speaker laid before the house a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, inclosing a statement of the expenses of government for the present year, and also of what revenue will be requisite for the ensuing year. Referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.
Mr. W. Claibourne, said, there was a subject before the house at the last session, which was not finished, and which he thought it expedient to bring again before the house. He alluded to the bill proposing a new regulation of the Military System. It was his opinion that the common defence of our country ought to rest upon the militia, and he thought their present derangement a national misfortune, which ought to be removed, as soon as possible. He therefore moved for the appointment of a Committee to report whether any, and if any, what amendments are, in their opinion, necessary, in the act for establishing an uniform militia throughout the United States, and that they be authorized to report by bill or otherwise. Agreed.
Mr. Craik moved for the appointment of a committee to consider whether any and what alterations are necessary in the act respecting post-offices and post-roads.
Mr. Thatcher said, it would be well to wait for the report of the postmaster-general on this subject, which might be expected in a few days, as he had been directed at the last session to make a report early in the present session, and all the petitions on this subject had been referred to him.
Mr. Craik thought the house had better appoint a committee, and when the report of the postmaster-general came in, it might be referred to this committee. Agreed, and a committee of five appointed.
Mr. Baldwin said, as report was made during the last session on a representation and renunciation of the legislature of the State of Georgia, which was not then acted upon, he moved to have it referred to a committee of the whole. Agreed.
Mr. Otis proposed, as the managers of the impeachment against William Blount would have to attend their duty in the Senate, at twelve o'clock, that the house adjourn, and that to-morrow being Christmas day, they adjourn till Wednesday. Agreed, and the house adjourned.
HIGH COURT OF IMPEACHMENT.
SENATE, Dec. 24.
The Senate being formed into a court for the trial of William Blount, and the managers on the part of the House of Representatives for conducting the impeachment, and Messrs. Ingersoll and Dallas, the defendant's counsel, having taken their seats;
The President having also declared the court ready to proceed with the trial,
Mr. Harper wished the gentlemen, who appeared as counsel for Mr. Blount, would exhibit to the court the authority under which they appeared.
Mr. Dallas said, himself and Mr. Ingersoll had been appointed by Mr. Blount as his counsel, by two different letters; that these letters contained other matter relative to the cause, which it might not be proper to expose; but they should have no scruple in confiding the letters to the President of the court, in order to satisfy the court they were duly authorized.
Mr. Harper said, all that the managers wished was, that the court might be satisfied as to this point, that Mr. Blount might not have it in his power hereafter to avail himself of the plea, that he had not authorized counsel to plead for him.
The President put the question to the court, whether the court should be cleared, in order to ascertain this fact. The question being carried in the affirmative, the court was cleared.
In about an hour, the doors of the Senate were again opened, and the President declared the counsel duly appointed.
The counsel then put in their plea against the charges exhibited against Mr. Blount, which was as follows:
United States vs. William Blount. Upon Impeachment of the House of Representatives, of
HIGH CRIMES and MISDEMEANOURS.
In SENATE of the UNITED STATES, December 24, 1798.
THE aforesaid William Blount, saving and reserving to himself all exceptions to the imperfections and uncertainty of the articles of impeachment, by Jared Ingersoll and Alexander James Dallas, his attorneys, comes and defends the force and injury, and says, that he to the said impeachment, preferred against him by the House of Representatives of the United States, ought not to be compelled to answer, because he says the eighth article of certain amendments of the constitution of the United States, having been ratified by nine states, after the same was in a constitutional manner proposed to the consideration of the several states in the Union, is of equal obligation with the original constitution, and now forms a part thereof, and that by the same eighth article it is declared and provided, that,
"In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence."
That proceedings by impeachment are provided and permitted by the constitution of the United States, only on charges of bribery, treason, and other high crimes and misdemeanours, alleged to have been committed by the President, Vice-President, and other civil officers of the United States, in the execution of their offices held under the United States, as appears by the fourth section of the second article, and by the seventh clause of the third section of the first article, and other articles and clauses contained in the constitution of the United States.
That although true it is, that he the said Wm. Blount was a Senator of the United States from the state of Tennessee, at the several periods in the said articles of impeachment referred to; yet that he the said Wm. is not now a Senator, and is not now what at the several periods so as aforesaid referred to, an officer of the United States; nor is he the said William in and by the said articles charged with having committed any crime or misdemeanour, in the execution of any office held under the United States, or with any misconduct in office, or abuse of any public trust, in the execution thereof.
That the courts of common law, of a criminal jurisdiction of the States, wherein the offences in the said articles recited are said to have been committed, as well as those of the United States, are competent to the cognizance, prosecution and punishment of the said Crimes and Misdemeanours, if the same have been perpetrated, as is suggested and charged by the said articles, which however he utterly denies. All which the said William is ready to verify, and prays judgment whether this high Court will have further cognizance of this suit, and of the said impeachment, and whether he the said William, to the said articles of impeachment so as aforesaid preferred by the house of representatives of the United States, ought to be compelled to answer.
After the plea had been read,
Mr. Harper, in behalf of the managers, asked for time to be allowed them for making their replication, and Thursday the 3d of January was fixed upon for that purpose.
Jacob Whitman, jun. & Co.
At their AUCTION ROOM, No. 2, Westminster-Street, HAVE AT PRIVATE SALE, the following Articles, viz.
India Cottons of different qualities, by the bale or piece, Eight pieces fine twill'd Coatings, various colors, Few pieces fancy corded Velvet, Few pieces ditto Moreens, Wildbores, Calicoes, Shawls, One handsome Carpet, 5 by 5 and 3-4 yards, One piece of Carpeting, by the yard, Blue Broadcloths, One piece green Baize, Ten pieces Irish Linens, Platillas and Britannias, by the piece, Fifteen pieces very handsome Oilcloths, Six casks blue and white Crockery Ware, handsomely assorted, Welsh-India Rum by the hoghead, Eight Barrels Gin, Four ditto Cider Brandy, Ten kegs ground Ginger, Quantity of Gin Cakes, Loaf Sugar by the hundred or single loaf. Jan. 2, 1799.
Carrington & Bowers,
No. 1, CHEAPSIDE,
HAVE a large and extensive Assortment of ENGLISH GOODS,
which they offer for SALE on the most reasonable terms for Cash.
In addition to their former Assortment, they have just received from New York,
A fresh supply of Carpets and Carpeting, suitable for rooms of any size;—Brown HOLLAND and low priced BROADCLOTHS, per piece.—A few sets of Pearl-Fish COUNTERS.—PINS per Pack, 3s, 4, 4½ and 5 lb.—Blue, brown and other coloured COATINGS, per piece.—WRITING PAPER per Ream.—TAPES, BOBBINS and DUTCH LACES.
They have likewise for Sale,
130 Barrels PRIME BEEF, which will be sold low for cash or short time.
Jan. 2, 1799.
For SALE,
On a long credit, for approved paper, Four Lots of Land,
On the most pleasant part of Benevolent-street, a little southward of the College, on the height of the hill, one lot to the eastward of Mr. Henry Alexander's house.—For Terms, apply to JOHN CORLIS.
Jan. 2, 1799.
FOR SALE, BY
Benjamin Hoppin & Co.
For Cash or approved Notes, payable at the Providence Bank at 60 days,
EIGHT Pipes first quality French BRANDY—Three half Pipes ad ditto Naples ditto—Four Puncheons excellent Windward Island RUM—Twenty Boxes best Havana Brown SUGAR—Loaf SUGAR—Thirty Casks ground GINGER—One hundred empty GIN CASES—Five hundred pair lin'd and bound Calf Skin SHOES—Forty pieces handsome figured OIL CLOTHS—Straws of TUMBLERS—Wine GLASSES—Quart, pint and half pint DECANTERS, with ground Bottoms.—They have likewise just received a small Consignment of Fine and Coarse BROADCLOTHS, Twilled COATINGS, and Blue PLAINS.—Which will be sold for Notes payable at the Bank at Three Months Credit. India COTTONS; of every Quality—and Cotton and Linen CHECKS, on hand as usual. January 2, 1799.
New Lands.
THE underwritten offers for sale, or exchange for lands not very remote from the town of Providence, several rights of good LAND in the well-known and settled town of St. Johnsbury (where the late Dr. Arnold, formerly of this town, lived) in the county of Caledonia, and State of Vermont.
One tract, containing about 600 Acres, lies on the banks of the pleasant river Passumpsick, and has on it an excellent mill-seat.
For terms, apply to Daniel Cahoon, Esq; (late of this town) who lives on a farm adjoining the above tract—or to the underwritten. DAVID HOWELL. Jan. 2, 1799.
For SALE, by
William Blodget, jun.
No. 3, CHEAPSIDE,
MESS and prime Pork and Beef per quantity, in whole and half barrels, at a reasonable price and time.
As usual, a general assortment of India, English and Scotch GOODS, proper for the season, extremely cheap, at a fixed price, for Cash. Jan. 2, 1799.
Just arrived, and for SALE by
Elisha Dyer,
A QUANTITY of Tar and Pitch, in good order. Jan. 2, 1799.
To LET,
A convenient Store,
Situated nearly opposite the dwelling-house of Mr. Thomas P. Ives, very suitable for a person in the Grocery line, or in Navigation, having a privilege on the wharf.—For particulars, enquire of
ARAUNAH TINGLEY. January 2, 1799.
Benjamin Howland,
TAYLOR AND LADIES HABIT-MAKER, RESPECTFULLY informs the public, that he has removed to the Corner Shop next South of the Market; where he has opened a beautiful Assortment of Cloths, of the best Kind, and most fashionable Colours. Real London superfine Broadcloths and Cassimeres, superfine Coatings for Surtouts and Spencers, Waistcoatings and Buttons, and other Trimmings to match every Pattern—elastic Suspenders, &c. Grateful for every Favour, his best endeavours will be exerted to merit the Confidence of his Customers.
N. B. He makes FANCY BREECHES, without Leg, Side, Seat, Waistband or Kneeband Seams; which, for Ease and elegant Set, are far superior to any former Plan. Jan. 2, 1799.