Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1809-02-13 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 44, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1809.
[Whole No. 564.]
LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Mr. Crowninshield's Resolutions.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.—In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16, 1808.
RESOLVED, as the sense of this House, that the British Orders in Council, of November, 1807, interdicting all neutral trade with France, and the nations under her controul, except the neutral shall first enter her ports, and there receive her licence to proceed, and pay such duties, as they shall and have imposed; and the Decrees of France, interdicting all trade with the British nation and her dependencies and subjecting to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels, and their cargoes, for the absurd cause of being spoken with, or visited by force, by her enemies, are violations of the neutral rights of the United States, and their Independence and Sovereignty; and if they cannot be removed by fair negotiation, ought to be resisted, by all other means in their power.
Resolved, That in case it shall appear to Congress that all fair attempts to remove said Orders and Decrees by negotiation, shall have been exhausted, and they shall find it necessary to assume any other attitude of resistance, it will be the duty of the whole people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, to rally round the standard of their own nation and its government, and to afford them their utmost support by all Constitutional means in their power.
The above Resolutions were committed to Messrs. Gore, Crowninshield, Hough, of G. Morton and Tapp, with instructions to report at the next session.
REPORT.
The Committee to whom was referred the two Resolutions, that accompany this Report, and which were proposed for the consideration of this House, have duly attended to their commission, and ask leave to report, that, in their opinion, it is inexpedient to pass the same for the following reasons:
By the Constitution of the United States, the foreign relations thereof are, exclusively, vested in the national government—with that government rests the obligation to consider of, and act upon the doings of other nations—with it rests, also, a knowledge of the conduct of other nations—their motives and pretensions, and how far the same may have been sanctioned, or encouraged by the government of the United States.
The Communications, which have passed between the United States, and the nations referred to, in the proposed Resolutions, are in a great degree unknown to the Legislature of Massachusetts; any opinion, therefore, of the House of Representatives, on this subject, would be founded on an imperfect knowledge of what relates thereto, and might, from the same cause be erroneous.
The House could not rely on the partial information, which is allowed to escape from the Executive Cabinet, much less, on that diminished portion which is likely to be entrusted, from the secret sessions of Congress, for the correctness of any opinion, they might form on so important a matter. Influenced by the limited information, with which the Government of the Union has seen fit to indulge the publick, some persons might be induced to adopt the sense of the first Resolution, and conclude, that both nations, therein mentioned, had, at the same time, with equal wantonness, and like disregard to our rights and their duties, enacted the offensive Decrees and Orders—that the same measure of opposition, to both nations, was alike required by the dignity and interests of the United States, and would be attended with similar effects—whereas a complete understanding of the conduct of our Government towards these nations, and of our relations to each of them, with the grounds or pretence, for passing their several Decrees and Orders, might lead to a different result, in the minds of men, who endeavoured only to arrive at a correct, and impartial judgment.
While the Committee entertain no doubt on the soundness of the above reasons, for the opinion they have offered on the inexpediency of adopting the proposed Resolutions, yet, as from the language of the same, it would appear to be the sense of the mover, that the same motives and causes produced, from both foreign nations, the Decrees and Orders complained of, it may be advisable, to state such information, both as to the dates of the several Decrees and Orders, as well as to the alleged grounds of passing the same, as have come to the knowledge of your Committee. It is, also, important, that the House should be possessed of whatever information can be procured, on a business so interesting to them, and which is made a pretence for the deep and universal calamities, which the government of the United States has been fit to inflict on the citizens—calamities, which press with peculiar and aggravated distress, on the good people of Massachusetts.
It will readily be conceived, that the Decrees and Orders, intended by these Resolutions, are that of France, promulgated at Berlin, the 21st November, 1806, and the Orders of Great Britain, passed at London, on the 11th November, 1807.
The French decree declares that the British Islands, their colonies, and dependencies should be considered, as in a state of blockade—that all trade in British goods, should be prohibited, and that all vessels, with their cargoes, failing to or from Great Britain, or having on board cargoes of British origin, should be subject to seizure and confiscation. On the 31st December, 1806 certain Commissioners, of the British government, having then just concluded a treaty with a Minister of the United States, which treaty was never submitted to the Senate for their advice, by direction of their government, presented a memorial, to the American Minister, in which it was distinctly declared, that in the enemy, referring to the Emperor of France and the Decree of Nov. 1806, "should carry his threats into execution, and if neutral nations should, contrary to all expectation, acquiesce in such usurpations, His Majesty might probably be compelled, however reluctantly, to retaliate in his own just defence, and to issue orders to his cruisers, to adopt towards the neutrals, any hostile system to which those neutrals should have submitted from his enemies" In the month of January, 1807 his Britannick Majesty issued an order for preventing all commerce from port to port of his enemies, comprehending in said order, not only the ports of France, but those of other nations, as, either in alliance with
France, or subject to her dominion have, by measures of active offence, or by the exclusion of British ships, taken a part in the present war. In the letter which accompanied the communication of this Order to the Secretary of State, of the United States, this Order is stated, by the British Minister, to be authorised, by the acknowledged principles of the law of nations, and to have been induced, by a knowledge, on the part of the British Government, that the measures announced, by the Decree of the French Government of the 21st November 1806, had already, in some instances, been carried into execution, by the privateers of his enemy.
The American Minister at Paris, in the month of December 1806, requested of the French Minister of Marine, an explanation of the Decree of the 21st of November, preceding, and was answered that "an American vessel could not be taken, at sea, for the mere reason that she was going to or coming from a port of England." The French Minister of Marine, however, advised the American Minister, that it was proper, that he should "communicate with the Minister of Exterior Relations, as to what concerned the correspondence of the citizens of the United States of America with England." Another article declaring all merchandise belonging to England, or coming from its manufactures, or Colonies, though belonging to neutrals, liable to seizure, was to be carried into execution. This it seems was to be acquiesced in by the American Government, if to operate only in her ports of France, as conformable to publick law, although in direct contravention to the stipulations of an existing treaty between the United States and the Emperor of France.
Notwithstanding the hopes that were indulged, by the American Government, in consequence of the reply of the French Minister, it appears, from a letter of Mr. Madison to General Armstrong, that, as early as May 1807, it was known in the United States, that the French privateers, in the West Indies had, in virtue of the Edict of November 1806, committed depredations on the American commerce—and in October, 1807 an American ship, called the Horizon, bound from Great Britain to Lima, having been wrecked within the territorial jurisdiction of France, was finally condemned, under the French Decree of November, 1806.
If any doubt ever existed, as to the intention of France, to execute this Decree against the United States, it must have been removed, after the conduct of her cruisers in the Spring of 1807—Her condemnation of the Horizon, in the following October, left not the smallest pretence for questioning, that her violence and injustice would be limited only by her power.
It is a maxim on Great Britain, for similar violations of the law of nations, previously committed by her, through the commerce of neutral nations, could never be admitted as true in fact, or if true, as just in principle, in regard to the United States.
The principle said to have been assumed by Great Britain, in 1756, which has been pressed into the service of those who are desirous to find an apology, if not a justification of every outrage, committed by France, although adopted in the early part of the last war, was so modified, as to afford no cause of complaint to the United States during the latter years of that contest, and it is believed, that a similar temper of accommodation has been manifested by the same power towards the United States, in the present war.
While it has been said "that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon or otherwise given a sanction to it," the Edicts of France from 1704 to the present day, with but small intervals of deviation, either in principle or practice, declare the reverse.
The Decrees of France in 1704 and 1744 declares all goods, of the growth or fabric of an enemy's country liable to confiscation, unless bound from an enemy's port direct to the port of the neutral owner. An Ordinance by the Court of France, delivered to the states General of the United Provinces, and published by authority in the Utrecht Gazette, July, 1756, declares, if any Dutch ships carry any goods or merchandise of the growth or manufacture of the enemies of France, they shall be esteemed good prize, but the ships shall be discharged. On the 9th May, A. D. 1793, France authorized the capture of neutral vessels, laden with provisions, belonging to neutrals, but bound to enemies' ports. This decree was prior, by one month, to the order of Great Britain, of similar import. On the 23d of the same month the declared it should not extend to American Vessels, which latter Decree, she repealed, on the 28th of the same month of May, and the first remained in force. On the 1st July she again decreed as on the 23d May twenty seven days afterwards, this Decree was repealed, and that of the 9th May remained in force until 4th January, 1795. On the 27th November 1795, the French Commissioners at Cape Francois, authorized the capture of all American Vessels bound to or from English ports. February 1st, 1797, Commissioners at Cape Francois ordered the capture of all vessels, bound to any ports, in the West Indies, delivered up to the English, and all vessels, cleared out generally for the West Indies.
In January, 1798, France declared that the condition of ships in every thing, which concerns their character as neutrals or enemies, shall be determined by their cargoes, and every vessel found at sea, laden in whole or in part with merchandise, coming out of England, or its possessions, shall be declared good prize, whoever may be the proprietors of such commodities or merchandise, and this Decree is founded expressly on the Ordinance of 1704.
It is therefore an incontrovertible truth, that France, from the earliest time, and certainly prior to the year 1756, has adopted, in principle, and in practice, broader rules for limiting the commerce of neutrals, and condemning their property, and with fewer and shorter intervals of regard to their rights, than has been assumed by her enemy, and of course could on no ground be justified by the pretence, that the Decree of November 1806 and the subsequent one of Milan, condemning the property of neutrals, because the vessels had been spoken with by British cruisers, were a retaliation for similar violations of publick law by her foe.
See page 15 of Madison's Letter to Armstrong.
The second Resolve proposed, assumes as a fact, that the measures, adopted by the Congress of the United States, in the last year, which were the acts imposing an Embargo, on the trade of her citizens, were measures of resistance against France and Great Britain—An assumption, which would be scarcely decent, for this Legislature, to adopt, when the President has pledged his word, which ought to be sacred, to both these nations, that they were not measures of hostility, as appears by the letter of the Secretary of State to the Minister of the United States at the Court of France, under date of February 8, 1808, and by a similar letter to our Minister at the Court of London, under date of Dec. 23, 1807.
And surely the Legislature of Massachusetts would be altogether unmindful of its duties, should they attempt to pledge the people of this Commonwealth to sanction any measures, that Congress might see fit to adopt, after the fatal experience of their measures for the last year—measures which, however intended, have produced only distress and wretchedness at home, disgrace and degradation of our national character abroad.
A short review of the circumstances and condition of the U. States, from the adoption of its present Constitution, and the conduct of the different administrations under it, may serve to shew what the interests and honour of the nation did, and do require to be done, on the part of our government.
It is well known, that, when Congress first assembled, under the existing Constitution, the administration was encompassed with the most serious embarrassments, at home and abroad—embarrassments arising out of the waste of capital, the defect of credit, and the want of revenue, at the conclusion of the war—embarrassments, proceeding from the reciprocal claims of the United States and Great Britain, relative to the execution of the treaty of peace—embarrassments concerning the navigation of the Mississippi; and embarrassments, aggravating all such as before existed, which arose out of the French revolution, and that were followed by extensive depredations, committed on our commerce by England, by France, and by Spain.
With these obstacles to contend with, and the peace and neutrality of the nation were impartially affected and maintained. With England, our ancient controversies were satisfactorily adjusted—the posts on our frontiers were given up—Indian wars extinguished—adequate compensation, for depredations committed upon our trade, obtained, and the national faith redeemed, by provisions for the final settlement of British debts. By Spain, our right to the navigation of the Mississippi was recognized, and indemnity secured for the illegal capture of our vessels.
With France, a new treaty was concluded, annulling her unjust decrees, granting us security, as far as the faith of nations can be so considered, against their future reestablishment, and containing her submission to the acts of Congress, which declared the old treaties void, by reason of their violations on her part.
Thus with foreign nations our ancient controversies were adjusted, & those of a recent date, and which had grown out of a fierce and unexampled war, were composed.
At home, Agriculture, Manufactures, the Fisheries, Navigation and Commerce, were encouraged, and extended—the credit of the nation was revived, its capital enlarged, and its revenue established—the public arsenals were replenished, a naval force created, and the American name upheld, and revered throughout the world.
In this condition of unexampled prosperity at home, and of peace and consideration abroad, our present rulers were called to the administration of the public affairs—and what has been the fruit of their labours? Let the following facts answer—
Our Agriculture is discouraged—the Fisheries abandoned, and Navigation forbidden—our Commerce at home restrained, if not annihilated—our Commerce abroad cut off, and our Navy sold, dismantled, or degraded to the service of cutters and gun boats—the example of justice interrupted—our national character and dignity, at the moment, when it is unnecessary and imprudent to expose to war with Great Britain, France and Spain.
So great a change, accomplished in so short a time, is unexampled even in the history of weak and unfaithful administrations, and can have proceeded only from the want of that capacity, impartiality and prudence, without which no government can long preserve the prosperity or the confidence of the country.
The dawn of the present administration promised an impartial and patriotic course, and the citizens anticipated a continuance of the publick and private enjoyments, which distinguished our land; but these expectations were soon disappointed, by the avowal of a system of political persecution and proscription, which has interrupted the harmony of good neighborhood, & gone far to destroy the happiness of social intercourse.
The conclusion of the late war in Europe afforded a favorable opportunity to enter into negotiations for the purpose of establishing such maritime provisions, as in the event of future war, would secure the navigation and trade of the United States, against a repetition of the injuries they had so lately suffered. This opportunity was wholly neglected, and the commercial and maritime treaty with Great Britain, the first naval power in the world, was suffered to expire without a single attempt, that we have ever heard of, to obtain its renewal.
The war in Europe recommenced in 1803, and thereby our commerce was again exposed to interruptions upon the ocean. These served as matter of ineffectual remonstrance, until 1806 when France passed the Decree of Berlin, thereby violating the provisions of the treaty with the United States, infringing the law of nations, and prostrating the commercial rights of all neutral States.
This decree is substantially and almost literally the same, as that passed by the French Directory, in 1798, and which, President Adams in his speech to Congress, in December following, pronounced to be "an unequivocal act of war, which interest as well as honour called upon the nation firmly to resist."
Congress accordingly proceeded to pass laws, annulling the treaties with France, prohibiting all commercial intercourse with the French dominions, & providing for the equipment of a naval force, for the defence of our just rights.
The country cannot have forgotten the protection afforded to trade by these measures so honourable to the nation—measures by which our flag was respected in every sea, and the skill and courage of our officers and seamen displayed, in battle, with the ships of France.
It was in consequence of these decisive acts, that an early communication was made to our government, of the desire of France, to return to the relations of peace and to the authority of publick law, and the convention which was soon after concluded by our government, with the person who now wields the sceptre of France, accomplished those important objects.
Had our rulers, after the promulgation of the decree of Berlin, followed the example of their predecessors, the English orders would not have been issued, nor should we now have to deplore the distress that afflicts the country.
If, then, these evils might have been avoided, by imitating the example of 1798, may they not yet be removed, by retracing the erroneous steps which have been taken, and by adopting now those measures which then proved efficacious?
To this end, let Congress repeal the Embargo, annul the Convention with France, forbid all commercial intercourse with the French dominion, arm our publick and private ships, and UNFURL THE REPUBLICAN BANNER AGAINST THE IMPERIAL STANDARD.
This done, the English Orders would cease to operate, we should hear no more of the unparalleled folly of contending, at the same time, with all the great powers of Europe—our trade to every region of the globe, except France and her dependencies, would again recover and flourish—our agriculture would feel the influence of the emancipation of trade, and hand in hand, with general prosperity, the revenue of the nation would once more exceed its expenditure.
Therefore Resolved, That it is inexpedient for this House to adopt and pass the Resolutions proposed.
By order of the Committee,
C. GORE.
House of Representatives, January 28, 1809.
FRIDAY, FEB. 3.
This day the above Report was taken into consideration, and opposed by Messrs. Crowninshield, Morton, and Hinkley; and advocated by Messrs. Channing, Thorndike, Jackson, and Gore. The debate continued until past 7. When the question to accept the report was carried by Yeas and Nays:— Yeas 195. Nays 127.—Majority 68.

Seventh Congress. 2d Session.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 1.
Embargo and War.—The House, in committee of the whole, resumed the consideration of Mr. Nicolas's Resolution.
Mr. Bacon advocated a repeal of the embargo at a much earlier day than the first of June, and opposed the "belligerent hypothesis" involved in the resolution.
Mr. Troup said that the resolution, if adopted in its present shape, could only operate as an empty menace upon foreign nations, as mere waste paper upon the next Congress, and in respect to our domestic enemies, if such we have, as a dishonourable concession. He said that our government had been wisely administered, but too mild and amiable virtues had governed its conduct: It was time to lay aside our peace principles, and put on the habiliments of war. He said it was a fundamental principle of our system, that the laws should be executed, even at the expense of ALL THE BLOOD OF THE MINORITY who oppose them!
Mr. Burwell spoke in favor of the first of June.
Mr. Van Dyke forcibly urged a speedy repeal, and pointed out, without questioning the motive of administration, some things which he considered as material errors in its foreign policy and which he deemed entitled to dispassionate consideration by the House, before it should proceed to plunge the nation into War.
Mr. Alston made a few remarks, when the committee rose.
Mr. Dawson moved that the question on the motion that the committee have leave to sit again, be postponed indefinitely, in order that the House might enter upon the subject of NATIONAL DEFENCE.
Mr. Durrell opposed the motion.
THURSDAY, FEB. 2.
REPEAL OF THE EMBARGO, &c.
The Speaker declared the motion pending (for indefinite postponement) when the house adjourned, to be out of order.
The House then again resolved itself into a committee on Mr. Nicholas's resolution for repealing the embargo and issuing letters of marque and reprisal, on the day of the motion was pending on filling the February.
After a debate for about three hours, the question on filling the blank with the most distant day, the first day of June, was NEGATIVED, Ayes seventy-three, Noes forty.
And the committee then rose, on motion of Mr. Randolph, without taking any other question, 68 to 56, and obtained leave to sit again.
An amendment of the Senate to the bill for appropriating money for fortifications, viz. at Windmill Point, was taken up and disagreed to.—Adjourned.
Feb. 3.—Mr. Randolph moved in Congress to add to the resolution for repealing the Embargo, permission for vessels to arm for defence only. This motion was not decided on the 4th. Mr. Durrell, of New-Hampshire, moved, a clause to provide that the first capture under the orders or decrees by France or England should be considered a declaration of war. There were 76 votes for raising the Embargo March 4. We see nothing respecting the non-intercourse law. The National Intelligencer says war must follow the raising of the Embargo. Mr. Randolph has moved an inquiry into the advances made to Wilkinson.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
SENATE, FRIDAY, FEB. 3.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE.
The following answer to the Speech of the Lt. Governor was, after debate, accepted.—Yeas 19. Nays 16.
May it please your Honour, WHILE the Senate lament the solemn dispensation of divine providence which has deprived the Commonwealth of its Chief Magistrate, they earnestly beseech the Father of Lights to endue you with wisdom to discern, and fidelity to pursue the path of duty, in the discharge of the high responsible trust, which in consequence of this event, the constitution has devolved upon you. Assisted in council by men distinguished for their talents, experience and integrity, we trust, that while they will share with you the responsibility, their advice will have a proper influence in the direction of the measures of the executive department.
Deeply impressed by the perilous and distressing aspect of our public affairs, we assure your Honour of "our best exertions for the general welfare."
We are happy to accord with you "that our enemies alone could have represented the New-England states as prepared for opposition to the authority of the law, and ripening for a separation from the union." We believe with your Honour, that "such suggestions" in regard to New-England are unfounded." "It cannot" indeed
be concealed that in this state of existing difficulties, and apparent indications of greater ones, have, as in a former memorable period of our history, roused the spirit of our citizens; but we trust with your Honour "that their character is not marked with propensities to outrage, disorder and blood." On the contrary that as they correctly understand their duties, they will steadily, and resolutely maintain their rights.
The people of New-England perfectly understand the distinction between the constitution and the administration. They are as sincerely attached to the former as any section of the United States. They may be put under the ban of the empire, but they have no intention of abandoning the union. And we have the pleasure explicitly to declare our full concurrence with your Honour, "that such suggestions are not less a libel upon the great body of the New-England people, than on their patriotism."
As the government of the union is a confederation of equal and independent states with limited powers, we agree with your Honour "that it is not unbecoming any member of the union with firmness and moderation to question the justness or policy of measures while they are pending and ripening for adoption," and that we learn with concern from your Honour, "that there are stages when questions"—without even excepting questions involving unalienable rights—"can be no longer open to controversy and opposition"—"stages when an end must be put to debate and a decision thence resulting be respected by its prompt and faithful execution, or government loses its existence and the people are ruined."
Even if your Honour's principles were correct, can it be imagined that "we are" (as your Honour is pleased to intimate) "now in this stage, on the great questions of non-intercourse and national defence?" These measures are "still pending and ripening for adoption." It is then "unbecoming" for this state to question their "justness or policy"!
But with great deference to your Honour we apprehend that this principle if carried into effect, would render our free government a despotism, and bring inevitable "ruin upon the people." If we apply it to one of the cases mentioned by your Honour, the embargo, the principle presents itself in some of its deformity. It is well known that the act, imposing the embargo passed the Senate of the United States in the space of a few hours, and passed all the forms of legislation in four days, after that measure was recommended by the President.
The People of this State, therefore, could not by any possibility have had an opportunity "to question its justness or policy," and even Senators, in Congress, were not allowed the time they requested for that purpose.—And are the People of Massachusetts to understand, that "a decision" of this nature "must be respected by its prompt and faithful execution?" that it is too late for them to question its "justness or policy?" Are they to believe that the "Stage" has passed and that indeed nothing remains for them but quiet submission? We owe it to ourselves and to the people distinctly to deny this doctrine, as once novel and pernicious.
Unreservedly we regard with great respect, or express our mingled regret and astonishment, that your Honour should seem to doubt the capacity of the people to decide on questions involving their unalienable rights.—Your Honour is pleased to ask "if citizens in the streets—in town meetings—in multitudinous assemblies, pressed with deep personal interests, are capable of deciding on great complicated and constitutional questions?" and to observe that from hence our peril.
May we be permitted to ask, who shall decide when the public functionaries abuse their trust?—We need not inform your Honour, that the meetings to which you allude, have been attended by men second to none in the United States for their legal and Political knowledge—for their love of order—and for their patriotism: many of whom have grown grey in the public service and confidence—many of them now holding high and important offices in the State: and that these meetings have been conducted with great order and decorum.
Can such assemblies of the citizens merit it censure in a republican government? But you will please to permit us to remark, that your animadversion upon these meetings, appear the more extraordinary, because in another part of your communication, your Honour is pleased to observe, "that it had been the arduous task of our rulers to collect the diversified sentiments of their constituents, and to assimilate and concentrate them as far as possible to an according system predicated on the prevailing opinion"—a measure indeed very proper, but which could only be effectual, by the free interchange of opinion, and those very meetings of the citizens, from which your Honour seems afterwards to apprehend so much danger. Your Honour may be assured that we "question not the sincerity of the opinion" which you have been pleased to intimate, of the incapacity of the people—But you will permit us to declare, that upon their knowledge of their rights and duties, and their firmness and perseverance in maintaining them, our hope is placed. They will ultimately form a just decision. Hence our Ark—not "our peril."
We beg leave to observe, that those rights, which the people have not chosen to part with, should be exercised by them with delicacy—only in times of great danger—not with "distraction and confusion"—not to oppose the laws, but to prevent acts being respected as laws, which are unwarranted by the commission given to their rulers. On such occasions, passive submission would on the part of the people, be a breach of their allegiance, and on our part treachery and purjury. For the people are bound by their allegiance, and we are additionally bound by our oaths to support the Constitution of the State—and we are responsible to the people, and to our God, for the faithful execution of the trust.
But your Honour is pleased to observe, that "the union have their favorite projects—states, towns and individuals have theirs," and to inquire whether "thus jarring with augmented resentments, we are to rush together in ruinous collisions."
Can it be necessary to remind your Honour that the aggressor is responsible for all
the consequences, which you have been pleased so pathetically to describe? That people have not sent us here to surrender their rights but to maintain and defend them?—and, that we have no authority to dispense with the duties thus solemnly imposed? Your Honour has described "the calamities which introduced our federal constitution," with great truth. "Our government was humbled and inefficient—our union a thread—our commerce unregulated and unprotected—our revenue nothing—our faith perfidy—our credit bankruptcy—our privations the want of every thing—individuals were embarrassed, &c." and our courts of justice stopped, &c."
Can it be necessary to remind your Honour, that the administration of Washington, produced precisely the reverse of the picture which you have been pleased to draw so much to the life?
And will you permit us to ask in our turn but in your honour's words, "whence then the causes of jealousy, distrust, alterations and bitter aspersion" of that great and good man, and upon all who were attached to his measures. "Whence the ever to be regretted indiscretions, suddenness and individual rashness which denounced an administration, that safely guided the people to prosperity and glory, amidst great and impending dangers? Were these calumniators 'more worthy of confidence,' 'better instructed,' or did they 'possess higher means of information'—were they less 'blinded by their interest,' less 'actuated by prejudice or stimulated by resentments' than the political savior of his country and his compatriots? Whence then 'the misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse' thrown upon men who had a right to call for 'union' in support of their measures—upon men who had given to the publick 'the proof of their talents, zeal and labours to serve and render their country great and happy'!"
But the present administration, although aware of the 'effects of past arrangements,' had not the wisdom or magnanimity to adopt them. They have ventured upon new expedients—and are responsible to their country for the distressing 'results.'
Your Honour is pleased to inquire 'if we could not wait with magnanimous patience, and endure privations a few months longer, and give to government one fair unimpeded experiment upon foreign nations?'
The administration has indeed been 'pressed to the very wall,' and we know not how much 'further' they would 'retreat' if they could.
But may it please your Honour, we have seen as little of 'spirit' as of policy in the Embargo system—We know that the Emperor approves if he did not dictate the measure—We know that Great Britain receives immense advantage from the surrender to her of the whole trade of the world—and we cannot imagine why the people should be called upon to 'endure privations' any longer, unless the administration, having failed to operate on the fears or interests of the 'warring power,' expect ere long to obtain some relief from their compassion.
We most heartily concur with your Honour, 'that there is a point in national sensibility, in the feelings of men, where patience and submission end.' And when that crisis has been reached, we are ready to rally round the national constitution. But, Sir, they will not 'cling' to an administration which has brought them to the brink of destruction—they will not 'keep their hold in the extremity of its exit,' nor 'sink with it into the frightful abyss.' No, Sir! The people of Massachusetts will not willingly become the victims of fruitless experiment.
We shall be ready at all times with you 'to cherish the interests of literature, especially the University at Cambridge!' and the sentiments which your Honour is pleased to advance, that 'no crisis should arrest the progress of the arts and sciences,' meets our concurrence.
We shall endeavour to find a remedy for the 'accumulations of depreciated and counterfeit bank bills,' to which your Honour has been pleased to call our attention.
Touching the Militia—we cannot conceal our regret, that the administration of the general government has not discovered that dependence upon 'an establishment' which your Honour is pleased justly to observe is 'so preferable to a standing army in time of peace'—and to which the Constitution looks with confidence for the defence of our country.
We regard that constitution at once with pride and with confidence—and we agree with your Honour that it 'can never want the patronage of a provident legislature': surely not in time of peril like these. Your Honour was pleased to anticipate a difference of opinion, but we beg you to 'rest assured of our solicitude, assiduity and best endeavours to promote what from our own convictions shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole.' And we join with your Honour in the wish that the 'wisdom which is from above, which is gentle & easy to be entreated,' may 'lead in our councils,' but we fervently pray moreover, that not only our conduct, but that of the general government, may be directed by that wisdom, which is also pure—peaceable; full of good fruit; without partiality and without hypocrisy.
MR. NICHOLAS'S MOTION.
NEW-YORK, FEB. 6.
Embargo.—The city is in a buzz about the Embargo being taken off the 4th of March. It is certain the blank when to raise it, is filled for that day, but when we advert to the other half of the resolution, yet to be debated, viz. whether we will permit the merchants to arm? and consider the chances against its adoption and that if it fails the former part will share its fate, I think the probability against the immediate repeal. The non-intercourse bill as to France and England has I am told passed the Senate.—Evening Post.
THE PROSPECT
We say, once more, that the Embargo will not be raised, unless some other plan be substituted, which will be equally fatal to the happiness of Ameri-
ca, and equally favourable to the views of France; 'unless THE SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE TRIUMPH OVER THE POLICY OF OUR GOVERNMENT. The last is our only chance of regaining our prosperity.—Referto y.
Portland,
Monday, February 13, 1809.
That spark from the altar of Liberty, which was originally conceived and nursed by the patriotic sons of the east—and which continues to find a rich inheritance in the breasts of our citizens—is marking its course, with rapid strides, towards the west. And should the dreadful occasion which roused it from its slumbers continue, we are greatly mistaken if it does not e'er long reach the capitol. By the last accounts from the great national Wigwam, it appears this native of yankee breasts had nearly approached their Camp. In consequence of which, it is said, a sudden tremor had seized our "trembling Representatives," and greatly impaired their faith in the efficacy of the tincture of Embargo. That the spirit which excited our fathers to resist tyrannical and arbitrary laws, was transmitted to their sons, the following dignified and spirited resolutions fully testify:—
Topsham Town Meeting.
At a meeting of the Inhabitants of the town of Topsham, legally assembled Feb. 4, 1809, to take into consideration such measures and adopt such resolutions as the present state of our Public Affairs render necessary—
Resolved, That it becomes us not to despair of the safety of our Republic, while we enjoy the constitutional right and liberty of assembling peaceably to consult upon the common good, and to petition the Legislature to devise and promote the redress of wrongs and grievances we suffer.
That, as it is our privilege in prosperity to rejoice, 'it is our duty in adversity to consider,' to investigate, to ascertain the causes of the calamities we experience, and the most effectual means to remove them—
That we are convinced the people in many instances have not been sufficiently cautious in the exercise of their electoral rights, but have permitted themselves to be deceived by crafty and unprincipled men, and have frequently conferred their suffrages on seekers of popular favor, without making the important inquiries, are they capable, are they honest, are they attached to the Constitution? Hence it has happened, that many, trust and importance; and that we now feel the extensive mischief, naturally arising from this want of caution and enquiry in the people; for power obtained by fraud, will always resort to violence for support.
That the principles and public conduct of our rulers, "are the fair objects of a manly and public spirited scrutiny, for the purposes of merited censure or approbation, their continuance or removal from office, in the prescribed forms."
That, when we take into view the great prosperity, generally diffused through our once happy land, under the arduous administration of the revered WASHINGTON and his immediate successor, we are compelled to believe, that the numerous heavy evils since fallen and daily accumulating upon us, have been principally occasioned by the departure of our rulers from that wise, firm, liberal and impartial policy, which regulated the conduct of those distinguished PATRIOTS.
That, with sorrow we must confess, that the present Executive of the United States, has appeared to us, in the course of his administration, more like the dependant and humble friend of a foreign despot, than the brave and generous chief of a great, spirited and free people—more devoted to the nefarious schemes of the Republic-destroying, King-making NAPOLEON; than to the security, peace and happiness of his own country; or to the rights and privileges of those nations, who, having made a noble stand, are now contending from the pure spirit of patriotism against that rapacious tyrant of boundless ambition.
That the people have a right to require of their lawmakers and magistrates, who are at times accountable to them, an exact and constant observance of constitutional principles, in the formation and execution of the laws.
That our national legislature, apparently from the impulse of executive influence, have enacted a system of Embargo laws, in our decided opinion, unconstitutional in principle and ruinous in operation—that must subject us abroad to contempt, at home to want and wretchedness.
That we consider the act entitled An Act to enforce the several Embargo laws of the United States, a most flagrant violation of many articles in our federal and state Constitutions; and the measures prescribed to carry it into effect to be utterly subversive of our dearest rights and privileges—that it is a law which the people are not bound to obey; and which we believe, from their strong attachment to the Liberties of their Country, they will not obey.
That we most cordially approve the patriotic conduct of those officers of the revenue department, who disdaining to be the instruments of arbitrary power, and having a more tender concern for the rights of their fellow-citizens, than for the emoluments of office, have lately retired to "the post of honor," a private station.—That we sincerely hope these patriotic examples will excite a general emulation; and should deeply lament that any, from a penurious, cal-
culating spirit, from a mere regard to private property, should submit to, or aid the execution of laws destructive to our civil Liberties.
On motion, the above resolutions were adopted, and an attested copy of the same unanimously ordered to be signed by the Moderator and Clerk, and immediately forwarded to the Editor of the PORTLAND GAZETTE; and a respectful memorial to the Legislature of this Commonwealth, was also unanimously adopted at said meeting, and ordered to be signed by the Selectmen and Clerk, and forwarded immediately to their Representative.
EZRA SMITH, MODERATOR.
A true copy—Attest. JOHN MORSE, CLERK.
Windham Town Meeting.
At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Windham, on the 31st day of January, A. D. 1809, the following Resolves were unanimously adopted:
Resolved—That as free men, we have a natural as well as a constitutional right to petition our Representative and Executive authorities, for redress of grievances, and to remonstrate against all unconstitutional laws and edicts.
Resolved—That the inhabitants of this town consider the several acts laying and enforcing an embargo and interdicting all commerce, both by sea and land, as contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and the greatest grievance and curse that ever the American nation experienced.
Resolved—That the last supplement for the more strict enforcing said act or law is unconstitutional, oppressive and equally as despotic and cruel as the mandates of the most despotic Turkish Tyrant!
Resolved—That the present restrictions laid on our coasting trade, is an unexampled act of oppression, not to be equalled or found registered in the annals of any nation on earth.
Resolved—That some sections in the last act do positively, in some instances, place us under martial law, and deprive us as free men, of the right of trial by jury.
Resolved—That we view a standing army in time of peace, as unconstitutional, dangerous to our Liberties, and as the first step towards establishing a Monarchy.
Resolved—that we view with grief and abhorrence the late promotion of men to offices of profit and trust, who are corrupt in principle and vicious in their morals; who are put in to fill up the vacancies made by displacing those worthies and vetrans who have been turned out for not cringing and paying homage to a wicked and tyrannical administration.
Resolved—that the late breaches of trust in our Post-Offices, by breaking open and pillaging letters and money, we view as a heinous evil and truly alarming.
We fear it is the aim and intention of the present administration, to aid NAPOLEON in his ambitious, diabolical and despotic plan of subjugating the world to his tyrannic sway, by uniting us in a war with France against Great-Britain, which we deprecate as neither just, necessary, patriotic or wise.
That we are ready to support our Constitutional rights, and to repeal its tyrannical invaders at the risk of our lives and fortunes, with the same spirit that we would repeal
That having petitioned, remonstrated and looked in vain to our national government for redress of our grievances and complicated miseries, and having received no other answer but that of Rehoboth to Israel, viz. I will scourge with Scorpions instead of Whips,
Resolved THEREFORE, that our eyes are turned to the Legislature of our Commonwealth, hoping that they in their present session, will devise and adopt such measures as will have a tendency to stop the progress of that baneful and tyrannical system of policy which seems to be hurrying us on to ruin and destruction.
Resolved, therefore, that our Senators and Representatives in General Court assembled, be requested to use their utmost legal exertions in adopting such measures for redress of our grievances, as they in their wisdom shall judge proper.
Resolved—That a copy of the foregoing resolves be given to our Representative, and that he be requested, and is hereby instructed, in concert with his brethren, and in conformity to the above resolves, to use his utmost exertions for the speedy removal of our complicated grievances.
Voted, That the above resolutions be published in the Portland Gazette.
THOMAS CHUTE, Moderator.
A true copy—Attest. JOHN GALLISON, Town-Clerk.
Gorham Town Meeting.
AT a meeting of the inhabitants of Gorham, duly warned and held on 30th day of January, 1809, for the purpose of taking into consideration the alarming state of our public affairs, the Hon. STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, was called to preside—when a Committee, consisting of Hon. Stephen Longfellow, Dudley Folsom, Reuben Nason, John P. Little, Esq. and Thomas Cross, was chosen to prepare such resolutions as should be deemed suitable for the adoption of the town, and report the same at the adjournment of this meeting.—The meeting was then adjourned to the 2d February; at which time the Committee made the following Report:—
The Committee appointed to draw up certain Resolutions, expressive of the sense of the town, with respect to certain measures of the national government, and of the present state of the country, report the following Resolves:—
Resolved—That we deem it a right vested in us by the constitution of our country, peaceably to assemble together, and freely to express our sentiments of the measures of government; and when grievances are felt, to seek proper redress.
Resolved—That we consider the present state of our country, as calling loudly for the exercise of this right.
Resolved—That we consider the measures of the national government, in relation to commerce, and particularly in the several acts laying and enforcing an embargo, oppressive, unconstitutional, and threatening the most dangerous consequences.
Resolved—That we consider the prosperity of every class of citizens, and especially in the northern states, as essentially dependent on commerce; and that those acts of the government are arbitrary and oppressive

by which our intercourse with foreign nations is totally suspended, and our domestic intercourse laid under such restrictions as render it in all cases hazardous, and in most instances impracticable to pursue it—while we fully believe neither our relations with foreign powers, nor national honor, nor wise policy, have demanded such sacrifices.
Resolved—That we deem it unconstitutional for Congress, to whom is delegated only a power to regulate commerce, to DESTRROY IT, or prohibit it by law for an unlimited term of time—that we consider the property of individuals by the laws aforesaid, exposed to unreasonable search, seizure and forfeiture; excessive bonds required, and undue penalties exacted; contrary to express provisions in the Constitution—and that the exorbitant power over the lives and fortunes of the people, vested in the revenue and military officers, and the dictatorial power with which the President is clothed, are not consistent with the constitution, nor the principles of a free government.
Resolved—That we view with alarming apprehensions, the contemplated establishment of a large army in time of peace, to be placed at the uncontrolled disposal of the President: while in history we trace the downfall of the liberties of Greece, Rome, and almost every other free state, to similar measures: while in our own times we have seen how much one man by a soldiery devoted to him, has done towards enslaving the world, and while we consider the dreadful purposes which disguised ambition, even in those who have made the highest pretensions to patriotism, has often conceived and effected, we cannot forbear to express our belief, that this measure is portentous and hostile to the Constitution and Liberties of our country.
Resolved—That we entertain a lively sense of the benefits which the faithful administration of the government by WASHINGTON and ADAMS, and their wise policy was instrumental in procuring us; and that we consider the evils we now endure in a great measure occasioned by a dereliction of the policy adopted and pursued by them.
Resolved—That we view with approbation the conduct of those officers in the revenue department, who, choosing to sacrifice private emolument rather than be instrumental in enforcing oppressive laws, have resigned their offices; and that we consider their conduct worthy of imitation.
Resolved—That as we despair of obtaining redress from the national government, a respectful petition be presented to the legislature of this Commonwealth, praying that they will adopt such measures, as they in their wisdom shall think best to remove present grievances, and prevent those evils which threaten our liberties and fortunes.
Voted Unanimously to accept the foregoing resolutions.
A respectful petition to the Legislature of this Commonwealth was also reported by the Committee, approved by the town, and ordered to be immediately forwarded to their Representative.
Hon. Stephen Longfellow, Dudley Folsom, Reuben Nason, John P. Little, and Thomas Cross, were appointed a Committee of safety to correspond with similar Committees in other towns.
Voted, That a certified copy of the foregoing Resolutions be forwarded for publication in the PORTLAND GAZETTE.
A true copy—Attest, JOSIAH ALDEN, Town-Clerk. Garharn, Feb. 6, 1809.
Lisbon Town Meeting.
The inhabitants of Lisbon, in the county of Lincoln, in legal town meeting, Feb. 7, 1809, passed the following Resolutions:
Resolved, that in our opinion, the continuation of the Embargo and its appendages—the laws to enforce it, are unjust, oppressive, and unconstitutional. Reason and experience fully testify these facts.
Resolved, That the resolutions of the citizens in the principal towns in this State, as well as those in New-York &c. detailing particularly the evils of those laws, and their enforcement upon our rights, accord with our feelings and sentiments.—That we petitioned the President of the United States, in common with other towns, to no effect—that the answer was not a sufficient lesson to learn us to suffer.—That the French decrees, and especially the British orders in council, the administration hold up as a complete justification to stop, if not annihilate commerce; but our patriotic minority in Congress, ably refute this position or imposition.—That we cannot refrain from mentioning our indignation of our representative in Congress from this District, for the part he has there acted, if he can be said to have acted any part—if not, he is none the less reprehensible.
Resolved, That we will not aid or assist, in the execution of the several embargo laws, and we consider all those who do, as violators of the Constitution of the United States, and of this Commonwealth, and that they be considered unworthy of the confidence and esteem of their fellow citizens.
Resolved, to choose a Committee, to forward a Petition to the Legislature of this Commonwealth, for redress of grievances (and to have these Resolutions published in the Portland Gazette)—that we re-assert confidence in their wisdom and patriotism.
SAML TEBBETS, Moderator. Attest, DAN'L HANSON, T. Clk.
[It gives us additional pleasure, in noticing the patriotic proceedings of the above town, as it affords additional proof that party, when put in competition with the love of country, vanishes like 'dew before the sun.' At the last election for Governor, the votes, in Lisbon, stood thus:—Gore, 58; Sullivan, 78. But at the above meeting, there were but 4 dissentients.]
COMMUNICATION.
By the democratic writers & speech-makers, it appears, that whenever the embargo is raised (should such an event ever take place) we are to have war with England. For notwithstanding the Emperor of France has violated our treaty, and outraged our neutral rights, and disdains to give an answer to our remonstrances, the great object of these men is to magnify the faults of the English government, and to excite the people to a deadly hatred and hostility towards this latter nation. We admit that the British have done us injury, but we think they are disposed to make amends. One of their naval commanders, in order to recover his men, detained by one of ours, attacked our national ship. This we all condemned. For though some provocation was given, it did not justify such violence. But soon as the British government knew of the affair, they offered satisfaction, and gave their naval officers strict orders against such conduct. They also proposed to continue the treaty made by Gen. Washington, under which we were highly prosperous. Afterwards, they concluded a treaty with Messrs. Monroe & Pinckney, agreeably to the views of those ministers, and according to their instructions from Mr. Jefferson, excepting in the single article of impressment, and this was as well regulated as under the former treaty. This treaty was rejected by Mr. Jefferson. And was it wise in him, to contend for a regulation, wholly agreeable to his own proposals, at the risk of peace? How can we account for such conduct in Mr. Jefferson, without supposing he is unduly influenced by French politics, or is desirous of keeping up a dispute with England?
Will it be said, that an attempt has been made by Mr. Jefferson, to remove the embargo with respect to England, if that government will repeal its orders of council? It does not appear that Mr. Jefferson has given the English assurances of this—or if he did promise it, he very well knew, that the British could not, with honor or safety to themselves, repeal their orders while the decrees of France were in force. There was no fair reciprocity in the proposals. We ought to have resisted the arbitrary decrees of the French Emperor, before we complained of the British orders. By prohibiting commerce to our citizens, we shall not starve England; we shall only ruin our own country.
The policy now pursued by the administration, was attempted to be introduced by Messrs. Jefferson & Madison, in the time of Washington. Instead of negotiating with England, as he did, on fair and just principles (which preserved the welfare & prosperity of the nation) it was proposed to pass non-intercourse resolutions, to have no commercial treaty, and to side with France in plunder and bloodshed. But Washington resisted the plan.
What more can be wanted to show the entire submission to France, & unreasonable hatred against England?—And will the people engage in an unjust and ruinous war, to gratify the prejudices of a few southern politicians?
What was the origin of the democratic faction? It first showed itself, in 1786, in Shays' insurrection. In 1788—9, it assumed the spirit of anti-federalism, and opposed the Constitution, and condemned the policy and measures of Washington, who administered it. In 1794, it apologized for French intrigues and plunders, and strove to plunge the country into a war with England. With Mr. Gallatin at its head, it opposed the laws made by Washington, to collect a revenue and pay off the debts of the nation. And in 1798, it denounced President Adams, and others, for putting the country in a state of defence against the threats of France. It is now, as formerly, willing to be the humble tool of Bonaparte, so it can but crush England and destroy the commerce of the northern States.
It will be recollected that this faction (now indeed a majority) censured the policy of Washington and Adams, with the same temper that they have lately manifested in pursuing their ruinous measures. The letter of Gen. Washington, to President Adams, on
his appointment to command the army then raised, will make this very evident. Perhaps it would have a good effect to publish it.
LOOK AT THIS! “Even desperate villains, in an unguarded moment, will divulge their secrets.” “Quem perdere vult Deus, prius dementat.”
In the latest Madisonian paper at Washington, the Monitor, just received in town, we find a most extraordinary article, under the signature of Mentor, from which we have only time to give the following extract. Let every American read it, and ask himself whether he is prepared to be enrolled under the command of “French officers and engineers.”—Whether he is ready to yield without a struggle—to prostrate at the foot of Bonaparte, the independence, freedom and glory of his country?—N. Y. Spectator.
“In the mournful expressions which were made by the middle and southern states, on the murder of Peirce, and the murder of our brethren on board the Chesapeake, there were no signs of disapprobation, no marks of sympathy evidenced, by the people of the East, and they have so far sold themselves for English gold, and English traffic, as to become the open abettors and friends of that vile and all corruptible and corrupting nation, England. The genius of America weeps at the sad spectacle, and the departed spirits of heroes and martyrs are ready to exclaim—ah! ungrateful people of New-England! was it for this your southern brethren fought your battles and relieved your distress? Was it for this so much blood and treasure have been spilt in vain? Perfidious race of mortals! ye were the first that brought war upon the land, and ye are the first to disgrace our country by returning to your old tyrannical master, George the 3d.—What is to be done? Why, I will, in a few words, tell you what men must do, when placed between two evils—we must now either turn traitors also, and side with England, or accommodate matters with France. I candidly give you my choice with the latter, for the following substantial reasons. First, from motives of gratitude, for without the aid which we receive from France, we could never have obtained our independence or become a nation. Secondly, because France has done us but slight injury in comparison with that for our citizens nor impressed our seamen. France, provided we will heartily and bona fide co-operate against England, then France will, at once, agree to revoke her edicts, and make us ample reparation for the losses we have sustained by her cruisers. France will aid us not only with her Councils, but she will essentially aid us in the supply of arms, and a suitable train of artillery. She will also aid us, if required, with some of her best officers and skilful engineers. As the crisis now is, this is the only rational choice we can make, and since the people of New-England, at least on the sea board, have turned out so base as to become tributary to old England, let the people of the middle and Southern states accept of the aid of the French nation.—This determination will at once make a change over the face of the world, in favor of suffering humanity.—It will enable the emperor of the French to renew his plan of invasion against England. It will soon lower the tone of that haughty nation.—What we offer is fair and above board, and not like traitors, who have assassinated our liberties in the dark by uniting with our deadliest foe.”
THE FIRST STEP. Letters from Members of Congress, and others, were received yesterday from Washington, stating, that on Friday evening, the house in committee of the whole, passed a Resolution, by a large Majority, that the Embargo should be raised on the 4th of March next. In consequence of this news, immense purchases were made yesterday of flour, cotton, rice &c. There is, however, some doubt of the passage of a bill to produce this desirable end. The President opposes it; and it is supposed the Senate will not readily aid the general wishes of the people, by an early removal of the Embargo, Pal.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE.
We this day present to our readers the Answer of the Senate to the Lt. Governor's Speech. It is one of the most masterly productions, ever issued from that body, and we hope every citizen of this Commonwealth, who has the welfare of his country at heart, will give it an attentive perusal.
In our last, we published the Lt. Governor's Speech—not on account of its intrinsic value, for it has none. Not because the sentiments therein contained are calculated to support our constitutional rights, for almost every sentence is impregnated with a poison,
fatal to the liberties of a free people. But we published it, because we are willing the free men of this State, should “have a view of the whole ground.” We could wish that our political opponents would exhibit a similar spirit of candour by publishing the Answer of the Senate. This however is not to be expected. Gull traps, prevarications, secret caucuses, closed doors, and backstairs communications, are the grand pillars which support their destructive policy.
Fellow citizens! how long will you suffer yourselves to be thus deceived? Will you submit to be hurled from the temple of freedom, by the base designs of wicked men, and sink forever in the vortex of irretrievable ruin? Hear the warning voice of your friends at the seat of government, and escape from the snares which surround you, or your destiny will be sealed forever!
GRAY CAUCUS.
for the last time this season.
It was intimated by our correspondent at New Gloucester, last week, that the Collector of this port attended the Gray Caucus. This opinion was probably founded on the circumstance of Mr. Illey's signing the mandates by which the meeting was summoned. It appears, however, by the last Argus, that Mr. I. was at home that day, and consequently avoided bad company.
TO READERS & CORRESPONDENTS.
We regret being under the necessity of deferring the publication of the Answer of the House of Representatives to the Lieut. Governor's Speech, until our next. It is one of the most able and ingenious refutations of the long string of “gubernatorial nonsense,” contained in the first page of the last Gazette, that we recollected to have seen in the annals of legislation.
A spirited protest of sixty-nine of the most respectable citizens in Saco, against the proceedings of a late meeting held in that town, was received too late for this day's paper.
The patriotic resolutions of the town of Harpswell, are received and will appear in our next.
We have been furnished, by a highly respectable correspondent, with a luminous review of Lieut. Gov. “Opposition,” Speech, which we hope to find room for next week.
“Antediluvian in war,” is beyond our comprehension. We would recommend the author to accompany “Mills” in a leap from the Brown Tower.
DEATH.
At Augusta, (Me.) 30th ult. Mrs. Elizabeth Crosby, wife of Mr. Geo. Crosby, aged 29.
In Hebron, on the 22d ult. greatly lamented, Miss Lydia Nelson, aged 19. A person whose mild manners, amiable disposition, and correct conduct gained her the esteem & respect of all those with whom she was acquainted.—Though her gain may be infinite, yet her loss to her relatives and friends, in the prime of life, is lamentable, and truly irreparable.
Died suddenly, at Fryeburg, on the 4th inst. of an apoplexy, Moses Ames, Esq.—He was one of the four who dared to penetrate a retrenchment of the now flourishing town of Fryeburg. Endowed with a strong mind, and inexhaustible in his integrity, he long filled the office of a Magistrate with honour and firmness.
Possessing the confidence of his townsmen, he was by them delegated to represent them at the important time when the federal constitution was adopted by the State of Massachusetts. A firm supporter of the revolution, he remained a steady disciple of the Washington School. As a townsmen, he was active, and consequently useful. As a friend, warm and constant. As a neighbour, obliging and social. An unshaken friend to religion, he constantly exerted himself in its support. One of the founders of the present flourishing Seminary in that place, with fidelity and ability he performed the duty of Treasurer, from its establishment till the year of his death.
Active in promoting the welfare of the town, the inhabitants will long feel the loss of his talents and exertions. His friends will lament his loss worth. To his neighborhood he was an ornament, to justice a firm supporter, and to his relatives a kind, a generous, & valuable connection.
ATTENTION!
THE Members of the Portland Military Association of Non-commissioned Officers, are earnestly requested to give their punctilious attendance at their usual weekly meeting to-morrow evening, as particular business will then be laid before the Society. By order of the Standing Committee.
JOHN PRATT, Chairman. Portland, Monday Feb. 13.
Warranted Undrawn Tickets.
A SMALL number of warranted undrawn Tickets at 6 dollars, and Quarters at 62 1-2 (but will soon rise) in Dixill Road Lottery, for sale by ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth street. Feb. 13.
Rhode-Island Coal Lottery,
Commences drawing in Boston, Feb. 15th inst.
Tickets at D. 25 6 of 1000 Halves 13 10 500 Quarters 6,62 1/2 10 300 Eighths 3,75 30 200 Sixteenthths 1,87 1/2 60 100 The Prizes are 100 50 1 of 10,000 100 40 1 2,000 500 30 3000 Tickets only, and the prizes subject to no deduction.
A few Tickets &c. in this and Dixill Lottery now drawing, for sale at S. PATTEN'S Lottery Office, No. 10 Jones' Row, Fifth street. Feb. 13.
Real Estate—for sale.
FOR sale on liberal terms, a DWELLING-HOUSE, pleasantly situated on Free-street, in complete repair, containing seven well finished Rooms, a convenient yard, wood house, barn, and a good well of water.—For further particulars inquire of DANIEL COBB, Portland, Feb. 13, 1809.
House at Auction.
To be sold at Public Vendue, on WEDNESDAY, the twenty-sixth day of February current, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon,
A CONVENIENT DWELLING-HOUSE, two stories high, situated in Portland, on the Lane leading from Fore-street, by Mr. Kellogg's meeting-house, to Middle-street. Said House stands on land belonging to Mr. Benjamin Knight, and is part of the Estate of William W. Knight, late of Portland, cooper, deceased.
Sale on the premises, by order of the Judge of Probate. S. LONGFELLOW, jun. Attorney in Administration. Portland, Feb. 13
Equity of Redemption.
Taken by Execution and to be sold at Public Auction, on TUESDAY the twenty-fifth day of March next, at one o'clock in the afternoon on the premises,
ALL the Right in Equity to and of Redeeming the following described Mortgaged Real Estate;—viz. A certain Farm, or the one half of a lot of land laying and being in the town of Otisfield, in the county of Cumberland—it being the most south-easterly half of lot No. one hundred and fifty-nine, with the buildings and improvements thereon, containing fifty acres more or less.
Sale on the premises, when and where the conditions will be made known. STEPHEN KNIGHT, D. pt. Sheriff. Otisfield, Feb. 9, A. D. 1809.
Library Shares.
THE OWNERS of the following Shares in the PORTLAND LIBRARY, are hereby notified that the sums annexed to their respective numbers, have been due thereon more than two years, and that if they be not paid on or before the twenty-eighth day of February instant, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, the said shares will then be sold at a Public Vendue, to be held at the subscriber's office in Portland, viz.
No. 5, D. 2: No. 30, D. 5: No. 45, D. 2: 13, 2: 36, 2: 47, 2: 14, 2: 37, 2:
By order of the Committee. SAMUEL FREEMAN, Feb. 10, 1809. (13)
TO LET.
THE Dwelling-House situated in Middle-Street, lately occupied by Mr. THOMAS WEBSTER.—It is a good situation for, and can be improved as a Store and Attorney's Office—Apply at No 12 Union-Wharf. Feb. 13, 1809.
Thomas Webster.
RESPECTFULLY invites those of his creditors who have no security by attachment or otherwise, to transmit their demands to No. 12, Union Wharf, where the best arrangements within the compass of his power shall be made for their security.
A few accounts remain open where the balance is in his favor, to the adjustment of which the debtor is requested to pay attention.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that all persons against whom the subscriber has notes or accounts of a longer standing than six months, that unless they are adjusted before Monday next they will be lodged with an Attorney for collection. WILLIAM M'LELLAN, jun. Feb. 13.
BACK-COVE BRIDGE.
THE Proprietors of Back-Cove Bridge are hereby notified and warned to meet at the house of Abraham Beeman, innholder in Portland, on Monday the twentieth day of February instant, at two o'clock in the afternoon, for the following purposes:—viz.
To choose a Moderator.
To make choice of one or more persons in addition to the present Standing Committee.
To receive accounts and allow the same if they be found right.
To pass any vote respecting the toll, that they may judge expedient.
By order of the Standing Committee. STEPHEN WAITE, Clerk of the Proprietors. Portland, Feb. 11, 1809.
New Portland, &c.
PURSUANT to an application made to me by five of the Proprietors of the two townships granted to the sufferers of Portland, situated in the county of Kennebec, and lately incorporated by the names of NEW PORTLAND and FREEMAN, I do hereby notify the said Proprietors to meet at my Office, on Tuesday, the twenty-eighth day of February inst. at three o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following articles, viz.
1. To choose a Moderator.
2. To receive and allow accounts.
3. To see if they will pay the taxes on the lands of non-resident proprietors in said town.
4. To see if they will exclude from further service any of their committee or other officers and appoint others in their room.
5. To do what they shall see fit with respect to the debts due to said proprietors.
6. To determine what they will have done with the lots of land now belonging to them, and also with the strips or parcels of common land, and with the public lots in said town.
7. To agree upon a method of calling future meetings.
SAMUEL FREEMAN, Prop. Clerk. Feb. 10, 1809. (13)
WE the subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Judge of Probate for county of Lincoln Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
SAMUEL WOODWARD, JUN.
late of Bristol, deceased, represented insolvent, and four months being allowed said creditors to bring in and support their claims, do hereby give notice that we will attend the business of our appointment at the dwelling house of R. Hutton, Esq. in said Bristol, on Monday the 13th day of February next, and the second Monday in the three following months, from one o'clock P. M. till five P. M.
WM. CHAMBERLAIN, JAMES DRUMMOND, jun.
Bristol, Jan. 31, 1809. (F13)

Poetry.
Extract from a new and patriotic poem, called "THE TIMES,"
AND can New England's hardy race Brook all this injury, and disgrace? Can ye who bore the victor's shield, And drove proud Britain from the field; Ye, who on plains distained with gore, The hardest brunt of battle bore; With dastard foul and fearful brow, To this inglorious bondage bow, Crouch to that cut-throat vile—Duane, And bend your necks to slavery's chain? I see your lofty spirits rise, While lightning flashes from your eyes; I see your breasts indignant turn, And meet the threat with haughty scorn. Heirs of the most illustrious fires And warm'd with all their patriot fires— Unus'd from dangers front to front, And born and nurtured to be free— No force or fraud shall ever bind, Your bold and independent mind, Nor your intrepid millions own, The haughty mandates of a throne. And let the rash, fool-hardy hand, Who dare t'invade this quiet land, Ere on this peaceful soil they rear The standard of intestine War, And urge their sanguinary brood To stain these fertile fields with blood, Quit their fell purpose ere too late, Nor march presumptuous to their fate. Ere we our dearest rights resign, Bright trophies, at a Conqueror's shrine, Ere we our Name and Freedom yield, We'll perish on the battle field.
COMMUNICATED.
Cumberland, Jan. 1809.—At a town meeting, in this county, called for the purpose of considering what measures it was expedient to adopt respecting the embargo—after a federal gentleman had mentioned the numerous embarrassments under which we labored in consequence of the embargo laws, a gentleman of the other party rose and said, that the gentleman last up, had mentioned the evils under which we labored but said nothing about the blessings we enjoyed (in consequence of the embargo laws I suppose). He stated, that our fields were standing thick with corn [a rare blessing at this season of the year]; that every man was permitted quietly to sit under his own vine and fig tree, and no one could molest or make him afraid; that instead of murmuring, every man ought to humble himself, and put his hand on his mouth, and his mouth in the dust! BRUNSWICK.
Select Paragraphs.
We state, for the information of the public, that at our town meeting, that venerable Friend and Patriot, Moses BROWN, Esq. (who is no party man) pronounced, with great emphasis and spirit, the last Embargo act to be the most oppressive and tyrannical act he ever read; and that the man (GILES) who brought forward that act, was, from his own knowledge, the enemy of WASHINGTON.
We feel pleasure in stating the following, which may be relied on as authentic:—A custom-house officer of this town, applied to a gentleman who has cannon for sale, and offered to purchase them for the use of government. He replied that he would sell them on condition that bonds were given for six times their value, that government would not employ them against our own citizens. He then made application to another, an officer in the revolutionary war, who declared, that on no condition whatever would he dispose of his cannon to government.
The Senate of the U. S. is to continue in session after the 3d of March and after the political death of the present House of Representatives.—The Senate will attend to the inauguration of President Madison, and some new appointments. The members, whose terms of service commence on the 4th of March, have been summoned to attend.
Meanness.—A few days since, a Captain bound to Nova-Scotia, got a permit for four hams with other stores. The articles were brought upon the wharf in the presence of a man who said he was a custom-house officer. The hams, to be sure, were not very small. They were so big, in the estimation of the officer, that the poor Captain was actually obliged to return them to his grocer, and get four smaller ones!—N. Y. Gaz.
A correspondent, who is in the habit of coming over public documents, has calculated that regular troops, (taking officers' pay, clothing, ammunition, provisions, &c.
into the estimate,) cost one dollar for each man per day! Thus, an army of 10,000 men, costs 10,000 dolls. per day, and an army of 60,000, as contemplated, 60,000 dollars per day, when in service.
An old Jack Tar, just returned from sea, met his old mistress, Bet Bussy; he was so overjoyed that he determined to commit matrimony; but at the altar the Parson demurred, as there was not cash enough between them to pay the fees; on which Jack, thrusting a few shillings into the sleeve of his cassock, exclaimed "shiver my timbers, brother, never mind! marry us as far as it will go."
A person being asked, Why is a chandler the worst and most unfortunate of men?—"Because (replied another) all his ways are wick'd, and all his wick'd works are brought to light."
The fair daughter of a Mr. Hogg was lately married in one of the fashionable bonnets that conceal the face, which occasioned the bridegroom to remark, after the conclusion of the ceremony, "Egad, I have got a Pig in a Poke."
A few days ago, one of those untutored sons of Erin, who sell nuts, &c. happening to go into a shop in which a very tall gentleman was standing, after chaffering some time with the nutman, for his wares, stepped towards the door, saying, "I am long enough here." "Och! God bless you, my honey," says Paddy, "you're too long any where."
NAUTICAL DEFINITION. —In the course of an examination a few evenings since, in Bow-street, a sailor declared that he came up from Plymouth in company with 3 skylarks; and on being interrogated as to the meaning of the expression, replied, "Why, please your worship, skylarks are people who sit on the outside of a stage coach, and play at pushing each other off!"
Origin of Health-Drinking. —This ill-bred and ridiculous practice took its rise from the time of the Danes being in Great-Britain, when it was customary with them, whilst an opportunity of stabbing him. To guard against this Danish treachery, the English entered into a combination, to be mutual pledges of security to each other whilst drinking.—When, therefore, an Englishman at that period, drank to his friend, his tacit language was—"Sir, I am afraid that some malicious Dane will stab me, or cut my throat, whilst I am drinking; I beg the favor of you to watch carefully, that I may drink in safety." To which his friend was supposed to answer—"Sir, I will pledge you, and be your surety." He then replied—"I am much obliged to you, Sir; your health, that you may live till I have done drinking, and save me from his wicked intentions."—Since the cause which produced the above custom has ceased to exist, the practice may now be abandoned with the utmost safety.
Died,
At Berwick, 18 month 16th, Abner Rogers. In Falmouth, Mr. Benjamin Winslow, aged 25, son of Mr. William W. The deaths in Portland, in Jan. last, were four grown persons, and four children—one stillborn.
READ YOUR CONSTITUTIONS.
For sale at the Bookstore of ISAAC ADAMS, A BOOK which costs only 25 Cents, containing the Constitution of the state of Massachusetts and that of the United States; the Declaration of Independence, and Washington's Farewell Address—and which ought to be in the hands of every Citizen of this Commonwealth.—If the People and Rulers of this country would understand and Practice the principles contained in this small book, it would direct them in that path which would give them relief from most if not all the evils and embarrassments which they labor under at the present day. The above book was recommended by the General Court of this Commonwealth, to be read in all our Schools. Jan. 16
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executrix of the estate of ROBERT STINSON, late of Woolwich, in the county of Lincoln, gentleman, deceased, and has undertaken that trust by giving bond as the law directs. All persons, therefore, having demands against the estate of said deceased, are desired to exhibit the same for settlement, and all indebted to said deceased, are requested to make immediate payment. THANKFUL STINSON, Executrix. Jan. 5, 1809. (30)
ISAAC ADAMS, HAS just received an additional assortment of BOOKS AND STATIONARY, which he offers at the lowest cash prices—Among which are: Anderson's history of Commerce—Rollin's ancient history—Burke's works—Boswell's Life of Johnson—Robertson's history of America—Gordon's do. of American Revolution—Stevens's do. of French do.—Belknap's do. N. Hampshire—Biographical Dictionary, containing the lives of eminent Warriors & Statesmen—Johnson's lives of the Poets—Works of the Poets—Works of the Rev. Jas. Hervey—Burgh's Dignity of Human Nature—Practical Philosophy, or the art of conversing with men—Locke's Essays on the human understanding—Cook's Voyages—Stuart on the Mind—Faber on the fulfilling of the Prophecies—Roland's Appeal—Life of Cowper—Stern's Works—Adams' History of New-England—Stackhouse's History—Orton's exposition of the Bible—Davies', Blair's and Dana's Sermons—Bunyan's Pilgrims Progress and Holy War—Rife and Progress of religion in the Soul—Practice of Piety—Russet's seven Sermons—Mirror—Tatler—Looker-on—Harris' Encyclopedia—Carr's Northern Summer—Songster's Museum—Mason on self Knowledge—Bancroft's and Ramsay's life of Washington—Macleod and Boileau's sermons—Fatal Revenge—A Winter in London—Miranda's Expedition—Cumberland's, and Rowe's (Mrs.) Letters—Vicar of Wakefield—Junius' Letters—Mason's Monitor—Chapone's Letters—Homer's Iliad—Epictetus' Letters—Domestic Cookery—Montgomery's Poems.
LAW. Story's Pleadings; Lawe's do; Laws of Massachusetts, new edition; Hawkin's Pleas of the Crown; Strange's, Wilson's and Blackstone's Reports; Gilbert's Law of Evidence; Blackstone's Commentaries; Chitty on Bills; Precedents of Declarations; Town Officer; Clerk's Magazine, and Probate Directory.
PHYSIC. Underwood on diseases of children; Edinburgh Dispensary; Cullen's practice and Materia medica; Cullen's Ana. amy; Chaptal's Chemistry; Lavosier's do; Pharmacopia; Townshend's guide to health.
Classic and School Books. Enfield's natural philosophy; Ainsworth's, Young's, Bailey's, Boyer's and Perry's Dictionaries; Horace; Virgil; Sallust; Cicero; Latin Primer; Eutropius; Erasmus; Elop's Fables; Adams' and Smith's (N. H.) Latin Grammars; Lexicon; Greek Testaments and Grammars; Murray's Reader and Grammar; Orator; Preceptor; Art of Reading; Morfey's and Dwight's Geography; Third Part; Alexander's Grammar and Accidence; Beauties of the Bible; Wallis's, Adams', Pike's, Root's and Temple's Arithmetics; Little's Usher; Large Family Bible; school and pocket do.; Testaments; Watts' and Belknap's Psalms and Hymns. Registers and Almanacks for 1809 Backgammon Tables Playing Cards Quadrants, Scales and Dividers Quills, Inkstands and Copy-Slips Memorandum and Morocco Pocket Books Mathematical Instruments and Penknives Steel Filings; Pencils; Slates; Paint-boxes Violin Strings; Music paper and Books Writing, letter and drawing paper Portable Writing Decks Ledgers, Journals, Waste, Record and Invoice Books Cyphering and Writing Books Commercial and Court Blanks Printed Note Books; Receipt ditto Village Harmony and other Singing Books.
REMOVAL. CHARLES ROGERS begs leave to inform his friends and customers that he has removed to his store under his dwelling-house, at the head of Titcomb's-Wharf, where he has for sale SEAMEN'S CLOTHING, &c. and where the
TAILORING BUSINESS is carried on at the lowest cash prices. N. B.—All persons indebted to said Rogers, either by note or book account, are hereby requested to call and settle the same immediately, if they wish to save expense. Portland, Jan. 23. (6w)
REMOVAL. ROBERT CROSS, has removed his CROCKERY & GLASS-WARE STORE to Titcomb's Buildings—Middle-Street, where he has a complete assortment of
China Glazed, } Blue Printed, } Do. Painted, } WARE. Enamelled and } Cream colored } 130 crates assorted Ware, 10 Hhds. do. do. 10 do. Glass-Ware, assorted. 10 boxes Dutch do. 30 do. Pipes. JAPANED WARE. Waiters, Canisters, Servers, Candlesticks, Bread Basket, Knife Trays, Cadies, Snuffers do. Portland, Jan. 23.
The Subscriber, Offers for sale, At his store in Middle-Street, A large and general assortment of West-India Goods and Groceries, Warranted of the first quality.—He is under the necessity of informing the public that no credit can be given for the above Goods after this date. DAVID DANA. Portland, Jan. 23.
A FARM FOR SALE, IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of Land, of which thirty is Interval and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said Farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story House and Barn, without out-houses. The toll of said farm is inferior to none. Also—in said town, a Wood Lot, containing 60 acres.—Inquire of OLIVER WINSLOW. Oct. 17. (t.f)
TO BE LET, HALF of a convenient DWELLING HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Inquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf)
Eliphalet Smith, HAS REMOVED to Titcomb's buildings, Middle Street—where he has for sale a general assortment of FACTORY COTTON YARN, CLOTH & BEDTICKING.—Other goods as usual. (9w.) Jan. 2.
William Goddard, HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of HARDWARE GOODS, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf.)
Factory Yarn & Thread Store. JOSEPH POPE, informs his friends and the public that he is appointed Agent for Almy & Brown , of Providence, who will keep him constantly supplied from their long known & well established Factory, with a general assortment of
Cotton Warp and Filling, White and colored Stocking, 2 & 3 thread, ditto Thread in hanks and balls, Wirk Yarn, Cotton Shirting and Sheetings, do. Check and Stripe, Bed Tick, &c. Which will be sold wholesale and retail at the Factory prices. Shopkeepers in town and country may be supplied on the same terms as at the Manufactories, by applying at No. 7, Muffey's Row . (6m) Dec. 19.
FOR SALE, ON board the sloop Margaret, lying at Union Wharf, about 100 Hhds. LIVERPOOL SALT. Inquire at No. 16. Portland, Jan. 22.
DAY & ILSLEY, WANT to Purchase 3000 bushels of HOUSE-ASHES—for which Cash will be paid. Feb. 6, 1809.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A new Milch COW.—Inquire of the Printer. FEB. 6.
LAST NOTICE! NOTICE is hereby given to those persons who are indebted to the estate of STEPHEN FOSTER, late of Bradford, deceased, either by note of hand or account, that unless they make payment to the subscriber on or before the 20th inst. they will be lodged with Messrs. Hopkins & Moulton , for collection. STEPHEN FOSTER, Administrator. Portland, Feb. 6.
Wanted to Contract for A QUANTITY of White Pine TIMBER, sufficient to make 200,000 feet, board measure. The 18th day of March next, for which a generous price will be given. DIMENSIONS. 12 inch square 27 ft. long 14 by 7 " 27 " do. 4 inch plank, 13 3/4 4 27 ft. long 2 " 15, 21 & 25 do. ELIJAH ELDER. No. 23, Long Wharf, Portland. Feb. 6.
TAKE NOTICE! THE subscriber gives notice that he is under the necessity of calling on all persons with whom he has unsettled accounts, to call and adjust the same on or before the first of March next; or he will be compelled to lodge the demands of such as are indebted to him with an Attorney. Portland, Feb. 6. JOSHUA SHAW.
STRAY COW. THE subscriber will reward the person who shall return to him a large dark brindled NEW MILCH COW, with bored horns & a white face, about 9 or 10 years old.—She was purchased in October last of Mr. WILLIAM GOWEN, living in the interior of the county of Cumberland or Kennebec. To his Farm, it is a likely she may have strayed since the 27th of last month, when she left the barn of NICHOLAS EMERY. Portland, Feb. 6.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an administrator on the estate of SAMUEL WHITMORE, late of Gorham, in the county of Cumberland, gentleman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs.—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to JOEL WHITMORE. Feb. 6, 1809.
BACK-COVE BRIDGE. THE Proprietors of Back-Cove Bridge are hereby notified that their semi-annual meeting will be held at the house of Abraham Beeman, innholder in Portland, on Monday the sixth day of February next, at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, for the following purposes:—viz. To choose a Moderator. To make choice of one or more persons in addition to the present Standing Committee. To receive accounts and allow the same if they be found right. To pass any vote respecting the toll, that they may judge expedient. Per order of the Standing Committee. STEPHEN WAITE, Clerk of the Proprietors. Portland, Jan. 30, 1809.
One more chance for 10,000 Dollars! A VERY few Tickets and Quarters in Dixieville Road Lottery, which has just commenced drawing, for sale by ISAAC ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth Street. Those who wish to purchase will do well to apply immediately, as very few Tickets remain unsold. Jan. 30.
FOR SALE, BY JACOB KNIGHTS, on Lordland Pier 20 Hhds. SUGAR. P Hand, Jan. 30.
Muffs & Tippets, A. Cheever & Co.
HAVE REMOVED from their former stand to the more nearly opposite (formerly occupied by N. P. Poor) No. 1, Union Row, where is for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston.
HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction. Household Furniture.
New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for hatching & shipping Furs. Portland Jan. 30. (tf)
NOTICE! THE subscriber being about to close business in this place, requests all those with whom he has unsettled accounts to call and have them adjusted; and all those indebted to make immediate payment. NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Jan. 30. (8w)
N. B. The subscriber offers the remaining part of his stock, consisting of W. I. Goods & Groceries , at reduced prices for cash only.
To Let, TWO Chambers situated in Court Street—a convenient tenement for a small family. Apply to JOHN PHILLIPS. Portland, Jan. 30. (tf)
REAL ESTATE. FOR sale at Auction, a small Lot of Land pleasantly situated in Green Street, for a store; lying at the west end of Mr. George Wheelwright's house, being about fourteen feet front and three rods deep. Sale to commence on Monday the twenty seventh day of February next, at eleven o'clock A. M. on the premises. Terms made known at the time and place of sale. DANIEL GREEN. Portland, Jan. 28, 1809.
E. Greely & Co. House for sale, RUM, Brandy, Sugar, Hylon, Young Hylon, Hylon Skin and Souchong Tea—Tobacco, Pork, &c. Feb. 6.
Edward Howe, No. 1, Titcomb's Buildings, KEEPS constantly for sale, a complete assortment of Upholstery, Paper-Hangings & Looking Glasses, with which the public may be accommodated on the most reasonable terms. He continues to execute the UPHOLSTERY BUSINESS in its various branches, as usual. ALSO—New sale as above, a few bbls. excellent Rulsetting and Pippin Apples, for winter use—cheap for Cash. Portland, Feb. 6.
IN conformity to an order from the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Judge of Probate, will be sold at Public Auction, on MONDAY, the thirteenth day of February next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, A Dwelling-House & Bake-House, situated in Fore-Street, on land owned by Samuel Mountford—together with various Articles, the property of the late John Baker—Sale on the Premises. DAVID PEASE, Ass't. Portland, Jan. 17, 1809. (28)
THE subscribers hereby give public notice to all concerned, that they have been duly appointed and have taken upon themselves the trust of Executors of the last will and testament of THOMAS MOTLEY,
late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, gentleman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs.—They therefore request all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to EMMA MOTLEY, EDWARD MOTLEY. January 25, 1809. (30)
WE the subscribers hereby give public notice to all concerned, that they have been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of WALTER MALONEY,
late of Warren, in said county of Lincoln, deceased—six months are allowed the creditors to bring in and prove their debts. The subscribers will attend to the said business at the dwelling-house of Mr. Jesse Page, in Warren, on the first and last Tuesday in April, from two to six o'clock, P. M. JAMES W. HEAD, EDMUND BUXTON, } Commissioners. Warren, Jan. 7, 1809. (F 6)
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of EPHRAIM CHICK,
late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs: she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to PHEBE CHICK. Dec. 14, 1808. (J 16)
WHEREAS Nancy my wife has left me and prefers living with her supposed friends; This is for forbidding all persons trusting her on my account, as I am determined not to pay any debts whatever on her account; but if she fees fit to return and live with me I will treat her as a kind and affectionate husband if she will mutually return the same to me as a kind and affectionate wife. ELIJAH DEERING. Portland, Jan. 30.