The Newport gazette (Newport [R.I.]), 1779-08-26 00:00:00

In the course of the evidence which I shall produce, I shall prove that the signal for the line was repeated on board the Formidable, and kept flying until dark, except the small interval of time it was hauled down to show the signal for bearing into the wake, the more plain, as was done on board the Victory, and here it is proper to take notice of the obedience of orders , which has occasioned all these unfortunate disputes.
Admiral Keppel, when speaking in parliament, would not impute any wilful neglect in never obeying his orders, but said, the signal for bearing down into his wake was flying for five hours observed: in saying this, he supposed facts which never existed, for the signal for bearing into his wake, a blue flag at the mizen peak was first made at 24 minutes past three, and kept flying only a short time, it was then hauled down, and not hoisted again until after six o'clock. The signal when it was first hoisted could not be applicable to me, as I was then in the Victory's wake, and according to the time mentioned of it, first repeated on board the Arethusa, I was absolutely to leeward, notwithstanding which, the Admiral firmly asserts that the signal was for ships to windward , to bear down, and that it was an enforcing signal for my division, which is represented as to windward of the Admiral, when they were not so.
As the signal was not applicable to me at first, it may probably be asked then to whom could it be applicable? I will endeavour to account for this: my opinion is, that the blue flag was intended for Sir Robert Harland, and I conclude, the Proserpine was sent with the message; if it was not for the red division, it must be intended for some ship of the center division, as the Victory carried much sail, she was continually increasing her distance.
To find out whether I endeavoured to get into my station, two things are necessary to be observed; whether I steered the right course, and whether I carried proper sails.
When the Victory passed to leeward she edged away, we did the same, and when we edged away, to give the red division room to form, it did not in the least hurt us, as we were then not in a condition to have kept our station in the line between any two ships, we therefore kept the Victory open on our lee bow, and that we carried all the sail I possibly could, and our inability to bend the fore-top sail sooner, I shall thoroughly prove by witnesses.
The Court will consider as my ship suffered more in her men than any other, it is very natural to suppose she suffered more in her hull and rigging, and consequently would want a longer time to refit. We suffered in our men within two as much as the whole ten ships of the red division, and as we came out of the action last, it ought to be expected that we should be the last repaired; besides, we were much retarded in wearing directly after we came out, as we did not begin to refit until after we had wore, and the boatswain being killed in the early part of the action, must be allowed by all judges, to be a material loss in repairing our rigging: Besides, I was deprived of 3 of my Lieutenants, one being wounded and two others too ill to attend, notwithstanding they endeavoured to do all that lay in their power, and expressed an ardent wish to be employed.
I had not one person in my ship that was in her when she was fitted out, that knew where any of the Boatswain's stores are placed in the ship.
Had I not placed Capt. Bazeley in the fore part of the ship, to attend her repairs, it would have been impossible to have got ready so soon as we did, as the chief damages lay in her fore part.
Great pains have been taken to persuade the world, that as the Formidable could wear and sheer out of the way of others, she could undoubtedly have got into her station. I will appeal to any seaman whether or no a ship with any sails set in moderate weather, can she be made to wear or sheer out of the
way of others, when at the same time he may not be able to bear into her station.
Admirals Keppel and Campbell have asserted, that by bearing away I might have fetched into my station, as I was nearly on the Victory's beam; but Capt. Bazeley and Mr. Forster, the Master of the Formidable, will entirely confute them, and show that I was at that time in the Victory's wake, a mile a stern; and is rather extraordinary than not one who has spoke to my situation has ever acknowledged that he set me by compass.
Capt. Marshall corroborates with Captain Bazeley's evidence, with respect to my situation; and, what is rather uncommon, Admiral Keppel and Admiral Campbell place me within a point of what my officers assert I was, which makes it impossible to have fetched up into my station, unless the Admiral shortened sail.
It was officer and seaman-like to keep to windward, until I could fetch my station, and then bear into it.
The assertion, that I kept close to the wind, and that the Victory went large, is untrue; the Victory's log-book is false and erroneous; for we always steered the same course the Admiral did, and had we even been willing to hug the wind close, we could not, owing to the want of braces and bowlines. The Formidable's log-book makes the Formidable to have sailed, the early part of the afternoon, two knots four fathoms, afterwards three knots, and at last three knots and a half, which I believe was nearly a true account; the Victory's log-book at these periods makes her to sail only two knots. Was there any truth in the logs, I own there would be great room for argument; as I out sailed the Victory, it would entirely have been my fault, but as the logs are incorrect, the force of reasoning is lost.
A man must be but little skilled in naval affairs if he expects correctness in log-books, and I never knew that any great credit was given to them as evidence. Admiral Byng was told so when he requested it. The Victory's log-book makes the signal for bearing down, hoisted at half past four o'clock on board the Victory, which by the minutes of Capt. Marshall was not hoisted a second time until thirteen minutes after six o'clock. The same log book makes the Prince George and Bienfaisance's signals to be thrown out to chase the French ships on the morning of the 28th, at four o'clock, and not to be hauled down until nine o'clock, which leaves you to suppose the chase was continued for five hours, when the evidence of Capt. McBride tells you he did not chase more than half an hour; these mistakes whether wilful or not are sufficient to impeach the authenticity of the book, and unless the Fondroyant's log-book is considerably over-marked, the Victory's log-book is much under marked, with respect to her sailing.
I would not suppose the Victory under marked, only our want of head-sail must have made her out-sail us considerably.
The Admiral did not expect me before six o'clock, which was plain, not only by his not hoisting the blue flag at the mizen-peak until six o'clock, and his having ordered Sir Robert Harland to occupy my station after until that time.
The pendant for particular ships of my division were not added to the signal until after six o'clock, and even then that of the Formidable was not made; if he expected me sooner, why did he not hoist them before?
The next stage I shall touch upon is, that of the message sent to me by the Fox frigate. I shall cite the evidence that has been given about it from the first to the last. Admiral Keppel says he sent it at five o'clock, in which he is supported by some of the officers of the ship. Capt. Windsor makes the time earlier, but they are all false in their accounts, as I shall make it appear by the minutes produced by Capt. Marshall; and surely after the high encomiums passed on
that officer by Admiral Keppel, he cannot disbelieve him. Captain Marshall makes the signal for the Fox to come within hail at 32 minutes past five o'clock, which is half an hour later, and if Captain Marshall was three miles from the Victory, and the Fox at him, Admiral Keppel could not send the message before five, but after six o'clock, and in this Admiral Keppel speaks directly false, for the signal for the Fox was made at thirty-two minutes past five, and not hauled down until three minutes past six o'clock. However, the time first mentioned was most convenient for the plan of my destruction. But, I hope, for Admiral Keppel's sake, that he confounded the Proserpine's signal for that of the Fox, but that he could not do without impairing the evidence of Capt. Bazeley, Captain Windsor, and Admiral Campbell. Capt. Windsor swore that he delivered the message about half past five, which will appear to the Court to be grossly misrepresented; for he says, the Formidable was three points on his weather quarter, and three miles distant: and before he could gain her he was obliged to make a trip, which must take him more than an hour, notwithstanding he says he went after the rate of six or seven knots, which would nearly agree with the time it was delivered, which was between seven and eight o'clock, a little before sunset. The sun, in July, in the latitude of Ushant, sets between half past seven and eight o'clock, and to strengthen this, we had repeated the blue flag's particular pendants before Capt. Windsor came. The result is, that what was said to be delivered at half past five o'clock, was not delivered until half past seven o'clock, a period of two hours difference, and which makes the time of delivery to be too late to renew the action.
There is likewise a strange difference with respect to what the message was; some assert it was for me and my division, others it was for my division only to bear down. To allow that the message was delivered for my division to bear down, but I equally deny that Me was mentioned; these gentlemen who have spoke to the message, speak only from recollection, never having committed the message to paper, therefore I trust the Court cannot believe them.
The Admiral could not be waiting for me the whole afternoon; if he had, why did he not make an enforcing signal until past six o'clock? If he was dissatisfied with my conduct, why did he not go farther? Make a signal for more sail; and why did he not make my particular signal? If he meant to be delicate (as he says) would not my particular signal have been more delicate than to send a trimming message?
In Admiral Keppel's public letter he says, he allowed the enemy to form (say his log-book says the same) that he might engage them the next morning, and when those cruel aspersions were thrown out against me, I applied to him to justify me, when he replied in this remarkable manner: "I am told such words were used." His language on oath is of the same designing pitiful kind. The message did not come to me by the Fox, until, as Admiral Campbell said, all designs of renewing the battle were laid aside. I was, however, in my station, ready for action before daylight next morning, and it did not strike me then, from the positions of the fleet, as necessary either to send a message of my incapacity, or to shift my flag.
When I close my evidence, I hope to be indulged with a few words upon what I have proved. I shall therefore now speak to the two last points, that of my distinguishing lights. I have Witnesses to prove, that they were burning all night, although I, on the former trial was led to suppose, from the lantern being broke they were not.
With respect to the Formidable at day-break, Sir Charles Douglas says, he saw us greatly a head. I am pretty confident he believes what he asserts, but I shall bring witnesses to prove that he was mistaken, and that the Formidable, as the 9th ship from the

Victory, was there at the time he says he saw her a head.
After the action was over, I visited Admiral Keppel on board the Victory; he did not then in the least blame me for my conduct, but showed me a letter, which, if it was not to the Admiralty, approving of my conduct. And it is possible he can be guilty of so much duplicity as to commend me then and blame me now! But it was apparent enough that in giving his evidence before this Court, he endeavoured, to narrow his praise as much as possible, by saying, he meant my conduct while in action. Indeed I saw his embarrassment, but was not astonished, as it arose from his secret and mental reservation.
He wrote a second letter while at Plymouth, in which he approved of my conduct, and he must either allow that I am innocent, or be guilty of duplicity.
Here I close my defence for the present, surrendering my life and honour into your hands, expecting that justice which is due from one brother to another, for I see no medium between life without honour, and death with ignominy and shame, and I hope you, Gentlemen, will be directed by the same alternative.
The Court was then adjourned until nine o'clock next morning.
L O N D O N, May 3.
At a Court Martial assembled on board the Sandwich, in Portsmouth harbour, for the trial of Sir Hugh Palliser, Esq; Vice Admiral of the Blue, held from the 12th of April May the 5th, every day Sunday excepted, pursuant to an order from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, directed to George Darby, Esq; Vice Admiral of the Blue, and second in command of the ships in Portsmouth harbour and Spithead:
P R E S I D E N T,
G. Darby, Vice Admiral of Blue, M. Digby, Rear Admiral of the Blue.
C A P T A I N S,
Sir Charles Ogle, James Canson, until the close of the 3d day when he was taken ill. R. Kempenfelt, Joseph Peyton, William Baine, Mark Robinson, A. Duncan, S. Cranston Goodall, Robert Linzee, John Colpoys, G. R. Walters.
The minutes of the late Court Martial held on Admiral Keppel being laid before the Court, and there appearing several facts respecting the conduct of Vice Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser, on the 27th and 28th of July last, which demanded strict examination, the Court therefore having heard evidence, and seriously and maturely considered the same, are of opinion,
That the conduct of the Vice Admiral of the Blue, on these days was in many instances, highly exemplary and meritorious.
Yet, at the same time, we think him reprehensible in not having acquainted the Admiral, Commander in Chief of his distress, which he might have done, either by the Box or other means, which he had in his power.
The Court therefore, not thinking him censurable, in any other respect, do acquit him, and he is hereby accordingly acquitted.
The President, then receiving Sir Hugh Palliser's sword from the Marshal, presented it to the Vice-Admiral, addressing him in the following words:—
Sir Hugh Palliser,
I feel the highest satisfaction in being authorized by this Court to return your sword, which you have hitherto worn with so much professional reputation, and which I trust, will soon be drawn again in the honourable defence of your country.
After which the Vice Admiral received the congratulations of the court and all his friends. As soon as he had got on the quarter deck, he received the usual salute from the company of marines, then getting into his barge he was towed to the dock yard stairs where he was received with three cheers, as also with three
cheers as he passed along side the Formidable Cumberland, Namur, and three or four other ships.
It is generally believed that the decision was seven to five.
E D I N B U R G H, March 15.
The present embarkation from Scotland amounts to near 3000 men. Scotland within these two years, has sent away near 10,000 soldiers and sailors, as besides the new levies, a number of recruits have been also sent.
On Wednesday last the Macdonald regiment embarked on board the transports at Burntisland A report being spread that they were to go to the East-Indies, with Lord M'Leod's second battalion, gave a few of them uneasiness, but on their being assured that they were to go to North America the whole embarked with great cheerfulness, and repeated huzzas. It is no less true than remarkable, that not a man had deserted from the regiment since they received orders at Aberdeen and Baliff to embark for America: Lord M'Donald marched with them from Perth and assisted at the embarkation, and it is but justice to say, that the behaviour, sobriety, and good conduct of the regiment, since they were raised, reflects the highest honor upon the officers and men.
Col. M'Donald's regiment is universally allowed to be the best of the new raised Highland regiments. A great part of the regiment was raised by Lord M'Donald in the islands.
B O S T O N, July 1.
Extract of a letter from Upper Scituate, June 9.
"We have intelligence that the Indians and the Tories are on our way, and intend an attack on this or some other frontier in this place—we have put on leave the best part of our defence we are capable of—I think they come this way they will be met with a fire."
P H I L A D E L P H I A, July 14.
Extract of a letter from the Camp at Weymouth, July 2.
"Last Friday night we had a small alarm, our out-centries perceiving the approach of two savages, fired on them, but the savages made their escape. On Sunday, between this and Easton, a party was surrounded, three women taken prisoners, and a lad of 14 years of age, was scalped and tomahawked, the few scattering inhabitants about there, are moving in great droves to Bethlehem & Millersville, 19 miles of Easton. Yesterday in noon one Michael R. Lebury, of Suffolk county, New-Jersey, was executed here, he was tried at Easton and condemned, for endeavouring to entice some of Col. Procter's regiment to desert to the enemy: He was attended by three Chaplains; confessed nothing, and died an ignorant Papist. A certain Lawrence Miller of the same place, condemned for the same crime, was pardoned under the gallows, upon account of his wife and numerous family.
Extract of a letter from Martinique, July 10.
"We have no accounts as yet from the fleet. It is certain that they have been in sight of each other for some days past. If Count d'Estaing has all the success that we have reason to imagine he should have from his superiority of force, it will have an excellent effect in bringing the war to a speedy issue."
N E W - Y O R K, August 4.
When the account of the taking St. Vincent and the Grenades by the French was brought to St. Eustatius, the Commanders of four rebel vessels in that road, fired three times, and hoisting French colours at their foretopmast head, and rebel colours at their main-topsmast head, his Majesty's ship Maidstone then in sight, fired a gun to windward, but none of these vessels dared to fire out of the road. The FISCAL of that island perceiving their infatuations the British ensign and flag, sent for
the several masters of these vessels and each four hundred pieces of eight.
The British troops taken by the French at St. Vincents, are exchanged for the French prisoners taken by the British at St. Lucia.
From the Baltimore Journal, dated July 20. From the South Carolina Gazette, just come to hand.
We cannot learn that there have been any movements of the British army since our last. On Sunday afternoon some of their light troops ventured a few miles from their lines, and burnt the houses of Messrs. Thomas Farr, Jas. Joseph Smith, and ——— Waring.
We hear that the enemy have lately completed a bridge of rafts and boats at Stone Ferry, whereby they have an easy communication between their works on the main and the camp on John's Island.
On Saturday about 30 sail of ships, brigs, Schooners and sloops, appeared at Stone, where they anchored. The Vigilant, and some armed vessels of inferior force, are said to be amongst them. Yesterday a ship, supposed to be the Vigilant with two or three other vessels were seen from town. The rest of the fleet is said to be at anchor on the south side of Keyser's Bay. There is no doubt of their being some of the vessels which lately arrived with stores and provisions in Savannah, and those that were lately in Broad River.
N E W P O R T, August 26.
Tuesday arrived here a Flag from Providence, and brought Rebel Papers as late as the 19th Instant, which contain the Articles of Capitulation of St. Vincent. The same Paper says, that Sir John Lockhart Ross has arrived in the West-Indies, and failed to join Admiral Byron—Likewise, that a Party of Tories and Indians have surprised a Number of Rebels near Fort Schuyler, and killed and took them all Prisoners.
By Persons who came in the Flag, we learn the Rebels are very apprehensive that their Fleet is destroyed at Pensylvania.
T O B E S O L D,
By SAMUEL GOLDTHWAIT;
On the lowest Terms, for Cash only.
A FEW Puncheons of Old Jamaica Spirits, Beef, Pork, and Flour, per Barrel, Brown Sugars, per Hoghead and Barrel. Ship Bread and Starch, per Cask, Choice Molasses, per Hoghead, New Rice, in Tierces and half Tierces, Green Tea, per Chest, Madeira Wine, in Quarter-Casks, and per dozen, Tallow Candles, per Box, and also an Assortment of English Goods, as usual.
N. B. A very neat Green Whiskey, with Steel Springs and Harps compleat.
BOHEA TEA, fresh and of the latest Importation, by the Chefs, Barbadoes Run, by the Puncheons, to be Sold, by ROBERT SPENCE, opposite the CHURCH LANE, THAMES STREET.
To be Sold by the PRINTER, Keyser's Famous Pills
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the Cask or Smaller Quantity... Best Supt. & Fine... A Choice Assortment of Hard Ware, in Casks...
Barrack-Office, Newport, 12th August, 1779.
All those who have any Demands for Cart-Hire, on the Barrack-Department to the 30th of June, are requested to bring in their Accounts to the Barrack-Office, within a Week from this Date.
STEPHEN COOK, Barrack-Master.
TO BE SOLD.
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Also Pewter Measures from one Gallon to half a Gill, and a few gross of best Corks.
All who are desirous to manifest their Loyalty to His Majesty King GEORGE III, and distinguish themselves in His Service, by taking a Part in the finishing Stroke of the unnatural Rebellion...
Loyal New-England Regiment,
Commanded by Lieut. Col. GEORGE WIGHMAN, now in Newport; where they shall, at his Quarters, be received with every Mark of Esteem, be furnished with Clothing, and every Accompaniment necessary to compleat a Gentleman Soldier...
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