The Kentucke gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1787-10-20 00:00:00

K E N T U C K E G A Z E T T E.
S A T U R D A Y, OCTOBER 20, 1787.
TO THE GOOD WOMEN OF KENTUCKE.
DEAR SISTERS,
YOU certainly have observed, that in many pieces which croud our press, not a single sentence is addressed to our sex. If this was the first instance of neglect we had suffered from our masters, it might be excused, by supposing that an extraordinary attention to political concerns had, for a moment directed their thoughts from those angels and goddesses for whom they express such mighty adoration, when it suits their purpose, but it is too plain, that having usurped authority over us, tyrant like, they respect us as they do those domestic animals which they find subservient to their interest. Therefore I shall endeavour to shew, though our imbecility subjects us to their power, yet we are at least their equals in all the social excellencies; and that a regard to the public good, which in them is often mingled with their passions for domination, is cherished in us by the purer principles of patriotism and benevolence.
ONE of their favourite authors justly observes, that the strength of a nation consists in the NUMBER, the UPRIGHTNESS, and the INDUSTRY of its Inhabitants; and that well replenished coffers, wise councils, and victorious armies, are only consequential advantages flowing from these sources.
I would then ask our lords and masters, To whom are they indebted for that increase of their numbers necessary to supply the ravages of time, and of war? And whether the increase would not be much greater, if they would be more temperate, and not more under the influence of avarice than of love?
IN point of uprightness; happy were it, if these lords of ours did really excel us as much as they vainly boast. The example of those whom we fondly imitate, would be the source of infinite honour to our sex: but alas! their dissimulation obliges us to disguise the sensibility of our hearts; and by their licentiousness sometimes we are seduced from the paths of innocence. Yet for sincerity and integrity in other respects, we have maintained a decided superiority over them. Grovelling selfishness, aspiring ambition, and daring profanity, are the prevailing foibles of those, who should be patterns of good living and holy conversation, to us, and to their infant offspring; whilst a regard to justice, friendship, charity, and religion, are ridiculed by them as the superstition or enthusiasm of female weakness. My dear sisters, in these cases we should not be influenced by the corrupt sentiments of those, whose esteem in other respects we ought to cultivate. These are the essential qualities of real beauty; and not the glowing cheek, the sparkling eye, nor the delicate external form, which, like fading flowers, can only yield delight in the spring of life.
As to industry: the men will certainly give us praise on this score. It is our study and delight, as it ought to be, to clothe our families, and, by good economy, to secure them from poverty and contempt, we blush that there are some of our sex who spend the morning in bed, the rest of the forenoon in yawning and dressing; and the remainder of the day in paying and receiving idle visits, or attending at extravagant balls: but it would be malicious to impute the errors of a few triflers to the many valuable women, who are the ornaments of their sex, as women are the ornaments of the human kind. For my own part I cannot regret my removal from a country where I might have indulged more ease, when I consider I am to leave my children, who are the objects of my tenderest affections and most anxious cares, where they will have an opportunity of enjoying all the advantages the most delightful soil and climate can afford. I also wish them to enjoy the sweets of civil and religious liberty: but this I leave to the attention of the men, to whose sphere it more properly belongs. The only anxiety I have suffered, arises from the want of the free navigation of the Mississippi. I have always heard that a country could not flourish without the advantages of trade: and when I found that this country is so situated as to have but slender prospects of gain in this way, I was grieved, and ready to despond, on account of what seemed so great a misfortune. But now I am perfectly reconciled, by the reflection, that though great wealth cannot be amassed, yet by frugality and industry a competency will certainly be obtained; and that this plain way of living will be a security for the virtue of my children, which is of more value than great
riches. Here, my female friends, we are taught that what is praise worthy in other countries, becomes an indispensable duty in this. Shall we not be as comfortable and lovely clothed in homespun as in foreign lace and brocade? And shall we not in this way effectually secure the independence of our families and our country? Read the last chapter of the proverbs of Solomon, and follow the example of the virtuous woman there described by unerring wisdom and your lamentations for the want of trade will cease; your children will be happy, your husbands honourable, and your country prosperous. You will no longer with a return to the sandy deserts and barren hills from which you have escaped. Would to God we had also left behind our fondness for the gaiety of dress, the parade of grandeur, add the fashionable amusements of a dissipated age. These are like to be the bane of our infant commonwealth, and the destruction of our fortunes. In these indeed a mild destitute of sentiment may hope to find felicity; and by these the coxcomb and spendthrift may be captivated: But will they please the man of sense? Or if by them he is caught in an unwary hour what will be his feelings, when he finds that his estate and reputation, must be sacrificed to a woman destitute of real worth? Nothing but genuine modesty, accompanied with unaffected neatness and simplicity, can kindle rational love in the man who deserves your hand; and a willing attention to his interest and happiness, flowing from good sense and good nature, are equally necessary to keep alive that gentle fire to the latest period of life. Thus, I can assure my female friends who have not made trial of the social state, is the way of wisdom for them, in which they may find all the peace and happiness this world can give. Your husbands, far from restraining your will, and by frowns obliging you to submit to reason, will find you to be real help-mates: your cares will be lessened by dividing them, and your joys doubled by joint participation. Your children, well supported and well educated, will be the glory of your declining sun. And as members of civil society you will live respected, and your memory after death will be honourable.
I confess I was a little irritated when I began to write, and have expressed some resentment against the sex I greatly reverence; therefore I shall make no further mention of their errors, but indulge the pleasing hope, that their superior wisdom will correct what ever is amiss in their conduct: for which I am the more anxious, because the frailty of women is much more inclined to imitate the vices than the virtues of men.
ON being informed that Kentucky is shortly to enjoy the advantages of an independent government, I was induced to address my female friends, from an effecting conviction, that by prudently acting our part, we shall share the happiness and honour of rendering our country as desirable for the good policy of its inhabitants, as it is fertile and beautiful by nature:
with the most affectionate regards, I am,
Dear Sisters.
Oct. 6, 1787.
ABIGAIL TRUEHEART;
C Wallcut
MR. BRADFORD.
IT is with some reluctance, I request you to insert the following. I hope I shall not soon trouble you again.
He ended, frowning, and his look denounc'd
Desp'rate revenge.
Milton:
I am very unfortunate, in having, undesignedly, subjected myself to the necessity of contending with an adversary of so very distinguished abilities, as to be able to understand me much better than I myself can do: and who (contrary to what other people maliciously say of him) neither loves change, nor fears perseverance. I will acknowledge (perhaps it may appease his resentment) that I was not his opponent, nor under any temptation "to enter into the thicket of the battle. My exceptions were against his manner of writing: and that, too, because he departed from his own professed principle. However he accuses me of betraying an inclination of denying US the freedom of the press. Who are US? Mankind indiscriminately, or only those who are against a separation? Prehaps he may vouchsafe to tell US who he means, when he assumes his next character: however in either of these latitudes, it has the ill fate not to be true. I had indeed asked him why he, at this
late period, infested the public prints with insinuating reflections on fictitious characters? A man of less penetration than the Virginian, could never have discovered in this, any thing dangerous to the freedom of the press. No Sir, I am even an advocate for it, and as an instance of the liberty I would take on the side of truth; I would propose the following emphatical sentence, A false alarm , to be prefixed by way of motto to certain pieces, subscribed A Virginian . But the freedom of the press is already established in the reason of mankind; as well as in the main bills of right extant in those states, in such a manner, as renders an attempt to deny it by Noviciatus, or to defend it by the Virginian, equally contemptible: Therefore this being "the most exceptionable thing," I hope the rest may, perhaps, be easily got over. 'But alas! this plaguy convention has spoiled all.' It has prevented, O lamentable! it has prevented from public view, 'ten columns of close reasoning.' Unlucky convention! 'Ten columns! ten full columns! why, it would have overturned Mahomet, unkey'd saint Peter, blown up the Pope, and --- best of all prevented --- a separation.' 'Ten columns!' Why thou mighty man of reason, why so parsimonious: couldst thou net from so large a flock, have afforded us one column, out of eight already published: or, if that were too much, couldst thou not, at least have vouchsafed to us one whole sentence, or at the very least a line. But every great genius has a way peculiar to himself; and we ought to be content; and perhaps thankful too, that it is yet in store for our use, on some future occasion! It may again serve us, 'if the American congress shall refuse to admit us, as a separate state, into the confederacy &c' But I beg leave to correct myself: he has proven by 'close reasoning, (we thank him for it)' that a convention continued under an act of assembly, (the proper and only representatives of the people) 'would have been a dangerous precedent of tyranny, and oppression.' O excellent! let the Kentuckean answer that if he can. And then again, who can sufficiently admire his very abstracted, imaginary Composition for stilling the passions, preserving ideas, &c of which he has had so long and happy experienced himself. For these perhaps he ought to have credit --- one column. Thus I hope I have appeased the resentment of my opponent; and lest I should be unhappy enough to say some exceptionable thing, I shall draw toward a conclusion. Indeed what can I say: no comment of mine could do justice to the inimitable Text. It would take at least 'twenty labour'd lines' to each 'ten words;' and still I might have been liable to a censure, something resembling that bestowed on some 'close reasoners, who for misunderstanding, or misinterpreting the sacred Scriptures, have been expelled by their societies: But Mr. Bradford, as you may perhaps know him personally, it might do him no injury, to advise him as a friend, though he is not a lover of change, (which I take to be true on his own word, notwithstanding what every body else says of him, who cannot pretend to know him as well as he knows himself) to advise him I say, however disagreeable to him it may appear, when he assumes a new character, to make also one more change in his life; which might be of more importance to him than all the idle metamorphoses, with which the busy tongue of fame has chquequed, or rather motley'd his character. It is in short this, Become a GOOD MAN. This if I am not mistaken, would indear him to those very men, whom he now calls adversaries---would give him room to display his abilities, in their utmost brilliancy, and --- what is of still more importance, would recommend him to --- himself. I now beg leave to retire: and give the world leave to forget, (which they will soon do) that ever there was in it such a name, as
NOVICIATUS.
In Party Contests, Public Good sacrificed to Private Views.
THE spirit of party is a spirit of envy; and whether politics or religion, philosophical opinions, or family feuds, have called it into existence --- It has always been hostile to the peace, and obnoxious to the virtue of mankind. At different periods it has assumed the standard of civil war, and unsheathed the sword of persecution; but at all times, when it has prevailed, the private peace of society has been disturbed, and domestic felicity interrupted by it.

If a real unfeigned zeal for the welfare of their country, operating upon different principles, warmed the bosoms of public men; if a genuine spirit of patriotism animated every one whose abilities or situation in life had raised him to the legislative dignity; their contest would have but one object---which would be the public good; and though there would, nay there must, be a frequent difference in opinions yet neither their artifice nor their malevolence would be employed in the support of them---Tho' victorious party would not be insolent with success, nor would those who failed, retire from the conflict pale with disappointment, and growling forth revenge. But as this, I fear, is rather the vision of a fanciful mind, than a true and faithful representation of any thing which does, or will exist; we must suffer it, though perhaps reluctantly to pass away, and apply to less pleasing realities for assistance in our reasoning upon the subject.
If then the spirit of party be a spirit of violence, it does not require any great sagacity to determine, that reason and the cool suggestions of deliberative wisdom can have little connexion with it. Passion and prejudice will be its prevailing directors; and that they will ever lead it to good, must depend upon accident, and is rather the object of our idle wishes, than of any rational expectation---It might, however, be reasonably imagined, that violence opposed to violence would soon find an end, but, like the wandering tribes of Arabia, when driven away by superior power, or having exhausted all the produce of its local habitation, it shifts its ground, and goes in search of another spot, where it may luxuriate in plenty. Power may, for a time, and in particular cases, give a check to the flames of opposing faction; but, upon the first supply of fuel, the slumbering embers will rekindle with more than redoubled fury---Here then the utility, and even necessity, of a moderating power, appears with irresistible evidence; not only to prevent public dissensions from continuing their mischief, but to avail itself of them in such manner as to produce good---When the contending parties become wearied with contention; when the same subjects have been considered, and the same arguments supported even to satiety; when, sore with alternate scourges, they languish for repose, (and this will sometimes happen) a favourable opportunity presents itself for men of moderation to enforce some salutary measure, and to effectuate, if possible, some general, comprehensive plan for the service of their country.
The man of party is a man of violence, and sees every thing through a medium tinged with prejudice. The man of moderation is a man of reason, and deliberates before he determines to act. The measures of the former, arising from force of passion, are hasty, inconsiderate, and frequently injurious to the cause he means to serve; while those of the latter, being the result of a wise and calm survey of what he is about to do, in all its connections and consequences, are decisive and effectual---The one acts upon the narrow ground of private cabal, or rests his power on the weak basis of partial association; while the other listens not to any cabal, nor turns his attention to any man or set of men whatever, but deliberates without prejudice, and determines from his own mature judgment---The man of party is ever on the wing, always hurried and easily inflamed, catching at every opportunity to declare his opinions, and using every means to enforce them; while the man of moderation is never inactive to his duty, though he is not always in the actual exercise of it:---he never steps forth to action, but when the occasion demands his services---at such a season, with an independent spirit and a calm dignity, he comes forward, secure of an useful and commanding influence.
From the PITTSBURGH Gazette.
WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America.
ARTICLE I.
Section 1. ALL legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives.
Sec. 2. The house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.
No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the age of 25 years, and been seven
years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within ever subsequent term of ten years in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.
The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.
Sec. 3. The senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years: and each senator shall have one vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.
No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen.
The vice president of the United States shall be president of the senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided.
The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro tem ore, in the absence of the vice president, or when he shall exercise the office of president of the United States.
The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.
Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust or profit under the United States, but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.
(To be continued.)
TO BE LET, On the premises, to the highest bidder the tenth of November, a plantation on Harrod's run about three miles from Danville, containing about forty acres of cleared land, with eight bushels of wheat, well seeded on it, the remainder in good order for raising corn, hemp, flax and tobacco, with convenient houses for the reception of a family.
2w. THOMAS M'CLANAHAN, Jun.
A GENEROUS PRICE WILL BE GIVEN FOR TWO OR three hundred acres of land within three miles of lexington. Enquire of the printer hereof if
Oct. 11, 1787.
NOTICE is given to the public, not to take an assignment on a bond of mine, given to Squire Boon for about five hundred and thirty five pounds, payable at sundry times, in commutables: of which there is about two hundred and twenty pounds paid, when the bond was made void, by a latter contract the balance now stands open against me, which bond was to be returned to me, but is not done: I therefore shall refuse to pay any part of said bond due next month.
1w, THOMAS THRELKELD.
Lincoln, Sept 15. AS I wish to settle and clear my administration on account of the Estate of doctor Hugh Shiell, I do hereby request the bond creditors of the said decedent, if any, to make their claims immediately known to ANN SHIELL, Executrix.
Sept. 25, 1787.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Stephen Ormsby Esq. will, in my absence attend the Rules, bring suits and give necessary information to such of my Clients as may apply to him in Danville, 3w, JOHN BROWN,
F I F T E E N DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED away from Cane run about four miles from Lexington, some time last spring, the following horses to wit, a sorrel horse eight years old, fourteen hands and a half high, with a small crooked blaze in his face and one hind foot white; branded on the near shoulder and buttock nearly thus So. One bay horse about the same height of the former, five years old, with a small star and two white feet, branded on the near buttock with the same brand with the former.
Also, a black mare near fifteen hands high six years old, with a small star and one hind foot white branded on the near buttock with the same brand of the two former: whoever takes up said horses and delivers them to the printer hereof shall receive the above reward, or five dollars each. They are supposed to have made up Licking.
At a meeting of the Commissioners for apportioning the lands granted to the Illinois regiment &c at Louisville the fifth of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven.
Resolved , that two meetings of the board be held at this place for the purposes of receiving and determining on such claims as have not yet been given in, agreeable to the directions of an act of last session of assembly. The first of said meetings to be the second Monday in October next, and the other the thirty first of December following, being the last day fixed by law for receiving claims: and that a copy of this resolution be advertised in the Kentucky gazette for three weeks successively.
JOHN CAMPBELL, Chairman.
BLANK DEEDS, Subpoenas, Replevi bonds, &c. May be had by the Quire or Single at this Office.

K E N T U C K E G A Z E T T E.
S A T U R D A Y, OCTOBER 27, 1787.
CONSTITUTION of the American States, Continued.
SECT. 4. THE times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof: but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.
SECT. 5. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business, but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each house may provide.
Each house may determine the rules of its own proceedings, punish its own members for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.
Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.
Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.
SECT. 6. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest, during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same: and for any speech or debate in either house they shall not be questioned in any other place.
No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office.
SECT. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representatives; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.
Every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.
Every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of the senate and house of representatives, may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the United States and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the senate and house of representatives according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.
SECT. 8. The Congress shall have power
To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.
To borrow money on the credit of the United States.
To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes,
To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States
To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.
To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States.
To establish post offices and post roads;
To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries;
To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court.
To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations.
To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisals, and make rules concerning captures on land and water.
To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;
To provide and maintain a navy.
To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;
To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings;--And
To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof.
SECT. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.
No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.
No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.
No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States;-- And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state
SECT. 10. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold or silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.
No state shall, without the consent of the Congress lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and
controul of the Congress. No state shall without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.
II.
SECT. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the vice president, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows:
Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and representatives to which the state may be entitled in the Congress; but no senator or representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.
The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the president of the senate. The president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for president; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house shall in like manner choose the president. But in choosing the president the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the president, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be vice president. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall choose from them by ballot the vice president.
The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States.
No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the office of president; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States.
In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the vice president, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the president and vice president, declaring what officer shall then act as president, and such officer shall then act accordingly until the disability be removed, or a president be elected.
The president shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive, within that period, any other emolument from the United States or any of them.
Before he enters on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation.
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of president of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States.
SECT. 2. The president shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.
He shall have power, by and with the advice and

consent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they shall think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.
The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session.
Sec. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he may judge necessary and expedient - he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States.
Sec. 4. The president, vice president, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.
III.
Sec. 1. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.
Sec. 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies in which the United States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states, between a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.
In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make.
The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.
Sec. 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.
The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.
IV.
Sec. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.
Sec. 2. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.
A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime.
No person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.
Sec. 3. New states may be admitted by the Congress into this union; but no new state shall be formed or erected
within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state.
Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this union a republican form of government and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.
V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, or on the applications of the legislatures of two thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided, that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner effect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate.
VI.
All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this constitution as under the confederation.
This constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.
The senators and representatives beforementioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this constitution: but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.
VII.
The ratifications of the conventions of nine states, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same.
DONE in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the states present, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names.
GEORGE WASHINGTON, President.
And Deputies from Virginia.
New-Hampshire. - John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. Massachusetts. - Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King. Connecticut. - William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman.
New York. - Alexander Hamilton.
New Jersey. - William Livingston, David Brearley, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton.
Pennsylvania. - Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris.
Delaware. - George Read, Gunning Bedford, jun. John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom.
Maryland. - James M c Henry, Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, Daniel Carroll.
Virginia. - John Blair, James Madison, junior.
North-Carolina. - William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson.
South Carolina. - John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler.
Georgia. - William Few, Abraham Baldwin.
Attest,
WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary.
(To be continued.)
A LARGE QUANTITY OF
S A L T WILL be sold in Danville, in small parcels on the eighth day of November, to the highest bidder, for ready money only, the sale will begin at eleven o'clock, when due attendance will be given by RICHARD WOOLFOLK.
Strayed from the Rev. Mr. Rankins, a black mare, middle sized, thick strong built, a natural trotter, and branded on the near buttock thus 9 any person who will convey said mare to me in Mercer County, or secure her so that I can get her shall receive a reward of three dollars. paid by (4w) DAVID RICE.
ANY person or persons that are indebted to William Scott Schoolmaster, by note, or book accounts, are desired to make immediate payment. If not they may expect what the law directs. (3w) WILLIAM SCOTT, Schoolmaster.
TEN DOLLARS
REWARD
STRAYED from the subscriber last spring, a large bay mare near fifteen hands and a half high, ten or eleven years old, a large star and snip in her face and branded on the near buttock TH had on a small bell when she went away. Also a year old bay studd colt with a star and snip in his face, and one of his hind feet white, neither dockt nor branded.
Fayette, Oct. 20 1787. HORATIO TURPIN.
At a meeting of the Commissioners for apportioning the lands granted to the Illinois regiment &c. at Louisville the fifth of September, one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven.
Resolved, that two meetings of the board be held at this place for the purposes of receiving and determining on such claims as have not yet been given in, agreeable to the directions of an act of last session of assembly. The first of said meetings to be the second Monday in October next, and the other the thirty first of December following, being the last day fixed by law for receiving claims: and that a copy of this resolution be advertised in the Kentucky gazette for three weeks successively. JOHN CAMPBELL, Chairman.
Sept. 25, 1787.
NOTICE is hereby given, that Stephen Ormsby Esq. will, in my absence attend the Rules, bring suits and give necessary information to such of my Clients as may apply to him in Danville, 3w, JOHN BROWN,
A GENEROUS PRICE WILL BE GIVEN FOR TWO OR three hundred acres of land within three miles of lexington. Enquire of the printer hereof tf
TO BE LET, On the premises, to the highest bidder the tenth of November, a plantation on Harrod's run about three miles from Danville, containing about forty acres of cleared land, with eight bushels of wheat, well seeded on it, the remainder in good order for raising corn, hemp, flax and tobacco, with convenient houses for the reception of a family. 2w. THOMAS M c LANAHAN, Jun.
THE TRUSTEES OF LEXINGTON will meet on Saturday the 10th. of November, at 3 o'clock, at the Court-house; all who have any business with them are desired to attend, and those who want Deeds for Lots will please to make previous application to the subscriber that they may be ready at that time. ROBERT PARKER clk.