Jenks' Portland gazette (Portland, Me.), 1804-01-14 00:00:00

JENKS' PORTLAND GAZETTE.
Number 299.
PORTLAND, (MAINE) SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1804.
Volume VI.
Bankruptcy.
UNITED STATES, DISTRICT OF MAINE, ss. NOTICE is hereby given to the creditors of JOSIAH NORRIS, of Newmilford, in said District, trader, against whom a Commission of Bankruptcy has duly issued and proceeded upon, that they may be heard (if they think fit) before the Judge of said District Court, at his dwelling-house in York, on Wednesday the first day of February 1804, against making and allowing a Certificate of Discharge to said Bankrupt, before which time exceptions to such allowance may be exhibited.
DAVID SEWALL,
Judge of the District Court of Maine District.
UNITED STATES,
District of Maine, December 29, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given to the Creditors of OLIVER DUNNELL, of Portland, in said District, trader, against whom a Commission of Bankruptcy has duly issued and proceeded upon, that they may be heard (if they think fit) before the Judge of said District Court, on Wednesday the first day of February 1804, at his dwelling-house in York against making and allowing a Certificate of Discharge to said Bankrupt, before which time exceptions to such allowance may be exhibited.
DAVID SEWALL,
Judge of the District Court of Maine.
UNITED STATES,
District of Maine, December 29, 1803.
NOTICE is hereby given to the creditors of JAMES LATHROP of Hallowell, in the District of Maine, trader, against whom a Commission of Bankruptcy has duly issued and proceeded upon, that they may be heard (if they think fit) before the Judge of said District Court, on Wednesday the first day of February, 1804, at his dwelling-house in York, against making and allowing a Certificate of Discharge to said Bankrupt, before which time exceptions to such allowance may be exhibited.
DAVID SEWALL,
Judge of the District Court of Maine District.
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed Assignee of the estate and effects of WILLIAM WIDGERY, jun. of Hallowell, in the District of Maine, trader, a bankrupt; and all persons having any of his Effects, are required to deliver the same; and all persons indebted, are called upon to make immediate payment to JOHN DEERING, Assignee.
John Deering, Assignee.
WHEREAS a Commission of Bankruptcy has been awarded and issued against MORREL JORDAN, of Cape Elizabeth, in the District of Maine, trader, & the said Morrel Jordan has been declared a Bankrupt—He is hereby required to surrender himself to the Commissioners in said Commission named, or to the major part of them, on Friday the sixth, and on Thursday the nineteenth days of January next, and on Friday the third day of February next, at ten o'clock, A. M. on each of said days, at the Commissioners' Office, No. 2, Middle's Row, Middle Street, Portland, in said District, and make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects; when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts; and at the last meeting to choose an Assignee or Assignees; and at the last meeting, said Bankrupt is required to submit his examination; and at said last meeting any of the creditors of said Bankrupt may be heard before said Commissioners, against the making or allowing of a certificate to the Judge of said District, to certify said Bankrupt to a certificate of discharge.—All persons indebted to said Bankrupt are to make payment; and those who have any of his effects are to deliver the same to such persons only as the Commissioners shall appoint.
By order of the Commissioners,
N KINSMAN, Clerk.
Dated 2d December, 1803.
THE copartnership of I. & Wm. M c Lellan, is this day dissolved by mutual agreement—All persons having demands on said firm, are requested to call on WILLIAM M c LELLAN, jun. and receive their pay; and those indebted thereto, are desired to make immediate payment, or their accounts will be put in suit.
ISAAC M c LELLAN, WILLIAM M c LELLAN, jun.
Portland, Dec. 26, 1803.
N. B. The business will in future be carried on by said WILLIAM M c LELLAN, jun. at his stand next door to the Maine Bank, No. 11, Jones' Row, Fifth Street.
THE COPARTNERSHIP OF Samuel Fowle & Co.
is this day dissolved by mutual agreement—All persons having demands on said firm are requested to call on Samuel Fowle, and receive their pay; and those indebted thereto to make immediate payment to him.
SAMUEL FOWLE, MOSES G. FOWLE.
Portland, Dec. 31st, 1803.
N. B. The business in future will be carried on by SAMUEL FOWLE, At No. 19, Long Wharf.
PARTNERSHIP DISSOLVED.
THE Subscribers hereby give notice, that they have this day by mutual consent, dissolved their copartnership in business, they therefore request all persons having any demands against them, to present the same to William Reed for settlement; and all who are indebted to make immediate payment.
HENRY RUST, WILLIAM REED.
January 1st, 1803.
N. B. The business has been carried on under the firm of WILLIAM REED & Co.
Removal.
THE subscriber hereby informs his Friends and Customers that he has removed to BERWICK. All those who are indebted to him are requested to make immediate payment, to him at his shop near Dugby's Falls, or to GEORGE WARREN, at Portland; and all those who have any demands on him will please to forward their accounts to him for settlement.
And those of his customers who have any commands will please to call on him as above, where he carries on the
Clock & Watch-making
Business, and keeps constantly for sale a variety of War-clock CLOCKS and WATCHES—Watch Chains, Keys and Needles.
Silver Spoons; Silver, Pearl and common Silver Butters; Silver Tombs; Silver, plated and steel Knives, Buckles, &c. &c.
Abner Rogers.
Dec. 25, 1803.
Mr. TRACY'S Speech,
Delivered in the Senate of the United States, December 2d, on the final passage of the bill for altering the Constitution.
[Continued from the Gazette of last Saturday.]
IN the choice of president, the mutual caution and concession of great and small states is, if possible, more conspicuous than in any other part of the constitution.
He is to be chosen by electors appointed as the state legislatures shall direct, not according to numbers entirely, but adding two electors in each state as representatives of state sovereignty.—Thus Delaware obtains three votes for president, whereas she could have but one in right of numbers. Yet mixed as this mode of choice is with both popular & federative principles: we see the small states watching its motions & circumscribing it to one attempt only, and on failure of an electoral choice they instantly seize upon the right of a federal election, and select from the candidates a president, by states and not by numbers. In confirmation of my assertion, that this part of the constitution was peculiarly the effect of compromise between the great and small states, permit me to quote an authority which will certainly have great weight, not only in the senate but thro' the union. I mean that of the present secretary of state (Mr. Madison) who was a leading member of the federal convention who formed, and of the Virginia convention who adopted the constitution. In the debates of the Virginia convention, vol. 3, p. 77, he says, (speaking of the mode of electing the president) 'As to the eventual voting by states it has my approbation. The lesser states and some larger states will be generally pleased by that mode. The deputies from the small states argued, and there is some force in their reasoning, that when the people voted, the large states evidently had the advantage over the rest, and without varying the mode, the interests of the little states might be neglected or sacrificed. Here is a compromise. For in the eventual election, the small states will have the advantage.'
After this view of the constitution, let us enquire what is the direct object of the proposed alteration in the choice of president?
To render more practicable and certain the choice by electors—and for this reason, that the people at large, or in other words, that the great states ought to have more weight and influence in the choice. That it should be brought nearer to the popular, and carried further from the federative principle. This claim we find was made at the formation of the constitution. The great states naturally wished for a popular choice of first magistrate.—This mode was sanctioned by the example of many of the states in the choice of governor. The small states claimed a choice on the federative principle, by the legislatures, and to vote by states; analogies and examples were not wanting to sanction this mode of election. A consideration of the weight and influence of a president of this union, must have multiplied the difficulties of agreeing upon the mode of choice. But as I have before said, by mutual concession, they agreed upon the present mode, combining both principles, and dividing between the two parties, thus mutually jealous, as equally as they could, this important privilege of electing a chief magistrate.
This mode then became established, and the right of the small states, to elect upon the federative principle, or by states, in case of the contingency of electoral failure of choice, cannot with reason and fairness be taken from them without their consent, and on a full understanding of its operation; since it was meant to be secured to them by the constitution, and was one of the terms upon which they became members of the present confederacy, and for which privilege they gave an equivalent to the great states, in sacrificing so much of the federative principle, or state equality.
The constitution is nicely balanced, with the federative and popular principles; the senate are the guardians of the former,
and the house of representatives of the latter; and any attempts to destroy this balance, under whatever specious names or pretences they may be presented, should be watched with a jealous eye. Perhaps a fair definition of the constitutional power of amending is, that you may upon experiment so modify the constitution in its practice and operation, as to give it, upon its own principles, a more complete effect. But this is an attack upon a fundamental principle established after long deliberation, and by mutual concession, a principle of essential importance to the instrument itself, and an attempt to wrest from the small states, a vested right; and, by it, to increase the power and influence of the large states. I shall not pretend, sir, that the parties to this constitutional compact, cannot alter its original and essential principles, and that such alterations may not be effected, under the name of amendment; but, let a proposal of that kind come forward in its own proper and undisguised shape; let it be fairly stated to congress, to the state legislatures, to the people at large, that the intention is to change an important federative feature in the constitution, which change in itself and all its consequences, will tend to a consolidation of this union, into a simple republic; let it be fairly stated, that the small states have too much agency in the important article of electing a chief magistrate; and that the great states claim the choice; and we shall then have a fair decision. If the senators of the small states, and if their state legislatures will then quietly part with the right they have, no person can reasonably complain.
Nothing can be more obvious, than the intention of the plan adopted by our constitution for choosing a president. The electors are to nominate two persons, of whom they cannot know which will be president; this circumstance not only induces them to select both from the best men; but gives a direct advantage into the hands of the small states even in the electoral choice. For they can always select from the two candidates set up by the electors of large states, by throwing their votes upon their favorite, and of course giving him a majority; or, if the electors of the large states should, to prevent this effect, scatter their votes, for one candidate, then the electors of the small states would have it in their power to elect a vice-president. So that in any event, the small states will have a considerable agency in the election. But if the discriminating or designating principle is carried, as contained in this resolution, the whole or nearly the whole right and agency of the small states, in the electoral choice of chief magistrate is destroyed, and their chance of obtaining a federative choice by states, if not destroyed, is very much diminished.
For this identical purpose is the principle of electoral discrimination and designation, introduced into the resolution before you; for the same purpose is the number of candidates reduced from five to three, from whom the house of representatives may elect, in case of electoral failure of choice; that is, to destroy, or diminish the agency of the small states, in the choice of president.
For what purpose else, are we perpetually told and from all parts of the senate, that the public will is opposed, by the present mode, and the public will cannot be gratified, without the introduction of the discriminating principle?
By the public will , thus mentioned, the gentlemen mean, the will of a popular majority, or, the will of the great states, which, in this case, I repeat it are the same. How is it possible for the gentlemen to increase the chances of gratifying this description of the public will , without decreasing the agency of the small states?
The whole power of election, is now vested in the two parties; numbers and states, or great and small states, and it is demonstration itself, that if you increase the power of the one, in just such proportion, you diminish that of the other. Do the gentlemen suppose that the public will , when constitutionally expressed by a majority of states, in pursuance of the feder-
ative principle of our government is of less validity, or less binding upon the community at large, than the public will expressed by a popular majority? The framers of your constitution, the people who adopted it, meant, that the public will , in the choice of a president should be expressed by electors, if they could agree, and if not, that the public will should be expressed, by a majority of the states, acting in their federative capacity, and that in both cases the expression of the public will should be equally binding.
Is it pretended that the public will can never, properly or constitutionally be expressed, but by a majority of numbers of the people or of the house of representatives? This may be a pleasing doctrine enough to great states; but it is certainly incorrect. Our constitution has given the expression of the public will in a variety of instances other than that of the choice of president, into very different hands from either the house of representatives or the people at large. The president and senate, and in many cases the president alone, can express the public will , in appointments of high trust and responsibility, and it cannot be forgotten, that the president sometimes expresses the public will , by removals. Treaties, highly important expressions of the public will , are made by the president and senate; and they are the supreme law of the land. In the several states many great offices are filled, and even the chief magistracy, by various modes of election.—The public will is sometimes expressed by pluralities, instead of majorities, sometimes by both branches of the legislatures, and sometimes by one, and in certain contingencies, elections are settled by lot. The people have adopted constitutions containing such regulations, and experience has proved that they are well calculated to preserve their liberties and promote their happiness.—From what good or even pardonable motive then, can it be urged, that the present mode of electing our president, has a tendency to counteract the public will ? Do gentlemen intend to destroy every federative feature of this constitution?
And is this resolution a precursor to a complete consolidation of the union, and to the establishment of a simple republic? Or will it suffice to break down every federative feature which secures to one portion of the union, to the small states, their rights?
I am not without my fears, Mr. President, that this is but the beginning of evils, and that this constitution, the bulwark of the feeble members of the confederacy, the protection of the weak against the strong; the security of the small against the great; the last, best hope of man, with a view to stability in a free government; and to the preservation of liberty in a republic; is destined to undergo changes, and suffer innovations, till there shall be no residue worth preserving, and nothing left, which ambition will condescend to overturn.
Time will not permit me to dwell any longer on this part of my argument. But I am deceived sir, if the view I have now taken of the constitution does not show most obviously, that in its formation there was a struggle between the great and small states, with respect to many of its principles and leading features. And that the participation of the small states in the election of a chief magistrate, clearly secured to them by the constitution, will receive a deadly blow by the adoption of the proposed amendment.
It can be no contradiction to my ideas upon the subject, if we have heard nothing of state conflicts, in the administration of this government. The great states have never till now, directly attempted to violate the sanctuary of the small, and despoil them, of their rights; had this been earlier attempted, we should have heard and seen the same jealousy awakened, and the same opposition exerted.
The conflict could happen in no other way, than by an attack from the large states. We had neither the desire nor ability to injure them, and we now ask no favors, but their permission to enjoy in peace and safety the rights conceded to us by themselves, and secured by a solemn constitutional compact.

We have been told, by a gentleman from Virginia, that it would be impolitic in us to rouse the great states. I shall, at present, take no further notice of this warning, given to us, no doubt in the full exercise of benevolence, but to requite the small states to preserve it in constant recollection. It may induce them not hastily to part with constitutional security.
There are some other points of light, in which I wish to place the subject before us.
The constitution is of recent date; it was formed by the mutual concessions of conflicting parties, and balanced with a view to the security of all. Experience, alone can tell its utility, and time and practice discover its faults. It is a sound position that you should never attempt an alteration in an instrument so complicated, and calculated to serve so many various and opposite interests, without being able, by the test of experiment, to discern clearly the necessity of alteration, and without a moral certainty, that the change shall not only remove an existing evil, but that it shall not produce any new one. The article in the constitution establishing the mode of electing a chief magistrate, and which is now proposed to be altered, was undoubtedly one of the most difficult parts of the whole, at its formation. I am convinced, sir, that the public mind is not sufficiently impressed with the difficulty of adopting, not only an unexceptionable, but even a tolerable and practicable mode of electing a chief magistrate, possessing such important and extensive powers, as are constitutionally vested in the President of the United States. An attempt to detail the number and magnitude of his powers, to this senate would be impertinent; but it must and will be acknowledged by all, that the President is vested with powers vastly extensive and important, and that he will bring with him into the government more or less state politics and state prejudices, and these facts, to which may be added the probability, that he will be taken from a large state, must have increased the difficulties of the convention, in being on a mode of choice.
How often have contests, wars and bloodshed, the destruction of confederacies, of liberty, and of vast portions of the human race, arisen from the election of chief magistrates? When we consider that the powers vested in a president of this union, are sufficiently important to excite the avarice and ambition of the human heart, it is two most active principles, to gain possession of the office; when we consider the difference of sentiment, habit and interest in this country—state pride, and state jealousy, which could never be laid asleep; the difficulties of fixing upon a proper mode of election, must be almost infinitely multiplied. And yet this article is now selected for alteration. All the amendments which have been hitherto adopted, went to some general explanation; upon very general principles, not changing, but rather expounding the constitution.
This, as I have before said, is taking up the most difficult and the most important article in the constitution, both in relation to rights and principles. But it is said that experience has shown us the necessity of an alteration in this article; that an evil has been found in practice to grow out of the constitutional provision, which calls imperiously for a remedy.
At the last election of president, two persons had an equal number of votes, and that number was a majority of the votes of all the electors appointed, which circumstance gave the house of representatives a constitutional right to select one of them for president. In exercising this constitutional right, they voted by states, and there was as first a division, no choice being made until the fifth day, when an election was effected, of the very man whom the great states; and the advocates of this resolution wished.
It ought to be noted here, that although they voted by states; yet it happened in this division, that a majority in point of numbers, voted for the person president, who eventually became vice president. As to intrigue, by either of the candidates, or by their friends, I know of none;—the sentiments and conduct of the vice president, as published, were perfectly fair and honorable, containing a declaration of his wishes not to stand in the way of the other candidate.
After the view of the constitution which we have taken, and comparing this fact, or set of facts, with the provisions for electing a president, we shall really be at a loss to find out the mighty evil, which the experience of this election has discovered; and which is said to call so imperiously for a remedy. But the advocates of this resolution have had the good fortune to put their finger on the spot. They say, that in the certificates of the electors, Mr. Jefferson's name stood first; this is called a fact of record testimony, and in addition, some, if not all the electors; said they meant to elect Mr. Jefferson; president, and Mr. Burr, vice president; and this is declared to be the "public will," expressed by the constitutional organ; the electors. Notwithstanding this expression of the "public will," say the gentlemen, a large proportion of the house of representatives withheld and opposed the "public will," for the space of six days, and wilfully voted for the man to be president, who they knew by the evidence just mentioned, was meant to be vice president only. One gentleman (Mr. Wright) has said, that if it had been then a number of that house, possessing such sentiments upon the subject, as he now does; such voting would in him have amounted to a crime of perjury, or words to the same effect. I mean to quote his words, as expressed, and believe I have given nearly his very words.
And it is added, that thus there was imminent danger of a person being imposed upon the United States as chief magistrate, who was not originally intended for that high office, and that evil must have been the consequence. And, it is common in such cases, the picture is filled, if the background, with brother raising his murderous hand against brother, father against son, and with an appalling group of electors; and to avoid a repetition of this tremendous crisis, as it is called; the present resolution, it is said, must pass.
Let this statement of facts be kept in view, while we examine the duties assigned by the constitution to the several agents concerned. The duty of the electors is precisely defined. They are each to bring forward two candidates fully qualified for president, because they cannot know at the time
of giving their ballots, upon which the choice will fall. The circumstance of two having a majority, and both being equal in number of votes, is an expression of the public will, through the only constitutional organ, by which, in this case, the public will can be expressed, that both had the requisite qualifications. The public will, then, was in this instance clearly and unequivocally expressed by a constitutional, and numerical majority, that both candidates were worthy of the office; but here the expression of the public will ceased, and which of these two should be the president, was now to be decided by another constitutional organ, that is, by the house of representatives voting by states.
The framers of the constitution so intended, and the people who adopted it have so ordained that their will in this case should be expressed by a majority of the states, acting by their representation in the house of representatives. This right of election, is a right complete in itself, to be exercised by these second electors; uninfluenced by any extraneous consideration; and governed only by their own sense of propriety and rectitude. The opinion of the people had been expressed by the electors, but it only reached a certain point, and then was totally silent as to which of the two should be president, and their sense upon this point could only be collected, thro' their constitutional organ the house of representatives, voting by states. Any interference of the first electors, or of an individual or individuals, must be informal and improper. The advice of sensible and candid men as in every other case, might be useful; but could have no binding force whatever. The first electors had no right to choose a vice president. To claim it was overstepping their duty, and arrogating to themselves a power, not given nor meant to be given to them by the constitution.
If there is any thing in this whole transaction, which has the most distant appearance of a breach of duty, it was in the electors, by attempting to designate, and by exercising the important office of an elector, under the influence of improper motives—that is, by officially attempting to decide the question which of the two persons was proper for vice president, which they were constitutionally incompetent to decide.—By this conduct they attempted to break down an important guard provided by the constitution, and improperly to release themselves from its obligations, which made it their duty to select two men qualified to be president. But if there can be a shadow of reason in this claim of the electors, to designate under the present constitutional regulations, of which, to doubt, seems to be so heinous, what necessity can there be for this amendment? The object of the amendment or certainly its chief object is to establish the designating principle—but why this is, if it can already be effected by the simple mode of placing one name first on the ballot, which is so easy to be done that it can scarcely be avoided? And if done, by the doctrine of gentlemen, it is so far binding on the house of representatives that if they even doubt, they are damned!
(To be continued next Saturday.) FOR THE PORTLAND GAZETTE. THE PILGRIM. No. VI. Sunt bona, sunt quaedam mediocria, sunt mala plura. Quaeris? Martial. Some good, more bad, None neither one, nor to other.
TO THE PILGRIM. WHAT is our duty to you, most efficient sir? With the severity of a censor you condemn our appearance, as if in making and wearing our garments we regarded the opinion of such an old fashioned fellow, who does not consider how much we are improved above those of our sex, that lived twenty years ago. It is sometimes since women have been allowed an equality with men in mental powers, and we are now resolved to show our full superiority in corporeal endowments. There never was a philosopher, who could endure the tooth-ache patiently." Eager for admiration, we regard tooth-ache, ear-ache, head-ache, and "all the pains, that flesh is heir to." If we prove ourselves more patient of these evils, than men, shall we not vindicate our claim to empire, which has long been in unworthy hands. If you strike the shape of our shoe, you may recommend to cover them with silk or leather of one or two inches width; but in return we shall expose to the shoulder. Although Shakespeare is my favorite author, I never can forgive him for having written these lines. The church maid is prodigal enough, It fits unwell her beauty to the moon. Of what use are our necks, if we may not compass them? As to decency, how can any thing be indecent, that every body practices. Your time were better employed in writing moral discourses, which distress us might signify, than such trifling aspersion, which we read only to deride. No allusion but those of admiration are desired.
CLARISSA. P.S. I cannot endure Milton; and that the serpent beguiled our first mother I never will believe. Do you think, sir, as has been suggested by some of my female friends, that men and women before the flood wore no other garments, but apical of six leaves?
Terrified by the displeasure of Clarissa, I confess my inability to answer her last question; but whatever may have been the dress in antediluvian days, we cannot doubt that some modern ladies would not object to the fashion, alluded to; and from the coldness of our young men, "whose blood is very snow broth," they may perhaps Without a fig leaf think their charms secure.
An attack from another correspondent, which appeared last week, almost convinced me that whether our wives and daughters wore much or little raiment, or even vied with the Ibbernot, whose poverty is his excuse, was totally unimportant. The Spinster has thrown aside her wheel, and entered the field of combat. Whether, having abdicated the spindle, and assumed the habiliments of Hercules, she thinks
herself endowed with the heroes' prowess, is yet to be discovered. We hope that her new robe may not be so dangerous, as the poisoned garment, which deprived the son of Alcumena of his reason. The sensibility of the Spinster is easily accounted for; as it is a received maxim, "that the gall'd jade will wince." To those, who feel not my satire, it is probably not applicable.
But I have an advocate among the sex, who, though she may not express the sentiments of all, encourages me to expect the approbation of those, whose praise would make him smile, who never smiled before.
TO THE PILGRIM. Wishing, sir, to promote your design, I now with diffidence address you. That you may not judge of the sentiments of the ladies from the letter of a Spinster, I inform you that we are in general pleased with your writing, and although the rude levity of Quiz was disagreeable to some, we confess that the succeeding remarks were justified by the folly of a few. The Spinster may be some neglected old maid, who wishes to ingratiate herself in our favor by an unnecessary defence of our conduct. Or perhaps some girl of fifteen, sensible that she was liable to the censure of your fourth number, composed this doleful epistle. However this may be, continue, sir, to support the cause of virtue, of learning, and of decency, and the favor of those, whom you ought most to desire to please, will not be wanting.
LAURA. TO THE PILGRIM. I was present one evening last week in a mixed company, where the merit of the Pilgrim was discussed. A knot of ladies in a corner were in violent dispute. One was positive that you were a discarded lover, and designed to discharge your venom on the whole female sex for the spirited conduct of one. Another thought your severity intended only to attract attention. For my part, first one, I should not dislike his severity, were it not too general. But the opinions of the gentlemen were most decisive. One, who was certainly a cynic, declared your undertaking to criticize the ladies' dress to be puerile, as they were unworthy of the notice. I answered, nothing is unimportant, which concerns those, whose conduct has so great an influence on the morals of mankind. One ridiculed the idea of morality in a newspaper, and one inquired, whether you were a Jacobin or a Federalist. A man in black approved your last number, and hoped the bible would become a fashionable book; while a critic detested your style as irregular, and although a little wit gleamed through the "dark profound," less judgment was observable in the execution. He has not, said he, the ease of Addison, or the tenderness of MacKenzie; neither the levity of Goldsmith in the humorous, nor his felicity in grave essays; not the grace of Hawkesworth, or the sonorous majesty, and powerful antithesis, of Johnson. A friend to the Pilgrim answered, we could not expect much from introductory numbers. He has entered very ungracefully, and we can look for little dignity in future, was the reply. In short, sir, the general voice was against you, but all hoped you would persevere. If you can shoot a single arrow at the follies of your sex I engage that you shall number all the ladies among your admirers, and certainly not lose the support of AMICUS.
FOR THE PORTLAND GAZETTE. COLUMBUS—No. II. "A time to die."
DUST thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return, was the awful sentence pronounced on Man, in consequence of his disobedience. Throughout all ages since time began, this terrible decree has been verified. Abraham and Solomon have slept with their fathers, and generations unnumbered lie buried in dust. Constant experience is calculated to teach man the mortality of his nature, and the dreadful certainty that all must bow to the King of terrors. Awfully important as this truth may appear, how few are found, whose minds are employed in the solemn reflection. Vision after vision is hurried in quick succession from the stage of human life, without the apparent notice or concern of those that remain. From the dwelling of one, the voice of rejoicing, feasting and mirth is loudly echoed, while that of the next, is filled with mourning, lamentation and death.
When a father or a son, a sister or a brother is summoned to the tomb, deep affliction not unfrequently cloathes the surviving relatives. For a season, mirth and gaiety are banished from their minds, and the following reflections seem to predominate. "Alas, how heedlessly have I spent my life! One more beloved friend, is launched into eternity, and it is certain that I soon must follow. Many solemn warnings have thus been placed before me, yet I have suffered them all to pass by, void of improvement. I cannot live always. In a few years, and perhaps in a few days, my precious limbs must also lie mouldering in dust, and my flesh become food for filthy worms." Sad reflection! yet soon the faint impression is eradicated, and resource is had to former enjoyments. The wreaths of cypress are exchanged for the garlands of the Ball-Room, and various meditation for "the music and the dance." To one, the exchange of merchandise is most important; to another the paving of a yoke of Oxen.
Throughout the busy world, the possession of a few atoms of golden dust, commands the highest attention. Enslaved by this propensity, the remotest bounds of the Ocean are explored, and the deep caverns of the Earth penetrated; while the precious moments of human life, fleet on unnoticed in rapid succession, and eternity approaches without concern. The bloom of youth is sacrificed to enjoyment, and the meridian of life to the allurements of the world.—Old age succeeds. Still an ardent thirst for uncertain riches occupies the mind; while the important concerns of a future existence are put far away.
Alas, vain man! Knowest thou not, that for all these things, GOD will bring thee unto judgment? Knowest thou not, that all thy possessions are but dross in the presence of him, whose all seeing Eye pervades the Universe? Knowest thou not, that
thy life is wind, and thy enjoyments "as a tale that is told?" Soon the purple stream of life will cease to flow, and thou wilt be wafted to the borders of an undiscovered country, "from whose bourne no traveller e'er returned."
A few evenings past, while my anxious mind was wrapt in deep meditation concerning future events, I gradually sunk in solemn reverie. The Sun had previously reclined beneath the western horizon, and Night had spread her sable curtains throughout the vast expanse. The Moon had entered a thick cloud that hung upon a neighboring hill, and dreary darkness overshadowed the land. Deep sleep had fallen on man, and all nature lay hushed in attentive silence to the music of the spheres. When lo! a ray of pure light darted through my casements, and a well known voice suddenly exclaimed, "Columbus, Columbus,—thou dearly beloved shade—be it thy care to watch over the destinies of thy highly favored land.—Delay not to admonish thy countrymen, that there is—a time to Die."
A MASONIC ODE. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN. O happy days! where are ye fled? When to be innocent was to be great! When man for conquest never bled! When just let held in every breath her feat! Alas! as far from nature's paths we err, The poets only teach us what ye were! Faith, Candor, Innocence, and Truth, From the deserted world long since have flown, Old Cuning prays on thoughtless youth, And friendship is a term to man unknown; Virtue, when stain'd by wealth or pow'r, Falls, spurn'd by each vain insect of the hour! Thrice happy we!—This sacred place Presuming folly never yet profan'd! Mild science here her laws can trace! Here freedom rules by no weak fear restrain'd! A Mason's heart ingenious and sage, Restores within his Lodge the golden age! FERDINANDO.
Gazette. PORTLAND, SATURDAY, JANUARY 14, 1804.
Independence of St. Domingo.—A late arrival at Philadelphia from Cape Francois, brought the following Proclamation, by which it appears that that valuable Island is again declared independent, and is now in possession of the blacks, with the exception of Cape Nicholas Mole.—Accounts state that the English made prize, at Cape Francois, of three frigates, nine sail of French merchantmen, a cutter, brig and a Schooner. Rochambeau, and his troops, were carried to Jamaica, as prisoners of war.
PROCLAMATION Of DESSALINES, CHRISTOPHE and CLEBEAUX, Chiefs of St. Domingo. to the name of the black people and men of colour of St. Domingo.
THE independence of St. Domingo is proclaimed. Restored to our primitive dignity, we have claimed our right; we swear never to yield them to any power on earth. The frightful veil of prejudice is torn to pieces, and is so forever. Woe be to whomsoever would dare again to put together its bloody tatters.
O! Landholders of St. Domingo, wandering in foreign countries, by proclaiming our independence, we do not intend to forbid you indiscriminately from returning to your property. Far be from us this unjust idea. We are not ignorant, that there are some among you, that have renounced their old errors, abjured the injustice of their exorbitant pretensions, and acknowledged the lawfulness of the cause for which we have been spilling our blood these twelve years. Towards these men who do us justice, we will act as brothers; let them rely forever on our esteem and friendship; let them return among us. The God who protects us, the God of freemen bids us to stretch out towards them our conquering arms. But as for those who, intoxicated with a foolish pride and interrelled slaves to a guilty pretension, are blinded so much as to think that they are the essence of human nature, and affect to believe, that they are destined by Heaven to be our masters and our tyrants; let them never come near the land of St. Domingo; if they come hither, they will meet only with chains and deportation; let them stay then where they are; and tormented by their well deserved misery, and the frowns of the just men that they have but too long mocked at, let them continue to move the pity and concern of nobody.
We have sworn not to listen to clemency towards all those who would dare to speak to us of slavery; we shall be inexorable, perhaps even cruel, towards all the troops who, themselves forgetting the object for which they have not ceased fighting since 1789, should come yet from Europe, to carry among us death and servitude. Nothing is too dear, and every means are lawful, to men from whom it is wished to tear the fist of all blessings. Were they to cause rivers and torrents of blood to run; were they, in order to maintain their liberty, to consecrate the seven eighths of the globe, they are innocent before the tribunal of Providence, that has not created men, to see them groaning under a hard and shameful servitude.
It is in the various insurrections that took place some inhabitants, against whom we had not to complain, have been victims of the cruelty of a few soldiers or cultivators, too much blinded by the remembrance of their past sufferings, to be able to distinguish the good and humane landholders from those that were unfeeling and cruel; we lament with all feeling souls so deplorable an end, and declare to the world, whatever may be said to the contrary by wicked people, that these murders

were not contrary to the wishes of our hearts. It was important, especially in the crisis in which the colony was, to be able to prevent or stop their horrors. They who are in the least acquainted with history, all know that a people, when assailed by civil dissensions, though they may be the most polished on earth, give themselves up to all kinds of excess, and the authority of the chiefs always but poorly consolidated in a time of revolution, cannot punish all those that are guilty, without always meeting with new difficulties. But now a day, says the Aurora of peace, lets us have the promise of a less bloody time; now that the calm of victory has succeeded to the troubles of a dreadful war, every thing in St. Domingo, ought to assume a new face, and its government henceforward to be that of justice.
Done at the head quarters, Fort Duplat, Nov. 29, 1803. DESSALINES, CHRISTOPHE, and CLEVEAUX. (True Copy) B. AMIE, Secretary.
From Washington, Dec 28. "Letters from New Orleans, state, that on the 30th Nov. 200 Americans, residing in New Orleans, under the command of Mr. CLARKE, (whom they chose their captain,) took possession of the fort, at that place for L'AUSSAT, the French Prefect, (he having no other troops at command.) There was no opposition on the part of Spain. A dead silence pervaded the city, and not a cry of "vive la Republique" was heard. It is said that possession was to be delivered over to us by the Prefect, on the 10th December."
January 3, 1804. "Very little public business has been done, especially since the commencement of the holidays. The Democrats at the beginning of the session declared that Congress would rise by Christmas. It is now understood that the session will continue till March, the I do not see what should employ Congress a month."
"Some time has been lost upon the Salary bill. It originated in the House. The Senate added certain "amendments," among which was one raising the salary of the Postmaster General from 3000 to 4000 dollars, and that of his Assistants from 1700 to 2000 dollars. The House had for obvious purposes, inserted the words "as established by the act of 1799." After the Senate had raised some of the salaries above what they ever stood before, even by a temporary grant, these words did not read quite so well in the place where they stood, and their position was changed so as to come in immediately before those salaries which were raised. When the bill came back to the House, the House nonconcurred the amendments of the Senate. Whereupon the Senate requested a conference. But the conference could not agree. The Senate then voted to adhere to their amendment instead of waiting for propositions of accommodation from the House, as has been usual. The House also agreed to adhere to their nonconcurrence; so that after all this, the bill is left, and if the officers named in the bill have any salary, the bill must commence de novo. How the two branches will agree is not to be predicted. This is a fine commentary upon the democratic doctrine of low salaries."
From CONGRESS.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Dec. 29. A BILL was received from the Senate directing the sale of the General Green Frigates and for making an addition to the Navy; which was taken up in committee, of the whole.
Dr. E. H. moved an additional section, allowing officers to half pay officers, subject to navy orders; provided they are not employed on board merchant men, or otherwise engaged in transacting their personal affairs. Agreed to; ayes 35, noes 44.
Mr. Macon (the Speaker) moved to strike out the section of which authorized the augmentation of the armed vessels, and appropriated 50,000 dollars therefor.
Two persons, suspected of theft, have been committed to Concord jail. It was reported, that one of them had confessed being concerned in the robbery of Sumner, on Boston Neck; which is unfoanded.
The Legislature of Massachusetts, met a Boston on Wednesday last; but there not being a quorum of both houses, the members adjourned to meet again the next day.
WASHINGTON, JAN. 2. From New Orleans—Information is received from New Orleans, as late as the 13th ultimo, by the mail of last evening, from which it appears that our commissioners and troops had not arrived at that place. It does not appear how far they had advanced, no letters having been received from Governor Claiborne or General Wilkinson; but it is presumed that they were some distance from Fort Adams.
Readers and Correspondents. A communication from our correspondent "Horatius," was received too late for this day. It shall enrich our next Gazette.
Married. In this town, Mr. Henry Louque, to Miss Betsey Sharburne. At Falmouth, by the Rev. Caleb Bradley, Mr. Edward Drown to Miss Susanna Tuck. In Haddam (Conn.) Mr. Robert Kane, of Providence, to Miss Hannah Rouse. This couple were strangers to each other on Saturday, and on the next day were published, and married at night!
Deceased. In England, Sir Lionel Darrell—George Bugg, Esq. who once accompanied Lunardi in an aerial excursion—John Tucker, a soldier in Athford barracks. He died at 8 o'clock in the morning; before twelve on the same day, his widow was married to another man, and in the evening the happy couple followed the couple of the left husband to the grave as chief mourners.
James Tuttle, Esq. late of Scotland. He was educated at Aberdeen and Edinburgh, was a Student in Surgery and became distinguished in Chemistry at Edinburgh under Dr. Cullen. He has published various works in Geography, and History, besides the most valuable parts of the Encyclopaedia, which has been reprinted in America. His Works and other Papers are numerous. He was engaged at the time of his death in a Universal Geography, a work which he had professed of with success, and which will be prepared for the press. Since he has been in America he has obtained the most favorable opinion of his general character, and of his capacity for great usefulness. Departed this life on Tuesday morning last, at Falmouth, Mass.
LOU GRANTAM, 2d Bn. widow of the late Capt. Caleb Grantam, of Windham. Her funeral will proceed from Mr. John Elders, her son in law in Falmouth, this afternoon, at which time her friends and relatives are desired to attend, without a further invitation.
Owing to delay in receiving the following character of Mrs. Mary Coffin, late of Boston, whose death was noticed in the 31st ult it was not inserted. As a just tribute to her memory, we now give it place. She not only professed the religion of Jesus, but had a high esteem of it, regarding its importance, in peculiar institutions. She was full of benevolence and practical charity to the poor and distressed. She has accordingly left many friends to join their grief to that of a faithful husband and a large family of children, left to feel and improve, such a bereaving providence.
Jenks' Maine Marine List.
Port of Portland. No foreign arrivals since our last. Jan. 3, arrived at Newburyport, from President Jefferson, Patten, of Wiscasset, 25 days from St. Vincent, having left all her cables anchors off York and Portsmouth, and was obliged to go over the bar (with out a pilot) at half ebb, or go on to Plumb Island. Spoke, Dec. 21st, lat. 29, long. 69, 35. W. Schooner Dolphin, Gould, 15 days from St. Vincent, bound to Kennebec, all well—Dec. 30, lat. 38, long. 73, 30, brig Ocean, Sawyer, from St. Bart's, for Portland. Left at St. Thomas', Dec. 13, ship Olive, of Portland, just arrived.
Distrressing Account. —December 28, the sch. Fanny, J. P. Schott, master, sailed from Boston for the W. Indies. In the afternoon anchored in Nantasket Roads, and lay there waiting for a favourable wind until Jan. 2d 1803 when the set sail with the wind N. W. that evening about 8 o'clock, it was discovered that the vessel was on fire, and after searching, found the fire to be under the hearth of the steerage fire-place, every exertion was made to extinguish the flame, but to no purpose; and at about half past 10 o'clock the captain and crew were obliged to take to their boat; the fire then bursting through the Quarter Deck. They were about 12 leagues from Cape Cod Lighthouse, bearing about W. by N. the wind blowing a gale from the N. W. and were left to the mercy of the waves, without bread or water; at 10 o'clock the gale abated, and the wind came round to the Eastward. They then steered West, in hopes to make land; and at half past nine o'clock in the morning discovered land. It came on to blow and snow very hard; and at about half past 12 o'clock, as they approached the land, the surf on the East side of Orleans beach, (Cape Cod,) ran to a prodigious height, and a long distance out. The first comb of the surf, which, which was about 12 or 14 feet, filled the boat; the next which immediately followed, over set her, and all hands were washed out. Capt. Schott, William Farrie, and Francis Stilson, washed on shore; and Joshua Steenbrake, Thomas Coats, John Boifworth, Jacob W. Bell & Julius Augustus were drowned. The next day Thomas Coats and J. W. Bell were picked up about 3 miles from where those who survived went on shore, and were decently interred in the burying ground at Orleans. The survivors received great benefit from the Humane House, which stood near the place where they were distressed, on shore, although it was distant some three or four miles and sloping. They were treated with the greatest humanity by the inhabitants of the Cape. Capt. Schott arrived in town on Monday—Cont.
To be Sold, by Public Vendue, At the House of THOMAS MC LEY, in Portland, On Saturday, the 21 st instant, At eleven o'clock, A.M.
FIVE LOTS OF LAND, situated on Elm-street, in the city of Portland. The first lot is in the rear of the Court-house, and one hundred feet front on Elm-street. The second is bounded on the Cove, and well supplied with a brick yard. The title is indisputable, and well secured. Any person who wishes to purchase the whole or any part of said Lots at private sale, before said day, they will find it to their advantage as it will be sold upon better terms than any land in town generally well situated, can be obtained. For further information apply to Isaac Parker. Portland, 12th Dec. 1803.
THIRTY or Forty Shares in the Maine CROSS & TRASK. Inquire of Andrew Coombs. Litchfield, Jan. 12, 1804.
Bankruptcy.
WHEREAS A Commission of Bankruptcy both been awarded and issued against JOSEPH CROSS, of Portland, in the District of Maine, merchant, and the said Joseph Cross has been declared a Bankrupt, he is hereby required to surrender himself to the Commissioners in said Commission named or to the major part of them, on Tuesday the 24th day of January current, on Tuesday the 7th, and on Tuesday the 21st day of February next, at ten of the clock, A.M. on each of said days at the Commissioners Office, No. 8 Middle-street, Portland, in said District, and make a full discovery and disclosure of his estate and effects; when and where his creditors are to come prepared to prove their debts; and at the second meeting to choose an assignee or assignees, and at the last meeting, said Bankrupt is required to faith his examination; and at said last meeting any of the creditors of said Bankrupt may be heard before said Commissioners against the making or allowing of a certificate to the Judge of said District, to entitle said Bankrupt to a certificate of discharge. All persons indebted to said Bankrupt are to make payment, and those who have any of his effects are to deliver the same to such persons only as the commissioners shall appoint. By order of the Commissioners. N. KINSMAN, Clerk. Dated, 11th Jan 1804.
Crofs & Trask, HAVE just received a large assortment of English & India Goods, which they are selling very low.—Likewise, WEST-INDIA GOODS, of all kinds.—Also, Turks-Island, Bonavista and Liverpool Salt, Good retailing Cod and Pollock Fish, American Cotton — Frells Raisins, Best kind of Hylon, Hylon-Skin, Souchong and Bohea Teas, Nails of all kinds, and Glass, A few barrels Lidded Oil, Spice, Ginger, Pepper, &c. &c. Jan. 12.
All persons indebted to Joseph Crofs, either on Note or Account, are once more requested to call and pay him, or they will be put in suit immediately. Jan. 12. 1804.
DOCTOR LEE'S Patent NEW-LONDON BILIOUS PILLS. Only prepared by SAMUEL H. P. LEE, M. D. member of the Connecticut Medical Society. For sale Wholesale & Retail by SHIRLEY ERVING, Mid. ditto, Portland. THE ineffable virtues of these Pills are to well known throughout the United States and the West-Indies, to need any particular description of them in an advertisement; suffice it to say, that there is no family medicine now extant, that is found to be universally useful and salutary; the unparalleled demand for them from all parts, and the influx of orders constantly increasing, bespeak their intrinsic merit above all others;—practitioners in Physic, sea captains, and overseers of plantations, are fully in the use of them; & from an impartial experience for a number of years, well know how to appreciate their inestimable virtues. For all those diseases which originate from bilious redundancies in the stomach and bowels, the mild yet efficacious purgative qualities of these are a sure preventative and cure. The extensive use of them made in epidemic fevers, by all classes of people, has discovered the singular convenience—being perfectly safe in all hands; and to remove the effects of a debauch, or too free indulgence in ardent spirits, they are ever sure to restore the system, without interrupting business. No family, sea, or plantation medicine chest, of hospital, ought ever to be without so efficacious and convenient a physick. Travellers by sea or land find them of great use in keeping a regular habit of body. It is upwards of ten years since the proprietor invented this most invaluable Family Physick, and near five years since the date of his Patent, signed by the President of the United States, securing to him the exclusive right of making and vending the True and Genuine Bilious Pills. During this period, numerous and multiplied instances have occurred, wherein the avaricious and unprincipled pretenders to medicine, have offered to the public a host of patent and other preparations, under various titles; and authorities that never existed, which is almost every where have been found out, and are known only by those who have "suffered for their folly." On some, that spirit of avarice has prevailed so far, as to induce them to imitate, as far as prudence would allow, my Patent Pills; and by christening them Anti-Bilious, and other names, endeavouring as the title of the present Pills, hoped to build for themselves a temporary character, predicated on the unutterable effect in which these pills are held. But unfortunately for all such pretenders and imitators, their attempts have failed, while on the other hand, my pills growing, step by step, firmly supported by their real and intrinsic virtues, to an unparalleled celebrity. As a proof of this, the Patentees can, without ostentation, assure the public, that more than 100,000 boxes have been sold within four years, in the United States; and that orders for them are increasing in quantity and number. The length of time, in which the public have been benefited by this Patent Medicine, in almost every town and city in the nation, and the general approbation they have met with from their effects and singular convenience, render it useless to offer any further remarks in this place. The Patentees most sincerely recommend to the unvary and unsearchable, who may wish by said pills and know from his genuine pills to be very particular in examining with a careful eye the numerous kinds that may be offered by vendors (not authorized agency or fair purchase) having fictitious titles whereby they may have the effect, and more than barefaced imposture, to tell them they are 'Bilious Pills' impostors may be easily availed by examining my bill of directions, which is headed with these words: Doctor Lee's Patent New-London Bilious Pills , and signed at the bottom in large script type & H. P. Lee, which is wrapped round Tin Boxes.
CAUTION. WHEREAS Isaac Thompson of New-London, has expected for public sale a medicine which he calls "Ananatic Pills or the Test of Truth"—I hereby declare the same to be a base and malicious imitation, of my genuine Description Pills, and caution the public against the use of a preparation, inert and useless in its effects, and calculated to mislead the ignorant of their danger. Samuel H. P. Lee. New-London, Dec. 20, 1803.
Daniel Tucker, No. 20. Long Wharf, Has for sale BALTIMORE Pine & Superfine Flour, in Barrels, and half Barrels. January 11th, 1804.
Joel Hall, Has for sale At No. 15. Long Wharf, 25 puncheons 3d & 4th proof St. Vincent's RUM, of a good quality; which he will sell cheap for cash, by the barrel or puncheon. Jan. 4, 1804.
Samuel Fowle, No. 19. Long Wharf, Has for sale, Hhds. N. E. Rum, do. St. Croix Sugar, Pipes and bbls. Geneva, do. Brandy, Whole and half Chuffs, Bohea Tea, Bales upland Georgia Cotton, Cotton Wicking, Dip'd Candles, A few boxes best Spanish Segars, New milk Chesse, &c. Jan. 11. 1804.
Wharf Timber wanted. By DAVID SMITH, No. 1, Union Wharf. EIGHT Hundred Tons Wharf Timber wanted to be delivered in Portland, by the 1st of May and June next. Any person willing to contract for the whole or part, will please to apply as above. Jan. 7. 1804.
NOW LANDING, And for sale at the head of Titcomb's Wharf, 80 hlds. warranted LIME. Inquire of JONATHAN STEWART, Portland, Jan. 4, 1804. WANTS EMPLOYMENT, IN a Store or Office, a person, who is acquainted with Book-Keeping and Mercantile business. A line directed to J. M. and left with the Printer, will be attended to. Dec. 10.
Administrators & Commissioners Notices. WE the subscribers, Commissioners appointed by the Hon. Wm. Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of JONATHAN ANDREWS, late of Searborough, in the county aforesaid, gentleman, deceased, represented insolvent—hereby give notice that six months from the twenty-eighth day of December last, are allowed to bring in and prove their claims; and that we shall attend that service at the house of Jonathan Andrews, in Searborough, on the first Tuesday in February next, and the first Tuesday in the four following months, from 9 o'clock A. M. to 5 o'clock P. M. on each day. REUBEN SEAVY, SAMUEL RICE, } Commissioners. Searborough, Jan. 9, 1804.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed administrator on the Estate of Jonathan Andrews, late of Searborough, in the county of Cumberland, gentleman, deceased; has taken upon him that trust by giving bonds as the law directs—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to the Commissioners appointed to receive and examine their claims. JONATHAN ANDREWS. Searborough, Jan. 9, 1804. THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Executrix of the last Will and Testament of Abigail O'Donnell, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, Widow, deceased, by proving the said Will, and by giving bond as the law directs—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to Martha Callahan. Dated Dec. 29, 1803.
DOCTOR Nathaniel Whitaker's Estate. WE the subscribers, being appointed by the Hon. Charles Johnston, Esq. Judge of Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Oxford, Commissioners to examine the claims of the Creditors to the Estate of Nathaniel Whitaker, a Physician late of Bethlehem, deceased, represented insolvent—six months from the twenty-sixth day of November last were allowed for the aforesaid beneficiaries. We therefore give notice that we shall attend to the aforesaid business at the dwelling house of Lot Woodbury in said Bethlehem, on the second Mondays of February, April and May next, from 2 to 6 o'clock in the afternoon of said days. No account will be allowed unless attested to. LOT WOODBURY, WHEELER WILDER, JOHN HATCH, } Commissioners. Bethlehem, Dec. 31, 1803.
WE the subscribers, having been appointed by the Hon. Wm. Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to receive and examine the claims of the creditors to the estate of ROBERT M C DONALD, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, mariner, deceased, represented insolvent—hereby give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their claims; and that we shall attend that service at the dwelling house of James Chadwick, inn holder, in Portland, on the second Monday of January, February, March and April next, from 3 to 5 o'clock, A. M. Richard Hemenwell, Arthur M c Lellan, } Commissioners. Dec. 14, 1803.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the Estate of JOHN BAKER, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, Mariner, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs. She therefore requests all persons indebted to the said Deceased's Estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to HEPHZIBAH BAKER. Dated Dec. 14, 1803.
THE Subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the estate of Ephraim Robards; late of Cape Elizabeth, in the County of Cumberland, Yeoman, deceased by giving bond as the law directs; she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same for settlement to ELIZABETH ROBARDS. Cape Elizabeth, Dec. 14, 1803.
TAKE NOTICE, THE Commissioners appointed by the Hon. William Gorham, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland, to the Estate of Ephraim Robards, late of Cape Elizabeth, in said county, Yeoman, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice that they will attend said business at the dwelling house of Elizabeth Robards, on the second Mondays of the six following months. TIMOTHY SMITH, MARK DYER, } Commissioners. Cape Elizabeth, Dec. 14, 1803.
POLAND. NOTICE is hereby given to the several owners of Lots of Land lying in the Second Division of Lots in the town of Poland, in the county of Cumberland, that the following Lots are rated in the bills committed to me the subscriber to collect for the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred two.     No. Lots.  No. Acres.  Price per Lot.  $  Qts.  Dec.  Redd.     17 90 180 18 36 0 69  25 100 150 15 50 0 37  37 50 100 10 27 0 38  38 50 100 10 27 0 38  54 100 250 25 50 0 93  55 90 200 20 40 0 76  76 30 80 8 4 0 8  86 100 300 30 60 1 14  96 100 67 6 7 0 13  123 50 50 5 10 0 19  127 100 100 10 20 0 38  134 100 300 30 60 0  135 50 125 12 24 0 46  142 50 250 25 50 0 93    If no person shall appear to discharge said taxes and all necessary intervening charges on or before Monday the 5th day of March next, at ten of the clock, in the forenoon, at the dwelling house of Capt. John T Merrill, in said town—to such of the said Lots of Land as will be sufficient to discharge the same, will then and there be sold at public auction to the highest bidder, according to law.
Joseph Fernald, Collector. Dated Poland, December 26th, 1803.
House to Let. A Large and commodious Dwelling. House, in Middle-Street, Portland, a few doors east of the Rev. Mr. Kellogg's meeting-house. Possession may be had on the first day of February next. Inquire of WILLIAM TYNG. Gorham, January, 1804. Advertisements omitted this day, will appear in our next.