The Kentucky gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1802-03-26 00:00:00

THE KENTUCKY GAZETTE.
No. 810.]
FRIDAY, MARCH 26, 1802.
[VOL. XV.]
LEXINGTON:—PRINTED BY JOHN BRADFORD, (On Main Street)—PRICE TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAID IN ADVANCE.
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES.
SENATE.
THURSDAY, January 14, 1802.
DEBATE
On Mr. Breckinridge's motion to repeal the act passed last session, for a new organization of the JUDICIARY SYSTEM.
[Mr. Morris, in continuation]
I find that the actual expenditure of the last year, exclusive of salaries amounted to Dolls. 23,154 44 Add the salaries, 10,600
We have a total of, 33,754 44
A sum which exceeds the salary of these sixteen judges.
I find further, that during the last year they have coined cents and half cents to the amount 10,473 dollars and 29 cents. Thus their copper coinage falls a little short of what it costs us for their salaries. We have however from this establishment about a mil- lion of cents, one to each family in America. A little emblematic medal, to be hung over their chimney pieces; and this is all their compensation for all that expence. Yet not a word has been said about the mint, while the judges whose services are much greater, and of so much more importance to the com- munity, are to be struck off at a blow, in order to save an expence which, compared with the object, is pitiful. What conclusion then are we to draw from this predilection?
I will not pretend to align to gentlemen, the motives by which they may be influenced; but if I should permit myself to make the enquiry, the style of so many observations, and more especially the manner, the warmth, the irritability, which have been exhibited on this occasion, would lead to a solution of the problem. I had the honor, sir, when I address- ed you the other day to observe, that I be- lieved the universe could not afford a specta- cle more sublime than the view of a powerful state kneeling at the altar of justice, and sa- crificing there her passion and her pride. That I once fostered the hope of beholding that spectacle of magnanimity in America. And now what a world of figures has the gen- tleman from Virginia formed on his appre- hension of that remark. I never expressed any thing like exultation at the idea of a State ignominiously dragged in triumph at the heels of your judges. But permit me to say, the gentleman's exquisite sensibility on that sub- ject, his alarm and apprehension, all shew his strong attachment to state authority. Far be it from me, however, to charge the gentle- man with improper motives. I know that his emotions arise from one of those imper- fections in our nature, which we cannot reme- dy. They are excited by causes which have naturally made him hostile to this constituti- on, though his duty compels him reluctantly to support it. I hope, however, that those gentlemen, who entertain different sentiments, and who are less irritable on the score of state dignity, will think it essential to preserve a constitution, without which the independent existence of the states themselves will be but of short duration.
This, sir, leads me to the second object I had proposed. I shall therefore pray your in- dulgence, while I consider how far this mea- sure is constitutional. I have not been able to discover the expediency, but will now for argument sake admit it; and here, I cannot but express my deep regret for the situation of an honorable member from North-Caroli- na. Tied fast as he is, by his instructions, arguments, however forcible, can never be effectual. I ought therefore to wish for his sake, that his mind may not be convinced by any thing I shall say; for hard indeed would be his condition, to be bound by the contra- riant obligations of an order and an oath. I cannot however, but express my profound re- spect for the talents of those who gave him his instructions, and who sitting at a distance, without hearing the arguments, could better understand the subject than the senator on this floor after full discussion.
The honorable member from Virginia has repeated the distinction, before taken, between the supreme and the inferior tribunals; he has insisted on the distinction between the words shall and may ; has inferred from that dis- tinction, that the judges of the inferior courts are subjects of legislative discretion, and has contended that the word may includes all power respecting the subject to which it is applied, consequently to raise up and to put down, to create and to destroy. I must en- reat your patience, sir, while I go more into this subject than I ever supposed would be necessary. By the article, so often quoted, it is declared "that the judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts, as the Con- gress may from time to time establish." I
beg leave to recal your attention to what I have already said of these inferior courts. That the original jurisdiction of various sub- jects be given exclusively to them, it became the bounden duty of congress, to establish such courts. I will not repeat the argument alrea- dy used on that subject. But I will ask those, who urge the distinction between the supreme court and the inferior tribunals, whether a law was not previously necessary before the supreme court could be organized. They reply that the constitution says, there shall be a supreme court, and therefore the congress are commanded to organize it, while the rest is left to their discretion. This, sir, is not the fact. The constitution says, the judicial power shall be vested in one supreme court, and in inferior courts. The legislature can therefore only organize one supreme court, but they may establish as many inferior courts as they shall think proper. The designation made of them by the constitution is, such in- ferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain and establish. But why, say gentlemen, fix precisely one supreme court, and leave the rest to legislative discretion? The answer is simple. It results from the na- ture of things, from the existent and probable state of our country. There was no difficulty in deciding, that one and only one supreme court should be proper or necessary, to which should lie appeals from inferior tribunals. Not so as to these. The United States were advancing in rapid progression. Their popu- lation of three millions was soon to become five, then ten, afterwards twenty millions. This was well known as far as the future can become an object of human comprehension. In this increase of numbers, with a still greater increase of wealth, with the extension of our commerce and the progress of the arts, it was evident that although a great many tribunals would become necessary, it was im- possible to determine either on the precise number or the most convenient form. The convention did not pretend to this prescience; but, had they possessed it, would it have been proper to have established then all the tribunals necessary for all future times? Would it have been wise to have planted courts among the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, the Cherokees, the Tuscaroras, and God knows how many more, because at some future day the regions over which they roam might be cultivated by polished men? Was it not proper, wise, necessary to leave in the discretion of congress, the number and the kind of courts which they might find it pro- per to establish for the purpose designated by the constitution. This simple statement of facts; facts of public notoriety, is alone a sufficient comment on and explication of the word on which gentlemen have so much re- lied. The convention in framing, the people in adopting this compact, say the judicial power shall extend to many cases, the original cognizance whereof shall be by the inferior courts; but it is neither necessary, nor even possible, now to determine their number or their form; that essential power therefore, shall vest in such inferior courts as the Con- gress may from time to time, in the progressi- on of time and according to the indication of circumstances, establish . Not provide , ordain , or determine , but establish . Not a mere temporary provision, but an establish- ment . If after this it had laid in general terms, that judges should hold their offices during good behavior, could a doubt have ex- isted on the interpretation of this act, under all its attending circumstances, that the judges of the inferior courts were intended, as well as those of the supreme court? But did the framers of the constitution stop there? Is there then nothing more? Did they risk on these grammatical niceties the fate of Am- erica? Did they rest here the most important branch of our government? Little impor- tant, indeed, as to foreign danger; but infi- nitely valuable to our domestic peace and to personal protection against the oppression of our rulers. No. Left a doubt should be raised, they have carefully connected the judges of both courts in the same sentence; they have said "the judges both of the su- preme and inferior courts," thus coupling them inseparably together. You may cut the bands, but you can never untie them. With salutary caution they devised this clause, to arrest the overbearing temper which they knew belonged to legislative bodies. They do not say the judges simply, but the judges of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behavior. They say therefore to the legislature, you may judge of the propriety, the utility, the necessity of or- ganizing these courts; but when established you have done your duty. Anticipating the course of passion in future times, they say to the legislature, you shall not disgrace your- selves by exhibiting the indecent spectacle of judges established by one legislature removed by another. We will save you also from yourselves. We say these judges shall hold their offices: and surely, sir, to pretend that they can hold their office after the office is destroyed is contemptible.
The framers of this constitution had seen
much, read much, and deeply reflected. They knew by experience the violence of popular bodies, and let it be remembered that since that day many of the states, taught by expe- rience, have found it necessary to change their forms of government to avoid the effects of that violence. The convention contempla- ted the very act you now attempt. They knew also the jealousy and the power of the states; and they established for your and for their protection, this most important depart- ment, I beg gentlemen to hear and to remem- ber what I say. It is this department alone, and it is the independence alone of this de- partment, which can save you from civil war. Yes, sir, adopt the language of gentlemen, say with them, by the act to which you are urged, "if we cannot remove the judges we can de- stroy them." Establish thus the dependence of the judiciary department. Who will re- sort to them for protection against you? Who will confide in, who will be bound by their decrees? Are we then to resort to the ulti- mate reason of Kings! Are our arguments to fly from the mouths of our cannon?
We are told that we may violate our con- stitution, because similar constitutions have been violated elsewhere. Two states have been cited to that effect, Maryland and Vir- ginia. The honorable gentleman from Virgi- nia tells us that when this happened in the state he belongs to, no complaint was made by the judges. I will not enquire into that fact, although I have the protest of the jud- ges now lying before me. Judges eminent for their talents renowned for their learning, respectable for their virtue. I will not en- quire what constitutions have been violated, I will not ask either when or where this dan- gerous practice began, or has been followed. I will admit the fact. What does it prove? Does it prove that because they have violated, we also may violate? Does it not prove di- rectly the contrary? Is it not the strongest reason on earth for preserving the independ- ence of our tribunals? If it be true that they have with strong hand seized their courts, and bent them to their will, ought we not to give suitors a fair chance for jus- tice in our courts, or must the suffering citi- zen be deprived of all protection?
The gentleman from Virginia has called our attention to certain cases which he considers as forming necessary exceptions to the principles for which we contend. Per- mit me to say that necessity is a bad law; and frequently proves too much; and let the gentleman recollect that arguments which prove too much prove nothing.
He has instanced a case where it may be proper to appoint commissioners for a limited time to settle some particular description of controversies. Undoubtedly it is always in the power of congress to form a board of commissioners for particular purposes. He asks are these inferior courts, and must they also exist forever? I answer that the nature of their offices must depend on the law by which they are created; if called to exercise the judicial functions designated by the constitution they must have an existence conformable to its injunctions.
Again he has instanced the Mississippi Ter- ritory, claimed by, and which may be surren- dered to the state of Georgia, and a part of the union which may be conquered by a for- eign enemy. And he asks triumphantly are our inferior courts to remain after our juris- diction is gone? This case rests upon a prin- ciple so simple that I am surprised the hon- orable member did not perceive the answer in the very moment when he made the objecti- on. Is it by our act that a country is taken from us by a foreign enemy? Is it by our consent that our jurisdiction is lost? I had the honor, in speaking the other day, expressly and for the most obvious reasons, to except the case of conquest. As well might we con- tend for the government of a town swallowed up by an earthquake.
General Mason explained—He had suppo- sed the case of territory conquered and after- wards ceded to the conqueror, or some other territory ceded in lieu of it.
Mr. Morris,—The case is precisely the same. Until after the peace the conquest is not complete. Every body knows that until the cession by treaty, the original owner has the postliminary right to a territory taken from him.—Beyond all question where con- gress are compelled to cede the territory, the judges can no longer exist unless the new sovereign confer the office. Over such a ter- ritory the authority of the constitution ceases, and of course the rights which it confers.
It is said, the judicial institution is intend- ed for the benefit of the people, and not of the judge; and it is complained of, that in speak- ing of the office, we say it is his office. Un- doubtedly the institution is for the benefit of the people. But the question remains how will it be rendered most beneficial? Is it by making the judge independent, by ma- king it his office, or is it by placing him in a state of abject dependence, so that the office shall be his to-day and belong to another to- morrow? Let the gentleman hear the words of the constitution; it speaks of their offices,
consequently as applied to a single judge of his office, to be exercised by him for the bene- fit of the people of America, to which exer- cise his independence is as necessary as his office.
The gentleman from Virginia has on this occasion likened the judge to a bridge, and to various other objects; but I hope for his pardon, if while I admire the lofty flights of his eloquence, I abstain from noticing obser- vations which I conceive to be utterly irre- levant.
The same hon. member has not only given us his history of the supreme court, but has told us of the manner in which they do busi- ness, and expressed his fears that having little else to do, they will do mischief.—We are not competent, sir, to examine, nor ought we to prejudge, their conduct. I am persuaded that they will do their duty, and presume they will have the decency to believe that we do our duty. In so far as they may be busied with the great mischief of checking the legis- lative or executive departments in any wanton invasion of our rights, I shall rejoice in that mischief.—I hope indeed they will not be so busied, because I hope we shall give them no cause. But also I hope they will keep an eagle eye upon us left we should. It was partly for this purpose they were established, and I trust that when properly called on they will dare to act. I know this doctrine is un- pleasant. I know it is more popular to appeal to public opinion, that equivocal, transient be- ing, which exists no where and every where. But if ever the occasion calls for it, I trust that the supreme court will not neglect doing the great mischief of saving this constitution, which can be done much better by their deli- berations, than by resorting to what are called revolutionary measures.
The hon. member from North-Carolina, foremost by the delicate situation in which he is placed, thinks he has discovered a new argu- ment in favor of the vote which he is instructed to give. As far as I can enter into his ideas, and trace their progress, he seems to have as- sumed the position which was to be proved, and then searched through the constitution, no- to discover whether the legislature have the right contended for, but whether, admit- ting them to possess it, there may not be something which might comport with that idea. I shall state the honorable member's arguments, as I understand it, and if mistaken pray to be corrected. He read to us that clause which relates to impeachment, and comparing it with that which fixes the tenure of judicial office, has observed that this clause must relate solely to a removal by the execu- tive power whose right to remove though not indeed any where mentioned in the consti- tution, has been admitted in a practice founded on legislative construction.
That as the tenure of the office is good behavior, and as the clause re- impeachment, does not specify misbe- there is evidently a cause of removal cannot be reached by impeachment course (the executive not being per- remove) the right must necessarily de- the legislature. Is this the honora- ber's argument? If it be, the repl- simple. Misbehavior is not a term our law.—The idea is expressed by misdemeanor; which word is in the quoted respecting impeachments. Take therefore the two together, and speaking plain old English, the constitution says: "The judges shall hold their offices as long as they shall demean themselves well , but if they shall misdemean , if they shall on impeachment be convicted of misdemeanor , they shall be re- moved. Thus, sir, the honorable member will find that the one clause is just as broad as the other. He will see, therefore, that the legislature can assume no right from the defi- ciency of either, and will find that this clause which he relied on goes, if rightly understood, to the confirmation of our doctrine.
Is there a member of this house, who can lay his hand on his heart and say that consi- stently with the plain words of our constitution, we have a right to repeal this law? I believe not. And if we undertake to construe this constitution to our purposes, and say that public opinion is to be our judge, there is an end to all constitutions. To what will not this dangerous doctrine lead? Should it to- day be the popular wish to destroy the first magistrate, you can destroy him! And should he to-morrow be able to conciliate to him the popular will, and lead them to wish for your destruction, it is easily effected. Adopt this principle, and the whim of the moment will not only be the law, but the constitution of our country.
The gentleman from Virginia has menti- oned a great nation brought to the feet of one of her servants. But why is she in that situation? Is it not because popular opinion was called on to decide every thing, until those, who wore bayonets, cided for all the rest. Our situation is pecu- At pre- sent our national compact can prevent a state from acting hostile towards the general interest. But let this compact be destroyed and each state becomes instantaneously vested

with absolute sovereignty.—Is there no instance of a similar situation to be found in history? Look at the states of Greece. They were once in a condition not unlike to that in which we should then stand. They treated the recommendations of their Amphictyonic Council (which was more a meeting of ambassadors than a legislative assembly) as we did the resolutions of the old congress. Are we wise? So were they.—Are we valiant? They also were brave.—Have we one common language, and are we united under one head? In this also there is a strong resemblance. But by their divisions, they became at first victims of the ambition of Philip, and were at length swallowed up in the Roman empire. Are we to form an exception to the general principles of human nature, and to all the examples of history? And are the maxims of experience to become false, when applied to our fate?
Some, indeed, flatter themselves, that our destiny will be like that of Rome. Such indeed it might be if we had the same wise but vile aristocracy under whose guidance they became the masters of the world. But we have not that strong aristocratic arm, which can seize a wretched citizen, scourged almost to death by a remorless creditor, turn him into the ranks, and bid him as a soldier bear our Eagle in triumph round the globe. I hope to God we shall never have such an abominable institution. But what, I ask, will be the situation of these States (organized as they now are) if by the dissolution of our national compact they be left to themselves? What is the probable result? We shall either be the victims of foreign intrigue, and split into factions, fall under the denomination of a foreign power, or else after the misery and torment of civil war, become the subjects of an usurping military despot. What but this compact? What but the specific part of it, can save us from ruin? The judicial power; that fortress of the constitution, is now to be overturned. Yes, with honest Ajax I would not only throw a shield before it, I would build around it a wall of brass. But I am too weak to defend the rampart against the host of assailants. I must call to my assistance, their good sense, their patriotism, and their virtue. Do not, gentlemen, suffer the rage of passion to drive reason, from her seat. If this law be indeed bad, let us join to remedy the defects. Has it been passed in a manner which wounded your pride, or roused your resentment? Have, I conjure you, the magnanimity to pardon that offence. I entreat, I implore you, to sacrifice those angry passions to the interests of our country. Pour out this pride of opinion on the altar of patriotism. Let it be an expiatory libation for the weal of America. Do not, for God's sake, do not suffer that pride to plunge us all into the abyss of ruin. Indeed, indeed, it will be but of little, very little avail, whether one opinion or the other be right or wrong—it will heal no wounds, it will pay no debts, it will rebuild no ravaged towns—Do not rely on that popular will, which has brought us frail beings into political existence? That opinion is but a changeable thing. It will soon change. This very measure will change it. You will be deceived. Do not I beseech you, in reliance on a foundation so frail, commit the dignity, the harmony, the existence of our nation to the wild wind. Trust your treasure to the waves. Throw not compass and your charts into the ocean. Believe that its billows will waft you to shore. Indeed, indeed, you will be deceived, cast not away this only anchor of safety. I have seen its progress. I know difficulties through which it was obtained. In the presence of Almighty God, and the world. I declare to you, that if you charter, never! no never! will you charter. We are now perhaps arrived at the brink of fate. Pause—Pause—For even's sake pause!
MR. BRECKINRIDGE. It is high time, Mr. President, that the attention of the committee should be again called to the real merits of the question under discussion. We have wandered long enough, with the gentlemen in the opposition, in those regions of fancy and of terror, to which they have led us. They must indulge us in returning and pursuing our object.
I cannot, however, in justice to my feelings, go into the discussion, without making some remarks on the manner with which the attempts of those who are in favor of this repeal have been treated. It has been echoed and re-echoed at every sentence; that we are attacking a law, matured by wisdom, and upon which the rights and security of the nation depend. That we are about to demolish the principal pillar in the fabric of our constitution, and thereby dissolve the union: and we are politely reminded by the gentleman from Connecticut, that the Roman government, also once the favorite fabric of the world, sunk under the rude stroke of Gothic hands. Without inquiring what has entitled these honorable gentlemen, to assume to themselves the exclusive guardianship of the constitution; and without inquiring what their attachment to it is; I do pretend sir, and that without paying to myself any compliment that great as theirs may be; mine is not less. Gentlemen may, therefore, for the future, save themselves the trouble of attempting to arouse my fears on this subject, when I once for all assure them, that my duty as a citizen, and my oath as a senator, are more operative with me, than the warning voice of any man or set of men, from what quarter soever it may come, and however high the pretensions to experience and patriotism are, which they may choose to assume. But, nevertheless, my anxiety to
preserve inviolate this constitution, I am not to be diverted from my object by every tocsin of alarm which gentlemen may think fit to sound. Let me not be told of dangers to the constitution, and of dangers to the union. Contemptible, indeed, is the basis on which that constitution rests, poor is the compliment to the good sense and patriotism of the people of America, if that constitution and their liberties can, as has been contended be shaken to the centre, by the repeal of a single law, of but a single year's duration; suspicious indeed in its origin, burdensome and useless to the community, and affecting simply a few individuals, interested against that repeal, by paltry pecuniary considerations only.
I shall commence the remarks I am about to make, by asking a single question, which applies to all the observations of the gentlemen in the opposition. Has any gentleman shewed, or attempted to shew, that the increase of courts and judges by this law, was necessary or justifiable from the state of things at the time it was passed? They have I admit attempted to shew by reasoning at a great distance, that they may be wanting hereafter, that our empire is large, that it is populating fast, and that insurrections might happen. Indeed the gentlemen in the opposition have taken different and inconsistent ground. The honorable gentleman from New-Hampshire, venerable from his years, and respectable from his talents, tells us, this law was not the offspring of a night, but has been well matured. The gentleman from Vermont requests that we may not prostrate measures from pique. The gentleman from Massachusetts takes different ground, and denies the power of congress to repeal the law: and the gentleman from Connecticut says, that the original law, establishing the judiciary, was but an experiment; and that experience is the only sure test of all human contrivances.
Now for the consistency of gentlemen. Some contend that the law was well matured and ought not be dispensed with. Others that we cannot repeal it at all, whether matured or not well matured; and others that it is a part of a system of experiment. If, sir, the first law was an experiment, this law is of course an experiment upon an experiment. Now for the reasoning of the gentleman from Connecticut. "Experience is the only sure test of all regulations;" therefore you may make an experiment, and even an experiment upon an experiment, but yet these experiments are unalterable. This is really an original notion about experiments; that you may try them to see if they will answer, but whether they do or do not, they are fastened on you.
The honorable gentleman from Georgia could not after two explanations atone to the gentleman from Connecticut for an inadvertent expression dropt by him in the warmth of argument, which carried an insinuation, that this law was made in a passion. Let the gentleman from Connecticut, therefore, have it as he stated it, that the law passed with great coolness and deliberation; If gentlemen then supposed it was to be an irrepealable experiment, and to be entailed on their country, I will say it was a wanton experiment. I will say more: It was an experiment, which instead of being justified by a shadow of necessity, was negatived by the existing state of things at the time it was made; and that it was an experiment never made upon earth before, to try, how courts and judges would answer, without business. The absurdity moreover, with respect to this strange doctrine of irrepealable experiments, is increased, because some gentlemen admit, that you may modify and change the law, but so as not to affect the judges. I understand them then on that point to mean, that you may modify and change the law as you please, provided you increase the number of judges, or the expence of the system; but that you violate the constitution, if you diminish the number of judges or attempt to economize the system: or in other words, it is constitutional to abolish any part, or all of the system; but what relates to the salary part of it: which in plain English would be "do what you please, gentlemen, with our system; but spare, oh spare those for whom the system was made, the judges."
The gentleman from Massachusetts asks for an instance of an attempt similar to the one under consideration. If he meant of an example of the abolition of courts and judges, which had become unnecessary, I refer him to the examples of Maryland and Virginia already cited; States composed of one million two-hundred thousand inhabitants, and composing more than one-fifth part of the Union, who have each exercised that power. An instance, exactly or very nearly similar to the one under consideration, cannot, I suppose be adduced; for I would ask him in my turn, if he can shew me in the union, or in the universe, an instance of a set of courts created without any business for them to act on; and beneficial to the judges only?
(To be continued.)
AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE.
Maryland.
BALTIMORE, March 3.
Extract of a letter from a captain at Cape Francois, to his owner in Baltimore, dated February 10.
"On the 3d inst. the French fleet arrived off the harbor, and sent in a cutter to know on what terms they were to be received; when general Christophe, tho' proper not to let them come into the har-
bor, and sent out the cutter again with orders to the admiral, that if he attempted to come in by force, he would set fire to the town. On the 4th there being very little wind all the day until afternoon, one of the French ships came very near the fort, intending, we supposed, to have come in, when the fort immediately fired on them, and obliged them to haul off again, and in one hour afterwards the town of Cape Francois was set fire to in several places, when it exhibited the most shocking sight I ever saw."
Virginia.
ALEXANDRIA, March 8.
From Touissant's having completely equipped and accoutred all his men, and put them into splendid regimentals the very day the fleet appeared off the cape, there is no doubt but his arrangements had been long before, to make a stand against the troops sent from the mother country; and that his general orders to his officers were, to burn the towns on the coast on the appearance of the different squadrons, and to retire to the mountains, with the whites, and all the treasures and military stores they could carry off. Two other considerations conduce to this opinion:—No advices having been sent him by Buonaparte, announcing the peace of Europe—nor any commissioners to assure to him and his blacks, that their liberty, their property, and their political consequence, as the recompence for their valor, in preserving the island from the British, should be respected: on the contrary, the messengers chosen by the consul to announce those tidings were the flower of the fleets of France and Spain, and 40,000 of the veteran conquerors of Italy—suspicious ministers of peace it must be confessed! These were to tell Touissant that they came as friends to secure the safety of the island from all external danger, and to guarantee their freedom; But this wary Negro, it seems, could reply, that if there be peace between you and England, what need of such a force now? Why not have sent them when the storm of war from without and within beat upon us? Was it that you found us able to protect ourselves, & defend the island from all its enemies? Touissant's late proclamation is also a proof that he suspected the intentions of France, and that an appeal to the God of battles must be the inevitable result, if an armament should be sent to the island. The object of this instrument was to repress all alarms—to punish those who dared to say that an army would be transported to the island—and to prevent the spirit of his troops from being broken by rumors of the preparations, of the forces, and of the measures of France directed against the colony: But it at the same time declared that if such calumnious reports should be verified by facts, that then "I dread not man: I fear God only. If death must ensue, I shall die like a soldier of honor"—on the field of battle. On the most cursory reading of this proclamation, no one could for a moment be ignorant of the steps that would be taken on the first appearance of a military force from France.
The policy of the first consul has been unaccountably blind in this instance; but it is the fortune of the conqueror to soar above his own greatness, and to overlook all obstacles to the attainment of his ambitious ends. We are not sufficiently acquainted with the resources or difficulties which the mountainous parts of St. Domingo afford, either for foraging an army or the choice of military posts, to speak of the duration or successful event of the war; but we are much mistaken in the prudence and valor of the black general, as well as the discipline and congeniality of his men to the climate, if it do not cost much treasure, many years of toil, and many lives, before the island can be again brought to a state of subjection and obedience to France.
(Balt. Fed. Gaz.)
Lexington, March 26.
The author of the following thoughts expects that the usual keenness of criticism, will treat with lenity, a production which has few pretensions to elegance or precision.
At the first meeting of the TRANSLYVANIAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, in January 1802, the President John Johnson, appointed pro. tem. at the request of the Society, delivered the following
ADDRESS.
Gentlemen, Agreeable to your request, I shall now make some preliminary observations on the utility of an institution of this kind. The novelty of the duties incumbent upon me, and the general expectation of the members intuitively, creates a diffidence
which is inseparable from the task. But why should I labour under this difficulty when the subject upon which I address you, is auspicious?
You have now organized a society for the purpose of investigating the various departments of philosophy—You have every thing to induce you to engage in the arduous but honorable pursuit of philosophical speculation. The advantages arising from an institution of this kind, if conducted with vigor and perseverance, might be obvious to the most moderate capacity. He, who wishes to become a disciple of unerring reason must encounter those scenes of abstruse investigation, which are the concomitants of philosophy, with the invincible intrepidity of a Socrates or a Cato.
Among the many millions of men who have enjoyed reasoning powers to as great a degree as Newton, there are but few whose names appear on the list of sages; The other class have rose and fell in obscurity, and of course make nothing but one continued blank in the catalogue of Man. Age after age has past away, and nature's laws (comparatively speaking) are as yet unexplored by the human mind. It is then a duty which we owe to ourselves, to society, and to posterity, to step out unappalled, into the capacious field of philosophy, and give those reasoning powers which the God of Nature has endowed us with full scope to explore his works. We are not by nature philosophers—it is art that makes the sage. He whose mind is in its original state, whose intellects are delitute of the fascinating embellishments of erudition, is as illiterate as if he had been born blind; he passes his life in profound darkness, and he makes his final exit into the silent repose of eternity, without having seen any thing, or at most perceives but glimmering and false lights, vain shadows and phantoms, that have nothing real—On the contrary, he, whose mind is replete with the radiance of philosophy, will rise superior to the grovelings of ignorance, and be destined to move in a higher sphere of life, where happiness, fame and immortality abound. The true philosopher can condescend with placidity from his dignified sphere of human reason, like the Pagan Gods from Olympus, and view the conflicting passions of infuriated man, rudely convulsing society, and forming the grand reservoir of human misery. Hence who would not on seeing the grave but majestic deportment of the sage, and the like servility of the dupe, prefer laboring low Socrates, with unremitting assiduity, to concentrate the wisdom of all the antiques within the precincts of his own mind, there to decorate and improve it at leisure? It was a mind like this that collected the scattered materials of philosophy, arranged and adorned them with all the elegance and perspicuity language could afford; that rendered the names of a Franklin a Rittenhouse, immortal. Franklin rose in obscurity and shone with no great splendor in the morn of his life, but nothing surpassed the brilliancy of his setting rays. Franklin braved the strokes of adverse fortune, and rose in spite of all opposition, triumphant on that ignorance which naturally envelopes the human mind It was Franklin who appeared unappalled on the crimson theatre of the American war, and with Athenian intrepidity, pointed the glittering steel of indignant freemen at the breasts of tyrants. Franklin, who mounted the ramparts of the skies, and like Prometheus, snatched the sacred fire from heaven—And to consummate human felicity, united and put in practice the wisdom of a philosopher, the talents of a statesman, the patriotism of a Brutus, and the goodness and benevolence of a Howard.—But Franklin the patron of human nature is no more! he is corporally dead, yet he mentally lives.
Rittenhouse, as a philosopher commands our attention. He who directed the American telescope towards the vast concave of the heavens, and at one comprehensive view, beheld the boundless harmony which exists through universal nature. But he too, has been hurried away by the uncontrouled shafts of death through the portals of everlasting renown.—But why should I descend to the vaults of eternity, and travel through their gloomy recesses, in search of a character for our model, when we have living characters in whom are united the gravity of the sage, the wisdom of the philosopher, the talents of the statesman and the freedom of heaven.
Jefferson, who in his ministerial capacity, acts with that dignity and deference to his constituents, which irresistibly commands respect even from his adversaries. The philosophic Jefferson, who is now supporting like Atlas, the standard of liberty, round which each citizen of inflexible integrity will rally.
These characters I have selected as worthy of your observation. They, having been in their turn distinguished members of different philosophical societies;

and likewise from their having been the spontaneous production of American genius. The infinite variety there is in the subject of philosophy, makes it inviting to persons of every description—it supplies materials with equal ease and copiousness, for the sallies of mirth, and the gravest disquisitions of the learned. It will furnish the possessors of it with an inexhaustible source of mental consolation and happiness amid the storms of adversity, and a degree of philosophical knowledge becomes a necessary requisite to the felicity and prosperity of man. The farmer, the mechanic, the historian and the statesman, all taught to have a knowledge of philosophy. The farmer ought to be acquainted with this science, to render him competent to a judicious disposition of his domestic affairs. He must have cognizance of the immutable laws of nature, in order that he may consign his seeds to the earth in the proper season—Likewise to reap the productions of his labor when nature has performed her part. But this is not the only advantage the farmers (who compose the most formidable part of our community) may reap from a knowledge of philosophy—It was from this source that man first derived those ideas of natural and civil liberty they now possess. The celebrated Blackstone, says—"That civil liberty is only an abridgement or modification of natural liberty." Thus, where the splendor of philosophy is diffused through the minds of every constituent member of society, they will have a radical knowledge of the laws of nature, & consequently the rudiments of the laws of civil society. A society guarded by the impenetrable shield of philosophy, will be secure from the unwarranted attacks of tyranny. Each member will then tend, like gravity, toward the centre of liberty, which is the concomitant of philosophy, and which has been the cause of shaking empires and nations to their very centre, will, in a government secured by invincible reason, stand unconnected with error and oppression, in the spacious field of philosophy. After all the avenues of free investigation were shut up by the debauchery of courts in the old world, it was then that liberty was hunted down by tyrants of every description—she then called for relief—she panted for some lonely asylum where she could repose in safety. Notwithstanding she retreated across the uproar of the Atlantic, into the extensive and variegated plains of America, the arm of oppression rapaciously followed, until the indignation of dejected freedom burst forth like the thunders of heaven, and hurled arrogance and tyranny from their imperious seats in the temple of usurpation? but all these evils, bickerings and discords, which are the attendants of every society, will be removed by each member's having his mind embellished with the radiance of philosophy. The philosophic farmer who spends his life encircled by the luxuriant productions of his fields, will find innumerable sources of mental speculation.
Philosophy is not less applicable to the mechanic than the farmer—for the mechanic who is ignorant of the powers of the lever, the wheel and axle, the wedge, the screw, and the inclined plane, is a mere blank in the mechanical art.
It is likewise indispensably necessary to the qualification of a complete historian, to have a mind replete with philosophy. History, is the telescope through which we can see man in the different stages of civilization. It is through it we see their virtues and their vices depicted in all their various forms. But could an observer view the august rolling of the planets through a telescope which was stripped of its proper number of glasses? Or can a person who looks through the perspective of history see the dire vicissitudes of mankind, unless the historical facts are clothed with philosophical comments, and their true causes and effects assigned? The non-philosophic historian, who delineates imperfectly the exterior lines of past events, only heaps confusion upon chaos, and perplexes the minds of his readers—He draws a veil of obscurity over the historic page; in fine, he will lead his observers into the wide expanse of historical delusion. But the historian will avoid those errors by adding philosophy as an auxiliary steersman to guide his pedantic goose-quill while portraying the subject of his narrative. Historic truth will then cease to vibrate like the perpetual motion between certainty and uncertainty.
Let us now turn and view the statesman, decked in a philosophic garb. Philosophy and consummate legislation, are as inseparable as light is from heat. When we consider the sacred functions of the legislator in prescribing a rule of civil conduct, by which each individual citizen is to regulate his actions, we are intuitively commanded to stand in silent awe and view the separation of the sage from the legislator. How can it be expected that the statesman whose mind is devoid of the radical principles of nature, could make laws the foundation of which are in the immutable laws of nature? It would be like attempting to build a superb edifice without a foundation. It is the wisdom of the sage alone that will
enable the legislator to explore the hidden recesses of error and intrigue, which have, are, & I am afraid will be the eternal curses of society. It is philosophic wisdom which will raise our didactic agents superior to the pitiful alternative of trampling down the natural privileges of our fellow citizens. It is philosophy which will unveil that empty but ostentatious pomp, vain pride and lurking disposition, which naturally haunts the rude and uncultivated mind. It is philosophy which ought to form the legislator's oracle, which oracle would constitute his grand and unerring council. The continual sallies of the rude voice of sophistry and dissimulation, will in vain assail the inflexibility of the philosophic legislator: when our legislative rostrum is filled with characters of this kind, the malignant engines of popular intrigues, will avail the ambitious and frothy pretender nothing, when set in opposition to the invincible integrity of talents. Hence we see that a universal diffusion of philosophical knowledge becomes the vital principle of society and the harbinger of civilization—without it, we should again immerse into natural ignorance, and remain for ever veiled under the curtain of oblivion.
I have endeavored to point out some of the most prominent advantages resulting from an acquaintance with the science of philosophy—I have attempted to shew in a deftly manner that the roving eye of the philosopher can find a subject of speculation in every part of nature—the variegated landscape—the craggy precipice—the billows of the ocean—the plains of Heaven—the gliding of the rivulet—the whispers of the breeze—the solitary wood, or the crowded city—all afford him an infinite source of mental improvement.
Those, gentlemen, are the principal remarks I have to make to you. Let your own judgment and good sense direct you in your choice of proper subjects of philosophical discussion;—and although our society has taken its rise in obscurity, it requires nothing, as experience proves, but our own exertions to raise it from its present state to make it eminent and respectable.
NOTICE.
AS I have invented a Machine for the CUTTING OF NAILS , which will on a moderate calculation, cut one thousand pounds of Iron into Nails of any size, in twelve hours; and have shewn a model thereof, to a number of my friends and acquaintances; also, have taken the proper steps to obtain a patent for the same, I do hereby forwarn all persons from making use of said invention, under the penalty of what the law directs in such cases.
EDWD. WEST.
Lexington, 24th March, 1802.
THE Students of the Transylvania University, are credibly informed, that reports have been circulated, that they have established societies among themselves in the University, for the purpose of discussing Deistical principles. Conscious that such reports are circulated without the least shadow of truth for their support, and believing if not arrested, they will have a tendency not only to injure the institution in the public opinion, but also the reputation of the President and Professors, as well as themselves, deem it expedient on their part, to give this public notice, that they intend to petition the trustees of the University at their next meeting, which will be held on the first Monday in April, to make strict enquiry into the premises, and do justice to their individual reputations. And they hereby invite those who have circulated the above reports, to come forward prepared to support them.
Signed by consent and on behalf of the Students, by their committee.
Thomas B. Reed, } Rice Jones, } William Watkins, } Committee. Josiah S. Johnson, } Alexander Pope. }
March 25th 1802.
TO BE RENTED FOR ONE YEAR, And possession given on the 1st of May,
THE lot and buildings thereon, in the town of Lexington, opposite the Office of the Kentucky Gazette, and extending from Main-street, to Short-street. There is a handsome two story
BRICK BUILDING, Fronting on Main-street, a BRICK KITCHEN and SMOKE HOUSE, and a good FRAMED STABLE back. Any person inclined to take the above mentioned lot and buildings, may know the terms by applying to the Printer hereof .
AS my Son Tandy Rutherford , has without any just cause eloped from out of my care, or jurisdiction, I hereby forwarn any person or persons, whatever, from dealing with him, or harbouring him by any means, as I shall not spare putting the law in force against any body that will be liable for the above breach, &c.
Archibald Rutherford.
March 27, 1802.
BLANKS.
Of every description may be had at this Office.
NOTICE.
THE first quarterly meeting of the SHARE-HOLDERS in the Kentucky Insurance Company , will be held at their Office in Lexington, on Thursday the 1st day of April next, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon.
By order of the Directors, W. MACBEAN, Clk.
Insurance Office, 24th March, 1802.
WHEREAS my wife Isabella Green , on the 10th inst. left my bed and board without any just cause, I hereby forwarn all persons from contracting with, or crediting her on my account, as I will be bound by no contracts she may make. I also forwarn any person from harbouring her, as I will most assuredly prosecute them with the utmost rigor of the law.
WILLIAM GREEN.
Jessamine county, March 23, 1802.
TAKE NOTICE.
WE shall attend with the commissioners appointed by the court of Fleming county, on Monday the third of April, between the hours of ten and two, at the mouth of the Mud-lick Fork of Johnson, in Fleming county, to establish the calls of an entry, in the name of William Lear, for four hundred acres; and one in the name of John Mosby, for ten thousand, and do such things as the law requires.
3 Lewis Craig, John Winn.
March 11, 1802.
For the information of those who wish to take INSURANCE.
APPLICATION for insurance must be accompanied with a certificate, specifying the length and width of the vessel or boat, the cable, stern-post, number of oars, pump and canoe or skiff, the number of hands, &c. which ought to be given by persons who are judges, and who are disinterested reputable men. A bill of lading signed by the captain, or a manifest signed by the inspector, which shall specify the whole of the cargo on board, or to be put on board—it must also state where the boat or vessel lies—where she will take in her cargo—when she will take her departure; or if she has failed, the time when, and the port to which she is bound; and if any information has been received from her since she failed, it must be communicated. The insurance does not commence until the vessel is under way, on her intended voyage and the premium paid.
In all cases of loss, if practicable, a survey must be made by disinterested men, who are to state in writing, what in their opinion is necessary to be done, for the interest of the parties concerned; as also a protest to be entered by the captain on oath, in which the hands must join, stating particularly the loss, where and how it happened, and what cargo was then on board.
In case a boat or vessel be lost, it is the duty of the captain and hands, to use all possible means to recover the whole or as much as possible, of the cargo, for which labor and expence, the insurers will pay their proportionable part.
No boat which is insured, must attempt to pass the Falls of the Ohio, without taking a pilot on board.
Any shipper, who intends to tarry at any port or place on the voyage, for the benefit of trading, or other purposes, must have an article to that effect, inserted in the policy of insurance.
Published by order of the Directors, WILLIAM MACBEAN, Clk. March 4th, 1802.
BY LAST EVENING'S MAIL.
WASHINGTON CITY, March 12.
RATIFICATION OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY.
Captain Wyeth of the brig Happy Couple , who arrived at New-York, in 48 days from St. Maloes, brings intelligence that the definitive treaty was signed the 9th of January—We have but a moment before closing our paper, to insert this brief notice of an event highly interesting to the friends of humanity, and which we sincerely hope may secure a long repose to the European powers.
(N. York Daily Adv.)
The Editor of the National Intelligencer has received a letter from his correspondent at Dover (Eng.) dated January 11th, who advises that there is no news respecting the definitive treaty.
[From the New-York CITIZEN.]
The Editors have been favored with a sight of a letter from the honorable Robert R. Livingston, dated Paris, 20th December, from which the following is an extract:—
"This country is threatened with a scarcity—Bread is already very high, and the uncommon rains which have prevailed this winter, will be very prejudicial to the winter crops in the ground."
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, U. S.
WEDNESDAY, March 10th, 1801.
The Naturalization bill was passed—Yeas, 59—Nays 27.
A resolution was offered for adjourning the two houses on the second Monday in April, when it was moved to postpone the consideration of it until the 4th Monday in March, which, after debate, was carried—Yeas 46—Nays 42.
The house then took up the amendment of the Senate to the act to amend an act to lay and collect a direct tax, and agreed thereto.
They also agreed to the amendment of the Senate to the act fixing the military peace establishment of the United States.
THURSDAY, March 11, 1802.
Mr. Griswold laid the following motion, in substance, on the table.
Resolved, That it is proper to make provision by law towards indemnifying the merchants of the United States, for French spoliations, so far as claims for the same have been abandoned by the convention with France.—Ordered to lie on the table.
The following proclamation was presented to Gen. Christophe, at Cape Francois, on the day the French fleet arrived before that place; the answer from Christophe, was that he was but a subordinate officer, and that he could not permit the ships to enter without the orders of the governor.
In the name of the French Government.
LIBERTY.
EQUALITY.
PROCLAMATION.
On board the Ocean, Pluvoise Leclerc, general in chief of the army of St. Domingo, and capt. Gen. of the Colony, to the inhabitants of St. Domingo.
Read the Proclamation of the First-Consul of the Republic; it insures to the blacks, that liberty for which they have so long fought; to commerce and agriculture, that prosperity without which Colonies cannot exist.
His promises will be faithfully fulfilled; to doubt them would be criminal.
LE CLERC.
PROCLAMATION.
The Consuls of the Republic to the inhabitants of St. Domingo.
Inhabitants of St. Domingo,
Whatever may be your origin, and color, you are all Frenchmen, you all have free and equal before God and the Republic. France, like St. Domingo, has been a prey to factions and torn both by civil and foreign war.
But an entire change has taken place: nations have embraced the French nation, and have sworn to them peace and friendship. The French are likewise united among themselves, and have sworn to be friends and brothers.
Come then and likewise embrace the French, and rejoice in again seeing your European friends and brethren.
The government sends you general Leclerc; he takes with him a strong force, in order to protect you against your enemies, and against the enemies of the Republic. It has been told you, that this force was designed to ravish from you your liberty;—Reply, the republic has given us liberty, and the republic will not allow us to be deprived of it.
Rally round the captain general; he brings you abundance and peace. Let all rally around him, for whoever shall dare to separate himself from the captain general, shall be considered as a traitor to his country, and the vengeance of the republic shall destroy him, as the fire destroys your withered canes.
Paris, at the palace of the Government, the 17th Brumaire, 10th year of the French Republic.
[Signed] BUONAPARTE, First Consul.
[Signed] H. B. MARAT, Secretary of State.
A true copy. LECLERC.
TRENTON, March 9.
DESTRUCTION OF PRINCETON COLLEGE.
On Saturday last the College of New-Jersey, at Princeton, was consumed by fire. About one o'clock in the afternoon the cupola was discovered to be in a blaze—the wind was uncommonly violent, and in less than two hours the whole building was destroyed, the roof having early fallen in so as to render all exertions to save it fruitless.—The college Library, with the Libraries of two literary Societies, the Orrery of Rittenhouse, the furniture, books and clothing, of at least half the students were lost. The Philosophical Apparatus was saved, it is thought with but little injury, as also the house of the College Steward, though near the College and in the direction of the flame.—Happily no one received any injury, though some perilous attempts were made by the students to stop the fire and save the property of the College.
Thus fell one of the fairest temples of Science, of Literature and of Religion, and left her sons to mourn over her ruins.—May that Providence, which so long fostered this institution, raise from its smoking ashes another of equal fame and utility.

SACRED TO THE MUSES.
LUCY—A Ballad.
Not as angels, who in heaven With unclouded beauties shine; Nor as spotless snow new driven, Nor seraphic nor divine.
Not as Beauty's self so charming, Much unlike the queen of Jove; Not her frown as bell alarming, Nor her smiles as heaven above.
Neither in her head so cheering, Two bright stars (as in the skies) Have I ever known appearing, No, thank heaven she has two eyes.
Long with curious eye I've pondered, And I think they can't be good; When I look'd I always wondered, That she seemed of flesh and blood.
Now I cannot help declaring, I her teeth have often seen, But 'twould be unjust comparing, Them to rain congeal'd I ween.
Oft have I smell'd the fresh blown rose, And oft her breath, which I tho't pure, And many a time the new mown clove, But 'twas like neither I am sure.
Since my love for Lucy waken'd, Twice two summers are away, And I never thought her liken'd, To a blooming morn in May.
Yet the village pride is Lucy; She's of all our girls most fair, Many a time they've owned her beauty, And I think she has her share.
These "angelic" charms not seeing, There's a something I approve; Tho' she seems a human being, Still the little girl I Love.
ANECDOLE.
A country school-master, by the name of Ascom, was asked by a scholar, named Eels, for a copy to write after. The master headed the copy with these words—"Eels and trout are very indifferent fish." The boy followed his copy, and as he came to the last line, when he wrote—"Eels and trout were very indifferent fish, till BAS-COM."
JAMES MACCOUN,
has just received from Philadelphia, a large and well chosen assortment of MERCHANDIZE, the latest importations from Europe, and now opening at his Store on Main street, nearly opposite the Market house, which will be sold at the LOWEST PRICES for CASH. Also, from his Nail Manufactory, a constant supply of Cut and Hammered NAILS, of the best quality. Lexington, January 18, 1802.
Wanted Immediately,
Two or Three JOURNEYMEN COOPERS, To whom good wages will be given—Also Two or Three APPRENTICES To the above business. A generous price will be given in Cash for Eight or Ten Thousand STAVES; And the payment made on the delivery. For particulars apply at my shop, at the lower end of Main street, Lexington. William Dorsey. Dec. 7, 1801.
28 I will either Sell or Rent, my HOUSES & LOTS
In town, reserving a small piece in front of Mr. Reed's (the chair maker) shop, for an Office. IF I do not sell, I would make an allowance to any one who would rent for a term of years, for repairs and improvements. J. HUGHES.
NOTICE
HAVING removed my family to a farm in the neighborhood of Lexington, and intending still to do my business in town, I think it necessary to inform my clients that except during the sessions of the Court of Appeals, General Court, and Circuit Court of the United States for Kentucky and the Territories North-West of the Ohio, I shall attend at my office, in Lexington, every day, from nine o'clock in the morning, until one in the afternoon, at which time and place, all who have business with me must attend. J. HUGHES. Lexington, September 11th, 1801.
WAGNON's
R. BRADLEY
RESPECTFULLY announces that he succeeds Major WAGNON, in the commodious Brick House and Stables, which he lately occupied in this place, with a revision of assistants and servants, arranged to respective departments; which together with that peculiar respect shown himself while with Major Wagnon, emboldens him to anticipate a patronage from GENTEL GUESTS, ONLY, as durable as his solicitude to please. Lexington, 15th Feb. 1802.
Trotter & Scott,
HAVE just received, and now opening for sale, at their Store, in Lexington, a complete assortment of
MERCHANDIZE.
Well fitted to the present and approaching seasons, consisting of Dry Goods Groceries, Queens and Glass Ware, Bar-Iron, Steel, Imported Castings, Nails, Window-Glass, Boulting-Cloths, suited for Merchant or Country Work—likewise a supply of Mann's Lick Salt, all of which will be sold at their usual low prices for Cash. Lexington, April 20, 1801.
WILLIAM VOORHIES & Co.
SADDLERS, & CAP & HARNESS MAKERS, RESPECTFULLY inform their friends and the public in general, that they have commenced business in Mr. William Ross's brick house, on Short street, near the Presbyterian meeting house, Lexington; where they will be happy to receive orders for any thing in the above lines, which shall be punctually attended to. They hope from their attention to business and moderate charges, to merit a part of the public favors. Jan. 4, 1802.
FOR SALE,
THE Property lately occupied in this town, by Mr. Arthur Thompson, and at present by Mr. Dellum, consisting of Two New Two Story FRAME HOUSES, Neatly finished, large and convenient Cellars, a large frame Stable and Kitchen, good Smoke House, and Three Lots belonging to the above premises. Also two hundred acres of GOOD QUALIFIED LAND, lying on the head of Salt River, about seven miles from this town; the title clear of every kind of dispute; the Land is well watered, but entirely unimproved. A liberal credit will be given for the payment, and the whole amount will be received in Produce. The terms will be made known by application to Messrs. Cochrane & Thurby, merchants, of Philadelphia, or the subscriber, in Danville. 45 J. BIRNEY. Danville, 9th February, 1801. djj
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED from the subscriber's plantation in Shelby county in December last a BAY MARE, fifteen hands high, well made, six years old last spring, has four white feet, a blaze in her face, paces trots and canters, branded W W on the near shoulder and but tock, was with foal, when she went away.—Also, a BROWN HORSE, with a bob-tail, fourteen hands high, well made, seven or eight years old, trots and gallops, I do not recollect whether the horse was branded or not.—Whoever will deliver said mare and horse to Doct. W. Warfield in Fayette county, or to me in Shelby county, shall receive twenty dollars for each. Nov. 1801. JOHN POPE. wwtp tf.
NOTICE.
PUBLIC ENTERTAINMENT Will be kept at the SIGN OF THE BUFFALOE, On Main street, in Lexington, opposite the Public Square.
FOR SALE,
TWO STILL & A BOILER, MADE of Copper, of superior quality. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser, and likely young Horses taken in payment. For further particulars application may be made to the Editor of this Paper. November 4, 1801
THE President and Directors of the Kentucky Insurance company, think it their duty to inform their fellow citizens and the public in general, that they are now organized, and ready to receive proposals to insure vessels or boats of every description, on their voyages up or down the Western waters, or at sea. Application may be made at their office in Lexington, accompanied with declaration of the shipper and certificate containing the name, burthen, dimensions and the goodness of the said vessel or boat, their being well found for the intended voyage, the bill of lading or manifest of the cargo, the port from which they sail and place of destination. Further information may be had at their office. Lexington, 1st February, 1802.
A LARGE, ELEGANT, AND WELL CHOSEN ASSORTMENT OF GOODS, Just received, now opening And For Sale at the STORE of JOHN A. SEITZ. Lexington, Feb. 3d, 1802
NOTICE.
Commissioners appointed by the county court of Fleming, will meet on the 16th day of April next, at the house of James Young, in order to perpetuate testimony to establish the special calls of the beginning of an entry of 983 acres, made in the name of Isaac Pearce, on the middle fork of Fleming creek, in said county, and do such other things as may be necessary and agreeable to law. They will adjourn from day to day until the business is completed. Alex. Ramsey. March 11, 1802.
WANTED,
A QUANTITY OF MERCHANTABLE WHISKEY,
(If delivered at Frankfort would be preferred) Apply to MACBEAN & POYZER. Lexington, 26th, Feb. 1802.
NOTICE,
THAT commissioners appointed by the county court of Montgomery county, will meet at the mouth of Buck-Lick creek, a branch of Hinkton, on the 15th day of June next, in order to take the depositions of witnesses, and perpetuate testimony respecting the calls of an entry of one thousand acres of land made in the name of Jenkin Philips, and do such other acts as shall be deemed necessary and agreeable to law. March 3, 1802. Jenkin Philips.
KENTUCKY, Paris District, ss.
October Term, 1801. Robert Johnson, Complainant, against Robert Martin & others, Defendants. In CHANCERY.
THE defendant Martin, not having entered his appearance herein, agreeably to the act of assembly and the rules of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth—on the motion of the complainant, by his counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant Martin, do appear here on the third day of the next term of this court, and answer the complainant's bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in some one of the Gazettes of this state for eight weeks successively, another copy posted at the front door of the court house in Paris, and published at the door of the Presbyterian meeting house, in Paris, some Sunday immediately after Divine service. A copy—Teste Tho. Arnold, C. P. D. C
DANVILLE DISTRICT, ss.
January Term, 1802. Cuthbert Harrison, Complainant. against James Barbour, Thomas Holt, and Philip Barbour, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant Holt, not having entered his appearance herein, agreeably to law and the rules of this court and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that the said defendant is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainant, by his counsel, it is ordered that he do appear here, on the third day of the next May term, and answer the complainant's bill; and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Kentucky Gazette, for two months successively; another copy posted up at the court house door, and a third copy published at the Danville meeting house door some Sunday immediately after divine service. A copy. Teste, WILLIS GREEN, C. D. D. C.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, living in Montgomery county, on the waters of Brushy fork of Flat, A SORREL MARE, with a blaze face, two white feet, no brand, fourteen hands high, three years old past, appraised to 151. Wm. Woodlan.
ENTERTAINMENT.
DAVID HARVEY
FROM Sharpsburg Maryland, wishes to inform the public, that he has opened TAVERN in the town of Zanesville, where Zane's road crosses the Muskingum, in a large two story house, at the sign of the Eagle and Ball, on the main street, leading eastward from the Muskingum ferry, and as it is on the main street and best road, it is by no means inconvenient for those who may cross either the upper or lower fording. Said Harvey has laid in a good supply of IMPORTED LIQUORS, and also has a number of FEATHER BEDS, for the accommodation of travellers; his house is commodious, and his stable complete; he will be thankful for the interest of all who may think he deserves it and will use every endeavor to give general satisfaction to all who may be pleased to favor him with their commands, and as he has followed this business for twenty years and upwards, it is hoped he will be able to give as general satisfaction as this country affords, and as he has been he still remains the public's Most obedient, humble servant. David Harvey. N. B. A good hostler wanted at the above tavern.
Taken up by the subscriber, living on Gray's run, Harrison county, a Brown mare, about seven years old, about fourteen hands and a half high, three white feet, a blaze face, very much wind galled in one of her fore legs, no brands perceivable, appraised to 181. George Zimalt. December 21st, 1801.
TEN DOLLARS REWARD.
THIS morning ran-away from the subscriber, in Lexington, an apprentice to the hatting business, named THOMAS REES,
ABOUT twenty years of age, small and slender made, short brown curly hair, freckled. He took with him a long deep blue cloth coat, and sundry other clothing, which it is useless to describe, as he will likely change them. Whoever will deliver said apprentice to the subscriber, shall have the above reward and all reasonable charges.
All persons are hereby forewarned from harboring or employing said apprentice, as they will be prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the law. JOHN LOWREY. March 17, 1802.
PUBLIC SALE
ON Monday the Twenty-ninth inst. at the Farm of JOHN FOWLER, Esq. will be exposed to sale on a credit of Twelve Months for all sums exceeding Five Dollars, A WAGGON, THREE HORSES & HARNESS, A Stock of CATTLE, SHEEP & HOGS; A Quantity of Excellent BACON, POULTRY &c. &c. The purchaser to give bond and security for the payment. THOMAS BODLEY, CUTH BANKS, } Agents. March 10th, 1802.
TAKEN up, by the subscriber, on To wnse nd, two miles and a half from Wilson's mill, Bourbon county,
A BAY HORSE,
Five years old this spring, about fourteen hands one inch high, a little white in his face, and the mane hangs on the near side, no brand; appraised to £10 10.
JOHN LAIL.
DANVILLE DISTRICT, to wit: January Term, 1802.
Nathan Huston, and Joseph F. Lewis, } Complainants, Against Spencer Griffin, Defendants. IN CHANCERY.
THE defendant, having failed to enter his appearance herein, agreeable to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this state; on the motion of the complainants, by their counsel, it is ordered, that the said defendant do appear here, on the third day of the next May Term, and answer the complainants' bill, and that a copy of the order be forthwith inserted in the Kentucky Gazette for two months successively; another copy posted up at the court house door, and a third copy published at the Danville meeting house door, some Sunday immediately after divine service. A Copy. Teste, WILLIS GREEN. C. D. D. C.
NICHOLAS BRIGHT, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER.
Returns his thanks to his customers for their past favors, and hopes by his attention to business to merit them in future. He begs leave to inform the public in general, that he has removed his shop next door to Mr. Bogg's, opposite capt. Henry Marshall's tavern, on Main street.—The ladies are respectfully informed that they may be supplied with Grecian Sandals, a new and much esteemed improvement, and superior to the former fashions. Other branches of his business is carried on as usual, with neatness and dispatch. Lexington, February 12.
VACCINE or COW-POX.
HAVING procured the matter of the Vaccine or Cow-Pox, I shall now commence the inoculation; being perfectly satisfied that it will eradicate that principle which the Small-Pox acts on. Jos. BOSWELL. Lexington, March 9th, 1801.
FOR SALE, A LOT in the town of Lexington, situated on the south-east side of Market street, measuring 66 feet front on said street, and 98 feet back; on which is a log dwelling house 16 feet square, with a brick chimney, a small kitchen, and a pump of excellent never failing water—The houses are so far back as to leave the front of the lot open for building on—Any person inclining to purchase said lot, may know the terms, by applying to the subscriber, living on the premises. CATHARINE WOOD. March 11th, 1801.
NOTICE.
THE subscriber, begs leave to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he has moved his STORE, into the large FRAMED HOUSE, formerly occupied by Mr. Amos Edwards, in the town of Paris, directly opposite where he formerly kept; and has on hand a large and elegant assortment of
MERCHANDIZE
Which he is determined to sell as low as any GOODS, offered for sale in this state, of equal quality.—He also returns his sincere thanks to the public, for their friendship and past favors, and still hopes from his assiduity to business, to retain the patronage of his friends and customers in general.
I am respectfully, the public's friend, and very humble servant, WILLIAM SCOTT.
N. B. I have on hand, a large quantity of TURKEY YARN, which I will sell by the pound or small quantity.—Also, COARSE MUSLIN, by the bale or single piece, CASTINGS, STEEL, COTTON & WOOL CARDS, FUSTIC, RED WOOD, & other DYE STUFFS, for Clothiers. Paris, March 4th, 1802.