Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-03-27 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican.
AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNSWORTH, (Printer to the STATE, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES.) Thames-Street, NEWPORT.
Thomas Howland,
Has for sale, at his Auction and Commission Store, foot of the new Church lane, Newport, on as good terms as can be pur-
ST. Croix RUM, in hogheads, barrels, or 10 Gallons. Jamaica do. do. Old Jamaica, 4th proof, do. First quality Martinico MOLASSES, per hoghead, or barrel. Havanna, do. do. White and Brown Hayanna SUGARS Per Box or barrel. Georgia COTTON, Sea-Island, and Upland, per Bale or less. Holland GIN, in Pipes or Barrels. Superfine, fine, and common FLOUR, per bbl. RICE, per Tierce or Hundred. Keel Hylas, young Hylas, Soupongor, Congo, and Bohia TEAS, of a superior quality. American, Geneva, and Cyder BRANDY. Middlings, Cornell, Ship Stuff, & Ship BREAD, per barrel. Velvet CORKS, — Blackhead in Keggs. Negro-Head TOBACCO, per do. 1 Box HATS. Rum barrels, Fish barrels, empty hhd. &c. & CASH, and the highest price, given for old Silver, Copper, Brats, Pewter, & Lead. N. B. Beefwax, and Tied Tallow, received in payment for any articles.
THOMAS HOWLAND, Auctioneer. Newport, March 20, 1802. 77
WASHINGTON, Jr. Clerk's Office Supreme Judicial Court, March 16, 1802.
WHEREAS Martha Irish, of Hopkinton, in the County of Washington, wife of Benjamin Irish, late resident in Jamestown, in the county of Newport, hath this day lodged her Petition in said Office; praying, for causes therein set forth, that the Bond of marriage between her and her said husband, might be dissolved, and a decree of divorce promulgated: — NOTICE is therefore hereby given to the said Benjamin, to appear (if he shall think fit) at the next Supreme Judicial Court, to be holden at South-Kingstown, within and for said county of Washington, on the fourth Monday of April next, then and there to show cause (if any he hath) why the prayer of said Petition ought not to be granted.
JAMES HELME, jun. Clerk.
WHEREAS Amy Austin, of Exeter, in the County of Washington, wife of Solomon Austin, did, on the 10th day of March, 1802, lodge her petition in the Clerk's Office of the Supreme Judicial Court, for the County aforesaid; praying, for divers causes therein set forth, that the Bond of marriage, between her and her said husband, might be dissolved, and a decree of divorce promulgated: — This is therefore to give notice to the said Solomon, and to all other persons concerned, to appear (if he or they think fit) at the next term of said Court to be holden at South-Kingstown, on the 4th Monday of April next, and show cause why the prayer of said petition should not be granted.
JAMES HELME, jun. Clerk. South-Kingstown, March 17th, 1802.
WHEREAS the honorable Court of Probate, of the town of Middletown, hath allowed us, the subscribers, commissioners, to receive the claims of the creditors to the Estate of Peleg Allen, late of Middletown, deceased, represented insolvent, a further time of six months from this date, for said purpose: Therefore, the creditors are hereby notified to bring forward their claims within said time, to us, or either of us, at our respective dwellings; otherwise they will be precluded as the law directs.
ELISHA ALLEN, } Com. JOHN ALLEN. } Com.
N. B. All those indebted to said Estate, are requested to make immediate payment to ELIZABETH ALLEN, Admin'r. THOMAS C. ALLEN, Admin'r. Middletown, March 15, 1802. 77
WHEREAS my wife Eunice, has cloped from my bed and board, and has otherwise behaved herself in an unbecoming manner. These are therefore to forbid all persons trusting her on my account, as I will not pay any debts of her contracting from the date hereof.
JOHN MILLER. Warwick, Feb. 27, 1802. 76 1/2
To be Sold,
A LOT of Land, containing upwards of 3 acres, fronting Tanner & Warner Street, with a House, well finished; paved Cellar; and never failing well of water. Also, a Stable and Chaise-House.—Likewise for sale, a Lot, fronting Broad-street and Tanner Street, with a large commodious Dwelling-House; Shop, Stable, and Chaise-House. For terms, apply to OLIVER READ. Newport, March 20, 1802. 77 1/2
Mr. GILES' SPEECH, on the Judiciary Bill.
(Continued.)
Thus then, are formed two departments, their powers specified and defined, the times for exercising their powers fixed, and indeed a complete organization for the execution of their respective powers without the intervention of any law for that purpose. A third department, to wit, the Judiciary department, is still wanting. Is that formed by the constitution? How is that to be formed? It is not formed by the constitution. It is only declared that there shall be such a department; and it is directed to be formed by the other two departments, who owe a responsibility to the people. Here there arises an important difference of opinion between the different sides of this House. It is contended on one side that the judiciary department is formed by the constitution itself. It is contended on the other side, that the constitution does no more than to declare that there shall be a judiciary department, and directs, that it shall be formed by the other two departments under certain modifications. Article 3. sec. 1. the constitution has these words, "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court and in such inferior courts, as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish." Here then the power to ordain and establish inferior courts is given to Congress in the most unqualified terms, and also to ordain and establish, "one supreme court." The only limitation upon the power of Congress in this clause, consists in the number of supreme courts to be established; the limitation is to the number of one, although there is an affirmative and not a negative expression. The number of judges—the assignment of duties—the fixing compensations—the fixing the times when, and places where the courts shall exercise their functions, &c., are left to the entire discretion of Congress. The Spirit, as well as the words of the constitution, are completely satisfied, provided one supreme court be established. Hence, when all these essential points in the organization and formation of courts is entrusted to the unlimited discretion of Congress, it cannot be said, that the courts are formed by the constitution. For further restraints therefore upon the discretion of Congress, the remaining part of the same section must be consulted. Here he begged leave to remark, that he had often felt a veneration for the wisdom of the sages, who formed this constitution, considering the difficulties they had to encounter, resulting from the various local prejudices and local interests of the different parts of the United States, and the vast variety of opinions, which the subject presented, it was almost wonderful to conceive how they should have hit upon a system so admirably calculated to protect and to promote the general interests, when administered according to its original meaning and intention. He could not go so far, as to say, it was perfect. He admitted, like other human productions, it was stamped with the common fallibility of man. That he wished however, to see no radical changes in its principles. He wished to hand it down to posterity with those amendments only, which experience should suggest, and which would grow out of the continually varying state of the nation. He said it was not only remarkable for the wisdom of its arrangements, but the correct and technical mode of expression. The part of the section now to be examined, was an example of the justice of both these remarks. The words are, "The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office."
The first part of this sentence respects the relationship between the executive and the judiciary departments—It respects judges or officers of the courts, who are appointed by the President. The last part of the sentence respects the relationship between the legislative and judiciary department—It respects the creation of offices, the fixing the compensation of the officers or judges, and their continuance in office. These are the peculiar attributes of the legislative department. Accordingly the most correct and technical words are used in relation to both these objects. The term hold their offices during good behavior, relates merely to the executive department. The term hold, is the common technical word, used to convey the idea of tenure. Tenure requires two parties. The one granting, the other holding or receiving the grant. Let the enquiry be made, of whom do the judges hold? The constitution furnishes the answer, of the President. One of the most obvious rules in the construction of instruments of writing, is, that the whole of it must be taken together, and not one particular part by itself. The following words will be found in the 2d section of the 2d article of the constitution. "And he, to wit: the President, shall nominate and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls; judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided
for, and which shall be established by law." In the 3d section of the same article are these words, "and shall, to wit, the President, commission all the officers of the United States." These three sentences contain the relationship between the executive and judiciary departments so far as respects the objects of the present discussion.
To ascertain the real meaning and import of these sentences, they should be read in connection with each other, excluding therefrom all intermediate words not immediately bearing on the subject. To that case the constitution would read thus: "He (to wit:) the President shall nominate and appoint the judges of the supreme court and all other officers of the United States, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. The judges both of the supreme and inferior courts shall hold their offices during good behavior." It may be now asked, if this case of the judges of the supreme and inferior courts be not an obvious exception out of the general presidential discretion of appointing and commissioning all officers of the United States during pleasure? After the government has been in operation above twelve years, and the principle of commissioning all executive officers during pleasure has been practiced upon during the whole of the period by the executive, as well as the legislative department, the propriety of that practice is for the first time now become questionable. It is said that the right to commission during pleasure, is by implication. It is readily admitted that there are no express words in the constitution to that effect; but the inference from the words which are there, is almost as strong as the words themselves, if they had been inserted. The President is authorized without limitation to commission all the officers of the United States. The question arises, by what tenure? The reply is, according to his pleasure, or discretion. It was not difficult to foresee, that if the President was fully empowered to commission as he pleased, he would please to commission during his pleasure. The legislature has no more control over an officer who holds an executive commission during the pleasure of the President, than over a judicial officer holding his office during his good behavior. The remedy given by the constitution being the same in both cases (to wit) impeachment. Nor is there any reason why the office of the one should be less subject to the discretion of the legislature than the office of the other, and it seems to be universally agreed, that although the legislature cannot deprive an executive officer of his office in any other way than by impeachment during the continuance of such office, yet the office itself is always subject to be abolished. The same reasoning will hold with equal force respecting a judge and a judicial office. The reason why the executive is prohibited from the removal of a judge, is to secure to the judge a complete independence of the President, who is not responsible for the discharge of judicial duties; but the removal is perfectly correct in the case of an executive officer, because the President is highly responsible for the due discharge of executive duties. The legislature is not responsible for either, and of course stands in the same constitutional relation to both. This appears obvious from furnishing to the legislature the same means of removing both, as will appear by the 4th section of the 2d article in the following words. "The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office by impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes or misdemeanors." He now begged to call the attention of the committee particularly to the last clause of the sentence, which ascertains the constitutional connection between the legislature and judicial departments, so far as it respects the limitation of the legislative, in the exercise of the power committed to it, for the organization of the judicial department. He should place particular emphasis on these words of the constitution in the exposition he proposed to make. The words are "and shall at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation which shall not be diminished, during their continuance in office." The first part of this section having given to Congress the power of creating courts, ascertaining the number of judges, &c. these last words may be considered as containing explanations of the general power of Congress; as was the foregoing part of this sentence a limitation of the general executive power. And accordingly the most correct terms are used for limiting legislative discretion, and explaining its objects; according to the words of this sentence, the judge is to receive a compensation, for his services. To whom are these services to be rendered? To the people, for the benefit of the people. Who is to judge of the necessity or utility of these services? The constitution has ordained, that Congress, or in other words the representatives of the people, shall be the tribunal. Suppose there should be no services required, none for the judge to perform, or that Congress should so think and determine. Is the judge entitled to compensation? He is not. The condition of service for the benefit of the people, is the express consideration upon which the compensation accrues. No service is ren-
dered; the competent tribunal says, there is none required, of course, no compensation accrues. The judge is entitled to receive none. On this point, an obvious and most important difference of opinion exists between the two sides of the committee. On one side it is contended, that the office is the vested property of the judge conferred on him by his appointment; and that his good behavior is the consideration of his compensation; so long therefore as his good behavior exists, so long his office must continue in consequence of his good behavior, and that his compensation is his property in virtue of his office, and therefore cannot be taken away by any authority whatever, although there may be no service for him to perform. On the other side it is contended, that the good behavior is not the consideration upon which the compensation accrues; but services rendered for the public good; and that if the office is to be considered as a property, it is a property held in trust for the benefit of the people, and must therefore be held, subject to that condition, or which Congress is the constitutional judge. Mr. G. said, considering the boundary line between these conflicting opinions, to be the boundary line between offices held for public utility, and offices held for personal favor, he could not bestow too much attention upon this part of the discussion; for if the constitutional gentlemen contended for should prevail, in vain have the framers of the constitution with so much jealous circumspection erected so many ramparts against the introduction of some of these offices in the government of the United States. A sinecure office is an office held without the condition of service; often for past services already compensated; often for present favor, without the condition of any service. For the purpose of excluding from the federal government all sinecure offices, the sages who formed the constitution have through every part of it connected services and compensation, and they ought never to be separated in construction. The 6th section of the 1st art. insin these words, "The Senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their services to be ascertained by law, &c." and so far has this principle of the rendition of service been carried; that the service of the Senate and Representatives is to be rendered every day, and unless they do daily render service, they are not entitled to their day's compensation. In the 18th section of the 2d art. of the constitution are these words, "the President shall at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, &c." in the 3d art. 1st section, are these words, "and shall (to wit, the judges shall) at stated times, receive for their services a compensation, &c." In the 4th section of the act under which the judges claim their compensation are these words, "that each of the circuit judges of the United States, to be appointed by virtue of this act, shall be allowed as a compensation for his services, &c." These expressions all demonstrate the importance of coupling the service and compensation of office. But the jealous caution of the framers of the constitution did not stop at choosing the best affirmative expression for excluding this doctrine of sinecure offices, they also applied negative restraints.
In the 9th section of the 1st article of the constitution, are these words, "No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law." In the same section, "No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States, and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of congress, accept of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign State." If then services rendered for the public benefit, be the essential consideration upon which the compensation does accrue to the judges, if the congress be the proper tribunal for pronouncing upon the necessity or utility of such service, and if they decide that no such service is necessary or useful; the judge suffers no injury in not receiving the compensation; because he does not comply with the condition on his part, nor does he sustain a hardship thereby; because it must be presumed that he understood the conditions attached to his office at the time of his acceptance. It has been admitted by all gentlemen that congress is the constitutional tribunal for deciding, respecting the services to be performed. They admit that congress may modify the courts, diminish or add to their duties, alter the terms of their sessions or make any other arrangements respecting them which do not go to take away or diminish their compensations. It is to be observed that there is not one of these powers specified in the constitution, they are therefore necessary inferences from the paramount power, "to ordain and establish," and the power of repeal or to take away all the services to be performed, is as necessary an inference, as either of the others, and has uniformly resulted from every other specified power in the constitution. From this part of the sentence, therefore, it is deducible; that the only restraint upon the general power given to congress in the first part of the section to ordain and establish courts, is that the compensation of the judges,

should not be lessened during their continuance in office—nor during their good behavior. And in this part of the sentence the correct phraseology of the constitution is worthy of observation. In speaking of the executive attribute, (to wit) the appointing and commissioning officers, the term good behavior is used. In speaking of the legislative attribute (to wit) the creation of offices and fixing compensations, the term, during their continuance in office , is used. The reason for this variation of expression is obvious. It was known that the office might be discontinued and the judge continue to behave well, the limitation was therefore applied to the office, and not the good behavior, because if the office should be discontinued, which is clearly implied in this expression, it was not the intention of the constitution that the compensation should be received, no service in that event being to be rendered. From this interpretation of the constitution, all the departments are preserved in the due exercise of their respective functions for the general good, without any of the mischievous and absurd consequences resulting from the opposite construction. It is admitted that the first part of this section expressly vests congress with the general power to ordain and establish courts; and if there had been no other restriction, the consequent power to ordain or abolish. The restriction relied upon is not a restriction in express words; there are no words in the constitution, prohibiting congress from repealing a law for organizing courts. The restraint contained for, therefore, is by implication, and that implication to say the least, not expressly connected with any legislative attribute. Is it right? Is it a correct interpretation? That when a power is given in express words for the most important purposes, that it should be restrained or prohibited by implication? Can so much inattention and folly be attributed to the framers of the constitution, as would result from the supposition, that if it was their intention that a law, growing out of one of the specified powers, in contradistinction to all others, should be irrepealable when once passed, that so extraordinary a principle would be left to mere implication? Such a supposition would be the highest injustice to the superior intelligence and patriotism of those gentlemen, manifested in every other part of the instrument—No, sir, They would have made notes of admiration. They would have used every mark, adopted every caution, to have arrested and fixed the attention of the legislature to so extraordinary a principle.
They would have said, Legislators! Be circumspect! Be cautious! Be calm! Be deliberate! Be wise! Be wise not only for the present. But be wise for posterity! You are now about to tread upon holy ground. The law you are now about to pass, is irrepealable! Irrevocable! We are so enamoured with the salutary and practicable independence of the English judiciary system, that in infusing its principle into our constitution, we have stamped it with the proverbial folly of the Medes and the Persians! If this principle had been introduced into the constitution in express words, it would have formed an unfortunate contrast to all other parts of the instrument; yet gentlemen make no difficulty in introducing that principle by construction, which would have appeared so stupid and absurd, if written in express words in the body of the instrument. But there is no such language in the constitution. Let us see what is the language of that instrument. "The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as congress may from time to time, ordain and establish." Here then instead of cautioning the legislature that a law for the organization of courts when passed, can never be repealed, it contains an invitation to a revision from time to time. It contains an intimation, that the subject is new and difficult, and an injunction to ordain and establish your courts from time to time, according to the results, which an experience of the system alone could suggest. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Hemphill) observed that the character of irrepealability was not exclusively attached to this law, and attempted to furnish instances of other laws of the same character. He instanced a law for the admission of a new state into the union.
The gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Davis) had given a proper reply to that remark; the strongest instance the gentleman gave, was of a law executed; after the new State is admitted into the union, in virtue of a law for that purpose, the object of the law is answered.—The State admitted has no stipulated duties to perform on its part; no services to render; in the case before the committee the law is in a state of execution, and the judges have services to render on their part which the competent tribunals may determine to be neither useful nor necessary.—A law for the appropriation of money to a given object, may be adduced as an instance; the money is applied; its object is answered; the law may be said to be irrepealable, or, in other words, the repeal would produce no effect.—That is not the case of the law in question. Mr. G. said, he had no doubt but that the framers of the constitution had particular reference to the British act of parliament of William the 3d, for the establishment of the independence of the judges in that country, in framing the section for the establishment of the judicial department in the United States; and it is not a little remarkable, that whilst gentlemen in one breath speak of the independence of the English judges, as the boast and glory of that nation, in the next breath they tell us that by the repeal of the present act, the independence of the judges here would be immolated. Let this subject be examined. In the 3d chapter of the first book of Blackstone's commentaries, the independence of the English judiciary is fully expatiated. He begged to read the exposition of the commentator on that subject.
"And, in order to maintain both the dignity and independence of the judges in the superior courts, it is enacted by the statute, 12. W. III. c. 2. that their commissions shall be made (not as formerly, durante bene placito ,) but quam
diu bene se gesserint , and their salaries ascertained and established; but that it may be lawful to remove them on the address of both houses of parliament. And now, by the noble improvements of that law in the statute of Geo. III. c. 23. enacted at the earnest recommendation of the king himself from the throne, the judges are continued in their offices during their good behavior, notwithstanding any demise of the crown (which was formerly held immediately to vacate their seats) and their full salaries are absolutely secured to them during the continuance of their commissions; his majesty having been pleased to declare, that "he looked upon the independence and uprightness of the judges, as essential to the impartial administration of justice; as one of the best securities of the rights and liberties of his subjects; and as the most conducive to the honor of the crown."
Now, Sir, under the doctrine contended for by the repeal of this law, let us see whether the judges of the United States are not more independent than the judges of England.—In the first place Congress have the power of originating, abolishing, modifying, &c., the courts here. The parliament in England have the same power there.—Congress cannot remove a judicial officer from his office, so long as the office itself is deemed useful, except by impeachment, two thirds of the senate being necessary to a conviction. In England, judges can be removed from their offices, altho' the offices may be deemed useful, by an address of a majority of the two houses of parliament. Here then is one essential advantage in favor of the independence of the judges of the United States. Congress cannot diminish the compensation of the judges here, during their continuance in office . In England the parliament may diminish the compensation of the judges at their discretion, during their continuance in office . Here then is another obvious advantage in favor of the independence of the judges of the United States; whence is it then, that we hear of the independence of the English judiciary as being the boast and glory of that country, and with justice too, and at the same time, hear the cry of the immolation of the independence of the judges of the United States; when under the interpretation of the constitution by the favorites of the repeal, the judges here are more independent than the English judges? It can have no other object than to excite a popular clamor, which, if excited at all, can have only a momentary effect, and will be dissipated as soon as the subject shall be thoroughly examined and understood. But it appeared to him, that if gentlemen really do value the independence of the judges, they have taken an unfortunate ground in the interpretation of the constitution. Under their construction, the judges may be placed not only in a dependent, but a ludicrous point of view. Gentlemen admit that Congress may constitutionally increase or diminish the duties of the judges; give or take away jurisdiction; fix the times of holding courts, &c., saving therefrom the salaries of the judges. Under this admission, congress may postpone the sessions of the courts for 8 or ten years, and establish others, to whom they could transfer all the powers of the existing courts. In this case, the judges would be held up to the people as pensioners, receiving their money and rendering no service in return; or congress might convert them into mere courts of piepoudre, assigning them the most paltry duties to perform, and keep them continually in session, in inconvenient places; while new courts could be erected to perform all the essential business of the nation. This would be taking down the high pretensions assigned to the judges by the gentleman from N. Carolina (Mr. Henderson) of being formed into a permanent corps for the purpose of protecting the people against their worst enemies—themselves; and degrading them into pitiful courts of piepoudre, rendering little service, and receiving large compensations.—And this would be the end of all party purposes were the object, and not the general good. According to his construction, these absurd results could not take place, unless by a virtual breach of the constitution. Because, he contended, that service and compensation were correlative terms; and that there ought always to be a due apportionment of service to compensation. This he considered as the plain and sound interpretation of the constitution, and the moment it is departed from, infinite absurdities ensue.—He intended to have taken another view of this subject as it respects the relative influence of the law of the last session, and the proposed repeal upon this question; but the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Bacon) has put this subject in so much stronger point of view than he could do, that he would refer to his remarks thereupon, observing only that he had no doubt but that the law of the last session, now proposed to be repealed, was in every respect as much opposed to the doctrine of gentlemen, as the contemplated repeal could be. The sections of the law particularly alluded to, are the 24th, in these words, "And be it further enacted, That the district courts of the United States, in and for the districts of Tennessee and Kentucky shall be, and are hereby abolished;" and the 27th, in these words—"And be it further enacted, That the circuit courts of the United States heretofore established, shall cease and be abolished."
(Mr. Giles' speech to be concluded in our next.)
For the RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
The Danger not yet over!
FREEMEN.
THE time draws nigh, when you will be called upon to exercise an important right; that of voting for general officers, for the ensuing year. In the exercise of this sovereign function, which we have yet preserved to us, notwithstanding the endless round of connivance, and intrigue, which have been employed to deprive us of any share in government; in the exercise of this sacred right, two considerations of importance present themselves—first to secure a harmony with the general government;—
and, secondly, to secure tranquility to our own state; to preserve to it the full portion of sovereignty, to which it is entitled, under the federal constitution; and to perpetuate the foundation of those liberties, and immunities, which we claim from nature, and prescription.
We are all well informed of the game that was playing, previous to the alterations which have lately taken place in our political departments. Justly alarmed with the posture of our political affairs, and impressed with the necessity that a reform should be attempted, we strove for it with the ardor of freedom. We have, since, seen, that our fears were founded; and that our exertions were reasonable, and judicious. For at no period of our history, has there been given a more fatal and decisive blow to tyranny, and conspirators. Not even when the barbarous mercenaries of Europe were yielding to the force of American arms; not even when the throned armies of imperious Britain were retiring from our coast, covered with defeat; not even when her proud fleet, under full canvas, was waiting them, hopeless of conquest, from our shores, were the rising hopes of America more remarkably flattered—for though our open, and declared enemies had conceded to us the fields of battle; though the fears which covered their limbs, which had been inflicted by the hands of men struggling for liberty; and the numbers they had left, who had fallen, and remained to fertilize the soil of America, had taught them individually, to revere and respect us; though, under these impressions, they had ceased their hostilities, and were leaving our land; still they left lurking in its bosom, a more dangerous, because an insidious foe, under cover of pretence to attack the rights, for which we had braved the dangers, and endured the vicissitudes of war; to devour the heart strings of our courage, and our strength; and gradually to undermine, and destroy what could not be ravaged in open and equal contest. Thus are we crowned with a second, and if the victory is pursued, I trust, a final conquest. But this can only be expected by our keeping the ground we have obtained. For conspiracy is vigilant, and if we become careless, and forgetful, and suffer them to rally, the first opportunity will be seized on , to return to the charge, and to prostrate the advantage that has been gained. Do we need confirmation in this? Watch their manoeuvres! See how industrious they are! But are they open, and above-board? Does their conduct show that their deeds will bear the light? Does it carry any evidence that their cause is good? "In rank; it smells to heaven." The refusal of many moderate men (who have been deceived, and misled by their artifices, and imposed upon by their promises) to co-operate with them any longer, is a proof in point. If, however, the shame-hardened, and impious Jews, who have not stopped at Bedlam, or Billingsgate; but have descended into the lowest region of the internal, for colouring to poutour their malice: If they are covetous of "a far more exalted, and eternal weight" of hatred: If they wish (as it has been lately expressed in the United States Chronicle ) "to stand more conspicuously infamous;" let them drive on in their mad career of slander, and opposition. It is enough that the friends of humanity, maintain peaceably their ground, and resist their impudent encroachments, with the firmness of freemen.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, The crisis is important. We are called upon by all that is sacred to America; by our dearest, and most valuable interests, to oppose our patriotism, and our courage, to the progress of a revengeful faction, who are seeking disturbance, and nourishing a flame of civil discord. Attend for a moment to the means they are employing to effect their purpose. Destitute of any argument; without any plausible ground of complaint, or objection, their appeal is addressed to the most grovelling passions of the mind. Thus we have already heard of their open houses in the Northern parts of the State, to aid an expiring influence : Thus do we hear of the coffers of bribery being opened, and the sluices of corruption in motion: Thus are the vehicles of intelligence devoted to the reception of every species of falsehood and abuse; and the best wits of their literary quill-drivers , put upon the torture to invent fresh epithets of opprobrium, and to connect them in phrases of abomination and witchcraft. But, let me enquire; let me ask the confidants, the magnanimity of my fellow citizens, if they are in this way to be put down, and silenced! if they are to be borne away, and desolated, by the dashing surges of unprincipled political enormities; or the sweeping whirlwinds of a wild and desperate "faction" !
Already have these venerable, and gracious patriots, who are, at length, reduced to the sad necessity of being their own forlorn trumpeters ; who craftily pretend, that, in hallowed motive, they are linked together, "as a wall of brass," to guard, and defend, the best interests, and dearest rights of their country; already have they exhausted their ingenuity, to render liberty a sound of contempt. The time has been when they employed their very servants, to mutter it in black derision; that, thereby, those who should dare to advocate it seriously, might be ranked lower than the African. These times, thank God, are past. The influence of their slaves, will not now avail them, to accomplish their purpose. They see it will not; and are compelled to step forth, in their proper, and pompous persons, and, in all their glittering trappings, to stoop, themselves to the vile drudgery of party. But the muttering strains which once answered the purpose, in the thick, and brawny lips of their negroes, are not now sufficient even in their own. In vain they use them. The understanding of mankind has already been so thoroughly stimulated, that it requires the highest pitch of farcical, and severy ; to produce a sensation. Behold they seize the sharp and simple fabric of slander and scandal—and wielding it with the arm of a Goliath, hatcher the characters, and mortify the reputations of their opponents. But it will not do. "All that malice can invent;—all that slander can circulate;" all
that bribery can boast; all that corruption can insure, will not enable them to force down that favored spirit of freedom, which has taken its eternal residence among us.
What is the great and overweening object by which they are inspired, and thus rendered intrepid? Are they striving for Electors to vote for a President, who will reinstate their policy, and bring their political principles again into operation? They have no such hope: Their only remaining hope is, to baffle and confound the pursuit of Republican measures; to retain influence enough in the state government, to defeat every fair and salutary purpose of Legislation, hoping, by the disturbance which they may thus create, to derive some shame-faced, solitary pretext, to keep them in countenance.
FELLOW-CITIZENS, You have, for twelve years, been unanimous in the choice of ARTHUR FENNER, as your Governor. He has ever served you faithfully. Until this day of political madness and fury, he has stood unimpeached in his integrity and patriotism. During the time he has held his present station, he has acquired a reputation for talents, and ability, exceeded but by few. He has ever shown himself the friend of man—equally the friend of the rich and the poor. With the firmness of independence, he has stood for the interests of this state, and for the rights of the people. The reign of Mr. Adams;—the policy pursued under his administration; and the manoeuvres employed to secure his re-election, completely developed the clown-jest of a combination, which had manifested itself in the guise of " federalism ." The flanders they were at that time, industrious in circulating against every thing Republican; and more particularly against the character of JEFFERSON; who, they were conscious, would be brought into nomination for the Presidency, had already intimated the light in which they should view every one that supported him. For more than six months beforehand, were these preparatory transactions continued, until the anxious moment, when the fate of America was suspended by a fibre. Notwithstanding the flagrant denunciation that had been threatened, Governor FENNER was among the many, in this state, who freely (and I will say bravely ); for nothing short of an impulse of bravery could withstand the hostile clamours of his adversaries) supported Mr. JEFFERSON. And from that moment he may date the persecution which he has since had to encounter. All hopes of his politics were now at an end. He had actually declared himself a Republican ; and, consequently, became a fit subject for sacrifice. His influence too, being an eye-fore to his adversaries, pointed him out as the first object of their vengeance. But the seven pials of wrath , which then burnt upon his head, were not the form of a momentary anger. No;—they were the setted dregs of a long distilment, which his decisive conduct, in that instance, had converted to conviction. —Oft had he thwarted their designs. Oft had they suspected that he was not to be made their engine, to effect their wishes, in repugnance to the rights and interest of the state. The proposition made to him by George Champlin, of Newport, to take from the people the right of choosing Electors, he had rejected. The bill, introduced into the house of Representatives, by a league of speculators, for the state to assume the payment of what was called " Gray's bollances ," being the semblance of a de due to the treasury, and which had been obtained by artifice, he opposed in the Senate, and defeated. Many other instances of the kind, in which, happily for the People of this state, he has flled in their way , might be stated; but it could only serve to augment their animosity, and urge them to distraction.
From a variety of concurrent reports, it is, I believe, reduced to a certainty, that William Green, Esq. of Warwick, has consented that his name should be used in opposition to Governor Fenner. Over persuaded by his son, Roy Green, who it would seem, has, in the plenitude of resentful avarice, and ambition, lost sight of every filial duty;—this old man, venerable for years, (being nearly 80) who is tottering on the verge of the grave, and whose decayed faculties seem to implore the charity of brighter intellect—in the last closing scene of his life, is to be decoyed from his retirement, and launched upon the troubled waters of political strife. Why was he selected from among the many joining bars that decorate their hemisphere? Was it on account of his extraordinary influence? This will not be pretended. It was because the hope is forlorn; and none of the leaders of the combination could be prevailed upon to hazard the portion of popularity which yet may remain to them. But it is not ungenerous, that the infirmities of age should be wrought upon?—Is it not iniquitous that the decrees of Heaven should be reversed, and the Father visited with the sins of the Son !
What our expectations are to be, provided the Prox, which they are forming, is attended with success, it is needless to enquire. If their past conduct will afford any data, that may enable us to judge of what it will be, whenever they may regain the exclusive possession of power, I think a melancholy prospect would unfold itself before us. But I confide in the rectitude, and firmness of my countrymen; that they will search for the truth ;—that they will spurn any other influence but that of reason and justice , and never carelessly part with a blessing, which prayers, not tears , cannot recall.
JUNIUS.
For the REPUBLICAN.
MR. PRINTER,
A FEW particulars of the Caucus , which has been much celebrated in Town, have transpired, and we think a brief sketch of them would gratify the public. We, therefore, transmit them to you, expecting they will be laid before your readers. We mention the caucus as having been celebrated. It has, on many accounts—particularly on two:—First, that it was held at a Sunday ; and secondly, that it was held at the largest, and most magnificent

dwelling-house in town, in which Mr. John Brown, late member of Congress. It is styled "the anchor-club caucus." In session of the remarkable persons who were present—though "hair-brained" was not up this year. But they made out to do without him. There were at this grand caucus, such men as Ray Green, Esq. Col. Bracy, the celebrated W. Hunter, Esq. (who calls himself knight of the bed-chamber); and such like to the number, it is supposed, of about twenty. Being assembled, they proceeded to nominate a clerk. Asa Hopkins (who graduated at Sabin's Grove, about two years since, where he unfortunately got frost-bitten; and who is the famous reporter of Dorchester's Caves , which have lately been published to cack out their story) was appointed. Having organized themselves for the business before them, they began their nominations for the Prox, which they had boasted should beat every thing. William Green, Esq. of Greenwich, was mentioned to head the Prox. Some doubts being expressed of the likelihood of his consenting, a committee were appointed to consult him upon the subject. Several gentlemen were then nominated as Senators; but there seemed to be so much doubt, and perplexity in the minds of the gentlemen who were present, and who represented the federal interest in the different parts of the state, that nothing was fully concluded on.
Mr. Brown, assured the gentleman (Col. Crary) who had come up entirely for the purpose of attending the caucus, and to watch the General Assembly, that in case Governor Green would consent to go in the Prox, he should obtain, in the town of Providence a majority of four hundred votes. Mr. W. Hunter, thinking that he must speak in proportion to the bulk of his Carcase, offered for himself, and Mr. Crary, and the other gentlemen from Newport, and said, that in HIS town, they might depend upon a handsome majority for Governor Green. In a very trig, and handsome manner, he attempted to explain how they came to be there last spring—observing that if they had only known who were coming up; beyond a doubt they would have obtained very "handsome majorities." He said the federalists were increasing very fast in Newport, and that this spring there would be a total change in its present representation—that all the "forceful men" in the town were going at it tooth and nail, and that they would leave no stone unturned to carry their point. He then alluded to the king bird of party in his town; he painted him out a mere water-witch, that could dive at a fish, swim under water, and come up a long way a stern. He concluded, by saying, that he could spy miracles, and work wonders, and that for a manœuvre, he would pit him against any body.
Squire Lathrop has given assurances, that having distributed a large quantity of "Grand Turk Tea" in the town of Gloucester, he can safely calculate upon a majority there of two hundred votes for Green. NORTH-END. March 9th, 1802.
For the origin of this title, he is referred to the affair which took place (while he was an Honorable member) at the Golden Ball Inn. We do not descend to particulars, it being rather of a delicate nature.
Mr. FARNSWORTH,
FINDING myself implicated in your last paper (although rather indirectly) in consequence of a poetical production which appeared in the Republican of the 6th inst. relative to some conversation between a Middletown Judge and his republican neighbor, I think it my duty, since the matter has become of such a public nature, to state the following facts:—
Sometimes in the month of January last, the Middletown Judge, above alluded to, met me on the road in the town of Portsmouth, and after passing some polite compliments, asked me whether I should attend the ensuing April town-meeting; I answered that I thought I should. He then wished to know how I intended to vote, and which side I meant to support? I replied, that I believed the Republicans to be on the right side, and should therefore vote for them.—Upon which he observed, that if I would go and work for him, or even spend the day with him (on which the town-meeting was to be held) he would give me a DOLLAR. But knowing his intention to be nothing better nor worse than bribery, I humorously told him in reply, that if he would come and spend that day with me, I would give him TWO DOLLARS. Thus ended the conversation, by his turning it off with a laugh, and rode away.
That the above is the substance of our conversation together (though perhaps not in the exact words) I am ready if called upon to attest to, before any lawful authority.
JOHN WARD. Portsmouth, March 22d, 1802.
N. B. If the Ex-Judge is really as forgetful as he pretends by his last publication, I can if necessary, quicken his memory by pointing him to the very spot of ground between Mr. Mudgett's shop and Capt. Congdon's tavern, upon which the interview was had. His concern of mind, however for the fate of the next election, and his assiduity in circulating the infamous electioneering pamphlet, titled, "Reports of the Case," &c. will perhaps, plead some apology in his favor. J. W.
JUDICIARY LAW—REPEALED.
From the clamour which has been raised, on this occasion a person unacquainted with the state of our country, would be led to believe, that our constitution, and our freedom, were lost forever. Were we threatened with invasion, from a powerful and vindictive enemy; were our banks to be reduced to ashes, and our cities buried in ruins; a greater consternation would not prevail among our inhabitants, than is now effected by Federal declaimers on this distressful and alarming occurrence!
Americans! Can it be believed, that you
Representatives in Congress, have had the audacity, the wickedness and cruelty to REPEAL a LAW!—Yes, to REPEAL a LAW passed under the administration of JOHN ADAMS, and consecrated by his holy signature!—TO REPEAL A LAW, which had provided a comfortable sinecure, for SIXTEEN INDEPENDENT JUDGES, who, by their appointment, were elevated above the Laws, and the Constitution!—Horrible! diabolical!—Impious and abominable sacrilege!—Rouse! fellow citizens, from your sluggish repose!—Gird on your swords!—March to the polluted seat of government!—Invade the Capitol!—and disperse this barbarous horde of tyrants and usurpers!—The moment when the hand of JEFFERSON shall give his accursed name, to this Act of usurpation—that moment, let his unhallowed head be trembling on a pike staff!—The man of honor—The man of our hearts, is waiting to take the Chair of State; and a Crown is prepared for the brow of the "Lord appointed." He is already unanimously elected President of the "Charleston Jockey Club!"—He is, therefore, the fairest candidate for the honors of our political turf, and this is the fairest occasion for testing him firmly in the saddle.—The Constitution "is broken down!"—"How shall we build it up again?"—By juggling JEFFERSON from his seat, and building up a throne for PINCKNEY!—Republicans!—This is the language of the faction, who tell the Judges, it is their duty to hold their courts, notwithstanding the law is repealed!—who tell the people, they have no constitution! and are not, therefore, bound to obey the laws!—"From the heart the mouth speaketh," and "by their fruits ye shall know them." [Ægi.]
* See the truth, given at Washington, on the 22d of Feb. by JOHN C. SMITH, member of Congress from Connecticut.—Major General C. C. PINCKNEY, the man of honor; the man of our hearts.—This, in the language of SANCHO PANZA, is fairly "letting the cat out of the bag."
§ The South-Carolina Gazette of Feb. 18, announces the election of Maj. Gen. CHARLES C. PINCKNEY, as President of the Charleston Jockey Club.
For the information of those who are unacquainted with the sports of the turf, it may be necessary to add, that a Charleston Jockey-Club, is a society of gamblers, who devote a certain season of the year to the sublime and patriotic employment of horse-racing.—
When we find "this man of honor, this man of our hearts," thus honorably elevated to the head of this honorable company of Black-Legs, who will dare to question his claim to the left honorable office of President of the United States!
LAWS OF THE UNION.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.] SEVENTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at their first Session, Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the 7th of December, 1801.
AN ACT
For the relief of LYON LEHMAN.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That there be refunded and paid to Lyon Lehman, out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated by law, the sum of one thousand six hundred and eighty-four dollars; it being the amount of duties paid by the said Lyon Lehman, to the collector of the port of New-York, on three thousand five hundred rifles and carbines, which were imported from Hamburg, by the said Lyon Lehman, into the said port of New-York, on board the American brig Adams , Captain Josiah Wilson, in the month of October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, March 6, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
AN ACT
To repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the Courts of the United States; and for other purposes.
Sec. 1. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the act of Congress passed on the thirteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and one, intitled "An act to provide for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States," from and after the first day of July next, shall be, and is hereby repealed.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the act passed on the third day of March one thousand eight hundred and one, intitled "An act for altering the times and places of holding certain courts therein mentioned, and for other purposes;" from and after the said first day of July next, shall be, and is hereby repealed.
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That all the acts and parts of acts, which were in force before the passage of the aforesaid two acts, and which by the same were either amended, explained, altered, or repealed, shall be, and hereby are, after the said first day of July next, revived, and in as full and complete force and operation, as if the said two acts had never been made.
Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That all actions, suits, processes, pleadings and other proceedings, of what nature or kind soever, depending or existing in any of the circuit courts of
the United States, or in any of the district courts of the United States, acting as circuit courts, or in any of the additional district courts, which were established by the aforesaid act of Congress, passed on the thirteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and one, shall be, and hereby are, from and after the said first day of July next, continued over to the circuit courts, and to the district courts, and to the district courts acting as circuit courts respectively, which shall be first thereafter holden in, and for the respective circuits and districts, which are revived and established by this act, and to be proceeded in, in the same manner as they would have been, had they originated prior to the passage of the said act, passed on the thirteenth day of February one thousand eight hundred and one.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That all writs and processes, which have issued, or may issue before the said first day of July next, returnable to the circuit courts, or to any district court acting as a circuit court, or any additional district court established by the aforesaid act passed the thirteenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and one, shall be returned to the next circuit court, or district court, or district court acting as a circuit court, re-established by this act; and shall be proceeded on therein, in the same manner, as they could, had they been originally returnable to the circuit courts, and district courts acting as circuit courts, hereby revived and established.
NATHANIEL MACON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate. APPROVED, March 8, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON, President of the United States.
NEWPORT,
Saturday, March 27, 1802.
On Saturday evening last, the dwelling-house of Mr. Abraham Anthony, sen. of Portsmouth, was consumed by fire, together with a great part of the household furniture & provisions.
Accounts from East-Florida, state, that the Indians, under the direction of Boulees, have commenced a predatory war on the Spanish; that the settlements on St. John's river were nearly deserted; and that a number had been killed.
Extract of a letter from London, dated January 13th, 1802.
I congratulate you upon the settlement of the 6th and 7th articles of the British Treaty. The board here will soon proceed to make awards as before, payable by 3 annual instalments.
A conspiracy of the negro slaves of the Island of Tobago, has lately been detected, which had for its object the massacre of all the whites and free blacks. The ring-leader of this plot was a negro from America, who, with his principal associates, were taken and executed.
Events at Port Republican.
Extra of a letter from a French gentleman at Wilmington, (Del.) to his correspondent in New-York, dated March 13th, 1802.
Last night a brig arrived here from Port au Prince, which place she left on the 17th Feb. By her we have received numerous details respecting the late events that have happened there, on the arrival of the troops sent from France.—On the 4th Feb. 6 ships of the line and 2 frigates drew near and sent on shore an Aid de camp, to request that 6000 men might be received into the town.—Neither Gen. Toussaint nor Dessalines were there.—A white man, named Auge commanded at that time—the messenger was very well received by him, and was told, he had no reasons for opposing a disembarkation; at the same moment two officers of Dessalines's guards, one a negro and the other a mulatto, gave notice that they were invested with secret orders from the governor to take the command and oppose the landing of a single soldier previous to his arrival. The Aid de camp and the boat officer were arrested. During the night, patrols of negroes made search in all the houses, arrested all the whites they could find, and sent them under escort for La Croix des-bouquets. Some persons found means to get on board and inform the General of what was passing; (and that is what saved the white people and the town.) From that moment Gen. Bonnet caused one regiment to land; below fort Bizoton; they met with no opposition: The garrison, on the contrary, followed the troops, who immediately marched for Port au Prince. When they arrived at the gate called Leogane, they experienced some resistance, which however did not continue long; all was carried at the pas de charge, and they arrived in the heart of the town without having fired a single shot. More troops were then landed to take possession of that famous fort built by the English, and which by its position commands the whole town: But they found it already deserted by the renowned myriads of Toussaint, who did not dare even to fire the guns which were all found ready loaded. The troops then proceeded towards La Croix des-bouquets, which the negroes set on fire when they heard of their advancing against them. This afforded a great part of the whites time to make their escape. It is reckoned that about 150 have been carried away to Mirabalais, and much fear is entertained of their having been massacred, together with a great number of people in that quarter, which have been burnt. L'Arcabaye and part of La plaine du Cal de Sac have likewise been burnt; the spirit of the negroes in this last mentioned place is said to be excellent, and that they have exerted themselves to stop the progress of the fire.
St. Martha and Les Gonaives are in the possession of the negroes. Toussaint, it is said, intends making resistance at the latter place, which would be a very desirable thing, as his person would soon be in the power of the French. All is burnt and every individual has been massacred at Leogane. The French are masters of Grand and Petit Gonaive, and of a great part of the south of the island. Jacquemel (where the white people have also been massacred) and Jeremie are still held by the negroes. 300 Republicans going from Leogane to possess Grand-Gonaive, have been shot on their march at Fort Lacul, garrisoned by 1500 negroes; they have forced it with the bayonet, and more than 1200 negroes have been killed.
"All letters agree in stating that if the French continue the same activity and ardour, every thing will soon be settled. Negroes, and even Chiefs are arriving from all quarters to surrender themselves."
"It had been said that the commandant of Larcabaye had offered to submit, and to give up the whites arrested in that quarter; at the departure of the brig troops were embarking to repair thither."
"At the time the brig failed 25,000 troops were computed to be arrived. Gantheanne had just arrived with 3000 more, and 33,000 were ready in the different ports of France to be embarked if found necessary. Add to all this, each of the negroes as can be armed, who have served in the old corps of blacks, and have assuredly not followed the other blacks into the woods."
Sloop Sally, Gilbert B. Fish master, from Havana, on the 8th March, in lat. 23, 37 N. lon. 82 W. fell in with a schooner, supposed to be the Nimble, of Charleston, (S. C.) pierced for 12 guns, laden with sugar, on her beam ends, falls out of water; and parted from her the 9th March, lat. 24, 35, N. lon. 82, 36.
MARRIED.—Mr. JEREMIAH PECKHAM, of this town, to Miss ELIZABETH WHITMAN, daughter of Mr. Daniel Whitman, of Exeter.
DIED.—In this town, on Thursday, Mrs. SARAH VAUGHN, wife of the late Mr. Daniel Vaughn in the 58th year of her age. Her friends and relations are desired to attend her funeral at the house of James Westgate, to morrow, at the usual hour, without further notice.
CUSTOM-HOUSE, District of Newport, March 26. ENTERED. Schooner Suffolk, Stevens, Aurora — George, Pierce, New-York Brig Elizabeth Sarah, Wickham, Do. Sloop Eagle, Greene, Martinique — Sally, Pith, Havana CLEARED. Sloop Sally, Briggs, New-York — John, Elizer, Do. — Maria, Comstock, Do. — Union, Angell, Do.
REMOVAL.
Francis Anderson, TAKES this method to inform his customers, and the public at large, that he has removed to his New Store, at the south side of the market, on Newman's wharf, where he proposes to carry on business under the firm of Anderson & Heath:
He has the same Assortment as before, and will sell as low as can be purchased in the State. He returns his sincere thanks to his former customers, and begs for a continuance of their favors. N. B. Masters of vessels may be supplied at the shortest notice, by calling at their Store. Newport, March 25, 1802. 78tf
Connecticut Free Stone.
THE subscribers inform the public, that they will make Stone Stoves of the Franklin construction, which are said to be far preferable to those made of Iron; and will furnish them of any dimension, on the shortest notice, at their Shop on Job Shearman's wharf.
They intend carrying on the Stone Cutting Business, in its various branches, during the Summer. EARL & CONE. Newport, March 27, 1802. 78
State of Rhode-Island, March 20, 1802.
THE creditors of Abial Brown, of South-Kingstown, in the county of Washington, are hereby notified to appear at the General Assembly of the State aforesaid, on the first Wednesday of May next, then and there to show cause (if any they have) why the prayer of his petition for the benefit of an act passed at June Session, A. D. 1756, for the relief of insolvent debtors, ought not to be granted. By order, B. HAZARD, Dep. Sec'y.
To be Sold,
At the Shop of Thomas Stevens, in Newport, a quantity of excellent clean Clover Seed, of the first quality, cheap for Cash. Newport, March 23, 1802. 78tf
TO BE SOLD,
A LOT of Land, lying in Middletown, on the main road leading to Bristol and Howland Ferry; about two miles from the State-House in this town; containing four acres.—Also, another Lot, about half a mile distant, containing twelve acres of good land, all under improvement. Both of said Lots are inclosed with excellent stone wall. For terms, apply to JOSEPH PECKHAM. Newport, March 27, 1802. 78tf
A few Casks of SHERRY WINE, of an excellent quality, for Sale by JOSEPH BRIGGS.
Elegant PRINTS, representing Gen. Washington, and his friends weeping around him, may be had at this office, if applied for soon.

JACK'S PROFESSION.
(In humble imitation of Corin's, by Peter Pindar.)
SOON the Cherub of Love shall the tidings impart,
That I have ta'en to my arms the dear girl of my heart;
On our journey through life we may meet many foes,
Yet the world we must take just as the world goes.
At the gay chequer'd scenes of life's giddy maze, Blest with thee for my wife! I'll indifferently gaze;
Let but cherry-cheek'd-health our moments beguile, And the frowns of ill-luck we'll disperse with a smile.
Should misfortunes assail us, those gales I'll call mine, Whilst the gales of good-luck shall be reckon'd as thine!
But whatever sensations these gales may create, Let our conduct be just; then rely upon fate.
Should my Anna e'er think that I've acted amiss, And so thinking refuse me the boon of a kiss; Thus my error I'll plead, whilst my reason is left, I'll blush at my guilt—then be guilty of theft.
Should our union be blest with an offspring of love, A friend—a protector—a father I'll prove; And oh! it should be—would fain heat my prayer, To thy grace—thy form—thy virtues—the heir:
As our hair silver's o'er, and by age we grow weak,
And thy bloom be no more, but sorrow'd thy cheek;
When we view our lives past, may they spotless appear,
And ne'er make those frowns the cause for a tear!
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
In GENERAL ASSEMBLY, February Session, A. D. 1802.
AN ACT for limiting the time for bringing into the General-Treasury certain evidences of the State debt, and for barring all future claims.
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, and by the authority thereof it is hereby enacted, That the holders of the different kinds of State Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt issued by this State, as named and described in the acts of January 1795, and June 1797, be and they are hereby permitted to bring in the same to the General-Treasurer on or before the first day of January, A. D. 1803. That the General-Treasurer be and he is hereby authorized and directed to receive the said Notes, Certificates, &c. and give the holders therefor his Certificates in behalf of this State, calculating and adjusting them on the same principles as is directed and described in the aforesaid Acts of January 1795 and June 1797.
And be it further enacted, That all Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt as before-named and described in the Acts aforesaid, that are not brought into the General-Treasury on or before the said first day of January 1803, be and they are hereby declared null and void, and the holders of them are forever debarred from receiving any compensation therefor.
And be it further enacted, That George Champlin and Constant Taber, Esquires, with the General-Treasurer, be and they are hereby appointed a committee to examine and decide on all applications that are made at the Treasury for State Notes, by the heirs or legal Representatives of the officers and soldiers of the late revolutionary army, where the Notes have been taken out of the Treasury by fraudulent measures.
And be it further enacted, That this Act be published, by the General-Treasurer, in all the News-papers in this State, for six weeks successively. A true copy.
Witness, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
LUMBER.
BENJAMIN RUGGLES
Respectfully informs his Customers, and the Public in general,
THAT he will undertake to procure House or Store Frames, or any other dimensions of Timber, Plank for Wharves, &c. of the following kinds of Eastern wood, viz. White-Pine, Spruce, Norway-Pine, Hemlock, Black or Yellow Birch, for Cabinet work; Cedar, Hackmatack, Maple, Black or White-Ash, Beach, or Rock-Maple:—Also, Masts and Spars of any dimension, and Birch or Hackmatack, Shio-Timber; any of which, if applied for this Winter, may be delivered here in the course of the next Spring or Summer, on the easiest possible terms. Any person wishing to contract, would do well to apply early in the Winter, that proper time may be had to get the Timber out.
He has, likewise, on hand, at his Lumber-Yard, on Shoum's wharf, in Newport, a general assortment of Eastern Lumber; such as Boards, Timber, Spruce and Hemlock Joist, Window-frame-Roll, Shingles, Clapboards, Cedar-Puts, Laths, &c.—A supply of which he proposes to keep constantly on hand.
Also, Gentlemen Boarding and Lodging may be had for two Gentlemen, on easy terms.
Newport, Nov. 27, 1801. 95f
For SALE, in Good Repair, By THOMAS GREEN,
THE large commodious Dwelling-House, in which he now lives, in Thames-Street, near Carr's-Ferry; a well constructed large convenient store in the front, the yard and cellar well paved, a good well of water in the cellar, and a cistern in the yard.—Said House is well known to be one of the best stands in town, for every kind of business; & will be set up at Auction (if not previously disposed of) the 18th Thursday in May next.
Said GREEN having on hand, of the latest importation, a complete assortment of English and India Goods, is determined to sell them for ready pay, at the most reduced prices.—Also,
Said GREEN earnestly invites all such of his friends and customers, who have open accounts, or any-wise indebted to him, more or less, by book, note, or mortgage, to make payment as soon as may be convenient; especially those standing beyond three months (the customary term of credit;) while he hopes his good old friends will continue their favors, and not forsake him now in the decline of life, to whom he devotely offers his grateful acknowledgments for manifold favors, already received for a long series of time past.
Newport, Jan. 16, 1802. 161f
NICOLAS GEFFROY,
Watch-Maker, in Newport,
INFORMS the Public, he has taken into Partnership Mr. L. JISSOT, a Superior Workman, late from the Watch-Manufactory in Geneva, who will undertake to make new watches;—and to repair, in the best manner, for watch-makers, or private persons, any new-constructed and complicated Watches, and Time-Pieces.—They will also import, from said Manufactory, at nine months warnings, all such Watches and Time-Pieces, as their employers shall order.
They have also constantly on hand,
An elegant assortment of warranted, and common English, and Geneva Watches and Time-Pieces, which they will sell on reasonable terms.
In addition to the above, they carry on the Goldsmith's & Silversmith's
Business, in all its branches, and likewise will make, or repair, any kind of Jewellery, in the neatest fashion.
They also have for Sale, Wholesale and Retail, all kinds of Jewellery, imported and of the latest fashion; officers' gold and silver epaulets; plated and brass candlesticks; plated and Britannia tea-pots; dirks, small swords and bayonets; plated butts, stirrups and spurs; tea-trays; coffee and tea-pots; bowls and tongs; cutlery ware of all kinds; night and day spy glasses; ladies and gentlemen's pocket knives; dressing-glasses; suspenders; trusses; horse-sabres; razors; Hopkin's famous razor-strops; best Beaver hats; perfumery of all kinds, from London and Paris; hair-powder; starch; Barley-sugar, and sugar plums; Spanish Jigars; best Madeira & Scotch snuff; and a great variety of other articles, too numerous to insert here.
Newport, Feb. 7, 1801. 191f
Lost or Stolen,
THE 8th instant, a Small Pinchbeck Watch, chased out side case, with a red Bone Seal, set in silver. If either Watch or Seal is offered for sale, it is requested to be stopped; and either of the Watch-Makers in Newport, will pay a reward of EIGHT DOLLARS, if recovered and not injured.
Newport, Oct. 23, 1801. 41f
TO BE SOLD,
(And possession given immediately)
A FARM, lying in West-Greenwich, about 7 miles from East-Greenwich Meeting-house—with a good Dwelling-House, Barn, and Corn House thereon—containing about Seventy Acres of LAND. Also, an Out Lot, containing about 35 Acres; which will be sold together or separate. For further particulars, enquire of
JOE HARRINGTON, on the premises.
West-Greenwich, Oct. 1.
For Albany,
The Sloop ABIGAIL,
THOMAS H. HAZARD, Master.
WILL sail the tenth of next month, wind and weather permitting; having good and convenient accommodations for passengers. For freight or passage, apply to
SAMUEL CARR, on the Ferry Wharf.
Newport, March 20, 1802.
N. B. Freight or passengers will be landed at any place on the North-River, if desired.
Nicholas Webster,
INFORMS the Public, that he has opened a
GROCERY STORE in Broad Street, in the house, late the property of Mr. Caleb Earl, where he has for Sale a general assortment of
WEST-INDIA GOODS.
Among others, are the following articles: Rum, Brandy, Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Tea of various kinds, Coffee, Chocolate, Raisins, Currants, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Butter, Cheese, Candles, Onions, Tobacco, Snuff, Powder and Shot, Lamp-Oil, Loaf and Brown Sugars, &c.—ALSO,
A general and extensive variety of Crockery and Hard Ware; Men's and Women's Shoes, &c. &c. with many other articles, too tedious to mention; all which will be sold at the most reduced prices.
Newport, Nov. 21. 81f
CASH, PAID FOR LINEN & WOOLLEN RAGS, BY
Christopher C. Olney,
Delivered at his Mills, or at his Paper Warehouse.
WHERE he has for sale, at wholesale and retail, all kinds of Paper, viz. Foof-cap Writing-Paper, No. 1 and 2.—Vellum Letter do.—Pot do.—Wrapping do.—Bonnet do.—Clothier's do. 1st quality.—Sheathing, with and without Sand.—Book Binder's Boards.—Candle Paper, and Sugar Loaf Blue.
—ALSO— A complete Assortment of Blank Account and Record Books.
—LIKewise— Account Books made and ruled to any pattern, to suit the purchaser.—A complete Assortment of School Books, and Stationary of all kinds, &c.
Also, Warranted Chocolate, by the Box, or pound, Cocoa Shells, by the Bag.
N. B. Wanted, one or two Boys, from 12 to 14 years of age, as Apprentices to the Paper-making and Clothing business.—To such great encouragement will be given.
Providence, March 3, 1802. 741f
RECEIVED,
and for Sale at the Store of W. R. WILDER,
Reports of the Cafe,
JOHN DORRANCE
AGAINST
ARTHUR FENNER,
Tried at the December term, of the Court of Common Pleas, in the county of Providence, A. D. 1801.
To which are added, the proceedings in the case.
Arthur Fenner, vs. John Dorrance.
Carefully compiled from Notes correctly taken by several Gentlemen who were present during the whole course of the trial.—Price 37 1/2 Cents.
Newport, March 4, 1802. 75
FOR SALE,
Cheap for Cash, and possession given the 25th inst.
A SMALL Farm, containing about Fifty acres of good land, with a dwelling house, and orchard thereon, lying in South-Kingstown, Washington county, and State of Rhode-Island, within three quarters of a mile from the court-house, on Little-Res; and adjoining the main road leading from thence to the South ferry.—Said Farm is well wooded and watered, with a suitable proportion of meadow and plough land; would make a valuable stand for the Tanning and Carrying business, or merchandise.—For price, and further particulars, enquire of
CALEB N. GARDNER, near the premises.
South-Kingstown, March 2, 1802. 76179
John A. Shaw, & Co.
INFORM the public that they have taken a shop next door but one North of the Coffee-House, where they carry on the Watch-Making business in all its branches; and have for sale, warranted and common English and Geneva Watches, gold Necklaces, silver tea and table Spoons, Sugar-Tongs, &c.—Looking-Glasses, Tea-Trays, Waiters, Dressing-Cases, Plated and Wooden Castors, Suspenders, Knives and Forks, Globe Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, brass and japanned Lamps, Candlesticks, dart and common Walking Sticks, Scotch, Rappée & Makabau Snuff, Starch, Writing Paper, Dutch Quills, Britannia Coffee Pots, &c. &c. Together with an assortment of Jewellery and Perfumery.
Cash given for old Gold and Silver.
Punctual attendance will be given, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged.
Newport, Feb. 12. 721f
REAL Port Wine, in quarter and half quarter Casks.
Malaga ditto ditto.
30 Casks Raisins.
40 Boxes Muscatel ditto.
20 ditto Jordan shelled Almonds.
20 Jars Malaga Grapes.
Turkey Figs of the nicest quality.
Malaga ditto in frails.
10 Casks Creme de Noyau Cordial.
1 Butt Currants.
Prime Nutmegs—Mace—Cloves—Cassia—Cinnamon.
Madeira Citron.
India Preferves in Jars, viz. Ginger—Citron—Lemon and Lime.
The above Articles are of the latest Importation.
—ALSO—
A few Pancheons Antigua Rum, Black Pepper in bags, Best green Coffee ditto, Kegs of English Mustard, Salt-Petre by the cwt. Wrapping Paper per ream. Spanish Flote—French & Carolina Indigo, &c.
For Sale, by HAZARD & GARDNER. Newport, Jan. 29, 1802. 181f
TO BE SOLD,
A FARM,
LYING in Exeter, State of Rhode-Island, about six miles from Wickford, containing 180 acres of good Land, with two Dwelling-Houses, and other out buildings. It may be purchased together, or in separate divisions. Payment will be made easy.
—ALSO—
A share in the Ohio Company, containing nearly Twelve Hundred Acres of excellent Land. For further particulars apply to
PARDON TILLINGHAST. Exeter, Feb. 25. 501f
William Douglass,
At the Head of Broad-Street,
HAS just received Two Thousand weight of long clean FLAX, which will be sold at a very small advance for Cash. Also, West-India and other GOODS as usual.
Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 151f
FOR SALE, by the Subscriber,
BETWEEN one and two thousand weight of
Oakum,
which will be disposed of, either in large or small quantities, as may best suit purchasers.
CASH, and the highest price, given for old JUNK, as usual. JOHN WILLIAMS, Keeper of the Work-House. Newport, Feb. 12. 721f
FOR SALE, By
SAMUEL VERNON, jun.
COGNAC Brandy, Claret Wine in casks and boxes, Silks, Britannia Linens, white wine Vinegar, Verdigrease, & House-Paper:—The above articles are entitled to drawback, and are now landing from the Brig Hannah, from Bourdeaux, at Mr. Robert Stevens' wharf.
He has also for sale, Russia and Raven's Duck, a few Demijans and long and short Corks.
Newport, Nov. 7, 1801.
Wm. Moore, jun. & Co.
HAVE FOR SALE,
At their Store near the Red Market,
A NEW
and General Assortment of Seasonable
DRY GOODS;
A few Boxes English and American
HATS;
A Large Stock of Cutlery, Hard-Ware, and
GROCERIES,
WHOLE-SALE AND RETAIL, warranted as Cheap as at any Store in the State.
—ALSO—
20 Hhds. Good flavor'd Tobago
RUM.
8 Do. Antigua and Jamaica RUM.
4 Pipes Holland GIN.
3000 wt. COFFEE.
A few Chests TEA.
50 Kegs Negro head TOBACCO.
A few Bags PIMENTO.
—LIKewise—
20 Hhds. good retailing MOLASSES
at a reduced price—For Cash or approved Notes.
Newport, Jan. 2, 1802. 101f
TO BE SOLD,
A NEW House, in Broad-Street, completely finished, with a Yard, Garden, and good Well of water. Any person inclined to purchase, may know the terms, by applying at the House of
M. R. JOHNSON. Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 151f
For Sale,
By JOSEPH BRIGGS,
10 Hhds. 3d proof Windward-Island
RUM, good flavor'd.
3 Do. Jamaica SPIRITS, 4th proof.
20 Hhds. of good retailing MOLASSES.
50 Firkins of the best of Hog's LARD.
Newport, Feb. 27. 501f
WILLIAM DOUGLASS
Has for Sale, the following GRASS-SEED, viz.
ONE Thousand Weight of Clover,
50 bushels Barden's,
And 30 ditto Red-Top. March 13.
Francis Anderson,
TAKES this method to inform his Debtors
and Creditors, that his Partners have called
on him for settlement, and are determined
the Copartnership shall be dissolved in a few
weeks, when he will remove from the said Store:
He therefore once more earnestly requests those
to whom the firm is indebted, to come in for
settlement; and such as are indebted to said
firm, to make immediate payment, as this is the
last time he shall give notice in this way. And
unless immediate settlement is made with all who
have accounts open, either by note or payment,
he will be under the disagreeable necessity of
pursuing different measures for collection.
Newport, Feb. 12, 1802. 721f
FOR SALE,
171 Acres of Land,
LYING in South-Kingstown, in
the County of Washington,
with Two Dwelling Houses thereon,
one Corn-Crib, one Barn, about
eighty apple trees of the best kind of
grafted fruits, well watered as any Farm in the
State. Sixty acres of it is good Meadow, very
clear from stones; bears great corn, barley, and