The Kentucky gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1798-04-25 00:00:00

Messrs. BRADFORD & STEWART, SOME publications have appeared in your news papers, which are calculated to excite groundless prejudices in the public mind, against a considerable majority of the members of our senate, and a respectable minority in the house of representatives, on account of their conduct in the last assembly, on the subject of again taking the sense of the people as to the propriety of calling a convention. The misrepresentations contained in those publications are so glaring, that they must be obvious to every candid enquirer, who hath read the proceedings of the legislature on the question; and therefore I shall not attempt any pointed replies to them, but only trouble you and my other fellow citizens, with such general observations, on the eleventh article of the constitution, and the real merits of the case, as will be sufficient to place the conduct of all the members of the legislature in a true point of view.
Our constitution prescribes two modes, by which a convention may be called for its own revision—One founded on the votes of the citizens at large, to be successively given in the year 1797 and 1798—the other founded on the votes of both branches of the legislature, to be given at any time thereafter. The first mode, very explicitly points out the privilege and duty of electors, and then, the power and duty of the legislature. The privilege and duty of electors are thus expressed. “The persons qualified to vote for representatives, shall at the general election to be held in the year 1797, vote also by ballot for or against a convention as they shall severally chuse to do;” without declaring the consequences of neglect in any or all of them. Here then, the word shall , though it may mean more than the word may , yet it can not have any other or further effect: each voter might or might not have exercised his privilege, as he pleased; and if he neglected his duty therein, no punishment, fine, or deprivation, could follow; for there can be no punishment without a precept. Neither ought it to avail any one to plead, that he was deprived of the opportunity of exercising this privilege, by his own ignorance; for it was his duty to have been acquainted with the constitution; wherein the privilege, and the time and manner of exercising it, are clearly pointed out: so that his ignorance can never be a just cause of complaint against others; unless the fault were in his representatives; and then from the nature of the relation between them, their faults are chargeable to him, or he must bear the consequences of them.
The power and duty of the legislature, consequent on the votes for and against a convention, require a more particular investigation, and are thus expressed. “If thereupon it shall appear that a majority of all the citizens in the state, voting for representatives, have voted for a convention, the general assembly shall direct, that a similar vote shall be taken the next year, &c.” The number of citizens who voted for representatives, and the number of citizens who voted for a convention, having been ascertained, the duty here enjoined is plain, and the power confirmed certain. If it appeared, that a majority of those who voted for representatives, had voted for a convention, it was the duty of each member of the general assembly, to concur in directing that a similar vote should be taken, at the general election in the present year, however averse he might have been to the measure; and which if any of them refused to do, it was a gross abuse of the trust reposed in him; and for
which every one, who was guilty, ought to be excluded from his trust, so soon as his constituents have an opportunity. But if on the reverse, it appeared that the majority of citizens who had voted for representatives, had not voted for a convention, the legislature, under the clause of the constitution we are now considering, had no power, whatever might have been their wishes, to direct that a similar ballot should be taken; and it would have been gross usurpation to have done so, more criminal and more dangerous than the neglect of any duty whatsoever. And if neither the one nor the other appeared, it would certainly also have been usurpation to have given any such direction. Moreover it would have been dangerous, and therefore improper, to have directed a general vote to be taken this year on any pretence; because multitudes would have conceived, that they were acting or voting under the first mode: indeed the late convention seems to have disapproved such a proceeding at any after time, by not directing it, when providing rules on the case, for the conduct of the legislature: and would it not have been a real solecism, to have required the legislature to judge of the expediency of a measure, which had previously been determined on by their constituents?
But a very important question yet remains to be answered. Did it appear that there was, or was not, a majority of those who voted for representatives, at the last general election, who also voted for a convention? for this is three times repeated in this article, as the sole guide to the legislature. And I am bold to assert, that neither the one nor the other, did appear, in a proper manner, to the legislature. The constitution had not directed how, nor by whom, these two numbers should be made known and certified to the assembly, nor was there any law which made provision therefor. Indeed at the assembly immediately preceding, an act passed, which may be supposed, was intended to provide for the case. But unluckily, the enacting clause is materially and fatally deficient, in not requiring the judges and sheriffs, who superintended the several elections, to ascertain and return the number of voters for representatives. This being so, many of the sheriffs did not make returns of that number, and where they did do it, it was not the best evidence the nature of the case would admit of. Nor was it any evidence at all; for as the duty was not enjoined on them by law, their returns of that number were not on oath; and consequently they were not liable to any pains and penalties for making false returns. In any point of view, they did not deserve the name nor credit of official returns: concerning which a certain faction were so vociferous in the assembly, and which has since been so repeatedly echoed and re echoed by their adherents.
This dilemma, in which the assembly were involved, must be a pretty good apology for the conduct of the senate (though perhaps will not justify it) in sending to some of the sheriffs to amend their returns; and also for taking any information on oath, which could be obtained, to ascertain the number of voters for representatives, as well as for a convention: and to say the least, information on oath, from any person of reputation, ought to be more relied on, than the return of a sheriff, who was not on oath. And it may be further suggested, that this proceeding of the senate, satisfactorily proves, that they were desirous to know the true state of the votes, and to act accordingly. But on cool reflection, I
presume, it will not be denied, that in a matter of so much consequence to the community, no evidence ought to have been received, but the highest and most certain, that the nature of the case would permit. And if so, the inference must be, that the last legislature ought not to be reprobated, for not giving further directions on the subject of a convention; and that if there is a fault, it must be charged to the preceding legislatures; but more especially, on the one which passed the act, that does not prescribe the whole duty, which should have been required of those who superintended the elections in the year 1797.
But it may be asked, if the numbers of those who voted for representatives and for a convention, were only to be regarded by the legislature, and not the number of those who voted against a convention. For what purpose did the constitution require these negative votes? I answer, that it is a manifest, but harmless, surpluage: or rather, the true meaning seems not to have been happily expressed; for it could only have been intended, that the citizens should vote, or not vote, for a convention as they might judge proper: and in no other way can this article be construed, consistently with the general run of the expressions it contains, and the nature of the case it provides for.
It may also be asked, could the neglect or mismanagement of representatives, deprive their constituents of the privilege of calling, if they had thought proper, a convention to reform their constitution of government? in reply, many other questions may be proposed; such as, does not our constitution require, that the legislature shall direct, by law, in what manner, and in what courts, suits may be brought against the commonwealth? and as this hath not been done, are not the citizens deprived of the privilege of obtaining their rights from the commonwealth, in that way? but it may be more directly answered, that not only the opportunity is lost, by a mistake of the legislature made in February 1797, of knowing the will of the citizens at large on the subject in the year 1797 and 1798, agreeably to the first mode prescribed by the constitution; but it is also true, that by the second mode pointed out therein, no convention can ever hereafter be had in an orderly way, “until two thirds of both branches of the legislature shall deem it expedient.” And this restriction the late convention thought necessary, thereby to prevent the constitution from being wantonly changed—like our laws, which are frequently altered or repealed, before they are known by the bulk of the people to have existed. This mode however, puts it in the power of the representatives of the people, to provide for a change in the constitution, as often as it shall be found by experience, that any part of it is materially injurious to the rights and interests of the community. And there can be but little doubt, whatever fiery partizans may allege to the contrary, that, whenever this appears to be fact, two thirds of both branches of the legislature, will concur in providing a remedy. And on them we may the more confidently rely, from similar examples of the patriotism of the legislatures of some of our sister states. To which may be added, what ought to be particularly attended to, that the senate, against which an outcry hath been raised, did actually in the course of the last session of the assembly, first pass a bill, and afterwards, a resolution, to take the sense of the people, on the propriety of calling a convention; and that nearly in the same manner as is directed by the constitution: but a prevailing faction in the house of re-
presentatives, which was aiming to have a convention by any means, fair or foul, obstinately persisted in refusing to accord with the senate in the measure, unless the votes were directed to be so taken, as that all those, who should be too careless, or too obstinate, to vote on the question either way, would virtually be counted in favour of a convention: but suppose the worst, and does not every body know, that the people have it in their pleasure, completely to change the members of the legislature, once in every four years?
On the whole, it appears that there are some restless spirits amongst us, both in and out of the legislature, who cannot conceive they enjoy the rights and privileges of free men, unless they are authorised to involve themselves and their fellow citizens in ruin: for although they cannot deny, that with regard to our constitution, they are in a state of safety, yet they wish, by calling a convention, to cast us into an ocean of uncertainty, where the boisterous gales of faction, which are very prevalent in this country, will have full scope, and may sink themselves and others to perdition.
AN IMPARTIAL CITIZEN.
TO THE ELECTORS OF FAYETTE.
FELLOW CITIZENS:
THE time approaching at which you are to decide, in pursuance of the invitation of your immediate representatives upon the all-important question with respect to a convention, it becomes the duty of every man to form an impartial and candid judgment; it is not only his duty to quiet his own mind, but to contribute, as far as he can, towards placing the question in a fair and dispassionate point of view, before the public. In attempting this, suffer me to state to you the reasons which have been offered against summoning a convention, and the defects which, it is conceived, make an alteration in our constitution necessary.
That there exists defects in the constitution is not denied by the most violent opposers of a convention. But it is said, that, if we attempt an alteration of it now, we shall expose it to the attacks of the wicked and designing, and that, by endeavouring to expunge the defective parts, we hazard a loss of the perfect. An appeal too is made to the tranquillity of the state, and it is asked, with exultation, if every one is not happy under the present form of government; whether the weight of oppression bows down the neck of any one. A grave refutation of these arguments is only necessary, from the respectability of the persons who urge them, and from the influence they have acquired.
How do we endanger the good parts of the constitution, by a convention? Those who urge this objection seem to suppose that, instead of an assembly of the most wise and enlightened citizens of the state, canvassing the constitution and availing themselves of the lessons of experience, and the dictates of reason, we are to expect a convention of the most wicked and ignorant, shaking government and attacking property. They pay but a poor compliment to the discernment and integrity of the people. They appear to have forgotten that the members of the convention will be chosen by the voluntary suffrages of a free people. That the persons thus chosen, elevated by the dignity of their station, assemble together for the discussion of subjects, in which they are equally interested with their constituents. That they will have no motive for abusing the confidence of the public. And they seem unaware of the extent of their argument, if

striking at all representative government, since if we cannot trust our delegates in establishing fundamental or elementary principles, they are equally unfit for the purpose of ordinary legislation. Has it ever been known that the cause of truth was hurt by enquiry and investigation? If not, why are we to apprehend that the sound parts of our constitution will be endangered by a convention? But it is said that it is yet too young to be touched. Its infancy is a powerful reason for amending it at the present time. It has not yet acquired that strength, that maturity, which will enable it to resist the efforts of reformation.
The first dawn of disease is the moment for remedy. The longer it continues, the more difficult is cure. The longer a government operates, the greater is the difficulty of change. Habit, the creation of new offices, their influence, a thousand relations and ties combine to oppose a reform of abuses in an old government. We have innumerable examples of the truth of this idea. Virginia affords a recent one. There, notwithstanding their constitution is as defective as one can be, all amendatory attempts have proved abortive.
But, compelled to abandon this ground of opposition as untenable, the enemies to a convention assume a bolder aspect upon the other, the supposed happiness of the people. It may not be improper here to remark that arguments of this kind, if founded in fact, prove nothing. Because we find that it is a principle of our nature to endeavour to be contented with present situation. The inhabitant of the most dismal dungeon, the parent who has lost the most affectionate and promising child, after the first paroxysms of grief, cease their unavailing complaints. The subjects of the most despotic prince, the African who has the most ruthless and inexorable master, seem contented and happy, and rarely heave a sigh of misery. The true question with the philosopher and statesman should be, not whether men are contented, for there is a tranquillity of the mind, which has the countenance of happiness, but can the present sum of human happiness, by the reform of corrupt institutions, or the change of licentious manners, be increased.
It is not however true that the people of Kentucky are contented and happy under the present government. The vote of so large a number, in favor of a convention, at the last election, and the present stir in the country, prove the contrary. Can any humane man be happy and contented when he sees near thirty thousand of his fellow beings around him, deprived of all the rights which make life desirable, transferred like cattle from the possession of one to another; when he sees the trembling slave, under the hammer, surrounded by a number of eager purchasers, and feeling all the emotions which arise when one is uncertain into whose tyrannic hands he must next fall; when he beholds the anguish and hears the piercing cries of husbands separated from wives and children from parents; when in a word, all the tender and endearing ties of nature are broken asunder and disregarded; and when he reflects that no gradual mode of emancipation is adopted either for these slaves or their posterity, doubling their number every twenty-five years. To suppose the people of Kentucky, enthusiasts as they are in the cause of liberty, could be contented and happy under circumstances like these, would be insulting their good sense.
Having thus obviated the objections against a convention, permit me to hint at some of the alterations which appear to me to be necessary to our constitution.
In addition to other misrepresentation, to which the enemies to a convention, despairing of success by a fair mode of reasoning, have had recourse, they have addressed themselves insidiously to the fears of the slaveholders, and held out as the object of the friends to a convention, an immediate and unqualified liberation of slaves. However just such a measure might be, it certainly never has been the intention of any one to attempt it; and the only motive in ascribing it to them has been to awaken the prejudices, and mislead the judgment of the public. But it is the wish of some of them, that a gradual plan of emancipation should be adopted. All America acknowledges the
existence of slavery to be an evil, which while it deprives the slave of the best gift of heaven, in the end injures the master too, by laying waste his lands, enabling him to live idly, and thus contracting all the vices generated by a state of idleness. If it be this enormous evil, the sooner we attempt its destruction the better. It is a subject which has been so generally canvassed by the public, that it is unnecessary to repeat all the reasons which urge to a conventional interference. It is sufficient that we are satisfied of this much, that the article prohibiting the legislature from making any provision for it, should be expunged, and another introduced either applying the remedy itself, or authorising the legislature at any subsequent period to do it. There can be no danger in vesting this power in them. They can have no motive but public good to actuate them, and there will be always a number of them who will themselves hold slaves. The legislature of Virginia possesses this power without abusing it. The next objection which I shall mention to the present constitution, is the senate, a body which to me seems adverse to republican principles, and to be without use. I am aware that I shall be opposed by the examples of all nations, who enjoy any portion of liberty. Fortunately however the present enlightened age is not to be seduced into an opinion by precedent alone: reason must be addressed and satisfied before any is embraced. The division of the legislature into two chambers, has been founded upon the principle of two classes of men, whose interests were distinct, living under the same government. It was necessary that the rights of the nobility and commonalty should be guarded and protected by a body of legislators, representing each. These distinctions not existing in America, the use of the senate has ceased. What is the object of a representative legislature? It is to collect the will of the people, and to assemble the intelligence of the state, for the purpose of legislation. It is not necessary to this end that there should be two separate bodies of delegates. But if it be, as the object certainly is, the assemblage of wisdom, and as there is a greater chance of wise men being in a large assembly than in a small one, each chamber should be composed of an equal number of members. If the will of the people is to be the governing principle of decision, certainly that will is better expressed by the lower house, since the members of that are more numerous and come more immediately from the body of the people. Is it not against the principles of all just calculation, against the spirit of democracy, to suppose that fifteen men above, are equally well qualified to understand and manage the interests of a nation, with fifty-six below? If it be true that the farther we go from the people, we get men better acquainted with, and more competent to decide upon, the affairs of the republic, why stop at fifteen, why not descend to two or one?
With respect to the check which the senate is supposed to impose upon the impetuosity and precipitancy of the lower house, this scarcely deserves an audience. To it I answer first, the will of the enlightened representatives of a free people should not be checked by any power upon earth, except it be the people themselves. And secondly, that it is not true that the senate is composed in general of men less impetuous and more wise than the other house. Is it not like the upper house composed of men? Do not these men possess the same passions, the same prejudices with the others? Have not they the same inclinations to gratify? Oh, but the senate is composed of fewer members, and the sway of passion is proportionate to the numbers in assemblies. The objection then conducts us to the aristocratic plan of managing the people by a few. Besides there is danger that the senate may impede the progress of good laws as well as bad ones. I cannot conceive how the lower house, depending upon the people for an annual election, and responsible to them, can be induced to pass laws detrimental to the public, since they are a part of that public, and since the laws equally affect them.
I confess that these objections against the existence of a senate are hazarded with diffidence; but it is the diffidence arising from a veneration for the opinions of those wise men who have thought a senate neces-
sary;—opinions which, though they ought not to be conclusive in any case are certainly entitled to our respect. But if the senatorial branch of the legislature should be retained, we are certain that ours is so badly constituted as to claim popular interference. It is unnecessary to dwell upon imperfections which are obvious to every one.
Having attempted to shew, and I think succeeded in manifesting, in the preceding observations, that there exists no good reason why a convention should not be summoned; that there ought to be a gradual mode of emancipation established, or, at least, that the legislature should be invested with the power of forming one, when the situation of the country should render it necessary; and that the senate should be abolished or at least reformed. I shall conclude by observing to you fellow citizens, that the present is the moment for coming forward, and that it is impossible to foresee the consequences of inactivity.
SCEVOLA.
Lexington, 16 April, 1793.
REFLECTIONS ON THE DIVISION OF LEGISLATIVE POWERS.
THERE are many individuals in this state who sincerely believe that a senate is indispensably necessary to prevent the mischiefs of faction, to check the rash and precipitant measures of the lower house, to revise its proceedings and to correct its errors and mistakes. They firmly believe that it requires two houses of legislators to make laws for collecting taxes, opening roads, building bridges, establishing towns and terries. They implicitly believe that one house (viz. a convention) is competent to the task of framing those great fundamental laws (on which all other laws are built) which we resort for the explanation of every legislative difficulty.—A mistake in the principles or even in the wording of a clause of a constitution, these politicians imagine, can scarcely happen, though all the members of a convention should sit in the same room, on the very same floor.—A convention which is to form the supreme laws of the land according to their opinion needs no check—no senate.—But a body of men met for the ordinary purposes of legislation would make sad work indeed if they were not divided into two distinct classes and put upon different floors—indeed these politicians assure us, that they can measure the abilities and virtues of a legislator, by counting the steps of the stairs that lead to the hall where he sits—these steps, for the information of the common people, ought to be graduated like the scale of a thermometer, and it would be found that a man sitting at the head of the third pair of stairs in the state-house at Frankfort, has something more than fourteen times as much sense and virtue as a representative on the floor immediately below him.—What a pity it is the state-house had not been built ten or twelve stories higher, that we might have had order above or in beautiful but rapid gradation from the poor industrious plodding, ignorant citizen, up to a kind of angelic legislator, sitting like the hero of Milton in Pandemonium upon a throne, more gorgeous than all "the wealth of Ormus or of Ind."—As English schools are not wanted for the children of the poor of Kentucky, and as the rich and their children can acquire sense and virtue, and honor, and every thing that is valuable and requisite for the government of the state by being elected senators, it would be well to expend forty or fifty thousand pounds which are now in the treasury, in raising the state-house at least six or seven stories higher.—A seat in the upper story would sublime and correct a man's political notions better than twenty years study and reflection.
A FRIEND TO SENATES.
PHILADELPHIA, April 5.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Charleston, S. C. to Mr. Rutledge of the house of Representatives.
"The enclosed article is from Timothy's paper of to day; I sent to him, to know on what authority it was so positively given—he said Mess. Gairdner's and co. had received letters from Pensacola saying that the French flag had been flying there for several days, and sent thither vessels to bring away
the persons and property of some who did not wish to remain under the French government."
[The following is the article alluded to in the above.] From the Charleston State Gazette of the 18th ult.
"FRENCH COLONIZATION."
"It is no new idea that the terrible republic have contemplated the division and colonization of the United States; and we are enabled to announce, upon the authority of letters, the credit of which are indubitable, that Louisiana and the Floridas have been ceded by Spain to France, and are now actually in her possession. This is a favourable accession to our allies and a main step to the effecting their purpose."
A gentleman in this city has, it is said, received a letter from a person of information and respectability dated St. Augustine the 9th of March. It makes not the least mention relative to the taking possession of Florida by the French.
On Monday, after considerable debate, the question was taken in the Federal house of representatives on the following motion made by Mr. Allen:
Resolved that the President be requested to communicate to this house the instructions to and dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French republic, mentioned in his message of the 15th ult.
Yeas 65. Nays 27.
Before the house adjourned, Mr. Allen informed the house, that the committee appointed to wait upon the President with the resolution which had been agreed to, had informed them, that he would take the matter into consideration, and do what the public safety should seem to require.
A message was on Tuesday received from the President of the United States, it was in the following words: Gentlemen of the Senate and gentlemen of the house of Representatives.
"In compliance with the request of the house of representatives, expressed in their resolution of the 2d of this month I transmit to both houses the instructions to and dispatches from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French Republic, which were mentioned in my message of the 10th March last, omitting only some names, and a few expressions descriptive of the persons."
"I request that they may be considered in confidence until the members of Congress are fully possessed of their contents, and shall have had opportunity to deliberate on the consequence of their publication; after which time I submit them to your wisdom."
JOHN ADAMS.
United States, April 3, 1793.
The above message having been read, the galleries and house was cleared of strangers and the house was occupied in reading the papers accompanying it from this time (about half past twelve) until past three, when they adjourned, without making any order respecting them.
April 6.
The following is copied from Claypoole's American Daily Advertiser of this morning:
To gratify, in some degree, the public anxiety, we give the following, as being what we have reason to believe, a tolerable correct outline as far as it goes.
When the last dispatches left our ministers, they had not been, nor were they likely to be acknowledged by the French directory. They had however had some conferences with two persons (whose names are omitted by the President, and are designated by the letters X and Y,) who informed them that they were commissioned by Talleyrand Perigord, the minister for foreign affairs, to wait on the envoys extraordinary from the United States, to state to them upon what terms an advantageous treaty might be made with the French directory.—These terms were, that in the first place, a douceur of fifty thousand pounds sterling should be made to Talleyrand Perigord; and that as the directory were greatly in want of money, the United States must engage to purchase from them, a debt of sixteen millions of florins, due from the Batavian to the French republic (but which they are at present unable to pay), by way of loan to the French. X and Y stated that these were the

only conditions upon which the American ministers could expect a favourable reception from the directory.
X and Y dwelt much on the power and resources of the French republic, and of the consequences which must inevitably ensue to the United States from a war with France, referring to the fate of Venice and other countries, whose views had been inimical to the interests of France. Adding, that the directory were well informed as to the divided state of opinion in this country; and that the misunderstanding betwixt the two republics, had been owing to measures injurious to France, which had been brought forward and supported in the government of this country, by what we call the Federal party, but by what they call the British faction.
That our ministers had afterwards an interview with M. Perigard himself, who informed them, that before any negotiation could take place, it was indispensably necessary that the terms which had been proposed to them by X and Y, should be complied with.
It does not appear that our ministers have held any conference with any of the members of the executive directory themselves.
Our ministers minister, is peculiarly interested in all prizes carried into French ports, and that it is not likely therefore, that they will diminish in number.
The PRESIDENT has recommended WEDNESDAY the NINTH of May next, to be observed throughout the United States as a day of solemn humiliation, fasting and prayer.
Lexington, April, 25, 1798.
Several pieces both for and against a convention, are omitted in this days paper for want of room: And having informed the executive, that the laws of the last session should be ready this week to deliver, puts it out of our power to comply, and also enlarge our paper. Such advertisements as have been omitted to make room in this, shall appear in our next.
COMMUNICATION.
THE importance of a representative in the political scale of Kentucky is a matter of curious speculation. The question may be fairly tried in the following way.—The house of representatives is composed of fifty-six members—these may be unanimous in favor of a particular measure—it is sent to the senate—eight senators form a house for business—the speaker fills the chair, and only votes in case of an equal division—this cannot happen in a senate composed of seven members and the speaker—consequently the measure adopted by the unanimous vote of fifty-six representatives is negatived in the senate by the votes of four members of that body.—Are these senators mere men? certainly; for the constitution admits of no order superior to man. What then on this scale shall we call the representative of the people? his importance is in the ratio of four to fifty-six—or to calculate more minutely, one senator is possessed of the power of fourteen representatives, or in other words a representative is a thing fourteen times less than a man!!! Yet this is the constitution on which the brilliant panegyrics of the most conspicuous orators in the last assembly were so lavishly bestowed! this is the form of government which is said to command the admiration of the litterati, and to be too sacred to be touched by the unhallowed hands of the ill-judging multitude!!!
But it is said by the admirers of this system that "although it has defects in theory they are not felt in its operation." How did it operate on the awfully important question which was agitated at the last session of the assembly? the law in favor of taking another vote on the subject of a convention had thirty-six votes in its favor in the house of representatives, and five or six votes in the senate, making together forty-one or forty-two votes.—In the house of representatives sixteen, in the senate eight, voted in the negative, making together twenty-four votes.—And did the law pass? no; for under our present wise system twenty-four votes, are of more consequence than forty-two, because they are ennobled by a greater portion of the senatorial mixture. Is this the government of the many over the few, or of the few over the many?
I HAVE been directed by the managers of the Lexington Lodge lottery, to order suits to be commenced against every person in arrears for the purchase of tickets without discrimination: but think it proper to give this further notice, under the fullest confidence, that many of those indebted will prevent the managers from being forced to a measure so extremely disagreeable; and will relieve them from their present difficulties, by immediately paying to me, their respective balances due the lottery. Application is frequently made for prizes; but no money to discharge them—suits have been commenced and judgments obtained against the managers. CASH is really wanted, and it is hoped this notice will be attended to.—No further indulgence can be given. All those who have purchased tickets and are entitled to a credit on account of prizes, are requested to forward their fortunate numbers as soon as possible, that the true state of their accounts may be known.
THOS. BODLEY, for the Managers. As there are reports prevailing which originates with interested persons, to injure BLAZE, I have thought necessary to inform gentlemen of reputation, living at a distance, that he is now in high order, and performs equal to any covering horse upon the continent. BENJ. WHARTON; April 24, 1798.
TAKE NOTICE. WHEREAS I gave two notes to a certain George Lay, for eighty eight gallons of whiskey each, one payable in May 1799, the other payable in May 1800, And likewise gave three notes to Adam Lay, two for 88 gallons of whiskey, the first payable in May 1801, the second payable May 1802, the third I cannot remember the number of gallons, but not quite so much, payable May 1803. I therefore forewarn any person from taking an assignment on said notes, as George Lay was to make me a title to a certain tract of land, in consideration of said notes, and since has been put in Bourbon jail and has made his escape, as I am determined not to pay them till said Lay complies with his contract or gives sufficient security for a title for said land, without compelled by law. JAMES WEAR.
STOLEN from the subscriber living about two miles from Lexington, on Sunday night, the 21st. inst. a gray horse, about fifteen hands high, clouded face, his mane cut short and hangs to the near side, natural trotter, brand not recollected: I will give TEN DOLLARS for the horse and thief, or five dollars for the horse. HENRY HILLOCK. April 23, 1798.
FOUR DOLLARS REWARD. STRAYED from the subscriber the 9th of April, a black mare about 14.1-2 hands high, branded on the near shoulder thus WV, four white fet, three shoes on when the left me, white in her face, and some white under her belly; I will give the above reward if brought home to me, where William Haydon formerly lived. *1W HESEKIAH BROWN.
A BREACH OF TRUST. SENT from Frankfort a man of the name of Hicks, a hatter by trade, to fetch letters from Lexington to Frankfort, he was engaged to assist in manning a boat to Orleans, he rode a horse, saddle and bridle of ours, the horse a yellow bay, blaze face, sign of the foot dittemper on one fore foot, if not fore now, a half worn saddle and plated bridle, he left Frankfort Friday last; intelligence of the horse and rigging will be thankfully received, and reasonable charges paid by ELIJAH CRAIG, & SON. Georgetown, April 20, 1798.
ALEXANDER PARKER HAS just received from Philadelphia, in addition to his former assortment of merchandise, Leaf Sugar, Coffee, Hylon Tea, Allum, Nails assorted, German and Crowley's Steel, Saw and Two Mill Irons, Fuller's Papers, and Dye Stuff. ALL those indebted to the estate of William Parker deceased, will please to take notice, that all the accounts due said estate, are put into the hands of John Arthur for collection, with positive instructions to bring suits against all those who do not settle their respective balances with him or the subscriber, on or before the 12th instant. ALEX. PARKER, Adm. Feb. 4, 1798.
HEMP, AND HANDS WANTED. THE subscribers being about to open a ropewalk on the north bank of the Kentucky river, one mile above Frankfort, wishes to purchase about twenty tons of hemp, delivered at any of the inspections on said river, for which they will give twenty-six shillings, to be payed in cash in three months, (if not payed till six months expires, we will pay certainly then, with a reasonable advance for the time.) We also wish to hire a number of boys or young men, black or white, to assist in the walks at Georgetown, and near Frankfort, to whom generous wages will be given, their board and washing found, while they may learn a valuable trade. ELIJAH CRAIG, & SON. Georgetown, April 20, 1798.
NOTICE. THAT on the 8th day of May next, I shall attend with the commissioners appointed by the county court of Franklin, at the beginning or other special calls in an entry of 400 acres made in the name of Joseph Helms, on the south fork of Benfons creek, about two miles from Boon's cabin, entered May 1780, then and there to take the depositions of certain witnesses to establish the special calls of said entry, and do such other acts as may be deemed necessary to perpetuate said claim. STEPHEN ARNOLD. April 13, 1798.
Samuel & George Trotter, HAVE just received and are now opening at their store in Lexington, A large and general assortment of merchandise, consisting of DRY GOODS, HARDWARE, GROCERIES, GLASS and QUEENSWARE: NAILS, ANVILS, VICES, STEEL, &c. which will be sold on the very lowest terms for CASH.
ALL persons indebted to the late firm of ALEXANDER & JAMES PARKER, are requested to take notice, that the accounts of said firm are put into the hands of Mr. John Arthur of Lexington, who is fully authorized to collect the same, and positively directed to bring suits against all those who do not settle their respective balances either with said Arthur, or Alexander Parker, on or before the 11th inst. we are compelled to this measure, as no attention has been hitherto paid to our notice on this occasion. ALEXANDER PARKER, } Ex'ors. JOHN COBURN, } JOHN BRADFORD, } Feb. 11. 1798.
A HINT. ALL persons indebted to the late partnership of BOGGS & ANDERSON, that neglect to call and pay off their respective balances, before the first day of February next, may depend on having their accounts placed in the hands of proper officers for collection. JOHN M. BOGGS. GEO. ANDERSON. January 12, 1798.
NICHOLAS BRIGHT, BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTURER. 12 RETURNS his thanks to his customers for their past favors, and hopes by his attention to business, to merit them in future. He begs leave to inform the public in general that he continues to carry on the above business, in all its branches, on Cross street, two doors above Short street. He will give generous wages to three or four good journeymen. ISRAEL BRIGHT, BOOT & SHOE MANUFACTURER. 85
RESPECTFULLY informs the Public in general, and his Friends in particular, that he has commenced business in all its various branches, on Short street, next door to J. Morrison. He flatters himself from the neatness and excellence of his work to merit the favors of the public. He has furnished himself with a few excellent workmen, together with some of the best materials that can be produced.
FOR SALE. ALL the lands belonging to John Cockey Owings, in this state.—Also his share in the Iron Works—for terms apply to B. VANPRADELLES, atty. in fact for John Cockey Owings.
FOR SALE, Several Small Tracts of VERY Valuable LAND, and of incontestible TITLE, (viz:) MILITARY LANDS IN THE STATE OF TENNESSEE. 260 Acres, comprehending three tracts of 120 acres each, adjoining the southern boundaries of an addition to the town of Clarksville, on the eastern bank of the river Cumberland, with a fine spring of water in each of the said tracts. 46 town lots, and out lots, being part of 56 town lots and out lots in the aforesaid addition to the town of Clarksville. 33 separated out lots of two tiers each, being part of 55 out lots, lying on the east side of the aforesaid addition to the town of Clarksville, reserved for the accommodation of the purchasers of the town lots, during the term of 18 months from November last. IN THE ILLINOIS GRANT, N. W. TERRITORY. 200 acres, being part of a 500 acre survey No. 126, granted to John Moore, as sergeant of artillery in the Illinois regiment, by a deed of the trustees of said grant. LANDS LYING NEAR THE VILLAGE KASKASKIA. In the Illinois district, now county of St. Clair, N. W. Territory, granted by court or commandant for the state of Virginia, in 1783. 1440 acres, viz. 960 in 3 grants of 120 acres—480 in 2 grants of 240 acres; joined together on the east side of the river Kaskaskia, opposite the village of the same name. 364 acres bounded on the front by the said river Kaskaskia. 3330 ditto, comprehending 10 grants in the year 1784, lying together on the west side of the river Kaskaskia, above and near the village of the same name. 360 ditto, bounded on the north by the aforesaid to grants. Also one lot in the town of Kaskaskia, pleasantly situated near the bank of the river. For further information apply to P. D. ROBERT: Who has for sale 450 lbs. of very good GUN POWDER. Lexington, April 4, 1798.
Just Imported, And now opening, at the corner of Main and Cross streets, opposite the old court-house, a variety of articles, adapted to the present and approaching season, viz: An assortment of dry goods, / Loaf, white & brown Hardware & cutlery, / Sugars, sad irons, hoes scythes / Alfice, cinnamon, and files, / ging. & &c. Crockery and glass / Alum, copperas; ar- wares, / notto, Japanned do. / A few hundred of ex- A general assortment / cellent logwood. of tin do. / Jemut's bark, Pewter basins, dishes / Glauber's salts. and plates. / Copper tea kettles, Superfine post and / Two large and one common paper, / small full, School bibles and tel- / Sheet iron & nail rods, taments, / Nails & flooring brads, Spelling books, / from 31 to 124. Dilworth's assistant. / Window glass, 7 by 9 Mairs book-keeping, / 8 by 10, 9 by 11, 10 Blank books, / by 12, Cherry bounce, / A variety of saddlery, Porter, / Saddles, saddle bags Wines, / whips and bridles of Tea, Coffee, and / every description. Chocolate, / Also a few excellent Pepper, / double and single / trigger rifle guns. All of which will be disposed of extremely low for cash, by the public's humble servant, NATHAN BURROWS. Lexington, March 8, 1798. * A generous price will be given for country produce.
MACBEAN, POYZER & Co. AT the Old Court-House, corner of Main and Cross Streets, have received a new assortment of Fall & Spring Goods, &c. which they are now opening, and will dispose of on the lowest terms for Cash or Country Produce—such as Whiskey, Country Sugar, Linnen, Bacon, Corn, Feathers, Rye, &c. &c. Also the following BOOKS: Bibles, / Looker On, 2 vols. Psalms, / Russ's Eulogium, Spelling Books, / Paine's Agrarian Jus- French and English / ice, Grammars, / Godwin's Political Jus- Scott's Lessons, / tice, Anecdotes of a little / Watts on the Mind, family, / Cockburn's Collection, Gough's Arithmetic, / American Revolution, Croxall's Fables, / Wm. Smith's Condi- Little Jack, / tutions, Prompter, / Laws of the United Life of Christ, / States, 3 vols. Watt's Psalms, / Mill Wright and Mil- Life of God in the / lers' Guide, Soul of man, / Swan's Architecture, Magaw's Sermons, / Tuplin's Farriery, Jaret's do. / Evelina, Watson's Apology for / Camilla, the Bible, / Netley Abbey, Dr. Price's Sermons, / Sentimental Journey, Edwards on Redemp- / Griffith's Letters, tion, / Zimmerman on Soli- Hervey's Meditations, / tude, Brown on Equality, / Halliburton, Franklin's Works, / Crisps Works, Do. Life, / Tom Jones, Melmoth's Essay, / Triumphs of Temper, Rousseau's Social / Flavel's Husbandry, Compact, / Political Dictionary.
ALSO, Pocket Books, Thread Cases, &c. &c. A Jersey Stage Waggon, in substantial repair, with harness; Lock-chain, &c. complete. A WELL disposed lad, of good character, may hear of a place where he can get into good business by applying to the printer. January 22, 1798.

FOUR PENCE REWARD.
R UN away from the subscriber on the fourth inst. an apprentice boy named James Pogue, this is to forewarn all persons from harbouring him at their peril.
SAMUEL HOLADY. Georgetown, April 4th, 1798. 3w *46
Mercer county ss. February court of Quarter Sessions 1798. John Sige, Complainant, AGAINST Thomas Smith, Defendant.
IN CHANCERY.
The defendant not having entered his appearance herein agreeable to law and the rules of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that the said defendant is no inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that he appear here on the first day of our June court next to answer the complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Kentucky Gazette for two months successively, and published at cane run meeting house some Sunday immediately after divine service, and also at the door of the court house.
(A copy) Teste.
195 C. WING. D. C.
TAKEN up by the subscriber, living on the waters of Salt river, an iron gray horse, about fourteen hands high, adjudged to be five or six years old next spring, branded on the off shoulder with a hart and also on the near buttock thus , shod before appraised to fifteen pounds. GEORGE JORDAN.
Franklin, January 3d, 1798.
FOR SALE,
The valuable Grift and Saw Mill, and a hundred and five acres of land, with several convenient buildings; apple and peach orchard, nearly central between the three county towns, viz. Fayette, Woodford and Scott; on South Elkhorn, at the mouth of the Town fork; the Mills rent for a hundred and sixty pounds per annum, now in the tenure of Reuben Remyan. Lands on the Ohio, Green river, or Cumberland, of a good quality, and title, will be taken in exchange for two thirds of the purchase; for further particulars, apply to.
JOHN CALHOON.
April 2d, 1798.
Taken up by the subscriber, South Elkhorn, Woodford county, near the mouth of the town fork, a dark bay mare, about ten years old, about fourteen hands high, some white faddle spots, no brand perceivable, appraised to 18l.
JOHN CALHOON.
April 2d, 1798.
THE public will please to take notice, that I forewarn all persons not to touch nor take away any goods or chattels formerly in the hands of Richard Matthews, and now in my possession, as they are the property of James Nelson of Virginia.
WM. NELSON, Agent for JAS. NELSON. Harrison County, April 16, 1798. †3t
TOWN LOTS.
A NUMBER of valuable LOTS in the town of Newport, situate at the mouth of Licking, in the county of Campbell, will be exposed to sale on the premises, on the first day of May next, (being the day of election)—12 months credit will be given, on giving bond with approved security.
JAMES TAYLOR, Attorney in fact for JAMES TAYLOR.
Newport, April 16, 1798. *3
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN out of my stable the first day of this month, a dark bay or brown horse, ten or eleven years old, has a blaze face, is blind in his left eye, which will not be discovered unless particularly noticed, nearly fifteen hands high, very much rubbed with the geers, his tail was cut last fall (a long bob) which is not grown out, trots naturally; I will give the above reward for horse and thief, or ten dollars for the horse alone, delivered to me living in Franklin county, on the road leading from Harrodsburgh to Frankfort.
THOS. LILLARD.
April 1, 1798. 3t
R UN away from the town of Danville, on the first of March, a NEGRO MAN named John Dick, stout and well made, five feet ten inches high, twenty-six years old; he was raised by Hail Tolbert, of Madison county, he can read tolerable well, is fond of shewing it, is very forward and impudent when a little acquainted, attempts to speak words he does not understand. I will give FIVE DOLLARS to any person delivering said fellow to me in Danville—I expect he has crossed the Ohio.
EDWARD HUGHES. April 8, 1798.
Law of the United States.
An act to postpone, for a limited time, the commencement of the duties imposed by the act, intitled, "An act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper."
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That so much of the act, intitled "An act laying duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper" as directs that the duties imposed by that act, shall be levied, collected and paid "from and after the thirty-first day of December next," shall be, and the same hereby is repealed; and that the duties aforesaid shall be levied, collected and paid, from and after the thirtieth day of June next, and not sooner; to which last mentioned day, all notices, certificates and other matters or things, directed by the said act, and having respect to the commencement or collection of the said duties, or any of them, shall relate.
JONATHAN DAYTON, Speaker of the House of Representatives.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate.
Approved,—December 15th, 1797
JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States.
Deposited among the rolls in the office of the department of State.
TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State.
Lexington District, State of Kentucky ss.
William Denham, Complainant.
AGAINST.
Robert Johnson, John Craig, John Green, Thomas Thompson and James Fisher, Defendants.
IN CHANCERY.
The defendant John Green having failed to enter his appearance agreeable to law and the rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth; on the motion of the complainant by his counsel, it is ordered that the defendant appear here on the third day of our next July term and answer the complainants bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in the Kentucky Gazette or Herald for two months successively, another posted at the door of the court-house of Fayette county; and that this order be published some Sunday immediately after divine service, at the door of the Presbyterian meeting house in Lexington.
(A copy) Teste.
THOMAS BOULEY, C.D.C.
The commissioners appointed by an act entitled "an act to amend the Penal Laws of this commonwealth," hereby give notice, that they will attend, on the first Tuesday of June next, in the town of Frankfort at Capt. Weisiger's tavern, and on the following Thursday, in the town of Lexington at Messrs. John and Samuel Polettewait's tavern, to receive such subscriptions as may be offered for the purpose of aiding in the erection of a Jail and Penitentiary house, and in the purchase of a lot of ground on which to erect them, agreeably to that act.
HARRY INNES. CALEB WALLACE. ISAAC SHELBY. JOHN COBURN.
April 4th, 1798.
N. B. it is recommended, that the subscriptions be made payable to the governor of the state of Kentucky for the time being.
Taken up by the subscriber, living near capt. John Arnold's, one sorrel horse colt, about two years old, mixed with some white hairs, a star in his forehead, about thirteen and a half hands high, with a bell on, appraised to 9l. Also one bay mare about two years old, a star in her forehead, about thirteen hands high, no brand perceivable, appraised to eight pounds.
CHARLES DAVID.
Franklin county, December 19th, 1797.
NOTICE,
That I shall attend with commissioners on the first Monday in June next on the Sycamore fork of Slate creek, in the county of Montgomery, to take the deposition of sundry witnesses in order to perpetuate the calls in an entry of 975 acres made in the name of Charles Morgan, on the 22d day of January 1783, and to do such other things as I may deem necessary and according to law.
WILLIAM SUDDUTH for, CHARLES MORGAN
April 6th, 1798.
NOTICE, that commissioners appointed by the county court of Fayette will meet on the 12th day of May, at the beginning of an entry of two thousand acres of land, made December the 4th, 1782 in the name of Francis Lowen on the dividing waters between Hickman and Jessamine creeks, about 10 miles from Lexington; then and there to take the deposition of sundry witnesses and perpetuate their testimony respecting calls in said entry, and do such other acts as shall be deemed necessary and agreeably to law.
FRANCIS LOWEN.
April 9th, 1798.
Mercer county ss.
February court of Quarter Sessions 1798 Henry Thomas and Catharine his wife, Complainants,
AGAINST
Michael Myers, Defendant.
IN CHANCERY.
The defendant Michael not having entered his appearance herein agreeable to law, and the rules of this court, & it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is no inhabitant of this commonwealth, on the motion of the complainants by their counsel, it is ordered that the said defendant do appear here on the first day of our June court next to answer the complainants bill, and that a copy of this order be forthwith inserted in the Kentucky Gazette for two months successively and published at Cane run meeting house some Sunday immediately after divine service, and also at the door of this court house.
(A copy) Teste.
*9 C. WING, D. C. M. C. Q. S.
ALL persons are forewarned from taking an assignment on a bond for two hundred and fifty acres of land on Main Licking, part of John Harris's upper survey of five thousand acres, in Scott county, drawn on John Grant in favor of Benjamin Hallock, bearing date the sixth day of August 1794, and assigned from said Hallock to Nathaniel Ducker, who at the same time gave the said Hallock an indemnifying bond, exonerating him, his heirs and assigns in case the land should be lost, and that the said Grant only is liable.
BENJAMIN HALLOCK.
April 14, 1798. *3t
The Commonwealth of Kentucky,
To Susanna Funk, Greeting:
YOU are hereby commanded to appear before the justices of our court of quarter sessions for the county of Jefferson, at the court house in Louisville, on the first Tuesday in July next, to answer the complaint of John Funk, your husband, exhibited against you, for openly living in adultery with another man, in the state of Maryland; and for your obstinate desertion of, and refusal to come with him the said John Funk, from the said state of Maryland, to this state; and for the continuation of such your unlawful, disobedient and wicked course of life; and to shew cause if any you can why the contract of marriage between yourself and the said John Funk, your husband, (by the judgment of the said court) shall not be dissolved, and this you shall in no wise omit. Witness, Worden Pope, clerk of our said court, at the court house aforesaid, the nineteenth day of March, 1798, and in the 6th year of the commonwealth.
WORDEN POPE.
8w.
Lexington District.
State of Kentucky, ss.
John Breckenridge, Complainant,
AGAINST
David Rofs, and Thomas Carneal, Defendants.
IN CHANCERY.
The defendant, David Rofs, having failed to enter his appearance agreeable to law and the rule of this court; and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth; on the motion of the complainant, it is ordered that the said defendant appear here on the third day of our next July term and answer the complainants bill; that a copy of this order be inserted in the Kentucky Gazette, or Herald, for two months successively; another posted at the door of the courthouse of Fayette county; and that this order be published some Sunday immediately after divine service at the door of the Presbyterian meeting house in Lexington.
(A Copy) Teste.
THOS. BOULEY, CK. D. C.
Lexington District.
State of Kentucky, ss.
March term, 1798.
Joseph Hawkins, plaintiff,
AGAINST.
John McDonald Defendant.
IN DEBT.
The defendant having failed to enter his appearance agreeable to law, and the rule of this court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the court, that he is not an inhabitant of this commonwealth—on the motion of the plaintiff, by his attorney, it is ordered, that the said defendant appear here on the first day of our next July term, and answer the plaintiff's bill. And that a copy of this order be inserted in the Kentucky Gazette or Herald, for three weeks successively; another posted at the door of the court house of Fayette county, on three succeeding court-days; and that this order be published on some Sunday immediately after divine service at the door of the Presbyterian meeting house, in Lexington.
A Copy. Teste.
3* THOS. BOULEY, C. L. D. C.
The commonwealth of Kentucky.
To the sheriff of Fayette county, Greeting.
WHEREAS Rebecca Green, at the last session of the general assembly of this commonwealth, did obtain an act entitled, 'an act concerning the marriage of Rebecca Green.' In which it is in substance provided, that if the said Rebecca shall adduce such proofs to the court of Quarter Sessions for the county of Fayette, as that thereupon a jury to be empanelled in the said court, shall find that John Green husband of the said Rebecca, hath treated the said Rebecca inhumanly, deserted her for five years, or hath refused to live with her, and to contribute any thing to her support: that in such case the marriage between the said Rebecca and the said John, shall be totally dissolved. And whereas the said Rebecca hath applied to me for a Capias ad respondendum , in conformity to said act, you are hereby commanded to take the said John Green, if he be found in your bailiwick, and him safely keep, so that you have his body before the justices of our said court of quarter sessions, on the second Monday in this present month, to answer the said Rebecca Green of the plea aforesaid: and have then there this writ. Witness, Levi Todd, clerk of our said court, this 5th day of March, 1798, and sixth year of the commonwealth.
8w*6
LEVI TODD.
Commonwealth of Kentucky.
Clarke county to wit:
WHEREAS an act passed at the last session of the general assembly of this state concerning the marriage of Elizabeth Jones whereby it is provided that if the said Elizabeth produces such proof to the court of Quarter sessions for the county of Clarke, or any other court having jurisdiction of the same as that thereupon a jury to be empanelled in said court shall find in substance that John Jones husband to the said Elizabeth, hath deserted her the said Elizabeth, and that he is living in adultery with another woman in the state of South Carolina or any other state (Kentucky excepted,) that then the marriage between the said Elizabeth and the said John shall be dissolved. And in conformity to said act, this writ is to notify the said John to appear before the justices of the court of Quarter sessions for the county of Clarke, on the fourth Tuesday in April next then and there to answer the said Elizabeth Jones of the plea aforesaid.
Witness David Bullock clerk of our said court, this second day of March 1798 and sixth year of the commonwealth.
DAVID BULLOCK.
TAKE NOTICE,
That I shall attend with commissioners appointed by the court of Montgomery county, under an act of assembly entitled "an act to ascertain the boundaries of land, and for other purposes," on the 24th day of May next and if necessary adjourn from day to day until the business is completed, at the improvement of Aaron Higgins on Buck lick creek in said county of Montgomery, then and there to perpetuate testimony of certain witnesses tending to establish said improvement such other special calls in a certificate granted by the commissioners to said Higgins, to include said improvement.
WILLIAM HIGGINS.
March 26th, 1798. †
TAKE NOTICE,
That I shall attend with the commissioners appointed by the court of Montgomery county under an act of Assembly entitled "an act to ascertain the boundaries of land, and for other purposes," on the 23rd day of May next, and if necessary to adjourn from day to day until the business is completed, at the improvement made by Samuel Hunter, on a west branch of Buck lick creek in the said county of Montgomery then and there to perpetuate testimony of certain witnesses tending to establish said improvement and other special calls in a certificate granted by the commissioners to John Tagart assignee, to include said improvement.
WILLIAM GAMPER.
March 26th, 1798. †
Taken up by the subscriber, Lincoln county, one brown mare, twelve years old fourteen hands and a half high, branded on the near buttock but not legible, with a small star in her forehead, shod all round, trots natural, appraised to 9l, 10s.
THOMAS OWSLEY.
January 9th, 1798. †
Taken up by the subscriber, on the waters of Strodes creek, Clarke county, a brown mare, star in her forehead thirteen hands and a half high, four years old, appraised to 9l.
Also a bay horse, near hind foot white, thirteen hands and a half high, appraised to 9l.
JAMES YOUNG.
December 26th, 1797. †
Blank Deeds for sale.