Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-02-20 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican.
AN INDIVISIBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNWORTH, (Printer to the STATE, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES.) Thames Street, NEWPORT.
For the REPUBLICAN.
CURTIUS—No. I.
Mr. FARNWORTH,
I PROPOSE to send you from time to time, as my leisure, and inclination may admit, a series of numbers for insertion in the Republican . The wild spirit of calumny, and perversion which those who are inimical to Republican measures have adopted, seems to provoke a resistance, though their ravings may be harmless, and their arts ineffectual. It is not my expectation, however, to detect many of their artifices, they being, many times, so exquisitely ingenious as to require more than an ordinary portion of talents to unfold, and expose them: But I am disposed to contribute my mite; and hope that the example may induce others more capable, and who possess better means of correct information, to extend their aid in the promotion of truth, and protection of humanity.
It is a sentiment seriously inculcated by moral, and political writers, that there exists in the mind of man a principle of benevolence, and obligacy. Usurpers in all ages, have availed themselves of the melancholy truth; and seizing the opportunity, have cast the imputation from themselves, and with an invidious enmity, fastened it, or attempted to fasten it, upon the lower order of society; pronouncing them irascible and refractory, and ascribing to them the whole progeny of vice. Hence those usurpers have fixed an ample source of argument, which will afford them an abundant supply, in their most trying moments. Hence when detected in an abuse of public authority, their first study is to criminate the People who presume to complain of their knavery; to conjure up against them the prejudices which their industrious zeal has been constant in the creation of; and to impress the world, that every struggle for liberty, and right, is a struggle for carnage, and for plunder. What else induced Mr. Adams to proclaim that "this country could never be happy without an Hereditary Chief !" The proposition involves the sentiment that every check ought to be wrested from the hands of the people. Was he then recent in this belief?—If he was: If he had acquired it from his experience during his presidential career: What were the circumstances by which it was produced? It must have been, it could only be, that he foresaw the tenure of his office, acting as it did upon popular opinion, was too precarious. He foresaw that his favorite views could not be pursued without immense hazard. Stationed as he was at the focus of politics, and party; with the hopes of the monarchists throughout the continent resting upon him; urged too by his own fond predilection, his impassioned fancy was impressed with a deep, and sympathetic sorrow, that what he deemed "the most stupendous fabric of human wisdom" (viz. monarchy) was so rapidly declining. The ultimate hope was now shaken at the foundation. Britain had already groaned in desperate anguish; and like the dying pangs of a giant, had imparted a hopeless impulse to the monarchs of the world. When he turned his attention to his situation; when in his circuits through the country, he found the people divided and complaining, and cold, and indifferent toward him, as having forsaken the pursuit of their happiness, to which he was solemnly pledged; when, amid the cavalcades that followed him from town to town, he could only discern the "moths and rust" of society—the swindler, peculator, pettifogger, and dependent (the solid citizen standing afar, in distant, and disdainful rebuke) he trembled for the fate of monarchy. But too cherubim for repentance; too stubborn to yield to compunction and conscience, and insensible to the many grievances he had officially sanctioned; instead of yielding to the conviction which so wholesome an admonition might afford, he, in the impatience of pride, presumptuously exclaimed in favor of hereditary government, thereby countenancing the position, that the mass of citizens were a banditti, to be held in abhorrence, and controlled by coercion. What reader method could he adopt, to answer the impeachment, which their coolness, and their jealousies, had already insinuated against him. To say that they were bale was a knock-down argument, which they could not controvert without egotism; and is the dernier resort of all venal usurpers. It is a question which has ever operated as the main spring of insurrection. The despot proclaims his subjects are bale because they will not submit to his oppressions:—Driven to extremity, they retort the charge, which can only be decided by force, and arms. Did President Adams, by his extraordinary affection, intend to fix the issue on this? Out of tenderness to the memory of the unfortunate, (if disappointment in unhallowed projects can be called a misfortune) we will presume he did not.
This false expedient seems to prevail thro', and to be duly appreciated by the whole federal phalanx. Thus Mr. Morris rises in the Senate, "to arrest (as he pretends) a victory meditated against the constitution of his country." He apprehends a repeal of the late Judiciary establishment, by which a throng of midnight ap-
pointments will tumble to the ground. He pathetically declares, that a repeal of it would be unconstitutional ; and to prove it, he abuses the people. Those of the Senate who gainay his doctrine, he brands as the organs of a " faction ," drenched in native wildness, and ferocity, panting for civil carnage, and longing to trample upon the institutions of their country.
We come, now, to the instance, which has had particular agency in exciting the preceding reflection. It is a performance which I observed in a late Newport Mercury , with the signature of " Praetorius ." It began by comparing "the people and those whom they elevate to office, to a groom, and his horse." I do not trouble myself to conjecture who the writer of it is; but it is evident he is some understrapper; that what we get from him we have at second hand: And that his production, compiled from the common cavils of the oppositiunists , consists merely, of simple recitation. It is indefensible, however, that there should be some such alibi in the exploded Drama of federalism ; more especially in its closing scene. They serve to keep up an appearance of force, and consequence, as a party ; when, indeed, both their force, and consequence have declined, and already settled in the dust. I say it has declined, because it has forsaken the truth, and places its reliance upon misrepresentation, and calumny. But for these low brow, vulgar artifices, which they more forcibly the unprincipled depravity of their authors, than any thing worthy a serious attention: But for the quibbling prevarications of gossipping attorneys, who injure the reputation of lawyers, and the utmost extent of whose abilities is a scrawl in a news-paper, or a closet rant upon an anniversary, equally foreign from true genius, and true principle; but for these ephemera; these glow-worms of party, whose lives are, that to shine as professors, they must abandon candor, and character, honesty, and goodness; that they must, at all events, preserve the graces of the great, and the wealthy; and that a dollar in hand looks more cunning, imparts more charms, and is more the object of attention, and wisdom, than the whole circle of science, and the peace of the world: But for these, I say, their cause would, long ago, have been mantled in despair, and buried in silence.
It is evident that the author above alluded to, is a humble follower of Morris :—Perhaps his disciple in every respect; but if too niggardly to participate in his moral vices, it is not the less evident that he has strove to imitate his political doctrines. Though he has not declared that his effort was "to save the People from their greatest enemy (to wit, themselves !" tho' he has not said they were " swine " yet he has likened them to " horses ," and drawn a simile which might justify abuse.
Personalities I at all times detest, and will never indulge them but when obliged by necessity. But when an insult, cockered by patronage, has the impudence to palm an insult upon the Public, to gratify the spleen of those patrons, he ought to be held up to public scoff, and resentment.
This person ought to be asked how many degrees he calculates himself to be, above an " horse " or a " swine "? Or if he has obtained the diploma of a " gentleman " and thereby become privileged in insolence, and audacity? and if he thinks to express his gratitude in this way, for the good fortune that has recently befallen him! Though he may have rubbed against the College; and though he may have studied a liberal profession, yet notwithstanding the native barrenness of his pate, he may live long enough to discover that those fortuitous circumstances will never supply the defects of nature.
CURTIUS.
* Alluding to Mr. Adams' distinction of "Gentlemen, and Simplemen" to be found in his " Defence of the American Constitution ."
WASHINGTON, Jan. 20.
Senate of the United States.
The Debate in the Senate on the interesting subject of the judiciary has at length closed; and that body have decided, that it is expedient to repeal the act of the last session, and have by implication also decided the constitutional power of the legislature to vacate all judicial appointments made under that part of the constitution, that authorizes the erection of inferior tribunals.
The decision will be a memorable one, as well from the importance of the point decided, as from the cool, dignified, and enlightened deliberation by which it was reached.
It will be memorable, too, for the style in which gentlemen on each side conducted the discussion. It was opened by Mr. Breckenridge, in a speech addressed exclusively to the understanding. Rising the subject upon facts, and fair inference, he sunk into no needless appeal to the passions or prejudices of his hearers, or the nation. For he did not pretend to say, that, though he directly addressed the Senate,
his arguments were exclusively intended for them. He knew, that after accomplishing their due effect with the legislature, they would go to the nation, to be by them confirmed or reversed. Nor does his respect appear to have been the least impaired by the thought. Nay, if we may judge, from the temperate and argumentative style he adopted, his respect was augmented by this consideration. His speech, therefore, was, as we have already stated it, a pertinent speech. It neither descended to common place declamation, nor soared into the lofty and obscure regions of romance. It addressed itself entirely to the reason. We hesitated not, therefore, to call it a chef d'œuvre in parliamentary annals; and we predicted, what experience has verified, that it would be the text that would regulate the debate.
Many the contrast. Among those, who followed Mr. Breckenridge, we must be permitted to throw Mr. Morris into the most prominent view. To his speeches, therefore, our remarks will be particularly applied, though, in the general, they equally apply to the style of the other gentlemen on his side.
Scarcely were the provisions of the constitution on the point under discussion read, than a cry of " invasion of the constitution, and the threat of a dissolution of the Union ," was echoed in every shape that ingenuity could devise, or eloquence embody. The crisis approached, when the people left to themselves would become their greatest enemies, and when every honest man would fly out shore!—The fall of the other States to whom the principle of representation was unknown—was depicted with subduing pathos; and the glowing portrait of the United States, the only genuine republic that ever existed, hurled into ruin by an imitation of the States of Greece, was drawn with the most exquisite colourings of the fancy. The heart of the hearer was struck at, and we saw tears trickle down the cheeks of a representative of the people.
We pronounced the speech of Mr. Morris one of the most splendid specimens of eloquence ever delivered in a deliberative assembly. The verdict of others, of more enlarged observation, has fully justified our remark.—But as to argument we said nothing, nor shall we now say any thing. We are perfectly willing to let the nation appraise its admiration, according to its estimate of the relative value of intellect and fancy: The former of which may be compared to the valuable though unobtrusive iron of our mountains; while the latter may not inaptly be likened to the useless, though brilliant lustre of the diamond, extracted from foreign climes.
To the nation be the appeal, who has the rightful side; let them decide whether it belongs to those who are for hurrying the feelings into imaginary fears; or to those who, building their foundation on the understandings of men, erect an edifice that no storm of party can shake.
Memorable this discussion will ever be, if the people, with becoming vigilance, mark their enemies from their friends. On what depends their happiness? On their union. Who are for prostrating this happiness, if they are not, who, as soon as their political views are thwarted, cry out a dissolution ! a dissolution ! Were these exclamations meant for the winds? No; they were meant for the people.—Let the people, then hear, and remember them; and let them on this, and on all other occasions, mark that representative of the people, whoever he is, whether federal or republican, who holds out a threat so dangerous to their peace.
National Intelligencer.
House of Representatives, Jan. 25.
The debate in the House on Friday was commenced by Mr. Rutledge, by his motion to instruct the Committee of Ways and Means to consider the expediency of reducing the duties on brown sugar, coffee, and tea.
Mr. Dana complained most grievously of the silence the republicans maintained, and insisted it was not classically polite to refuse an answer to the arguments he offered and in his usual wailing style of oratory kept the house in uneasiness for him nearly an hour. That he should not remain ungratified, Mr. Davis of Kentucky, without any necessity indeed, but with good effect, complimented him with a reply, much to the following purport.
Mr. Davis. The gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Dana, appears to think that himself and his friends are neglected, or that their arguments are unanswerable. Had that gentleman been answered, he would probably have troubled us no more on this subject. I therefore rise to answer that honorable gentleman. He says the tax on brown sugar and coffee is "paid by the poor of this State—that it is very oppressive." I never before heard any thing about the poor of Connecticut from that gentleman or any of his political friends. The language heretofore has been quite different. We have been told they were able promptly to pay their taxes. Strange and unaccountable as the conduct of that gentleman now is to me, I am sure
it will appear more strange to his constituents. Five years I have been in Congress with that gentleman—he was uniformly in the majority; all things were in the power of the majority, every subject bent to their wishes. During that well recollected five years, it was completely in the power of that gentleman to have taken off those duties; decided majorities ruled both Houses of Congress, yet the attempt was not made. It is this that appears strange to me. If the duty on sugar and coffee is so oppressive now, it truly was equally so then. But how will the constituents of the hon. gentleman feel this attempt? I trust they will understand it as they ought, and say to him, five years you acted with a majority, then you had power to relieve us, you never once attempted it; you have now lost that power, are now in the minority, and can only now talk about what you ought to have done years ago. That gentleman says, are they (meaning his people) "doomed to bear those burthens?" I ask that gentleman, who laid on these burthens on his people? He will not say it was the minority; it was the majority, of which he was one, that laid those burthens, or 'tis the work of his own hands; having laid them on, and continued them for years, while they yet had power, as soon as their power ceases they call for relief from those oppressors, as he calls them, which were of their own creating; and who, do they ask this relief from? From the abused and insulted minority. The humble mover of the resolution (Mr. Rutledge) talked about the poor and about riding carriages, told us the rich rode in Ratcy form in Christies , the poor did not; we all know this; but we know also that if the carriage tax is continued we must continue those excise officers, and their fees for collecting will amount to more than the tax. We will therefore, to get rid of the officers, get rid of the tax also. But how is it that those gentlemen have so much sympathy for the poor now? Has the loss of power brought them to consider their situation? 'Tis the first time I have heard them speak so feelingly; I rejoice at the prospect of their returning humanity! This mode of speaking now pursued by those gentlemen is intended to catch the popular ear, but the people of America are too well informed to be imposed on by appearances of this sort; they are apprised that the former majority have, during their power, greatly increased the public debt, by loans at 8 per cent; they know also those debts are to be paid; the government without taxes or duties cannot do this; let us then take those taxes least odious in their operation, and least expensive in their mode of collection. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) says, "this is a subject of finance about which we ought to agree;" 'tis for this cause I cannot agree with him. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury now before us is predicated on the present duties. We are told by him the national debt can be paid in 17 years; but this opinion is formed on the supposition that no alterations will take place in the financial system of the United States, except those alluded to by the President in his communication to Congress. If then we break in on those regulations, we will derange those calculations and run the risk of throwing the administration into embarrassment, by cutting off the revenue arising on certain articles. If we act up to the opinions of the executive department, and an error follows, the responsibility rests with them; if we carry our heads on their calculations, and mischief follows, we are responsible to the public. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. D.) says the state of the nation is different now to what it was a few seasons back; true, but does this favor his arguments? We then had, to say the most, a quarrel with a nation at war with almost all her neighbors, unable in any manner to hurt us except in our commerce; then those gentlemen thought every sort of tax proper. How stands the nation now? Actually at war with one of the Barbary powers. To quarrel with one nation we must draw from our people the last farthing; to wage war against another, nothing is to be asked for.
The gentleman complains of delay: Did they not rise several times to speak, alter their proposition, and complain that their arguments were not resumed? After having provoked debate they complain of delay. I hope this day's experience will teach us how to meet propositions that come from those gentlemen; and to free ourselves from embarrassment, we ought to negative them; let the gentlemen speak, it is
* Besides this objection, another equally strong arises; The Committee of Ways & Means have reported a bill, by which seven millions three hundred thousand dollars are appropriated to the sinking fund, to be exclusively applied to the extinguishment of the public debt; this bill is founded on the revenue arising on imposts and tonnage, of which the tax or duties on sugar, coffee and bohea tea, forms no inconsiderable item; if you touch those subjects your Committee have labored in vain, you destroy the union between the Treasury Department and your Committee, and where are the sources by which you are to pay the interest of the national debt?

out duty to hear them and to act, and in my opinion without debate on our side. Can we suppose those gentlemen mean to promote our cause? Trying to regain their lost power, we may be assured they will throw stumbling blocks in our way, impede the business and make speeches to irritate the public mind, if possible, to destroy the cause we contend for. It is our duty to act with decision. We may trust the good sense of the people of this country, they will understand what those gentlemen mean.
I declare for myself, if the declaration be necessary, that I will now vote against the previous question, in order to get at the main question, to give it my decided negative. Let me ask again what we are to expect from those gentlemen so opposite to us in political opinions? Can we reasonably look for aid? Or, calculating on the nature of man, and the present state of things connected with the past, may we not expect to have every favorite measure we wish to execute thwarted by every possible obstacle they can raise? To me 'tis plain this will be their course. I think also our course ought to be equally plain to us.
The Yeas and Nays were called several times; the minutes which you will receive by mail will give you the particulars, but the only effect was, that, the day was wasted in a manner calculated to bring no honor on the movers in it.
After some ordinary business this day, Mr. Rutledge called up the motion of Friday, and the republicans, determined not to have any concern in this mockery, remained perfectly silent. Bayard, Rutledge, Griswold, Dana and Goddard spoke, all of them two or three times.
Mr. Nicholson in order to rescue the subject from the injudicious state in which their predetermined folly placed the anti-republicans, moved a resolution with a view to correct the language of the resolutions which he observed contained a word upon which Mr. Dana had quibbled. Here Mr. Griswold called to order; Mr. Walker desired the words to be taken down; Mr. Nicholson said he would repeat them; the Speaker was called on to decide the point of order; he decided that it was not out of order to say a word had been quibbled upon. Mr. Bayard appealed to the House from the decision of the chair; the yeas and nays were called, and the decision was confirmed, 52 to 29. So that Mr. Dana stands a quibbler upon record.
Mr. Bayard then moved a new motion, in which his bowels yearn'd for the swinish multitude for the first time. His motion, however, met the same fate.
Mr. T. Morris, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Dana spoke again, and at length the matter became so ludicrous that the House remained in perfect good humour while Mr. Dana delivered a kind of Cernvantic oration on dumb legislation, wherein he shewed that Pythagoras was the first teacher of the uses of silence, that Zimmerman was his modern apostle, but that Abbe Sieyes was of all others the greatest adept, for that he had taken the French consulate constitution out of one of his pigeon holes, and the Corsican Consul had sent him to practice silence on the Seine. This is not a perfect picture, it is but a poor outline of the oratorial farce. The republicans heard him with regret, and while he forbade all consideration for himself, every one who felt for the dignity of legislative proceeding lamented.
Dr. Kuttis, of Boston, on the question being about to be put, requested to know what it was, for from the speech of the gentleman he could not say what it was.
Some one observed that altho' the anti-republicans lost every question, they had gained the day—that is, they had gained the public salary which the people pay them, and buffoonery was all they gave in return.
The truth is, that these measures were previously agreed upon, and procrastination is the sole object of them. The republicans wish to make a short and useful session, but their opponents wish to delay out the time, so that the great measures of public utility may not be carried into effect. They appear desirous to retain the Stamp Act and the excise, and to repeal the duties on brown sugar, coffee and bohea tea; the consequences of which would be, that British ships would bring into our ports the produce of the West-Indies, and English ships under Danish, Imperial, Dutch and Swedish colours, would carry on our present flourishing trade with China. No man in the country complains of the price of these articles, yet every man who has any concern in business complains of the stamp duties, and the oppressive character of the excise is well known.
These people have governed so long that they have not yet learned to conduct themselves with any other ideas than those of command. Bayard is the only man of the whole phalanx who can speak with common correctness, or without offending the ears by disseminating extravagant ideas; but even he has not yet familiarised himself with his situation. He feels sensibly the imbecility of his associate partisans, but he over acts his part in professions of candor and impartiality. It is hoped the lessons of this day will teach them to respect their situations and the interests entrusted to them. [ Aurora .]
[INSERTED BY REQUEST.]
From the New-York Herald. Reflections on the propriety and justice of the relinquishment, by our Government, of our claims to indemnity for FRENCH SPOLIATIONS.
That relinquishment is just and proper in respect to individuals generally: But not just, though perhaps expedient, in respect of the nation. It is just in respect of individuals generally, because, though, in those cases of capture in which no insurance was made, the persons interested will unjustly suffer, and ought to be indemnified by the government; yet, in those cases in which insurance was made, which are perhaps more than a hundred times as numerous as the other class, the persons interested, the insurers,
will not suffer at all. For the premiums, which they received, contemplated and covered, as retrievable, the losses sustained by French captures. There needs no better evidence of this fact than the following—
All the insurance companies in the United States, after paying all their losses by French captures, have, in the aggregate, made as great dividends of profits, for the period in which those captures were made, as insurance ought to gain, or ordinarily does gain; and yet they have, besides, an immense amount of claims for indemnity for those captures, which if paid, would yield them three times the amount of their profit—and how has it happened? Plainly, the high Premiums have been abundant to meet the losses. It must not be said that the insurers, in fixing their premiums, made allowances for the probability of obtaining indemnity for captures, either from the French nation, or from the United States. The truth is, that there existed no confidence in the French—none could exist; if not a claim upon our government was not dormant. The only safe calculation was, that those captures were irrecoverable losses; and this was the calculation. It may be said that many captures were made before the risk of capture was known, and before the premiums could be got up to a point adequate to the risk; but it may also be said in reply, that at the conclusion of the captures many high premiums were received for a risk which had ceased to exist. The balance will not perhaps be great either way. It is the same case which always occurs with a war. At the commencement of it great losses on the risks then out, take place; but they are nearly, if not fully, made up by the large premiums at the end of it when the war risk ceases.
It results then that it is not the insurers who have suffered from French spoliations, but the merchants at large, who have paid to the insurers, in consequence of those captures, from 15 to 20 per cent. extra premiums on their adventures. And these are they who have an equitable right to be indemnified by France. But as it is impossible to carry such a measure into effect, the government has, as far as perhaps was practicable, done justice to all its citizens, except a few. And those few, the uninsured sufferers, ought to be indemnified by the government, if it be possible to ascertain the instances with sufficient accuracy; since their rights have been sacrificed for reasons of state. And to meet the expense of this indemnification, and other expenses consequent upon the aggressions of France, the government has an equitable right to receive from the French, indemnity for all illegal captures, and ought, if possible, to have obtained it.
A MERCHANT.
JUDICIARY ACT.
A hue and cry has been raised from one end of the continent to the other, that the constitution is broken down, and (in the language of the "Washington Federalist") has now become "a mere old woman's story!" "The time will soon arrive," says this puerile Editor, "when such comments will be read on this funeral of our constitution, as are written in blood!" In a little market town in Massachusetts, the toxin is founded also, and the people are called upon to rally and to seek redress (probably by arms) against so serious and dreadful an evil! This is certainly most pacific and conciliatory language! It speaks a quiet and peaceful submission to the will of the majority. It is extremely well calculated to "restore to social intercourse, that harmony without which, liberty, and even life itself are but dreary things!" There is nothing in that that sounds like insurrection and rebellion! But yet the constitution is at an end, because the Legislature are about—to do what?—to repeal an act, passed at the last session of Congress, which is found to have been premature in its adoption; expensive and inconvenient in its operation.
The people will now decide, from this specimen of federal acquiescence, what are the views, what are the objects of the party. Whether they are willing that a fair experiment should be made by the new administration, or whether they are not determined to oppose every measure which may be projected. The language of the objectors to the motion of Mr. Breckenridge betrays the feelings and sentiments of their party. They have set themselves up as the sole and exclusive guardians of the constitution, and every act which is opposed to their views, is to be denounced as a breach of the compact, and an attack upon the liberties of the country. In this way the people are to be gradually roused to resistance, and what they have been at yet unable to effect by stratagem, is at length to be accomplished by force. [ Legis. ]
BANKRUPT ACT.
A Bankrupt Act has been long contemplated in the United States, and has ever met with opposition till within a few years, when it was found, that certain Speculators might be benefited by its adoption. The large proportion of those, who have been exclusively styled federalists, taking the benefits of the Act, leads us to suppose that it was principally intended as a convenient mill to grind over property, and by a magical process to convert it to the sole use of the debtor. If we look at some of the individuals, who have passed through this machine, the display of arrogance while prosecuting this business, too evidently shews that some legerdemain is connected in the transaction. A pomposity is oftentimes attached to the debtor, which nearly abases the creditor. Some of these Bankrupts think they have a demand on their creditors for an indulgence, after they have squandered away the property of honest men in extravagance and riotous living. They strut about the streets as if they "deserved well of their country," and put on an air of self sufficiency, as if they had paid every claimant his full demand. Honesty and modesty, seem, by their haughty deportment, to be much more amply surrendered, than their property.
That an unfortunate man should have some relief under his misfortunes, is highly necessary; and a Bankrupt Law ought to be so framed as to be exercised within the line of humanity; but in the peculiar state of our country, the present Act requires a revision, and we hope the Congress will take the subject into their serious consideration this session. While we are desirous to relieve the distressed, we should be careful lest we open a door to fraud, perjury and profligacy. While revising this act the fees of the commissioners should also be considered. If the creditor is exposed to receive but a small dividend, his property should not be subject to so large a claim from the commissioners. This part of the business should be attentively examined, for it is unjust that a body of commissioners should fatten on the spoils of the unfortunate.—The observations are hastily drawn up, but will be considered at some future day more largely and minutely. Congress, we hope, will bring the Bankrupt Act within their investigation, while considering the revision of our judiciary system, as the process is rapidly increasing, and every day evinces the necessity of checking its baneful operations. While it discharges the unfortunate, may it prove a trap for rogues and profligates. [ Bost. Chron. ]
SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
TUESDAY, February 2, 1802. JUDICIARY BILL.
Mr. BRECKENRIDGE rose and observed, that it would be recollected he yesterday gave notice, that he should this day move to discharge the select committee, to whom the judiciary bill was last week committed. As there are some gentlemen (continued Mr. B.) now in the Senate who were not present during any part of the discussion which that subject met with, I deem it proper to say a few words, as to its progress and as to the real situation in which it now stands.
Early in January, this discussion commenced on a resolution going to the unqualified repeal of the judiciary law of the last session. After many days debate, and at the moment when the question was about to be put on the resolution, a motion was made to transform it into a resolution for the amendment, instead of the repeal of the law. This was negatived. The resolution was then passed; a bill brought in, and carried to the second reading, when another motion was made to recommit it to a select committee, for the purpose of amending the system. This was also negatived.—The bill was then ordered to its third reading, and on the question for its passage another motion was made for its commitment to a select committee, and carried by the casting vote of the chair.—In this situation it now rests.
During the whole of the discussion, those who were in favor of the repeal uniformly argued and voted against any thing like amendments. They over and again avowed it as their opinion, that they would not consent to go into any amendments in the judiciary system, until that law was repealed; that they considered its existence as an insuperable bar to all amendments; and that indeed the only great amendment, which they wished for at this time, was a repeal of that law, the obnoxious tendencies of which were, cancer-like, to be only certainly removed by going to its roots.
On the other hand the gentlemen in opposition contended, that the law was enacted and made with great deliberation and wisdom; that it was essential to the due administration of justice, and the peace of the nation, and that even admitting the courts and judges erected by that law were useless and burthensome, yet Congress had not the power to put down those courts and judges.
From this state of things, what can be expected from the labors of this committee? Can they on the one hand, forward the views of those, who carried to a third reading a bill to repeal a certain act which they considered as fundamentally vicious, by attempting to amend that act? On the other hand, can they forward the views of those who think this law the result of experience and wisdom, and moreover fastened on the nation by the constitution, by attempting to make radical changes in it? Can they in short, from two such contradictory and opposite opinions, at variance in principle and not in detail, ever hope to produce any thing that will be satisfactory to both sides?—They cannot, and it appears to me impossible that gentlemen can seriously expect it.
I consider it, Mr. President (continued Mr. B.) as a great contest on principle, and not on detail. A committee cannot, and ought not to settle principles. On the floor of this House alone ought principles furnishing the groundwork of legislation to be originated and settled. Details only are proper from your select committees.—We cannot abandon this question. It cannot be suffered to escape us, or be entangled in forms.—It must be settled.—We must on this floor meet the plain unqualified question of repeal.
And in order that we may be enabled to do so, I now move you, that the committee to whom the bill was referred, on Wednesday last, be discharged from proceeding further therein.—The bill will then be ready for its passage; and the whole merits of the subject open to discussion.
Mr. Dayton said he would not have risen so soon in the debate, had the member from Kentucky been more correct in the information given the Senate. It must be recollected by the Senate, contrary to the gentleman's statement, that neither the first, second or third motions made on the subject were the same. The first motion was to revise and amend, instead of repeal the act of the last session, and was negatived; the second was for revising the whole judiciary system, and connecting therewith a provision for the judges, which had been disapproved of by one honorable gentleman, and also negatived; the third so far differed from the second, as to be agreeable to that honorable member, and was agreed to.
A committee was appointed.—He recollects the anxiety of the friends of the honorable member, and of the honorable member himself, at not being one of the committee. He was sorry his anxiety had produced the extravagant proposition on the table. Is not the gentleman's ambition satisfied? He might have been contented with the agency he already had in this business. He had already delivered two speeches, that had been listened to with attention.
Mr. Breckenridge. It is said that what I have done should satisfy a modest man, and that my ambition should be satisfied. But, what ambition can I feel? What prospects of ambition before me, in proposing the repeal of this law; when, instead of opening prospects of office to me, the effect is directly the reverse, by destroying those very offices? No, sir, my ambition on this, as I trust it will be on all other occasions is to put down a system fundamentally pernicious. I have stated the grounds on which I deem it so, and I am ready to meet the sentiments of my country.
We are now told that we are to suspend this business for a short time to stop us from sealing the death warrant of the Constitution. Let me tell these gentlemen, whatever expressions of terror they may make, that they pass by my ear like the wind, and leave not a trace behind.—Where is the precipitation talked of? Did not the discussion originate on the 8th of January, and did not the business travel as slow as it could? Had not gentlemen acknowledged it had been fully and deliberately discussed? He knew but one subject which had been so fully discussed. What can this select committee do? Have gentlemen answered my arguments on this point? If our opinions on the constitutionality of the bill are so various and contradictory, what can be expected from the magic of a committee, but delay? I am sure, therefore, gentlemen are not serious, when they profess an expectation that the report will furnish a plan of accommodation. The principle must be settled here.
Mr. Anderson said, as he was one of the select committee he thought it his duty to inform the House, that on his making enquiry, he found it had been determined by the committee to admit of no amendments to the system, that were not connected with a provision for the judges. This fact would enable the Senate to judge what prospect there was of a report that would be satisfactory to them.
On the question for discharging the committee, upon which the question of repeal is considered as depending, the votes were: Ayes, 16.—Nays, 14.
February 3.
The Judiciary Bill was called up, and read a third time.
Mr. Ross submitted an amendment, the object of which was to save the third circuit court, in the repealing law.
On this motion a debate of some length ensued. About half past one o'clock, the question was taken, and the amendment lost. The Yeas and Nays were taken; and were, Yeas 14.—Nays 16. Mr. Howard, a federalist, was absent in the two preceding votes.
The main question then recurred, "Shall the bill pass?"
On which Messrs. Wright, Bradley, Anderson, Nicholas, Breckenridge, and Jackson, delivered their sentiments in favor of the bill; and Messrs. Ross, Ogden, Morris, Dayton, and Tracy, delivered their sentiments against it.
At 15 minutes after 5 o'clock, the question was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
Ayes. Messrs. Anderson, Baldwin, Breckenridge, Bradley, Brown, Cocke, Ellery, Th. Foster, Franklin, Jackson, Logan, S. T. Mason, Nicholas, Stone, Sumpter, and Wright—16. Nays. Messrs. Chipman, Colbourn, Dayton, D. Foster, Hillhouse, Howard, J. Mason, Morris, Olcott, Ogden, Ross, Sheaff, Tracy, Wells, and White—15.
And the BILL PASSED.
AMENDMENTS to the CONSTITUTION.
The Legislature of New-York, now in session, have unanimously adopted the following Resolutions:—
Resolved, as the sense of the legislature, &c.
1. That the State legislatures shall, from time to time, divide each state into districts, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives from such State, in the Congress of the United States; and shall direct the mode of choosing an elector of President and Vice-President in each of the said districts, who shall be chosen by citizens having the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.
2. That in all future elections of President and Vice-President, the persons voted for, shall be particularly designated, by declaring which is voted for as President, and which as Vice-President.
Resolved, That the President of the Senate and Speaker of the Assembly transmit a copy of the preceding Resolution to the Senators & Representatives in Congress from this State, with an earnest request that they will use their best exertions for obtaining the adoption of the above amendments, or other amendments substantially equivalent.
Extract of a letter from President JEFFERSON, to a gentleman in Marblehead.
"I am happy in your approbation of the principles I avowed on entering on the Government.—Ingenious minds, availing themselves of the imperfection of language, have tortured the expressions out of their plain meaning in order to infer departures from them in practice.—If revealed Religion has not been able to guard itself against misinterpretation, I could not expect it.—But if so administration, quadrating with the obvious import of my language, can conciliate the affections of my opponents, I will merit their conciliation."
How just and noble the above sentiments! For if the word of GOD has been so distorted, as to speak a meaning never intended by the inspired penman, it is not strange if the same abuse

happen in human composition.—With what fortitude and firmness does he speak, when he says, "His administration shall quadruple with the obvious meaning of his language!"—May he not expect to meet with that at last—Well done good and faithful servant? [Bost. Tel.]
Congress of the United States.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
February 1.
Mr. L. R. Morris presented two resolutions of the general assembly of Vermont, proposing certain amendments to the Constitution of the United States, in choosing electors of President and Vice-President, and of Representatives to Congress.
February 2.
An engrossed bill to authorise the settlement of the account of Samuel Dexter, for his defence in defending against the suit of Joseph Hodgson, was read the third time, and passed.
A petition from sundry inhabitants of Marietta praying that town may be established a port of entry and delivery, was read.
Referred to the committee of commerce and manufactures.
Resolved, That the President be requested to inform this House, whether any measures have been taken for treating with the Indians South of the Ohio, in consequence of the act of May 13, 1800.
The House, after going into committee of the whole agreed to the amendments of the Senate to the bill for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, in the Mediterranean and adjoining seas.
The House took up the bill to prevent intrusions on public lands, and for other purposes; and after amending, recommitted it to the committee of ways and means.
A message was received from the President of the United States, enclosing, 1. A return of ordnance, arms, and military stores belonging to the United States. 2. Returns of muskets and bayonets fabricated at Harper's Ferry and Springfield, with the expenses thereof; and 3. An estimate of expenditures necessary for fortifications and barracks for 1802.
The President states his opinion of the propriety of establishing an additional magazine in some point convenient for North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Georgia.
The message notices several other interesting objects, which shall be distinctly stated.
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be directed to furnish the House, with copies of any documents in his office relative to the object of the voyage or crews of the frigate Intrepid , and brigantine Pickering ; and also to state the time when, and the place from whence they failed, together with any other information respecting their loss, which it may be in his power to furnish.
February 3.
The House went into committee of the whole, on the subject of military land warrants, when after discussion the committee rose, and the House agreed to the following resolutions, and appointed a committee to bring in a bill.
Resolved, That further time ought to be given to the holders or proprietors of military land-warrants, to register and locate the same.
Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, authorizing the holders of warrants or certificates in the nature of warrants, under an hundred acres, to locate the same.
Resolved, That all warrants and certificates located on a less quantity than four thousand acres, shall be located on the unlocated parts of the fifty quarter townships and fractional quarter townships.
Resolved, That warrants or certificates in the nature of warrants, which have or shall issue for a quantity less than an hundred acres, shall be located on the fractional parts of lots that are less than an hundred acres, and in no other place.
Resolved, That the holders or proprietors of warrants or military services, who shall locate the same on the quarter townships, or fractional part of quarter townships, after the day of next, shall obtain patents in their own name.
February 4.
A bill was received from the Senate, to repeal certain acts for the organization of the courts of the United States, and for other purposes.
The bill repeals those acts on the 1st of July next.
The bill was read twice, when Mr. Bayard moved the reference of it to the select committee, to which had been referred resolutions directing an enquiry into the expediency of altering the judiciary system.
Mr. Randolph moved its reference to a committee of the whole House.
This motion, according to the rules of the House, superseded that of Mr. Bayard.
A debate ensued, in which Messrs. Randolph, Giles, Milledge, Smilie, and S. Smith, supported, and Messrs. Bayard, Rutledge, Griswold, and Dabbs, opposed the reference to a committee of the whole.
The reference to the committee of the whole obtained—ayes 54.—Made the order of the day for Monday week.
Mr. Thomas moved the appointment of a committee to enquire into the expediency of extinguishing balances due by states to the United States. Referred to a committee of the whole on Monday.
The Speaker laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the navy, enclosing copies of the failing orders given to the commanders of the frigate Insurgent , and brig Pickering .
The Secretary states, that no information has been received of the fate of these vessels, from which it is inferred that they were lost in an equinoctial gale.
February 5.
Mr. Randolph presented a bill making cer-
tain partial appropriations for 1802—read twice and referred to a Committee of the whole on Monday.
Mr. Smilie moved the appointment of a Committee, to enquire into the propriety of providing by law for securing to the United States the property of public officers indebted to them, and for the eventual release of such persons from imprisonment. Ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. Giles moved, that the Committee appointed on a message of the President, respecting the debt due by the city of Washington to Maryland be instructed to inquire into the expediency of discontinuing the offices of the commissioners of said city; to report by bill or otherwise.—Agreed to.
NEW-YORK, Feb. 11.
Yesterday morning the body of Robert Thompson was found at the foot of Murray-street, near the door of the public-house kept by Michael Louverre. On examination it was discovered that his left thigh was broke, and the body otherwise bruised. There is no doubt, of his having been murdered!
On Tuesday evening, about half past ten, a man was stopped by a foot-pad near the ship-yards who demanded his watch and money—it was refused—a threat was then made to blow out his brains in case of non-compliance. A pistol was drawn, and immediately seized by the gentleman, who in the scuffle which ensued, proved too much for the foot-pad. A whistle from this fellow brought two of his accomplices to his assistance; when the gentleman hollowed murder! murder! This brought up two Watchmen, who pursued, and we are informed, took two of the villains.
Last evening two waggons from Lancaster were stopped about a mile from the Court House, on the east side of Schuylkill Ferry, by three footpads, one of the waggons was robbed of 43. 7d. and on the other, the footpads fired and killed him. Phila. pap.
NEWPORT, Saturday, February 20, 1802.
On Monday next the Hon. General Assembly of this State, will meet at Providence, agreeably to adjournment.
A timely Hint.
It is reported that the oppositions are making preparations for a general attack upon both Houses of our Legislature. They are continually caucussing, and caballing, and have already begun to circulate their fabricated reports, calculated to prejudice, and influence the public mind in their favor. The most remarkable of which is—that at the last session of Assembly, it was voted and resolved, that the Governor of the State should be indemnified for all the expenses he might be at in defending himself against Dorrance. This, it is said, they have hatched for the South county, where they have their riders, and their runners, to give it circulation. They have devised others equally ingenious and extraordinary for the other counties, varying, however, as circumstances require. In this town, we have lately been favored with the presence of some of their ring-leaders, from different parts of the State, who, it is said, in conjunction with some of the Noblemen here, have held a caucus at the "old place." What plan of operation they have hit upon, has not yet transpired.
WATCH.
The President is authorized to employ the whole naval force in the Mediterranean, if he deems it proper. The frigates Chesapeake , Constellation and Adams , and the sch. Enterprise , are ordered to that sea. Truxton is Commodore. The Constitution is to go out when repaired, and is then to be the Commodore's ship. The men are engaged for two years.
The President has appointed JOHN BECKLEY, Esq. Librarian of the Congressional Library.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Washington, dated Feb. 3d—6 P. M.
"It is with great pleasure I announce to you that the bill, to repeal the judiciary act of last session, passed the Senate this evening—every effort was made to defeat this object—the feelings and the fears of the members were addressed, and much theatrical flourish was exhibited in the true stile of federalism. Great stress was laid upon the memorial of the Philadelphia bar, as if lawyers only, were competent to decide upon a point, in which the whole people were more deeply interested, if not in a pecuniary, at least in a political view."
"The association in this memorial has excited much annoyance here, but so far from procuring the intended effect, that it was treated as an interjected thing. It was said to be a memorial coming from men who had an interest in the multiplication of courts and judges, that a multiplication of fees might be the consequence. This, in my mind, was well merited; for they ought to have been the last to offer their opinions upon a subject that might fairly be construed to involve their own immediate interests—not a single profelyte was made by this paper; indeed it rather served to strengthen opinions before entertained, and to excite remarks unfriendly to the parties, than to make converts to their doctrines."
On Wednesday, 3d inst. the Judiciary Bill passed the Senate by a majority of one vote. Had the Senate been full there would have been a majority of two.—Mr. Armstrong, of New-York, being the only member absent.
This act will not fail to be recorded among the most memorable events of the present period. It pre-eminently marks the triumph of Republican principles. It demonstrates the inflexible determination of those who now hold the reins of authority, to adhere in power to the same principles, avowed by them when out of power. Their theory was a good one; but their practice is better, Economy in the public expenditure,
distrust of extravagant executive patronage, a dread of whatever tends to the unnecessary aggrandizement of the powers of the general government, constitute a few of the features of the repealing act; and they are features which, it is not hesitated to say, will recommend it to national approbation. Indeed so conclusive and irresistible have been the arguments urged in its support, that among the dispassionate part of the community, among those who have not taken their ground with a resolution not to abandon it on any conviction, in short among the nation, it is confidently believed not one man in a thousand will condemn the repealing act.
It may be proper to remark that, tho' this measure has been carried in the Senate by a majority of but one vote; the relative strength of parties is by no means to be estimated in that proportion. It will be recollected that in the House of Representatives, the division is nearly as two to one; and it will be also recollected that of the 15 members who voted against the repeal, 6 would not now hold their seats, if an election were made at this time by the late legislators. In such event the votes would stand 22 for the repeal; and 9 against it. And had Mr. Armstrong been present, and had Mr. Calhoun voted in conformity to the sentiments of his constituents, as recently illustrated in the election of general Somer chosen by a great majority, the vote would have been 24 for the repeal, to 3 against it. Nat. Intel.
LAWS OF THE UNION.
[PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY.]
SEVENTH CONGRESS of the UNITED STATES, at their first session, Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the 7th of December, 1801.
AN ACT Authorizing the discharge of Lawrence Erb from his confinement.
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That the Marshall of the District of Pennsylvania be authorised and directed to discharge LAWRENCE ERB, late a Collector of the revenue of the United States, in the county of Northampton, in the District of Pennsylvania, from confinement; upon a judgment obtained against him in favor of the United States: Provided, That he rake so much of an oath imposed upon persons imprisoned for debt by the second section of the Act, entitled, "An Act for the relief of persons imprisoned for debt," as relates to his not having transferred his property with an intent to defraud the United States; and that he shall assign and convey all the estate, real and personal, which he may now own, or be entitled to, to some person or persons for the use and benefit of the United States, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury: Provided, also, That the said judgment shall remain in full force against any estate, real or personal, which the said Lawrence Erb may hereafter acquire, and that process may, at any time, be thereupon issued against the same.
NATHANIEL MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON,
President of the United States.
RESOLUTIONS
Expressing the sense of Congress on the gallant conduct of Lieut. S. Mott—the officers and crew of the United States Schooner Enterprise .
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That they entertain a high sense of the gallant conduct of Lieutenant Sterret, and the other officers, seamen and marines, on board the Schooner Enterprise , in the capture of a Tripolitan corsair of fourteen guns and eighty men.
Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to present to Lieutenant Sterret a sword, commemorative of the aforesaid heroic action; and that one month's pay be allowed to all the other officers, seamen and marines, who were on board the Enterprise , when the aforesaid action took place.
NATHANIEL MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED, Feb. 3, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON,
President of the United States.
RESOLUTION
Authorizing the Secretary of State to furnish the Members of both Houses with the Laws of the Sixth Congress.
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of State be directed to cause to be furnished to each Member of the two Houses of Congress a copy of the laws of the Sixth Congress.
NATHANIEL MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
A. BURR, Vice-President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
APPROVED Jan. 21, 1802.
TH: JEFFERSON,
President of the United States.
LONDON, Nov. 29.
Our letters from Ireland, by the mail of yesterday, state rearward disorders in that country.—From Limerick, under date 22d inst. we are concerned to hear of the continued nightly assemblage of disaffected persons in and near that
city; and that some persons had been detected in attempts to seduce the soldiery.
Letters from St. Domingo to Jan. 11, received at Baltimore, state, that Toussaint is still alive, and has declared he will not resist the French forces expected at that island.
It is said, the Spanish part of St. Domingo is to be restored by the French.
A letter from Havre, states, that France is to be put in possession of Louisiana; and that several vessels are preparing to sail to New Orleans.
Appointment by the President of the United States.
JOHN SLOCUM, Surveyor and Inspector of the Revenue, for the Port of Newport, Rhode-Island, in the room of DANIEL LYMAN, Esq.
The following list from the Custom-House was this day received. For the Gentleman's politeness by whom it was communicated and by whose particular advice it was doubtless furnished, we tender our sincere thanks.
CUSTOM-HOUSE,
District of Newport, Feb. 18.
ENTERED, From Sloop, Traveller, Russell, Jamaica. — Two Sisters, Earl, Newyork. CLEARED, For Sloop Caroline, Crapon, Newyork.
MARRIED.—Mr. JOE TILLINGHAST, to Miss SALLY R. DAVIS, (daughter of Mr. Mumford Davis) both of East Greenwich.
DIED.—At his seat in Andover, on the 10th inst. the Hon. SAMUEL PHILIPS, Esq. Lieut. Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, aged 50 years.
* * * A number of Advertisements are omitted in this days paper, to give place to the interesting proceedings of Congress.
The surprising and wonderful phenomenon, to which the following Certificate from several learned and respectable gentlemen in Boston refers, is now in Newport, and is to be seen for a few days, at Mr. SOLOMON LITTLEFIELD's.
Boston, December 31, 1801.
DOUBTS being entertained of the reality of the surprising alteration of colour in
HARRY MOSS,
Whose Skin, although born as black as any African, has within a few years, without disease or other known cause, gradually changed to a delicate florid and healthy whiteness, his face still retaining the colour and features of the Negro.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, having examined said Moss , do certify to the appearance mentioned above, and recommend him to the attention of the Curious and Learned, as an extraordinary & singular Phenomenon.
JOHN WARREN, J. WILLARD, JOSIAH BARTLETT, JED. MORSE, E. GERRY, JOS. ECKLEY.
Admittance 12 1/2 Cents. N. B. Company will be waited on with pleasure, at their houses when required.
ALL persons having any demands against the estate of Israel Holford, late of Newport, deceased, are desired to exhibit them to either of the subscribers for settlement; and all those indebted to said estate, are requested to make immediate payment.
SARAH HOLFORD, Executrix.
TIMOTHY HOLFORD Executor.
Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 72175
DROVE UP,
ON the shore of the Subseciner, about half a mile from the Pier, in Point Judith, an OAK BOAT.—The owner may have it, by proving property, and paying the expense.
STEPHEN CHAMPLIN.
South-Kingstown, Feb. 20, 1802. 72175
John & Henry Caboorne,
Have for Sale,
A quantity of Salt-Peter's HAMS—Pickings of BUTTER—Hog's LARD, &c.
To be Let,
A LARGE and Common Dwellings House, in good order, pleasantly situated at the South part of Thames-Street; having six rooms on a floor; Two Stories high; a good Cellar, and paved yard; with a well of good water, and a large Garden. Apply to SAMUEL ALMY.
Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 731f
FOR SALE,
171 Acres of Land,
LYING in South-Kingstown, in the County of Washington, with Two Dwelling Houses thereon, one Corn-Crib, one Barn, about eighty apple trees of the best kind of grafted fruits, well watered as any Farm in the State. Sixty acres of it is good Meadow, very clear from stones; bears great corn, barley, and grass; & is convenient for a dairy, having good pasturing, &c. Any person inclining to purchase will have credit for a part.—Said Farm lies within half a mile of Point Judith Pond—7 miles from Narragansett Ferry, adjoining the stage-road, and is very handy to sea-weed from the shore. For terms, apply to
TIM. PECKHAM, on the premises.
South Kingstown, Feb. 13, 1802. 721f
TICKETS in the Bristol Church Lottery, (in exchange for prizes) may be had at this Office. A few are still for Sale. Those who wish to purchase, or exchange their prizes Tickets, must apply in season.