The Massachusetts spy (Boston [Mass.]), 1771-07-11 00:00:00

THE Massachusetts Spy
A Weekly, Political and Commercial PAPER --- Open to ALL Parties, but Influenced by None.
Published by I. THOMAS, in Union-Street, Boston.
9161 8 AGM NOV 8 1916
VOL. I.]
THURSDAY, July 11, 1771
[NUMB. 19.]
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. The CENTINEL. No. IX.
Calm, thinking villains whom no faith could fix, Of crooked councils, and dark policies; Of these a gloomy tribe surround the throne, And beg to make immortal traitors known.
POPE.
LITTLE thought, when I quitted the scene of public action, and preferred retirement to bustle and noise, with a determination however not to forget those duties, which my country has a right to require of me as a citizen and as a man, to be so soon disturbed in my retreat. But when I see measures adopted, since my last publication, measures, which though I dreaded almost every thing, could then have scarcely imagined, and measures, which if put in execution, will give a direct blow at the very vitals of freedom, I was necessarily alarmed! for where is the citizen or even the man, that is not roused? Should we remain supine in this day of difficulty, "even the stones (to allude to scripture) would cry out."
It appears that Instructions , or which is the same thing, Mandates, Laws , (and will my country forgive me the prophanation of the word) Laws have come over, linding the Governor to refuse his assent to any Tax-Bill in which the Commissioners are included; and give him also a controul on the House in the choice of Agents. Thus will these harpies who have long, too long plundered and harassed this people, yea more, every scoundrel, every menial servant of a fourth clerk of an underwriter in the Custom House, will have it in his power to tyrannize, insult and abuse us still more.
Taxes we are told by Montesquieu, "are absolutely necessary for the support of government," and Blackstone says, "an abolition of taxes would draw after it very pernicious consequences, and the very supposition of which is the height of political absurdity." The very notion of society is an association of men, framing rules to bind the whole, and delegating power and authority to a particular number whose duty it is to see these rules observed and supported. It is therefore necessary and consistent with the highest reason, that a part of what the individuals of this society accumulate, should be contributed for the support of those by whom they are protected in the enjoyment of their property. In this consists the idea of taxes. But then in the regulation of these taxes, the highest wisdom and discretion is necessary. When a proper attention is paid to different individuals, and the accumulation of taxes proportioned to private property, the machine of government moves with vigour and alacrity. While the sum aggregate is collected from each individual, in proper shares, the private citizen pays but a small part, feels it but little, and gives his quota freely. But if through undue influence, the poor man is overcharged, and the rich man pays scarce any thing, the consequences must certainly be unhappy. For this ruin of the destitute citizen will be a public detriment. The consequences of being thus rendered miserable by the faults and wickedness of others, are often dreadful. It is from that source spring those intestine convulsions which frequently shake a kingdom. If such are the consequences in this case, what must they be where part of the community are wholly exempted from taxes. In the former situation, they had the small consolation of seeing the rich man pay, though not an equal, yet some little share with the poor. But in the latter case, the whole burden falls on one
and the poorest part of the people, while the affluent riot on the spoil. When one part is eased of taxes, and another has them laid on them, were the sum aggregate lessened, something might be said, but the sum remains equal, and the state is bound for the whole of it. Where therefore the poor man paid 6d. in the pound, he must now pay 12d. or 20d. which perhaps is more than his income, and consequently he is made desperate. Hence Montesquieu tells us, "When a state in order to ease a village that pays badly, loads another that pays better, the consequence is, the former is not relieved but the latter is ruined; the people grow desperate between the necessity of paying for fear of exactions, and the danger of paying for fear of new charges." Vol. 1. p. 312.
This reasoning is just, and unhappy for this people applicable to them. This new measure brings us into that very situation we last described, the most miserable we can imagine. We have long been harassed and oppressed by a large body of men, armed with power, that have been formidable against the subject, and power which the citizen has long felt. The merchant of distinguished reputation, fortune and character, has been obliged to bow to some subaltern harpy, whom he would scorn to rank with the dogs of his flock. With their present new increase of power, the means of corruption and venality increase, and the misery of the people doubles. The total sum of taxation is not lessened, but the whole of what these gentry formerly paid, and which was large, is flung on the poor industrious citizen, who is now scarce able to pay his proper taxes. We have long looked on this mystery of iniquity, and the consequences which result therefrom, so fatal to our privileges, with grief and indignation. Look now forward, unhappy people, not barely with grief and indignation, but with horror and despair. This institution, like Pandora's box, is pregnant with ten thousand mischiefs. Numberless evils have already appeared, and to this will now be added a sure means of corruption which must be fatal. When in the direction of these offices there is a man, who is skilled in all the ways and arts of a sharper, who hath long been skilled to aggravate the misfortunes of his fellow-men, and whose conscience is so seared as to enable him to laugh at the miseries of families, and the cries of wretchedness, this man has now an opportunity of displaying his abilities with success, and in two ways particularly. He may be able by numberless artifices, and ten thousand low ways of prostitution to find opportunities of exerting his power in harassing the people; in the second place with what he then gets, and assisted at the same time with this new accession of wealth, which would have otherwise gone out in taxes, he can bribe these to be his assistants, whom perhaps he himself has reduced to penury; and then to create through extreme necessity out of the ruins of the honest citizen, the despicable tool. Hence have arose that band of lazy idle wretches, who lounge about the streets of the metropolis, blemishies to society, and who are distinguished perhaps with a yellow button in their hats, or some bauble equally empty, while the tattered garments below are expressive of wretchedness and misery.
It is a certain truth the power of money is real power, in short, what I have somewhere read, I find certainly true, "that power without money is imaginary;---that the prince who gets prerogative alone gets a phantom; but that he who gets money even without prerogative, gets something real,
and will be as much stronger than his neighbours and his people too, as he hath a greater command of money." The affluence of this body while all around is poverty, will be attended with wonderful effects. Whoever considers the human mind, and attends to the operation thereof, will find this will be the consequence. When a man looks about him, and sees those men swelling in riches, wealth and grandeur, whom but a little before were inferior to him, when he finds his own fortune decaying fast, and in proportion to the increase of the other, he will begin to have a more favourable opinion of those actions and those characters, which he before despised and detested. Thus will he sacrifice those principles which he once honoured, and which did him honour, to support and maintain himself. Plusque exemplo quam peccato nocent , says Tully, and it is a truth confirmed by the experience of ages.
And now let the reader pause, and ask himself what will be the natural consequence of this measure. In the first place, this large share of taxes must devolve on the part of the people who are still taxed. This at once must bring with it misery and poverty. For is it not notorious the people already groan under the weight of taxes? The collectors now are scarce able, and I believe are not able to collect all the taxes. The poor industrious citizen finds half his profits taken away, but animated by principle while they are legally and impartially laid on, he will pay them cheerfully and without a murmur. But who will answer for the consequences, when he sees new taxes laid on him, while a rich part of the community pay nothing at all. And what is more distressing he will see at the same time, some abandoned wretches among the people, tempted by this exemption from taxes, throng to the temples of iniquity. We may depend on it every idle, lazy, lounging scoundrel, will catch at the prospect, and sacrifice every sentiment if he ever had any to be a tool and a rascal. The custom-house will soon be thronged with these miscreants. Hence new taxes, and hence the virtuous part of the people must be new loaded. Is it probable in such a case the people will be content to be hewers of wood, and drawers of water to a set of wretches whose existence depends on fleecing and destroying the state---that they will suffer themselves to be parcelled out like slaves for a market, at the will of these lords---that they will ever permit the execution of a scheme which will break both merchant and trader, ruin and destroy industry, and draw away that money which was once diffused through the whole system of government, into the pockets of a few? Is it not more probable submission will be odious, and that in a way their virtue may dictate, they will grasp at that freedom, which they seem in danger of losing under the protection of law and government.
To be sold by
JOHN SYMMES,
At his shop between the Golden-Ball and the Sign of Admiral Vernon, Boston, viz.
BEST paste shoe, knee and stock buckles; set hair combs, sprigs and pins for ladies; Bristol and mansquise broaches, garnet and gold ditto, plain gold ditto, Bristol, pebble and mocho buttons; a few new patterns of silver shoe buckles; best polished shoe and knee chapes; stones and sparks; red, white and amethyst foil; borax; rough and smooth files; sand paper; crucibles and black lead pots; buckle brushes; freezing punches; brass and iron wire; watch chains and keys, &c. &c.
N. B. Said Symmes makes and sells most sorts of Goldsmiths and Jewellers ware, cheap.
IRISH LINENS. WILLIAM SCOTT, At the Irish Linen Store, in Anne-Street, Near the Draw-Bridge,
Has just received from his friends in Ireland,
A LARGE assortment of 3-4ths. 7-8ths. and yard wide Linens of all prices, which Linens, being bought when Markets were very cheap in Ireland, he is enabled to sell on lower terms than any he ever had before. Also Table Cloths of all sizes, from as low as 30s. old tenor the piece; 3, 6, 8, 9 and 10 quarters diaper; clouting ditto, huckaback, dowlas, superfine white ticking; hempen cloth for coarse towels from 9 coppers to 5s. and 6s. the yard; brown Holland.
At said Store are also to be sold A variety of English & Scotch Goods among which are, a large assortment of plain and flowered lawns; flowered aprons and handkerchiefs, black and white cat gut, black and white Paris net, spiders net and fancy, ditto black and white, Queens gauze and handkerchiefs; cambricks and mullins; a large quantity of check handkerchiefs; Barcelona, black, coloured and striped ditto, and crevats; Manchester and Scotch checks, striped Hollands, beckticks, ironing-cloths, &c. A large assortment of men's white and brown thread hose, cotton ditto, ribbed and plain; cotton ditto for women and children, worsted ditto of all sizes; breeches pieces, worsted gloves and mitts, silk mitts, Calicoes, Chinties, Bengalls, peniafcoes, tammies, durams, shalloons, Russells, calamancoes; 3, 4 and 5 thread lasting; flowered drawboys, rich minettes, crapes, broglio, ducares, lute-strings, Persians, taffeties, farsenets; black white, blue and crimson sprigged and plain satins; sprigged and plain alamodes, pelongs, black and white satin hats, chips; cap-piece and skeleton wire; common and paddle stick, ebony and ivory fans; sewing silks, white and wax threads, shirt buttons, fluting, apron and cap linen, Hollands and diaper tapes; none-so-pretty tapes, common milliners and White-chapel nedles; a large quantity of No. 4, 12 and packet bras pins; basket buttons and twist; silk and worsted knee garters of all colours; silk ferrets, qualities, garterings; stay braid, cord and galloon strapping; silk, cotton and thread laces, French and English wax necklaces; pound beads; Manchester velvets, India nankeens, ginghams, Damascus, ivory combs of all sizes, crooked tupee and Dandriff horn ditto, white and yellow buckrams; writing and bonnet paper; a fine assortment of paper hangings; room and stair carpeting; genuine Kippen's snuff; Osnaburghs, Ticklingburgh, Ravens duck, brown and bleached Russia drab, metal buttons, single and double gilt, white lacquered and livery ditto; silver locket and brass sleeve buttons, coat and jacket horn buttons and moulds; white and yellow metal shoe, knee and stock buckles; silver plated ditto; silver topped cast-steel razors, common ditto, knives, table ditto, brass handle pocket knives and forks, hard metal spoons, steel and common sellers, pocket compasses, spectacles, &c. French indigo, Lynn made shoes, tea, coffee, chocolate; crown window glass from the best makers, 8 by 6, 9 by 7, 10 by 8. Gloucester cheese, Bristol bottled beer; a large and elegant assortment of the most fashionable Ribbons from London, some with gold and silver flowers, to be sold cheap, being a consignment, &c. &c.
A Tallow Press, Furnace and other Utensils for the Chandling Business.

EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE.
LEGHORN. [Italy] March 20.
LIBEY's fortunate progress in the plundering of Syria and Palestine, is confirmed by the last accounts received from Cairo. Besides Jerusalem and Joppa, the towns of Hebron, Tiberias, Caesarea, Hippos and Capernaum have surrendered to him and his allies. About 12000 of the inhabitants of Mount Lebanon make part of this united army which is now before Damascus, and after taking that place is to attack Seyd, Tripoli and Aleppo.
VENICE. [Italy] March 24. The Marquis de Marzzi Minister from Russia, has succeeded in the loan, which he negotiated at Genoa for 2,500,000 florins.
PARIS. [France] April 22 Last Thursday in the night the mulqueeteers carried letters de cachet to the twelve members of the great council, who had resigned, ordering them to return to the Palace, and resume their functions. Some of them would not go there, and others returned only to renew their protests. Mr Lambert, the Dean, having his letter de cachet in his hand, declared that the King might command his fortune, his person, and his life, but that he could not dispose of his honour or his conscience.
As soon as the parliament of Rouen was informed of the formation of a new parliament of Paris, it passed an arrest couched in stronger terms than any that has yet appeared; and at the conclusion it forbids all officers belonging to the parliament of Rouen to acknowledge any acts of this nominal parliament of Paris.
LONDON, April 30. This day the following bills received the royal assent by a commission from his Majesty.
The bill for applying the sum granted for the pay and cloathing of the militia for the year 1771,
The bill for embanking that part of the Thames adjoining to Durham Yard, in the Strand.
The bill for making a navigable cut or canal from Bradford, to join the Leeds and Liverpool canal, at Windhill, in the township of Idle, in Yorkshire, and many other bills.
Extract of a letter from Portsmouth, April 27.
"We daily expect Admiral Rodney here from London, in order to sail for the West-Indies, his squadron being ready for sailing.
"We expect 16 ships to be paid off here, but the men turned over to other ships."
Yesterday the further consideration on the Earl of Chatham's appeal came on before the upper Assembly, when the Solicitor General and Mr. Dunning were heard for the respondent, and the Attorney General, by way of reply, for the Earl of Chatham, after which the following question was put to the judges, "Whether in the event that has happened the devisee to the respondent, William Daw Tottenham, of the bank stock, exchequer orders, leasehold estates, and furniture of the houses specifically bequeathed, is good and effectual or void?" The Lord Chief Baron on behalf of himself and the rest of the Judges desired time to answer the same, it was then moved and ordered, that they should give their opinion on Monday next.
May 1. Yesterday the Lords North, and Rochford, had a long conference with his Majesty, at the Queen's Palace.
Yesterday the bill to prevent divorced persons from marrying with the offending party, was, according to order, to come on before a committee at the lower assembly; but a debate arising thereon, the question was put, Whether the speaker should have the chair? it was carried in the negative; Ayes 60, Noes 80. and the bill dropped of course for this session.
The sheriff of Middlesex, when he enters into his office, swears, That he will truly RETURN all the King's writs. It is probable Mr. Wilkes did not know the nature of the sheriff's oath, when he talked of refusing to make a return in case of Mr. Luttrell's seat being vacated as member for the county of Middlesex. Besides, if it were possible to get over the perjury, by the statutes of 8 Henry VI. c. 7. and 23 Henry VI. c. 14. a sheriff by such refusal would incur the penalty of two hundred pounds; one to the King, and
the other to him who shall sue, and will likewise suffer a year's imprisonment.
The House of Commons will certainly finish their business to-morrow, when they will adjourn till Monday or Tuesday, as it is thought impossible for the upper house to finish the whole of their business till to-morrow forenoon, so that the prorogation is now fixed for Thursday forenoon.
Extract of a letter from Lisbon March 23.
"A very extraordinary event has happened lately here in regard to commerce. Some days ago French cloths were refused dispatch in the custom house and stop; and since then a general order has been sent to that tribunal to stop all goods of French manufacture, which are either composed of wool, or have any mixture of that material in them; even their druggies are comprehended. You may easily conceive what an uproar this has occasioned among the French merchants; they have applied to their envoy here, who hath sent home their case and written to his court for instructions."
Some private letters from Lisbon mention a very spirited remonstrance in the name of the French King having just arrived at court, couched in terms extremely humiliating to the pride of the Portuguese Premier.
Yesterday some further complaints from the British merchants at Lisbon and Oporto were received by the Lisbon mail.
By the last accounts from Brest, twelve ships of the line had just been laid up there, and their crews discharged.
On Friday evening a masquerade was given for the amusement of the children of nobility in Soho-Square, at the house of Lord Pigot. Nurtured in the bosom of frivolity and luxury, it is not to be wondered if they wished to imitate their pappas and mammas, the bigger children at Mrs. Cornelys's.
May 2. Leave is given to bring in a Bill, for granting a bounty on the importation of white Oak Staves and Bendings, from the Province of Quebec in America.
An Account of the Proceedings Yesterday in the Court of Exchequer, with respect to Alderman Oliver, viz.
Yesterday morning precisely at ten o'clock Richard Oliver, Esq; was brought by writ of Habeas Corpus before the Barons of the Exchequer, when, after the writ was read, Mr. Serjeant Glynn, made a motion for his enlargement, which he supported to the following purport.
He observed, "that there were various cases where the authority of parliament, (great as he allowed it to be in many respects) could not control the established laws of the land. He instance, in particular, the transactions of the long parliament, during the civil wars, and asked their Lordships, whether they would not be under the necessity of condemning their proceedings. He said the House of Commons could furnish them with no legal justification, when that house assumed privileges they had no right to assume. That the cases of Lord Shaftesbury and Mr. Murray, which had been urged as cases against this doctrine, were not at all similar, as the former happened at a period unfavourable to the liberty of the subject, and when the Judges were deprivable of their office at pleasure; and as the latter was a commitment for a contempt of the House, in the face of their body, and within their own walls, and did not at all clash with the known and established laws of the land.
He further observed, that in the case of the King and Potter, Lord Chief Justice Holt was of opinion, that the House of commons derived their authority from the laws; and and let me tell your Lordships (continued the Serjeant) that great Chief Justice was a person as well acquainted with the history and laws of this country, as any person that ever presided in any Court of Justice. The Serjeant then mentioned the cause of Mr. Oliver's Commitment in a very spirited and precise manner, and observed, that the cause of offence was no more than committing a Messenger, who was no other way authorised than having an order of the House in his pocket, without his name of office specified, as authority to execute that order. Allowing, therefore, says he, the full extent of our privileges of the House, how can Mr. Oliver be guilty of an offence in committing this unauthorized person, without supposing a personal privilege in the Messenger? a supposition that carries absurdity on the face of it. He at length concluded, by apologizing to the Court for engrossing so much of their time, which he
should not have done, he said, was not the case of such importance, nor only to his client, but to the liberty of the subject in general. Mr. Serjeant Jephson, and Mr. Lee, severally supported the Serjeant. Mr. Jephson quoted a number of cases, in all which the persons found to be unlawfully committed were discharged, and for these reasons - that the Court, in the case of Habeas Corpus, could not support its constitutional authority otherwise, he insisted warmly that the privileges of Parliament could not be superior to the laws; and in defence of this put the following questions: Can the Privilege of Parliament give away our rights? Can it protect us in our property? or can it redress our legal complaints? No, the uncertainty of its punishments and its delectable duration shew they cannot, where then shall we apply, but to the laws of the land; which speak clear, distinct and authoritative on all these matters.
Mr. Lee following Mr. Serjeant Jephson with great spirit and argument, and concluded by bidding adieu to the civil liberties of England if they depended on the arbitrary decree of Parliament.
After the arguments were finished, the Court very briefly replied, "they could not take cognizance of the privileges of Parliament, they were of themselves competent Judges, and that therefore Mr. Oliver must be remanded." Mr. Oliver was accordingly reconducted to the Tower.
May 3. It is said the following motion was made on Wednesday by the Earl of Chatham, in the upper house:
"That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, most dutifully and earnestly beseeching his Majesty, that under the late violation of the electors of Great Britain in the election for Middlesex, still unredressed, and in the present conflict which has so unhappily arisen between the claims of privilege of the House of Commons on one side, and those of the magistracy on the other, his Majesty will, in his paternal wisdom, deign to open the way to compose this alarming warfare; and that in order to prevent the said House and Nation from being involved in intemperate discussions of undefined powers, which in the extreme may endanger the constitution, and tend to shake the tranquility of the Kingdom, his Majesty will be graciously pleased to recur to the recent sense of his people, by dissolving, after the end of this session, the present Parliament, and calling, with convenient dispatch, a new Parliament;" 23 for it, 72 against it.
We hear a protest is entered against the Durham yard embanking bill, signed by Lord Shelburne, and two other Lords.
Yesterday a court of common council was held at Guild-hall, when the committee appointed to prepare petitions to every branch of the legislature, against the embankment of the river Thames at and near Durham-yard, reported a petition to the King, which being read was very much approved and agreed to with one little alteration, and ordered to be delivered directly to his Majesty by the sheriffs, attended by the Remembrancer, which was accordingly done.
It was ordered that Mr. Remembrancer be directed to take copies of all the evidence given the House of Lords, relating to the embankment of the river Thames at Durham yard, together with the Lords protest thereon.
It was moved that this court, with the city officers be desired to attend the Right Hon. Bras Crosby, Lord Mayor, and Mr. Alderman Oliver, in their gowns, in procession from the Tower to the Mansion-House, on their enlargement from their present confinement, and on being put was carried unanimously.
They write from Peterburgh, that her Imperial Majesty has lately recalled all her subjects whomsoever, from banishment in Siberia, who had resided in that inhospitable desert for the term of seven years.
Some letters from Madrid mention that two chiefs of the Spanish Ministry are at present in disgrace at court, on account of the part they took in a late convention.
May 4. The following may be depended on as an authentic list of the ships ordered to be paid off, the Namur, of 90; Bellona 74, Cornwall 74. Dorsetshire 70, St. Antonio 64, Augusta 64, and Edgar, of 60 guns, at Chatham. The Royal William of 84. Arrogant 74, Ajax 74, and Elizabeth of 74 guns, at Portsmouth. The Cambridge of 80, Temeraire 74, Defence 74, Prince of Wales
74, and Hero of 74 guns, at Plymouth. The Cornwall of 60, and the Glasgow of 20 guns, at Sheerness. The Seaford of 20 guns, and the Vulture sloop, at Deptford.
The speakers on this occasion were, Lord Chatham, Lord Chancellor, Dukes of Manchester and Richmond, Lord Sandwich, and Lord Mansfield.
The following is said to be the Substance of what was spoken by Lord Chatham on Tuesday last in the Upper Room.
LORD Chatham, after giving the warmest support to the Duke of Richmond's motion on Tuesday, on the Middlesex Election, entered largely into the melancholy state of the country, the depraved system of government, which had, in a few years, reduced us from a most flourishing, to a most miserable condition. He went through the whole proceedings of the House of Commons, in the late business of the Printers; he warmly defended the magistrates, in the conscientious discharge of their duty; said that the House, in committing them to prison, without hearing their defence upon the point of privilege, had been guilty of an act of tyranny; - that they had heard the prostituted electors of Shoreham, in defence of an agreement to sell a borough by auction, and had refused to hear the Lord Mayor of London, in defence of the laws of England; that their expunging, by mere force, the entry of the recognizance, was the act of a Mob, but that their daring to assume a power of stopping all prosecutions by their vote, struck at once at the whole system of the laws; - that it was solely owing to the measures of Government, equally violent and absurd, that Mr. Wilkes owed all his importance; - that they, in effect, had made him an Alderman of London, and Representative of the County of Middlesex; and now it seems they intend to make him Sheriff, and, in due course Lord Mayor of London; - that, after repeated resolutions, by which they had declared him amenable to their jurisdiction, they had shamefully given up the point at last, and, in the face of the world, acknowledged him to be their Lord and Master: - That there remained but one possible remedy for the disorders with which the Government of this country was universally affected: - That to save the name and institution of Parliaments from contempt, this House of commons must be dissolved. This he hoped might restore good government on one side, good humor and tranquillity on the other; yet that this was rather a hope in him than any sanguine expectation. He feared that it might prove only a temporary and partial remedy; that to resist the enormous influence of the Crown, some stronger batteries must be erected in defence of the constitution. That formerly the inconveniency of shortening the duration of Parliament had had great weight with him but that now it was no longer a question of convenience; the summa rerum is at stake; your whole Constitution is giving way; and therefore, with the most deliberate and solemn conviction to his understanding, he now declared himself a Convert to Triennial Parliaments.
His Lordship concluded with desiring a call of the House for next day, and declared his intention to move an address for the dissolution of the present Parliament.
We hear that the two Kennedy's who are to be transported, will carry with them commissions to produce abroad, as soon as they arrive; the one, a Captain's, worth 1000l. and the other a Lieutenant's worth 600l.
ALEX. CHAMBERLAIN, jun. Would acquaint his friends and others, that he continues to sell upon the lowest terms the following Articles, at his shop in Ann street, viz.
 NUTMEGS, Ginger, Rice,  Mace, Flour, Allum,  Cinnamon, Cloves, Copperas, Brimstone,  Superfine Hysn and Logwood, Redwood,  Bohea Tea, Hard Soap,  Green Coffee, 18 inch Pipes,  Chocolate, Short ditto,  Sugars, Starch, Indigo, Florence Oyl,  Pepper, Pimento, Loaf Sugar, &c.  Likewise a neat Assortment of Cream, Stone, Glass, Delph, Nottingham and Liverpool WARE. N. B. His own personal attendance will be given early and late, and favours thankfully acknowledged.

To be SOLD, On board the Schooner Charlotte, Robert Savage, master, From New-Providence.
TURTLE , the best imported this season; LIMES by the barrel. Said Schooner lies at Green's wharf.
To be SOLD for want of employ only, A LIKELY young NEGRO Man fit for town or country business. Enquire of the Printer.
This day arrived from New-Providence, In thirteen days, The Schooner Industry, John Guliker, master, Who has brought with him A FEW very delicate PINE APPLES, TURTLES, ORANGES, LIMES, &c. which will be sold cheap, on board said Schooner, lying at Minot's T. Boston, July 10th, 1771.
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY. WHEN I consider the dignity of a free people, and reflect that even Kings, and what are greater than Kings, the laws and constitutions by which Kings are governed, are made and maintained by them; I can scarce moderate my resentment at the cavalier treatment they daily receive from an absolute slave; a creature of the people's servant! "I shall," says his absolute independence, always consult his Majesty's service as to the time of meeting the General Assembly, and govern myself accordingly." A laconic answer indeed most dread sovereign. Your masters prerogative of making peace and war, is as absolute as yours in meeting the General Assembly, yet he has been civil enough to consult his parliament on these, and every other affair of importance which of late years has come before him. But a new system it seems is on foot; horses are to become riders, and servants the lords of their masters.
These projects might succeed among barbarians unconscious of their rights or the infinite obligation, under which they ly to defend them. Cyrus, according to De Ramsay, was to possess his army with a belief, that he knew what was for their general advantage better than they all. Jenghiz Khan could persuade his followers they were conquering for themselves while they ravaged for him. I am widely mistaken if the Rhode-Island addressers, even seconded by their more enlightened brethren the Sandemanians, inspire the good people of this province with the awful ideas of Mr. Hutchinson's superior talents as the subjects of either of these princes entertained of theirs. A wise and lettered commonwealth will ever distinguish between the man who makes their happiness and security the whole of his study, and the miscreant who entirely devotes himself to the service of their enemies; officially divests himself of every power to serve them, and stretches every nerve to hasten and confirm their destruction: We seem to want but two instructions more to open the blindest eyes in the province to the designs of the ministry, viz. To disarm the people, and stop the presses. Military discipline is entirely discouraged in the province of New-York; and no boasts can be made of the measures taken for its promotion by authority here. Mr. Hutchinson notwithstanding the grandeur of mind ascribed to him by the honourable VERUS, could not forbear wreaking a little of his pointless spleen against the harmless Printer of the SPY, for acting agreeable to his proposal of issuing every thing worthy of notice to the public impartially. But we are to remember that we live in a day when even a Lord-Mayor of London is sent to the Tower for doing his duty according to law. May God of his mercy shorten the reign of such wanton tyrants!
Behold my countrymen, the rare effects of suffering servants gradually to usurp the dominion over their masters! My Lords Commissioners and all their cattle are now avowedly considered a separate condition of men in the state. It is true enough; but a distinction I confess I should scarce have found the hardness to think of establishing, in a country so conscious of the tendency of such usurpations. Themselves have long since established the distinction of friends to
government, and friends to the people; and as long have I lamented that the people have hitherto wanted spirit enough to free themselves of the cause as they have done of the instruments of their ruin. But such has been our dependence on the justice of our sovereign, that we thought it impossible he should thus long defer the redress of our so intolerable and enormous grievances. How prudent we have been in suffering him to be imposed upon so long by a set of villains, who treasonably persuaded him his subjects would be made their slaves, to his advantage, I leave others to determine. One thing I have thoroughly determined, and that is to hold an incessant and unremitting combat with the enemies of the freedom and happiness of my country, as long as a pen can be held, or a sword can be wielded by the hand of LEONIDAS.
AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE.
NEW-YORK, July 4.
BY the brigantine Folly, Capt. John Waith in twenty-nine days from the Bay of Honduras, we learn, that his Majesty's armed schooner Earl of Egmont, commanded by John Bitham Esq; was arrived there, in order to obtain an exact account of the loss sustained by the logwood cutters, by their negroes being detained by the Spaniards, which amounts to near ten thousand pounds sterling, and to transmit the same to Commodore M'Kenzie, at Jamaica.
NEW-LONDON, June 28. On the 11th instant, the schooner Pompey, Capt. Leeds, failed from this port, for the West-Indies; three days after which, in lat. 35. the vessel was struck by lightning, which entering the topmast, ran down and shivered the mast, stunned and knocked down every person on board, (but they happily all recovered) killed seven horses, and wounded several others. The mast was so much damaged, that the vessel returned here on Monday last to refit.
THURSDAY July 11.
NEWPORT, July 8.
LAST Friday night arrived here Capt. George Brown, in 14 days from Edenton, North-Carolina, and acquaints us, that two days before he failed, a letter was received there from one Johnson, near the place where Governor Tryon beat the Regulators, informing that the Regulators had rallied again, surrounded Governor Tryon and his party, and taken him and a considerable number of his men prisoners; which news was so far credited, that it gave the Governor's friends great uneasiness, but was joyfully received by the enemies of Tyranny and Oppression, and friends to the Regulators, who it is said are at least three quarters of the people throughout the province.
In North-Carolina, a Dollar passes for 8f. and we are assured, that the Sheriffs there often sell fine fat cattle at 14f. a head, and the best sheep at 2f. (which is one Dollar and three quarters for cattle, and a quarter of a Dollar for a fine fat sheep) to pay rates; and that very frequently, after the Sheriffs have collected large sums, they push off, robber-like, to some of the back parts of Virginia, South-Carolina, Georgia, &c. and leave the people to pay the whole of their taxes over again. Now is it possible for any man, unless he possess the soul of a Cannibal, to wish success to an administration so corrupt, so absolutely void of humanity, and every christian virtue, as that of North-Carolina!!!
BOSTON.
At a General Council held at the Council Chamber in Cambridge, his Excellency was pleased to nominate, John Ashley, jun. Esq; and Jabez Woodbridge, Esq; to be Justices of the Peace for the county of Berkshire. Josiah Cushing, Esq; and Pelham Winlow, Esq; to be Justices of the Peace for the county of Plymouth. Elisha Dwight, Esq; to be a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum for the county of Berkshire. Thomas Greenough, Esq; to be a Justice of the Peace for the county of Barnstable. Mr. Josiah Smith, to be a Coroner for the county of Middlesex. Mr. Seth Pope, to be a Coroner for Bristol county. To all which nominations his Majesty's Council did advise and consent.
Last Friday his Excellency the Governor was pleased to prorogue the Great and General Court of this province, to Wednesday
the 4th of September next, then to meet at Harvard College in Cambridge.
The following Acts passed the General Court at their last session, and were signed by the Governor.
An Act for enquiring into the rateable estates of this province.
An Act for erecting two public magazines for the safe keeping of powder, the one in the town of Boston, and the other in the town of Watertown.
An Act for erecting the new plantation called No. 4. in the county of Berkshires, into a town, by the name of Gageborough.
An Act for erecting the new plantation called No. 2. in the county of Berkshires, into a town, by the name of Partridgefield.
An Act for annexing certain lands lying in the town of Belchertown in the county of Hampshire, with the inhabitants thereon, to the town of Greenwich, in the same county.
An Act in addition to the several Acts or laws of this province impowering the Selectmen or Overseers of the Poor of towns to bind out poor children apprentices.
An Act for repealing the several acts relative to the holding and sitting of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace and Inferior Court of Common Pleas in the county of Berkshires, and for determining the times and places for holding the said Courts for the future.
An Act for reviving and continuing an Act made to prevent damages being done on the lands called Nobscusset in the township of Yarmouth.
An Act to prevent damages being done to the proprietors of the meadows, upland and beach called Great and Little Scituate, in the town of Falmouth, and county of Barnstable.
It is said several Gentleman who were flaming advocates for his ----- are now very cool on account of some late civil and military appointments. Boston Gazette.
We hear that Mr. Edward Hutchinson of Connecticut, one of the Governor's COZENS, is appointed a Clerk of the Inferior Court for this county. Boston Gazette.
Last Monday Capt. Daverson arrived here in eight weeks and about four days from London. The vessel has been below ever since by order of the Select men, as there was one man on board who had the small pox on the passage, but we hear he is now quite well, and the vessel thoroughly cleaned. The papers are not yet come to hand.
Last Evening came to town from New-York, John Foxcroft, Esq; Deputy Post-Master General for North-America; and his lady.
MARRIED Mr. Martin Bicker, to Miss Sarah Jones, daughter of deacon Daniel Jones. The Rev. Amos Badger, missionary of New Hampshire, to Miss Polly Saltonstall, daughter of the late Hon. Judge Saltonstall of Haverhill. The Rev. Hezekiah Smith of Haverhill, to Miss Hephzibah Kimball of Boxford. The Rev. Enos Hitchcock, of Beverly, to Miss Upham, daughter of the Rev. ----- Upham, of Truro.
We hear that Captain Daverson's ship will come up to town this day.
SHIP NEWS.
ARRIVED here, Rogers and Lamson from Philadelphia, Savage from New-Providence, Barber from Elquebo, Snow from Virginia, Edger and Bartlett from St. Lucia, Withman from St. Martins, Fishley from Nevis and St. Martins, Hatch from New-London, Brown and Rice from New-Haven, Howland from Newfoundland, MacCarthy from Barbadoes, Daverson from London, Guliker from New-Providence, Valentine from Surinam.
OUTWARD bound. Sweetser and Rogers to Newfoundland, Davis to Europe, Boyd to New-London, Davis and Scott to the West-Indies.
ARRIVED from this Port. Rainbow, Wier; and Fanny & Jenny, Watt, at Quebec.--- Fortune, Hall, at Newport.--- His Majesty's sloop of war Viper, at South Carolina.--- His Majesty's sloop of war Rose, at Newport.
Sailed the Beaver man of war for Halifax. COUNTRY NEWS.
Medford, July 6. As Thomas Warren, son of Deacon Warren of this town, was travelling to Weston, last Monday morning (having rose very early for that purpose) there appeared, about 3 o'clock, out of the bushes, near a small bridge at some distance from
Quarry Hill, between here and Cambridge, a man, who seizing his horse's bridle, accosted him thus: damn you deliver up. Deliver up what? answered young Warren. Why deliver up your horse and money, or I will send you into eternity very soon, and uttered many profane oaths and imprecations; on which Warren told him he talked very profanely, upon which the man threatened to strike him with a club about 4 or 5 foot long, saying he would send him to hell before the sun rose if he did not deliver up; but Warren having considerable presence of mind though very much surprised, told him, it was not in his power to send him to hell, and said that there was company behind him, who would prevent him from his intended robbery, on which he said he would kill them and him too for half a copper; on which instant a young colt seeing him go by with his horse just before, jumped out of the pasture some distance behind, which the fellow hearing the noise of as he was galloping a long after the horse, immediately let go the reins of the bridle, and struck a blow with his club in both hands, but Warren leaning forward, happily missed it, but it fell upon and lamed the horse considerably.---The man damning him, immediately ran into the bushes from whence he came. The man had on a blue double-breasted jacke; a pair of trowsers, and a dutch cap.
JOSIAH QUINCY, jun. has removed his office from the South side of King Street, to the room under Messrs. Edes and Gill's printing-office, directly opposite the New Court-House, in Queen-Street.
To be SOLD, A VERY good second-hand CHAISE. Enquire of Mr. Enoch Greenleaf, or of the Printer.
To be SOLD, A FEW barrels of PITCH. Enquire of the Printer.
Imported in the last vessel from BRISTOL, And to be sold at Mrs. ABIGAIL BREEDING's, at the North-End, in a house belonging to the late Mr. Loring, deceased, near the Rev. Mr. Pemberton's meeting-house;
MANCHESTER Checks, and Irish Linnen, by the bale, piece or single yard; Crown Glass, 7 by 9, 10 by 8, 6 by 8. The above may be had for the sterling cost and charges and a commission of five per cent.
To be SOLD by MARTIN BICKER, At his shop near the Flat Conduit; YORK butter BISKEITS, by the cask, of the best quality. N. B. Beaver, Beaveret, Castor and Felt HATS, of his own make. English Felt, and second-hand Hats of various prices.
CAMBRIDGE, July 8. On the fourth instant, his Excellency the Governor was pleased to send the following message to the house of Representatives.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives. THE Secretary has laid before me an engrossed bill intitled an act for apportioning and assessing a tax of fifteen thousand pounds, &c. I find that this bill is of the same tenor with the acts which of late years have been annually passed by the General Court. By virtue of these acts the Assessors in several towns have taxed the officers of the crown who have been resident in such towns for the profits which they receive from their commissions, although their offices have no peculiar relation to this province. I doubt whether this could be the intent of the former acts, but as this construction has been put upon them, I cannot sign another act in the same form, being expressly forbid by his Majesty's 27th instruction from giving my consent to such an act upon any pretence whatsoever. I cannot doubt of your being of the same sentiment with me that such a general clause as is now in the bill, which impowers the assessors to tax all commissions of profit, needs some qualification, and that it should extend no farther than to commissions which peculiarly relate to this province, otherwise any of his Majesty's servants who may occasionally reside here for a short term may be taxed for the

profit which they receive from their commissions and places in Great-Britain and every other part of his Majesty's dominions.
T. HUTCHINSON.
Cambridge, 4 July 1771.
As this very important message appeared to be grounded upon his Majesty's 27th instruction, the house immediately appointed a committee to wait on the Governor, and pray that his Excellency would be pleased to order a copy thereof to be laid before them--accordingly the Secretary by his Excellency's order, immediately brought a copy of said instruction into the house, and laid it on the table- which is as follows.
His Majesty's 27th instruction to the Governor of Massachusetts Bay.
"WHEREAS our commissioners of our customs in North America have made complaint to us that by the operation of laws from time to time passed within our province of Massachusetts Bay, they have been compelled to pay taxes for the amount of the salaries which we have thought fit to allow the said commissioners out of our revenue for their care and trouble in the execution of that office. It is therefore our will and pleasure that you do not for the future upon any pretence whatever give your consent to any law or laws by which our said commissioners, or any person employed in our service, whose offices have no peculiar relation to our said province, shall be liable either by express words or relative implication to pay taxes during their residence in our said province, for such salaries or allowances as do not issue out of any monies granted unto us by the Legislature of our said province of Massachusetts Bay.
A true copy,
THO. FLUCKER, Secy."
This instruction being read in the house, a committee was appointed to prepare an answer to his Excellency's message. In the afternoon the committee made report, which was ordered to lie on the table until next morning; and on Friday July 5, the house unanimously agreed upon the following answer, which was sent up by Mr. Hancock, Mr. Adams, Col. Gilbert, Major Foster, Mr. Ingersol, Mr. Denny, Col. Bowes, Capt. Heath, and Capt. Farley.
"May it please your Excellency,
"THE House of Representatives have taken into consideration your Excellency's message of this day. The reason you are pleased to assign for withholding your assent to the tax bill is surprising and alarming. We know of no commissioners of his Majesty's customs nor of any revenue his Majesty, has a right to establish in North-America: We know and feel a tribute levied and extorted from those, who if they have property, have a right to the absolute disposal of it.
"By the Royal Charter it is expressly granted that the general assembly shall have full power and authority to impose and levy proportionable and reasonable assessments, rates and taxes upon the estates and persons of all and every the proprietors and inhabitants of this province. Hence it plainly appears that the power of raising and levying taxes is vested in the General Assembly; and that power which has the sole right of raising and levying taxes has an uncontrollable right to order and direct in what way and manner and upon whom such taxes shall be raised and levied. Therefore for your Excellency to withhold your assent to this bill merely by force of instruction is effectually vacating the charter and giving instructions the force of laws within this province. And we are constrained to say that your Excellency's present determination is to be governed by them though this should be the consequence.--We must further observe that such a doctrine if established, would render the Representatives of a free people mere machines; and they would be reduced to this fatal alternative, either to have no taxes levied and raised at all, or to have them raised and levied in such way and manner and upon those only whom his Majesty pleases.
"As to the operation of law mentioned in your Excellency's message, the law of this province, at least in this respect, has rightly operated as it ever ought to, and we know no reason or any semblance of reason why the
commissioners, their superior or subordinate officers, who are equally protected with the other inhabitants, should be exempted from paying their full proportion of taxes for the support of government within this province."
The same day it was unanimously agreed by both Houses that the following Remonstrance be sent to his Excellency the Governor, relative to his refusing to give his assent to the grants that have been made to their respective agents, viz.
"May it please your Excellency,
"YOUR Excellency having refused to assent to the grants that have been made at the last session of the General Court to Mr. Bolland and Mr. De Berdt, for their respective services in England, the two Houses in faithfulness to themselves and those they represent, are constrained to remonstrate to your Excellency on this subject: And for that purpose would observe, that self defence, whether it regards individuals or bodies of men is the first law of nature; and that in obedience to this law this community, when its rights and liberties have been attacked, have by their representatives at different times appointed Agents for their defence. Now although it had been the usual practice for the Governor to be concerned in that appointment, yet when circumstances became critical, and the dearest rights of the province were at stake, when the King's ministers appeared resolved to infringe those rights, and could influence the Governor, who was wholly in their power, to procure an Agent to their mind, or to controul the instructions that might be prepared for him; whereby the end and design of his appointment might be frustrated. When this was the case, it became fit and reasonable, that an Agent chosen by either House, and the instructions given him should be wholly independent of the Governor; and consequently it must be fit and reasonable that the pay and support of such Agent should not be obstructed by the Governor.
"The same reasoning is applicable to the appointment of the Agent by the Council; with regard to which it may be observed, that when heavy and repeated charges had been laid against them by the late Governor, Sir Francis Bernard, of Netelham, Baronet, designed and calculated not only to asperse their characters, but to affect the charter of the province, the necessity of the case required they should defend themselves against those charges. The right of defence, which is necessary to guard and preserve every other right, is founded in natural justice and common law which do not suffer any one to be condemned without being first heard, and their defence considered; and of this right they cannot be deprived without being deprived at the same time of their political existence.
"The Council are an order of men instituted by Charter, and were censured by the said Governor in their public capacity, a particular charge being made upon them, their sole authority was sufficient and proper to answer it; and the Council being a constituent part of the body politic, their defence was as necessary to the good of the whole, as the care and preservation of an essential part is to the body natural. The Council being an essential part of the body politic or incorporated province, and their defence being necessary and beneficial to the whole, the province is chargeable to pay for such defence, and consequently no Governor or other person can justly obstruct the payment.
"The right of defence includes a right to all the means requisite and proper for that defence, and consequently a right to appoint and support their own defender: Without this, the freedom and benefit of defence would be taken away where they cannot appear in their own persons.
"From the foregoing observations, the two Houses think it appears very manifestly that they have a just and clear right, both jointly and separately, to appoint Agents for themselves, without the concurrence of the Governor; and that the great principle of self-defence inherent in and necessarily active in all bodies capable of action, makes it unfit
and unreasonable that the Governor should refuse his assent to grants made to such Agents for their services to the province.
"As the grants made at the last session cannot operate, new grants have been made to the said Agents this present session, which now lie before your Excellency; to which grants the two Houses hope your Excellency will give your assent."
Also on the same day another Committee waited on his Excellency with the following message, viz.
"May it please your Excellency,
"THE General Court in their present session having passed an act to enquire into the rateable estates of this province, and the House of Representatives being very desirous to compleat the same as soon as may be after the return of the lists. They therefore desire your Excellency would be pleased to give the Assembly an opportunity to come together the beginning of October next for that purpose."
HIS EXCELLENCY'S ANSWER.
"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "I shall always consult his Majesty's service as to the time of meeting the General Assembly, and govern myself accordingly."
T. HUTCHINSON."
Cambridge, July 5, 1771.
At noon the two Houses by his Excellency's direction gave their joint attendance at the Town-House in Cambridge, when his Excellency was pleased to close the session of the General Assembly with the following speech, viz.
"Gentlemen of the Council, and of the House of Representatives,
"I HAVE continued the session longer than has been usual at this season of the year that you might have the full time you desired for transacting the public and private business that came before you, and it gives me pleasure to reflect that, in general, a good harmony has subsisted between the several branches of the legislature. In some part of your proceedings I have not been able to concur in sentiments with you, particularly, "Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, "I cannot help disapproving of a certain instrument which you voted in consequence of a message from me and which you have caused to be entered in your journal and to be printed in the publick news papers. I am obliged to make some remarks upon it before I put an end to the session, although it has not been addressed to me in the usual form. By this instrument you protest, as you express it, first, against whatsoever tendeth to establish ministerial or royal instructions as laws within the province, and, secondly, against holding the court in Cambridge, merely by force of instructions as an intolerable grievance which ought speedily to be redressed.
"The first part of your protest, was altogether unnecessary and can have no good effect, but may alarm the people when they are in no danger; for by the tenor of my commission, notwithstanding I am required to follow the King's instructions, I am to make the charter and the laws of the province the rule of my administration, and upon these fundamentals all my instructions are framed, and if ever you shall think that you have ground to accuse me of departing from the charter or the established laws, I promise you that I will not avail myself of an instruction for my justification or excuse; but if I happen to differ from you upon the constitution of the charter or your laws, you must allow me to govern myself by my own rather than by your judgment.
"The second part of your protest appears to me to be repugnant to what has been admitted for more than fourscore years to be a part of your constitution; but notwithstanding you confine your protest to my removing the court from Boston by force of an instruction, you may with equal reason extend it to any act whatsoever done by force of instructions. I must deal plainly with you, gentlemen, and let you know that I cannot consider myself at liberty to depart from the King's instructions in any matters that are not repugnant to the charter and to the established laws, and it is not the preservation of my place which influences me, but a sense of my duty to the King
and the preservation of his Majesty's royal prerogative. It is a new doctrine advanced by the last assembly, that the King, by referring to himself the power of nominating and appointing a Governor, hath divested himself of the right of instructing him. If this had been the case, why did the assembly in 1693 thankfully receive Sir William Phips's commission, which was published at the same time with the charter, and which expressly required him to execute his trust according to such powers and instructions as he should receive pursuant to the charter and the established laws? why has every assembly since, until the assembly of the last year, submitted, without any exception, to commissions of the same tenor? in the controversy with Governor Burnet 1728, the assembly would not admit that his instructions should bind them, but they never pretended that they did not bind him.
"Your observation that by the charter the Governor is to convene the court from time to time according to his discretion or as he shall judge necessary, and therefore that the King's instruction ought not to controul him, does not distinguish this case, because every power, where there is no special limitation, is to be exercised according to discretion or as shall be judged necessary. I must further observe to you, that before the date of your charter, Governors in the plantations were required to execute their trusts pursuant to the instructions they received from the crown: when the crown by charter reserves to itself the power of appointing a Governor, this reserve must be understood to mean a Governor under the like restrictions with other the King's Governors, unless there be further words to signify to the contrary. I know of no such words in the charter.
"His Majesty expects from me on the one hand, that I make no invasion on any of your rights, but then, on the other hand, he enjoins me to give up no part of his prerogative: I know that the messages and resolves of the house the last year which asserted that the Governor is not held to the observance of this instruction, were very displeasing to the King: I am therefore under an additional obligation to bear my testimony against the like assertion.
"I would not, however, have laboured to explain points so clear in themselves, if I was not apprehensive that your constituents are liable to be prejudiced in favour of the proceeding of their Representatives, and that there is danger, if I had been silent, that this instrument would retard that quiet and contentment which I doubt not the gentlemen of the House in general, who voted for it, wish to see fully restored.
"I shall only observe upon your Message presented me this day, in answer to my message to you of yesterday, that whatever may be the rights of the General Assembly in matters of taxation, the crown has certainly reserved to itself the prerogative of disallowing every law of what nature soever; and as the disallowance of a tax act, after it is in part executed, would cause great perplexity, I think that his Majesty's instruction pointing out to you, through me his servant, those parts of your tax acts which he disapproves of, should be considered as an instance of his tenderness and paternal regard to his subjects, and that it is not liable to the least exception. I shall transmit my message and this your extraordinary answer to be laid before his Majesty.
"Gentlemen of the Council, and of the House of Representatives.
"I have given my consent to the bills and votes which have passed the two Houses this session as far as I could consistent with my duty to the King, and with the interest of the province.
Upon mature consideration of the grants made to William Bolland, Esq; and to the executors of Dennis De Berdt, Esq; by the last Assembly, I refused my consent. I cannot yet see reason to alter my sentiments and the objections to my signing the grants made this session to the same persons, to which your message of this forenoon refers, are rather increased than lessened.
T. HUTCHINSON."
Council Chamber, Cambridge, July 5, 1771.
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