The Kentucke gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1787-09-15 00:00:00

K E N T U C K E G A Z E T T E.
S A T U R D A Y, SEPTEMBER 15, 1787.
Sir, BRADFORD, by giving the following a place in your paper, you will much oblige yours, &c. He seemed to be, Not one, but all mankind's epitome. Still in opinion, always in the wrong: Was every thing by turns, and nothing long. Dryden.
SI have been but a short time in the district, and therefore, comparatively ignorant of many facts which have actually happened; as well as many reasons which may have been advanced on the subject of a Separation; I have nevertheless wished to see that important subject treated at large by the Advocates on both sides of the question. I have seen something advanced on the side of the Separatists, which appears to me very rational. There has been also a set of queries proposed by a Farmer, which reflect honour on that class of men, of which he professes himself one. I am at present waiting to see some reasons advanced by the Anti-Separatists, but have hitherto been disappointed. I just indeed in your Gazette No. 3. a certain VIRGINIAN, much engaged to support the honour, or rather to prevent the dishonour of "A large number of people in this district, much dissatisfied with the scheme of separation: but as his manner of writing, seems, as it were, calculated to insinuate itself into the Readers, and that means, bias the judgement, and excite a false notion concerning the matter, and move the heart; I shall offer a few observations on this piece. He sets out with a warm profession of piety on questions of consequence fairly discussed. I apprehend, Sir, that fair discussion consists in advancing the rational arguments on both sides the question, and exhibiting them in a clear point of view that every citizen may be a judge in his own case. With this principle in view, I shall proceed. Admitting, he observes by way of introduction, that this dispute has changed its appearance very much since the time of its commencement; and secondly asserts, that there were then Complaints so alarming, as to awaken a sentiment, like that formerly expressed against Royal, and Parliamentary usurpations: (the truth of this assertion I will leave to every reader, to determine for himself) but (says he) "by the preceding conduct of the legislature, every ground of complaint is removed." I would ask him, what in case of legal, reasonable, proceeding those "very alarming" and "well founded" complaints, could have influence enough to remove them, which might not also have been efficacious enough to have prevented them? But, says he, "by two successive Acts, the State of Virginia has declared to the World our right to separate, and her consent that we may separate when we wish to do so. She has instructed her Delegates in Congress to promote our admission into the Federal union." Has she so? Then by this it appears that the State of Virginia, and the district of Kentucky are agreed. We, by three successive Conventions possessed of the combined authority of the free men of Kentucky, have declared our right, our interest, and our desire to be separated from Virginia. Virginia, by two solemn, public acts of her Legislature, possessed of the united power of her citizens, has recognised that right, granted our desire, and confirmed the bargain. But, says he a very great change has taken place in this dispute, since its commencement. What in? Why, things at that time were so alarming, notwithstanding some very good, nameless, preceding conduct of the legislature, as to excite a resentment, sufficient to burst the union, and effect a separation by force of arms: (for that was the degree of resentment heretofore expressed against the abuses of the King and Parliament, of Great Britain). But as soon as Virginia had acknowledged our right, and granted our request, and even asked her interest for our admission into the Federal union, it was then not worth the having. Had we been obliged to have earned it by hard blows, and at the expence of the lives, and fortunes of our citizens; it would have been a valuable acquisition; but as soon as we can have it on the most easy and equitable terms, and that too, in consequence of and agreeable to our own request; it loses its value, and we ought to refuse it, like a capricious child: and treat our own earnest and repeated petitions, as well as the generous and equitable dispensations of the most august body of men in Virginia, with disregard, and even contempt. Are these the rational arguments of a peaceful citizen? Whether have they the most direct tendency to inform the understanding; or to excite the Passions, and deprave the heart. His next
arguments are a string of interrogations such as "Is this the part of an imperious Parent or Step-dame," alluding to a possible future case, mentioned by a former gentleman on the subject: which he very injudiciously, and inconsiderately, applies to the past and present times. However, though they are not worthy of much notice, I would have referred him to the instructions lately sent by the executive of Virginia, to the commanding Officers of the Militia in Kentucky: there perhaps he may find a general answer to his interrogations, they will inform him, whether "they will grant every thing we desire, whether they will see us sacrificed without pity?" Indeed it is a matter of great indifference, whether they pity us or no, if they will neither assist us, nor suffer us to defend ourselves, and make reprisals on our enemies. But he seems much offended at a writer in your second paper, who says "Is it not apparent that if you do not take the reins of Government in your own hands, they will be placed in the hands of others for you." Every body will allow this is a plain, inoffensive, truth. And being unable to confront it with any sensible argument, he endeavours to undermine it, with a very awkward sneer. "Perhaps he may be a candidate for some office. Supposing this to be a possible case, must every person who is conscious of his own capacity for some branch of public business; and attachment to the interests of the community of which he is a member; and who should be desirous of doing himself and his country an essential service in some office, to the best of his abilities; must such a person, I say, be for ever condemned to eternal silence, on the most important occurrences, and suffer his countrymen to be misled, and abused by every unscrupulous trifler; No sensible man will admit it. But it is true that the whole farcical flourish, is built on a glaring inconsistency: for under what government is he a candidate for office? not under the present, for he is an advocate for a new one: not under that proposed new government, for it is not yet in existence, and perhaps never may; and therefore can admit of no candidates for office under it. Equally absurd, and inconsistent is the whole following paragraph: "and what if changes may come? sufficient to the day is the evil thereof;" and, "let us learn in whatsoever state we are, therewith to be content." The first of these is an unquestable truth, but utterly inapplicable to the case; the second is not only an alteration of the words, but also a palpable perversion of the sense of the divine apostle; as will appear, by comparing it with other parts of the holy scriptures: and by adverting to the occasion. Paul is here speaking of his own case, as a Christian; without the least distant allusion to civil government. It is an express contradiction to our reason, which points out self-preservation as the first principle of Nature. But, says he, "if changes take place in Virginia, we have one resource, that is a separation. We thank him for allowing us that resource at any time: but he seems soon to have forgotten his favourite precept, "in whatsoever state we are, therewith to be content," which if it be a duty now, will continue to be one then; unless we can suppose the nature of moral virtue to change. But alas! he cuts off all retreat in the sequel of the same sentence, "if," says he, "the new government after commencing on the best principles we can devise, should degenerate into a system of oppression, where would be our resource then? In weeping and wailing, and gnashing of teeth." This is a home stroke! These words constitute one, among the many figurative, the very emphatical descriptions of the future state of the wicked: given us under the sanction of divine authority: and is intended to convey to us an idea of the most consummate and intolerable misery. So that, should we, at any future period, degenerate from our first principles, and become either oppressors, or oppressed, this ingenious, and charitable writer, sends us directly to hell for relief. For which, I suppose, he thought he had well prepared us, by just before exhorting us "in whatsoever state we were," not even excepting this last "therewith to be content." He next goes on to tell us that, "we are sensible of the advantages we have, but cannot tell those we have not; talks of Theory and Speculation, the Great he arbitrarily make the sole gainers, and the poor sufferers by a revolution; without showing us the least shadow of reason why it should be so; however, if the reader can find any sense in it, I leave him to pick it out, and proceed to some observations on Vol. 2, No 4. This he begins with the following question, What has been the language and situation of our people and their leaders?
I shall attempt to answer this question, and in so doing shall take my information, partly from himself, and partly from others of (at least) equal veracity. I shall also follow the question as it stands, and begin with the people. It may be worth observing here, that tho' he places the people foremost in the question, he writes that order in the answer, and begins with their leaders; and indeed treats them with such a superior distinction, through his peculiar fondness for "important personages," as never once to quit them to the end of the chapter.
The people of Kentucky consider themselves, (like all other men) originally free, and equal in Authority, at the commencement of the present scheme, and with a respect to the measures adopted, and pursued through the different stages of it: for though they were actually citizens of Virginia, a d under the direction of its laws, yet, as freemen, detached from the body of the community, whose joint interest was, in many instances, different from, and even opposite to the joint interest of the citizens in the eastern part of the state from which they were so detached; they believed, they had an undoubted right to assemble in one, or more places, and there concert measures for the removal of any impediments which might lie in their way to happiness, as a community: provided that those measures were not contradictory to, or in contempt of the laws, of that state of which they were members: they conceived also that they had an incontrovertible right, at such time, and place, as they thought proper, to delegate such men as they should approve, to convene together, and transact such business for them: and to convey to those men, all the authority necessary for such transaction: in order to expedite the business, and avoid the inconvenience of crowded and numerous assemblies. Where, or with whom, the exercise of this supposed right originated in Kentucky, I have not been certainly informed; but reason and common sense, pointed out the propriety of it to every man. In this rational manner the inhabitants of Kentucky assembled at proper places, and appointed some of their members (citizens in one common interest with the rest) to convene, and consider the affairs (for I must not use the obnoxious term GRIEVANCES, lest I should be accused of blaming divine justice,) I say to consider the affairs of the district.
Their proceedings I shall take upon the testimony of your Virginian, only as he seems very wordy, I shall pursue the plain narrative, and drop his very pointed and good natural remarks; and perhaps, substitute some others, which may seem more naturally to arise from the subject. In the first place, on every GRIEVANCE was enumerated, which the district was supposed to labour under; and lest they should be suspected of any evil or sinister designs; at their own motion and desire, a second and distinct convention was constituted, and held in the same manner, to approve, or disapprove, alter, or mend, any thing in the proceedings of the former one, that might appear to merit or want it, or even to add such other things as should appear to them necessary, either from their own observation, or by instructions from their constituents. The Gentlemen tells at what period they left the business. And, notwithstanding all this honest caution, lest any thing should appear hasty, or surreptitious, a third convention chosen and authorised as before, was called; who approved the proceedings of the two former, and formed a petition to the general Assembly of Virginia, stating their GRIEVANCES, and inconveniences. Did the citizens of Virginia, (represented in that house) consider it as an affront to themselves, or an occupation of divine justice? They shall answer you the question themselves: it stands on the journals of that venerable house, as REASONABLE. Their public act, puts it out of the power of falsehood itself to misrepresent their opinion concerning it. This according to the best of my information, is the truth with respect to the people; which, if true, will make the account given by your correspondent, appear (if not absolutely false, yet) extremely fallacious; and ought to throw a proportionate discredit on whatever he may endeavour hereafter to impose on the public. The second part of the question respecting their leaders yet remains: but who are they? As I have heard of no person who assumes that character, I suppose it to mean, either, the members of some or all the conventions, whom the people themselves chose, and sent on that errand; or else some public spirited Gentlemen: who, sensible of the importance of the matter, and of the slender and uncertain means of information, with respect to matters of fact, which some of

their fellow citizens laboured under; generously under- took by representing facts, and perhaps reasoning from them, to inform such as were uninformed, and undecieve such as were deceived. Which of these can he mean? He can hardly be supposed so barefaced as to mean the former; and if the latter, I would ask the gentleman, why, (if he was present at any of those exhibitions) he did not stand forth, and "found the alarm among the people," seeing the "great men would not do it? why he did not detect their "sly and overreaching conduct at elections;" make the falsehood appear of their "im- pertinent assertions, and illiberal imposition on court house audiences?" and not meanly speak behind some covert and whisper his discontent: some other growing malecon- tent? Or did he dread the fate of some others, who, abandon- ing their first warmly professed principles, and acting to mislead the populace, was detected of a duplicitous time-serving mutability, inconstancy, and betrayal  traitor  action and struck to silence, with the brand of public shame in their foreheads, and the vulture of disappointment prey- ing upon their Vitals? Or why does he now at this late period, infest the public prints with insinuating reflecti- ons on fictitious Characters? Why does he not point out those "great parsonages, who are brought into popu- lar factions, only by speculation, trade, public honours, and advancement? and expose them to the merited con- tempt of their fellow citizens? Why does he not show us, how the acquisition of riches, by one class of men (which are only gotten by industry) will tend to the suf- ferings of their industrious fellow citizens, who, not- withstanding their difference of wealth, are still possessed of an equal Legislature, and executive power, with the richest of them? Why does he not advance some ratio- nal argument to demonstrate, that we ought never to separate? or, that if we do, some future period would be more proper than the present? Can he assure us, that at such future time we shall be admitted freely to do so? Has he done, or can he do any of all these? He has us indeed, that "a large number of people in this dis- trict, is much dissatisfied with the scheme of a separa- tion," and "that a large number of respectable inhabi- tants, adhered to the opposition," are they a majority? Have any of them given us their reasons for their adhe- rence: or has he done it for them? He even seems to have pique at the word REASON, as well as GRIEV- ANCE: what else does he mean when he says "when the word CRIERANCES would not serve their turn, they continued to show us that they could still find REA- SONS to support their will! Has he confronted these reasons with any thing sufficient to invalidate them? Has he even quoted any of them that we might be able to judge for ourselves? If he has done neither of all these, he has fallen far short of giving a fair discuss- ion of so important a subject: and I hope with some o- thers of your readers must wait, with as much patience as we can, till it be done by some other hand.
NOVICIATUS.
MR. PRINTER.
As I have signed the superscription for your press, and take your paper, my curiosity eggs me on to read every thing in it. In your last weeks paper I discovered a long piece about the school or seminary as they call it which I thought contained a great deal of edifying reading, and some of the proposals or plans mentioned I for a approved of as far as I could judge; but there was some words or names that I never heard of particularly Simonocundum, he seems to be represented as the first starter of some religion that I never had the pleasure of hearing named before; but far from thinking hard of the Author for that, I only wish he had let the common people know who he was, where he lived, what was his religion; all this would not have taken up a great deal of paper nor time, and he might have done that much for the pleasure of introducing such a nation great stranger to the public. As you are well acquainted with me and know very well I am no scholar, I hope you and the public won't laugh at this little piece, published for the sake of drawing another piece from Mr. Catholicus (I don't know if 'tis his given name or surname) to let us know something more about this said Simonacundum. I shall at this time conclude, your friend and constant reader
Sept. 4, 1787.
ROGER DEAN.
Notice is given to the Separate B. puffs that their next general
ASSOCIATION
Will commence on the first Friday in October next, at Tates creek meeting house, and will continue Saturday and Sunday: the reason of this publication is, that there has been a major reformation in the Free Masonry. Sept. 12, 1787. WALKER BAYLOR. C.M.
Fayette County September 12, 1887.
I Hereby give notice to the Gentlemen and Members to an article of agreement, bearing date the tenth day of July last, for the purpose of selling on Col. John Harris's lands on Main Licking, That we Horatio Turgin, Esq. and myself, agents for said Harris, shall meet them at Brays tavern in Lexington on Thursday the the ninth day of November next in perfect good faith to proceed to the place, lay off their lots agreeable to contract, and give them possession. The strictest punctuality will be necessarily observed in this matter on my part, and therefore hope no neglect will take place on the part of the abovenamed. The public utility of this measure if carried into effect, will merit the approbation of this country; but in a particular manner of those Gentlemen who hold large parcels of lands contiguous to that place, whom I have no a little doubt will liberally contribute. This settlement will consist of twenty six men, situated within ten miles of the Ohio river, on the bank of Main Licking.
JOHN CRITTENDEN.
A FRESH CARGO
Just opening for Sale in LEXINGTON by THOMAS JANUARY, Consisting of a Complete Assortment of DRY GOODS
Also, COFFEE, TEA, LOAF SUGAR, RAISINS, JAMAICA SPIRITS, WINE, LIME JUICE.
Which he means to dispose of very cheap for CASII.
Fayette, September 5, 1787.
 All persons w h o have paid and owe this tax in the farce, viz office of Fayette, are desired to apply personally, or by their agents for them. All those who fail to apply as above, may expect I shall take the most speedy methods of recovering my fees on such surveys. Those who have open accounts are desired to settle, and discharge them or close them by giving some security for payment to their Hum- ble servant. 
THOMAS MARSHALL
late surveyor of Fayette.
Fayette, September 6, 1787.
STRAYED FROM the subscriber last week, a Sorrel Mare, with the pole eye, branded with G on the near buttock, with a small notch in one ear. Whoever secures said mare that the owner may get her again shall be well rewarded by
ADAM RANKIN.
Aug. 23, 1787.
TWO DOLLARS REWARD STRAYED or stolen from the plantation of William Stventon (near the surveyors office) a large bay horse, seven years old about four feet eleven inches high, has a small star, one white foot, and some saddle marks, branded on the near buttock B L, paces and trots. Whoever takes up said horse, and secures him so that I get him shall receive the above reward.
JOHN LITTLE wheel right, near Lexington.
Danville, August 21. 1877. THE public are informed that the following bonds have all matured: Bonds of Danville, due last July 1 st 1877. Bonds of Lynchburg due July 1 st 1877, as I will not pay them until after Nov. 1 st discharge same date of our exercise which I am obliged to pay upon all accounts. On the first of these bonds there is paid $1000.00. Virginia Carpenters.
NOTICE is hereby given that the last will and testament of my cousin, John M. [?], of the county of [?], and state of [?], was proved before me this [?] day of [?], in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and [?] and of the independence of the United States the [?]
JOHN ALLISON
TO BE SOLD On Sunday the 22 d . inst. at Capt. James Blaye, Lexington, a likely Virginia born negro woman and her children, like the property of Robert Collins taken in execution in Story v. Meredith . Twenty five pounds of the purchase money must be paid down, and for the balance each month credit will be allowed the purchaser, on bond and approved security. Said slaves cannot be sold for any longer time than during the natural life of one. COOPER, for the executors out of the state of Virginia, JOSEPH GALE, S. S.
Mr. Parsons.
WHEN there has been no question of our religion, it has been a question of our lives. It has been a question of our lives, not of our religion. The not every part of the church, and every one of us, are in a state of war, to form any opinion of the matter. The leaders have been sensible of their weakness and endeavoured to make their own advantage. In fact how could they be upon their guard against deception when they have seemed to forget that there were deceivers among men! Without any means of general information with respect to their social interests, they had only to be the most pliable to those which were circulated by a few. They could only take up opinions from the most confident assertions, and yield their assent to men who might make the boldest, or the most wheedling application for the management or disposal of them. Hence it has been too easy for designing men to misrepresent, or but half-represent the people to the government and the government to the people. I am very much misinformed if both these steps have not been taken. At one time it was very pretty well represented to government that the people should be taxed, and commissions were issued for that purpose. The Executive might suppose that this recommendation arose from a zeal to serve the state and rescue the public money from the hands of knaves. But the intention was to bring a grievous execution of the laws upon a people who had nothing to pay, and disaffected them with the government in order to hasten a revolution. It might have been with this view that a very unpopular attempt was made a good while ago in the court of Lincoln to put the revenue law in force. But it was very judiciously overruled. In consequence of such attempts, the most indecent reflections have been frequently cast upon our civil magistrates as being perjured by refusing to execute the laws. I am sorry to say too that the reflections were rendered more indecent by coming perhaps scattered with an oath, from the lips of gentlemen who have been, are, or hope to be seated on the bench of judgment! Indeed it has been surmised that several magistrates in this country have been troubled in their consciences upon this score, and that they have only been detained the execution of their duty by the prospect of a revolution. What! will these prospects have such powerful influence as to stop the remonstrances of conscience in christian men! And will the God of this world say to them that free in their commission, awake! and money shall give you importance in the eyes of the people! Alas! they have such mighty prospects; what hopes can the good people of Kentucky have of a faithful protection for their rights under a new government!

But it might have been expected by the devisers of this tax on schemes, that if the people could pay taxes there would arise no considerable resentment at the collection of them; or if they should be much opposed at the execution of an equitable law, little advantage could accrue to the inventors of their government; and that there would be contentment in the right of taxation, which should depend upon the election of a people who could not for one year suffer the burden of taxes. But when our imagination is warmed we do not attend to the reason of things. Certain it is that on the last session of Assembly a law was formed for taxing this district for the year 1784. The law was but one degree from Kentucky who conceived the design of having that year's tax remitted. It was considered as an unpolitic event. Yet when it was made known that the reason of being rejected, that a considerable number of the house declared it to be his opinion, that Kentucky should be free from taxation, not only for that year, but the present, and every year while it continued exposed to the derision of enemies! But nothing can satisfy men who are in pursuit of power. When they cannot induce the Government to a rigid execution of law, they will complain of other grievances and dwell upon the golden prospects of future prosperity. The people of Kentucky have no wealth to be protected, and there is no oppression to be removed. Their hopes and fears are the only objects of their anxiety to be wrought upon, to animate their views; the river Mississippi is pictured as flowing with wealth; but it is not said that this wealth will be very flow in its progress, and must be procured by the industry of many years. To contemplate the great produce which is to be raised, the advantages which foreign nations may take of us who are unacquainted with the art of affairs, and the blood which must be shed to support the privileges of our great ancestors, would answer the present purpose. To operate upon their fears, their situation has been represented in the most odious light. They have been told that no people who ever proceeded to liberty had so little of it as they. It is hard to say, whether such assertions have been believed or not; but I have some time been assured that they will be viewed in other light. The author of the state of other nations and the reasons of our being able to dispute them. Yet the author whom I mentioned in my last paper has ventured to repeat the usual cry, and complains of our being forced to take effectual measures against our enemies, and to take to our arms and to the force of the sword. The usual exclamation is this, that it is not we, we are forbidden without immediate protection to protect Ohio in order to destroy the neighboring nations. We are forbidden to carry on defensive wars and to spend our money for them. We may purchase the Indians, when they enter our borders with hostile intentions; but we are not free to fight them in any other case, unless it is in conjunction with the federal execution of our common country. Our hands are not tied from defending ourselves, nor from punishing our enemies upon provocations received; but we are restrained from making those uncertain and promiscuous attacks upon them in which the best of those who suffer have never done us harm; and where women & children are sometimes the objects against whom we direct our valour; what mighty advantage then could we derive from carrying on campaigns independent of the state? Did not the most promising attempt, which was made this year past, prove abortive from want of assistance in the commanders? Did not the other fail by the policy of one man? Aye; but if we could fight when we pleased our officers could command when they pleased, and we should think ourselves guided by Generals as wise & virtuous and great as Washington. But the love of Virginia is not a hot almighty, though independent to all useful purposes of society. She is under the restraint of the federal laws as we are under the laws of our state. So that if we are justifiable in imputing murder to the state; she might with the same propriety call the same imputation upon Congress, and depart from the federal union. Indeed this seems to be the ultimate object at which some of our popular leaders are aiming.
A VIRGINIAN.
On tuesday or wednesday last, a party of Indians killed a man at Leesburg or near Leesburg by the name of Stone, whose brother was wounded some time ago. There was several boys in company with him who were also fired on but received no harm.
MR. BRADFORD.
In answer to a piece which has lately appeared in your paper, I think it is the duty of every well wishing citizen to take the same under consideration the rather as it expatiates largely on the innumerable advantages arising from a separation. But let us take an old proverb with us, that one story is good until another is heard. For my part I am of a different way of thinking from the gentleman, I shall not be bashful in assigning a few reasons, and then let the candid public judge of his matter. First, as soon as we declare ourselves separate from the state of Virginia, the present constitution will be dissolved, and we are to observe at the same time, that we enter into a solemn compact with Virginia for ourselves and posterity and are bound to comply with the stipulation articles, held out by Virginia, which every prudent and ingenious man must be satisfied that we are not able to do. Secondly, whether will the new constitution be formed on as broad a basis, of equal rights and privileges, as the old one, is a matter that is not clear to me. Thirdly, how is government to be supported? you will answer by taxation, justly observed, where is the money to come from; we can make it, for we have eggs enough, and scarcely any thing else. Fourthly, how is this money to circulate, that people may acquire as much as will pay off their public dues. The method is to pay off the service list, and then every man to get as much of it as possible. Fifthly, will there not be great care taken to prevent the depreciation of this substitute; here I tremble a little, does it deserve the name or not? Sixthly, what will be the method you will answer, to emit just a sufficiency to defray the public exigencies of government. Seventhly, will that sufficiency circulate in such manner among the commonality at large, as for them to pay their taxes without being greatly distressed, I am rather inclined to be peculiar on this head. Eighthly, how shall we pay our proportion of the national debt? For my part I am totally at a loss in what light to view this grand object. I can compare it to nothing but an insane person, entering into a contract, that every person that is acquainted with, is satisfied he never will nor can comply with, unhappy man, building a house for himself and my prayer is, that it may not be a public spectacle for us all, some have observed that they did not think that congress would make a sacrifice of Kentucky if their proportion was not paid up, this is leaving the matter at an uncertain issue, for my part I never wish to put my hand into the lions mouth and depend afterwards to take it out without being bit, congress have pledged the faith of the united states to his most christian Majesty for the payment of this money, I leave you to judge whether it will be paid or not. Ninthly, how shall we pay our members in congress this is something entirely out of my light, for we are satisfied that our subsistence here will not answer that purpose, then consequently there will be no representative. No, my country men let us be contented, our inheritance is promising if we be not like the imprudent youth, spend all before we come of age; necessity obliges me to take notice of some of the gentleman's observations, he appears to point at our being debarred the means of defending ourselves, as something too glaring to be looked over, we have re-
ceived a large supply of arms and ammunition his reason dictates, that this has the smallest degree of probability that our legislative body meant to deprive us of making use of those supplies, then I will give up the point: but I rest myself satisfied that the one has no analogy to the other and every person that knows his letters, on a moments reflection be convinced of this. Was this the case, Virginia would be like a certain sectary of people called Antinomians, that admit of the means, but deny the use of them. Honourable doctrine. He likewise observes, that it suspends the benign influence of mercy by forbidding condemned persons, who may be deemed worthy of pardon to tedious and languishing imprisonments. Why are persons condemned? Here is a contradiction of terms intirely; if they are thought proper objects of mercy, the judges that have passed this sentence must be very flagitious men, or we have been wrongly informed; for my part I have always thought they were men loving mercy, but doing justice.
But should the former be the case and mens time is thus to be trifled with by tedious and languishing imprisonment think it high time to displace those unjust ministers in regard to our being constitutionally circumcribed in our jurisdiction and several other observations in favour of his place they are not worth notice at present. I am at a loss what to compare the gentlemen to but on a second reflection he represents an unskillful pater who attempted to run a large vessel with his mental half hot, and made the run without the bottom, or was it not two scoundrels, I should compare him to a certain animal going the substance and grasping the shadow, the public well wither. &c.
MR. PRINTER.
I have seen some Pieces in the Kentucky Gazette signed A Virginian from which it appears that the author is an inveterate enemy to a Separation. If he had intended a fair discussion, he would have entered into the merits of the cause; and the Queries published in your second Paper, certainly afford him a favourable opportunity, though the subject had been worn threadbare by repeated investigations. But like an artful Commander, who unable to meet his adversary on equal terms, is obliged to have recourse to stratagem; he has so intrenched himself in misrepresentation, that he can only be routed by the superior force of truth with which I shall now make the attack. He asserts, by way of introduction, that the dispute concerning a separation has changed its appearance very much since the time of its commencement; and on this assertion he lays particular stress in the subsequent parts of his performances: but with what propriety, will appear from the following facts. In a Convention that met at Danville about the last of December 1784, to take into consideration the state of the District; on this Question, it was unanimously resolved; "That the REMOTE SITUATION of this District from the seat of government is burthensome to its inhabitants, and subjects them to many GRIEVANCES which cannot be relieved whilst it remains a part of Virginia: some of which are as follows. 1 The determinations of the Supreme Court, not being final in all cases, subjects the inhabitants of the District to prosecute their rights in the High Court of Appeals at Richmond; in doing which they must incur a heavy expence. 2 Because no execution can be received into the District, without a Legislative act at hand to inspect their conduct, and redress the grievances of the people. 3 Because it is not consistent with the Constitution that there should be a Power in the District to grant pardons to objects of mercy who have been sentenced to death by law. 4 Because the inhabitants cannot be informed of the laws until long after they are enacted, and in many cases, not before the time in which they are to have their operation, is expired. 5 Because of the large sums of money drained from the District in consequence of its connection with the eastern part of the State. Resolved, therefore, that this Convention recommend it to their Constituents to choose a Convention, to continue by adjournments three months from the first day of May next, to take into consideration the expediency of the proposed Separation, and to adopt such measures thereupon as they may judge most conducive to the interest of the District. The LOCAL SITUATION of the District, separated from the other parts of the state by an extensive wilderness of difficult and dangerous passage, and it

distance from the seat of Government; have also by every subsequent Convention, been considered as substantial and permanent causes for a Separation: as will appear from their Journals, which the limits of this Piece does not permit me to insert. And these difficulties, with some of their numberless consequential disadvantages, are stated in the late Essay, which this Gentleman attempts to ridicule, as the principal reason to induce us, without hesitation, to embrace the Independence that is offered to us. It is true that about the time of the first Convention, the Assembly imposed a tax of 5s. per hundred acres on all surveys of land to be paid in specie before a Grant could be obtained; and also declared that all entries not surveyed and registered before the first day of February 1786, should be void: than which, laws could not have been devised more partial and ruinous in their operation to this part of the Country. Also at the same Session the general revenue law was ordered to be enforced here with vigor; without appropriating any part of these enormous exactions to the defence of the District, almost every neighbourhood of which was then exposed to the murders and depredations of the Indians; and which, with the settlement on the Monongahela, were stationed as barriers to the old frontiers of Virginia, that otherwise, for the extent of near 400 miles, must have experienced the calamities we have long sustained. These, and some other partialities and deficiencies of the laws, we generally resented by the people at large; but by the Conventions they were not so much regarded on account of their immediate consequences, as examples and monitors of what might frequently take place if we should remain in a state of subordination; and as such they must ever be considered by all men.
The most obnoxious of these laws have since been repealed or amended. But it is not true, as this Gentleman affirms, that very ground of complaint is removed, or petition complied with that deserves attention. For instance, The tax of 3s. per hundred acres on all Deeds for conveying lands, is excessive, and operates most partially on this District, where land may be called our staple commodity, and in the way of trade, the Transfers that take place are innumerable. And, notwithstanding the militia Law has been repeatedly revised, whilst our distresses from the Savages were daily increasing; the Legislature has not provided a fund for defraying a shilling of the expence necessary for our defence, except the two expeditions that were carried in last fall, and some arms and ammunition that should likewise be remembered: nor are we permitted to chastise these savage enemies who like other beasts of prey, cannot be found without pursuing them to their dens.
Neither has an unparalleled assurance been given us that every thing that can be done will be done for our benefit, if we communicate the proper intelligence with respect to our wants or dangers. If so; In what manner has this assurance been expressed, and in what record may it be found? The fact is we depend on the justice and liberality of an Assembly, the members of which (except a few) are strangers to us, and may have an interest different from us; and which has changed, and will change again as wisdom or caprice happens to predominate. If he has a reference to the two successive Acts, by which the State of Virginia has declared to the world our right to separate, and her consent that we may separate when we wish to do so. Where is the generosity of making declaration of a right, and consenting that we may exercise that right? Or, what assurance does this give us, that all our other rights shall be maintained inviolable; or that even this right will ever again be recognized, and consent given to our independence if we suffer the very short period to which we are restricted to pass unimproved? Certainly it will be prudent not to let slip the present opportunity, lest when hereafter it shall be denied, we may not be able to exercise all that resignation and contentment, to which this Gentleman so piously exhorts.
It would be tedious for my readers, as well as myself, to follow him through all the Encomiums & Adulation which he so profusely bestows on a Government, to which it will presently appear he has not always been so absolutely devoted, as from them might reasonably be supposed. The change that has happened to this Proteus to which I allude, would be of as little consequence to the Public as twenty others I could relate, did it not afford us a clue by which we may unravel what otherwise would be mysterious in the part he is acting. In the first Convention, he strenuously urged that this District should be immediately declared an independent State, without waiting for the ap-
probation either of Virginia or Congress. This seditious motion he aimed to support, by elaborate written resolutions which he obtained leave to read, though his motion was not seconded by an individual. Sanguine of success, he could not brook the total defeat he met; and from that time he has manifested the most inveterate malice against those members of the Convention who endeavoured to expose this his favourite enterprise. Afterwards, in a County that contained near half the inhabitants of the District, he was a candidate at an Election for a member of a Convention finally to decide on the propriety of making application to the Legislature for a Separation. The People disgusted at the proneness to sedition he had shortly before manifested on Holston, as well as in Kentucky, refused any longer to give him that preference, to which he thought himself entitled by his genius and education. Thus he was again highly chagrined; and in the course of a year, as great a change took place in his conduct as he had endeavoured to accomplish in the District; and much greater than that he would have you believe has appeared in the advocates for a constitutional Separation. Before the election of the late convention that was ordered by the Legislature, he signed to put himself at the head of the Opposition which he now avows; and by Harangues, and by Writing some in prose and some in verse, handed about as he thought would be most subservient to his purpose, the true state of things were most grossly misrepresented, and the minds of many good people poisoned with the apprehension, that all the advocates for such a Separation were men of anti-republican principles; and looking to aggrandize themselves at the expence of the true interests of the District. His malicious assertions or insinuations, unaccompanied with the shadow of proof, he aimed to enforce by the most extraordinary professions of zeal for the Public good; whilst he arrogantly held forth that he was the only man in the District endowed with both wisdom and virtue; and therefore that it was incumbent on him to found the YEMASSEE NEWS-WARE OF THE KNAYES . But like the Common an unaffected with real Passion, by overacting his part, he defeated the end he aimed at; and though he must now despair of succeeding in his opposition; he is improving the opportunity your Press affords, of exciting odium against our leading Characters, and of giving influence to the Daemon jealousy amongst those, who as they can have but one common interest, should be united as a band of brothers.
On a Question of such magnitude, as that of the Expediency of becoming independent of our mother Country, some degree of sentiment is not strange; and from this consideration, I disclaim all resentment against those who have conducted an opposition with fairness and honour: but Liberality herself must concede the utmost indignation against some intriguing Spirit, who, with unremaried artifice, have practiced every method to create divisions amongst us, that meanness and malice could devise, are perpetually stunning us with the Cry, that there are a large number of People in this District who appear much disaffected with that scheme: and what is more diabolical; now, when they see they must submit to the large majority who are on the other side of the Question, they are as indefatigable as ever, when they can have no other object, than by dividing our public Councils and destroying private Harmony, to render the Government we have in prospect less advantageous than it otherwise would certainly prove.
As to our champions Quotation from the American Congress, on which he also lays much stress; his observant Country-men will easily perceive, that though Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes, when the revolution must be effected at the expence of much blood and treasure; yet when the change is to be made by the amicable consent of all parties concerned, (which by the way I conceive to be his only real objection,) mere Expediency, without an absolute necessity, will justify it: So that the application which he makes of this Quotation, like all his other conclusions, is erroneous and perverse.
His criticisms on the word Grievances, and his other scholastic flourishes, I leave him in full possession of, as they do not reach the subject of debate. But I ought yet to take notice of one Sentiment diffused throughout his performances, that is a greater display of his inventive faculties than the discovery of the PERPETUAL MOTION . This I shall collect into one view, and would have you print it in capitals, lest he should have escaped the notice of his readers;
ALL THE FORMER CONVENTIONS WERE CLEAR FOR A SEPARATION
THE SEPARATION HAS BEEN CHEERFULLY GRANTED BY THE ASSEMBLY, ON TERMS AGREEABLE TO THE WILL OF THESE CONVENTIONS;
THEREFORE, THE PRESENT CONVENTION OUGHT TO REJECT THE MEASURE!
I can say little concerning the fly and over-reaching conduct practiced at elections, as I know nothing of it but what I learned from a Petition on the subject, signed by 70 of the inhabitants of Fayette and Mercer Counties, that was clandestinely sent to the Alien by last Fall; and which continued, by implication, such injurious reflections on the integrity of the Sheriff, and the independent sentiments of the Voters, that neither Author nor promoter of this Petition have dared publicly to avow it. But it appears that this was only introduced to favour the discharge of a volley of ungenerous reflections against an Individual now absent from this District, who will be able, when he returns, to chastise this Political juggler as he deserves.
Nor can I suppose that I need say much more to convince his readers, that what he has now attempted resembles a Fortiori Horn in war; it is a desperate attempt to defend a desperate cause: the last effort of a despair. He at length acknowledges that our distance from the seat of Government is a Grievance which cannot be remedied; and by doing this he gives up his cause. Indeed he seems to comfort himself with the hope, that a large number of respectable inhabitants do yet adhere to the Opposition; but at the same time he is constrained to confess, that all the Conventions have been clear for a Separation, and that the adherents to this measure have lately obtained a great increase of votes. The true state of the case is, only a few Minutes of a particular cast continue their attachment to him, and it is needless to pursue him further.
Now I am before the public, I beg leave to detain them a little longer with some more general Observations. From the locality of the District, and a course of argument in favour of a Separation, to which every day's reflection gives additional weight; and far overbalances all the indulgences, real or imaginary, that we have received or can receive from the Government of Virginia. The enjoyment of the navigation of our Rivers is extremely uncertain; and when obtained, must for ages be attended with difficulties and dangers that will render it unprofitable, if not ruinous, unless carefully regulated by a Government immediately interested in its success. Indeed this is so much an Inland Country, that our main resource must for ever be in our Manufactures; and Trade conducted with the greatest skill can only be a desirable Supplement thereto: here again, a train of laws will be indispensable: And in neither of these cases can it be expected, that a Legislature at 600 miles distance, will have interest to excite or knowledge to direct them in the arduous undertaking. In nearly the same point of view might be mentioned the Defence of the District which is exposed to the incursions of numerous Tribes of Barbarians: and how can a person who is sensible of this, have the effrontery to assert, that the government of Virginia has granted every thing we desire for warding off the dire calamities we are suffering from these relentless enemies? and how can any one who is not absolutely demented, expect that a distant Power ever can or will exert itself with that propriety and energy which this case requires? and how might easily be done if the same power were in our own management? Thus circumstanced, may not the Desire of governing ourselves flow from the principles of patriotism and sound policy? Surely there may be Rulers found on the west side of the mountains who can be as safely trusted as those on the east side. So that these people who express such mighty apprehensions in the case; only manifest that they either desire to be free of all Government, or fear they will not be intrusted with any part of the Business.
HERE then, Sir, is repeated a few of the many cogent arguments, (that do not turn upon theory and speculation,) that have been adduced to prove that a Separation is not only EXPEDIENT but ESSENTIAL to the safety of the District; and at the same time, it is also demonstrated that the violent opposition it meets with, amounts to nothing more than delusive representations of the very extraordinary and impossible things to be expected from the Government of Virginia; accompanied with insinuations designed to excite the avarice and Envy of the Little men against the great men of Kentucky. I am yours &c
A KENTUCKEAN.