Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-11-28 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISHL-STREET.
No. 33, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1808.
[Whole No. 553.]
Important Documents:
Communicated with the President's Message.
From Gen. Armstrong to Mr. Madison.
"Bourbon? Archambault, 28th Aug. 1808. Since my arrival at this place [in Bourbon] I have been honored by the receipt of your despatch of the 21st ult. and would immediately return to Paris to renew my discussions with Mr. Champagny either personally, as you suggest, or by writing, had I not the next solemn conviction that any new experiment made at the present moment in either form or of official character, would certainly be futile and probably injurious."
From Mr. Pinckney to Mr. Canning.
Great Cumberland Place, 23rd Aug. 1808. Sir—I have had the honor, in consequence of the orders of the President, to recite your attention, in the course of several recent interviews, to the British Orders in Council, of the 7th of January and 11th of November, 1807, and to the various orders founded upon or in execution of them; and I now take the liberty to renew, in the mode which I have understood to be indispensable, my instances on that subject.
I need scarcely to remind you, Sir, that the government of the United States has never ceased to consider these orders as violating its rights, and effecting most destructively its interests, upon grounds wholly inadmissible both in principle and fact. The letters of Mr. Madison to Mr. Erskine, of the 20th and 29th of March, 1807, produced by the official communication of that minister of the order of the 7th of January, and the answer of Mr. Madison of the 25th of March, 1808, to a like communication of the orders of the 11th November, contained the most direct remonstrances against the system which these orders introduce and execute, and expressed the confident expectation of the President that it would not be persisted in. That expectation has not yet been fulfilled, but it has, notwithstanding, not been relinquished. The President is still persuaded that its accomplishment will result from a careful review by his Majesty's government, made in the spirit of moderation and equity, of the facts and considerations which belong to the occasion.
It is not my purpose to recapitulate in this note the statements and reasonings contained in the abovementioned letters of Mr. Madison, in support of the claim of the government of the United States, that the British orders be revoked. I content myself with referring to those letters for proofs which it is not necessary to repeat, and for arguments which I could not hope to improve.
But there are explanations which those letters do not contain, and which it is proper for me now to make—Even those, however, may be very briefly given, since you have already been made acquainted in our late conversations with all their bearings and details.
These explanations go to show, that while every motive of justice conspires to produce a disposition to recite the orders of which my government complains, it is become apparent that even their professed object will be best attained by their revocation.
I had the honor to state to you, Sir, that it was the intention of the President, in case Great Britain repealed her orders, as regarded the United States, to exercise the power vested in him by an act of the last session of Congress, [Has the title of the act is recited] by suspending the embargo law and its supplements, as it regards Great Britain.
I am authorized to give you this assurance in the most formal manner; and I trust, that upon impartial inquiry it will be found to leave no inducement to perseverance in the British orders, while it creates the most powerful inducements of equity and policy to abandon them.
On the score of justice it does not seem possible to overlook the footing upon which this overture places the subject; and I venture to believe that in any other view there is as little room for doubt.
If, as I propose, your orders should be rescinded as to the United States, and our embargo rescinded as to Great Britain, the effect of these concurrent acts will be that the commercial intercourse of the two countries will be immediately resumed; while, if France should adhere to maxima and conduct derogatory to the neutral rights of the United States, the embargo continuing as to her, will take the place of your orders, and less with an enemy not merely equal to theirs, but probably much greater, to all the consequences that ought to result from them.
On the other hand, if France should concur in respecting those rights, and commerce should thus regain its fair immunities, and the law of nations its just dominion, all the alleged purposes of the British orders will have been at once fulfilled.
If I bear to pursue these ideas through all the illustrations of which they are susceptible, it is because the personal conferences to which I have before alluded, as well as the obvious nature of the ideas themselves, render it unnecessary.
I cannot conclude this note without expressing my sincere with what I have now suggested, in conformity with the liberal sentiments and enlightened views of the President, may contribute not only to remove the more immediate obstacles to the ordinary intercourse of trade between your country and mine, in a manner consistent with the honour of both, but to prepare the way for a satisfactory adjustment of every question important to their future friendship.
I have the honour to be, &c. &c.
(Signed) WM. PINCKNEY.
Extracts of a letter from Mr. Pinckney to the Secretary of State, dated 24th September, 1808, London.
"I am now enabled to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Canning's answer, received only last night, to my note of the 23d of August. I regret extremely, that the views which I have been instructed to lay before this government, have not been met by it as I had at first been led to expect. The overture cannot fail, however, to place in a strong light the just and liberal sentiments by which our government is animated, and in other respects to be useful and honourable to our country."
FROM MR. CANNING TO MR. PINCKNEY. Foreign Office, September 23d, 1808.
The undersigned his majesty's principal Secretary of State for foreign affairs had the honor to receive the official letter addressed to him by Mr. Pinckney, minister plenipotentiary of the United States, respecting the orders in council issued by his majesty on the 7th of January, and 11th November, 1807.
He has laid that letter before the king, and he is commanded to assure Mr. Pinckney that the answer to the proposal which Mr. Pinckney was instructed to bring forward, has been deferred only in the hope that the renewed application which was understood to have been recently made by the government of the United States to that of France, might in the new state of things which has arisen in Europe, have met with such a reception in France, as would have rendered the compliance of his majesty with that proposal consistent as much with his majesty's own dignity and with the interests of his people, as it would have been with his majesty's disposition towards the United States. Unhappily there is now no longer any reason to believe such a hope is likely to be realized; and the undersigned is therefore commanded to communicate to Mr. Pinckney the decision which, under the circumstances as they stand, his majesty feels himself compelled however unwillingly, to adopt.
The mitigated measures of retaliation announced by his majesty in the orders in council of the 7th January, and the further extension of that measure (as extension in operation, but not in principle) by the orders in council of November, were founded (as has been already repeatedly avowed by his majesty) on the "unquestionable right of his majesty to retort upon the enemy the evils of his own injustice"—and upon the consideration that "if third parties incidentally suffered by these retaliatory measures, they were to seek their redress from the power by whose original aggression that retaliation was occasioned."
His majesty sees nothing in the embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question.
If considered as a measure of impartial hostility against both belligerents the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong. And his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made not to America but to France.
If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regulation which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the U. States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.
The government of the United States is not now to be informed that
the Berlin decree of Nov. 21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an attempt not merely to check, or impair the prosperity of Great Britain but utterly to annihilate her political existence, through the ruin of her commercial prosperity; that in this attempt almost all the powers of the European continent have been compelled more or less to co-operate; and that the American Embargo, though most assuredly not intended to that end, (for America can have no real interest in the subversion of the British power, and her rulers are too enlightened to act from any impulse against the real interests of their country) but by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of "the blockade of the European continent precisely at the very moment when, if the blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success."
To this universal combination, his majesty has opposed a temperate but a determined retaliation upon the enemy; trusting that a firm resistance would defeat this project, but knowing that the smallest concession would infallibly encourage a perseverance in it.
The struggle has been viewed by other powers not without an apprehension that it might be fatal to this country. The British government has not disguised from itself that the trial of such an experiment might be arduous and long; though it has never doubted of the final issue. Such as the British government confidently anticipated, has providentially arrived much sooner than could have been hoped. If "the blockade of the continent," as it has been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even before it had been well established; and if that system, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments utterly harmless and contemptible; it is nevertheless important to the highest degree to the reputation of this country, (a reputation which constitutes great part of her power) that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any concession; that not a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination and of her ability to have continued her resistance; and that no step which could even mistakenly be construed into concession should be taken on her part, whilst the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved; or while it can be a question whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not either completely failed or been unequivocally abandoned.
These considerations compel his majesty to adhere to the principles on which the orders in council of the 7th January, and the 11th November are founded, so long as France adheres to that system by which his majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified.
It is not improbable, indeed, that some alterations may be made in the orders in council, as they are at present framed; alterations calculated not to abate their spirit or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Europe, and to combine all practicable relief to neutrals, with a more severe pressure upon the enemy.
But of alterations to be made with this view only, it would be unadvised to take any advantage in the present discussion: however it might be hoped, that in their practical effect, they might prove beneficial to America, provided the operation of the embargo were not to prevent her from reaping that benefit.
It remains for the undersigned to take notice of the last paragraph of Mr. Pinckney's letter. There cannot exist on the part of Mr. Pinckney, a stronger wish than there does
on that of the undersigned and of the British government, for the adjustment of all the differences subsisting between the two countries.
His majesty has no other disposition than to cultivate the most friendly intercourse with the United States.
The undersigned is persuaded, that Mr. Pinckney would be one of the last to imagine, what is often idly asserted, that the deprivation of any other country is necessary or serviceable to the prosperity of this. The prosperity of America is essentially the prosperity of Great Britain, and the strength and power of Great Britain are not for herself only, but for the world. When those adjustments shall take place, to which the undersigned is unfortunately not practicable at this moment, nor under the conditions prescribed by Mr. Pinckney, the undersigned, nevertheless, confidently looks forward. It will perhaps be no insecure pledge, for the continuance of the good understanding between the two countries, that they will have learnt duly to appreciate each other's friendship; and that it will not hereafter be imputed to Great Britain, either on the one hand that she envies American industry as prejudicial to British commerce, or, on the other hand, that she is compelled to court an intercourse with America as absolutely necessary to her own existence.
His majesty would not hesitate to contribute, in any manner in his power, to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible to make any sacrifice, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people.
The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to observe that nothing is said in Mr. Pinckney's letter, of any intention to repeal the proclamation by which the ships of war of Great Britain are interdicted from all those rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States which are freely allowed to ships of his majesty's enemies.
The continuance of an interdiction which, under such circumstances, amounts so nearly to direct hostility, after the willingness professed, and the attempt made by his majesty, to remove the cause on which that measure had been originally founded, would afford but an inauspicious omen for the commencement of a system of mutual conciliation; and the omission of any notice of that measure in the proposal which Mr. Pinckney has been instructed to bring forward, would have been of itself a material defect in the overture of the president.
But the undersigned is commanded no further to dwell upon this subject than for the purpose of assuring Mr. Pinckney, that on this and every other point in discussion between the two governments, his majesty earnestly desires the restoration of a perfect good understanding, and that his majesty would decline no measure for the attainment of that object which should be compatible with his own honour and just rights, and with the interests of his people.
The undersigned requests Mr. Pinckney will accept the assurance of his high consideration. (Signed) GEO: CANNING.
Miscellaneous Selections.
Miranda's Expedition. —Oct. 22, lat. 22, 29, lon. 64, 20, was spoken, his B. M. ship Sabrina , Capt. Kittoe, 20 days from Carthagena , (Am.) She boarded the ship Connecticut , from Surinam , arrived at New-York ; the officers behaved with great politeness, and the captain of the Sabrina informed—That while at Carthagena , he visited the unfortunate prisoners that were taken in Miranda's expedition, and found them in a dungeon, without clothes, and but a short allowance of provisions. Those that were British subjects presented him with a petition to the commander at Jamaica , praying for some relief
Those that were Americans, gave him a list of their names, and letters to their friends, but not being able to go to Jamaica , he gave captain L. the letters, and inclosed the petition and list of names, in a letter addressed to the President of the United States, informing him of the deplorable situation in which he found those poor sufferers; adding, "I exerted all my influence to mitigate their misfortunes, but alas! without effect, they having their sentence passed at Caracas , it is from thence they must receive their reprieve."
The French privateer Beyue , of Martinique , has captured brig George , Douglass , of and from New-London for St. Lucia , & sent her into St. Pierre 28th ult. On their arrival, capt. Douglass , and all his hands, were immediately confined in a filthy prison, for 24 hours, and then discharged to wander the streets, & suffer nakedness and hunger. The Americans, in port, however, contributed to their relief.
It is a fact, that at this moment, a great majority of free, native Americans are Federalists ; and it is believed, there never was a time, when this was not the case. The present democratic leaders originally got into power and have kept in, by the influence of foreign votes. The Irish, Scotch, and German aliens are so numerous, and so clamorous in the middle States, as to be able to vote down the real American Candidates. Had not this been the case, neither Pennsylvania, New-York, or New-Jersey would ever have been Democratic. In the states of Virginia, Carolinas, and Georgia an enormous accession is made to the Democratic interest, by the number of Slaves . Take away from these States the votes which they give in consequence of holding slaves, and take from the middle states the votes given in those states by aliens , and the principles of FEDERALISM and of WASHINGTON would be supported, by a large majority of the votes of the whole Union. These facts will be apparent to any one, who will make the computation.
Thus then the AMERICAN PEOPLE ARE FEDERAL: and if they were at liberty to choose a Government for themselves, it would be a Federal Government.—N. H. Oracle.
To the American People.—If you wish to see to what lengths the Administration may go to gratify their malignant hatred of England, read the columns of the Baltimore Whig , a paper solely devoted to Democracy & France . "Consecrate every cent's worth of British property in our country," is the disgraceful plan proposed in the Whig . "Let it be a capital offence to violate the Embargo." "If it be raised, let WAR BE DECLARED AGAINST ENGLAND," says the same paper. If such be the sentiments of the administration, can they be those of the American people? Will they submit to it? Will they be forced into a ruinous and UNNECESSARY war? How are we to fight?—On the Ocean?—Where is our force? If on land, who will come here to harm us?
FEDERALISM OF RHODE ISLAND.
PROVIDENCE, Nov. 18.
On Wednesday, the election of Electors of President and Vice-President was held in this State. The issue has terminated in the glorious triumph of federalism and genuine republicanism. The whole host of democracy was called into action—the most infamous falsehoods were by them industriously circulated throughout the state; but the good sense of the people could not be imposed upon by such base slander. We have received verbal intelligence from all the towns in the State, except New Shoreham; the result of which is, that the true American ticket has prevailed by a majority of about 400.
MEXICO. It is stated in a letter from Havana, that the Vice Roy of Mexico had been seized by the people, and committed to prison on suspicion of cherishing an undue attachment to the French government.
FROM ST. DOMINGO.
A gentleman who left Port au Prince 12th Oct. informs that an internal warfare is still carried on in that Island, between the rival chiefs, Petion and Christophe .—The former marched from Port au Prince about the middle of Sept. with an army of 8,000 men, to attack St. Marks and Cape Francois , which were in possession of Christophe ; the last accounts left Petion within a few miles of St. Marks and several partial engagements had taken place.—Nearly 2,000 fugitive Frenchmen had arrived in the different parts of St. Domingo , from Cuba , since the change of affairs in that Island, but they had been ordered by Gen. Petion to leave St. Domingo .
Dueling. —On Saturday evening 19th inst. there arose a dispute between Capt. Robert Mann and Capt. William Knight, both of New-York, the latter late Master of the brig Eliza of New-York, and just arrived from Portland, the result of the affair is, that Capt. Knight has received a ball through his right thigh, and Capt. Mann dangerously wounded in the body.

NEW DRAFT!
First Quarter, at Boston, 12th Nov 1808. GENERAL ORDERS, For a Detachment of the MILITIA, for the SERVICE of the UNITED STATES.
The President of the United States, having, by virtue of an act of Congress, passed on the 30th day of March, 1808, entitled, "An act authorizing a Detachment from the Militia of the United States," required the Commander in Chief to detach from the Militia of this Commonwealth 1000 men, officers included, to be organized, armed, and equipped, according to law, and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning, for the actual service of the United States.
The Adjutants will be required to inspect the Men detached from the several local Companies, with their arms and equipments, at the time when they are to be detached, if possible; and they will make returns thereof to their Commanding Officers, who will collect and arrange them into Company Rolls, preparatory to their general organization into Battalions and Regiments.
A Detachment of nearly the same number of Men having been made within the last two years, it is to be presumed, that the detachment now called for, can be carried into effect in much less time, and with more accuracy than formerly. The Commander in Chief conceives that if the Officers will be active, the whole may be completed, and the returns made, within a few weeks from the date hereof; but in order to accomplish this, every officer must, as soon as he receives the orders, immediately execute them; and lose no time until the part of the duty required of him shall be entirely fulfilled, and the object perfected.
There will be detached from the 1st Division, 1010 men, officers included, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and 2 Companies of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 847
Cavalry - - - 69
Artillery - - - 103-1010
From the 2d Division, 1040 men, officers included, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and 2 Companies of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 849
Cavalry - - - 44
Artillery - - - 147-1040
From the 3d Division, 865 men, officers included, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and 2 Companies of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 691
Cavalry - - - 70
Artillery - - - 104-865
From the 4th Division, 1102 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—2 Companies of Cavalry, and 2 Companies of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 854
Cavalry - - - 106
Artillery - - - 112-1102
From the 5th Division, 1530 men, including officers, to form 2 Regiments, each of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 1398
Cavalry - - - 69
Artillery - - - 72-1530
From the 6th Division, 1710 men, including officers, to form 2 Regiments, each of 2 Battalions of Infantry—2 Companies of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 1536
Cavalry - - - 92
Artillery - - - 82-1710
From the 7th Division, 1070 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—2 Companies of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 874
Cavalry - - - 112
Artillery - - - 84-1070
From the 8th Division, 752 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and half a Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 688
Cavalry - - - 40
Artillery - - - 24-752
From the 9th Division, 511 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—1 Company of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 409
Cavalry - - - 48
Artillery - - - 54-511
From the 10th Division, 628 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—half a Company of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 547
Cavalry - - - 23
Artillery - - - 58-628
From the 11th Division, 700 men, including officers, to form 1 Regiment of 2 Battalions of Infantry—half a Company of Cavalry, and 1 Company of Artillery.
Infantry - - - 647
Cavalry - - - 24
Artillery - - - 60-700
WM. DONNISON, Ad. Gen.
Tenth Congress... 2d Session.
In SENATE, Nov. 11. MR. SMITH [of Maryland] submitted for consideration:
That a Committee be appointed to inquire whether amendments are necessary to the United States Militia laws.—This motion was taken up the next day, agreed to and Messrs. Smith, Sumner and Bradley appointed.
Mr. Giles [of Virginia] moved, That the subject of the EMBARGO LAWS be referred to a select committee, with instructions to report what further measures may be now necessary to enforce a due observance thereof during their continuance; and what modifications thereof may be expedient at this time.
Mr. Lloyd [of Massachusetts] moved, that the President of the U. S. be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate, a statement of the vessels which have departed from the U. S. with permission, between Dec. 22, 1807, and Sept. 30, 1808, specifying the names of the vessels and their owners—the size of the vessels, the date of their clearance, the ports or places for which they were destined, and the amount authorized to be brought back to the U. S. in each of such vessels.—This motion was agreed to.
MONDAY, NOV. 14. On motion of Mr. White [of Delaware] copies were requested of the Orders, &c. passed by the belligerent nations since 1791.
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 15. Mr. Bradley [of Vermont] moved the commitment of that part of the President's message which relates to the Barbary powers, and the unjustifiable proceedings of the Bey of Algiers towards the American Consul.—Committed to Messrs. Bradley, Giles and Smith. The motion for the repeal of the EMBARGO LAWS was ordered to be considered on Monday.
THURSDAY, NOV. 17. Mr. White [of Delaware] offered for consideration the following:
Resolved, That the President of the U. S. be requested to cause to be laid before the Senate, as far as he may deem consistent with the public safety, the reasons that have induced the late call upon the respective states, to have their quota of 100,000 militia drafted, equipped, and to be ready to march at a moment's warning; and the service on which it is apprehended there may be a necessity of employing them.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, NOV. 14.
A petition was read, praying the United States to subscribe for the vacant shares in a scheme of inland Navigation in the interior of S. Carolina. Committed.
A resolution passed on the subject of authorizing the President to augment the number of public seamen.
The number in service at present, is 1400.
Mr. Mumford [of New-York] moved the following:
Resolved, That the EMBARGO LAWS of the United States be so far repealed, as to allow the ships and vessels of the United States to depart with their cargoes, for those countries not subject to the decrees of France, or those subject to the British orders in council. Committed.
Mr. M. stated his object to be, to inquire into the propriety of opening our trade with those countries not subject to the orders and decrees of England and France, viz. Spain, and the Spanish colonies, Portugal, and her colonies; China, and the native ports in India; Russia, Denmark, &c. Are not Russia and Denmark at war with England? Sweden, and her island of St. Barto; the Barbary coast; and the island of Hayti.
A committee was directed to report on the expediency of authorizing the President to increase the Revenue Cutters.
Several local matters were disposed of; when Mr. Chittenden observed, that as several gentlemen had wished him to postpone agitating his motion for the repeal of the Embargo laws, he would waive calling it up. Adjourned.
TUESDAY, NOV. 15, 1808.
Mr. Sawyer [of North-Carolina] proposed the following Resolution:
Resolved, That it is expedient for the United States to open a communication and trade with the West-Indies generally.
Mr. Sawyer followed his motion with a number of observations.—He was not in favour of an unqualified repeal of the Embargo laws; nor was he friendly to the total non-intercourse scheme of the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Eppes). He thought our best policy might be found in a medium between the two. In the first place, the orders of council, which were, he supposed, a principal cause of those latter resolutions, do not effect our West-India trade; and unless that trade come under the cause which very properly influenced the gentleman in his intention of suppressing our foreign trade, he could not see the necessity of its being included in its effect. He would mention one fact, of serious importance, which was the very great amount of revenue which we derive from that quarter. By recurring to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of November last, it would be found that almost one half our revenue arose from that trade. [He here read the report, enumerated the different articles with their relative amount, the aggregate of which was 7,802,195 dls.] Whether it would be prudent or wise in us to give up this large sum, to dry up this genial current, at a time when it was so much required to support the body politic under its accumulating
ills was certainly a serious question. To these considerations of a general nature, which he trusted would have some weight with the House, he added another particular reason, which had very great weight with him for introducing this resolution. The district he had the honor to represent, was engaged exclusively in this trade. Their staple article, viz. lumber, was calculated for no other market. [This is very much the case with that interesting portion of Massachusetts, the District of Maine]—Vast piles of that article had been accumulating, in the hands of our merchants, in payment of their accounts as in ordinary cases, under a supposition that some opportunity might offer of making their usual shipments, by which means alone would they be enabled to comply with their engagement. If this opportunity were now denied them, inevitable ruin must overtake a considerable portion, and infinite injury the whole of them, as their creditors would see no motives for farther indulgence, but would fall upon them, and the hard earnings of an active life would be wrested from them for comparatively inconsiderable claims. This would induce the merchant to heap upon his customers a share of the evils which he felt himself. He therefore felt some solicitude for the fate of his resolution.
This Mr. Sawyer was one of the members who last year voted all hollow for the Embargo laws. The evidence he laments as felt in North-Carolina are experienced in New-England in a tenfold degree; we have not only vast piles of lumber, lying rotting; but immense piles of fish; immense fleets of merchantmen; vast piles of pot and pearl ashes, and other produce to an extent which to behold would excite the liveliest feelings of the constituents of Mr. S. Can he then—Can his political friends, be surprised at the complaints of New-England against the measures which threaten her ruin; or that she essays every constitutional method in her power to avoid them?
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 16 1808.
A petition was read from thirty-six Americans, confined at Carthagena, (S. A.) who having been beguiled into Miranda's expedition, were captured by the Spaniards, and imprisoned.—They detailed their sufferings, and pray the constituted authorities to take measures to restore them to liberty. Committed.
A bill to take from the Governors of the Territories, the power of proroguing or dissolving their legislatures, was presented, discussed, and ordered for to-morrow.
A bill passed authorizing the transportation, by mail, of the President's message, and documents.
Mr. Randolph offered a motion to allow members of Congress to transmit and receive any papers and documents on public service, free of postage. Committed.
EMBARGO LAWS.
Mr. Chittenden, called up his resolution for the repeal of the Embargo Laws.—The call was negatived.—Ayes 51.
Mr. Cook [of Ms.] moved, that the citizens of the U. S. be authorized by law to arm, and equip their merchant vessels, to defend them against French and British cruisers which may molest or attack them when bound to any port or place not actually invested or blockaded.
A memorial from Dutchess county, N. Y. for the removal of the Embargo was committed.
Mr. Livermore presented petitions from between 4 and 5000 persons, praying the repeal of the Embargo laws.—These petitions arrested attention.—Mr. Williams of S. C. called for the reading of one of the paragraphs twice; which he said he could not understand.—They were all referred.—A motion to print them was negatived.
Mr. Macon [of North-Carolina] after a number of observations on the situation of our foreign affairs, in which he endeavored to prove, that "War, Embargo, or submission" were the only alternatives left to our country; and that the latter was wholly out of the question, moved the following Resolutions:
Resolved, That a committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of excluding by law from the waters of the U. S. all armed vessels belonging to any power having in force Orders or Decrees violating the lawful commerce of the U. S. as a nation.
Also, That the committee inquire into the expediency of prohibiting by law the admission into any part of the U. S. any vessels belonging to or coming from any place in the possession of any of the above mentioned powers; and also the importation of any goods, produce or manufacture of the dominions of any of the said powers.
Resolved, That the same committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of amending the Embargo laws.
Some debate on the disposal of this new set of Resolutions took place.
Mr. Quincy wished the last to be considered separately.—He had, he said, no wish to avoid a discussion of the whole subject, for he wished for nothing so much as that the House would permit a discussion in committee of the whole.—[Mr. Macon consented.]—Mr. Q. said he wished to press a discussion on the subject of the Embargo, as a general sentiment had prevailed in the northern part of the Union, that the Embargo would be immediately raised.—He wished, instead of postponing the subject from day to day, that an end would be put to the doubt which now existed on the subject.
Mr. Chittenden again called up his Resolution for the repeal of the Embargo Laws. Mr. Quincy called for the Yeas and Nays, on the motion to go into committee of the whole on the subject—which was determined in the negative: Yeas 56, Nays 58. We perceive the names of Cuts and Daley are among those who voted against this measure.—Mr. Cook, so famed for statesmanship in his political character, prudently took himself off!
By the Scales.
From the United States Gazette.
POLITICAL REVIEW.
We have now the president's message, and such parts of the correspondence as he has been pleased to communicate. At this epocha we have been flattering ourselves with a relief from our cruel and oppressed situation, or at least a prospect of being restored within some reasonable time to our commercial and maratine rights—but, alas, it turns out, that we have indeed been flattering ourselves, for nothing real opens to our view. At home the prospect is more gloomy, impene-trable and hopeless than it has yet appeared. Abroad more complex, difficult and critical than at any former period. With such weakness and wickedness have the administrators of our government conducted the affairs of the country, that they can neither advance, recede, nor maintain their actual position.
This deplorable and perilous situation cannot, however, excite much astonishment in the reflecting intelligent mind; it will there be viewed as the natural result of the vice and folly which has obviously prevailed in every measure of our executive for some time past. Previous to their really attempting any thing for the good of the country they are sure by some faux pas of their own to have rendered the particular measure impracticable.
Thus in the affair of the Chesapeake the only condition of the proffered reparation was a removal of the proclamation; now that document having been founded on a number of complaints, of which the ostensible one involved less difficulty perhaps, than any other, it was evident that the proclamation could not be recalled, upon a single complaint being satisfied, without yielding up the other subjects. This difficulty although obviously insurmountable they attempted to get over by slight of hand, that being run through, nothing was done, the legerdemain was however successfully practised upon the public, which answered the present purpose.
Again with respect to the British orders in Council, our minister at the court of St. James were apprized on the promulgation of the Berlin decree, that the English ministry considered themselves bound to retaliate upon their enemies the violent injustice of that measure, and this object could only be reached through the same medium as that adopted by the French, namely, neutral commerce, unless those neutrals resisted this invasion of their commercial rights. No such resistance was made on the part of the United States, and after waiting till the said Berlin decree was carried into rigorous execution Great Britain issued her orders of council, and the United States resorted to an embargo.
In this situation which yielded to Great Britain a monopoly of the commerce of the world, and reduced us to a self destroying inactivity, has things remained for near a twelve month, when behold this embargo, which was not only to cure the orders of council but to be the nepenthe of all our political pains, proves to be wholly inefficacious, and to use a homely phrase, literally goes a begging through Europe.
To Bonaparte it is proposed to wield it with all its horrors against his enemies if he will but repeal his Berlin decree, to which a threatening admonition [to say no more about it] is returned. To Great Britain a similar proposition has been tendered, if she will only rescind her orders in council; but so completely has this diplomatic weapon lost all potency, that the proposition is scarcely entertained with a decent gravity, and as, if to add to the mortification of a refusal, we are informed by Mr. Jefferson that his offer is substantially to assume the very attitude which our declining to assume in the outset gave occasion to the issuing of the orders.
From this view of the subject, the correctness of which admits of no question, it is hardly possible to conceive of any situation more truly contemptible than the one into which we are brought. After languishing for almost a year under the intolerable grievance of an embargo, we now, in order to relieve ourselves from a continuance of its evils, meanly solicit permission to adopt the policy, which if embraced at the proper time, would have secured our government from all present embarrassments, this permission is sarcastically denied us.
Let it not astonish any one to hear it said, that the proposition is made for the purpose of disengaging us with some countenance from the embargo, in every other point of view it is prejudicial to our honour and interests, to our honor most obviously by acknowledging our error and retracing our steps; to our interests by all the value and importance of the French and Dutch colonies which are free under the British orders but occluded under the terms of the proposition.
STARVING THE ENGLISH ISLANDS!
The following are extracts of letters from two mercantile houses of the first respectability, in Antigua, dated 12th and 15th October—received by a gentleman of Baltimore.
"This island has not suffered much in consequence of the embargo. From the Western Islands we have had many vessels, chiefly with corn, and very fine potatoes and onions—And from Nova-Scotia and New-Brunswick, abundance of dry and pickled fish, independent of large cargoes of flour, rye meal, and almost every other kind of provisions that America produces. In addition, the planters have become farmers—The quantities of potatoes, yams, eddoos, and corn, that they have planted, and from which they have had ample and unexpected returns, have afforded them a source of supplies totally unexpected. From Canada not one barrel of flour has been received, but from England several thousands. Superfine retails now at 20 dollars. We have had every vessel from St. Michaels consigned to us, two ships, two brigs and a schooner, and the corn has averaged about two and a half dollars per bushel. If Great Britain would only get two or three of the Western Islands, and cultivate the corn with British industry and capital, the American farmers would have to repent the embargo. In war the British convoy, that comes out half loaded, could fill up at St. Michael, and in peace the returning ships would never come out empty."
From another house under date of 15th. "We have never been seriously in want of provisions; supplies reach us from various new quarters, and it is pretty confidently believed we can do without the United States of America. Many wish, that they may not be permitted to come to our islands in future, and people are completely assured we can never be starved into measures, whatever we may grant in good will, or in consequence of America being a good customer."
"Flour is now retailing at twenty dollars for fresh Baltimore, and it has seldom been higher than twenty-three. Of this article we have seldom been a fortnight with it even scarce."
"In about two months, provisions will be very abundant, so much more has been planted this year than on former occasions; and on the raising of your embargo, it will be highly imprudent to ship much to the West Indies, for you may depend much money will be sunk thereby."—North American.
A CURIOUS CIRCUMSTANCE.
Mr. Madison, in his letter of instruction to Mr. Pinckney, of the 22d of March last, gives this direction:
"It is to be understood, that whilst the insult offered in the attack on the American frigate remains unexpiated, you are not to pledge or commit your government to consider a recall of the orders as a ground on which the removal of the existing restrictions on the commerce of the United States with Great Britain, may be justly expected."
Mr. Canning, in his note to Mr. Pinckney, intimates, that while ever the American proclamation which was founded on the attack upon the frigate Chesapeake continues in force, that a system of mutual conciliation can never be agreed on.
"The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to observe, that nothing is said in Mr. Pinckney's letter, of any intention to repeal the proclamation by which the ships of war of G. Britain are interdicted from all those rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States, which are freely allowed to the ships of his majesty's enemies."
From the footing upon which the affair of the Chesapeake and the President's proclamation was placed by Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, we know of no mode in which the difference can be adjusted. England having disavowed the attack upon the Chesapeake, and refusing to make reparation until the proclamation is revoked, and our government positively refusing to rescind the proclamation until atonement be made, we know of nothing which can form the basis of a compromise in the present state of affairs.—Balt. Fed. Rep.

By the ship Spartan , from the Havanna, we learn that a convoy of 50 sail of English vessels were recently expected from London. The ship Comet , Dixey, from Philadelphia, arrived here in distress, pumps continually at work. She was condemned as unseaworthy. Her cargo sold for about 73,000 dollars. Without undergoing any material repairs, she took a cargo for Old Spain. She belongs to the celebrated Danl. Clark, of New Orleans, to which place she was ostensibly bound. R. Keene was generally reputed there the author of the spurious intercepted letter from Talleyrand to Mr. Jefferson. He was generally detested by the Americans at Havana, and left there a day or two before the letter was made public in an English Hermaphrodite brig . The St. Lorenzo , ship of the line, was to sail as convoy for Old Spain about the 4th instant. Flour from 50 to 55 dollars per bbl. The ship Boyne , and other ships from Charleston had just arrived. The Spaniards seem much exasperated against us, on account of the embargo.— Balt. Amer.
A letter received last evening from a private gentleman at Washington, inclines us to believe, that a Non-Intercourse will be the resort of our government; that our ministers will be recalled from England and France; that a general retrenchment of our expenses will be made in the salaries of executive officers; and that during the non-intercourse many of the custom-house officers will be dispensed with.— Balt. Whig
The property saved from the American ships burnt at sea, it is said is to undergo trial in France . What mockery! Our Minister demanded whether the French Government authorised the burning of our vessels? But we do not find any answer was given to the demand.
In a Savannah democratic paper of the 3d inst. we see advertised eight hundred defaulters of the Tax Returns for 1808 , for that city! If it is wished foreign nations should not know the Embargo effects us, such advertisements should not be inserted.
Portland, Monday, November 23, 1808.
In the present dearth of foreign intelligence, it would afford us much satisfaction, if we had any thing of a favorable nature to communicate as to our domestic affairs.
Previous to the late elections for members of Congress, the leaders of the democratic party promised the people, that as soon as Congress should be in session, the embargo would be repealed, and that we should again be permitted to exercise our commercial privileges.
This, like all the democratic professions, has proved a falsehood. By the late accounts from Washington, we can expect no relief. The present restrictions on our commerce are to be continued, with the addition of others, still more severe, as respects the coasting trade.
Having secured a majority of democrats, in the next Congress, and the election of Mr. Madison, as our next President, our rulers appear determined to persist in their ruinous measures. New-England, particularly this part of it, will be doomed to experience the heaviest of sufferings. And a majority of our leading democratic rulers seem resolved to involve us in the complicated evils of WAR and POVERTY at the same time.
Extract of a letter from Washington, dated Nov. 17, 1808.
DEAR SIR, The ministerialists oppose the discussion of the resolutions for raising the embargo, and wish to keep it off until they make sure of the election of Mr. Madison; after which they intend to adopt measures for more rigorously enforcing it. If the good people of the commercial states, do not believe by this time, that the destruction of their commerce is resolved upon [especially after reading the speech of Mr. Madison] I know not what evidence will be sufficient to convince them.—Had they believed what has been told them by the friends of the commerce of our country, and elected Clinton for President, we might have saved our constitution and commerce, from the destruction which awaits both.—We now find one hundred thousand militia are to be detached and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning—for what?—to enforce the embargo laws!
Who would have thought at the adoption of the constitution, that so soon as the year 1808, Congress would pass laws so injurious and obnoxious to the citizens, that it would be necessary to detach and hold in readiness 100,000 militia to enforce them? Who would have thought, that under the power given to "regulate trade," Congress would assume the right to destroy it? For this in effect is the embargo.—Is not this a military despotism? or leading directly to it. I wish the people seriously to consider. It is true they are called by the imposing name
of militia—but are they not to be detached, and under military command—and when embodied are to be armed, equipped, and paid and supported? Are they not to be under the discipline of officers selected, because they are known to be such as can be relied upon? They are then a complete regular standing army , and may be used for the purpose of despotism in as absolute a manner as Bonaparte's conscripts, who are but detached militia, and held in readiness to march at a moment's warning.
Can there be any doubt of what this army are to do? There is no enemy near our borders or approaching—at least we have no information of any.
But it will be said they are only "to enforce the laws."—So said Bonaparte —and so said Augustus Cesar , when he simply reserved to himself the power of enforcing the laws. And so will any other good republican say when he wishes to subvert the liberties of his country. History informs us what system grew out of this resolution of Cesar —and we all know what has sprung from the power given to the First Consul of France to execute the laws with a military force.
And from the apparent disposition of the dominant party, there can be little doubt, that the power of enforcing the embargo laws in a most rigorous manner, will be given to Mr. Madison, should he be President—but more of this hereafter. Your's, &c.—U. S. Gaz.
The resolutions offered in Congress by Mr. Macon—his denunciation of the distressed petitioners against the embargo as " wicked and abandoned men ," as " the most profligate part of the community ," have excited a strong and alarming sensation.—These have proceeded from no common character: Mr. Macon has age and long experience; he is considered the Nestor of his party, has been considerably respected even by his political opponents, has been repeatedly elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, and shares largely in the executive confidence; from him therefore nothing rash or hasty can be supposed to proceed—nothing which is not the result of reflection, of deliberation, and of consultation: his propositions may be considered as emanating from a high source, and his denunciations may be expected to be followed with executive vengeance. Who dares now to exercise the poor privileges of complaining—who dares to lay a petition at the foot of the throne, may expect to be accused before the august Assembly of the Nation, as wicked, abandoned, and profligate ! What then is poor New-England to hope for?—deprived of her commerce, the very means of her existence—forbid, almost, to petition—and threatened with measures still severer, to bind her down to submission! "We cannot repress the most fearful apprehensions (says the N. Y. Comm. Advertiser on this subject) that, should such measures be adopted, they will rouse an internal commotion, which will shake the union to its centre."— Salem Gaz.
The Embargo. —We forebore to speculate in our last on this deadly incubus, which has for more than ten months past, stopped the life blood of the nation, because we expected the subject would immediately occupy the attention of the national legislature; and that we should soon have the satisfaction to announce by an official bulletin the restoration of the country's health, or the continuation without hope, of the dreadful disease. We find ourselves disappointed. For by what we can learn from the capitol, we are induced to believe that the utility of this measure is not likely soon to be decided in that house. The business will undoubtedly be taken up, and the subject debated for many days in committee of the whole, and in the house, but no decision will be taken. Eleven months is not quite sufficient to try the efficacy of an experiment planned and executed by one of the first philosophers and projectors now existing. We must bear it a few days longer—perhaps a few years—or may be a few centuries. It is true that men, possessed of mere common sense only, have long since declared the measure weak, foolish and futile, and have pronounced it one of those wise projects, which, though they loom mightily in theory, make but a sorry appearance in practice. It is also whispered that even our wise men of Gotham , are now convinced that the thing will not work, and that they would be heartily glad to be fairly rid of it. But how to get rid of it, is the question. If it is taken off & nothing placed in the room of it, it will be a tacit acknowledgement that there was no reason for laying it; and the clamours of the federalists will appear to be well founded. Besides, a great man, though he may acquiesce in the will of the people which he can no longer control, will be obliged to go into mourning for the departed honour of his fore fathers ! Under all the considerations we may reasonably calculate that the embargo will not soon be raised. Indeed were it in
the power of great men to keep it on, we should be satisfied that it would be a century at least. Their doctrine is, that it ought to lie until the commencement of the millennium—until all mankind shall become righteous, and the lion and the lamb shall lie down together. While human passions exist there will be commotions among mankind;—the embargo must therefore continue; for if we poke a paw from under our shell while the nations are at war, we may chance to get a rap over the knuckles. Such are the arguments of great wise men; but people of only common intellects are puzzled to understand them, and it is doubtful if they will be ruled by them. They cannot see the propriety of shutting themselves up intirely, because a petulant neighbour or too have declared they shall not come near the territories which these mad fools have doomed to destruction. They despise the idea of cutting off the nose for fear the great toe nail might be pinched. And though the fine spun arguments of philosophers may be right, it is more than probable the coarse homespun practice of common sense will prevail.— Wash. Fed.
"Mas poor country! Almost afraid to know itself..."
What can be the reason of the procrastination so evident at the Capitol? Why are the labourers of the great national vineyard idle in the market-place? Why do the political surgeons abandon their duty when the body politic is perishing, and the nation is bleeding at every pore? Are our representatives waiting for a secret message from the president to make known to them his will, or are they afraid to enquire into the state of our degraded country?—have our law makers produced a monster which they dare not themselves attack? Is the embargo so frightful that the fathers of it dare not agitate it?—Negociation, says the sapient Smith, is at an end; why then continue the embargo? As a war measure it is worse than useless, why then distress the country with it any longer?— Id.
Detached Militia. —Orders have been issued by his Excellency the Governor of this Commonwealth, for an immediate detachment of 10,920 men, including officers, to be holden in readiness to march at a moment's warning for actual service.—For particulars, see General Orders , published in the preceding page.
The quota of Virginia, says the Centinel , is 10,198 men—more than 700 less than Massachusetts; yet Virginia has a representation in Congress of five members more than Massachusetts. A motion has been made in the Senate, for information of the immediate cause of the requisition and the probable destination of the men.
FALSE ALARM!
We notice a paragraph published in a southern paper, insinuating that Portland is in a state of insurrection. The declaration undoubtedly originated with some vile miscreant of this town—some satellite of the embargo, who wishes to see the town filled with an armed force, that he may rejoice over the annihilation of commerce. Many of the democrats in this town, say, there ought to be a regiment stationed here, to keep the citizens under. We have ever disapproved of the evasions of the embargo laws, and swearing out of jail; but a few instances of this kind, ought not to subject the innocent to reproach.
Documents, &c. —We have this day commenced the publication of a series of important Documents, lately communicated by the President of the United States to Congress. The insertion of them will be continued, as we find room, until completed. An attentive perusal of their contents, is the best and most effectual method of discovering the motives which have actuated our government in pursuing a policy tending so immediately to undermine the main pillars of our national prosperity. We were in hopes that a development of the correspondence between the Secretary of State, and also between Mr. Armstrong & the French Minister, would wipe away the stigma of French Influence , which had been so repeatedly applied to them. But we lament to state, that a perusal of them, instead of satisfying us of the impartiality of our government relative to foreign nations, has tended more than any thing, to convince us to the contrary—and we are persuaded they will flash conviction in the face of the most incorrigible jacobins also—that our councils are indeed directed by an " unseen hand !"—If we would avert the evils which a predilection for the murderer of the old world, driving triumphantly the car of death over slaughtered millions, and waging war with the whole human race, is sure to bring up
on us—we must avail ourselves of our elective franchise, and thereby counteract the machinations insidiously employed to overwhelm our liberties.
Presidential Electors. —Last Tuesday's Palladium contains the observations of Mr. CUTLER , of the House of Representatives in the Legislature of this Commonwealth, from North-Yarmouth, demonstrating, in a clear and comprehensive manner, the rectitude and fairness of that mode of procedure in choosing the Electors which has been pursued by the Legislature. Altho' the correctness of their proceedings is seen and admitted by the candid and rational, even of the democratic party; still, there are among us, those who gladly avail themselves of any pretence, to rouse the passions of the people, and mislead their judgment, whenever an occasion offers:—To counteract which, we regret that it is not in our power to give further publicity to Mr. Cutler's observations.
COMMUNICATED.
RHYMING REGISTER:
OR, News from the Province.
Although in many parts of York, Especially in Wells, And in the country round Pigwack- et, "the embargo tells,"—
Still Indian Island sends its chief, Lord of some logs and huts: But yet his vassals, to their grief, Will find the embargo CUTTS.
But there was found in life and limb, In Cumberland, "a fit man"— "A lawyer every inch of him— "A patriot every WHIT, MAN!"
They've such a mess of rotten fish With such a smell and look, If Lincoln-men prefer the dish, They're welcome to their COOK.
Now up and down the Kennebec The "squatters" melt the ice, And every democratic "spock" Is changed in a T—RICE!
Notwithstanding the corrupt source from whence we derive the following information, it may nevertheless be correct In a few days we shall probably be in possession of all the facts: therefore in giving place to this we neither assert it to be true, nor aver it be otherwise.
"By several gentlemen from the Eastward, we learn that a British armed Schooner landed a number of men on an island near Castine, where a quantity of Flour had been deposited, over which a guard was placed by the Collector. The Englishmen fired upon the guard, KILLED one man, by the name of LAURENS, and sunk him in the stream; took another Prisoner, & carried off the FLOUR!—Upon information given to the Collector, he employed a vessel and a number of Volunteers, who failed in pursuit of the Englishmen, and found them at anchor in Fox Island-thorofare, (so called). The Englishmen instantly cut their cables and crouded all sail; but were soon overhauled, vessel and crew taken, and carried into Castine—where they were under examination on Friday last, when our informant left that place."— Argus .
Married,
In Philadelphia, Capt. Wm. A. Murray, of the U. S. Army, to Miss Francis Irwin. In Concord, (N. H.) Mr. Smith Bachelder, of Brunswick, (Me.) to Miss Sophia Bradley. In Boston, Hon. Theodore Sedgwick, of Stockbridge, (Mass.) to Miss Penelope Russell, of the former place. In Dover, (N. H.) Capt. William Coffin, of Saco, to Miss Susannah Tabbets. In Waterborough, Mr. Archibald Smith, of Alfred, to Miss Lydia Haynes. In Brunswick, Mr. Hugh Craford, to the amiable Miss Mary Wilder. In Kennebec, Mr. Benjamin Titcomb, jr. to Miss Polly Waterhouse—Mr. Jos. Gooch, aged 50, to Miss Eleanor Hatch, aged 19.
Died,
In Frankfort, near Philadelphia, on the 14th inst. Capt. Stephen Decatur, Sen.—a patriot of '76. In Georgetown, Rev. Henry Martin, at. 26. In Orland, Mrs. Lucy Carpenter, aged 56. In Madison, Mr. Daniel Jones, aged 23. In Berwick, Mrs. Phebe Lord, aged 53. At Henuiker, Mr. Stephen Hardy, aged 65 years. He dropped down in the field, while at work, and expired immediately. In Hampstead, the Hon. John Calfe, Esq., in the 68th year of his age; for 23 years Clerk of the House of Representatives of N. Hampshire. In Bristol, (R. I.) of an apoplectic shock, Jacob Greene, Esq. of Coventry, R. I. aged 69; brother of the late Gen. Nathl. Greene. In Newburyport, Rev. Thomas Cary, A. M. Senior Pastor of the First Religious Society in that place, in the 64th year of his age, and the 4th of his Pastoral Relation.
Chance for 10,000 Dollars. TICKET , and QUARTERS , in Bayfield Bridge Lottery , for sale by ISAAC ADAMS. No. 28.
WILLIAM SWAN, No. 3, Union-Row, Middle-Street, HAS just received an additional stock of FRESH SEASONABLE GOODS, making a general assortment; together with his usual supply of W. I. GOODS & GROCERIES, Which will be sold at reduced prices, and on favorable terms.—Also, 30 b b of Southern Cotton, suitable for retailing. Portland, Nov. 28.
JUST received from Philadelphia, and for sale by Robert Stover, at his store, No. 9, Ingraham's Wharf — 2500 bushels Yellow Corn, A quantity of superfine and fine Flour, in whole and half barrels; 40 bbls. Tar, A quantity of manufactured Tobacco, Segars, Flax, &c. A few bbls. mels Pork. Nov. 28.
NEW GOODS.
Joseph Maxwell, INFORMS the public that he has received, and now offers for sale, a quantity of Cotton and Woolen Goods, together with an extensive assortment of GROCERIES, too numerous to particularize. The above Goods will be sold very cheap, &c. &c. &c. Portland, Nov. 28.
Charles & John Fox, Nos. 4 & 5, South side Long-Wharf. HAVE for sale, 6 tons Bolt Iron, different sizes, 1000 lbs. Plough Share Moulds, Calks 4d, 6d, 8d, and 10d Cut Nails, Fipes American Gin, superior quality, Chelts Hylon Tea, do. do. Barrels clear and navy mels Pork, Which they offer on very liberal terms.
Wanted—A new milch COW—enquire as above (6w) Nov. 28.
LIME. David Pease, Has for sale, 200 cases new burnt Thomaston stone Lime Nov. 28. (6w)
Dancing School.
ROBERT ANSART respectfully informs the inhabitants of Portland, that he intends opening a School, on Tuesday, the 18th of December next, at Mr. Grafton's Hall, in Middle Street, for the purpose of instructing young Ladies and Gentlemen in the art of Dancing.—Those who wish to favor Mr. A. with their tuition, will please to call at the Maine Fire and Marine Insurance Office, where a subscription paper is left. Days of tuition: Tuesdays and Thursdays, from 6 o'clock, P. M. until 9. Terms—Three dollars entrance, and six dollars per quarter. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
LAST NOTICE.
THOSE persons indebted to the late firm of INGRAHAM & GOOLD , are hereby notified, to call and settle the same, at their Counting Room on Ingraham's Wharf, by or before the 1st day of January next; for at that time all their demands will be left with a Lawyer, for collection. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
NOTICE!
LEFT at the house of Stephen Tukey , in Federal Street, two velvet Spencers.—The owners may have them again by proving property and paying charges. Nov. 28.
FOR SALE,
AT the shop of the publisher, next door east of Maj. Buraham's Tavern, a handsome assortment of SLAYS and HARNESS , superior to any that has been manufactured in this part of the country. All kinds of Slay-work and Painting done at the shortest notice. All the above articles done at a reduced price. BENJ: RICHARDSON. N. B. Slays and Harnesses, to be let by the month, week, or day, at the above shop, and constant attendance given. Nov. 28.
STRAY COW.
STRAYED from the subscriber, on the 15th inst. a middling sized Red and White COW, about six or seven years old, marked on one horn (N. C.) on the other (1808)—Whoever may have found said Cow, and will return her to the subscriber, or give information to that she may be obtained, shall be rewarded for the same, by NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Nov. 28.
THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of EBENEZER PARKER ,
late of Cape Elizabeth, deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that they will attend that service at the Dwelling House of Nathaniel Merrill, in Portland, on the last Monday of this and the five following months, from one to five o'clock in the afternoon of said days. W. VAUGHAN, BENJ: PICKETT, } Commissioners. Nov. 28.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of THOMAS PRINCE, late of North-yarmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—the therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to JAEL PRINCE. Oct 31, 1808.