Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-12-26 00:00:00

Portland Gazette, & Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FIFTH-STREET.
No. 37, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, DECEMBER 26, 1808.
[Whole No. 557.]
MR. PICKERING'S SPEECH
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, ON THE RESOLUTION OFFERED BY MR. HILLHOUSE, TO REPEAL THE SEVERAL ACTS LAYING AN EMBARGO, NOVEMBER 30, 1808.
MR. PRESIDENT.
THE ample discussion already given to the resolution on your table, leaves me nothing to detail on the effects, produced by the embargo, in regard to France, to England, or ourselves. On the two great belligerents, practical men, who knew the characters and resources of those nations, foreknew and pronounced, that it would make an impression. This we all now know to be the fact; while we ourselves, I fearfully, and I believe, irreparably, have suffered. Because, as we are told, those two nations have violated our neutral maritime rights; and seeing, that to compel their respect for these, we imposed the embargo, and they treat the measure with contempt; to remove it would be submission. So we will endeavour to conceal our mortification; and because we cannot injure them, we will continue to punish ourselves. To renew our commerce, while their decrees and orders remain uncancelled, would, we are told, be "abject" and "degrading submission;" and that we have but this alternative, "to make war with both nations," or "continue and enforce the present suspension of commerce."
It has been justly remarked, by the gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. Hillhouse] that to run away, and abandon our rights, is abject and degrading.
To make war on both the belligerents, is the most strange, quixotic idea that ever entered into the head of a statesman. I suppose, as we have a thousand and a thousand times declared, that we have maintained an impartial neutrality towards those nations, so, to verify our declarations, we must now make war upon both, impartially! And as their injuries are laid to be equal, or, we will not inquire which has done us 'the most harm,' so we must measure out to each an equal quantity of resentment, and give to each an equal number of blows!
In respect to our violated rights, so far as Great Britain is concerned, those presented by the administration in the front of our claims, are
 1. An exemption from impressment of all seamen on board our merchant vessels.  2. A free trade with the colonies of her enemies.  3. An exemption from capture of our vessels destined for any port of her enemies not actually blockaded. 
I am aware, sir, of the consequences of advancing any thing from which conclusions may be drawn adverse to the opinions of our own administration, which by many are concurred to be indisputably just. Merely to state these questions, and to mention such arguments as the British government may perhaps have urged in their support, on her side, is sufficient to subject a man to the popular charge of being under British influence, or to the vulgar slander of being a 'British tory.' he will be fortunate to escape the accusation of touching British gold. But, sir, none of these things move me. The patrons of the miscreants who utter these slanders know better; but are nevertheless willing to benefit by the impression they may make on the minds of the people. From an early period of my life, I was zealously engaged in every measure opposed to the attempts of Great Britain to encroach upon our rights, until the commencement of our revolutionary war; and during its whole continuance, I was uninterruptedly employed in important civil or military departments; contributing all my efforts to bring that war to a successful termination.
I, sir, am not the advocate of wrong doers, to whatever country they belong; whether emperors or kings, or the administrators of a republic. Justice is my object, and truth my guide; and wherever the points the way, I shall not fear to go.
Great Britain has done us many wrongs. When we were colonies, she attempted to deprive us of some of our dearest birth-rights; rights derived from our English ancestors; rights which we defended and finally established by the successful conclusion of the revolutionary war. But these wrongs, and all the wrongs of war, were intended to be obliterated and healed by the treaty of peace, when all enmities should have ceased.
Great Britain wronged us in the capture and condemnation of our vessels under her orders of 1793: and she has made reparation for these wrongs; pursuant to a treaty negotiated on practical principles, by a statesman who, with liberal views and real candour, sought adjustment and reparation.
At subsequent periods she has committed other wrongs; and if reparation had been demanded in the same spirit of candour and fairness which were manifested in 1794, that distinguished precedent authorizes the opinion, that a like equitable adjustment and reparation might have been obtained. But after a four years negotiation, in which volumes of essays and letters have been written, it has, like the seven years negotiation with Spain, been brought (in the language of the president) 'to an ill-fated some sort:' that is, every subject of dispute remains as far, probably farther from adjustment, than when the negotiations were begun.
It is this disastrous issue which now enters into our deliberations. According to the statements of the administration, we are brought into a situation from which we cannot advance without war, nor retreat without dishonor. Their negotiations with France have all terminated in mortification and defeat.
On the two questions of the impressment of seamen on board our merchant vessels, and a trade with the enemies of Great Britain prohibited in time of peace, the gentlemen from Maryland, [Mr. Smith] was pleased to read some parts of a letter written by me last winter to the governor of Massachusetts, to be laid before the legislature; and on the latter (neutral trade) he also read the journal of the senate, which exhibited a unanimous vote declaratory of our right to that trade; and then the names of the senators (none being one) who voted to request the president to demand and insist on reparation for the injuries done us in violation of that right; and for this purpose to enter into amicable arrangements with the British government.
On these two questions, I should add nothing to the observations made yesterday by the gentleman from Connecticut, but for the apparent intention of the gentleman from Maryland, to exhibit an inconsistency between my votes in the senate and the observations of my letter on the same subject.
It is sufficient for me to remark, that in the passages recited by the gentleman from my letter, my object was to show, by exhibiting in a few words, to the view of my immediate constituents, and through them to the people of Massachusetts, some of the reasons which might have influenced Great Britain not to relinquish her ancient usage of impressing her own seamen; nor to consent that neutral vessels should carry on (as we and other neutrals were carrying on) the whole trade between the countries of her enemies in Europe and their colonies; to show, I say, that as much was to be said on both sides, those rights, as claimed by the United States, were not to be considered as clear and indisputable as to justify a war with Great Britain; into which the proceedings of the executive, in a variety of ways, seemed calculated to plunge us.
Before I quit this subject, I will make one more observation. It appears to be generally supposed that the rule respecting the colonial trade adopted by Great Britain, and usually called the rule of 1756, which it seems she has considered as 'the ancient and established principle of maritime law,' was peculiar to Great Britain: and Mr. Madison says, 'it is well known that Great Britain is the only nation that has acted upon, or otherwise given a sanction to it.' He also mentions this rule as having been introduced, for the first time, in the war of 1756; as having been in operation only a few years in that war; and not afterwards acted upon until 1793. Let us examine the subject.
In Valin's celebrated work on maritime law (a book in the secretary of state's office) is a regulation of Louis the fourteenth, in 1704, from which I will recite some passages.
The title of the regulation is remarkable: it is 'concerning prizes made at sea, to secure the navigation of neutral states and allies during war;' implying that this regulation was intended to abate the rigor of maritime law before that time practiced towards neutral commerce.
After observing that propositions had been made to him by the deputies of the council of commerce, the French king expresses his approbation of them, seeing he finds in them the means which he has always sought of procuring equally the advantages of the subjects of neutral princes and French cruisers. He adds, 'The subjects of neutral princes will thus find the care which his majesty has taken to preserve for them the same extent and the same liberty of commerce which they have been accustomed to enjoy during peace.'
I will now read each of the articles of this French regulation as relate to the question under examination.
* Mr. Madison's letter of March 23, 1808, to Mr. Erskine. † Idem.
"Art. 1. His Majesty forbids privateers to stop or bring into the ports of his kingdom, vessels belonging to subjects of neutral princes, going from the ports of their dominion and laden on account of the owners or other subjects of the said neutral princes, with merchandise of the growth or manufacture of their own country, to carry the same directly into any other states whatsoever, even those with which his majesty is at war; provided nevertheless, that there be not in the said vessels any contraband goods."
"Art. 2. They are in like manner forbidden to stop vessels belonging to subjects of neutral princes, going from the ports of any state whatsoever, even of those with which his majesty is at war, and laden on account of the owners or other subjects of the said neutral princes, with merchandise which they shall have received in the same country or state whence they shall have departed, to return directly into the ports of the dominion of their sovereign."
"Art. 3. He also forbids them to stop vessels belonging to the subjects of neutral princes, departing from the ports of one of the states neutral or allied to his majesty, to go into another state allied neutral or allied to his majesty; provided they are not laden with merchandise of the growth or manufacture of their enemies; in which case the merchandise shall be good prize, and the vessels shall be released."
"Art. 4. In like manner his majesty forbids privateers to stop vessels belonging to subjects of neutral princes departing from a state allied to his majesty or neutral, to go to a state the enemy of his majesty; provided there be not on board said vessel any merchandise contraband, nor of the growth or manufacture of the enemies of his majesty; in which cases the merchandise shall be good prize, and the vessels shall be released."
"Art. 6. Vessels belonging to subjects of neutral states which shall depart from the ports of a state the enemy of his majesty, and there have taken their lading, in whole or in part, to go to the states of any other prince than their own, whether allied to his majesty, neutral or enemy, may be stopped and brought into his kingdom, and shall be declared good prize with their lading, even although laden on account of the subjects of his majesty, or of an allied or neutral state."
This regulation of Louis XIV, in 1704 (he being then at war with England and Holland) was re-enacted by Louis XV, in 1744, (France being again at war with England) with some exceptions in regard to those neutral nations with whom France had formed treaty stipulations incompatible with that regulation.
In these five articles we have, if I mistake not, the whole doctrine of the British rule of 1756. The direct trade to and from neutral ports and the enemy's ports, being permitted; but not the trade to and from the ports of one allied or neutral state, to and from the ports of another allied or neutral state; if the lading of the neutral vessels consist of merchandise the productions of the enemy's country; much less to carry the same from one port of the enemy, to another port of the enemy.
The principle of the British rule and of the French regulation appears to be, to prevent neutrals coming in to aid the enemy in the commerce of one part of his dominions with any other part thereof, or in procuring a market for the enemy's productions in any other country than that of the neutral actually transporting the same, and for his own use and consumption .
It appears moreover, by the preamble to the French regulation, that the restrictions on neutral commerce, which we are now examining, instead of commencing in 1756, were in exercise by the English and Dutch, antecedent to that regulation, and with greater rigor; the French king professing to ameliorate the condition of neutral commerce, by that regulation.
On the subject of blockade, when vessels of war were not so stationed before the port declared to be blockaded, as to constitute what is called an actual blockade, undoubtedly abuses have taken place.
To form an actual blockade of a port, ships destined for that object must be "sufficiently near to produce an evident danger in entering." But these words by no means imply a certainty of capture , by the blockading ships, of the vessels so attempting to enter. What degree of risk from blockading ships will amount to a lawful blockade, may sometimes be a disputable question. Would the chance of capturing three vessels out of four, or seven out of eight, exhibit such an "evident danger in entering," as would constitute an actual blockade? that is, when to insure their entering in safety would be worth a premium of from 75 to 90 per cent. This must remain a question of some difficulty to adjust.
On these points, sir, and all others in dispute with Great Britain, my opinion remains unchanged, that they are very proper subjects of negotiation, to be undertaken in the real spirit of conciliation and adjustment . That the embargo will not induce her to yield to our demands, we have ample proof, not only in the answer of the British government to our minister in London, but in the certain ability of that nation and her colonies to supply all their own wants. That she possesses the means, I think, has been demonstrated by gentlemen who have spoken before me. We have heard much of the patriotism and patient endurance of our fellow citizens, under the distresses of the embargo; and gentlemen speak confidently, that this patience will hold out till Great Britain shall be brought to our feet. At the same time, they calculate on the distresses, which they fondly imagine the embargo will inflict on the people of Great Britain and her colonies, to excite discontent and insurrections sufficiently alarming to induce that government to abandon usages on which she relies to maintain her maritime ascendancy, and, at this time, her independence as a nation. But why should it be supposed that the people of Great Britain will be less patient under sufferings than the people of the United States? Theirs would arise from causes beyond their control; ours from some cause or causes operating on our rulers, but which the people can neither see nor understand. Within four months after the embargo was imposed, the president himself by proclamation, announced to us and to the world the existence of one insurrection, occasioned by the embargo; and the provisions made in the supplementary acts, to compel obedience at the point of the bayonet, show how apprehensive the government were of discontent and resistance. These extraordinary provisions for the execution of a specific measure demonstrate, that it was considered as opposed to the general sense of the people; and in a free country, such a measure cannot long be carried into execution. The votes of approbation of the embargo by public bodies, and other assemblies of citizens, so ostentatiously displayed, while they manifest the force of party, are, to say the least, but equivocal indications of the general sense of the people, or even of the individuals composing those assemblies. Those votes have always had fewer hearts than voices.
Mr. President, the gentleman from Maryland mentioned the extreme danger to which our commerce would be exposed, while the French decrees and British orders remain uncancelled. It has been often said, and perhaps oftener insinuated in newspapers and pamphlets, that if our vessels were permitted to go to sea, all would be taken. What escaped the French, would be captured by the English; and what escaped the latter, would fall a prey to the former. There is a want of truth in all this. The same gentleman quoted a statement made by an eminent merchant of Massachusetts, [Mr. Gray, of Salem], that of eight or ten vessels which sailed about the time the embargo was laid, one only had reached the place of her destination. I remember seeing a statement of that sort; and I
* But Great Britain has admitted that the vessels of the United States might carry on an indirect trade from the European dominions of her enemies to their colonies, and from those colonies to their parent countries in Europe; and in both cases, the trade has been considered indirect when carried on through the United States; that is, when the cargoes laden on board American vessels, in the ports of the enemies of Great Britain, have been first imported into the United States, and carried thence in the same or other American vessels, to the enemy countries, or colonies respectively. But the facts which should constitute an indirect trade, not having been definitely declared; on the contrary, as they have been several times varied, either by the orders of the British government, or by the decision of her courts of admiralty—such vexation and injury have thence arisen to the commerce of the United States.
But the treaty negotiated by the president's ministers, (Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney) and signed by them, with the British commissioners on the 31st of December 1806, comprehended a definitive provision on this head. Such trade between the parent country and colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, was to be considered as direct, when the articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of Europe, were first carried to the United States; and on re-exportation, remained after the drawback, subject to a duty of one per cent, on their value. In like manner, all articles of the growth and produce of the enemy's colonies, being first brought to the United States, and there entered, and landed, and on re-exportation remaining subject to a duty of two per cent on their value might be re-laden, & freely exported to any country in Europe. The duties in both cases to be paid into the treasury of the United States.
This arrangement was calculated to prevent any further dispute between the United States and Great Britain, about the trade between the countries of her enemies in Europe and their colonies. But the president thought fit to reject that treaty, without laying it before the senate.
think also, that I saw a detection of its fallacy. If they had not reached their destined port, it did not follow that they were captured and condemned.
The same merchant has expressed his decided opinion, "that, notwithstanding the French decrees and British orders in council, if our embargo was off, we should have more trade than would be enjoyed by us, if all the world were at peace, & the respective nations should monopolize as much of their own commerce as usual." Another eminent merchant, [Mr. Thorndike, of Beverly] expressed, at the same time, the same opinion.
But without resting the question on opinions, we may appeal to facts. I have sought information of the risks which have attended our foreign trade within the present year, from the two principal districts of Massachusetts.
By the statement in my hand lately received, and which is of unquestionable authority, I find, that at one insurance office in Boston, 43 policies have been written, on vessels engaged in foreign voyages, since the first of January, 1808. Of these, 5 were undetermined. One vessel (the Neutralist ) bound from Marseilles to Boston, captured and condemned at Gibraltar, for violating the blockade declared by the British orders in council. Thirty-seven arrived safely. In all forty-three.
It is stated, that there were three policies on the Neutralist ; and that possibly there might be more than one policy on one vessel among the 37 safe arrivals.
At another office in Boston, out of 75 risks, principally to the West Indies, 3 vessels were captured by the French, of which the British re-captured two—one captured by the British, supposed to be French property. 16—about this number are undetermined; and the rest, about 55, have ended safely. In all 75.
At another office in Boston, out of somewhat more than 100 risks, four vessels were captured by the British, of which 2 were condemned for breach of orders in council; one probably enemy's property, and one remained under adjudication, one captured and condemned by the French; and one seized by them at Alicante, while they had the power there—25 risks were undetermined; and the remainder ended safely.
The premiums of insurance have been about eleven per cent, and from the West Indies, for the whole voyage: 7 per cent from the West Indies, with cargo on board: 9 to 10 per cent from Europe, if not violating British orders: 4 to 5 per cent from Europe, against French capture only.
By a statement received from Salem, on the correctness of which I can rely, I find that in the district of Salem and Beverly, 22 vessels sailed, by the President's permission, between the 5th of April and the 10th of August. Of these vessels, one sailed to Sumatra , one to Senegal , and the rest to the different ports in the West Indies . Of the whole number, one returned leaky, and remained at home, 12 returned in safety, and 9 remained undetermined; but it was not known that any of them had been detained or condemned by any foreign power. In all 22.
The insurance on the Sumatra voyage out and home, was 14 per cent. Martinico, Havana and Surinam, the voyage out and home, 9 to 10 per cent. Havana, at and from, 8 per cent.
The premium of insurance from Calcutta to the United States, the last Summer and Autumn, has been 8 per cent.
Thus, Mr. President, we see that the risk on our foreign trade has been very little increased since the issuing of the French decree of Berlin, and the British orders in council.
The gentleman from Maryland [Mr. Smith] asks—What would have been the insurance on an American vessel bound to France? I am not informed. Perhaps 75 to 90 per cent, though it is not probable that our merchants would hazard their vessels on such a voyage, or that the underwriters would insure them. But what does this prove? Why, that the risk, under the British orders, is so great, in attempting to enter a port in France, as perhaps to amount to an actual blockade.
I now beg leave, sir, to communicate the information I have recently received from the latter of the two merchants before referred to. Having requested of him the data on which his opinion before mentioned was founded, he has sent me an answer (dated the 23d instant) from which I will read the material parts.
He says, "respecting the comparative trade of profound peace, and the present moment, if the embargo should be removed, and the decrees and orders of council remain, it is a subject about which it is difficult to go into that detail which will show satisfactorily an exact result: because, if you resort to the exports of a year in time of profound peace, and compare the aggregate with a year in war, the prices being so different, the difference in amount will not give the exact data we want. And to take the quantity of each article of export will not be satisfactory; because in different years we export more of the same article to the same market, and in proportion to the increased quantity raised, or the goodness or badness of the crop. But of the fact I have no doubt, that our trade would be much greater and more productive, if the embargo be removed, than it can be in time of peace: because when the colonial trade of the European powers is confined as usual, we cannot carry any kind of provisions to the colonies of any of them, without being subject to a heavy duty, nearly equal to a prohibition. And we are not allowed to bring away any thing but rum and molasses; and of course we lose the whole of the colonial trade, so far as respects importing any articles with a view of exporting them again; excepting only from the Isle of France, and Bourbon, which has generally been free. But we may be shut out there. The trade to the colonies is now free for all exports and imports with small duties. And if the largest and most natural European markets for the sale of colonial produce are occluded, still we have open to us all that the British have, and we can now carry those articles to Sweden, Spain, Portugal, Coast of Barbary, Turkey, Sicily, Sardinia and Malta; the three last of which are ports at which the articles sell high, and are bought for the purpose of smuggling over to the continent, where they are sent in great quantities."
The following statement is then given, of the amount of our exports from the 30th of September 1806, to September 30, 1807, (taken from the report of the secretary of the treasury) to countries and places other than those in Europe which are under the government or control, or in alliance with the French emperor; all which are considered as shut up by the British orders of council.
  Domestic exports (or of articles of the growth, product or manufacture of the United States) $ 36,109,591   Foreign goods exported, 24,140,295   60,250,886 
To this may be added Spanish dollars, exported to India and China, and which are not noticed in the report of the secretary of the treasury, and may be estimated at,
6,000,000
Whole amount
$ 66,250,886
"This amount may be exported without being subject to the British orders of council; and the extra premiums against French captures, would not exceed the following rates, viz
To Sweden, 2 per cent—Swedish and other West Indies, and the Spanish Main, 5 do—Cape of Good Hope, 4 do—England, Scotland, without the Channel, say Liverpool, Greenock, Ireland, &c. 4 do.—And, within the Channel, 6 do—Guernsey, Jersey, &c. 5 do—Gibraltar, 3 do—Spanish ports in the Bay of Biscay, 6 do—Spanish ports on the Atlantic, 8 do—Spanish ports on the Mediterranean, 5 do—Madeira, the Canaries, Fayal, and other Azores, 3 do—Portugal, 3 do—Cape de Verd, 3 do—Sicily, 3 do—Malta, 6 do—China, 4 do—Sumatra, 3 do—Spanish and Portuguese America, 3 do—Calcutta, and the Coast of Coromandel and Malabar, 5 do—Africa, 4 do—Arabia, and the Red Sea, including Mocha, and Muscat, 4 do—Manila, 4 do—North West Coast of America, 2 do—Halifax and Newfoundland, 1 do
"In time of profound peace, our trade might be fairly estimated thus:—
  Domestic exports, Foreign exports, Nothing   To which may be added specie to China and India, 48,699,592 6,000,000 In time of peace these must be so very inconsiderable as to be unimportant in this statement   $ 54,699,592 
This is supposing the same domestic articles as were exported in 1806, and allowing them to be at the same prices; so that the comparison stands thus;
Our exports, if the embargo were removed, would be $ 66,250,886
Free from any embarrassment from the British orders in council,
If peace were to take place, and the European nations assume their trade as usual; and the prices of our domestic articles remain as the average prices in 1806, (which they would not) we should export,
Leaving $ 11,551,294 less export trade in time of peace than we might now enjoy, and which
*Mr. Thorndike.

it will be to revive water borne, once in importing it from the places of growth, and again in carrying it to the consumers: and of course would em- ploy in the carriage of the carriage of one freight, equal in amount to more than twenty thousand one hundred thousand dollars.
As an evidence of the correctness of this statement, it will be seen, by a reference to the statement of the secretary of the treasury for the year 1803, that the exports had fallen, in that short period, from D. 93,020,512, to D. 55,870,034.
As to the embargo, that we might now enjoy a trade to South America and the Spanish Main, which we had in 1803, at least, from four to five millions of dollars, a considerable part of which would be again exported to Spain and Portugal, and which has never been made any part of the secretary's report, because the trade to those countries has been prohibited until lately. It may be remembered, that the export trade does not show the whole advantage of the colonial trade which we might now enjoy; because all we import for our own consumption ought to be added.
Mr. Lloyd stated, that in his opinion the value of the trade which might be prosecuted from the United States, considering the present circumstances of the great nations of Europe, would be as extensive as could be carried on after a general peace, and the adoption, by the European powers, of their restrictive colonial systems.
On this clear and interesting view of the commerce which the United States might carry on, were the embargo out of the way, no comments are necessary. The observations of the writer of the letter are evidence of his being master of the subject.
Mr. President, the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Giles] has been pleased to attribute the discontent, in New England, especially in Massachusetts, relative to the embargo, solely to the arts of demagogues, who with to get into office.
The gentleman from Connecticut noticed this reproach; but as it appeared to be levelled chiefly at leading citizens in Massachusetts, I feel it to be my duty further to remark, that of all the citizens of the United States, none stand more aloof from, none more detest the character of demagogues, than those to whom the gentleman referred. I know those men who reprobate the embargo, and who, in conversation, and in newspapers, express their sentiments about it, or patronize those who do. They are not looking for offices; many of them could not be persuaded to accept the best office in a president's gift; but to save their country from the effects of measures, in their view, alike ruinous and disgraceful. They are men, sir, whose age, whose experience, whose knowledge, whose wisdom, whose virtue, place them in the first rank of citizens. They are men, sir, ten of whom, had they been in Sodom, would have saved that city from destruction. Among them is the immortal Ames, whom a purer spirit never left the earth. He wrote while he had strength to hold a pen. He died on the anniversary morning of the nation's birth-day - and this was among his last prayers: O! Save my country!
Gentlemen have said much about insurrection and rebellion; and, in language not very conciliatory, pointed all their allusions to the people of New England. O her rulers pronounced them rebels, more than thirty years ago; while many then unborn now wish to cover themselves with their mantle, and to share the honors of the patriots of 1776.
But why should gentlemen be surprised that great discontent prevail in that country; and that the legislature, with a deliberation and solemnity which should command attention, have pronounced their opinion of the embargo? Gentlemen will recollect that there the revolution began, of which Boston was the cradle. And if they will turn to the declaration of Independence, they will find one of the reasons for the colonies separating themselves from Great Britain, and renouncing the government of the king, was their enacting laws "for carrying on our trade with all parts of the world."
Mr. President, in a public document on our tables, we are told, that "after a period of twenty five years of peace, hardly interrupted by tranquil hostilities, and of prosperity unparalleled in the history of nations, the United States are for the first time, since the treaty which terminated the revolutionary war, placed in a situation equally difficult, critical and dangerous."
That our country has enjoyed such unexampled prosperity, I readily agree; but the protest is not the si that these states have been placed in a difficult, critical and dangerous situation.
The gentleman from Connecticut yesterday noticed the most difficult crises. In 1793, it required all the firmness and immense popularity of president Washington, to stem the torrent of popular delusion, that was hurrying the United States into the vortex of the French revolution.
In 1794, the same headstrong, the same undeviating pursuit of the public welfare, in spite of popular clamor and formal opposition, were necessary to initiate a treaty with Great Britain, to negotiate and settle with that government questions of the highest moment to these states, and which, if they remained much longer unsettled, might endanger the peace of the nation. That negotiation, committed to the conduct of a statesman, than whom our country has produced none more firm, more wise, or more upright, was, by his candor, ability and decision, brought to a happy conclusion, in fewer months than some more modern negotiations have occupied years, without being brought to any conclusion; unless their utter failure may be called a conclusion.
In 1795, the United States were agitated to their centre, by the opposition to the British treaty. Artful and artful demagogues seized upon the known prejudices of the people in regard to the two great contending nations; and exerting all their faculties to keep up the popular delusion, hoped that, by the hand and extended clamor, the president would be deterred from ratifying the treaty which Mr. Jay had so happily concluded. Here again were displayed the firmness and patriotism of Washington. Always determined to pursue the true interests of the people, although at the hazard of his popularity, he ratified the treaty. Here, it was presumed, all opposition would cease. But it again appeared, and with a more formidable aspect, in the national legislature. But I will not dwell upon it. The treaty was finally carried into execution. It had, however, one more enemy to encounter.
Revolutionary France, willing to involve us in a war with Great Britain, which this treaty (merely of amity and commerce) had prevented, pretended that it was equivalent to a treaty of alliance with Great Britain. And seizing on this pretence, at once to vent her resentment, and gratify the rapacity of her rulers, with the plunder of our citizens, she let loose her cruizers upon our commerce.
We urged the obligations of treaties, violated by these captures. She answered, that she found only a real disadvantage in those obligations! and continued her depredations. Repeated missions of respectable ministers to Paris endeavored to propitiate her rulers, and prevail on them to put a stop to such enormities. But they were deaf to the voice of justice. Then it was that our government authorized an armed commerce, and equipped a small but gallant navy for its further protection; and made other defensive preparations, such as have been listed by the gentleman from Connecticut.
If, sir, our country is now placed in a situation more "difficult, critical and dangerous," than at any of the periods to which I have adverted (though I am very far from adopting that opinion) where shall we look for the cause? If in 1794, when England had powerful adherents in her war with France, and the latter had been comparatively, but little extended beyond her natural limits; the United States, with perhaps two-thirds of her present population, and less than half her present revenue, were able to induce England to accede to their just demands, and to close all differences by an advantageous treaty; how has it happened that the present administration, with all the accession of power from increased population, and a more than doubled revenue; when, too, gigantic France wielded the force and resources of continental Europe; and England, huge handed, was left to meet a world in arms; how has it happened, that with these superior advantages and more powerful means, all the negotiations of the present administration with England (one excepted of local rather than general application, and which I need not explain) have failed? Had they been conducted with equal candor, ability, and dignity, must they not have produced as early, and at least as advantageous results? Was this a cause of their failure, that points of questionable right, because not forced by the universally acknowledged law of nations, and therefore of doubtful, or hopeless attainment were pertinaciously insisted on?
Mr. President - To find a remedy for evils, as well in the body politic as in the natural body, it is necessary to investigate their causes.
Nearly eight years have elapsed since we were told, by the highest authority in the nation, that under the auspices of the federal government, the United States were then "in the full tide of successful experiment." And the report on our tables, to which I have before alluded, declares, in grave and solemn language, that during a period of five and twenty years, which brings us down to the embargo, the United States have enjoyed a "prosperity unexampled in the history of nations." Yet during the whole of this period of unequalled prosperity, arising from the active pursuit of commerce and agriculture, such rising life and vigor in all other, that commerce has been exposed to the aggressions of the belligerent nations. For those of Great Britain, up to near the close of 1794, compensation was made pursuant to the provisions of Mr. Jay's treaty. But the like aggressions by Spain, the like indemnity was given by virtue of the treaty with that power, concluded in October 1795. For French depredations during the whole period of her revolutionary war (spoliations which have been estimated at not less than twenty millions of dollars) we have received nothing! Nor have we obtained any reimbursement from Spain for the spoliations committed by her cruizers, after she became the ally of France.
Captures and condemnations, however, more or less extended, have never ceased: notwithstanding all which, and the continued impressment of seamen from our merchant vessels, the same unexampled prosperity has attended us; until suddenly, and to the astonishment of the nation, this flowing tide of successful commerce and agriculture, was stopped by that fatal measure, the embargo. The shock was aggravated by the concealment of its real cause. Sir, I hazard nothing in asserting, that to this day that cause has not been satisfactorily declared. Allow me time to justify this assertion. I will bring together facts and circumstances, and then gentlemen will judge whether my conclusion be erroneous or just.
On the 14th of December, 1807, the dispatches brought by the Revenge, from our minister in Paris, were delivered to the secretary of State.
On their arrival at New York, reports brought by her stated, that the French emperor had declared that there should be no neutrals. The sources of information, and the character of the emperor, rendered those reports worthy of credit; and though afterwards publicly and stoutly denied, they were believed; and no gentleman here will now be inclined to doubt the fact. These reports, and the mystery which surrounded the recommended embargo, naturally excited suspicions and alarms.
Of the French papers supposed to be brought by the Revenge, none were communicated to Congress, save the letter dated September 24, 1807, from General Armstrong to M. Champagny, and his answer of the 7th of October, relative to the Berlin decree, and a letter from Regnier, minister of justice, to Champagny, giving the emperor's interpretation of that decree. These three papers, with a newspaper copy of a proclamation of the king of Great Britain, issued in the same October, were all the papers communicated by the president to congress, as the grounds on which he recommended the embargo. These papers, he said "showed the great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen, and merchandise were threatened on the high seas and elsewhere, from the belligerent powers of Europe."
As to the proclamation of the king of Great Britain, requiring the return of his subjects, and particularly the seamen, from foreign countries, it was no more than every government has a right to issue, and commonly does issue, in time of war. This proclamation contained no evidence of increasing danger to "our seamen;" on the contrary, if I mistake not (for I have not the proclamation by me) there was a solemn, public injunction to his naval officers to conduct impressments with increased caution & care. So that impressments would probably rather be diminished than increased.
Let us now examine the three other papers, all of which, as I have noticed, and as gentlemen remember, related to the decree of November 21, 1806. This decree was issued at Berlin, by the French emperor at the moment when, inflated with more than ordinary arrogance and pride, he was sitting in that capital of the Prussian monarchy, just then subverted by his arms.
The first article declared all the British Isles in a state of blockade. This, according to its terms, subjected to capture and condemnation all neutral vessels bound to and from British ports: but it seems to have been held in a state of suspense. But another article, declaring "all merchandise belonging to England, or coming from its manufactures and colonies (although belonging to neutrals) to be lawful prize," was to be carried into execution. Such was the decision of the emperor, as stated by his minister of justice on the 18th of September, 1807, in his letter to Champagny. This decision coming to the knowledge of general Armstrong, he on the 24th of September, wrote to Mr. Champagny, and asked "whether it was the emperor's intention to infract the obligations of the treaty subsisting between the United States and the French empire." Mr. Champagny in his answer of the 7th of October, inclosing the letter of the minister of justice, with wonderful assurance, tells general Armstrong, that it was easy to reconcile the execution of the decree with the observance of treaties! although nothing was more obvious, (as Mr. Madison on the 8th of February last wrote general Armstrong) than that it violated as well the positive stipulations of our treaty with France, as the incontestable principles of public law.
In the European ports, under the emperor's control, and even in neutral ports, the decree was rigorously executed. And although it is said there was no formal decision in the French council of prizes, condemning American property, under the decree, till the 16th of October, 1807; yet Mr. Madison states, as early as the 23d of May, 1807, [in his letter of that date to Gen. Armstrong] that "there were proofs that the French West-India privateers had, under color of the edict [the Berlin decree] committed depredations" on our commerce. And moreover, that Spain "avowedly pursuing the example and the views of the French emperor," had issued a similar decree, and even in broader terms, which, "if not speedily recalled or corrected, would doubtless extend the scene of spoliations already begun in that quarter."
Such were the French papers in this case. And now let us see the amount of "the great and increasing dangers which threatened our vessels, our seamen and merchandise."
In the letter of February 8, 1808, from Mr. Madison to Gen. Armstrong, speaking of the Berlin decree, and the emperor's decision thereon, Mr. Madison says, "The conduct of the French government, in giving this extended operation to its decree, and indeed in issuing one with such an apparent or doubtful import, against the rights of the sea, is the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the inability to enforce it on that element, exhibited the measure in the light of an "empty menace." And in his letter on the 23d of March, 1808, to Mr. Erskine, Mr. Madison, speaking of the same decree, says, that France was without the means to carry it into effect against the rights and obligations of a neutral nation.
Thus then we see the president's "great and increasing dangers with which our vessels, our seamen and merchandise were threatened on the high seas and elsewhere," from the French decree and its extended operation, rested on what he, through his secretary, Mr. Madison, has since pronounced "an empty menace," a project "which France had not the means to carry into effect."
Shall I be told, Mr. President, of the British orders of council? and that they were comprehended in the President's view of the great and increasing dangers to which our commerce was exposed? If that were the fact, was it not his duty to give such information of them as he possessed, to the Senate? He gave none. I know that those orders were afterwards pressed into his service to justify the measure; and still later it has been confidently said, "that those orders stood in front of the real causes of the embargo." And yet they were invisible to the senate. What! the great operative cause of the embargo, "before which all other motives sunk into insignificance," not seen; not known to the Senate? Not glanced at by the president in his message, nor intimated to any of the members who were honored with his confidence, and by them to the Senate?
But from reasoning I will recur to written proofs, furnished by the president himself; and now on your tables.
In Mr. Madison's letter to Mr. Pinkney, the president's minister in London, dated December 23, 1807, the next day after the act laying an embargo was passed; and this after it had undergone three days of earnest opposition in the house of representatives - during which it behoved the father of the measure, and his friends, to furnish every possible argument to silence opposition, and to satisfy the nation of its expediency and necessity - after all this, Mr. Madison, in that letter, tells Mr. Pinkney, that "the policy and the causes of the measure are explained in the message itself." The contents of the message (comprehending the papers I referred to) I have already stated; and the statement demonstrates, that they were not the motives of the embargo; for an "empty menace," a decree without the means of carrying it into effect, could be no cause, no motive for a measure, whose avowed object was "to save our vessels, our seamen and merchandise from GREAT AND INCREASING DANGERS."
Sir, let all the documents laid on our tables by the president be examined, and you will not find one in which he hazards the assertion, that the British orders of November 11th were known to him at the time he recommended the embargo, or that an expectation of them determined his recommendation. It was not until the 2d of February, when they had been officially communicated by the British minister, that he offered them to congress "as a further proof of the increasing dangers to our navigation and commerce, which led to the provident act laying an embargo." And Mr. Madison in his letter to Mr. Pinkney, of February 19, 1808, cautiously avoids ascribing the origin of the embargo to the British orders; though, he says, the probability of such decrees was among the considerations which "enforced" the measure: the language of the British gazettes, with other indications, having (he said) left little doubt that such orders were "meditated." And he adds, that "the appearance of these decrees (meaning the British orders) had much effect in reconciling all descriptions among us to the embargo."
But I must notice the change of language in Mr. Madison's last letter. In that of December 23d to Mr. Pinkney, he says, "the policy and the causes of the measure are explained in the president's message." But in his letter of February 19th, he says, "my last (that of December 23d) inclosed a copy of the act of embargo, and explained the policy of the measure;" leaving out "causes," and introducing the unknown British orders as among the considerations which enforced it.
The president, too, in his answer to the Boston petition for suspending the embargo, says, that the British orders were known to exist at the time when the embargo was laid; but only that they were in existence at the date of the law; from which the unwary reader might suppose that they were known to exist at that date.
From all these considerations, it appears to be demonstrated, that the British orders in council of November 11th, 1807, were not known, and that the newspaper rumors concerning them never entered into the views of the president and congress, as a motive for laying the embargo. And here the well known maxim applies, de non apparentibus et non existentibus nulla est lex . Although the British orders were in existence, yet as they were not known to exist, they were, as to the embargo, non-existent.
The conclusions resulting from the facts and circumstances which I collected and compared, are serious and alarming. They demonstrate, that the representation, in the president's message recommending the embargo, was delusive, calculated to lead congress into the belief that the situation of the United States, in relation to France and England, was extremely perilous, requiring the instant adoption of the measure recommended. And as congress did adopt, in enacting the law recommended, it must be presumed that they believed an embargo was necessary to preserve our vessels, our seamen and merchandise, from "great and increasing dangers, with which the message stated that they were threatened."
It also follows, as no subsequent disclosure has been made of other dangers, known at the time the message was communicated, that the real cause or motive for the embargo has been, and is, veiled from the eye of congress and the nation.
M. Champagny's letter of October 7, [one of the papers communicated with the president's message] requires examination. But I should first remark, that during the years 1806, and 1807, in order to reduce England, by destroying her commerce, the French emperor, in execution of, and in the spirit of his Berlin decree, ordered all English merchandise to be seized, confiscated, in every place on the European continent, enemy or neutral, occupied or which should be occupied by the French armies. For this purpose, and as one instance among many, his troops took possession of the city of Hamburg [a city with which American merchants carried on a large and valuable commerce, and which as neutral was entitled to the same exemption from hostile violence as the territory of the United States] and by the emperor's orders Bourrienne, his accredited minister to that free city, addressed a note to its senate, in which, having stated that every person who traded on the continent in English merchandise, seconded the views of England, and ought to be considered as her accomplice; and that a great portion of the inhabitants of Hamburg were in that predicament, and notoriously attached to England; the emperor caused possession to be taken of their city, and his Berlin decree to be carried into rigorous execution. Accordingly, that minister in obedience to the emperor's orders, among other outrages, declared, "All English merchandise that may be found in the city, in the harbour, or on the territory of Hamburg, no matter to whom they belong, shall be confiscated." This was done so early as the 24th of Nov. 1806, only three days after the Berlin decree was issued.
With equal atrocity the emperor caused to be seized and sequestered the vessels and cargoes of neutrals which were brought into, or voluntarily resorted to the ports of France for purposes of lawful trade. And we know from a source which will not be questioned, that their liberation was, hopeless; because they were worth eighteen or twenty millions of dollars.
Of the vast property thus plundered, a large portion belongs to citizens of the United States. On the 15th of January last, the emperor's minister Champagny, wrote to our minister, general Armstrong, that their property would remain sequestered until a decision should be had thereon; and this decision depended on our associating or refusing to associate ourselves with him and his allied states in their war with Great Britain. Indeed the emperor was willing to save us the trouble of considering and deciding for ourselves: he declared war for us! "War exists then in fact between England and the United States," are the words of Champagny, in the letter just mentioned! What measures ought to be kept with such a Power? While we are yet independent, he undertakes to prescribe the line of conduct we shall observe, on pain of confiscation of all the property of our innocent and unsuspected merchants within his grasp! And this monstrous outrage upon our honour and independence, the secretary of state, with very exemplary meekness, says, "had the air, at least, of an assumed authority!"
Where his armies did not thus penetrate and plunder, the French emperor sent to the several powers on the continent, whether emperors, kings, or petty states, requiring [or which from him was equivalent to a command, inviting] them to shut their ports against the commerce of England: and Sweden excepted [between whom and the French armies lay a narrow sea guarded by Swedish and British ships] all obeyed. Even the emperor of Austria, though at peace with England, shut against her his two or three little ports at the head of the Adriatic sea.
The prince regent of Portugal whose country for more than a century had lived in friendship with England, was the last to obey. But though he shut his ports, national faith and gratitude towards his friends forbade his arresting Englishmen and English merchandise. By shutting his ports he hoped to appease the emperor and save his kingdom. But his fate had been determined: although Portugal had for many years been paying a heavy tribute to France and been, moreover, anxious to observe the duties of a neutral nation. To save himself and family from disgrace and bondage, the prince quitted his kingdom; finding an asylum in his American dominions.
Thus we have seen the French emperor not only shutting his own ports and those of his allies, but even those of neutral states, against British commerce; and seizing and confiscating the merchandise proceeding from England and her colonies, although belonging to neutrals, and on neutral territories; and that this unexampled scene of devastation commenced within four days after the Berlin decree was issued.
It was after she had witnessed all these atrocities, and seen the deadly weapon aimed at her vitals, that England issued her retaliating orders of November 11th, 1807.
I now recur to Mr. Champagny's letter of October 7, to general Armstrong, in answer to his inquiry, "whether (in executing the Berlin decree) it was his majesty's intention to infract the obligations of the treaty now subsisting between the United States and the French empire?" The answer to which has been already recited.
Allow me to repeat, that this letter of Champagny was one of the four papers communicated by the president with his message recommending the embargo, and one of the two which, after being read, was not then suffered to remain on the files of the senate, but was returned to the president, together with general Armstrong's letter to which it was an answer, agreeable to his request. Subsequent events drew it from the cabinet. Gentlemen will also recollect, that the concluding paragraph of the president's message, in which he desired a return of those two letters, was ordered by the senate to be omitted; so that no evidence of the existence of those letters could appear on the senate's journal, or in the printed copy. In this letter of Champagny, the views of the French emperor were but two clearly indicated. To render his decree of blockade "more effectual" [that is in destroying the commerce of England] "its execution must be complete." But as it could not be complete while the vessels of the United States [then with those of England carrying on, almost exclusively, the commerce of the world] continued their extensive trade with England, we were, in language sufficiently intelligible, invited to fall into the imperial ranks, with the maritime powers of Europe, whom the French emperor had marshalled against England, and "to unite in support of the same cause;" that is, to destroy the commerce of England. But the people of the United States would have been shocked at an open proposition to shut their ports against the English commerce, at the command, or invitation of the French emperor; they would not have endured it. The measure could be accomplished only by an embargo, and that wrapped up in the mystery which I have endeavoured to unfold.
This letter of Champagny must have arrived in the Revenge; and general Armstrong's dispatches by her, reached Washington, as Mr. Madison informs us, on the 14th of December; and on the 18th the embargo was proposed and recommended; four days gave little enough time to digest and mature such a plan!
These, sir, are my views of the origin of the embargo; the material facts are on record. Of my reasonings and conclusions gentlemen will judge. If these be correct, the course to be pursued must be obvious. The nation's honor is compatible with the repeal of the embargo. The welfare of our country is not to be sacrificed to the views or feelings of those who have brought it into its present situation.
Let then, the resolution before us be adopted, and the embargo removed. As the British orders in council were not the cause of the embargo, the honor of the United States is not pledged for their previous repeal.
* Mr. Madison's letter of May 24, 1808, to general Armstrong.

By the Scales.
MONDAY, DEC. 12, 1808.
EMDARGO TOUCHERS.
Mr. Gales reported a bill to enforce the strict observance of the Embargo Laws; which was read twice, passed to a third reading, and made the order of the day for to-morrow. By this bill the President is authorized and required to fit out all the frigates, public armed vessels and gunboats as soon as may be, and to station them where he thinks they will best effect the execution of the Embargo laws. He is also to be authorized to raise an additional body of 284 midshipmen, 2000 seamen, 144 corporals, 160 marines. The additional expense is estimated at 1,649,895 dollars, per annum. The increase of the Navy was also recommended an augmentation of the naval establishment of 128 Masters, 16 Purfers, 30 Surgeonmates, 171 Boatswains, 171 Gunners, 11 Captain's Clerks, 171 Mates, 171 Quarter-gunners, 171 Quarter masters, 171 Stewarts, and 171 Cooks. A bill to grant money for completing the wings of the Capitol in Washington, was read a second time. In the course of the discussion of this bill, Mr. Lloyd moved for a committee to ascertain how much had already been expended by the U. States on public buildings in Washington; and how much more would be necessary to complete them. Mr. Lloyd was referred, for information, to the report of the Surveyor of these buildings.
THE REIGN OF VIOLENCE.—The public will read the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury with astonishment. Arbitrary and oppressive laws require arbitrary and oppressive measures to secure their execution. Here we see that instead of leaving the laws to courts of justice, a bloody military is to be raised and called into action to force obedience to them. The general government is to be set in array against the state governments. The collectors of our ports, (good democrats all) are to be lordly despots, though the president to be sure is to be the great bandit over them; the citizens are no longer to have an appeal of the laws for redress against their tyranny, and the judges of the courts are to be deprived of the power of issuing a writ to bring them before them.
The land already begins to swarm with the spies of government, & that detestable character, an informer, receives daily encouragements and reward. If there is any truth in what Mr. Masters has said and published, that "the hand of Napoleon was in this thing," laying the Embargo; then surely a more fit instrument could not have been found to secure its execution according to the latest and most approved method of doing such things in France than Albert Gallatin—Albert Gallatin a foreigner by birth, a foreigner in habits, manners and speech—Albert Gallatin, who advised, counseled and abetted insurgency against our government & kindled the flame of insurrection around a whiskey pole.
After this, after the adoption of this bill, cease Americans, cease, I beseech you, to talk of Liberty, for you have none; of Independence, for it is gone—your property is to be seized and wrested from you upon suspicion—your houses entered and examined on suspicion—and if butchery follows on suspicion, it is no more than you have to expect. Turn not eyes towards the temples of justice, they are shut against you—Appeal not to your government, it is the very source from whence all your calamities flow.—N.Y.E. Post.
BOSTON, DEC. 22.
LATEST FROM SOUTH OF SPAIN.
The ship Julia, capt. Swan, anchored in the outer harbour yesterday afternoon, from Valencia, via Gibraltar—Capt S. left Valencia, Oct. 19, and the latter place the 24th—Left his ship before five came to anchor in the afternoon, and arrived in town in the evening. He has Gazettes and letters, to the date of his leaving Valencia, but did not bring them on shore. He reports, that the Spanish people are perfectly united in their cause and new governments; that Governors had been appointed to all the Provinces in the Kingdom; that 4000 English troops had been landed near Valencia, from Portugal, and had marched and formed a junction with 7,000 Spaniards, who were drawing near, and investing Barcelona, (which was by the last accounts in possession of the French) but it was thought they could not hold out long, as Admiral Collingwood had a strong naval force blockading that port; that the French had, it was said, 50,000 men at Peninquin, for the relief of Barcelona, but that they had not attempted to enter; that the day before he left Valencia, an agent from the general government requested him to stay a few days, to bring out Despatches to the government of the United States, and to the Governors of the several States, the purport of which was to inform them, that ALL SPANISH PORTS WERE OPEN TO MERCHANTS FOR A FREE TRADE.—The day he left Gibraltar, accounts had been received from Madrid, from the general Junta, announcing that all the American vessels, detained at Algeciras, and other ports of Spain, should be immediately liberated.
OF ST. DOMINGO.
An arrival at New York, from Jamaica, brings an account of the partial capture of St. Domingo. The circumstances are thus stated:—That on the first attempt of the Spaniards to gain possession of the City of St. Domingo, the General did not command the troops himself; but on the following day, when he learned a large body of Spaniards from Porto Rico had landed, and things began to wear an alarming appearance, he marched out at the head of a very fine corps, on whom he placed the most implicit confidence; but
scarcely had he proceeded with the major part of them, who were Spaniards, and who were exasperated at the outrages of the French against their country, deserted his ranks, and joined their countrymen. Enraged to see himself thus abandoned by his only hopes, Gen. Ferrand terminated his existence by blowing his own brains out with a pistol. Still, however, they were unable to gain possession of the city, but retired to a strong post to wait for reinforcement, when the attack was to be renewed.
Portland,
Monday, December 26, 1808.
MR. PICKERING'S SPEECH.
We could not do our subscribers and the public generally, greater justice than in almost exclusively occupying this day's Gazette in laying before them, entire, the excellent speech of this venerable Patriot and Statesman, delivered in support of the motion offered in the Senate of the U. S. by Mr. Hillhouse, (of Con.) for repealing the ruinous Embargo Laws. In matter of fact and reasoning, it is unanswerable: Shows the daily losses and privations the country suffers by reason of the interdiction of all foreign commerce, and exposes beyond a doubt, that the "finger of Bonaparte" was in that detested measure, the Embargo.
THE AMERICAN ARISTIDES.
Col. PICKERING served his country during the whole revolutionary war, in the most eminent stations. He was the first Adjutant-General under General Washington; he was a member of the Board of War; and he closed his services in the station of Quarter-Master-General.
Since the peace he has been successively the first Postmaster-General under the present Constitution—Secretary of War, Secretary of State, and now is Senator in Congress, from his native State.
He is now OLD AND POOR. Such is the man, marked out for party calumny in Baltimore. Beardless boys have presumed to question others for speaking well of him; and remorseless partisans, without any merit of their own, have waged their puny warfare against his illustrious name.
We mention these things briefly, because, it is the only suitable way of noticing the subject. The same infatuation is not to be found elsewhere; and it is fit, therefore, that we say no more; lest we be tempted to put even party rage to the blush.—N. American.
The United States, a Land of Liberty!!
A bill has been brought into the Senate of the United States, and passed two readings, agreeably to the principles contained in Monsieur Gallatin's letter for imposing greater burdens on the Coasting Trade. So we go!
Economy, that is, to save our cash, & not take the "bread from the mouth of labor," was the gull trap to catch votes to put Mr. Jefferson and men of his party into office; but the acts of these pretended people-loving rulers, afford a sorry comment upon these, as now appears false-hearted professions.
Almost every article the farmer brings to market, has fallen from 20 to 50 per cent. while those of foreign produce, have risen in a like proportion. Such are the blessings resulting from the triumphs of democracy.
Render to Cesar the things that are Cesar's.
As the citizens of this country are a commercial people, it was among the first acts of the Washington and Adams administrations to provide a reasonable naval protection for commerce; but the present administration, on coming into office, suffered the prime part of our navy to rot in the mud of the Potomac. Though the propagators of this plan cannot boast of its being an energetic one, still it has proved a humane one, as it appears the remaining frigates, fit for service, with the gun-boats, and 12 revenue cutters, are to be put in requisition to enforce laws, which never ought to have had an existence.
PUBLIC HONORS:
OR, SECOND THOUGHT BEST. For a description of the funeral procession and ceremonies, announced in last Monday's Paper, to be performed on Tuesday, but postponed on account of the weather till Thursday—see next Argus.
The last accounts from Congress do not afford the least prospect that the embargo will be removed. Mr. Bradley of Vermont, has offered an additional embargo law in the Senate; and accounts from Washington state that it would probably receive the final sanction of that body on the 16th inst. The law is well calculated to encourage spies and informers.
We have, says the Philadelphia Gazette, the most unquestionable authority for giving the following as the substance of Messrs. Armstrong and Pinkney's confidential communications to our Executive:
Mr. Armstrong says the Embargo is despised in France, and almost forgotten in England; advises the raising of
it; and recommends ARMING OUR VESSELS AGAINST THE CRUIZERS OF FRANCE.
Mr. Pinkney advises the continuance of the Embargo, to evince to Foreign Powers the firmness of the government in adhering to its measures; and thinks if a proper plan (these are his words) is pursued, there WILL BE NO GREAT DIFFICULTY IN EFFECTING A RECONCILIATION WITH ENGLAND.
Gallatin's Report.—The Secretary of the Treasury, has made his annual report to the House, in which he recommends DOUBLING THE IMPOST DUTIES, as evidence, I suppose, that the treasury is overloaded with the "accumulation of surpluses of revenue beyond" what the government knows what to do with.—Pal.
Married,
At Fryeburg, last Tuesday evening, by Timothy Osgood, Esq. William Graffam, Esq. of Falmouth, to Miss Abigail Weston, of the former place.
Died,
At Roleyards, (Ireland) the Rev. John Teunem, aged 82, upwards of 57 years pastor of a Congregation of that place. During this long period, he never disappointed his congregation of a sermon, nor was prevented from preaching, by sickness or otherwise, even for a single Sabbath. In this town, Mrs. Elizabeth, wife of Mr. John Bartels, aged 23.—Angeline, daughter of Mr. Richard Butts, aged 2 years.
DAY OF MOURNING.
Last Thursday was the anniversary of the Annihilation of American Commerce, which completed one year of the existence of the Embargo. The history of free governments does not afford an instance of a similar measure's being persisted in—so generally destructive, and so completely subversive of every principle of freedom and independence! A moment's reflection on the present situation of New-England, must excite in the breast of every true friend to his country, all those sensations which flow from a strong sense of national and individual distress.
From Wells, December 23.
Yesterday being the first anniversary of the embargo, the bell in this town commenced tolling at sun rise & continued through the day. At six o'clock P. M. a large number of Federal Republicans met at Mr. Webster's Hall, and after some salutations, and the melancholy of the occasion inspired, Jacob Fisher, Esq. was chosen moderator, and George W. Wallingford, Esq. Clerk. A committee was next chosen to draft and report resolutions expressive of the feelings and sentiments of the meeting, who reported the following: after which, a Funeral Dirge, prepared for the occasion by Samuel Emerson, Esq. was sung and the meeting dissolved.
RESOLUTIONS.
1. Resolved, As the sense of this meeting, that among our most invaluable rights, we consider that of expressing, with due respect, our sentiments and opinions of the public acts of our rulers.
2. That we cherish with enthusiasm, the feelings and principles which landed our forefathers, on the 22d of Dec. 1620, on the rock of Plymouth; and that we will sooner see the forest retracing its steps, and ourselves bleeding under the tomahawk and scalping-knife, than become the religious or political vassals of any despot foreign or domestic.
3. That we revere the federal compact, & are willing to support the national constitution, in all its purity and vigor, without the aid of "warm water" or "blood-letting," although in asserting our just rights, we feel no reluctance in hazarding their debilitating effects.
4. That we deem the right of navigating the ocean, among those of the first importance to our happiness and prosperity, and one which the patriots of '76 disdained to yield to their enemies, and in defence of which some of the best blood of our country was spilled—That we are ready to hazard our lives and property in its vindication, and that we regret that we are compelled to believe that the resting policy which our national government are now pursuing, will, if not suddenly arrested, produce a total annihilation of the maritime commerce of our country, and with it, all industry and enterprise, and terminate in the utter ruin of our once proud and happy republic.
5. That we view this first anniversary of the embargo, as the most gloomy epoch in the annals of the nation—an epoch unprecedented in the history of any commercial state, and to which the patriotism of no other people would have tamely submitted.
6. That we consider the late report of the Secretary of the Treasury as containing principles uncongenial to the true spirit of Freemen—hazardous to the public peace—and fit only to be the effects of some Despot to his turbulent and enslaved subjects.
7. That we highly approve of the conduct of the minority in Congress, for the able and constitutional stand they are making against the mad career of their opponents; that we believe the feelings they possess and the principles they advocate to be truly American.
FUNERAL DIRGE.
Hark from the South a doleful sound—Come, Jacob, toll the bell! One year the Embargo has gone round, When rais'd no wight can tell; Merchants, this law must be your doom, In spite of all your flits; The rich, the poor, in awful gloom, This cup of forrow sips.
Children of Heroes, see your fate, By Galic flaves undone; You, whose great fires proud tyrants met, And glorious laurels won! Is this Columbia's horrid plight, And Demos yet in power? Driving all justice out of sight, To this portentous hour! Grant us the powers of 75, To arm our Souls with might, That we our country dear may save In this dark gloomy night.
FOR SALE,
At No. 9, Ingraham's Wharf, 2500 bushels Yellow Corn, Philadelphia and Baltimore superfine and scratched Flour, in whole and half bbls, 50 barrels Tar, A few casks Philad. Porter and Beer, first quality, Bone Middling Pork, Together with a general assortment of W. I. Goods and Groceries. ROBERT SLOVER. N. B. All persons indebted are requested to call immediately and settle the same either by Cash or Note. R. S. Dec. 26.
NOTIFICATION.
THE Stockholders of PORTLAND BANK, are hereby notified that their annual meeting for the choice of seven Directors for the ensuing year will be held at the Bank Chamber on Monday the 2d day of January next at 2 o'clock, P. M.—By order of the Directors. JOSEPH SWIFT, Cashier. Portland Bank, Dec. 19, 1808. (26)
NEW ARITHMETIC.
JUST published a short system of PRACTICAL ARITHMETIC, compiled from the best authorities, with demonstrations of the rules—to which is annexed a short plan of BOOK-KEEPING.
RECOMMENDATIONS.
Hallowell, Dec. 24, 1807. Having at the request of EZEKIEL GOODALE, inspected the following "Short System of Practical Arithmetic," published by him, we are of opinion that it will be found an useful assistant in our Schools; and sincerely wish that the Author may be rewarded by meeting with due encouragement. SAMUEL MOODY. JOHN SEWALL. E. GILLET. SAM. S. WILDE.
Augsburg, November 28th, 1807. The undersigned having examined "A Short System of Practical Arithmetic," published by Ezekiel Goodale of Hallowell, are of opinion that the work is executed with skill and judgment, and will prove a valuable assistant to the Instructors and Students of our Schools and Academies. And we sincerely wish with the Author may be remunerated for his labor, by a rapid sale of the work. DANIEL CONEY. DANIEL STONE. WM. BROOKS. HENRY SEWALL. The whole designed for the use of Schools. Also—A collection of pieces from the most approved authors, entitled MORAL AMUSEMENT, Intended for the instruction of young Ladies & Gentlemen; and is well adapted for the use of Schools.—Price 13/6 doz. 1/6 single. The above books for sale by ISAAC ADAMS. Dec. 19.
To Military Officers. JUST published, and for sale at ISAAC ADAMS' BOOK-STORE, The Military Mentor. Being a series of Letters recently written by a General Officer to his Son, on his entering the army: comprising a course of elegant instruction, calculated to unite the characters and accomplishments of the General and the Soldier. Dec. 19.
Tappan & Sewall,
No. 12, Haymarket-Row, HAVE received and are now exposing for sale, per piece or package, an extensive assortment of Fall & Winter Goods, Broadcloths of all col. Glazed, black and colours, from 7/6 to 47. Plains—Kerseys—Serps, Kerfeymeres, Coatings—Duffles, Baizes—Blankets, 6/4 to 11/4, Flannels—white, yel. low, green, &c. Salisbury Fannels—scarlet, green, &c. Stuffs—Russets—Durants—Bombazets—Duroys, &c. Linens, from 3/6 to 7/3 Worsted and Cotton Dimities, Velvets, Velveteens & Millinees, plain and Thickfettts Taby Velvets; black, Ribbons, a small assortment Swandown; Toilettes, Laces and Edgings Mixed & fancy Cords, Indir Cottons Shirting Cottons, 3-4 Gurrals; Bafras and 4 Calicos Cuffs; Mowianas Checks, &c. Cambrie, Linen, Pic-Cafes Windsor Soap quer, Book & Fan Umbrellas, &c. cy Mullins, Also for sale—SKIRTING LEATHER, of a superior quality. October 31. (ff)
William Goddard,
HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of Hard-Ware Goods, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (ff)
Taken by Esq. ... on TUESDAY the third next day of January next, at a certain place in the town of Harrison in the county of Cumberland, in that part of said town formerly called Otisfield, it being so to be in the fourth Range, with the buildings and improvements thereon, containing one hundred acres more or less—Sale to be on the premises when and where the conditions will be made known. STEPHEN KNIGHT, D. Sheriff. Harpsfield, December, 16, 1808. (26)
Another 10,000 Dollars.
Dixville Road Lottery. Scheme of the Second Class.
Table with 4 columns: Tickets, Prizes, Amount. 12000 Tickets at 5 dollars each are 60000 dls. 1 Prize of 10000 is 10000. 2 Prizes of 1000 are 2000. 5 do of 500 are 2500. 60 do of 100 are 6000. 60 do of 50 are 3000. 100 do of 20 are 2000. 200 do of 10 are 2000. 3573 do of 7 are 25011. Total 4001. Subject to no deduction—Not two blanks to a Prize—And less than 12 1/2 per cent deduction in the Lottery. A part of the above prizes will be drawn in the following manner:—viz. The first drawn blank on the third day shall be entitled to 500 dollars. Do on the 6th, 500. Do on the 9th, 1000. Do on the 12th, 500. Do on the 15th, 500. Do on the 18th, 1000. Do on the 21st, 10000. Do on the 24th, 500. Five hundred numbers will be considered a day's drawing and the fortunate numbers which depend on the days will be determined accordingly.
The drawing will commence in Boston, on the fourth day of January next, and shall be completed in thirty days next succeeding—The prize of ten thousand dollars shall be paid in ninety days, prizes of a thousand and five hundred in sixty days, and all other prizes in thirty days after the drawing shall be completed. Payment will be made in bills usually current in Massachusetts and New-Hampshire. Prizes not demanded within one year after the drawing is completed will not be paid—The price of tickets after the twentieth day of December, will be 5, 50.
ELIJAH HALL, JOSEPH AKERMAN, Jun. TIMOTHY DIX, Jun. Managers. Boston, Oct. 1808.
TICKETS and QUARTERS in the above for sale at ISAAC ADAMS' Book Store. Prize Tickets taken in payment. Also—TICKETS and QUARTERS for sale by STEPHEN PATTEN. Dec. 26.
FRESH GOODS.
Joseph Barbour, OPPOSITE the Insurance Office, head of Fifth-street, has just received a variety of Fresh FALL & WINTER GOODS, —AMONG WHICH ARE—
Real superfine Broadcloths and Kerfeymeres Common do. do. Satinets—Velvets—Cords Queens Cloths—Pellece Flannels Coatings—Blankets Flannels, all colours Bombazets, Wilboz, Duras, Duroys, Shalloons, &c. Plain black & olive Velvets—corded do. Worsted Hosiery—Silk do—Cotton do. British Shirting—Linen—Linen Cambric Tabby Velvets—Brown Linens Plaided and plain Lustrings Ginghams—Prins—Furnitures—silk Chambrays India Cottons—Huckaback Bandana Hks.—Fancy silk do—silk Shawls Fancy Mullins—Sarfnets—Cotton Laces Black Cambric—do. Craps Ladies' long white Kid Gloves Do. Kid, Leather and Silk Habit do. Gaultmen's doe-skin Beaver and Silk do. White Cotton Cambric—Cotton Balis Cambric Dimity—Common do. Cotton Shawls—Fashionable Coat Buttons Black silk Velvets—Cotton Umbrellas Gentlemen's Lambs-wool Hofs, &c. &c. Also, An Affortment of MUFFS & TIPPLES, Consisting of Sable, Pole, Elk, Bear, & Mts. Sable. Oct. 10.
ISAAC ADAMS,
HAS just received an additional assortment of BOOKS AND STATIONARY, which he offers at the lowest cash prices—Among which are: Anderson's history of Commerce—Rollin's ancient history—Burke's works—Folwell's Life of Johnson—Robertson's history of America—Gordon's do. of American Revolution—Stevens's do. of French do.—Je kanap's do. N. Hampshire—Biographical Dictionary, containing the lives of eminent Warriors & Statesmen—Johnson's lives of the Poets—Works of the Poets—Works of the Rev. Jas. Hervey—Burgh's Dignity of Human Nature—Practical Philosophy, or the art of conveying with men—Locke's Essays on the human understanding—Cook's Voyages—Smecton on the Mind—Faber on the fulfilling of the Prophecies—Roland's Appeal—Life of Cowper—Stern's Works—Adam's History of New-England—Starhoufe's History—Orion's exposition of the Bible—Davies', Blair's and Dana's Sermons—Bunyan's Pilgrims Progress and Holy War—Rife and Progress of religion in the Soul—Practice of Piety—Ruffel's seven Sermons—Mirror—Tatler—Lookcrown—Harris' Encyclopedia—Carr's Northern Summer—Songster's Museum—Nason on feet Knowledge—Banerf's and Ransay's Life of Washington—Maclellon and Boteau's Sermons—Final Revenge—A Winter in London—Miranda's Expedition—Cumberland's, and Rowe's. (Mra) Letters—Vicar of Wakefield—Innocent Letters—Nasafus, No. 108—Chapone's Letters—Homer's Iliad—Elpida's Letters—Domestic Cookery—Mising met's Poems.

MR. GALLATIN'S LETTER, CONCLUDED FROM OUR LAST.
Some other provisions appeared also necessary for the purpose of carrying the laws more completely into effect along our land frontiers.
1. The exportation of specie by land should be expressly prohibited. 2. The power of detaining deposits should be so expressed as to leave no doubt of the authority to detain waggons and other carriages laden and actually on their way to a foreign territory. Although I cannot perceive any reason for the distinction, it has been supposed in one of the districts that the law which authorised the detention of flour, beet or potash deposited in a ware house, did not extend to the case of their being deposited in a waggon, although evidently on its way to Canada.
3. The offence now punishable by law is that of exportation. This is not consummated till after the property has been actually carried beyond the lines, where being in a foreign jurisdiction, it cannot be seized: so that forfeiture, which is the most efficient penalty, can never apply to exportations by land: and no bond being required as in the case of vessels, the only remedy is the uncertain one of recovering penalties against apparent offenders who either abscond or have no property. How far it may be practicable to make the act of preparing the means of exportation punishable or to provide some other remedy, is submitted to the committee.
But it must also be observed, that every degree of opposition to the laws, which falls short of treason, is now with but few exceptions, an offence undefined and unprovided for by the laws of the United States: whence it follows that such offences remain unpunished when the state authorities do not interfere. The necessity of defining those offences by law as misdemeanors and of providing an adequate punishment appears obvious.
I will beg leave here to add that it does not appear necessary to continue any longer the indulgence granted to the British merchants to import for the use of the Indians, articles of which the importation is generally prohibited by law; as that privilege is liable to great abuse and affords just ground of dissatisfaction to American citizens. Whether it be advisable to continue the permission given to those Indian traders to export furs and peltry, is a question to be decided by political considerations.
The last branch of the subject to which I wish at present to call the attention of the committee, relates to interruption and certain injudicious proceedings attempted under color of law.
1. Vexatious suits are brought against Collectors, which not only perplex faithful officers, but have the effect of intimidating others, and prevent an energetic performance of their duties. The only provisions which have occurred to me on that subject are to enable the collectors who may be sued, always to remove the cause before a court of the U. States; to make a certificate issued by the proper authority, that there was reasonable cause of detention, protect them against damages in cases of detentions, in the same manner as is now provided in case of seizure; and to provide for the safe keeping and restoring when proper, and on security being given, the vessels and property which may be detained.
2. Attempts have in several instances been made to wrest from the collectors by writs of replevin issued by state courts or officers property detained or seized by said collectors, or which, in any other manner, is in their possession in conformity with some law of the U. States. It is evident that such attempts, if submitted to, would defeat not only the embargo but also the revenue laws of the United States; That whenever property is by virtue of a law of the U. S. in the possession of a collector, marshal, or any other of their officers, no process in rem which will take the property away, whether of replevin, attachment or any other, can be legally issued by a state authority; and that the sheriff or other person executing the same, must be considered as a mere trespasser, and be resisted accordingly. But there is no other way at present to resist such illegal process but actual force. And it appears necessary that another remedy should be afforded, by providing a summary mode of superceding any such process through the interference of the courts and judges of the U. S.; and by making it penal for any Sheriff, or other person, to execute the same, or in any manner to attempt to take property which by virtue of any law of the U. S. is in the collector's possession.
3. In some instances where vessels and cargoes libelled for infraction of the embargo have been restored to their owners and on their giving security for the appraised value, the valuations have been so low as to reduce the forfeiture to an inconsiderable sum, thereby defeating altogether the law. It is suggested that this might be prevented by a provision authorising and directing the district judges to set aside, on motion of the district attorney, such valuation whenever in their opinion falling short of the true value.
4. On the subject of mandamus I will only observe that, in the only instance which has taken place, the court, supposing they had jurisdiction, could not, from the manner in which the question was brought before them, have decided otherwise than they did: but that it is desirable that the question of jurisdiction, as it relates either to the courts in which the power ought to be vested, or to the courts to which it should extend, should be precisely defined by law.
I have not in this communication taken into consideration the technical defects of the existing embargo laws, because prosecutions do not fall within my immediate cognizance, and I do not feel competent to the task of pointing out the necessary alterations. Measures have however, been taken to procure on that subject and from the proper sources, information which will hereafter be laid before the committee.
To the remaining enquiry of the committee, whether the inconveniences of the present system may not in some degree be removed, I can only answer generally that a law which lays such extensive restrictions as the embargo cannot be carried into effect without imposing serious inconveniences even if the domestic intercourse of the
United States; and that these must necessarily be increased in proportion to the opposition and efforts to evade or violate the law. It has already been stated that provisions which will render the bond given by coasting vessels a complete security against violations of them, will diminish the necessity and extent of more arbitrary restrictions. An authority to permit, on proper security being given, such vessels when they arrive in port, to keep their cargoes on board, would afford some relief. And I think that the credit on duties accruing on the importation of certain articles, which was allowed by the act of the 10th March last, should be extended to all importations of the same articles made after the passing of the act, those made in vessels which sailed under special permission only excepted. With respect to this last class of importations, as they were permitted by special indulgence, as it is understood that it has been impossible in many cases to prevent its being abused, and as in almost all the parties having a species of exclusive privilege have made sufficiently profitable voyages, the propriety, particularly in the existing situation of the revenue, of allowing them also the advantage of extended credit or duties, is not perceived.
I have the honor to be, &c. &c. ALBERT GALLATIN. Hon. W. B. Giles, Chairman of a committee of the Senate.
Massachusetts Denounced! In the National Intelligencer, the principal paper of the administration at the seat of government, has appeared the following horrible article, introducing the resolutions lately passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the subject of our Foreign Relations:
"In recording the following disgraceful proceedings of the legislature of Massachusetts, we blush for the degeneracy of New-England, a part of which has consigned itself to the role of men, who seem as insensible to truth as to national honor. It is useless to enter into detail, to shew the want of truth and of spirit which characterize the whole composition, as we have just published the documents lately presented to Congress, which are a sufficient antidote."
We acknowledge that there appears to us to be one or two objectionable principles advanced in the resolutions alluded to. But we hesitate not to say, that of all the denunciations and libels upon public men which our distracted country has witnessed—excepting only "Jasper Dwight's" attack upon General Washington, and Callender's "Prospect Before Us"—the above is the most unprovoked, the most wanton, the most daring, the most desperate, the most unprincipled, and the most atrocious! Freeman's Journal.
All the Americans at Trieste, escaped the grasp of the Austrian embargo, lately ordered at that port. Government have lately erected a Light-house on Fayerweather's island at the entrance of Black Rock harbour, on the north shore of Long Island Sound. The Pennsylvania, Thomas, and six other American vessels are condemned at Copenhagen.
The schr. Industry, of Stonington, from Richmond for Washington-City, with coal, sunk the 22d ult.; Capt. and crew were saved in the boat:—owned by the master which was his all. "French Friendship."—Two American vessels appeared on the 22d August, before the Turkish port of Smyrna, but were refused admittance, at the desire of the "French" Consul.
"Starving the West-Indies"—Barbadoes, Oct. 22, 1808.—We have a glut of provisions and flour, 7000 barrels are now here; corn sells 150 cents per bushel; fish 450 do. per quintal.—Our produce rises. "Havana."—We have received large quantities of flour from Vera Cruz.—Protected by the British navy, our commerce is flourishing; and joy and gladness prevail throughout all the colonies."
FROM WASHINGTON, DEC. 7, 1808. "Mr. Burwell, formerly Secretary to the President of the United States, and more intimate with him at this time than any other Member of Congress, with the single exception, perhaps, of Mr. Eppes, has declared unequivocally, that the Embargo will be raised before the close of the present session." Freeman's Journal.
RUTLAND, (Vermont), DEC. 8, 1808. I have but a moment to inform you that the Electors of President and Vice President met here yesterday, and gave six votes for JAMES MADISON, for President; and six votes for JOHN LANGDON, as Vice President. Yours with respect, T. M. P.
A FARM FOR SALE, IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of Land, of which thirty is Interval, and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story House and Barn, without houses. The soil of said farm is inferior to none. Also—in said town, a Wood Lot, containing 60 acres.—Inquire of OLIVER WINSLOW. Oct. 17. (t.f)
TAKE NOTICE! ALL persons having accounts standing with the late firm of Tucker & Blanchard, are once more invited to call and make immediate payment to JAMES BLANCHARD, on or before the first of January next, if they would avoid cost and trouble: as they will be left with an Attorney for collection at that time. Dec. 19. JAMES BLANCHARD.
New Hat Ware House. DAVID BILL & CO. HAVE REMOVED from their former stand to the shop lately occupied by Mr. Samuel Watson, Fifth-street, where they have received in addition to their former stock, a complete assortment of Ladies' and Gentlemen's American and English manufactured
HATS, Of the newest fashions and of superior quality. Vermont, Berkshire and Farmer's Exchange Bank-Bills, received in payment.—The latter, at a small discount, however. Portland, Dec. 19.
N. P. POOR, No. 2, Fifth-street, HAS just received for sale, a few NEW GOODS; for which he will receive Berkshire, Farmer's Exchange, and Vermont Bank Bills, at par. —viz— Calicoes—Cambricks—Dimities—Corded Ginghams and Cambricks—Scarlet and black Bombazetts—Morocco Shoes, with ties, 3/2 a pair—a great variety of Shawls and Handkerchiefs—real Madras kerchiefs—silk, cotton, & worsted Hosiery—India Lustring—Tabby Velvet—in short—a very complete assortment of SEASONABLE GOODS, for Cash, or a few days credit. Dec. 19.
Annual Meeting. THE Stockholders in the Maine Fire and Marine Insurance Company, are hereby notified that their annual meeting for the choice of nine Directors for the ensuing year will be held at their office in Fifth-street, on Tuesday, the third day of January, 1809, at two o'clock, afternoon. By order of the President and Directors. ELISHA MORSE, Secretary. M. F. & M. Insurance Office, Dec. 10, 1808. (19)
Portland Book Store, No. 5, MUSSETT'S-ROW. JOHN JOHNSON, HAS for sale at above store, a large and extensive collection of BOOKS, in the various branches of literature and science. Also—Bibles, Testaments, Psalm Books, &c. by the gross, dozen or single—together with a great variety of School Books and Stationery; all of which, will be sold at the lowest established prices. J. JOHNSON'S assortment of LAW is more extensive than any in the District of Maine, and such arrangements are made as will make it more complete than any in the state. —FOR SALE AS ABOVE— Farmers' Maine Almanac, for 1809. Farmer's Exchange Bank-Bills received in payment for Books. Portland, Dec. 19.
Portland Library. THE Proprietors of the Portland Library are hereby notified that their next annual meeting is to be held at my office on Tuesday the 3d day of January next, at 6 o'clock, P. M. SAMUEL FREEMAN, Librarian. Those who are in arrears are requested to make payment. Dec. 19.
Copartnership Dissolved. THE Copartnership under the firm of E. & M. FISK, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons who have Accounts with the said firm yet unadjusted, are requested to call on ELIJAH FISK, who is duly authorised to adjust the same. ELIJAH FISK, MOSES FISK, Portland, Dec. 15. (19)
VICTUALLING CELLAR. THE Subscriber respectfully informs his friends and the public, that he keeps VICTUALS of all kinds, at the sign of the TURKEY, No. 7, Jones' Row, Fifth-Street; where they will be accommodated at the shortest notice, from 6 in the morning until 10 in the evening. Also—a few groce of bottled CIDER, for sale as above. ELIJAH FISK. Portland, Dec. 19.
NOTICE! THE Proprietors of Union-Wharf, are hereby notified, that their annual meeting will be held at Col. Burnham's Tavern, in Portland, on the first Tuesday of January next, at 6 of the clock P. M. when they will act upon the following articles—viz. 1st. To choose a Moderator. 2d. To choose a Clerk for the year ensuing and such other officers as they shall judge necessary to manage their affairs. 3d. To receive accounts and allow the same if they think proper. 4th. To see if the Proprietors will vote any sum or sums of money, to be raised, raised & applied for the purpose of adding to the Wharf already built, and to defray any expenses that may attend said business, or be otherwise incurred in managing their affairs, or improving the interest of said Proprietors; and generally, to act on all matters that they shall judge necessary for the interest of the concerned. JAMES C. JEWETT, Prop'ts, Clerk. Portland, Dec. 19, 1808.
NOTICE! THE Copartnership of ERVING & POOR, having expired, was by mutual consent dissolved the 30th ultimo.—All persons having demands against said firm are requested to exhibit the same for settlement, and those indebted to make payment to SHIRLEY ERVING, DANIEL A. POOR. They give further notice, that having sold the CIRCULATING LIBRARY to Mr. STEPHEN PATTEN, they request all persons who have taken Books from the Library previous to its removal, to return them immediately to Mr. PATTEN, or to S. ERVING. Portland, Dec. 19.
TO LET, A Convenient Two Story DWELLING-HOUSE, pleasantly situated in Back-Street.—For terms apply to Dec. 12. TH. SANFORD.
Factory Yarn & Thread Store. JOSEPH POPE, informs his friends and the public that he is appointed Agent for Stay & Brown , of Providence, who will keep him constantly supplied from their long known & well established Factory, with a general assortment of Cotton Warp and Filling, White and colored Stocking, 2 & 3 thread, ditto ditto Thread in Lanks and balls, Wirk Yarn, Cotton Shirting and Sheeting, do. Check and Stripe, Bed Tick, &c. Which will be sold wholesale and retail at the Factory prices. Shopkeepers in town and country may be supplied on the same terms as at the Manufactories, by applying at No. 7, Mussey's Row. (6m) Dec. 19.
To Masters, Mates & Mariners. INFORMATION WANTED. THE Schooner EXPERIMENT, ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master, failed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to Rio Janairo, and River of Plate, in South-America. Information has lately been received that the said Schooner was at the Island of Gouree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said Schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading. It is presumed that if the vessel went from Gouree to Rio Janairo, and from thence to the River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said Schooner, or master, at one or both of those places. The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and has the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much. Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber. JOHN GRANBERRY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk. Norfolk, December 12, 1808. (6w)
Charles & John Fox, Nos. 4 & 5, South side Long-Wharf, HAVE for sale, 6 tons Bolt Iron, different sizes, 1000 lbs. Plough Share Moulds, Casks 4d, 6d, 8d, and 10d Cut Nails, Pipes American Gin, superior quality, Chells Hyson Tea, do. do. Barrels clear and navy mels Pork, Which they offer on very liberal terms. Wanted—A new inch COW—enquire as above. (6w) Nov. 28.
Dr. Jeremiah Barker, HAS removed to his house at Stroudwater—where he is ready to attend to those who may need his advice and assistance in the line of his profession. Falmouth, December 19.
Taken by Execution and to be sold at Public Auction, on FRIDAY, the 20th day of January next, at 10 of the clock in the forenoon, ALL the right in Equity of Redeeming the following pieces of land and buildings thereon, situated in Portland—One lot bounded thus: viz. beginning at a stake standing on the southwest side of Middle lane, two rods twenty three links and an half southeast from Federal-street—thence southeast two rods and twenty three links to a stake—thence southeast five rods and six links to a stake—thence northwest three rods and seventeen links to a stake—thence north sixty four degrees east on the dividing line between James Barrett's and the land above mentioned, to the bound first mentioned, with the buildings thereon—The other lot bounded thus: beginning at a stake standing on the southeasterly side of Danforth-street, and in the westerly corner of James Foddick's land—thence running southeasterly adjoining said street forty six feet to a stake—thence south thirty five degrees east one hundred thirty eight feet and an half, or until it comes to land lately owned by William Wiswall, late of said Portland, deceased—thence north fifty eight degrees, east forty six feet to said Foddick's land—thence north thirty five degrees west joining said Foddick's land one hundred and forty two feet to the first bound: Said lands being under mortgage.—Sale to be on the premises, and conditions there made known. JONA. LUND, D. Sheriff. Dec. 14, 1808. (19)
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of JAMES CHADWICK, late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, Innholder, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs: she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to ANNA CHADWICK. Dec. 19.
George W. Duncan's Estate. THE Creditors of the estate of George W. Duncan, late of Portland, deceased, and all concerned are hereby notified that Lemuel Weeks, Esq. the administrator on said estate, has presented to me a private account against said estate as well as his account of administration thereon; and that the same will be considered by me at a Probate Court to be held at the office of John Frothingham, Esq. on Wednesday the 28th day of December, inst. at ten o'clock, A. M. at which time an allowance to the Widow of said deceased will be determined upon; and when and where they or any of them may appear and be heard upon these subjects. SAMUEL FREEMAN, Judge of Probate. Dated at Portland, Dec. 16, 1808.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16, 1808. ON the Petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the Petitioner cause an attested copy of his Petition, with this Order thereon, to be published in the Portland Gazette, and in the Columbian Centinel, three weeks successively, the last publication to be thirty days at least, before the second Wednesday of February at the next session of the present General Court, that all persons interested, may then appear, and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said Petition should not be granted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. In Senate, Nov. 17, 1808.—Read & concurred. H. G. OTIS, President. A true copy. Attest NATHL. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate.
WILLIAM GODDARD. INFORMS his friends and the public that he has just opened a very large assortment of MUFFS AND TIPPLES, which he will sell lower than has ever been offered in town before. He invites them to call and see for themselves. Berkshire, Farmer's Exchange, and Vermont State Bank Bills, taken at par for the above, and all other Goods. Portland, Dec. 19.
FOUND, A NOTE of Hand—The owner may receive the same by proving property and paying for this advertisement.—Apply at this Office. Dec. 19.
Muffs & Tippets, A. Cheever & Co. AT No. 1, Mussey's Row, now offer for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston. HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction. Household Furniture. New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for Hattening & shipping Furs. Portland Oct. 31. (tt)
TO BE LET, HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7. (tt)
David Peale, Has for sale, 200 casks new burnt Thomaston Stone Lime. Nov. 28. (6w)
THE Commissioners appointed to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
GEORGE W. DUNCAN, late of Portland, merchant, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that a further time of one month from the 14th inst. has been allowed by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of the Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Cumberland, to the creditors to said estate, to bring in and prove their claims, which will be attended to on Thursday the 12th day of January next, from 10 to 12 o'clock in the forenoon, and from 2 to 5 o'clock in the afternoon of said day. EBEN. MAYO, ROBERT ILSLEY. Portland, Dec. 16, 1808. (19)
TAKE NOTICE! THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors of the estate of
JAMES CHADWICK, late of Portland, deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that they will attend their service at the United Marine & Fire Insurance Office in Portland, on the first Monday of January next and on the second Mondays of the five following months, from 2 to 6 o'clock P. M. of said days. JAMES NEAL, } Commissioners. JOHN WATSON, } Dec. 19.
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed administratrix on the estate of
ROBERT DOW, late of Boothbay, in the county of Lincoln calker, deceased; and has undertaken that trust by giving bond as the law directs:—All persons therefore, having demands against the estate of said deceased, are desired to exhibit the same for settlement; and all indebted to said estate are requested to make immediate payment. SALLY DOW, Administratrix. Boothbay, Dec. 19.
To the Hon. the Senate and House of Representatives, in General Court assembled.
THE petition of Benjamin F. Baldwin, Agent for and in behalf of the Proprietors of the common and undivided Lands in the town of Baldwin, in the county of Cumberland, HUMBLELY REPRESENTS, That in the division of the lands within the said township, which have been heretofore made among the proprietors and corporations, agreeably to a Resolve of the General Court, passed February 8, 1774, there was left and undivided in said township, several small pieces, gores and tracts of land, and still remain in common and undivided to the proprietors and others concerned therein. And whereas it would be for the great benefit and interest of all concerned, that the above mentioned pieces, gores, &c. of undivided land should be sold: Therefore, your Petitioner, for and in behalf of himself and the proprietors aforesaid, humbly prays, the proprietors may be authorised and empowered to sell and convey the same, and make deeds of conveyance; and that the several shares of the proceeds of such sales, which accrue and shall be due to the Ministry the first settled Minister, the Grammar Schools and Harvard College, may be expended and laid out for the purpose of erecting and building a public Meeting House in said town.—And as in duty bound, will every pray. Nov. 14, 1808. BENJ. F. BALDWIN.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16, 1808. ON the Petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the Petitioner cause an attested copy of his Petition, with this Order thereon, to be published in the Portland Gazette, and in the Columbian Centinel, three weeks successively, the last publication to be thirty days at least, before the second Wednesday of February at the next session of the present General Court, that all persons interested, may then appear, and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said Petition should not be granted. Sent up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. In Senate, Nov. 17, 1808.—Read & concurred. H. G. OTIS, President. A true copy. Attest NATHL. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate.