Rhode-Island Republican (Newport, R.I.), 1802-03-20 00:00:00

Rhode-Island Republican.
AN INDISSOLUBLE UNION OF THE STATES, IS ESSENTIAL TO THEIR LIBERTY AND EXISTENCE.—WASHINGTON.
Published weekly, by OLIVER FARNWORTH, (Printer to the STATE, and of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES.) Thames-Street, NEWPORT.
S P E E C H
Of the Hon. WILLIAM B. GILES, in the House of Representatives of the United States, February 23, 1802. On the Bill received from the Senate, entitled "An Act to repeal certain acts respecting the organization of the courts of the United States."
Mr. GILES said, that he felt some degree of apprehension, that in the course he deemed it necessary to take in the discussion of this question, some observations might fall from him, which might not be in strict harmony with the feelings of some gentlemen of the committee. He should regret, however, if a compliance with a sense of duty should produce that effect. He said, therefore, that he wished to apprise gentlemen, that he intended to direct his observations as much as possible to the effects and tendencies of measures; and that when he was constrained to speak of the views of gentlemen, it would be with respect to what he conceived to be their opinions in relation to the general interests; and not to private gratifications. He said, it was natural that men should differ in the choice of means to produce a given end, and more natural that they should differ in the choice of political means than any other; because the subject presented more complicated and variable objects, out of which to make a choice. Accordingly a great portion of the human mind has been at all times directed towards monarchy, as the best form of government to enforce obedience and ensure the general happiness; whereas another portion of the human mind, has given a preference to the republican form, as best calculated to produce the same end; and there is no reason for applying improper motives to individuals, who should give a preference to either of these principles; provided in doing so, they follow the honest dictates of their own judgments. It must be obvious to the most common observer, that from the commencement of the government of the United States, and perhaps before it, a difference of opinion existed amongst the citizens, having more or less reference to these two extreme fundamental points; and that it manifested itself in the modification or administration of the government, as soon as it was put into operation. On one side it was contended, that in the organization of the constitution, a due apportionment of authority had not been made amongst the several departments. That the legislature was too powerful for the executive department; and to create and preserve a proper equipoise, it was necessary to infuse into the executive department by legislation all artificial powers compatible with the constitution, upon which the most diffusive construction was given; or, in other words, to place in executive hands all the patronage it was possible to create, for the purpose of protecting the President against the full force of his constitutional responsibility to the people. On the other side, it was contended, that the doctrine of patronage was repugnant to the opinions and feelings of the people; that it was unnecessary, expensive and oppressive, and that the highest energy the government could possess, would flow from the confidence of the great mass of the people, founded upon their own sense of their common interests. Hence what is called party in the United States, grew up from a division of opinion respecting these two great characteristic principles, patronage, or the creation of partial interests for the protection and support of government, on the one side.—On the other side, to effect the same end, a fair responsibility of all representatives to the people; an adherence to the general interests, and a reliance on the confidence of the people at large, resulting from a sense of their common interests. A variety of circumstances existed in the United States, at the commencement of the government, and a great number of favorable incidents continued afterwards to arise, which gave the patronage system the preponderancy, during the first three Presidential terms of election; notwithstanding it was evident, that the system was adopted and pursued in direct hostility to the feelings and opinions of a great portion of the American people. The government was ushered into operation under a vast excitement of federal fervor, flowing from its recent triumph on the question of adopting the constitution.—At that time a considerable debt was afloat in the United States, which had grown out of the revolutionary war. This debt was of two kinds; the debt proper of the United States, or engagements made by the United States in their federal capacity; the other, the state debts, or engagements entered into by the respective states for the support of the common cause.
The favorers of the patronage system readily availed themselves of these materials for erecting a monied interest; gave to it a stability, or qualified perpetuity, and calculated upon its certain support in all their measures of irresponsibility.
This was done not only by funding the debt proper of the United States, but by assuming the payment of the state debts, and funding them also; and it is believed, extending the assumption beyond the actual engagements of the states. Hence the federal axiom, that a public debt is a
public blessing.—Shortly after this event, an Indian war sprang up, he would not say by what means; in consequence of which an army was added to the list of patronage; the Algerines commenced a predatory war upon the commerce of the United States, and thence a navy formed a new item of patronage. Taxes became necessary to meet the expenses of this system, and an arrangement of internal taxes, an excise, &c. &c. still swelled the list of patronage. But the circumstance which most favored this system, was the breaking out of a tremendous and unprecedented war in those countries of Europe with which the United States had the most intimate relations. The feelings and sympathies of the people of the United States were so strongly attracted by the tremendous scenes existing there; that they considered their own internal concerns in a secondary point of view. After a variable conduct had been pursued by the United States in relation to these events, the depredations committed upon commerce and the excitements produced thereby, enabled the administration to indulge themselves in a more decisive course, and they at once pushed forward the people to the X. V. Z. of their political alphabet, before they had well learned and understood the A. B. C. of the principles of the administration.
Armies and navies were raised, and a variety of other schemes of expence were adopted, which placed the administration in the embarrassing predicament, either to violate their faith with their public creditors, or to resort to new taxes. The latter alternative was preferred, accompanied with other strong coercive measures to enforce obedience. A land tax was laid for 2,000,000 of dollars. This measure awakened the people to a sense of their situation; and shook to the foundation all those federal ramparts which had been planned with so much ingenuity, and erected around the executive with so much expence and labour. Another circumstance peculiarly favorable to the advocates of executive patronage was, that during the two first presidential terms, the chief executive magistrate possessed a greater degree of popularity and the confidence of the people than ever was, or perhaps ever will be, again attached to the person occupying that dignified station. The general disquietude, which manifested itself in consequence of these enterprising measures, in the year 1800, induced the federal party to apprehend, that they had pushed their principles too far, and they began to entertain doubts of the result of the presidential election, which was approaching. In this state of things it was natural for them to look out for some department of the government in which they could intrench themselves in the event of an unsuccessful issue in the election; and continue to support those favorite principles of irresponsibility, which they could never consent to abandon. The judiciary department of course, presented itself as best fitted for their object, not only because it was already filled with men, who had manifested the most indecorous zeal in favor of their principles, but because they held their offices by indefinite tenures, were not subject to periodical appointments, and of course were further removed from any responsibility to the people, than either of the other departments. Accordingly on the 11th of March 1800, a bill for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States was presented to the house of representatives. This bill appears to have had for its objects, 1st, the gradual demolition of the state courts by increasing the number, and extending the jurisdiction of the federal courts. 2d, To afford additional protection to the principles of the then existing administration by creating a new corps of judges of concurring political opinions. This bill however was not passed into a law during that session of congress, perhaps from an apprehension, that it would tend to encrease the disquietudes which other measures had before excited, and therefore operate unfavorably to the approaching presidential election. At the next session after the result of the election was ascertained, the bill, after having undergone some considerable alterations, was passed into the law now under discussion. This law, it is now said, is inviolable and irrepealable. It is said, the independence of the judges will be thereby immolated. Yes, sir, this law is now considered as the sanctuary of the principles of the last administration, and the tenures of the judges as the horns of inviolability within that sanctuary. He said, we are now called upon to rally round the constitution as the ark of our political safety. Gentlemen, discarding all generalizing expressions, and the spirit of the instrument, tie down all construction to the strict letter of the constitution. He said it gave him great pleasure to meet gentlemen on this ground; and the more so, because he had long been in the habit of hearing very different language from the same gentlemen. He had long been in the habit of hearing the same gentlemen speak of the expressions of "the common defence and general welfare," as the only valuable part of the constitution, that they were sufficient to obliterate all the specifications, and limitations of power. That the constitution was a mere nose of wax, yielding to every impression it received. That every "opening wedge," which was driven in-
to it, was highly beneficial, in severing asunder the limitations and restrictions of power. That the republicanism it secured, meant any thing or nothing. It gave him therefore great pleasure at this time to obey the injunctions of gentlemen in rallying round the constitution as the ark of our political safety, and of interpreting it by the plain and obvious meaning and letter of the specified powers.
But, he said, as if it was always the unfortunate destiny of these gentlemen to be upon extremes, they have now got round to the opposite extreme point of the political compass, and even beyond it. For, he said, they not only tie down all construction to the letter of the instrument, but they tell us, that they see, and call upon us also to see written therein, in large capital characters, "the indefinite independence of judges;" which, to the extent they carry the meaning of the term, is neither to be found in the letter or spirit of that instrument, or in any other political establishment, he believed, under the sun. Mr. Giles said, he rejoiced that this subject was now to be discussed; he thought the crisis peculiarly auspicious for the discussion. He said the European world, with which the United States have the most relations, is now tranquilized. The tremendous scenes of blood & revolution, which had agitated that portion of the globe, had at length subsided into profound peace; and had left mankind, in silent amazement, to retrospect the wonderful events which were passed; and he hoped, with calm deliberation to improve the lessons they had furnished for the benefit of mankind in time to come. The interests and sympathies, which the people of the United States felt in these events, no longer turn their attention from their own internal concerns; arguments of the highest consideration for the safety of the constitution, and the liberty of the citizens, no longer receive the short reply, French partisans! Jacobins! Disorganizers! And although the gentleman from North-Carolina, sees, or thinks he sees the destructive spirit mount in the whirlwind and direct the form; let him be consoled by the information, "that all these our actors are mere spirits, and are dissolved into thin air." Yes, sir, these magical delusions are now vanished, and have left the American people and their congress in their real persons, and original American characters, engaged in the transaction of American concerns.
Upon taking a view of our internal situation, he observed, altho' party rage may not be done away; it may be said, its highest paroxysm is past. And altho' the gentleman from New-York, (Mr. T. Morris) yesterday observed, that the President had commenced a system of persecution; so ignorant he said, he was of the existence of such a system, that he could not conceive to what the gentleman alluded. It is some time, Mr. Chairman, since a member of this House, and sundry printers throughout the United States, have been amerced and imprisoned to appease the vengeance of an unconstitutional sedition act, merely for publishing their own sentiments, which happened to be unpalatable to the then existing administration! It is some time, Sir, since we have seen judges who ought to have been independent, converted into political partisans, and like executive millionaires pronouncing political harangues throughout the United States! It is some time, Sir, since we have seen the zealous judge, stoop from the bench to look out for more victims for judicial vengeance! It is some time since we have seen the same judicial impetuosity drive from the bar, the most respectable counsel, who humanely proposed to interpose between a friendless and unprotected man, and the judicial vengeance to which he was doomed! It is some time, Sir, since we have seen the same judicial zeal extending the provisions of the sedition act, by discovering that it had jurisdiction of the lex non scripta, or common law! It is some time, since we have seen the chief executive magistrate dooming to humiliation "in dust and ashes" a great portion of the American people! Yes, Sir, these terrific scenes are past. These noisy declamations, and this judicial zeal, are hushed into silence by the audible pronunciation of the public will. He said, we may even indulge the hope, Mr. Chairman, that our pulpits will not much longer be converted into political forums; and that the meek and humble teachers of the christian faith, instead of stirring up all the angry and destructive passions of the human mind, will ere long once more condescend, to teach those precepts of humility, forbearance and toleration, taught them by their divine preceptor. Those precepts so essential to the discovery of truth, by pre-disposing the mind to deliberation and reflection.
The present executive pursuing the general good, and supported by the general confidence, stands not in need of these artificial aids. He invites inquiry. He knows, that the highest encomium, which can be bestowed upon his administration, would flow from a correct understanding of his motives and his conduct. Instead of calling in the aid of sedition acts, to the defamatory scribblers, who appear to increase in numbers, and in impu-
dence, in proportion to the desperation of their cause, and their security from punishment, he has said, "let them stand undisturbed, as monuments of the safety, with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it." Under these auspicious circumstances, he said, he proceeded to the discussion of the important question before us with pleasure, conscious that he was subject to error, and knowing, that if he did err, it was his interest to be corrected; confident also, that there was a mass of intelligence and calm reflection at this time in the people of the United States, competent to detect the error, and apply the corrective. Impressed with these sentiments, he differed widely in opinion with the gentleman from North-Carolina, (Mr. Henderson) who had said, "that if the bill upon your table should pass into a law, he would not heave a sigh or drop a tear upon the instantaneous demolition of the whole constitution. The sooner it was done the better." Sir, this gentleman and his associates in political opinions, have termed themselves "lovers of order." Is this an evidence of the practice we are to expect from those gentlemen, under their professions so long, and so loudly made to the people of the United States? Cannot that gentleman find some reason to regret that sentiment, in the confidence due to the intelligence and patriotism of a great portion of his fellow-citizens, who differ with him on that point? Or do the gentleman and his political associates claim with presumptuous vanity, not only the appellation of the exclusive "lovers of order," but also the monopoly of all the intelligence and patriotism of the nation? He had too much respect for gentlemen, to suppose they would place their pretensions on this ground. He begged pardon of the committee for this digression. He had been impelled to it from the course the debate had taken, and particularly from the indecorous attacks made on the President of the United States. He said, he would now proceed to examine whether the repeal of the judiciary law of the last session of Congress would in any respect violate that salutary and practicable independence of the judges, which was secured to them by the constitution. He said the term independence of judges or of the judiciary department, was not to be found in the constitution. It was therefore a mere inference from some of the specified powers; and he believed in the meaning of gentlemen, and to the extent they carry it, the term is not to be found either in the spirit, general character, or phraseology of any article or section of the Constitution. He meant to give the Constitution the most candid interpretation in his power, according to the plain and obvious import of the English language. He should discard in his interpretation, the terms "common defence and general welfare," which had been resorted to by some gentlemen. He considered these words as containing no grant of power whatever, but merely the expression of the ends or objects to be effected by the grants of specified powers. He therefore protested against drawing any aid whatever from them in his construction of the instrument. He said he had read through the whole constitution to enable him to form his opinion upon this question, for fear there might be in some hidden corner of it, some provision, which might demonstrate the unconstitutionality of the present bill; and if so, although he should lament such a provision, he would instantly give up the bill. But his researches had terminated in a different result. He said he found from the general character of the constitution, that the general will was its basis—the general good its object—and the fundamental principle for effecting this object, was the responsibility of all public agents, either mediately or immediately to the people. He said the context of the constitution would demonstrate the two first points, which he begged to read.
"We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America."
Here we find the constitution founded upon the will of the people; and the object declared to be, the good of the people. Through the whole body of the constitution may be discerned the responsibility of all public agents, either mediately, or immediately, to the people. This responsibility results, 1st, from the division of authority into different departments—2d, From a specification and limitation of the authorities of all and each of the departments—3d, From periodical appointments of the public agents. The first clause declares there shall be a Congress, to whom the business of legislation is confided. This Congress is to consist, of a House of Representatives to be chosen by the people immediately, and responsible to them at the end of every two years; and a Senate to be chosen by the legislatures of the different States, who are chosen by the people; one third of the Senators to be chosen every two years, and re-

possible at the end of every six years. The executive power is vested in a President, who is chosen by Electors who are chosen for that express purpose by the people, and responsible at the end of every four years. The President may be considered immediately responsible to the people, as he is chosen through the medium of electors: because it is found in practice, that the Electors are constrained to avow the vote they intend to give before they are chosen, and the people have generally made their elections with a view to that object.
(To be Continued.)
For the RHODE-ISLAND REPUBLICAN.
CURTIUS—No. II.
"The first temporal duty is that which a man owes to his Country."
THIS sentiment shone with a brilliant, and captivating lustre, in the noble Roman youth, whose signature I assume. I call him noble, not that it was derived from an imperial consanguinity; not that he sprang from the purple dignity of Rome; but because he was induced with a native frankness, and an elastic fervor of mind, & because he was devoted to the welfare of his country. Yes—this youth gave himself a sacrifice to patriotism, and virtue. For when the caverns of the earth were opened in the midst of the forum, and he was informed that it would not close until some one should throw himself into it; with a patriotic, & benevolent ardor, he suddenly leaped into the gulph, when it closed upon him, and he was entombed alive, for the security of his countrymen.
How divine is such an example! and how irresistibly doth it extort our approbation! To such examples do we owe the portion of civil liberty which yet remains to cherish, and console the family of mankind. To such examples, as a well disposed, and faithful light, upon which we may fix our eyes with safety, do we look for future guidance, and protection. But, however precious they may be in the sight of reason, and philosophy; however valuable to the world, be it as it is with tyrants, and with traitors, till there are those whose greatest error is that they are too much absorbed by secondary interests, more willing to profit, though in an inferior degree, by public wrongs, than to resist, and withstand the evil; still there are those, I say, who would hastily condemn, and make them a subject of scoff, and derision, as the wild eccentricities of infatuated folly. And it is not only this last extreme of magnanimity, heroism, & greatness, which is subject to blind abuse, but every degree of integrity experiences the same in proportion to the talents with which it is united. Thus have a Jefferson, a Madison, a Gallatin, a Lincoln, a Granger, a Giles, a Mason, and a Jackson, who comprise a political constellation of faithfulness, and wisdom, been railed at with an unceasing clamor, inclined with the basest aspersions of the human breast. And this denunciation, has, by the aid of delusion, been raised, and supported by an interest, utterly incompatible with the true interest of the United States;—I mean that upon which its government was originally predicated. But as there is nothing which might not be reasoned upon; nothing which could not be talked about; so, upon this extraneous system, thus surreptitiously introduced; which by the overflow of truth is likely to settle, and sink beneath them, they commence a horrible howling, hoping, by the din of clamor, to stifle, and impede the fate that awaits them; and that by the doleful solemnity of sounds, the attention of "the people" may be amused, and withheld from inquiry. We had a memorable instance of this in the remonstrance of New-Haven , upon the appointment of Bishop , Collector of that port. We had an instance of it in the removal of the Surveyer of the port of Newport , whose "grey hairs" were instantly counted, and proclaimed to the world, as amply sufficient, whether they were one, or many, to entitle him to continuance. But was it the violence done to the inviolable sanctity to which his "grey hairs" entitled him, that raised those plaintive cries? Was it any disregard to his revolutionary services, as a "rear worn soldier," which they lamented? Was it for the homage he had paid at the shrine of Hyson , that they pleaded his title to continuance? Were these the real grounds upon which they predicted their complaint? Those who know the state of the case, know they have no foundation. They know that he is yet in the prime, and vigor of life: Without any disposition in myself to speak diminutively of his revolutionary services, they know that those services have, by the emoluments, which he has already derived from the public, been more than rewarded: They know too, that the same overruling destiny, which has blessed him with a numerous, and promising offspring, has placed it in his power to amass, not a competence merely; but a lordly heritage .—And they must know, that he is now, in full practice at the bar, the indispensable avocations of which, demand much the greatest share of his attention. Now, where are those high sounding epithets which, so recently, have been thundered with so much pathos, and elocution? Do they not "dissolve in thin air!" Where are those desperate denunciations; those charges of "proscription" which have been leveled against the authorities of our country on this occasion? Do they not recoil with accumulated pressure upon the guilty heads of their authors! Do we not here see, in a clear, and an unequivocal light the real complexion, and true merits of all their accusations? This is a case brought home to our knowledge, and understanding; a case which we can sift, and decide upon, free from prejudice, and free from deception. Let this then be one criterion to ascertain the grounds of their restlessness.
Had I been the first, publicly to expatiate upon this matter, I should think myself obligated to apologize for doing it: But as it was introduced by others for a contrary purpose, we
feel ourselves justified in availing ourselves of whatever it may afford; and if the consequence involves disagreeables, be the transgression upon their own heads. Could it be supposed that they would be permitted to go on in their declamatory nonsense, without a check? Could they suppose that, free from question, they might wanton in a prostitution of language? No: However ridiculously palpable the deception they were playing, it will not, it shall not, exempt them from a direct, and open arraignment.
It is curious to remark the symptoms which predominate among those little fellows, previous to the coming forth of their political productions. Those who have opportunities to observe them while in this species of gestation, certainly experience, a great deal of pleasant satisfaction. Such simpering garrulity; such chattering vivacity; such whispering industry, adorned with mutual smirks, and mutual leers, that the attention of the beholder is at once, unavoidably arrested, and he cannot but wonder at so singular a phenomenon. The "Prince" (of darkness)—with a countenance worn down by the attrition of thought, & sorrowed by the perplexity of unprofitable application; with a heavy, livid, sour, and sullen look, and all his resolution, emits one beam of light, and dreams his mind is day. Laboring for a look of gravity, and wisdom, (which indeed, in spite of his teeth, eludes him,) he says he is for the Constitution, and means to save it . Then his oracle blazes before the public, made up of ignorant aspersions upon the President's message; some pitiful attempt at verbal criticism; or other personal and pointed abuse. In this, however blunt, and ineffectual it may be as to its ostensive object, still he is sure of his aim; he is sure of pleasing those whom it is his interest to please. And thus he is happy—happy in his own contemptible, and unworthy merits—happy, and proud of the merits of a tool . When the raptures that seize him, strengthen the resemblance which he naturally bears to the picture of pleasure, exhibited in Salmon's account of the Chinese .
These strictures have not been dictated by any private or personal antipathy. They have arisen from a serious desire to expose the treachery of such a force of information. For what can be expected from the stream, where the fountain is thus contaminated with the most baneful tinctures. Will not every one who drinks imbibe the poison of asps? Certainly this is not the genial, and vital air, which our liberties are to breathe; it is not the limpid current, which is to water and cherish that sacred tree, which is emblematic of the prize obtained in our revolutionary struggle; it is not the refreshing dew that is to preserve, and fertilize the constitution of our country.
Upon the whole, we are, by the instance above adduced, and the manner in which they have attempted to bend it to their purpose; but which, fortunately, we are all enabled to decide upon of our own immediate and intimate knowledge—we are warranted in saying, that it is more the molestation of their system of patronage which they bewail, than any departure from the true principles of administration. Rotation in office is a principle, not merely recognized by, but absolutely sacred to the genius of the constitution. And all appointments, ought ever to be regulated by an inflexible regard to the tenets of our revolution, to the public safety, and the public service. CURTIUS.
From the Editor of the Aurora.
WASHINGTON, FEB. 20.
Mr. Bayard spoke yesterday four hours, and this day in continuation, three hours, a very able, but yet very declamatory and menacing speech. He was answered to-day by Mr. Randolph, after which the House adjourned to Tuesday next; Monday being required to put up some Ventilators in the House. I will not dwell on the merits of the several speakers, as the speeches will afford every one an opportunity to judge for himself. Great light has been thrown on the subject, however, by the discussion; the history of the government is unfolded, and the genuine principles of the government displayed on points before ambiguous, or subject to misconstruction. The discussions hitherto, taken altogether, do great honor to the talents of the country, notwithstanding some declamation has taken place. I have heard on no occasion a more eloquent speech than that of Mr. Giles, of which I have taken very minute notes: Mr. Thompson of Virginia, does honor to a name almost classic in our annals. The speech of Mr. Bayard, though distinguished more for legal ingenuity, was as matter of controversy certainly able, and if he could avoid imputing to his adversaries arguments they never use, would be much more impressive; the speech of Mr. Randolph to-day, was as severe as anything I have heard, but couched in that mellow style of language, that, while it corrects, does not torture. Vast assemblages of ladies attend every day, and I foresee, that at no very distant period, this place is destined to be the centre of polished society.
Extracts of a letter from Washington, dated February 19, 1802.
"We are still engaged on the bill to repeal the act for the more convenient organization of the courts of the United States. Yesterday Mr. Giles made one of the most luminous and conclusive speeches I ever heard. He gave a concise history of federal politics, and shewing the tendency of federal measures to one point, that of an energetic and irresponsible government; that this system, about to be repealed, was a link in the chain along with the funding system, the assumption of the state debts, the standing army, the navy, the direct tax, the alien and sedition acts, and the proscription and persecution of those in opposition to federal views. He shewed that the courts were designed as a rampart against the people and their representatives; that they were to be the depositaries of a power, that was to control the national will; that the attributes consented for destroyed all responsi-
bility, and made the judges the despots of the nation; that they had pursued a course of conduct in coincidence with such sentiments; that the Supreme Court had claimed to itself a power to bring states before it, to declare laws unconstitutional, and had issued its mandatory process into the executive cabinet; that the judges had converted themselves into itinerant declaimers in favor of federal measures, and had metamorphosed the seat of justice into a political forum; that they had descended to become inquisitors, and had contrived to immolate those who dared to question the fallibility of federal men and measures; that even a member of this House had been made their victim, and had been incarcerated to glut their vengeance and their rage.
"He annuallized the constitutionality of the question, and demonstrated the power of the legislature over the Judiciary system. I am prevented from giving you an epitome of his arguments, by my desire to listen to Mr. Bayard, who has just risen to reply."
WASHINGTON, March 8.
Fourth of March being the Anniversary of the national government and of the present administration; the Vice-President, members of both Houses of Congress and the heads of Departments, to the number of seventy, met at the republican Hotel to dine; the chaplain on the occasion expressed a well grounded hope of the Divine Benediction, in a short but pathetic address, after which the company sat down to an elegant repast, the cloth removed and having offered devout expressions of thanks to the beneficent author of particular and national blessings, they proceeded to mingle the following convivial toasts with their cheering libations.
1. The day we celebrate. 2. The people of the United States and their elective franchise. 3. The legislative, executive and judicial powers, moving within their constitutional spheres. 4. The state sovereignties; sixteen pillars supporting the federal dome. 5. The memory of Washington. 6. The memory of those statesmen and heroes who achieved our national independence. 7. Constituted authorities; wisdom to ensure and integrity to maintain the public confidence. 8. Peace—may its returning blessings be diffused through a suffering world. 9. Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures. 10. The Militia—the real defence of our country. 11. Economy in the public expences and vigilance in the people over their public servants. 12. Public faith evinced by the payment, not by the perpetuity of the public debt. 13. The City of Washington. 14. The administration supported by public confidence. 15. The chain of the Union—too strong for faction to break. 16. The flag of the United States.
VOLUNTEERS.
THOMAS JEFFERSON, the man whom the people delight to honor.—By Gen. Bradley, who presided.
Our fellow-citizens of the Army and Navy.—By Col. Burr.
After which a number were given expressive of the high sense maintained of the many meritorious Republican characters from the proscribed patriots of '76 to the present day.—The Vice-President having withdrawn, the following was announced from the chair.
Aaron Burr, the statesman and soldier.
At Evening the illumination of the Hotel was most brilliant, beams of joy sparkled in every countenance. The greatest order, propriety and decorum, was observed through the whole festival, and at 8 o'clock the company retired.
AS Mr. Hamilton appears to have been the most prominent character in the meeting of Lawyers in New-York, respecting the judiciary Law, we think it fit to analyse his speech, in order to estimate the weight that it ought to have either with the national legislature, or with a dispassionate public.
He implies that
1. The memorial of the bar of Philadelphia was treated with disrespect.
Is this true? Never was any memorial to Congress treated with more respect. It was read and heard with attention. Animadverted upon by the opponents of the repeal, and noticed with respect by the friends of the repeal, who however, observed, as it contained nothing new, it did not require more than ordinary attention.
2. "He declared, that if the bill passed, the constitution was but a shadow, and we should be ere long divided into separate confederations turning our arms against each other."
Here is the awful cry of dissolution, that was raised in the Senate, again repeated. Let the nation remark this; and let them also remark, that they who are the first to raise the cry may be those who feel the least abhorrence to the thing itself. If the Union is to be dissolved, who are to work the dissolution? Not the nation, which, by its Representatives, wills a particular act; but they, who, in defiance of the national will, menace us with internal disorder.
3. "He solemnly called Heaven to witness his devout desire, that the system of government adopted among us might prosper."
We impeach the sincerity of no man. But we remember facts; and we ask, did not Alexander Hamilton propose in the federal convention a system that was monarchy; nay, that was worse than monarchy; and that subjected the States to the mercy of the general government, by giving to the President the appointment of the Governors of the States and to them a vote on the passage of all laws?
Did not the same gentleman say, he wished to God the insurgents had burnt the town of Pittsburg?
[Natis. Instel.
It is really curious to hear some of the present opposition in Congress, claiming in favor of repealing certain impost duties, to prevent a total abolition of the internal taxes. When they were in the majority, and could have effected the repeal, they never proposed it. Indeed they and their political friends were the authors of those very impost duties. So far as men are to be supposed to intend the obvious consequences of their conduct, we are warranted in saying, their object is only to counteract and defeat the policy of the Republicans, which is to abolish the entire system of internal taxes, in the first place, on account of their great expense of collection, and a number of dependent officers. When the Republicans shall, as they undoubtedly will in due season, move to retrench the salt duty, and other inconvenient articles of impost, heretofore established under federal auspices, it will be seen whether the opposition members of Congress, and their partisans thro' the country, are really in favor of such a retrenchment or not.—At present no man in his senses can doubt that their intention is to save the internal revenue officers, with their official incomes and influence, by preventing a total repeal of the internal taxes: for if only the carriage tax, for instance, is continued, the whole establishment of officers must be retained; and the whole tax would not, probably, defray the expense of collection. This federal pretence cannot long deceive the observing part of the community. [Chron.
The anniversary of WASHINGTON's birth day was celebrated, on the 22d ultimo, at Stell's Hotel in the City of Washington, by the Federal Members of Congress. Almost every toast on this occasion, contains either an open or an indirect attack upon the present administration. As the most inflammatory and seditious we select the following volunteers.
By Mr. BAYARD. The people of the United States .—May the Genius of Liberty protect them against the Spirit of Jacobinism!
By Mr. RUTLEDGE. The proscribed patriots , Gen. MILLER, COLONELS FISH and CHESTER.—May their injuries rouse the People to a sense of their danger, and make an opening to better times!
By Mr. JONATHAN MASON. The Temple of Justice .—When assailed by its enemies, may it receive the efficient support of its friends!
By Mr. DWIGHT FOSTER. The Doctrines of the Old School .—May they prevail against the subtilties of Philosophy, and preserve to our Country the enjoyment of social life.
No one can be so blind, as not to trace, in these voluntary ebullitions of the bottle, a deep and settled malignity against the President and the prevailing party in Congress.—The "sentiment" of Mr. RUTLEDGE is a loud call to the people to rouse and resist their oppressors. In England, the utterance of this "sentiment" would have secured to the Hon. Member, a safe passage to Botany Bay! Under our sedition law, the fate of LYON and COOPER would have followed the hilarity of this festival.
What opinion must the world entertain of our National dignity, when they behold our "Grave Senators," retiring from the calls of their duty, and, under the plausible pretence of commemorating the virtues of WASHINGTON, thus loudly and intemperately calumniating his patriotic and virtuous successor? Is the memory of the sainted Patriot honored by such a celebration? If the noise of this carousal has reached the silent tomb at Mount Vernon , have not his peaceful ashes been disturbed by these invectives? If his spirit is now hovering over the favorite spot of his earthly residence, will it not frown indignantly at this daring prostitution of his name? The people who venerate his virtues, who love their liberties, and the constitution which protects them, will surely join in reprobating this flagrant abuse of the government they have chosen.
The President has been severely reprobated by his enemies, for recommending a Nolle prosequi , in the case of Capt. Levin Jones, who was indicted for Murder in the Circuit Court of Maryland District, in November term, 1799. The circumstances of this case are minutely stated in the Hartford Mercury , of March 4th, with a number of documents to confirm the truth of the statement. It appears, that Capt. Jones, who is a respectable citizen of Baltimore, and high in the confidence and esteem of the most respectable inhabitants of that city, in the fall of the year 1798, failed for Leghorn, in the armed brig David Stuart , of which he was commander. On his passage home, eight of the crew, of which Davis, the person killed, was one, mutined, rose upon the Captain and threatened to throw him overboard. Capt. Jones hailed the Elizabeth , Capt. Luther, and desired assistance.—Capt. L. went on board; after which Davis, who was the ring-leader of the mutineers, attempted to seize Capt. Jones, who, being armed with a broadsword, wounded him in the breast; of which wound he died, in about an hour. Another of the gang, who attempted to seize the Capt. was wounded; upon which the rest submitted. In November, 1799, the friends of the deceased contrived to bring the affair before the Grand Jury, who, not having any part of the testimony in favor of Capt. Jones before them, indicted him for murder. In Baltimore, upon an investigation of the case, there was but one opinion, which was, that Capt. Jones killed Davis in self-defence, and defence of the brig and property entrusted to him, and that his conduct was praiseworthy. The citizens of Baltimore, of all parties, united in an application to the Executive, that the anxiety of a respectable man, an amiable wife, and a numerous family, might be relieved, by a stay of proceedings on the indictment. The President, having examined into the case, was convinced of the innocence of Capt. Jones, and having taken the opinion of his constitutional advisers, he ordered the Attorney for the District, to enter a Nolle prosequi upon the indictment.
For this act of justice and mercy, the President has been denounced, as arresting the arm of the law, and giving his sanction to the most dangerous crimes, by rescuing a Pirate and a

Murderer from punishment! Shame, where is thy blush!  [National Enquirer]
DESTRUCTION OF THE CAPE!
(AUTHENTIC.)
From the National Intelligencer. A letter dated February 12, has been received from Mr. Lear, our Consul at Cape-Francis, from which the following circumstantial and interesting statement is derived.
On the 2d of February the French fleet, consisting of 14 sail of the line and 9 frigates, appeared off the harbor. Every thing was immediately put in motion. The whites rejoicing, and the blacks preparing for resistance. They did not attempt to come in that day, although the wind and weather were very favorable. A cutter belonging to the fleet came in, and an aid of the Admiral was sent to General Christophe, who commanded the town, to deliver to him the proclamation of the First Consul, and to know if he should make any opposition. The answer from Christophe was, that he was but a subordinate officer, and that he could not permit the ships to enter without the orders of the Governor. This determination and the preparation making for the opposition, created a general alarm. Mr. Lear went round to the Americans, and advised them to get themselves and their most valuable effects on board the vessels in the harbor without delay. At midnight the mayor and municipality waited upon him, with a request that he would attend a deputation of their body on board the fleet, to endeavor to make some accommodation that would save the town. He readily consented, from motives of humanity, and from a wish to know their disposition towards the Americans. They embarked about 2 o'clock, and at the same time Mr. Lear gave orders to the American vessels in the road, to move over to the opposite side of the harbor, that they might be as far as possible from the town. The ships having stood off in the night, the deputation did not get on board the Admiral till one o'clock of the 3d inst. where the deputation were received by Gen. Leclerc in a very severe manner, and informed that the ships would come in the next day at all events, and without any other terms than those offered in the proclamation. After they had been dismissed, Mr. Lear was introduced to the General, and told him his double view for coming. He said as to the first, his determination had been delivered to the deputation, and as to the second, that the Americans might expect every protection he could give them. Mr. Lear returned with the deputation, and they reached the town about ten, when they went to General Christophe, and informed him of the issue of their mission. He declared he would not yield a point on his part. Mr. Lear then asked him what the Americans had to depend upon. He said he would give permission in the morning for them to go on board their vessels. Mr. Lear retired to his house, and put up his most valuable papers and a few cloths, to take on board the American vessels with him in the morning. The town was filled with troops and other blacks from the country during the night. In the morning at daylight, Mr. Lear went to Christophe's for the order for the Americans to embark, and also desired that all the women and children and other whites might be permitted to go on board the American vessels, which would be ready to receive them. He was mounting his horse, and told him he would ride to the water and give orders to the guard to permit the Americans only to go on board the vessels. Mr. Lear entreated for the others, but in vain. Mr. Lear made such disposition as to get off with a number of women and children who were there, and such Americans as appeared; all but 4 or 5 having gone on board.
The wind was high all day, and the fleet which was close in to the reef could not enter the harbor. In the afternoon armed men were sent on board the American vessels, and every white and black Frenchman found on board was taken out and carried in there. Just before dark, one of the ships flood in very near the fort, with every appearance of entering. The fort fired at her, which was returned, and a cannonading took place. All the forts around the harbor fired constantly, although some were not within 6 miles of the ships. This was the signal for firing the town, which was immediately begun; and in about one hour it exhibited an awful scene of conflagration. The ships did not attempt to come in.
The situation of the Americans on board the vessels was not very pleasant. They were totally defenceless, and in the power of the blacks; and a report had come off in the afternoon, that they would come on board, after burning the town, and destroy the vessels and massacre the people on board. There were 35 American vessels in the port (which was the whole number, a few small French ones excepted) and as there appeared no other chances for safety, after they should have gorged themselves on shore, but from some of the ships coming in, (which they could not do in the night) or from a detachment of boats sent in by them with the troops; Mr. Lear determined at once to go out by the forts in a boat, and endeavor to get in a detachment of boats. On passing the forts, every thing was silent, which convinced him they had abandoned them, after setting fire to the town. He got out safely; and as the ships flood off, it was daylight before he got on board the Admiral. He told his situation to him, and the Admiral assured him he would go in with his ships without delay, as they could now go in as soon or sooner than the boats. Accordingly about 12 o'clock they entered the harbor, without a gun from the fort, which had been abandoned. They found the American shipping safe, as the blacks were still pillaging the town amidst the flames. The troops instantly landing from the ships, the town was immediately cleared of the blacks, and a few houses (perhaps 60 out of 600) saved.
To attempt to describe the scene of deso-
lation is impossible. The property lost by the Americans in the town was very considerable. In goods and debts due from them those who lost their all, it must be nearly 300,000 dollars. Only one American lost his life, a Mr. Lanchester, of the house of Lanchester and Richardson of Charleston (S. C.) He tarried on shore with a determination to save his property or perish with it, and unhappily suffered. He was killed in his house and almost consumed in the flames. Few other whites were killed, as they appeared to be more intent on plunder than murder. Three Americans saved their houses, but their goods were pillaged, viz. Mr. Dodge, Mefs. Hellin and Williams, and Mefs. D'Arcy and Stevenson.
Capt. Rogers, of the American navy, was there, and who displayed that dauntless spirit which he is known to possess, tarried on shore through the whole, and by his good management and intrepidity secured the lives of many whom he got off from the flames, and was the means of saving several houses.
The general in chief, expresses himself disposed to befriend the Americans in every way; but as yet, no American vessels have been allowed to dispose of or land their cargoes, neither have they been permitted to sail (excepting Captain Rogers, who has obtained a special permission.) Mr. Lear was assured by the general, that he would give all expedition to establish the offices, that the vessels may enter and clear and unload their cargoes (such as have them.) As to taking in cargoes, that is out of the question; for there is nothing left to load a single vessel; the destruction of the town is far greater than in the former conflagration.
Divisions of the ships and troops have gone to different parts of the island; one to Port Republican, and to the city of Santo Domingo; from these places Mr. Lear had not heard. A report was in town, that the French met with a powerful opposition at Port Republican, and lost 4 or 500 men, and that the place was destroyed. Others say that there was little resistance and the place saved. They landed at Port au Paix, at Limbay, and at Port Dauphin; at all which places they met with resistance; but made good their landing. This is an evidence, that opposition was determined upon from the first. The sons of Toussaint came over in the fleet; and were treated by the officer with great attention. They had been in France for their education. To Christophe, it was declared by the aid of the Admiral who was sent to him on the 2d inst. that himself, Toussaint, and the other chiefs, who had conducted meritoriously in the late insurrection, would have their rank confirmed, their pay continued for life, and full possession of their immense property, without its being questioned how they had acquired it. And he proposed to continue as a hostage for the fulfilment of these conditions by the general in chief, if he would give up the idea of resistance, but it had no effect upon him.
In addition to the above particulars we learn, that Mr. Lear had been received in the character of General Commercial Agent, by the General in Chief, who is viewed as an upright man, and whose wife (who is with him) is sister to the First Consul.
The payment for provisions, &c. derived from the Americans is offered to be made in bills on France, at 60 days sight, or part in cash and colonial produce.
That another division of 25 ships, and 20,000 troops are daily expected.
Toussaint was understood to be in the neighborhood of the Cape during the occurrence of the above events.
Both Toussaint and Christophe were supposed, when Capt. Rogers sailed, to be in the neighborhood of the Cape, with a large body of troops; but it was thought that they would soon be obliged to disperse and fly to the mountains.
[In the list of American vessels at the Cape on the 12th ult. there are only 2 mentioned as belonging to the New-England States, viz. brig Augusta, Davis; and jchr. Catherine, Cloutman, of Boston.]
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES—March 3.
The judiciary bill was read the third time, when Mr. Lowndes moved its postponement till the first Monday in December. The motion was lost, 32 to 50.
The main question was then taken on the passage of the bill by Yeas and Nays, as follows:
YEAS.
Mefs. Alston, Archer, Bacon, Bailey, Bishopp, Brent, Brown, Butler, Cabell, Claiborne, Clay, Clopton, Condit, Cutts, Davis, Dawson, Dickson, Elmore, Elmer, Fowler, Giles, Gregg, J. Heister, Helmes, Hoag, Holland, Holmes, Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Leib, Milledge, Mitchell, More, Nott, New, Newton, Nicholson, Randolph, Smilie, J. Smith of Virg. J. Smith of N. Y. Jos. Smith, S. Smith, Southard, Stanford, Stanton, Stewart, Taliaferro, Thomas, Thompson, A. Trigg, J. Trigg, Van Ness, Van Cortlandt, Van Horne, Varnum, R. Williams.—59.
NAYS.
Mefs. Boudé, Campbell, Cutler, Dams, Davenport, Dennis, Eustis, Foker, Goddard, Griswold, Grove, Hastings, Hemphill, Henderson, Hill, Huger, Lowndes, L. R. Morris, Peirce, Plater, Read, Rutledge, Stanley Tallmadge, Tenney, Tillinghast, Upham, Renfsselaer, Wadsworth, Walker, L. Williams, Woods.—32.
Extract of a letter from a Member of Congress, dated March 10th, to a gentleman in New-York.
"The naturalization bill passed the House of Representatives a few minutes ago.—59 to 27—without any essential deviation from the shape in which it was originally reported."
A residence of five years is deemed necessary by this law to entitle to citizenship.
A bill to repeal the whole of the internal taxes, has been read twice in the house of Representatives, & committed for the third reading.
STONINGTON (Con.) March 5.
COMMUNICATION.
Many of the disappointed and arrogant Jacobins, alias Federalists, of Washington county, Rhode-Island, have for some weeks past been employed in the nefarious business of disseminating falsehoods in the interior parts of the country, and have the audacity to declare that every Republican Officer, will be turned out in the course of another year, &c. &c. It is hoped the good citizens of the State who are friendly to the cause of Republicanism, will be watchful and vigilant, and by truth and perseverance, defeat the nefarious plans of a "set" of indecent, lying old Tories. [Patriot.]
NEWPORT, Saturday, March 20, 1802.
Intelligence from St. Maloes, in France, states that the Definitive Treaty between the Republic and England was signed on the 9th of January.
France is threatened with a scarcity of bread, in consequence of excessive rains.
On the 6th inst. the College at Princeton, (N. J.) was burned. The libraries, orrery, and cloathing of at least half the students was consumed. The whole loss is estimated at about 40,000 dollars.
Wednesday night (the 10th inst.) about 11 o'clock, the town of Boston was once more visited by fire, which broke out in the store of Col. Joseph Ripley, on Mr. David Spear's wharf; this store was consumed; from thence it spread to the stores on the Long Wharf. Nine were burnt, and two greatly injured by attempts to pull them down. The amount of property destroyed is very great.
The Sunday Caucus.
An Original Anecdote.
A Country gentleman, having some business with a certain great man of Providence, (formerly a member of Congress) called at his door, on the Sunday afternoon, during the session of the General Assembly in that town. He asked the servant who came to the door, if his master was within? "Yes, massa," says the negro, "be in de room dare—walk in—good many gentlemen here." The gentleman said, he would call again, for perhaps they were upon some private business. "O no massa," the servant replied, "walk in—massa be glad to see you—da makey de Gubner dare."
COMMUNICATION.
It is reported as matter of fact, that the Oppositionists have already opened public houses in several parts of this State, for electioneering purposes. Republicans will therefore be on their guard, and defeat by their firmness and vigilance, the wicked machinations of their inveterate opponents. Fellow-citizens, the enemies of "the people," and of the constituted authorities of our country, are seeking an opportunity to give a mortal blow to your freedom and liberty; and instead of healing the wounds they have made in society, are endeavoring to open them, that they may bleed afresh. They are constantly attempting to inflame the passions of men, by setting father against son, and neighbor against neighbor. These are the characters who have assumed to themselves the title of "friends to religion and order." But they truly are, "wolves in sheeps clothing."
CAUTION.
The particulars of a Federal Caucus held at Providence, on the Lord's Day, (Feb. 21st) is received, and will be given in our next.
MARRIED. —At North-Kingstown, by the Rev. Mr. Lock, Mr. FELIG CORY, of East-Greenwich, to Miss ALICE DAWLEY, of North-Kingstown.
Mr. JONATHAN SPENCER, 10 Miss POLLY JONES. Mr. JOHN BRIGGS, of East-Greenwich, to Miss MARY BENTLY, of Exeter.
DIED. —At East-Greenwich, Mrs. ELIZABETH FOWLER, consort of Mr. John Fowler. At West-Greenwich, Mr. SANFORD CASE, in an advanced age.
At South-Kingstown, on the 11th inst. of an apoplectic fit, Mr. NATHAN GARDNER, aged 54 years.
In this town, on Sunday last, Mrs. PHILA TOWNSEND, consort of Mr. John Townsend, in the 56th year of her age.
CUSTOM-HOUSE.
District of Newport, March 19.
ENTERED, From Sloop Hiram, Borden, New-York. Washington, Heath, Providence. Schooner Caty, Hurlbert, Tortola. CLEARED, For Sloop General Greene, Gardner, Providence. Dolphin, Spencer, Norfolk.
WHEREAS the honorable Court of Probate, of the town of Middletown, hath allowed us, the subscribers, commissioners, to receive the claims of the creditors to the Estate of Peleg Allen, late of Middletown, deceased, represented insolvent, a further time of six months from this date, for said purpose: Therefore, the creditors are hereby notified to bring forward their claims within said time, to us, or either of us, at our respective dwellings; otherwise they will be precluded as the law directs.
ELISHA ALLEN, } Com. JOHN ALLEN, }
N. B. All those indebted to said Estate, are requested to make immediate payment to ELIZABETH ALLEN, Admin'a. THOMAS C. ALLEN, Admin'r. Middletown, March 15, 1802. 77
Thomas Howland,
Has for sale, at his Auction and Commission store, foot of the new Church lane, Newport, on as good terms as can be purchased in this place.
ST. CROIX RUM, in hogsheads, barrels, or 10 Gallons. Jamaica do. do. do. Old Jamaica, 4th proof, do. First quality Martinico MOLASSES, per hogshead, or barrel. Havanna, do. do. White and Brown Havanna SUGARS Per Box or barrel. Georgia COTTON, Sea-Island, and Upland, per Bale or less. Holland GIN, in Pipes or Barrels. Superfine, fine, and common FLOUR, per bbl. RICE, per Tierce or Hundred. Real Hyson, young Hyson, Souchong, Congo, and Bohea TEAS, of a superior quality. American, Geneva, and Cyder BRANDY, Midlings, Cornell, Ship stuff, & Ship BREAD, per barrel. Velvet CORKS.—Blackhead in Keggs. Negro-Head TOBACCO, per do. Box HATS. Rum barrels, Fifth barrels, empty hds., &c. CASH, and the highest price, given for old Silver, Copper, Brass, Pewter, & Lead. N. B. Beeswax, and Tired Tallow, received in payment for any articles. THOMAS HOWLAND Au.?
10 be Sold,
A LOT of Land, containing upwards of 3 acres, fronting Tanner & Warner Street, with a House, well finished; paved Cellar; and never failing well of water. Also, a Stable and Chaise-House.—Likewise for sale, a Lot, fronting Broad-street and Tanner Street, with a large commodious Dwelling-House; Shop, Stable, and Chaise-House. For terms, apply to OLIVER READ. Newport, March 20, 1802. 77
WASHINGTON, Jc. Clerk's Office supreme Judicial Court, March 16, 1802.
WHEREAS Martha Ives, of Hopkinton, in the County of Washington, wife of Benjamin Ives, late resident in Jamestown, in the county of Newport, hath this day lodged her Petition in said Office; praying, for causes therein set forth, that the Bond of marriage between her and her said husband, might be dissolved, and a decree of divorce promulgated:—Notice is therefore hereby given to the said Benjamin, to appear (if he shall think fit) at the next Supreme Judicial Court, to be held at South-Kingstown, within and for said county of Washington, on the fourth Monday of April next, then and there to show cause (if any he hath) why the prayer of said Petition ought not to be granted. JAMES HELME, jun. Clerk.
WHEREAS Amy Austin, of Exeter, in the County of Washington, wife of Solomon Austin, did, on the 16th day of March, 1802, lodge her petition in the Clerk's Office of the Supreme Judicial Court, for the County aforesaid; praying, for divers causes therein set forth, that the Bond of marriage, between her and her said husband, might be dissolved, and a decree of divorce promulgated:—This is therefore to give notice to the said Solomon, and to all other persons concerned, to appear (if he or they think fit) at the next term of said Court to be held at South-Kingstown, on the 4th Monday of April next, and shew cause why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. JAMES HELME, jun. Clerk. South-Kingstown, March 17th, 1802.
For Albany,
The Sloop ABIGAIL, THOMAS H. HAZARD, Master. WILL sail by the tenth of next month, wind and weather permitting; having good and convenient accommodations for passengers. For freight or passage, apply to SAMUEL CARR, on the Ferry Wharf. Newport, March 20, 1802. N. B. Freight or passengers will be landed at any place on the North-River, if desired.
To be Sold Cheap for Cash, A Quantity of Ship and Pilot Bread, of a good quality. Apply to JAMES WESTGATE, near the Red Market.
FOR SALE,
Cheap for Cash, and possession given the 25th inst. A SMALL FARM, containing about Fifty acres of good land, with a dwelling house, and orchard thereon, lying in South-Kingstown, Washington county, and State of Rhode-Island, within three quarters of a mile from the court-house, on Little Rest; and adjoining the main road leading from thence to the South ferry.—Said Farm is well wooded and watered, with a suitable proportion of meadow and plough land; would make a valuable stand for the Tanning and Carrying business, or merchandise.—For price, and further particulars, enquire of CALEB N. GARDNER, near the premises. South-Kingstown, March 2, 1802. 76
WHEREAS my wife Eunice, has eloped from my bed and board, and has otherwise behaved herself in an unbecoming manner. These are therefore to forbid all persons trusting her on my account, as I will not pay any debts of her contracting from the date hereof. JOHN MILLER. Warwick, Feb. 27, 1802. 76

From the (Trenton) TRUE AMERICAN.
Jefferson and Liberty, A NEW SONG, FOR MARCH 4th, 1802.
Tune—"Anacreon in Heaven."
B RAVE Sons of Columbia! salute the blest day, That JEFFERSON rose to the Chair of the Nation; With rapture the Statesman and Patriot survey, The man of your choice, and your Free- dom's salvation.
And long may you find His immutable mind. The foe of all Tyrants, and friend of mankind, And ne'er may the sons of Columbia deplore The loss of their Freedom, till time is no more.
When fate the great WASHINGTON call'd to the skies Exulting Arch-angels, the Hero surrounding, Bide weeping Columbia restrain from her sighs— "Lo JEFFERSON lives!" from the heav- ens resounding.
She heard the glad strain— Heav'n echo'd again, "He lives, and your Charter of Rights will maintain, "And ne'er shall the sons of Columbia deplore "The loss of their Freedom till time is no more."
Again should proud Europe, in slaughter com- bin'd, With horrors of War, fill the world with commotion; Or Tyrants endeavor to butcher mankind, Whelm nations in gore, and encrimson the ocean.
Columbia! thy name, The trumpet of fame, Shall sound through all regions, our rights to proclaim; And ne'er shall the sons of Columbia deplore The loss of their Freedom, when time is no more.
May the gleam of our arms, like the beams of the sun, Dispel the dark clouds of all future invasion; Should slav'ry essay to rear tyrants a throne, Or anarchy whelm in confusion the nation, Our freedom to save, The swords of the brave MONTGOMERY and WARREN, would leap from the grave: And ne'er shall the sons of Columbia deplore The loss of their Freedom, when time is no more.
The blood of your Heroes has purchas'd the prize Of liberty; glory, and rich Independence: The shades of your fore-fathers beam from the skies, In limiting complacency, on their descendants; The blood of each wound Cries aloud from the ground, "O ne'er let a foe to your freedom be found, "And ne'er shall the sons of Columbia deplore "The loss of their Freedom till time is no more."
LAST WEEK'S OMISSIONS.
MR. FARNSWORTH. The statement in your last paper, respect- ing a conversation, said to have taken place be- tween a Middletown Judge and his Republican neighbor, is totally without foundation in truth. He has had no discourse with W md , rela- tive to Town-meeting, or any political subject, for six months past, if ever.
The person aimed at by the author of those false and defamatory assertions, feels himself su- perior to the low intrigues of party; and has never made a pecuniary offer to any person, in order to influence him in his suffrage.
OFFICIAL.
Applications for commissions for private armed vessels, under the act entitled "an act for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, against the Tripolitan or- ders," must be directed to the Secretary of the Navy. And the names of the gentlemen who will become sureties in the bond, the name of the vessel for which a commission is required, of her commander, and lieutenants, her tonnage, number of guns and number of men, must be set forth, and a certificate from the Custom-house officer, that such vessel is American property must also be produced.
THE name of Federalist , as a political de- nomination, was once popular; but the conduct of that party has been so repugnant to the true principles of our government, and the public sentiment is so far turned against them, that they begin to discover a wish to shelter themselves under the more popular name of their opponent; and therefore undertake to call themselves Re- publican Federalists.—But the distinction be- tween Republicans and Federalists, however ar- bitrary at first, is so well settled by general use, that it is improper and needless not to change it. —Let each party be contented to adhere to their own political appellation, and endeavour to render it popular by their distinguishing opin- ions and measures, or submit to its unpopularity. That is the dictate of FAIR PLAY.
From the Hartford (Con.) Mercury of March 4. It is one year, this day, since Mr. JEFFER- SON was inducted into the office of President of the United States:—No insurrections in the last twelve months:—Useless offices abolished:— The National debt diminished:—The Churches have not been destroyed:—Ministers have not been put to death:—Bibles, altho' plenty, are in greater demand, and use, than ever:—Women as chaste, as under the former administration, and Men as virtuous:—Less villainy practiced, but more Rogues punished.
New Hampshire Election.
ON Monday the 1st inst. the Citizens of Portsmouth, gave their votes for Governor, &c. The Hon. JOHN LANGDON the Republican Candidate, had 546; and His Excellency J. T. GILMAN, the Federal Candidate, had only 154 Votes.
A poor fellow who was sentenced to be hanged some time ago in Ireland, when he came to the gallows, observed, that the Judge did not say he should be hanged by the neck, and therefore he demanded to be suspended by the heels. The sheriff answered, that at all events, he must be hanged, until he was dead. "Och, then," says Pat, "if that's the case, neck against heels forever— Hang away Mr. O'Mullibane!"
State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.
IN GENERAL ASSEMBLY, February Session, A. D. 1802.
AN ACT for limiting the time for bringing into the General-Treasury certain evidences of the State debt, and for barring all future claims.
BE it enacted by the General Assembly, and by the authority thereof it is hereby enacted, That the holders of the different kinds of State Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt issued by this State, as named and described in the acts of January 1795, and June 1797, be and they are hereby permitted to bring in the same to the General-Treasurer on or before the first day of January, A. D. 1803. That the General Treasurer be and he is hereby author- ized and directed to receive the said Notes, Cer- tificates, &c. and give the holders therefor his Certificates in behalf of this State, calculating and adjusting them on the same principles as is directed and described in the aforesaid Acts of January 1795 and June 1797.
And be it further enacted, That all Notes, Certificates, and other evidence of debt as be- forenamed and described in the Acts aforesaid, that are not brought into the General-Treasury on or before the said first day of January 1803, be and they are hereby declared null and void, and the holders of them are forever debarred from receiving any compensation therefor.
And be it further enacted, That George Champlin and Constant Taber, Esquires, with the General-Treasurer, be and they are hereby appointed a committee to examine and decide on all applications that are made at the Treas- ury for State Notes, by the heirs or legal Re- presentatives of the officers and soldiers of the late revolutionary army, where the Notes have been taken out of the Treasury by fraudulent measures.
And be it further enacted, That this Act be published, by the General Treasurer, in all the News-papers in this State, for Six weeks suc- cessively. A true copy, SAMUEL EDDY, Sec'y.
CASH, PAID FOR LINEN & WOOLLEN RAGS, BY Christopher C. Olney, Delivered at his Mills, or at his Paper Ware- House.
WHERE he has for sale, at wholesale and retail, all kinds of Paper, viz. Fool- scap Writing-Paper, No. 1 and 2.—Vellum Let- ter-do.—Pot do.—Wrapping do.—Bonnet do.— Clothier's do. 1st quality.—Sheathing, with and without Sand.—Book Binder's Boards.— Candle Paper, and Sugar Loaf Blue.
—ALSO— A complete Assortment of Blank Account and Record Books.
—LIKewise— Account Books made and ruled to any pat- tern, to suit the purchaser.—A complete As- sortment of School Books, and Stationery of all kinds, &c.
Also, Warranted Chocolate, by the Box, or pound, Cocoa Shells, by the Bag.
N. B. Wanted, one or two Boys, from 12 to 14 years of age, as Apprentices to the Pa- per-making and Clothing business.—To such great encouragement will be given.
Providence, March 3, 1802. 74tf
RECEIVED, and for Sale at the Store of W. R. WILDER, Reports of the Cafe, JOHN DORRANCE AGAINST ARTHUR FENNER, Tried at the December term, of the Court of Common Pleas, in the county of Providence, A. D. 1801. To which are added, the proceedings in the cafe, Arthur Fenner, vs. John Dorrance.
Carefully compiled from Notes correctly taken by several Gentlemen who were present during the whole course of the trial.—Price 37 1/2 Cents.
Newport, March 4, 1802. 75
TO BE SOLD, A F A R M,
LYING in Exeter, State of Rhode-Island, about six miles from Wickford, contain- ing 180 acres of good Land, with two Dwelling- Houses, and other out buildings. It may be purchased together, or in separate divisions. Payment will be made easy.
—ALSO— A share in the Ohio Company, containing nearly Twelve Hundred Acres of excellent Land. For further particulars apply to PARDON TILLINGHAST, Exeter, Feb. 25. 5ott
WE the subscribers being by the Honora- ble Court of Probate of the town of Newport, appointed commissioners to receive, examine, and adjust the claims of the creditors to the Estate of James Symmes, late of said New- port, mariner, deceased, represented insolvent: —Give notice to all persons having claims against said Estate, to bring them in to either of us, at our respective dwellings, within six months from the date hereof, being the time allowed by said Court.
DANIEL DUNHAM, jun. } Com. JOHN TILLINGHAST, } And all persons indebted to said Estate, are required to make immediate payment to CALEB FISH, Administrator, or CHRISTIANNA FISH, Administratrix. Newport, March 1st, 1802. 75
REAL Port Wine, in quarter and half quar- ter Casks. Malaga ditto ditto. 30 Casks Raisins. 40 Boxes Muscatel ditto. 10 ditto Jordan shelled Almonds. 20 Jars Malaga Grapes. Turkey Figs of the nicest quality. Malaga ditto in trais. 10 Capes Creme de Noyau Cordial. 1 Butt Currants. Prime Nutmegs—Mace—Cloves—Cassia— Cinnamon. Madeira Citron. India Preserves in Jars, viz. Ginger—Citron— Lemon and Lime. The above Articles are of the latest Importation.
—A L S O— A few Punched Antigua Rum, Black Pepper in bags. Best green Coffee ditto. Kegs of English Mustard. Salt-Petre by the cwt. Wrapping-Paper per ream. Spanish Flote—French & Carolina Indigo, &c. For Sale, by HAZARD & GARDNER, Newport, Jan. 29, 1802. 18tf
William Douglass, At the Head of Broad-Street, HAS just received Two Thousand weight of long clean FLAX, which will be sold at a very small advance for Cash. Also, West- India and other GOODS, as usual. Newport, Jan. 9, 1802. 15tf
BE it for Sale, by the Subscriber, BETWEEN one and two thousand weight of Oakum, which will be disposed of, either in large or small quantities, as may best suit purchasers. * * * CASH, and the highest price, given for old JUNK, as usual. JOHN WILLIAMS, Keeper of the Work-House. Newport, Feb. 12. 72tf
FOR SALE, BY SAMUEL VERNON, jun. COGNAC Brandy, Claret Wine in casks and boxes, Silks, Britannia Linens, white wine Vinegar, Verdigrease, & House-Paper:— The above articles are entitled to drawback, and are now landing from the Brig Hannah, from Bourdeaux, at Mr. Robert Stevens' wharf. He has also for sale, Russia and Raven's Duck, a few Demijans and long and short Corks. Newport, Nov. 7, 1801.
Nicholas Webster, INFORMS the Public, that he has opened a GROCERY STORE in Broad Street, in the house, late the property of Mr. Caleb Earl, where he has for Sale a general assortment of WEST-INDIA GOODS.
Among others, are the following articles: Rum, Brandy, Gin, Cherry-Rum, Molasses, Flour, Rye and Indian Meal, Tea of various kinds, Coffee, Chocolate, Raisins, Currants, Pepper, Ginger, Allspice, Cinnamon, Nutmegs, Butter, Cheese, Candles, Onions, Tobacco, Snuff, Powder and Shot, Lamp-Oil, Loaf and Brown Sugars, &c. —ALSO—
A general and extensive variety of Crockery and Hard Ware; Men's and Women's Shoes, &c. &c. with many other articles, too tedious to mention; all which will be sold at the most reduced prices. Newport, Nov. 21. 8tf
For Sale, By JOSEPH BRIGGS, 10 Hhds. 3d proof Windward-Island RUM, good flavor'd. 3 Do. Jamaica SPIRITS, 4th proof. 20 Hhds. of good retailing MOLASSES. 50 Firkins of the best of Hog's LARD. Newport, Feb. 27. 5ott
John A. Shaw, & Co. INFORM the public that they have taken a shop next door but one North of the Coffee- House, where they carry on the Watch-Making business in all its branches; and have for sale, warranted and common English and Geneva Watches, gold Necklaces, silver tea and table Spoons, Sugar-Tongs, &c.—Looking-Glasses, Tea-Trays, Waiters, Dressing-Cases, Plated and Wooden Cators, Suspenders, Knives and Forks, Globe Andirons, Shovel and Tongs, brass and japanned Lamps, Candlesticks, dart and com- mon Walking Sticks, Scotch, Rappee & Maka- baw Snuff, Starch, Writing Paper, Dutch Quills, Britannia Coffee Pots, &c. &c. Together with an assortment of Jewellery and Perfumery. Cash given for old Gold and Silver. * * * Punctual attendance will be given, and the smallest favors gratefully acknowledged. Newport, Feb. 12. 72tf
TO BE SOLD,
A NEW House, in Broad-Street, complete- ly finished, with a Yard, Garden, and good Well of water. Any person inclined to purchase, may know the terms, by applying at the House of M. R. JOHNSON. Newport, Jan. 9. 1802. 15tf
Wm. Moore, jun. & Co. HAVE FOR SALE, At their Store near the Red Market, A NEW
and General Assortment of Seasonable DRY GOODS;
A few Boxes English and American HATS; A Large Stock of Cutlery, Hard-Ware, and GROCERIES, WHOLE-SALE and RETAIL, warranted as Cheap as at any Store in the State.
—ALSO— 20 Hhds. Good flavor'd Tobago RUM. 8 Do. Antigua and Jamaica RUM. 4 Pips Holland GIN. 3000 wt. COFFEE. A few Chests TEA. 50 Kgs Negro head TOBACCO. A few Bags of PIMENTO. —LIKewise—
20 Hhds. good retailing MOLASSES at a reduced price—For Cash or approved Notes. Newport, Jan. 2, 1802. 10tf
Francis Anderson,
TAKES this method to inform his Debtors and Creditors, that his Partners have call- ed on him for settlement, and are determined the Copartnership shall be dissolved in a few weeks, when he will remove from the said Store: He therefore once more earnestly requests those to whom the firm is indebted, to come in for settlement; and such as are indebted to said firm, to make immediate payment, as this is the last time he shall give notice in this way. And unless immediate settlement is made with all who have accounts open, either by note or payment, he will be under the disagreeable necessity of pursuing different measures for collection. Newport, Feb. 12, 1802. 72tf
Cheap! Cheap! Cheap!
THOMAS GREEN, by reason of age and infirmary, proposing to retire from busi- ness in a short time—and having on hand, a handsome assortment of
English and India Goods, which he wishes to sell soon, either by whole- sale or retail:—And instead of an Auction (as usual in such cases) is disposed to deal them out with his own hand.—Accordingly, said Goods are now selling at as
LOW RATES, or LOWER, than might reasonably be expected at a Vendue, free from those disorders and impositions which frequently take place at a public Sale. Custo- mers will receive decent and orderly attention with utmost dispatch.
Town and Country Traders, may probably find their accounts, by calling at his Store. Newport, Feb. 5.
John & Henry Cahoon, HAVE FOR SALE, At their STORE on Banister's Wharf,
BROWN SUGAR, by the barrel or box; Molasses, by the hoghead; Flour, by the bar- rel; Powder, by the cask; Sheathing-Paper, by the hundred; Candles, by the box; Iron Caboose- es; and genuine SPANISH SEGARS.—ALSO,
HONEY, by the barrel or gallon —New-York Soap, by the box—Negro-Head To- bacco—Best 4th proof Jamaica Rum—Iron Stoves—Salt-Petre'd Hams—Butter, and Hog's Lard, &c. —LIKewise,
LIQUORS, of the best kind, a general Assortment—and various other Articles in the Grocery Line—a complete Assortment of which they propose to be constantly Supplied with.
MASTERS of Packets, Pas- sengers, &c. may be Supplied at said Store, on the shortest Notice—with any Article they may want—and their Favors gratefully Acknow- ledged.
GREEN CHAIRS, per Dozen— Bar-Iron, per Hundred wt.—Midlings and Cor- nel, per barrel—Onions, per Hundred bunches, or smaller quantities— LOAF-SUGARS, and a variety of the best of TEAS. Newport, Feb. 20, 1802. 2tf
FOR SALE,
171 Acres of Land, LYING in South-Kingstown, in the County of Washington, with Two Dwelling Houses there- on, one Corn-Crib, one Barn, about eighty apple trees of the best kind of grafted fruits, well watered as any Farm in the State. Sixty acres of it is good Meadow, very clear from stones; bears great corn, barley, and grass; & is convenient for a dairy, having good pasturing, &c. Any person inclining to pur- chase will have credit for a part.—Said Farm lies within half a mile of Point Judith Pond—7 miles from Narragansett Ferry, adjoining the fence-road, and is very handy to sea-weed from the shore. For terms, apply to TIM. PECKHAM, on the premises. South-Kingstown, Feb. 13, 1802. 72tf
WILLIAM DOUGLASS Has for Sale, the following GRASS-SEED, viz. ONE Thousand Weight of Clover, 50 bushels Burden's, And 30 ditto Red-Top. March 13.