The Kentucke gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1788-09-13 00:00:00

K E N T U C K E G A Z E T T E,
S A T U R D A Y, S E P T E M B E R 13. 1788.
LEXINGTON: Printed by JOHN BRADFORD at his Office in Main Street, where Subscriptions, Advertisements, &c. for this paper, are thankfully received, and PRINTING in its different branches done with Care and Expedition.
EXTRACTS from the Journals of a CONVENTION held at Danville the Twenty-eighth day of July, 1788.
RESOLVED.
WHEREAS it appears to the members of this Convention, that the United States in Congress Assembled, have for the present declined to ratify the compact entered into between the Legislature of Virginia and the people of this District respecting the erection of the District into an independent State; in consequence of which the powers vested in this convention are dissolved, and whatever order or resolution they pass cannot be considered as having any legal force or obligation; but being anxious for the safety and prosperity of ourselves and Constituents, do earnestly recommend to the good people inhabiting the several counties within the District each to elect five Representatives on the times of holding their Courts in the month of October next, to meet at Danville on the first Monday in November following, to continue in Office until the first day of January 1790, and that they delegate to their said Representatives, full powers to take such measures for obtaining admission of the District as a separate and independent member of the United States of America, and the navigation of the River Mississippi, as may appear most conducive to those important purposes: and also to form a Constitution of Government for the District, and organize the same when they shall judge it necessary, or to do and accomplish whatever on a consideration of the State of the District may in their opinion promote its interests.
RESOLVED, that the elections directed by the preceding resolution be held at the Court house of each County, and continued from day to day for five days including the first day
RESOLVED that the sheriffs within the respective counties of this District be requested to hold the said elections and make return thereof to the Clerk of the supreme Court immediately after the same are finished, and also deliver to each Representative so elected a Certificate of his election, and in case there should be no sheriff in either of the said counties or he should refuse to act, that any two acting Magistrates then present may superintend and conduct the said elections and make returns and grant Certificates in the same manner the sheriffs are requested to do.
RESOLVED that every free male inhabitant of each county within the said District has a right to vote at the said elections within their respective counties.
RESOLVED that a majority of the members so elected be a QUORUM to proceed to business.
RESOLVED, that if the said Convention should not make a house on the said first Monday in November, any three or more members then assembled may adjourn from day to day for five days next ensuing, and if a Convention should not then be formed at the end of the fifth day, that they may then adjourn to any day they think proper not exceeding one month.
RESOLVED, that the sheriffs of each county, or the said magistrates, as the case may be, read, or cause to be read the aforesaid resolutions on each day immediately preceding the opening the said elections.
ORDERED that the President do request the Printer of the Kentucky Gazette to publish the proceedings and resolves of Congress by him laid before this Convention, also such of the proceedings of this Convention as the President shall think proper, and in particular that the Printer continue to publish weekly until the first of October next the recommendation for electing another Convention and the several resolutions relative thereto
A true copy. THOMAS TODD C. C.
THE general Muster for the County of Fayette, is appointed on Thursday the 9th of October, at Lexington. The Court for enquiring into delinquencies, will sit at the Court-house the day following.
For the KENTUCKE GAZETTE.
As in the body natural, so in the body politic, there must be a vital principle, not only to keep it in motion, but to prevent a dissolution. In Monarchical governments, this principle is power, and in Republics it is unanimity or public Virtue. WETHERSPOONE.
To the free Inhabitants of KENTUCKE.
Countrymen and fellow Citizens.
NOTHING but a zeal for the happiness of this infant country could have prevailed on me to address you on a subject to which I am conscious I am very unequal. It cannot be expected that a person of my humble calling should be deeply versed in politics, or possess the flowers of language.
With me, it will be sufficient, to address the understandings of plain illiterate men like myself. By such, improprieties of style are not often discovered; and should the polite and learned honour me with a reading, I trust, the purity of my intentions, will atone for the inelegance of the composition.
With the candid, I am persuaded this will be the case; and for the approbation of such I am only solicitous.
We are my countrymen, arrived at a period of political existence, the most critical interesting, and perhaps dangerous to our present quiet and future happiness that can happen to a free country. It is needless to inform you, that I allude to the long proposed severment of this District from the eastern part of the State, and its establishment into an independent dominion. However sanguine the wishes of many, for the accomplishment of this event, we find it is still delayed; whether for the better or the worse IS THE QUESTION.
To this delay it is, that I am indebted for an opportunity of offering a few thoughts on this subject; the merits of which I hope you will impartially judge. This attempt I conceive is the less impertinent, as the question seems to have taken a different turn. The late benevolent exertions of the legislature for our protection, with the exhausted State of our funds on the one hand; and the ratification of a new federal compact on the other, has given the matter in some measure a new cast: Instead of one we have now two questions for our consideration.
1st Whether a separation on the terms stipulated by the Legislature and this District would be to our present advantage?
And 2dly. Whether a separation from Virginia, and unconnected with Congress, would be advisable?
That a separation at some period is, or will be expedient, few or none deny.
The point on which our politicians divide, is, the time and manner of its taking place.
The most prevailing arguments, I have heard advanced by the gentlemen in favor of the proposed separation are the following.
First. They allege, that a people however poor or ignorant, can always govern themselves better than others can d. it for them. Secondly. That by our connection with Virginia, we are prevented from pursuing the enemy over the Ohio; and from carrying expeditions against them. Thirdly. The danger and trouble of attending the Legislature, and the difficulty of having the laws duly transmitted to us. And Fourthly. It is urged that a separation would speedily procure us a free Navigation of the Mississippi.
In answer to the first argument, I would beg leave to say, that I think it is not fairly stated. It supposes that we are now a distinct people, and governed by Virginia either by usurpation or necessity: But the fact is, we are a part of the same whole governed by the same laws, in the making of which, according to our counties, and perhaps our numbers we have an equal voice, nay, such I am told is the tenderness of the Legislature to the interest of this District that when an act is proposed which particularly concerns us, they almost uniformly submit the business to our own members. It would be tedious to enumerate the many laws, Virginia has passed for our immediate
convenience, since the first settling this country; And even since we declared our design to throw off her jurisdiction. But in general I would ask what reasonable wish we have to this day communicated which they have not cheerfully granted?
The second argument however plausible, is, if possible still less real.
We have now the same power of carrying hostilities or pursuing the savages over the Ohio, as we could have, were we this moment a separate dominion. No state has, or can have Jurisdiction out of her own territory. But whence this complaint? will Congress, to whose dominion the Indian country belongs, oppose our pursuing the hostile tribes as far as frequently and as effectually as we please?
But it is confessed that the third reason advanced in favor of a separation has weight. To attend for Legislation at so great a distance, and through so dangerous a road; together with the difficulty and uncertainty of obtaining the laws regularly, and seasonably are real grievances; but we are notwithstanding so happy as to find a delegation to the assembly sought with assiduity and accepted with cheerfulness, and that by some of our best men: and if we do not obtain the laws as early and regularly as we wish, it is in a great measure owing to our own neglect, since we could always hire a person for a trifling sum to bring them out as soon as a sufficient number of copies were struck.
Unhappy when I differ in sentiments with gentlemen of superior information. I wish I could see as much force in the fourth argument as in the third. But in my humble opinion a separation on any terms, especially if assumed without the concurrence of Congress, would be the most effectual bar against a free trade through the Mississippi. Not to mention, our present superior weight in the scale of Congress by our connection with the most considerable state in the Union. It is well known that the Spanish Court are extremely cautious of giving the smallest sanction to innovations not to lay rebellions in government; least their distant Colonies from whence they derive their wealth should take the hint and play it off against them. Nay, such is their fears and jealousies on this head, that, if I am rightly informed they have not to this day acknowledged the independence of the United States.
There are sundry other reasons, of inferior size advanced in favor of a separation which were it not for making this address too tedious I would have gladly inserted.
I must now my Countrymen beg your candid attention while, with as much conciseness as I am capable I enumerate a few of the more apparent objections which have occurred to me against the proposed separation.
And here, it may be laid down as a maxim that Revolutions in government are always dangerous, often fatal and never to be attempted but from necessity; or at least, a strong probability of a change for the better. In Republics, this danger is heightened by the degree of licentiousness with which that form of government is mixed; and in proportion as any government is preferable to anarchy.
Hence, an able writer has observed that, the degenerate state of mankind is such, that we cannot enjoy to much of the blessings of freedom, as to make us completely happy, without enjoying so much, as to make us politically miserable. If this observation is applicable any where I fear it is equally so in Kentucky. We are composed of emigrants from almost every part of the civilized world and no doubt have brought more or less of those local prejudices so natural to mankind: long with us. Many of us never yet paid a tax in our lives, and many have fled hither to avoid them: To which if we add, that when opposition is made to a public measure, and the minds of people become heated it is victory, it is every thing but the public tranquility that the male contents have for their object. When these things are taken into view I presume the above maxim will not be sported with as an empty terror. Hence, in all revolutions of popular government threestlings have been held necessary. First. That the cause be just. Secondly. That it be with the hearty concurrence of the people. And Thirdly. To protect

the leaders from insult and the state in its first efforts from convulsions, it is requisite that the administration be so cheap and mild that the people will feel themselves bettered by the change. Hence the United States, by repeated emissions of paper money, cautiously avoided the imposition of taxes, until the nerves of government became strengthened: nor did they even then inforce them as heavily as the emergencies seemed to require, a contrary conduct would it is probable have overset the Union; though Congress were then supported by an army who were the chief sufferers by the depreciation, and which would have been prevented by an early and adequate taxation.
But to return, is our dissatisfaction reasonable and is the proposed separation immediately necessary? What do we suffer from the connection? And what can we promise ourselves by a dissolution of it? Let any person acquainted with our situation, take a tour from Richmond to Boston and attend to the complaints and distresses of the people as he travels, answer these questions.
But let me ask again is this measure founded in the public declared unanimous will of the people?
If not, I hope none will be found hardy enough to attempt. Nay so far from using every possible means for obtaining this indispensably necessary information, I have the misfortune to hear, it has lately been shown out in a popular assembly that the people are not, ought not to be consulted on the occasion, that they are not capable of deciding on a question of so great moment.
This doctrine, however it might have suited the genius of a Stewarts reign I humbly hope is not calculated for the meridian of North-America nor even, for the benighted regions of Kentucky.
I am far from wishing to inflame your minds, my fellow Citizens on the present disagreeable occasion it is with reluctance on the one hand, and a desire of securing the public peace on the other, that I introduce these observations. Nor will my good opinion of the gentlemen who advanced the doctrine, suffer me to harbour an opinion that it was done with a bad design. Besides, their present situation is such that they cannot expect to change much for the better. I must however beg leave, widely to differ with them in this particular. The people in my humble opinion are the only criterion by which this question can be tried. They, are the origin and source of all power; and to them are all, who exercise it strictly, immediately, and continually accountable: Nor is their supposed ignorance the smallest reason against their opinion and choice. It is their inherent right, it is their dearly purchased rights and if they decide judiciously, they will enjoy the advantage and, if mistaken they themselves must bear it.
But thirdly, will the administration of the new government in its first efforts be so much cheaper and more benign than the old, as at once to reconcile all parties to the change and protect its leaders from insult and the State from convulsions?
This, my friends I venture to call, a very serious question for though all men cannot see, all can feel, and the more they feel and the less they see the more untoward will they be So that our want of discernment, instead of being against, is the most powerful argument in favor of taking the popular opinion on the proposed question.
So very sensible was the assembly of Pennsylvania of the propriety of such a measure, that upon a debate whether their present Constitution should remain entire or be new moulded they, appointed a suitable person in each Township who, being first sworn not to use any kind of persuasion or influence was to go to every mans house within his bounds and to take his opinion in writing whether he was for the present Constitution or for the choice of a new Convention to new model it; and on the receipt of every mans ticket he was to put it into a box prepared for that purpose, and when the whole was collected he was to deliver the box to the Sheriff of his county who was also on oath to deliver the same unopened and unaltered at the bar of the house of Assembly.
The first exertions of our new government will be a heavy tax, few rate our proposed civil list lower than ten thousand pounds a year besides, our quota of the state and continental debt the first of which Virginia without our aid is fast melting down. But who is the man either able or willing to pay his share of what many now, and more will then call, a very grievous and unnecessary expence? It is with difficulty we discharge our trifling Country levies: And when such large sums come to be extorted from us, what will be the consequence?
It is urged, in favor of the proposed separation, That Virginia will immediately inforce the revenue law upon us, so that, whe her we separate or not we shall be taxed This observation whether true or false I beg leave to say militates against the immediate adoption of the measure. If true, it will be what is absolutely necessary, it will reconcile
us to the separation, and, if not true it will justify confirm us in our opposition to it.
In short, two things at least are previously requisite to our Separation, first, a general concurrence of the people, and secondly an unrestrained use of the Mississippi as the only means to support government and discharge our share of the public debts without the last we shall be poor and oppressed; and, without the first we shall split into factions which the last will heighten.
When I sat down to this business, I intended to have said a few things on the subject of assuming a Separation Independent of Congress but as I have already been much more prolix than I intended and as I flatter myself no such measure will be attempted I would only add that however rational a separation may appear we do not yet seem ripe for it. Men and things must be taken as they are, we cannot make them as they should be. The disunion of the people; their present exemption from taxes; their inalienable aversion against, and inability to pay them, the uncertainty of obtaining a free trade; and, the impossibility of supporting governments without it; the danger of intestine insurrections and tumults, and the injurious influence such disorders would, have in preventing Emigration, are, in my humble opinion insuperable objections to the immediate adoption of it. Let us patiently wait a few days longer, and providence ever indulgent will point out both the season and the manner for accomplishing this important business.
To conclude, suffer me my dear countrymen most heartily to recommend, that, should you judge it expedient, to choose another convention, as is proposed, that you, as generally as possible attend your respective elections, and that you adopt some mode for obtaining the popular opinion on this momentous question.
I have already said, it is your right, let me add, it is your duty an indispensable duty you owe to yourselves and posterity to decide on the propriety of a change in government, of which you are the judges, as well as guardians.
CORNPLANTER.
TEN DOLLARS
REWARD
RAN away from Henry Heth, living in Washington county, on the Muddy Branch, about the latter end of June last, a large, ugly negro fellow, named SAM, supposed to be between 36 and 40 years of age, and has a remarkable wide mouth. He had on and took with him a hat, a light colored sagathy coat, a country made shirt, two pair of breeches made of wool and tow, and dyed purple, a pair of black yarn stockings, and leather for shoe-packs; but as he is a notorious thief, it is highly probable he may have got other clothes: He is of such a cowardly disposition, that notwithstanding his size, and blustering manner, a boy of firmness may take him. Having lately purchased said negro as he runs, I do promise that the above reward and reasonable charges, shall be paid to any person on delivering him well secured to col. A. Tannehill, in Pittsburgh, capt. Andrew Heth Clarksville, or maj. Croghan in Louisville at the falls of Ohio.
August 20, 1788. WILLIAM HETH.
STRAYED away from the subscriber last spring, a Strawberry roan Mare, about fourteen hands high, three years old last spring, black mane, tail and legs as high as the knees, a small star in her forehead, trots, not dockt, branded on the near shoulder thus ID Whoever delivers said Mare to me near Lexington, shall receive Two Dollars reward, and reasonable charges.
MOSES DOUGHERTY.
THIS is to notify the Clerks and Sheriffs that have put Fee Bills into my hands, in order to collect; to attend at my house in Lexington and receive their delinquent notes.
August 4, 1788. ROBERT PATTERSON.
SALT TO BE EXCHANGED FOR TOBACCO
in Lexington, by JAMES WILKINSON.
FIVE DOLLARS
STRAYED away from Samuel Cutwright's station, about the first of August, a black Horse, about 14 hands high, seven years old last spring, has a star and snip, one hind foot white, some saddle spots and a scare on his withers; Whoever takes up said Horse, and brings him to Cutwrights Station or gives such information that the owner may get him again, shall receive the above reward.
Set 9, 1788.
JACOB WEIRT.
August 1, 1788.
TAKEN up on the Rolling Fork of Salt River, Nelson County, about the twelfth of June last, a bay mare (with a last springs colt about thirteen hands and a half high, neither dockt nor branded, four years old last spring. Posted and appraised to Nine Pounds.
BENJAMIN HEAD.
TWO DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED from the subscriber in Lexington, about the first of this month, a young bay Horse, two years old last spring, about four hands high, has a small star in his forehead, branded on the buttock with a pot-hook; any person that takes up said horse and delivers him to me shall receive the above reward.
Sept. 10, 1788.
NICHOLAS LAFON.
JOHN MOORE.
ATE from Ireland, is now living at the plantation of John Little Wincwright, about two miles from Lexington, where he has set up a shop, and makes WHEEL IRONS, equal to any imported, which he purposed selling either for Cash or Property, cheaper than any have been sold in this District.
Sept. 8, 1788.
TWO DOLLARS REWARD.
STRAYED from Lexington, about the first of June last, a bright bay Mare, and a dark bay year old Horse colt, the Mare four years old last spring, about fourteen hands high, natural trotter, branded on the near shoulder and buttock thus I appeared to be near foaling; Whoever delivers said Mare to me in Lexington shall have the above reward.
Sept. 10, 1788.
ROB. PATTERSON.
N.B. The time appointed to go to the mouth of Licking, is put off from the 15, as published last week to the 18 Inst. when a large party will start from Lexington, in order to meet Judge Symme on Monday the 22, at that place, agreeable to his own appointment; And the business will then go on as proposed.
R. PATTERSON.
FOR SALE
TWO hundred acres of land within about three miles of Lexington, with 27 acres cleared and in good order for cropping, with convenient houses for reception of a family with, an excellent spring the quality of the land equal to any in the District. For terms apply to the subscriber on the premises. JOHN TANDY.
August 27, 1788.
A COMPANY will meet the 24 of September at the Crab-orchard in order to start early the 25, through the Wilderness.