The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1799-01-30 00:00:00

The Providence Journal AND TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. at the NEW PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 5. ]
WEDNESDAY, January 30, 1799.
[ Vol. I. ]
By Authority.
PLAN of a LOAN for FIVE MILLIONS of DOLLARS.
WHEREAS, by an act of Congress passed on the 16th day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, the President of the United States is authorized to borrow on behalf of the United States, from the Bank of the United States, or from any other body or bodies politic or corporate, or from any person or persons, and upon such terms and conditions as he shall judge most advantageous for the United States, a sum not exceeding five millions of dollars; so, however, that no contract or engagement be made which shall preclude the United States from reimbursing any sum or sums borrowed at any time after the expiration of fifteen years from the date of such loan: And whereas it is declared by the said act, that so much as may be necessary of the surplus of the duties on imports and tonnage beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, shall be pledged and appropriated for paying the interest, and also for paying and discharging the principal sum or sums of all the monies which may be borrowed, according to the term or terms which may be fixed, pursuant to the authority aforesaid: And whereas by the said act, the faith of the United States is pledged to establish sufficient permanent revenues for making up any deficiency that may hereafter appear in the provisions before mentioned for paying the interest and principal sums, or either of them, of any monies which may be borrowed pursuant to the said act: And whereas the President of the United States did, by an act or commission under his hand, dated the ninth day of January, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, authorize and empower the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow, on behalf of the United States, any sum, not exceeding in the whole five millions of dollars, and to make such contract or contracts as should be necessary, and for the interest of the United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress above recited:
NOW THEREFORE, the undersigned, Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance of the act of Congress, and the authority from the President of the United States, above mentioned, doth hereby, on behalf of the United States of America, contract and engage in manner following, to wit.
1st. A book for receiving subscriptions to a loan of five millions of dollars, for the use of the United States, shall be opened in the city of Philadelphia, at the Bank of the United States, on Thursday the twenty-eighth day of February ensuing; which book shall continue open, for the purpose of receiving subscriptions, until the whole of the said five millions of dollars shall be subscribed. If more than five millions of dollars shall be subscribed on the first day of opening the said loan, the surplus shall be deducted in proportion to the sums subscribed by individuals, exceeding four thousand dollars.
2d. For every hundred dollars which may be subscribed, there shall be forthwith deposited and paid the sum of twelve dollars and fifty cents—and like payments of twelve dollars and fifty cents shall be made within the first ten days of the months of April, May, June, July, August, September and October ensuing. The Secretary of the Treasury however reserves the right of reducing the number of instalments, by special agreements with the individuals who may become subscribers.
3d. On the failure of payment of any instalment of the sums subscribed according to the tenor of the second article, the next preceding instalment of twelve dollars and fifty cents, which shall have been paid, for every hundred dollars subscribed, shall be forfeited to the United States.
4th. The sums subscribed shall and may be paid to the credit of the United States, at the Bank of the United States, or at the offices of discount and deposit of the said Bank at Boston, New-York, Baltimore or Charleston, or at either of the Banks of Salem, in Massachusetts; Newport and Providence, in Rhode-Island; Hartford, in Connecticut; Albany, in New-York; or Alexandria, in Virginia; for which payments, the receipts of the Cashiers of the offices of discount and deposit, and of the Banks aforesaid, shall be received at the Bank of the United States as equivalent to money; but no payment of a subsequent instalment shall be received at any other place than that where the first instalment was paid, except at the Bank of the United States: in case any deposit shall be made at the offices of discount or deposit, or at either of the Banks aforesaid, which shall not be applied to the payment of the first instalment of subscriptions to the loan aforesaid, the said deposits shall be forthwith refunded by directions from the Treasury.
5th. For the sums or number of shares of one hundred dollars, which may be subscribed, certificates shall be given by the Cashier of the Bank of the United States, which shall be assignable
by indorsement, and delivery of the parties in whose favour the said certificates may be issued, until the completion of the payments required by the tenor of the 2d article preceding.
6th. The sums subscribed and paid in pursuance of the tenor of the second article preceding shall, after the said payments have been completed, constitute a funded capital stock, divisible into shares of one hundred dollars each, which capital stock shall bear interest at the rate of eight per centum per annum from the times fixed for the payment of the respective instalments, payable quarter yearly at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan-Offices where the same may stand credited, until the last day of December, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eight.
7th. After the last day of December, in the said year one thousand eight hundred and eight, and after reasonable notice to the creditors, which shall be given by an advertisement in some public newspaper, printed at the seat of the government of the United States, the said capital stock shall be redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, by the reimbursement of the whole sum or sums borrowed, and which may constitute the said capital stock, either at the Treasury of the United States, or at the Loan-Offices where the same may stand credited.
8th. The credits for the said capital stock shall and may be separately certified in sums either for one hundred, four hundred, one thousand, four thousand, or ten thousand dollars; and the credits so certified shall be transferable by the creditors, or their attorneys, at the Treasury and Loan-Offices respectively, in pursuance of the rules which have been or which may be established relative to the transfer of the funded stock of the United States.
9th. A sufficient sum of the surplus of the duties on Imports and Tonnage, beyond the permanent appropriations heretofore charged upon them by law, together with the faith of the United States, are hereby pledged for the fulfilment of this contract, in pursuance of and according to the terms and conditions of the act of Congress herein before recited.
Given under my hand, and the seal of the Treasury of the United States, at Philadelphia, this twelfth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine.
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury.
Treasury Department, January 16, 1799.
SIR, I TAKE the liberty of transmitting to you several copies of a contract, for raising by loan five millions of dollars, for the use of the United States.
Convinced that the institution over which you preside will cheerfully co-operate with this department in promoting an object of such national concern, I have taken the liberty to designate it as one of the places of deposit for the proposed loan. You will oblige me by signifying to the people in your part of the country, your willingness to be the agent for effecting their subscriptions. You may address your orders to me, and they shall be punctually executed by a confidential clerk in this office.
For the deposits which may be made, I have to request that duplicate receipts may be made, agreeably to the subjoined form, two of which may be sent to this office, or to the agent who may be employed here, accompanied with a list of the persons and sums in whose favour subscriptions are desired to be effected.
The certificates will be issued according to the proposals, that is, for one, four, ten, forty, or one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each; the description of certificates desired ought therefore to be indicated.
To prevent the possibility of disappointment, I request that your communications may be addressed so as certainly to reach me in season.
You will oblige me by transmitting the signature of the Cashier of your institution.
I have the honour to be, with perfect respect, Sir, your obedient servant, OLIVER WOLCOTT.
JOHN BROWN, Esq; President of Providence Bank.
FORM OF RECEIPT. RECEIVED of _____ of (here insert the name of city, town, or county) in the State of _____ the sum of _____ dollars, being the first instalment of a subscription proposed to be effected in his name, towards a loan of five millions of dollars, agreeably to the proposals of the Secretary of the Treasury, dated the 12th of Jan. 1799, and which sum we promise to hold subject to the orders of the said Secretary of the Treasury.
HAVING been requested, by the Secretary of the Treasury, to signify my willingness to be an agent for effecting subscriptions, I now declare my readiness to promote the design, and that without fee or reward. The subscriptions of this vicinity will be made at the Providence Bank, under the care of the Directors thereof, and the certificates forwarded to Philadelphia by the Cashier. As there can be no doubt but that a part of the five millions will be applied towards building a navy, for the protection of the nation and its commerce, I hope the citizens of all classes will cheerfully come forward, and lend the fruits of their industry for the promotion of this most important object. I mean the support of government, which cannot be done without the creation and establishment of a good and permanent navy, to support the national flag, which, for want thereof, has been too long trodden under foot. The interest offered is high, and I wish it could have been effected for less; yet I am confident that the nation had better give eight per cent. to its own citizens, for the short period of eight years, than have given five per cent. to any European nation, could the loan have been effected abroad; and as to purchasing ships of war from abroad, it would be like a Pennsylvanian importing his bread from Europe, rather than use his own flour previous to its exportation.
JOHN BROWN, P. P. B. P. S. The subscriptions, it is expected, will be completed at the Bank here by the 15th of February, in order to give time to insure their arrival at the United States Bank in due season. All the Printers of this State are desired to insert the above in their first papers. Providence, Jan. 25, 1799.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER To the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the State of MARYLAND.
GENTLEMEN, AN eloquent address, adopted by the two Houses of the General Assembly of Maryland, and signed on the fourteenth of this month by Mr. Perry, the President of the Senate, and Mr. Chapman, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, has been presented to me by Mr. Howard, one of your Senators in Congress, in the absence of the other, Mr. Lloyd.
Convinced, as I have been, by an attentive observation of more than twenty years, that there is no state in this union whose public affairs, upon all great national occasions, have been conducted with more method, wisdom and decision, or whose results have been the effect of a more comprehensive and profound view of the subject, than those of the state of Maryland, I cannot receive the assurances of your entire and cordial approbation of the measures of my administration, without a singular sensation of pride and pleasure.
What shall I say to you, Gentlemen, on the subject of destruction of religion, and encouragement of loose principles? I am not fond of introducing this sacred topic into political disquisitions. But religion is the basis of moral obligation—the essence of all government; the only ground of confidence between man and man, and the foundation of all society. Without it the world would be a universal and perpetual war of artifice, intrigue, fraud, stratagem and violence, of all men against all men. This at least is my opinion, though I shall not persecute those who differ from me.
When religious liberty has been asserted by invincible arguments of the foundest divines, as well as the philosophers of this century and the last; when every engine of wit, satire, humour and ridicule, have been employed to discountenance intolerance, is the whole to terminate in a cruel and sanguinary persecution of all religion? In the annihilation of all the sacred foundations of morality, government and society? America will not, I trust, be willing to be converted into a perfect bedlam, however other parts of the world may with it.
At the time when, under every discouragement, I was called by the suffrages of very little more than half of the nation to the presidency of the general government, I was fully aware of the dangers that surrounded us, and of the perplexities that awaited my administration. A responsibility which might be determined, as my election had been, by two or three votes, presented itself before me, enough to have appalled a heart possessed of more fortitude than mine. But as the course of my life had led me for twenty years through scenes which afforded me, perhaps more than any other American, opportunities of weighing the probable effects of the spasms, convulsions and agonies of a great nation, broke loose from all restraint, in the centre of Europe, I thought it might be as difficult for me as for any other to excuse myself from the trial. The affectionate and ardent support which I have received from my fellow-citizens, has appeared much earlier, and more unanimous, than my most sanguine hopes had ever anticipated. In the generous and general declarations of satisfaction and approbation of my fellow-citizens, in all parts of the union, I have received a regard which I esteem above all other personal considerations in this life. Nothing of this kind has excited my gratitude more sincerely than this magnanimous address from the General Assembly of Maryland. Most cordially I wish you all health and happiness.
JOHN ADAMS. Philadelphia, Dec. 23, 1798.
Congress of the United States. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
THURSDAY, January 17. Mr. Josiah Parker, from the committee to whom was referred so much of the President's Speech as related to the Navy Establishment, made a report in part. This report was long. It takes a view of our present navy, and of the manner in which it has been employed; of the service which it has rendered in defending the commerce of the country; and infers that the benefits which have accrued from it have been greater than to counterbalance all the expence which has attended it. The report concludes with proposing sundry resolutions for carrying into effect the late report of the Secretary of the Navy. The report was committed, and ordered to be printed.
UNOFFICIAL AGENTS. The bill for the punishment of certain crimes therein specified, was read the third time; and upon the question, "shall this bill pass?" a long debate took place, which lasted till four o'clock. Finally the bill passed. Yeas 58—Nays 36.
The following is a copy of the bill, as reported by Mr. Griswold. "BE it enacted, &c. That if any person, being a citizen of the United States, whether he be actually residing or abiding within the United
States, or in any foreign country, shall, without the permission or authority of the government of the United States, directly or indirectly commence or carry on any verbal or written correspondence or intercourse with any foreign government, or any officer or agent thereof, relating to any dispute or controversy between any foreign government and the United States, with an intent to influence the measures or conduct of the government having disputes or controversies with the U. States, as aforesaid; or if any person, being a citizen of or resident within the U. States, and not duly authorized, shall counsel, advise, aid or assist, in any such correspondence, with intent as aforesaid, he or they shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor; and on conviction before any court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and by imprisonment during a term not less than six months, nor exceeding three years."
The speakers in favour of the bill were Messrs. Otis, Dennis, Harper, and Bayard; those against it, Messrs. Livingston, J. Claiborne, M'Dowell, Gallatin and Nicholas.
FRIDAY, January 18. Mr. Rutledge said, he wished to lay a resolution upon the table, the object of which was to prevent the future protraction of debate, as he thought it very improper to consume so much time in debating every question which comes before the House. He was persuaded he could never offer a resolution of this kind with greater chance of success than at present, when one half the session has passed over, without any important measure having been adopted. The resolution was to the following effect:
Resolved, That during the remainder of the session, it shall be a standing rule and order of this House, that during the debate on any bill or resolution, no motion for an adjournment shall be received by the chair, either in the committee of the whole, or in the House, except by unanimous consent.—Ordered to lie.
The amendments of the Senate to the bill for making an enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States were taken up. The principal of these amendments is a postponement of the enumeration until the 1st of April, 1800, which would be extending it over another election. On motion of Mr. Nicholas, the amendments were committed to a committee of the whole.
Mr. Baldwin called for the consideration of the report on the representation and remonstrance of the legislature of Georgia.
Mr. N. Smith hoped this motion would not be persisted in, as there was a fact relative to this business very doubtful, which he had not yet been able to ascertain. He hoped the report would be permitted to lie at least a few days.
Mr. Otis hoped this report would not be taken up for another reason. There was a bill for further suspending the intercourse between the United States and France, which is the order of the day. He had already twice attempted to call up this bill, when it had been objected to, because the communications which had been promised from the President, respecting our dispute with France, had not been received. He had given way on this account, not because he thought the objection had any weight, but because it had been made; as it was uncertain whether these communications would be received to-day or to-morrow, or Monday, as the present law would expire on the 3d of March, he wished it now to be taken up, because if it was not soon acted upon, there would not be time to give the necessary notice to the distant parts of the union. From the speech of the President, at the opening of the session, gentlemen might be convinced there would be nothing in the promised communications which could have any effect on this bill, and from the present precarious situation of several vessels, and the early expiration of the present law, he hoped the subject would now be taken up.
Mr. Rutledge urged the propriety of taking up the subject, on account of the shortness of time betwixt this and the expiration of the present law; that it might require nearly a month to send information of the decision of the legislature to Savannah; and if this information was not received, great quantities of provisions might be sent from thence to the West-Indies. He said, he knew no more of the dispatches than other gentlemen; but he had seen Mr. Gerry's letter which has been published, and therefore knew the result.
Mr. Livingston said, if the bill called for was no more than a renewal of the act for suspending the commercial intercourse between France and the United States, there might be some weight in the reasons given for going into its consideration; but if gentlemen look into the bill, they will see far different provisions. There is there a clause enabling the President, whenever he shall think fit, to renew the intercourse with such rebel subjects, as shall have cast off their allegiance to their mother country. This important principle was not in the former law; perhaps occurrences have recently happened, which may have made it necessary.
Mr. Otis replied to Mr. L. and was interrupted by a message from the President, communicating dispatches, which consisted chiefly of letters which passed betwixt Mr. Gerry and

the French minister, after the return of Generals Pinckney and Marshall; together with a general view of the negotiation by Mr. Gerry, dated Nantasket Road, the 1st of October. The reading of these papers commenced soon after 12 o'clock; and though the house sat till half past three, they were not nearly gone through. The reading of the remainder was, however, dispensed with, and the whole ordered to be printed. The house then adjourned till Monday.
PHILADELPHIA, JAN. 22. MESSAGE from the President of the United States, accompanying sundry papers relative to the affairs of the United States, with the French Republic. —Laid before both Houses of Congress on the 18th inst. Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, THE communication relative to our affairs with France, alluded to in my address to both Houses, at the opening of the session, is contained in the sheets which accompany this. —A report of the Secretary of State, containing some observations on them, will be sent to Congress on Monday.
JOHN ADAMS. January 18, 1799. Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Gerry, dated June 25, 1798.
Department of State, Philadelphia, June 25, 1798. SIR, BY the instructions dated the 23d of March, which, agreeably to the President's directions I addressed to Generals Pinckney and Marshall and yourself, and of which six sets were transmitted, one by a dispatch boat sent on purpose, and some of which doubtless reached you during the last month, you will have seen that it was expected that all of you would have left France long before those instructions could arrive, and which were transmitted rather from abundant caution than necessity, seeing no probability or hope existed that you would accomplish the object of your mission. The respect due to yourselves and to your country irresistibly required that you should turn your backs to a government that treated both with contempt; a contempt not diminished, but aggravated by the flattering but insidious distinction in your favour, in disparagement of men of so respectable talents, untainted honour and pure patriotism, as Generals Pinckney and Marshall, and in whom their government and their country reposed entire confidence; and especially when the real object of that distinction was to enable the French government, trampling on the authority and dignity of our own, to designate an Envoy with whom they would condescend to negotiate. It is therefore to be regretted that you did not concur with your colleagues in demanding passports to quit the territories of the French Republic, some time before they left Paris.
General Marshall has arrived and delivered to the President your letter of April 16th, with its inclosures; all which were, on the 21st inst. laid before Congress, accompanied by a message in which the President declares the negotiation at an end, and that "he will never send another Minister to France without assurances that he will be received, respected and honoured, as the representative of a great, free, powerful and independent nation."
It is presumed that you will consider the instructions of the 23d of March, before mentioned, as an effectual recall: left however, by any possibility, those instructions should not have reached you, and you should still be in France, I am directed by the President to transmit to you this letter, and to inform you, that you are to consider it as a positive letter of recall.
I am respectfully, Sir, your obedient servant, (Signed) TIMOTHY PICKERING. TO ELBRIDGE GERRY, ESQ.
[The extreme length of Mr. Gerry's communication (which falls in this place) containing his observations upon the correspondence between M. Talleyrand and himself, after the departure of his colleagues, obliges us to omit it.]
[No. 1.] Paris, 12th May, 1798.
SIR, BEING informed that Messrs. Prince and Brownfield, who expected to sail in the same ship with Gen. Marshall, are yet at Bourdeaux. I embrace the only favourable opportunity which has occurred since his departure, to inclose you a copy of a note, which I received from Mr. Talleyrand, minister of foreign relations, dated the 14th Germinal (April 3d) of my answer the 4th of April, and of my letter of the 20th of the same month, being the day after Gen. Pinckney left Paris. I had intended to have sent Dr. Tazewell, who is now in my family as secretary, with my dispatches to our government, that no time might be lost in obtaining from it such arrangements for supplying my place, as might have enabled me immediately on his return to leave France; but the measure is become unnecessary, by the prospect which I have of being able soon to embark for the United States, with the acquiescence of this government.
The decision of the Executive Directory, with respect to my colleagues, after we had obtained what we had been informed in our first conference with Mr. Bellamy was impracticable, a joint interview with the minister of foreign relations, and after the latter had seemed disposed to suspend matters, until we could obtain from our government an answer to our letters, was not less perplexing, than surprising; and their proposition to treat with me separately, was inadmissible. It was a proposition to which I had given my negative above a month before, when made to me under an injunction of secrecy, by the minister of foreign relations. I was then informed that an immediate rupture would be the result of my departure from France; and the same communication being again made, with information, that
if I was determined not to negotiate separately, this government would be satisfied with my residence here, until the government of the United States could take their measures. I consented to this from public considerations solely; for every private one was opposed to it. In my embarrassed situation, not losing sight of the great object of our mission, a reconciliation with this powerful republic, I have taken a position by which I mean to ascertain, if possible, without compromising the government of the United States or myself, the ultimate views of France with respect to them. It would have been impossible for me under existing circumstances to have consented to a separate negotiation, had the provision been made in our powers and instructions: for two of my colleagues, one from the southern, and the other from the middle states, having been sent back, I could have no prospect of forming a treaty, which would have given general satisfaction to my country; and I could never have undertaken any negotiation, without that prospect. It is therefore incumbent on me to declare, that should the result of my present endeavours present to our government more pleasing prospects, it is nevertheless my firm determination to proceed no further in this negotiation. The want of time and health preventing further communications at present, I have the honour to remain, Sir, with great esteem and respect,
Your most obedient and very humble servant, (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Secretary of State of the United States of America.
[No. 2.] Paris, 13th May, 1798.
Deaf SIR, I HAVE the honour to inform you, that the brigantine Sophia arrived at Havre the 11th inst. and last evening, at the moment of inclosing my dispatches to you of yesterday, Mr. Humphreys delivered me your letter of instructions of the 23d of March, which shall be duly observed. The arrival of this vessel is a fortunate circumstance for me, and I shall embark in her for the United States, in lieu of taking my passage, as I had proposed, in one of the American merchantmen now in the ports of France. The ultimate views of this government, which their minister has promised in writing in a few days, shall be obtained if possible. I remain, Sir, with much esteem and respect,
Your very humble servant, (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Secretary of State of the United States of America.
(TRANSLATION.) Exterior Relations Office. } LIBERTY. EQUALITY. Paris, 14th Germinal, 6th year of the French Republic, one and indivisible. [April 3, 1798.]
The Minister of Exterior Relations to Mr. Gerry, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States of America to the French Republic.
I SUPPOSE, SIR, that Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall have thought it useful and proper, in consequence of the intimation, which the end of my note of the 28th of last Ventose [18th March, 1798] presents, and the obstacle which their known opinions have induced to the desired reconciliation, to quit the territory of the Republic. In this supposition I have the honour to point out to you the 4th or 7th of this decade to resume our reciprocal communications upon the interests of the French Republic and the United States of America.
Receive, I pray you, the assurances of my perfect consideration. (Signed) CH. M. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
[No. 3.] Paris, 4th April, 1798 (Germinal 14th, an. 6.) I HAD the honour, Citizen Minister, of receiving your letter of the 14th Germinal (the 3d inst.) and Mr. Dureau, who delivered it, informed me, that it was intended to be shown to General Pinckney and General Marshall.
Whilst my Colleagues and myself, to whom the Government of the United States have entrusted the affairs of the embassy, had a joint agency therein, I have carefully imparted to them all the propositions which you have requested, and the relative conferences, and to yourself our decisions thereon; regretting at the same time, the unfortunate and embarrassing circumstances which imposed on me this disagreeable task. But as by the tenor of your letter, it is now expected that they will quit the territory of the French Republic, it will be impossible for me to be the medium of, or to take any measures which will be painful to my Colleagues, or not to afford them all the assistance in my power; and it would be moreover inconsistent with the line of conduct which you well know, Citizen Minister, I have uniformly observed, for removing the unfavourable impressions which existed on the part of this government against them. Indeed in our last letter, there is a conditional application for passports, which as it appears to me, supercedes the necessity of a hint to them on this subject; and Gen. Marshall is waiting impatiently for an answer to that part of it which respects a letter of safe conduct for the vessel in which he and his suite may take passage for the United States, to determine whether he shall embark from France or from Great-Britain; but the unfortunate situation of Gen. Pinckney, with respect to the critical state of his daughter's health, renders it utterly impossible for him to depart under existing circumstances.
You have proposed, Citizen Minister, the 4th or 7th of this decade for me to resume (repren dre) our reciprocal communications, upon the interest of the French Republic and of the United States. The reciprocal communications which we have had, were such only as I have alluded to in the beginning of this letter; unless your proposition accompanied with an injunction of secrecy, for me to treat separately,
is considered in that light. To resume this subject will be unavailing, because the measure for the reasons which I then urged, is utterly impracticable. I can only then confer informally and unaccredited, on any subject respecting our mission, and communicate to the government of the United States the result of such conferences; being in my individual capacity unauthorized to give them an official stamp. Nevertheless every measure in my power, and in conformity with the duty I owe to my country, shall be zealously pursued to restore harmony, and cordial friendship between the two republics. I had the honour of calling on you last evening, for the purpose of making this communication verbally; but as you were absent, to prevent misconceptions, I have thought it best to reduce it to writing.
Accept, I pray you, Citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect esteem and respect. (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French Republic.
[No. 5.] Paris, April 21, 1798. (1 Floreal, an. 6.) CITIZEN MINISTER,
My colleagues having been under the necessity of departing from Paris, have left me in the most painful situation, as it respects themselves, the government and nation which I had the honour with them to represent, and my personal circumstances. The alternatives presented to my choice, were the continuance of my residence here, or an immediate rupture on my departure; I have chosen the former, prompted by every consideration of the duty I owed my country.
The object of this government in my remaining here, as announced in your official note of the 14th Germinal (3d April) was "to resume our reciprocal communication on the interest of the French Republic and of the United States." My answer informed you that "I could only confer informally and unaccredited, on any subject respecting our mission, and communicate to the government of the United States the result of such conferences; being in my individual capacity, unauthorized to give them an official stamp." This then I consider as the line of conduct well understood to be observed on my part; and in the present state of affairs, Citizen Minister, I flatter myself that propositions for terminating all differences, for the restoration of harmony and friendship, and for the re-establishment of commerce between the United States and France, will be promptly made on the part of the latter; that they will be such, as corresponding with the justice and magnanimity of this great nation, and with sound policy, will insure success; that I shall have an opportunity of soon embarking for the United States, and presenting them to my government for their consideration; and that all further depredations on our commerce, by French cruisers, will in the interim be prohibited. If in forming this arrangement I can render any services, you may be always sure of my immediate and cheerful co-operation.
Measures like these will at once extinguish those coals of discord, which, kindled into a flame, must be destructive of the respective interests of the two republics; will not only restore, but increase, if possible, their former confidence; and terminate in a competition for excelling each other in mutual acts of generosity and kindness.
In any event, Citizen Minister, I flatter myself it will not be thought necessary for me to remain long in France, as the state of my family and affairs requires my immediate return to the United States; and as their Consul General will continue his residence here, which, pending negotiation, will answer every political purpose. I pray you, Citizen Minister, to accept the assurances of my most perfect esteem and regard. (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of foreign affairs of the French Republic.
[No. 7.] Paris, 31st May, 1798. Prairial (30th May.)
Your letter, citizen Minister, of the 11th Prairial (30th May.) and the gazette to which it refers, were delivered to me by Mr. —. The letter contains the whole of the informal negotiations communicated by the envoys to their government; and the letter states, that certain intriguers have made propositions and held conversations with the envoys, the object of which was evidently to deceive them. You have therefore desired me to communicate their names. If any of those persons were unauthorized to act, or having definite powers have exceeded them, they certainly have abused this government and the envoys likewise; but I am incompetent to judge of these points, as they did not produce, to my knowledge, credentials or documents of any kind.
The publications referred to, are sufficient to shew the delicate situation I am in with respect to the names of the persons, and are marked with such circumstances, as to enable you, I flatter myself, to investigate the subject without insisting on any communications on my part.
To free, however, some innocent persons from suspicions, which are said to have embarrassed them, I have no objection to declare that three of the persons were foreigners, and that the fourth acted merely as a messenger and linguist.
You will observe, citizen Minister, how extremely averse the envoys were from such an informal mode of proceeding, by their answer of Oct. the 30th, to certain propositions previously made to them; that on the 1st of Nov. they agreed to put an end to such an intercourse; and that they carried into effect their resolution, notwithstanding the reiterated attempts afterwards made to defeat it. They conceived it nevertheless to be their duty to make a communication of the whole to their government.
Accept, citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect esteem. (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of foreign affairs of the French Republic.
[No. 8.] (TRANSLATION.)
Paris, 13th Prairial, 6th year. [June 1st, 1798.]
The Minister of exterior relations, to Mr. Gerry, Envoy of the United States.
I have received, Sir, your letter of yesterday. You inform me, 1st, that the gazette presented contains all the informal negotiations communicated by the envoys to their government; 2d, that the persons referred to, have not produced to your knowledge, any authority, any document of any kind whatever, to accredit themselves; 3d, that three of the individuals mentioned (that is to say, in the order in which I have placed them, W. X. Y.) are foreigners, and the fourth (that is to say Z.) acted only as messenger and interpreter.
Although I perceive your repugnance to naming those individuals, I must earnestly request you to yield it to the importance of the object. Be pleased, therefore, 1st, either to give me their names in writing, or communicate them confidentially to the bearer; 2d, to name the woman whom Mr. Pinckney mentions; 3d, to tell me whether any of the citizens attached to my service, and authorized by me to see the envoys, told them a word, which had the least relation to the disgusting proposition which was made by X. and Y. to give any sum whatever for corrupt distribution.
Receive, Sir, the assurances of my perfect consideration. (Signed) CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND.
[No. 9.] Paris, June 1st, 1798.
Citizen Minister, BEING officially informed that sundry letters for Gen. Marshall, Mr. Murray, our Minister at the Hague, Mr. Bourne, our consul at Amsterdam, the house of Lange and Bourne, and myself, captured in the American ship Farmer, some time since, and sent to Rotterdam, were by order of Mr. Delacroix transmitted to Paris, in pursuance of the instructions he received from this government; and having made several unsuccessful efforts to recover these dispatches, permit me to request your assistance for obtaining them without further delay.
Accept, citizen Minister, the assurances of my perfect esteem and respect. (Signed) E. GERRY. To the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the French republic. [To be continued.]
For the PROVIDENCE JOURNAL.
MR. CARTER,
WITH pleasure I observed, in your last elegant and useful paper, some political reflections for January 1st, 1799, which in general fully coincide with my political sentiments. But how much longer are we to submit to the illegal capture of our property, by similar depredations on our commerce, which have already robbed us of more than thirty millions, perhaps five times the cost of building and supporting a sufficient navy to have protected this property? Yet we are lulled, by one pretence after another, from the French themselves, or the Logans of our own country: Will this nation submit forever to such stupid blindness? we now aid France in subjugating the nations around her, by sending her all the wealth of our country. Though we are not admitted by Congress to carry this wealth direct to their ports; yet the cruisers under the French flag are permitted to take it wherever they can find it, and thereby add to their means of fitting out more ships against us; and our own jacobins, when they reach a neutral port without being captured, are immediately made neutral, and proceed with their vessels direct to French ports, to aid and encourage them to fit out more armed vessels against us. Will this do, or is this not worse than open war? Are we beasts of burthen, and ever to remain such? or is there a majority of our six millions of inhabitants that have some spirit left, and dare to say, "Thus far have we foolishly submitted to these pirates; but not one more of our ships or vessels is to be taken with impunity, and without making reprisals on any nation which shall dare to molest our lawful traders?" Have not Congress been cajoled by France long enough to have their eyes opened? For a long time they obliged our merchant vessels to go unarmed, or, in other words, with their hands tied, to meet the common enemy; but at length, when they found the French cruisers on our coast, and that they would have soon been in our harbours, and even taken our ships from their wharves, if not defended, what did Congress do? They permitted the merchant to arm in his own defence, and this permission, together with the armed ships of the nation, has had the good effect of keeping the enemy out of our harbours, and tolerable clear of our coast; but yet the unfortunate Americans often meet the French in Europe, up the Straights and in the East-Indies; and if they are brave, and defend themselves like true Americans, they often escape, after very rough treatment from our pretended republican friends, who fight with redoubled ardour against an American ship, knowing her to be a good prize, if conquered; and if worsted in the combat, the American has no compensation for the loss of blood or treasure, as he is so unfortunate as to belong to a nation who are afraid to make reprisals. If Congress still continue in this pusillanimous mode of warfare, the consequence will soon be, that every man of spirit and enterprize, whether merchant or seaman, will quit, or with to quit the nation, and remove to other nations, who not only give liberty by law to their subjects to defend themselves and their property, when attacked, but to make reprisals of all the property that can be found, belonging to the nation authorizing the

attack. What has this country to fear from a war with France, or from taking all the property we can, to hold as a small compensation for the long and wicked depredations made against us? Granting, for argument's sake, that should we admit of making prize of all French property, they will continue taking ours as heretofore, shall we not be in a way of balancing accounts with them, or at least to pass some remittances to their credit? If half a loaf is better than no bread, we had better take up with half as much property from the French by reprisals, than to continue losing all, and taking none. What have we to fear from a war with France? Their power by sea is nothing, compared to our nation now, to what the navy of England was at the time of our declaration of independence. We are now double in numbers, and perhaps four times as able to build & equip a navy as we were then, being now cemented as a nation, and at that time we had no general principles established, and of course no resources at the command of Congress, and the navy of England at that time, with which we had to contend, was at least four times as powerful as the navy of France is at this time, which makes us now eight times as able to contend with France, as we were then with England. Now is the time to promote and establish our navy, while France is beat in every quarter by the English, and her finances in such wretched order, as to be unable to make the necessary advances for the small fleet lately bound to Ireland, and thereby failed in that trifling expedition—trifling indeed, when in competition with the equipment of a suitable fleet to annoy this country with land forces. I repeat it again, now is the time to establish a navy, to warrant the safety of the future exportations, which will no doubt require more tonnage than any other nation of the world has, and in less than a century, in all human probability, the United States will contain more inhabitants than both the nations of France and England together. Why then should we, who are now on the stage of action, omit-putting in our mites to promote a navy, which bye and bye will have the most shipping to protect of any other navy of the universe? Can we expect that all the nations of Europe, every one of which have some kind of armed ships, will quietly look on and see the United States ships covering the ocean, without the means of protection, or, in other words, without an active and powerful navy to be ever ready and vigilant to support the flag of the nation? The small beginning already made, has put a new face on our commerce, and raised the drooping spirits of our citizens, so long duped by France, and her friends in our own country; and the building and equipping every ship recommended by the Secretary of the navy, would be an easy matter to be accomplished, if that unanimity of every part of the general government prevailed, which the honour and safety of the nation requires. Let no one fear the expence, for sure I am that the more exertions Congress make in building and equipping a powerful and permanent navy, provided the same be done with all necessary economy and good judgment, the richer we shall be as a nation, as it will certainly add near the whole value of the ships with all their numerous equipments, to the present stock of the nation; and the community at large are never poorer for a debt due to its own citizens, but from long and attentive observation, I am rather induced to believe the reverse, that is, I mean that a nation or government laying out large sums of money for its own protection and that of its commerce, they take up the whole of the money or loan from their own citizens, who may do the labour or supply the materials for a navy, or other necessary protection of government. My idea is, that by such appropriations, let the amount be five, ten, or even twenty millions of dollars, the nation, as such, and of course a great majority of its citizens will be richer, more secure, and more happy, by means of a more general employment of its citizens at large, than it can possibly be without the appropriation of funds. The Secretary of the navy has stated the cost of building and equipping a 74 gun ship, of 1660 tons, exclusive of military stores, at 342,700 dollars; to which I add the military stores, provisions, and every other charge, at 157,300 dollars; to put her to sea fully manned, will make 500,000 dollars to each 74 gun ship, or six millions of dollars for the 12 74's. This is only one dollar a head, if divided equally among all the citizens of the nation; or not more than one cent per head, to each of the poor families, who have no real estate; or if estimated to every house and farm, about six dollars each, on an average; or perhaps a quarter of a dollar to a small farm and house, and about twenty-five dollars to a good farm and house inclusive. Is this an object to frighten the country, when their produce, in all probability, will sell for ten per cent. more with those ships, than it would do if we had no such ships? The annual expence of the existing navy, is stated by Mr. Stoddert at 2,434,261 dollars 10 cents; and with the 12 seventy-fours and the other ships he proposes to be added, he states the annual expence at 5,383,540 dollars. This sum amounts to about 84 cents to each inhabitant of the nation, which, if paid by direct tax, could not be heavy; but in lieu of this, it will be paid from the imports and other taxes on trade, which will increase as the navy increases, so that in all probability, the revenue arising from the commerce of our nation, will in half a century be equal, if not more, than the present revenue arising from the commerce of the British nation, though theirs now exceeds annually the whole amount of our national debt. This calculation, I think, cannot be thought exaggerated, as from a much slower increase of inhabitants, than has taken place in the United States for fifty years past, we shall be more than double the numbers of England, Scotland, and Ireland, in less than fifty years to come. Therefore, granting that each citizen shall then pay half as much as each citizen does now in England, the revenue of our nation will amount to more per
annum than the revenue of the kingdom of England, though they now support a navy of about twenty times the size of that contemplated in the report of the Secretary of the navy.
I will close by advising that the 12 seventy-fours be built as soon as may be, even supposing the great nation of France should immediately come to their senses, and make peace with Congress by giving them full and ample security for the whole amount of all the depredations which have been made by their cruisers on the property of our citizens; and for this plain reason, that the building and equipping such a navy would prevent similar depredations from other nations, and because I should know that nothing else would have induced the French to do us justice by making full restitution, but the spirit we have of late manifested, and are about manifesting to them; that we are not averse to bear their burthens any longer; but that we are a spirited and warlike nation, determined at all hazards to obtain justice from them by the sword, in concert with other injured nations, if they did not come forward to us with the olive-branch in one hand, and ample terms of full restitution in the other.
A TRUE AMERICAN YANKEE. Jan. 28, 1799.
For the PROVIDENCE JOURNAL.
THAT extremes in human conduct are nearly allied, is a maxim not controverted; and while this propensity actuates an individual, it is too contracted in its sphere, or too futile in its effects, to merit attention; but when it operates in the councils of a nation, or pervades the mass of a people, it acquires an importance productive of events interesting, extensive and permanent. Uniformity and stability of deportment in public or private life, resulting from an enlightened understanding and rectitude of principle, excites respect and admiration; but it is no less common than mortifying to human nature to remark the sudden vibration from one extremity to another.
These reflections were suggested by a retrospect of the various occurrences which this country has exhibited in the short lapse of a few years. The astonishing, and as we conceived auspicious revolution in France, created an universal interest in their favour. We entered with precipitation and ardour into all their concerns—we viewed the combat between despotism and freedom as our own—we alternately rejoiced and mourned as the latter appeared prosperous or adverse—their victories were celebrated, and the sound of Ca ira echoed from the Savannah to the St. Croix, and continued to fascinate until we were lulled into the most dangerous security, from which we were awakened by that gracious Providence which, with an outstretched arm, had formerly rescued us from foreign domination. A premature disclosure of the insidious designs of the miscreants of France—their insolence to our peace-speaking Envoys—their numerous aggressions, have rouzed a becoming spirit of resentment and indignation.—The scene is reversed, and the triumphs of their enemies excite a general exultation. But let recent experience teach us to "rejoice with trembling"—and, while we have scarcely weathered the whirlpool of Charybdis , may we cautiously shun the rocks of Scylla . A very scanty knowledge of the interest and policy of the European maritime powers, must convince us that they never can cultivate a cordial amity for a growing rival. They may avail themselves of temporary political occasions to flatter and caress us, but these artful blandishments are no less to be deprecated than their menaces and their arms. Happy for our country that a vast ocean separates us from the turbulent ambition and convulsions that direct the councils and desolate the nations of Europe. Accustomed to war and carnage, they resemble "the troubled ocean, whose waters cast up mire and dirt." Our duty, policy and happiness, all concur to admonish us to avoid any connection with them but what is amicable and commercial; and it would be a subject of congratulation if those desirable objects could be secured without any military preparations; but the rights of justice are considered by the corrupt maxims of courts and directories as feeble claims, if unsupported by resources and resolution to enforce them. It is therefore necessary that we combine a commanding attitude with a conciliatory address, in order to succeed in the most equitable demands. Hence the necessity of assuming a national character, and feeling a laudable ambition in being Americans. Let us cherish in ourselves and others an affectionate attachment to our own country, constitution and government; and while we exert ourselves with an energy adequate to the present emergency, let us assiduously practice the sacred duties of religion, and depend on no auxiliary but that omnipotent Being
"Who blasts, or bids the martial laurel bloom." Then shall our flag be respected, and "the stars in their courses" will fight our battles. While we shed the tear of sympathy over the calamities that "sweep" distant countries "with the besom of destruction," may we gratefully adore that supreme Providence which "hath appointed the bounds of our habitation," and favoured us with the pre-eminent and almost exclusive privilege of reposing in tranquility "under our own vines and fig-trees"—and let this be the prime article of our political creed, "a true Federalist is a TRUE AMERICAN."
ATTENTION.
THE Independent Company of CADETS are hereby notified to appear at the State-House with muskets, on Saturday next, at half past 6 o'clock P. M.
By order of Col. Burrill. CALEB BOWERS, Ord. Serj.
Jan. 30, 1799.
The Journal.
PROVIDENCE, Jan. 30.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the first respectability to his friend in New-York, dated Hamburg, the 26th October.
"It is very probable that a general peace will take place this winter—on account of the general destruction of the French fleet at Alexandria, the loss of 40 or 50,000 of their best troops, the remainder of their marines, the probability of a war with America, the declaration of war by the Turks, the alliance between Russia and the Emperor of Germany, the general dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of Italy, and the justifiable indignation of the brave Swifts, the general enmity of Europe, the deficiency of 105 millions of livres in the French finances, their total loss of credit, and the refusal of the young men to join the armies; all these circumstances together induce me to believe, that if they commence another campaign, their fate will be a total overthrow."
It gives us the highest satisfaction to find the government of the United States recommending and urging the true measures of defence for this country. It will be recollected how often we have been abused by the partisans of different foreign powers, for endeavouring to awaken our countrymen to a sense of the degrading and debasing policy of holding our independence and the protection of our commerce on the tenure of foreign alliances .—But from the address of the President to Congress, and from the reports of the heads of the War and Navy Departments, we learn with great pleasure, that the same sentiments guide the councils of our nation. We ought, as the Secretary of War has well expressed it, to hold our destinies in our own hands . This we cannot do without a NAVY. [Spectator.]
Capt. Bunce, arrived at New-York, in 56 days from Hamburg, brings a confirmation of the defeat and slaughter of the invaders of Egypt. This account was received at Hamburg just before Capt. Bunce failed. Buonaparte had left the residue of his army, and secreted himself; but diligent search was making after him.
A meeting of the Providence Association of Mechanics and Manufacturers will be held, by adjournment, on Monday next, at 6 o'clock, P. M.
MARRIED.
Mr. Robert S. Burroughs, to Miss Esther Armington, both of this town. At Coventry, Capt. Caleb Mathewson, to Miss Phebe Mitchell.
Port of Providence.
ENTERED. Sloop Lark, Pettis, Surinam; brig Ranger, Young, Barbados; sloop Welcome, Thornton, Washington.
CLEARED. Sloop Mary Ann, Westcott, Norfolk; brig Fanny, Alger, Surinam; sloop Lydia, Tallman, Charleston; sloop Friendship, Russell, New-York; schooner Zerviah, Remington, Norfolk.
Arrived, brig Clinton, Cooke, in 24 days from St. Thomas'. Two days after he left St. Thomas', spoke an English privateer, belonging to Tortola, who treated him with politeness, and suffered him to pass without examination. Capt. Cooke saw several large ships on the coast heading to the southward, but spoke with none. The day previous to Capt. Cooke's departure from St. Thomas', the ship Otsego, of New-York, arrived there, having lost her rudder and Mizzen-mast in a gale of wind, on the outward bound passage. Left at St. Thomas' the armed sloop Capt. Cables, and Schooner -----, Capt. Cushing, of Philadelphia.
Capt. Young, from Barbados, spoke, Jan. 21, lat. 38, 18, long. 73, 30, ship -----, Benjamin Gardner, from Hamburg to New-York, out 60 days. January 22d, spoke ship -----, Parsons, from Leghorn bound to Boston, out 90 days.
The brig Polly, Bullock, of this port, on her passage from the West-Indies, has been captured by a French, and re-captured by a British privateer, and carried into Jamaica.
NEW-YORK, January 22.
Schooner Fox, John O'Bryan, master, failed from the town of New-Orleans, December 26. Spoke the brigs Franklin, Black, and Union, -----, of New-York, five leagues below the town: was informed by the governor of Plaquemine, of the Havanna being blockaded by a British squadron; likewise spoke in the river, about ten leagues from the Beliefs, the sloop Elizabeth, Capt. McCormack.
Jan. 4, lat. 23, 30, Havana bearing about S. E. saw a fleet of ships between us and the Havanna. Jan. 18, came up with a brig who fired a shot and hoisted English colours, and gave chase; but our being to windward, we soon lost sight of her.
Capt. Creed, of the brig Paramaribo, from Cadiz, spoke, Dec. 23d, brig Neptune, Hazard, from New-London bound to Tobago, out ten days; had lost, in a severe gale of wind three days after he failed, his boat and 41 head of cattle.
January 20, spoke the Danish brig Fame, Capt. Brezenburgh, from Bremen, five months out, 51 days on soundings, bound to Philadelphia.
A gentleman who came passenger in the Betty says, he was informed the day before he failed, by a gentleman of information, that the court of Spain had sent a special envoy to Great Britain to negotiate a treaty offensive and defensive between those two powers, and to obtain a convoy for their Vera-Cruz fleet, with money from South America, which was stipulated should be appropriated to the payment of the combined Austrian and Russian armies acting against France.
Now opening, by Carrington and Bowers, No. 1, CHEAPSIDE.
A fresh assortment of FANCY GOODS, which they have just received by the latest arrivals from Europe, and now offer for sale on the most reasonable terms for Cash.
Jan. 30, 1799.
Sales at Auction.
ON Tuesday the 12th of February next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. will be sold at public auction, sundry articles of DRY GOODS, taken by virtue of an execution in favour of Messrs. Roe and Metcalf, merchants, of New-York.—Said goods will be exposed for sale at the store lately occupied by Messrs. Blodget and Mathewson.
WILLIAM PECK, Marshal.
Jan. 30, 1799.
NEW AND FASHIONABLE GOODS.
Samuel Ames
HAS JUST OPENED FOR SALE,
An assortment of calicoes and chintzes, mullins, muslinets and dimities; lute-strings, and satins, modes, farinets and tiffanies; Italian, crape and Rutland net gauze; silk, woollen and cotton hose; black and white silk gloves; long and short white and coloured kid gloves; a variety of plain and fancy ribbons; laces, edgings and fur trimmings; ferrets, tapes, bobbins and threads; pins and needles; fine and superfine broadcloths and cassimeres; fashionable cape velvets, rattimets, shallons, ruffsels, durants, tammees, Irish linens and sheetings, fine and low priced India cottons, gentlemen and childrens fashionable fur hats, gilt, plated and steel coat buttons; ditto vest ditto, an assortment of thick woollen goods, with many articles of hard ware and other goods, too numerous for an advertisement; all which he will sell at reduced prices for cash.
Jan. 30, 1799. (gw)
FRESH GOODS.
William Blodget, jun.
No. 3, CHEAPSIDE.
Opposite Governor FENNER's, by the Minerva, at Bolton, and a late arrival at New-York, has received, and opened for Sale.
A Large supply of fine Irish Linens, long lawns, cambricks, dimities, an elegant assortment of plaid, striped and fancy figured chintzes and calicoes; superfine, second and third plain striped and fancy mixed cassimeres and broadcloths—cotton, silk and Morocco slings—double and single elastic, long and short kid, beaver, wash and fancy patent mock fawn gloves; kid and Morocco shoes, with and without heels; cotton, silk, and plated hose, with and without lace clocks; muslin and linen handkerchiefs; fancy worked gauzes, common and Paris net for veils, jacquet and book mullins and handkerchiefs, white and coloured threads, shirrin and sheeting mullins, hats—and a general supply of THICK GOODS, wholesale and retail, for cash or approved credit, on terms highly favourable.—As usual, but one price. Jan. 30.
Benjamin Thurber,
At his shop, nearly opposite the Episcopal Church, at the sign of the BUNCH OF GRAPES, offers for sale a very good assortment of
English, India, Scotch and other GOODS:
AMONG WHICH ARE, An assortment of coloured taffeties, lute-strings, satins, persians, modes, and some new fashion silk; also straw bands for ladies hats, black girdles, and claps, long and short womens' kid gloves.
Newest fashion dark and light ground patches and chintzes, black ruffel, moreens of all colours, neat morocco and cloth shoes, broadcloths, durants and baises, tambour mullins, muslinets, dimities, and a variety of good laces of the newest fashion; ladies' hats, childrens' fur hats, elegant shawls, waistcoat patterns, belt fleece cotton, nankeens and nankeenets, some neat muffs, furs and ermines.
Spanish float and French indigo, warranted; brass kettles, warming pans, London and Bristol pewter, knives and forks, shovels and tongs, coffee-mills, candlesticks, an assortment of looking glasses; Delf, China and glass ware, iron hollow ware, cart and waggon boxes; clover seed, herdsgrass, red and bent seed, meal and lawn hives.
West-India Goods, oranges, lemons, raisins, figs, tamarinds, and many other articles too tedious to mention. The whole will be disposed of at a low advance.
All old friends and new customers, are desired to call and see for themselves.—I daily expect a fresh supply of goods from New-York and Boston.
Jan. 30, 1799. gw.
LOST,
YESTERDAY, between 11 and 12 o'clock, a red Morocco POCKET-BOOK; containing sundry notes of hand, and other papers, of no consequence to any person but the owner. Whoever may have found said Pocket-Book, and will give information thereof at this office, shall be rewarded for their trouble. Jan. 30.
THE subscriber having taken part of the shop formerly occupied by Dr. Joseph Bowen, takes this method of informing his friends and acquaintance, that he intends carrying on the TAILORING BUSINESS.—Those who wish to employ him, may depend on his assiduity in performing their work to satisfaction. JOSEPH W. LARCHAR. Jan. 30, 1799.
IT having been proposed by a number of the inhabitants of Providence to establish an office of mutual insurance of houses, &c. from fire, notice is hereby given, that a meeting is required of those persons who are disposed to promote the plan, at the Town-House, on Thursday, the 7th of February, at three o'clock, P. M. Jan. 30.
John Harwood, jun.
OFFERS FOR SALE,
A LIQUID, prepared by himself, which, from long experience, has been proved to be a complete and radical cure for that loathsome disorder, the ITCH. This Liquid is simple in its composition, perfectly innocent in its operation, and is attended with no inconvenience whatever. Jan. 30.

Original Poetry.
Mr. CARTER. The following elegant lines, written by the late accomplished Mrs. Sowerby (relict of the late Mr. Sowerby, merchant, of Providence) you are requested to insert in your paper. — It will be seen that the poetry does honour to the head, the sublimity of the sentiments, and the strain of piety, reflect no less credit on the heart.
NOW fair Aurora gilds the eastern skies, And fades away the darksome shades of night; On her soft wing let pure devotion rise, Warm as her breath, and rapid as her flight.  To Thee, Great Source of light, and life, and love, Permit the young, th' unskillful notes to flow: O! could I reach those blissful courts above, Where seraphs' breaths with pure devotion glow!  Then would I learn to imitate the strain, To mortal ears I'd bend the song sublime; Songs, such as echoes through th' ethereal plain, Full fraught with holy joy, and love divine.  But man (though not permitted to explore The secret glories of thy bright abode) On earth may trace the footsteps of thy power, Confess thy presence, and adore thy GOD.  Yon smiling orb, that o'er the humble earth, Diffusing brightness, rolls his rapid way, FATHER OF LIGHT, from Thee proclaims his birth, Thee, glorious Author of eternal day.  And thou, wide Earth, with various blessings stored, Our being to support, and love to raise To nature's bounteous universal Lord, Exhale to him the constant breath of praise.  Ye tuneful choir, that tremble on the spray, Pour your soft hymns along the balmy gale, While sprightly flocks, that o'er the meadows play, With cheerful bleatings fill the echoing vale.  Ye finny tribes, which sport along the flood, Of native praise your silent tribute yield, While the rough herd, which range the distant wood, Roar their loud homage through the neigh'ring field.  Mortals, awake! let Nature's gen'ral voice Arouse you to adore great Nature's God, Whose gracious smiles diffuse celestial joys, While woes eternal wait his angry nod.  Of gratitude, high kindled in the soul, Let RATIONALS the hourly tribute raise, And found from east to west, from pole to pole, One sacred song of universal praise.  JULIET.
EXTRACT.
WHO, but is deeply sensible, that one great source of the uneasiness and misery of human life, especially amongst those of distinction, arises from nothing in the world else, but too severe a contemplation of an indefeasible contexture of our external parts, or certain natural and invincible dispositions to be fat or lean? When a little more philosophy would take off all this; and in the mean time let them observe, that there is not one of their grievances of this sort, but perhaps, in some ages of the world, has been highly in vogue; and may be so again; nay, in some country or other, ten to one is so at this day. My lady Ample is the most miserable woman in the world, purely of her own making: she even grudges herself meat and drink, for fear she should thrive by them; and is constantly crying out, In a quarter of a year more I shall be quite out of all manner of shape! Now the lady's misfortune seems to be only this, that she is planted in a wrong soil; for, go but to other side of the water, it's a jest at Harlem to talk of a shape under eighteen stone. These wise traders regulate their beauties as they do their butter, by the pound; and Miss Cross, when she first arrived in the Low Countries, was not computed to be so handsome as Madam Van Brisket by near half a ton. On the other hand, there's Squire Lath, a proper gentleman of fifteen hundred pound per annum, as well as of an unblameable life and conversation; yet would not I be the Esquire for half his estate; for if it was as much more, he'd freely part with it all for a pair of legs to his mind: whereas in the reign of our first king Edward, of glorious memory, nothing more modish than a brace of your fine taper supporters; and his majesty, without an inch of calf, managed affairs in peace and war as laudably as the bravest and most politic of his ancestors; and was as terrible to his neighbours under the royal name of Long-shanks, as Cœur de Lion to the Saracens before him. If we look farther back into history, we shall find that Alexander the Great wore his head a little over the left shoulder; and then not a soul stirred out till he had adjusted his neck bone; the whole nobility addressed the prince and each other obliquely, and all matters of importance were concerted and carried on in the Macedonian court with their polls on one side. For about the first century, nothing made more noise in the world than Roman noses, and then not a word of them till they revived again in eighty-eight. Nor is it so very long since Richard the third set up half the backs of the nation; and high shoulders, as well as high noses, were the top of the fashion.
PRESIDENT'S BALL.
A splendid ball was given, on Wednesday the 16th inst. by the subscribers of the Dancing Assembly, in Philadelphia, in compliment to the President of the United States.
The new theatre was chosen for this display of public respect. A temporary floor was thrown over the pit, which was well adapted for the dancers, and it was bounded by an elegant scene, repeating the appearance of the house. About 8 o'clock, the President appeared in the centre box, and the whole company, (upwards of nine hundred) rose to receive him. The dancing continued incessantly till about 11 o'clock, when the scene rose, and discovered a most elegant supper hall, which was formed by new scenery (painted for the occasion) at the sides and above, with an appropriate transparent painting, descriptive of the independence of our country, fronting the company.
The following toasts were drank, viz. 1. The government and its supporters.—The President then gave "Prosperity, without alloy, to the citizens of Philadelphia."—2. The army.—3. The navy.—4. Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute.
N. B. The latter was the motto of an elegant frontispiece over the President's box.
From the Farmers' JOURNAL.
WHEN the necessity and utility of religion are considered, we are surprised to think there have ever been persons, who have attempted to ridicule it, and to make mankind believe that it is unnatural, and the imposition of enthusiasm, bigotry and superstition. Religion is so highly advantageous, that we cannot conceive how mankind can exist without it. The corruption, depravity and tendency of the human heart is such, that something are necessary to restrain its licentiousness, and to correct its irregularities.
Moral evil in the world, and take away those restraints which religion enforces, a total subversion of society must ensue. We find that all nations, of which we have any account, were possessed of some kind of religion. The very being of society seems to depend upon it. It is the foundation of all law and order. Without it an oath would be an empty sound: Truth would be enveloped in the darkness of ignorance and falsehood, and stern justice bleed at the shrine of iniquity.
How base then, how malicious and wicked, is the man who endeavours to ridicule the religion of his country, and to lessen its influence upon the mind of the people! In this respect Mr. Paine has been highly culpable. Although he has found out nothing new against religion; yet he has discovered the badness of his heart, by doing all the mischief in his power; of which, no doubt, (like many of his deistical brethren) he will hereafter bitterly repent.
Deism greatly prevails at the present day: and it can be easily accounted for. It flatters the passions and vices of men—indulges them in all their pleasures and gratifications, and it is no wonder that many give way to its alluring enticements. I am very far from condemning a deist, if he is one from principle. If, after mature reflection, and serious investigation, he remains an infidel, charity forbids me to reproach him. But this is scarcely ever the case. Men indulge themselves in scenes of folly and dissipation, and eagerly grasp at any thing which will serve to quiet their conscience. And to make their principles consistent with their practice, they persuade themselves they are deists. Because Mr. Paine has said a few funny things against the bible, without further enquiry, they pin their faith upon his sleeve, and blindly adopt his rights as instructive truths.
Although I do not blame Mr. Paine for his infidelity (if he cannot help it) yet he is culpable for propagating his pernicious principles. They are pernicious as they tend to the subversion of all earthly happiness. Why does he with to drive the happy christian to despair—deprive him of all the pleasure to be derived from the contemplation of a happy hereafter, purchased by his Saviour, and leave him hopeless on the ocean of uncertainty? He says that christians are deluded. What if they are, are they not happy in the delusion? If the christian religion is true, deists must be unhappy in a future state; and if it is not true, christians stand a better chance to be happy in the other world, for they generally live better lives in this.
That kind of religion, and those principles which better the human heart, and influence the mind by directing it to acts of benevolence and charity, must be the best. I submit it to every candid mind, whether christianity or deism has the most happy effects in this respect. Look into the characters of deists, you find them licentious, wicked and debauched. They are generally men who are afraid the bible should be true, lest it should condemn their practice. Consequently they shut their eyes upon the noon-tide beams, and endeavour to make others grope with them in the devious errors of midnight darkness. They are scarcely ever men of study or reflection. This most ignorant and illiterate adhere to their party; desperadoes, raggamuffins and scoundrels, subscribe to their creed.
About a century ago, some people, of dilate taste , were ashamed to be christians, because it was too vulgar—too much like the swinish multitude. At the present day, upon the same principle, they should be ashamed to be deists: For they cannot differ more from the multitude, in any other way, than by being christians.
Not long since I had occasion to enter a certain barber's shop. The barber never will be hanged for his intellects: And although he may set small brooks on fire, yet I am persuaded he will never consume the Quinsigomond pond. His knowledge does not extend beyond a razor, a comb and a powder puff; yet I heard this son of ignorance, this votary of stupidity, speaking great things against the bible, and the christian religion. From that moment I was determined never to be a deist. Had I been as great an infidel as Tom Paine, I am persuaded I should have been immediately converted. Shall a man whose reading has not exceeded hobgoblin stories and bawdy songs, shall he call that nonsense and imposture, which the great NEWTON believed to be sacred truth ? NEWTON, who searched into the deep recesses of nature, and unfolded her hidden laws. A LOCKE, an ADDISON, and a BOYLE, with thousands in all ages since the commencement of the christian era, have believed in the bible—lived and died in the persuasion of its divine truth. Certainly some respect ought to be had for their opinion. At least we ought not to throw the bible away, until we have attentively enquired into the evidence with which it is supported.
For SALE, by the Subscribers, at a very moderate price, THE STORE lately occupied by Messrs. Benjamin and John Brown, a little north of the State-House, in the chambers of which is a convenient tenement for a large family. The terms of payment will be made easy. BENJAMIN HOPPIN & Co. Jan. 9, 1799. (2m)
Samuel Aborn, jun.
HAS JUST RECEIVED, By the brig Polly, Capt. Whitney, from Jamaica, 17 Hds. high 4th proof Jamaica Spirits 13 do. Brown Sugars 16 bags Pimento, which he will dispose of on a liberal credit, for good security. He has also on hand, a few hogheads of old Tobago Rum, of a superior quality; St. Martins, Rock and Turks-Island Salt, by the hundred or single bushel—a few barrels fresh Alexandria superfine Flour, at his store, No. 4, Long Wharf. Jan. 23.
NEW GOODS.
JUST OPENED, BY Elisha Dyer,
An elegant assortment of
Real London superfine Broadcloths, Kerseymeres Middling and low priced do. Waistcoatings Forestcloths. Plains Swanskins, Baizes, Flannels Linens, India Cottons Checks, Sheetings A variety of Calicoes and Chintzes Mussins, Mullmuss Dimities Best long and short white Kid Gloves Morocco and Kid Slippers and Sandals Mens furred Gloves Bandanno Handkerchiefs.
ALSO, Modes, Sattins, Pelons, Ribbons, and a variety of other articles in addition to his former supply, very cheap. Jan. 23.
For SALE, by
Malachi Rhodes and Son,
At their Store on the Long Wharf, 300 barrels of excellent fine and superfine Alexandria Flour 50 barrels of pilot and ship Bread Molasses and Rum by the hoghead Turks-Island Salt—all which will be sold on moderate terms for approved credit.
They want to purchase, Good sweet Cider, also apples and potatoes, and a few thousand weight of new milk cheese, for which a generous price will be given. Jan. 23.
James Rhodes and Co.
Have for Sale, at the store formerly occupied by Robert and James Rhodes, Alexandria fine and superfine Flour, by the quantity or single barrel Good ship Bread, wheat Bran West-India Rum, Sugar, Coffee St. Martins and Turks-Island Salt A few barrels of Pork A few empty Gin-cases, &c.
All persons having accounts open with the late company of Robert and James Rhodes, are desired to call on James Rhodes and Co. at said store, for settlement. Jan. 23.
For SALE, by
Munro, Snow and Munro,
At their Store, next east of the Coffee-House, FRESH Baltimore superfine FLOUR, in whole and half barrels—Also, Pilot and Ship BREAD; just received by the Schooner Olive-Branch, Capt. Remington.
They have also remaining on hand, A few pipes of excellent Coniac Bourdeaux BRANDY—some Jamaica RUM and SUGAR, and Turks-Island Salt.
N. B. To be Let, and entered upon immediately, on the west side of the bridge, near Capt. James Aborn's, a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, with a Wood-House, Yard and Garden. Jan. 9, 1799. t.b.c.
Henry Brickley
INFORMS his customers, and the public in general, that he has removed to the shop standing at the corner of Bank-street, where he continues carrying on the shoemaking business in its various branches. He makes mens boots and shoes of every description, ladies draw-boots, Morocco lace boots and shoes, &c. in the most modern fashions, and in the neatest manner. Those who may think proper to favour him with their custom, may depend on being served to their satisfaction. The smallest favours will be gratefully acknowledged.
N. B. Wanted, two or three good journey-men, to whom good encouragement will be given; likewise a smart active lad, about 14 years of age, as an apprentice, who will meet with good terms. Jan. 16, 1799.
For CHARLESTON, S.C.
The sloop LYDIA,
HOLDER TALLMAN, Master; will sail in a very short time after the river breaks up. She sails remarkably fast. For freight or passage, apply to JOHN CHEDEL, or to the master, on board.
For SALE, by
Pitts and Chedel,
30 hogheads of Savannah tobacco, 46 casks of new rice, and a few hogheads of good retailing molasses. Jan. 16, 1799.
For Savannah (Georgia)
The Brigantine Arethusa , WILLIAM SMITH, Master; will sail on the 3d of February. For freight or passage, apply to the master on board, or to BUTLER and WHEATON; Who wish to purchase cider, apples, onions and potatoes, and good new milk cheese. Jan. 9.
Left at Mr. Esek Aldrich's inn, about 5 or 6 months ago,
A large Bundle,
Containing many articles of wearing apparel, and the log-book and journal of a voyage (the latter end of '97 and beginning of '98) to St. Croix, in the brig Ceres, of New-York, Robert Williams, master. The owner may have his property again by applying at Mr. Aldrich's, and paying the price of this advertisement. Jan. 23.
For SALE,
By the heirs of the late Major CHARLES KEEN, the following
LOTS OF LAND;
TWO House Lots on Benefit-street, 40 by 100 or 120 feet; one Lot, 30 by 80 or 90 feet, fronting on Constitution-street, and extending back to Moosnawick river; one Water Lot, about 70 feet north and south, and 30 feet east and west, on the above river, near the Mill-bridge. January 23.
GOLDEN BEE-HIVE,
NO. 3, MARKET-STREET.
For SALE, by
Jeremiah F. Jenkins,
A Consignment of Russia and Ravens duck, Russia sheeting, sewing twine, wide tick-linenburg, Dutch cheese, Morocco skins of various colours, fresh cask raisins, an assortment of Dutch brushes, souchong and hyson tea per chest, and a few half chests of genuine bohea tea.
As usual, an assortment of Goods suitable for the season; Scotch thread per lb., from No. 6 to No. 30; India-cotton sheeting, a variety of mens silk hose, ladies handsome Morocco pocket-books complete, ladies kid and Morocco shoes, mens and boys hats, playing cards, per groce, very fine basket table salt, Welsh's best No. 1 chocolate, essence of spruce, bohea, souchong, hyson and gunpowder teas per lb. that will not fail of pleasing; an assortment of house paper, handsome open work fire-fenders, brass kettles, skats assorted, per dozen or single pair; 3 1-2, 4, 4 1-2 and 5 lb. pins; Boston manufactured and imported sheet glass, mahogany framed looking-glasses of various sizes, velvet corks.
Genuine old Sherry and Madeira WINE, also good Lisbon and Malaga, and a few barrels of best brown sugar.
Said JENKINS has likewise for Sale, at his Crockery-Shop,
A handsome variety of Wine-Glasses and other glass ware, and a general assortment of CROCKERY. Jan. 16, 1799.
For SALE, by
Augustus Larned,
200 barrels of prime BEEF, 100 ditto PORK, on good terms, Mefs Pork and Beef in whole and half barrels, Surinam Molasses per hoghead, Baltimore fine and superfine Flour, Pilot Bread, White Beans per barrel. Jan. 9, 1799.
Providence free Insurance-Office.
THE subscriber has the liberty to inform his friends, and the public in general, that he still continues his Office on the parade, opposite the Brick Market, where Insurance can be effected on Policies of every description, provided they are clear of fraud. He pledges himself that the business done in his Office shall be placed in such hands as are really possessed of Funds capable to pay their losses, which will be done without any deduction. He further observes, that notes will be taken for the premium without Indorsers, unless the person be a stranger. As he has practiced in the business upwards of thirty years, with fidelity and dispatch, he flatters himself that his friends and others abroad will favour him with their commands, which will be gratefully received, and punctually observed.
JOSEPH LAWRENCE.
Jan. 9, 1799.
New Lands.
THE underwritten offers for sale, or exchange for lands not very remote from the town of Providence, several rights of good LAND in the well-known and settled town of St. Johnsbury (where the late Dr. Arnold, formerly of this town, lived) in the county of Caledonia, and State of Vermont.
One tract, containing about 600 Acres, lies on the banks of the pleasant river Passumpsick, and has on it an excellent mill-feat.
For terms, apply to Daniel Cahoon, Esq; (late of this town) who lives on a farm adjoining the above tract—or to the underwritten. DAVID HOWELL.
Jan. 2, 1799.
WANTED,
A GOOD new MILCH COW, of a red colour, with a calf by her side. Enquire of the Printer.