The Providence journal, and town and country advertiser (Providence [R.I.]), 1800-11-19 00:00:00

The Providence Journal.
AND
TOWN AND COUNTRY ADVERTISER.
Published on WEDNESDAYS, by JOHN CARTER, JUN. Printer of the LAWS of the UNITED STATES for the State of RHODE-ISLAND, &c At the New PRINTING-OFFICE, West Side of the great Bridge, PROVIDENCE.
[ No. 99. ]
WEDNESDAY, November 19, 1800.
[ Vol. II. ]
[The following ADDRESS was issued from this Office on Thursday last, in the form of a hand-bill: and is re-published, by request, in the hope that it may prove serviceable to the cause it advocates, and have its deserved weight in the important business of THIS DAY.]
A Candid Address, TO THE Freemen of the State of Rhode- Island, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE APPROACHING ELECTION.
From a number of their Fellow-Citizens.
THE present most interesting crisis in the affairs of the United States, demands the dispassionate consideration of every individual citizen. It is now no time to trifle, with interests so pressing important as those which are at this moment at stake: it is no time to be governed, in our selection of public functionaries, by party or favouritism; it is even no time to be governed by an adherence to any mere system of administration, however plausible or demonstrable as a theory. In times less critical and turbulent, we might indulge our love of novelty, and our propensity to look for better in other circumstances, by making experiments on the administration of our government. But the present crisis forbids all such dangerous tampering. It demands that for the present, at least, and until the cloud has passed over and brighter prospects open, we venture not into the immeasurable field of change and certain confusion, but wait in our present attitude till we see the issue, and our way clear. Upon political subjects, men have always differed in opinion, and always will differ. But they have not always, and we hope they have not now, suffered their reason to desert them in the warmth of controversy. A false step at this time may never be retrieved. The occasion demands an exercise of your good sense and moderation, proportioned to its magnitude. It is not by the prevalence of this or that faction or system that nations have been found to thrive; but they, as well as individuals, have generally prospered according as they have followed the dictates of sound reason, and avoided hasty and inconsiderate conclusions, which only afford work for repentance.
These considerations are addressed to you by men whom you have honoured with your good opinion, and of whose sincerity and love of country you have never doubted. They are addressed to you by men enjoying, valuing, and feeling at stake, the same country, the same liberty, and the same constitution, as yourselves; who value as highly, and who will contribute and have contributed as liberally, to the support, soundness and continuance of those enjoyments. They are addressed to you under a solemn impression of their applicability to the present situation of affairs, and under a firm persuasion that our peace and constitutional government are in danger, from a party active, powerful and indefatigable, guided by craft and unprincipled ambition, and managed in the subordinate operations by weak and deluded engines. They are addressed to you as principles which ought to govern you in whatsoever you may think your duty or privileges require or authorize you to do, with respect to the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States, at the ensuing election. The indefatigable industry and union of the party alluded to, render the like industry and union necessary on the side of the government. Accordingly, a number of gentlemen from all parts of the State, most of whom were members of the Legislature, or had the honour of serving you in other im-
portant stations, have offered you a list of persons to whom the office of Electors might be confided—Governor GREENE, Mr. CHAMPLIN, Mr. MANTON, and Mr. DAVIS. These persons unite in themselves the qualities proper for Electors. They are men of property, and of landed property, who must stand or fall with their country. They were supposed to be excelled by none in the knowledge of the interests of the Union, and of the State; and their disposition to consult and preserve those interests can never be doubted. For these men, or for the Federal ADAMS TICKET, your votes are solicited. Another, a Democratic and JEFFERSONIAN TICKET, is also offered to your consideration. Between these two it is probable you will choose. It is now too late to attempt a discussion of the merits of the two questions which divide the United States: and if time even permitted, how few could find the leisure or the patience to pursue the voluminous enquiry. What credit or confidence can we repose in the knowledge or good intentions of those who make it their business to calumniate the government, and sow discords among the people? Upon other than political subjects, we should despise their judgment, and distrust their sincerity. Upon the whole, it is probable that the choice will be decided by every individual upon his own particular knowledge of the knowledge of the numerous and intricate circumstances on which a just opinion must at last be founded? There is a shorter mode of deciding between the two classes of candidates, by which if the people are not safe, all hopes of safety must hereafter be abandoned; and this is a mode to which, in a greater or less degree, we at last must always resort, and have always resorted. This mode is, to choose the best men. If we cannot confide in good men, it is certain that we cannot confide in any. The mere concurrence of our opinion with that of a man in no other respect to be selected, and of an opinion in which we may both be mistaken, is at best but a miserable reason for preference.
But although we shall waive a comparison between the merits of the two great political questions, yet we should be deficient in our duty, if we neglected to consider a few points, which have had an influence in causing us to prefer the present order of things to the uncertain event of a change.
The United States, under the administration of the great and excellent WASHINGTON, pursued the same system of policy which has been pursued, and is now pursued, under his successor. During the continuance of this system, they have flourished in spite of all the opposition which faction could throw in their way; they have become rich and powerful, in spite of the depredations of two powerful rival nations, and at this moment enjoy a greater portion of civil and political happiness, than was ever enjoyed by any nation of which we have any account. If our expenses have been necessarily great, our means have always been equal to the support of them. Perhaps we may compare such a nation, complaining of and discontented with its condition, to a man who has never felt sickness or pain; he knows not how to prize the blessing of health, till disease has taught him its value.
Reflections and recriminations of one State upon another ought to be made only upon strong necessity. The great and powerful State of Virginia seems to take the lead in the present opposition to the measures of administration. The plausible and specious cry that the liberties of the people are in danger, and that aristocracy is creeping into our government, originates in and emanates from
that State. But will New-England-men, with arms in their hands, ever confess that they are in danger of slavery? will such men, celebrated as they always have been for their knowledge of the true principles of Liberty, and their spirit in asserting them, take lessons upon those subjects from the State of Virginia? From a State where a powerful aristocracy not only exists, but is openly professed and vindicated;—where the equality among the northern citizens is professedly a subject of derision; and where slavery constitutes a part of the policy of the government! The very great importance of that large and respectable State, and the eminent and patriotic characters which she has nursed and brought forward, entitle her to high consideration, and an elevated standing among the States of the Union. But when she appears as the advocate of liberty and equality, and the enemy of aristocracy, we may be excused if we doubt her sincerity, and suspect that some other object, more agreeable to her prejudices and ambition, lies under the covering of the veil.
It is well known that Virginia, sensible of her importance, and claiming pre-eminence among the States, has always complained of that part of the Constitution which restricts her to an equal representation in the Senate of the United States, and has asserted her right to a representation in both branches of the legislature proportioned to her population. It is also well known that it was not without a struggle of the small States that the representation was settled as it now stands. It is moreover apparent that an equal representation in both branches would reduce the small States to the rank of the governed, while the affairs of the nation would be absolutely under the management of the great States. Now if by any convulsions the present Constitution should be overthrown, we cannot in future expect the privileges which we enjoy at present. This constitution ought emphatically to be cherished by the small States. It is all their hope and dependence. The loss of it would be attended with the mortifying reflection that we had blown the coals which set fire to and consumed the house over our heads. We should become the laughing stock of our good friends the advocates of democracy and equality.
The land tax has afforded a topic of declamation to the opponents of government. It has been charged upon the administration when it ought to have been charged to the war in Europe, and the depredations which have been committed on our commerce by the powers at war. A Navy has become indispensable to the existence of our commerce, and the prosperity of our agriculture. But without considering whether that tax is proper, equal or politic, the Journals of Congress will prove to you that while the tax on Sugar and Snuff was under consideration, the democratic party in Congress proposed this very land tax as a substitute, and that the federal party opposed it, and finally prevailed. It may be also made to appear, that after the exigencies of the United States had increased the expenses incurred for our protection, and the land tax was resorted to and adopted, this very democratic party threatened the federalists that they would make use of the land tax to throw odium on the government, and carry the points at which they were aiming. And faithfully have they fulfilled their promise.
We shall conclude by observing, that the present of all times is the most unfit for convulsions; that there is now a prospect of peace, when our public burdens will be diminished—when the rage of party will in a measure subside, and we shall have more leisure and opportunity
to enquire into the grounds of the controversy. For the present, let us decide without prejudice or favour, and with the coolness which becomes us as New-England-men, as freemen who have every thing precious depending, and are not to be terrified by clamour, or influenced by those whose opinion upon most subjects is not equal to our own. Let us regard those who attempt to render us dissatisfied either as our enemies, or the tools of our enemies. Let us, as we value our country, its peace, its constitution, and the privileges of our State, choose as our only course men who possess a knowledge of our interest, and a disposition to maintain it. For the same reason let us reject the ignorant and insincere, whose only qualification is a disposition to follow whither their leaders choose to conduct them. Let us divest ourselves of every predilection in favour of any foreign country, and pursue the interest of our own. Let us remember that the monarchical form of the British government, and the real despotism of the government of France, are alike repugnant to the form and spirit of our own government, republican in form, and free in substance. Those two powers are striving to acquire or to preserve, the one the empire of the sea, and the other that of the land; and equally hold cheap the peace or liberty of any other nation. Above all, let the result of your deliberations terminate as it may, let it be made with impartiality, and a constant eye to the good of your country.
We cannot however conclude this address, without asserting our belief that the object of the democratic ticket is to bring in Mr. Jefferson, to the exclusion of Mr. Adams; and our sincere conviction that the only object of the supporters of the federal ticket is to secure the election of Mr. ADAMS, in preference to all other candidates.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, November 11.
THE Legislature of this Commonwealth met together at the New State-House, this day, and immediately proceeded to the usual organization of the several branches. The principal business of this session will be the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States. His Excellency the Governor, through the medium of his Secretary, acquainted the two branches, that he should address them to-morrow, at 12 o'clock, in the Representatives' Chamber.
A letter was received from the Hon. Benjamin Goodhue, resigning his seat in the Senate of the United States.
Mr. Bigelow, from the Senate, acquainted the House, that to-morrow, immediately after the Governor retired, was assigned for choosing a Senator, in the room of the Hon. D. Sexton, deceased.
Wednesday, November 12.
After the reading of several private petitions, the two branches, agreeable to assignment, met in Convention, in the Representatives' Chamber; and at 12 o'clock his Excellency the Governor came in, and addressed the Legislature as follows:—
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
AS the welfare and prosperity of a nation essentially depend on the character of their Magistrate, and the wisdom with which their government is administered; the object of your present Session must be highly interesting not only to your constituents, but to the whole people of the United States.
The time approaches when, by their constitution and law, the election of their President and Vice-President must be completed; and you are now assembled to take the measures that are previously necessary on the part of this Commonwealth, to accomplish that important purpose.—You will endeavour to elect those who are to give the ultimate suffrage of the State, from the best informed citizens, and the friends of order and good government: may that wise and gracious Providence which has hitherto guided and sustained the American people preside in your deliberations, and direct the result of them.
Although I have the pleasure to observe that tranquility generally prevails through this

Commonwealth, yet it is my duty to state to you, that by letters and affidavits, which the Secretary will lay before you, it appears that since the last session of the General Court, a number of persons in the county of Hancock have, in a violent manner, obstructed the business of surveying lands in that county, by firing upon and dangerously wounding a surveyor and chain-man, who were employed in that service. The necessity of suppressing disorders of such fatal tendency is obvious. Indeed the persons guilty of these outrages were concealed or in disguise; but they are supposed to have been actuated by a spirit of resistance to the law; which would be increased and emboldened by an appearance of unconcernedness on the part of the government to restrain or punish it.
From the reports of several of the Major-Generals, I am happy to be able to inform you that the militia of the Commonwealth are in a state of unusual improvement. A large proportion of them are completely equipped and uniformed; and in the course of the late reviews, their discipline and subordination reflected honour on the officers and soldiers, and entitled them to peculiar commendation. With a militia thus trained, and animated with military ardour, through the Union, America will not hesitate to assert her national rights, or be unable to defend them when they are invaded.
I presume you will not be willing to protract a session at this unusual season of the year, by attending to business that may conveniently be postponed to the time when you will meet for the ordinary purpose of Legislation.
CALEB STRONG.
Boston, November 12, 1800.
After His Excellency the Governor and the Honourable Council had withdrawn the convention proceeded to the choice of a Senator for Hampshire county, to supply the vacancy occasioned by the decease of the Hon. David Sexton, Esq. The candidates were William Billings and Ezra Starks-weather, Esqrs. The latter gentleman was chosen. The Hon. Senate withdrew. His Excellency the Governor's Speech was read, and committed to Messrs. Lowell, Pickman, Hunt, Tillinghast and Hill.
A petition of the Justices of the Court of Common Pleas of the county of Hancock, for an additional term of said court, was committed.
The papers mentioned in the Speech of His Excellency the Governor, respecting disorders in the county of Hancock, were referred to a joint committee. The Hon. Messrs. Stearns and Hunt, of the Senate, and Messrs. Russell, Thayer and Deane, of the House.
THURSDAY, November 13.
The committee on the Speech of His Excellency the Governor, reported an answer, which was accepted, and the same committee appointed to present it.
CHOICE OF ELECTORS.
At half past 11 o'clock, agreeably to adjournment, the two branches of the Legislature met in convention for the choice of Electors of President and Vice-President. The Hon. Messrs. Bridge and Bigelow, of the Senate, and Messrs. Montague, Tillinghast and Prescott, of the House, were appointed a Committee to count the votes; when the following gentlemen were chosen by district ballot, except the two first:
 At large. Whole No. of Votes 238.  Hon. Samuel Phillips, Esq; had 166 votes :  Hon. Edward H. Robbins, Esq; 210  First Western District. Whole No. 241.  Hon. David Rootes, Esq; 190  Second Western. Whole No. 240.  Hon. Ebenezer Hunt, Esq; 191  Third Western. Whole No. 229.  John Hooker, Esq; 163  Fourth Western. Whole No. 239.  Joseph Allen, Esq; 211  First Southern. Whole No. 240.  Hon. Walter Spooner, Esq; 197  Second Southern. Whole No. 229.  Hon. William Sever, Esq; 200  Third Southern. Whole No. 227.  Hon. William Baylies, Esq; 176  First Middle. Whole No. 233.  Hon. Thomas Daws, Esq; 188  Second Middle. Whole No. 236.  Hon. Francis Dana, Esq; 148  Third Middle. Whole No. 229.  Hon. Samuel Sewall, Esq; Esq; 187  Fourth Middle. Whole No. 221.  Hon. Theophilus Bradbury, Esq; 168  First Eastern. Whole No. 232.  Samuel Sumner Wilde, Esq; 155  Second Eastern. Whole No. 227.  Lemuel Weeks, Esq; 186  Third Eastern. Whole No. 222.  Andrew P. Farnald, Esq; 222 
In the Senate His Excellency's Speech was committed to the Hon. Messrs. Jones, Davis and Bigelow, who yesterday reported the following answer, which was accepted and presented.
ANSWER OF THE SENATE TO THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.
May it please your Excellency,
IT having been generally understood, that the object of the Legislature, in assembling at this season of the year, is the appointment of Electors of President and Vice-President of the United States; the Senate do not contemplate engaging in any other business which can conveniently be deferred to another session. And sincerely do we accord with you in the prayers, that our suffrages may be bestowed on the friends of order and good government, and that the result may promote the best interests of our country.
It is matter of regret, that any of our fellow-citizens should be so lost to a sense of their
duty and interest, as to set the power of government at defiance, and oppose their individual strength to that of the community. So far as may depend on us, your Excellency may be assured that proper means will be adopted to suppress such pernicious evils.
We are gratified with the information which your Excellency has communicated with respect to the improved state of our militia. We feel confident, that so much dependence is to be placed on their discipline, courage and patriotism, that their country has more to fear from the arts than from the arms of her enemies.
ANSWER OF THE HOUSE.
May it please your Excellency,
THE House of Representatives concur with your Excellency in the sentiment, that the object of their present session is highly interesting, not only to our immediate constituents, but to the whole people of the United States, since the welfare and prosperity of a nation essentially depend on the character of their magistrates; and the wisdom with which their government is administered. Seriously impressed with this sentiment, it shall be our zealous endeavour to select those, who are to give their suffrages in this State, in the ensuing important election, from the best informed citizens, and who have afforded proofs of their attachment to order and good government.—And may that wise and gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed the councils, and prospered the exertions of the American people, overrule and direct our deliberations upon this occasion for the public good!
While we learn with satisfaction that tranquillity generally prevails throughout the Commonwealth, we receive with regret the painful information, that in one county some misguided and deluded citizens have been guilty of violent infractions of the peace of the Commonwealth, and have manifested a spirit of resistance to the law.
Your Excellency, and the good citizens of the State, may be assured, that this House will co-operate in all proper measures to detect and punish all such enormities already committed, and to prevent, as far as possible, the commission of them in future: For they are fully convinced, with your Excellency, that indifference on the part of the government will serve to embolden the offenders, and to invite, by a hope of impunity, the repetition of similar outrages.
The unusual improved state of the militia, which your Excellency has noticed, must be highly gratifying to every friend to the rights and dignity of our country; for with a militia thus trained, and animated with patriotic and military ardour, America will not hesitate to assert, or be unable to defend, her national rights, against any invader.
The important object of a national election having been the sole occasion of the present extraordinary session, and the habits and convenience of the citizens requiring a meeting of the Legislature at a later season, we shall endeavour to make the present session as short, and as little burdensome to the people as possible.
From the Saturday's GAZETTE.
[Re-published by request.]
To the FREEMEN of the State of RHODE ISLAND, &c.
A GREAT duty is devolved on you by the laws of our country—that of choosing Electors of the Chief Magistrate of the United States: It requires your wisdom, moderation and firmness.
Mr. John Adams was born and educated in your neighbourhood—his manners, principles and habits, are yours. He sees, among the industrious yeomanry of New-England, his near relations, his friends and co-patriots. His talents and virtues have procured public confidence. His public conduct has justified that confidence. His integrity is even celebrated by those who differ from him in judgment. His writings furnish proof of singular industry and learning, and of his republican principles.
As successor to your beloved Washington, he has pursued his measures, and is supported by his friends. His administration has secured to us peace and tranquillity; and, by the good Providence of the Supreme Ruler, our country is in a state of unexampled prosperity—while a survey of other parts of the world furnishes a sad reverse. The writer of these lines feels a common interest with yourselves in the public measures, and, after a careful review thereof, is not convinced of the necessity urged by some to change the administration.
At this eventful crisis—at this epoch of revolutions, why are we to commit our lives and fortunes to the whirlpools and quicksands of a revolution? It may suit men of desperate fortunes—of disappointed ambition—of uneasy tempers; but it is not too much for you to hazard? Will not the same descriptions of men soon find as much fault with the next administration, and if possible be more eager for a second change? Where will these things end short of a despotism! Wise and good men will at length prefer THAT, to a series of everlasting revolutions.
A Chief Magistrate once elected, should remain in office while worthy of the public confidence, and able to discharge the duties of his office, till his resignation: It has been suggested that Mr. Adams affects royalty; as yet there is no proof of it, but of the contrary. This charge is made by T. Cope, who was proscribed for adhering to the King of Great-Britain, in our late revolutionary war, and who
owes his life to the mildness of our measures at that period. The quarter from which it comes, falsifies it no less than Mr. Adams' learned volumes in favour of our republican constitutions.
The odium of the land tax is charged on his administration: There is no proof, however, that he favoured that measure, further than in assenting to it, after the bill had passed both Houses of Congress. Had he dissented, and opposed the will of the people (expressed by their Representatives) the clamour would have been louder, and much better founded. If you wish to guard that favourite point, as I know you do, look well to your Representatives.
All money bills must originate there.
Troops have been raised without necessity, it is said. On this subject there is a variety of opinions; but it is certain that none have been raised, otherwise than your Representatives and Senators authorized. You can calculate the expences, better than the advantages, of that measure. The warlike attitude of this country, may have diverted from our heads a meditated stroke. Had our conduct been different, who is wise enough to tell what the conduct of our enemies would have been? In the European world, peace has been often preserved by making ready for war—and has not our beloved Washington, in his invaluable legacy of advice, strongly inculcated this wise precaution?
The immense regions of the West might have remained a rich legacy for posterity, had not the very dregs of the people, and sweepings of the gaols in Europe, been very unwisely courted to settle them prematurely. They have proved as uneasy and seditious under our laws, as they were in their own country.—Hence the alien and sedition laws became necessary to secure to our own native people their lives and characters; yet these laws have been called unconstitutional. I shall only say, that no good American citizen can ever be hurt by them; and if foreigners do not like them, let them leave our country, to which they have been a nuisance and a scourge.
The late embassy to France has been freely and publicly censured, by the friends as well as enemies of Mr. Adams; but the event has warranted the opinion of those, who have held up Mr. Adams as the soundest politician of the age. He exercises his own judgment, and meets his responsibility with firmness.—Those who trust him, know whom they trust.
The public monies, it is said, have been lavished. If you reduce the salaries of the domestic civil list, it behoves you seriously to consider, whether you will be able to retain in your service the first characters. If your public departments are filled with inferior men, public confidence and credit will sink to a level with those men. In your foreign relations and transactions, you must necessarily keep pace with other nations, both in the characters you employ, and their compensation, or your national standing and respectability are lost. On this subject it may be proper to remark, that Mr. Adams is an economist, in principle and practice. His expences abroad, when paid by the public, were less than any other man's in similar stations—and no instance can be produced of his being less careful of the public treasures, than of his private fortune. He has been charged with favouring high interest for money; this is also groundless—he opposed it in every instance. At the lowest ebb of our credit, he hired money for us in Holland at four per cent.
Nothing but a conviction of duty has drawn these observations from the writer. The people, on this occasion, must necessarily be governed by reports, for want of a personal acquaintance with the candidates; and they have a right to true information, especially from those, who by their favour have had the means of obtaining it themselves.
Impressed with the importance of the present election, permit me to recommend to your suffrages, the ticket composed of Governor GREENE, Mr. G. CHAMPLIN, Col. E. MANTON, and Mr. O. DAVIS, as gentlemen worthy your confidence, and to whom you may delegate this high trust with the most perfect safety.
A LANDHOLDER.
LONDON, September 17.
IN our review of the course of the riot which took place on Thursday, we are sorry to find that the mischief done was much greater than we imagined. It was about half after eight when the mob assembled in force, reaching to Chiswell-street. The constables, who had remained on duty from the morning before in Mr. Jones' house, were apprized of their coming, and being joined by several of the inhabitants immediately resident in that part, they marched boldly up the street to give battle to the invaders. They met nearly opposite Bunkill-Row, and commenced a regular engagement. The two contending parties were, however, very unequal in force. The mob after a short conflict bore down all opposition, and rushed on like a torrent, filling the whole street until they came opposite the house of Mr. Jones; here they halted, hooting and hallooing. They said, "they must have Jones out, and that it was their determination to hang him from a lamp-iron." They repeated this threat several times, and then proceeded to throw stones at the house, which had been fortunately shut up and secured before their arrival. They had not however done much mischief, only two or three squares of glass being broken, when they scampred off, it being inconsequent with the tactics of the night to remain long in one place. In this short engagement, Mr. Shepherd, one of the neighbours, who joined in the attack with the constables, was shockingly cut and abused.
FOR THE PROVIDENCE JOURNAL.
To the FREEMEN of the Town of PROVIDENCE. WRITER, under the signature of "A Mechanic," in the last Providence Gazette, has addressed you on the subject of the election of a President of the United States. Mad this political incendiary couched his animadversions to the merits of the candidates for this high office, his malevolent insinuations on the character of Mr. Adams, or his unmerited eulogy on that of Mr. Jefferson, would not have drawn from me a single remark. I should have deemed it quite unnecessary to reply to either. The relative pretensions of these distinguished characters for the Chief Magistracy of the nation have been so fully portrayed to the public view, that the calumny and abuse so un sparingly heaped on the one, and the fulsome panegyric bestowed on the other, "by this wolf in sheep's clothing," seemed to be but little adapted to make any impression, as it respects the exercise of your elective franchise on this day. No, my fellow-citizens; since it has been so fully demonstrated that Mr. Jefferson has been the calumniator of your great and good WASHINGTON; that, in his infamous letter to Mazzei, he has called this illustrious founder of his country's freedom an "apostate to liberty;" that he has charged him with attempting, in conjunction with other illustrious patriots, to impose on his countrymen not only the form, but the substance of the British government; that he has, in this never to be forgotten epistle, and which as yet he has not had the hardihood to deny, accused this immaculate man with having joined an aristocratic, monarchic, British faction, whose design was to destroy the liberties of his country; although, in the same letter, this correspondent of Mazzei confides your departed chief had been a Sampson in the field, and a Solomon in council; since it has been so fully proved, that this candidate for the Presidency, while Secretary of State, was the confidential friend of Genet, who had instructions to make the United States a party in the war on the side of France; since the most undeniable evidence has been shown, that this Ex-Secretary established and patronized a newspaper, called the "National Gazette," edited under his eye, by a clerk in his office, which was wholly occupied in calumniating General Washington and his administration;—I ask, since all these facts have again and again been exhibited to the public view, and no unprejudiced person pretends to question the truth of any one of them, must not the writer have more than common effrontery, who avers that Mr. Jefferson's "wisdom, virtue and patriotism, have been tried and proved," and that "not a particle of proof has been adduced to show his weakness, want of integrity, or patriotism?"—On this topic I will not dwell; neither will I attempt to display the talents or the virtues of Mr. Adams. You know them; you have experienced them; you every day have evidence of the fruits of these virtues, and talents, in his successful efforts to preserve the national peace and tranquillity. But who can doubt the purity or the wisdom of his administration, when a Washington has given it, in the most express and unequivocal terms, his entire approbation?
It was not my design, when I commenced this reply to this assumed, self-made "Mechanic," to have said any thing relative to the merits or demerits of the candidates for the Presidency. You know them both; the subject has been exhausted, and I apprehend your patience also. My intention was merely to rescue myself, and fellow-citizens of Providence, from the false and despicable character given us by this anonymous scribbler. How long is it, my fellow-citizens, since we have lost our "independence?" When were the freemen of Providence "nosed to the Town-house, by the pampered children of wealth, or the servile underlings of federal appointment?" Who of us have been "accustomed to the yoke, to be dictated for whom we should vote?" "The time has been," says this calumniator, "when we disdain'd this degraded character;" and he entreats us, "on this occasion," to resume our "independence." My fellow-citizens, we have never lost it; we have ever disdain'd, and I hope and trust ever shall disdain, the vile, the base character so falsely imputed to us. The freemen of the town of Providence have from principle and patriotism been federal and united; they have always distinguished themselves as the supporters of federal men and federal measures; and to this honourable line of conduct they have not been "nosed," nor compelled by the "yoke." They have always considered the interest and safety of their country, and the prosperity of this commercial town in particular, as intimately depending on the support of the federal government. From these motives, they have undeviatingly approved and supported the principles of the WASHINGTON and ADAMS administrations. On this conviction they have uniformly acted, and on these principles, and with this conviction, I have no doubt of your accustomed unanimous suffrages for the FEDERAL TICKET, at the approaching election. This ticket contains the names of respectable citizens, of true patriots, who have avowed their friendship for Mr. ADAMS, and who have expressed their determination, that in case of their being chosen, they will give their votes in such manner as shall be most likely to secure the re-election of that old honest whig of 1775; of that eminent statesman, who negotiated the treaty with Holland, the treaty of peace with Great-Britain, and who has brought to so happy an issue our differences with the French Republic.
A FREEMAN OF PROVIDENCE.

Account of a Singular Character, now living, in the town of Goatham.
THE capricious nature of popularity in democratic governments, and that of court favour in those of a monarchical form, has been observed ever since governments existed, and now is become proverbial. It is remarkable, but not wonderful. Men of little knowledge or capacity, and of great vanity, are the most likely to be fond of popular notice and favour, and the least scrupulous about the sacrifices which they make to obtain it. They acquire a smattering of popular topics, and by making themselves talkative where they think they understand, are permitted to assume a rank above their wiser, but more modest or more indolent fellow-citizens. Where they are not fully known, they appear what they assume to be, and are proportionally popular: where they are known, their popularity is made use of by the sagacious to bring about their purposes. So that by imposing upon and making themselves convenient to others, they enjoy for a season all the benefit of a sound, well-founded and merited popularity. But only for a season—for it cannot fail that in due time they will disappoint those who employ them, and be unmasked in the presence of those they have imposed on, and considered according to their merits. But the downfall of any one of these will not, as might be expected, leave a vacant niche, into which modest and unobtrusive merit might step: for it always happens that in every community there is a regular succession and constant supply of such characters. Of course, they are every where a nuisance, inasmuch as, by pre-occupying or rendering contemptible places of trust or profit, they deprive the public of the services of those who can render the best and most. Among other qualities which deserve public notice and favour, spirit, or dignity of character, is one. A man of this and those other qualities, will be no man's instrument or messenger; neither will he court popularity at the expence of his modesty or pride. He knows his duty, that it is a burthen—and his determination to fulfil it to the utmost. Such a man will not undervalue his services, or obtrude them unasked on the public. But a popularity-seeker holds his services cheap—you may have them for asking, because he knows that they must be few and small.
There is a certain man, in the town of Goatham, a great frequenter of public places, and very forward and talkative; who cannot open his mouth without betraying his want of common sense, common knowledge, and common breeding. Yet when gentlemen assemble themselves together to talk in a public place, he comes also among them. Though he cannot speak his own language, yet he is a great orator in town-meetings. Though he cannot write his own language, yet no man's writings are more common. And, as might be expected, he is known by all the knowing part of his townsmen to be the most busy, meddling, impudent and contemptible fellow in the town. Yet this man is popular. If you wish to turn out an officer, set him about it;—if you wish to put any particular person in his place, set this man about it—and he will effect both your purposes. The town are complaisant enough to pass any vote which he proposes, however preposterous. Some have had the folly to think of making him moderator of town-meeting; and he has had the presumption to think of making himself a representative from the town. What renders this circumstance peculiarly singular, is, that he has not understanding enough to possess principle, and consequently can never have been suspected of patriotism, or of any particular regard for the interest of the town. But it is sufficiently apparent that he has a particular regard for his own interest, and generally takes the strongest side, or that which is likely to become the strongest. The offices under the present administration of the government of the United States being filled, it is probable that he will advocate the anti ticket, as in charge of officers. He may come in for a share, as a reward for his intermeddling. The public opinion in his favour seems now to be on the ebb, and it is to be hoped that the good sense of the citizens of that town will return, and suffer him to go out like the snuff of a candle, and leave nothing offensive but the smell.
If a picture is known, it is proved to be a likeness: If not, it may pass for a fancy piece. If a character is known, it is proved to be just: If not, let it pass for the exercise of a sophimore.
CAPRICORN.
Domestic Intelligence.
PHILADELPHIA, November 10.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Camden county, to his friend in Savannah.
"The famous Bowler is supposed to be in our neighbourhood; a party of his friends, the Indians, have arrived opposite to Coleraine; they are much in want of ammunition, which I hope they will not get here; a small party of horse are watching their motions, and captain Bowler is on his march with his detachment of federal troops, for Coleraine."
A letter from an officer on board the frigate George Washington, Captain Bainbridge, mentions that they arrived off Gibraltar on the 7th of September, and saluted with 15 guns, which were returned from the Rock. The frigate sailed next day for Algiers.
On the 1st, was chased by six British 74's,
and was afterwards boarded by the Dragon, of 74 guns, and treated very politely.
A London paper of October 1, says—The mail brings a confirmation of the Emperor Paul's having taken off the sequestration on the effects of British subjects; it is to be regretted that it should have been so hastily imposed, and that a disposition should have been manifested for which no provocation had been given.
FROM BATAVIA.
Arrived ship Dispatch, Benner. Left Batavia Road June 16, 1800, under convoy of the United States ship Essex, Captain Preble, in company with the following vessels, and Java Head 1st of July:—Ships China, Joshua, Dominick, Terry, J. Bulkeley, Stockly, Philadelphia; Juno, Smith, Bristol (R. I.) Hebe, Woodward, Baltimore; Smallwood, Standford, do. Nancy, Hobs, —; Briggs Delaware, Dumphy, Philadelphia; Globe, Gardner, do. Sally, Hall, Boston; Exchange, Webb, do. Lydia, Parnard, do. Lapwings, Clapp, New York.
The brig Lapwing left the fleet on the 7th of August, in the morning, and the Bulkeley in the afternoon of the same day. Spoke the brig Lydia on the 13th, off Cape Hagulhas Bank, who informed the party from the fleet two days before, in a heavy gale of wind, and that the Commodore was not to be seen at that time, supposed to have gone a head of the fleet. The brig Globe left the fleet in company with the Dispatch, whom we parted with in a heavy north-west gale.
The ship Alknomack, of Baltimore, was taken in the Straits of Sunda, off 2d Point, the 15th of June, by the French privateer La Constance, Capt. Sieccœuf, mounting 20 nine pounders and 230 men. The Captain and Supercargo were proceeding to Batavia, but upon meeting the fleet off Angin Point, embarked on board the Nancy. The Constance twice made her appearance, but by the assistance of her sweeps was able to elude the pursuit of the Essex.
The ship Columbia, from Philadelphia, arrived at Java Head two days previous to the fleet's sailing, anchored at Mew Island for 24 hours, and then proceeded on her voyage to Batavia. The ship Majens was seen lying at anchor off Bantam-Point, intending to join the fleet as soon as possible, but was not able to reach Mew Island before the fleet failed.
November 12.
WAR-OFFICE BURNT.
The following note was received yesterday morning by Col. Patton, from Charles Burrall, Esq. Postmaster at Baltimore:
"BALTIMORE, November 9.
"The War-Office, at Washington City, was destroyed by fire last evening, and all the papers belonging to it, except the accountants'."
We have seen a letter dated Washington, November 8, 12 o'clock at night, confirming the above.—It states, "that two small engines and about fifty buckets of various kinds, with a bad supply of water, were all the means they possessed here to quench it; that the accountants saved the greatest part of his papers, but all the rest were burnt; one house, and the only one adjoining it, was burnt; it was owned by Jonathan Jackson, who died but six hours previous to the fire—his body was let out of the window—his children and furniture were saved." The writer says, "the fire exhibited a dreadful scene, as it raged without controul; all their efforts being ineffectual." [Wayne.
BOSTON, November 14.
FRENCH TREATY.
By the arrival at Philadelphia from London, in a short passage, and which gave rise to a report that our Envoys had reached that city—we are informed, that the Paris article respecting the signing of a treaty by the American Commissioners, was officially published. This vessel brought dispatches from the Ministers.
FOREIGN ARTICLE.
STRASBURGH, September 29.
We learn that the courier who was the bearer of the new armistice, reached General Augereau too late, for hostilities had already commenced on the right bank of the Mein.—A column of our army had penetrated to Fulda, after having beaten the enemy near Neustadt. Ratibon is again occupied by General Bonnet.
Engineers are now employed in making surveys preparatory to the further fortification of the harbour of New-York. An arrangement respecting the expence has been made between the State and national government, and such sums appropriated as will probably be sufficient to erect fortifications competent to the complete defence of the port. In the improvements making at Fort Independence, by the engineer, it has been found necessary to remove the Signal Staff. Another will be erected as soon as a suitable situation is fixed on.
November 17.
IMPORTANT CAPTURE.
On Saturday, anchored in Nantucket Roads the United States frigate Boston, George Little, Esq. commander, with her prize, the French national corvette Le Berceau, commanded by citizen Louis Andre Senes, captured on the 18th of October, in lat. 22: 50, N. long. 51 W. after an action of one hour and forty minutes. Le Berceau mounts one French nine, and a twelve pounder on her deck; and had on board at the commencement of the action 230 men. Her loss was 35 killed, and a number wounded. The force of the Boston is 24 twelves and 6 nine pounders, and 230 men. The names of the killed and wounded on board the Boston, are—William Ford, John Higgins, Matthias Jasey, and William M'Kee, killed; Mr. Samuel Young, purser, Thomas Hartley,
and Nathaniel Dill, wounded, since died; and Mr. J. M. Haswell, midshipman, George Groom, Gavin Wilkinshaw, Francis Rice, John Runlet, Francis Francis, John Alford, and John Collins, wounded, and likely to recover. The Prize lost all three of her masts, and was very much disabled. The Boston is much injured in her masts, spars, rigging, and sails, which obliged Capt. Little to return from his cruise to re-fit. We are informed, Capt. Little has expressed in strong terms his approbation of the conduct of his officers and crew, during the action; and considered that it would be injustice to the commander of Le Berceau, not to state that he gallantly defended his ship, as long as she was capable of making a defence.
Le Berceau had been out from Cayenne 25 days, during which she had plundered two American vessels, and made prize of one. On a former cruise, she had captured several American, and a great number of Portuguese ships from Brazil.
A variety of circumstances renders this capture of more importance than appears at the first blush—Le Berceau is considered as one of the fastest sailing corvettes in the French navy; she served as a look-out vessel to the French fleet for eighteen months; has frequently been chased by the British cruisers, and was never overtaken before;—she has been very successful in capturing British, Portuguese and American vessels; and was bound this cruise to intercept the American Indiamen, and South-American ships. Capt. Senes has been Post-Captain in the French navy for many years; and was a midshipman in Count d'Estaing's fleet, in this harbour. He has been in several engagements, and is esteemed a brave and intelligent officer.
The Berceau lost in the engagement her first Lieutenant, Master, Boatswains, Master-Gunner, and pilot, besides common men.
The Boston expended upwards of 2700 wt. of powder, above 1500 round shot, besides double that number of chain, double headed and grape, during the action.
The prize is now commanded by Lieut. Haswell, first Lieut. of the Boston.
The Corvette measures 120 feet upon her gun deck, and nearly the width of the Boston.
Capt. Senes, and a Commissioner who was in Le Berceau, after being on board the Boston 15 days, were at their request permitted to go to Barbadoes on parole; they took passage in a vessel bound to that place.
Providence,
WEDNESDAY, November 19.
COMMUNICATIONS.
The most authentic information assures us that every Elector in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Hampshire and Vermont, are decided federalists, all staunch Adonites; that not the least doubt remains of our worthy Chief Magistrate having an unanimous vote in New-England, if the Rhode-Island Electors shall be federal, and of this there can be no question, if the Freemen will exert themselves.—Let them come out in all their strength; let them make the long pull, the strong pull, and the pull altogether. On their exertions this day depend their peace, liberty, safety; these are pearls of great price; for these, a Warren, a Montgomery, a list of heroes bled; for these, a Greene, a Washington, and an illustrious band of patriots fought and conquered.—Torrents of blood have been shed, millions of treasure have been spent, to purchase them; he must be less than man, who will not help "with all his heart, with all his soul, with all his strength, and with all his mind," to preserve them.
A jesuitical writer, who falsely signs himself A Mechanic , is strangely at variance with himself. His "real object," he asserts, is, that the inhabitants of this town may "act up to the dignity of freemen, and honestly declare their opinions, without fear or favour." And in what way does he advise us to act up to this "dignity?" How does he counsel us to "declare our opinions?" Why, in truth, "by withholding our votes from either candidate!" In other words, while our dearest interests are at stake, we are to give up the right of elective franchise; we are not to approach within gun-shot of the Town-House, but remain quietly at home in our chimney-corners! Is not this treating us indeed "like cattle accustomed to the yoke?" And was ever a greater insult offered to freemen? The writer of this (who is a real mechanic) thanks the pretended mechanic for his sage advice, but does not mean to follow it; for if able to crawl to the Town-House on Wednesday, he intends to be there, and give his hearty
suffrage in favour of honest JOHN ADAMS, the old patriot of 1775, who has rendered more essential service to the United States, than any other man now in existence.
Accounts received from every part of the United States, warrant the expectation that Mr. Adams will be re-elected, and the blessings of Peace and Order continued to this country.—It is pretty well ascertained that New-Jersey, Delaware and South-Carolina, will be unanimous; that Maryland will give a large majority to Mr. Adams; and he will probably have some votes in Georgia and Tennessee.—Under such circumstances, can it be for a moment doubted, that Rhode-Island will unite with the other New-England States, and give with them an unanimous vote for Mr. Adams? Newsp. Merc.
From the Alexandria Mirror of November 4.
It is not in my power, this day, to gratify my readers with a statement of the votes for electors of President and Vice-President, taken yesterday at the county Court-House; but have been informed by several respectable gentlemen who attended, that from appearances Mr. Adams' friends must have a considerable majority.
The Legislature of the State of Delaware finished their session on Wednesday the 5th inst. by appointing the following gentlemen electors of President and Vice-President, viz. Kenney Johns, Esq. Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, for Newcastle county; Capt. Samuel White, for Kent county; and General Nathan Mitchell, for Sussex county. All good Federalists.
John Dayton, Esq. Lieutenant-Governor of South-Carolina, now acting as Governor, has issued his Proclamation, calling on the Legislature of that State to convene punctually on Thursday, the 27th of November, for the purpose of choosing Electors of President and Vice-President.
FROM WASHINGTON, Nov. 3.
On Saturday last the President of the United States arrived in this city, and took up his residence in the house appropriated to him by the Commissioners. Though not entirely finished, the part which is completed will afford ample accommodations.
The Legislature of Massachusetts have made choice of the Hon. Jonathan Mason, Esq. Senator in Congress of the U. States, in the room of the Hon. Mr. Goodhue, resigned.
From a late London paper.
The Grand Seigneur went in state on the 11th of August to Leyend Teissick, half way to the Bosphorus, to be present at different military evolutions, which the new levies, who have been instructed in the European tactics, and quartered in that place, executed before him. His Highness appeared satisfied with the precision of their manoeuvres, and particularly those of the artillery, in the sham attack and defence of a redoubt, which was at length carried by assault. The two divisions, red and blue, of the Bosphorus, formed about 3000 men, to whom the Grand Seigneur caused to be distributed 15 purses, in testimony of his satisfaction.
Married,
Mr. Charles Patten, of Woodstock, merchant, to Miss Susan Soule, daughter of Capt. Samuel Soule, of this town.
Died,
At Boston, aged 34 years, Mrs. Mary Balch, wife of Mr. Nathaniel Balch, jun. and daughter of the Rev. Dr. Stillman.
At Warwick, in the 100th year of his age, John Holden, Esq. an honest man. He enjoyed uninterrupted health for the last 55 years of his life, and died without sickness or a groan.
Henry Rife, Esq. in the 83d year of his age.
AUGUSTUS LARNED and DANIEL LARNED,
HAVE entered into Copartnership, under the firms of AUGUSTUS LARNED and Co. of Providence; and AUGUSTUS and DANIEL LARNED, of Thompson.
They have for sale,
A few hogheads of MOLASSES, and a few pipes of GIN.
November 19.
FEDERAL ADELPHI.
THE Members of the Corporation of the FEDERAL ADELPHI are notified, that their Constitutional Meeting will be held in Rhode-Island College, on the first Wednesday in December next.—The members are requested to attend precisely at 10 o'clock, A. M.
By order,
ROBERT STERRY, Scribe.
R. I. College, Nov. 19.
FOR SALE by
Harris and Rhodes,
20 Boxes Havanna White and Brown Sugar 5 Hogheads W. I. Rum 3 Pipes Brandy 10 Hogheads Molasses Hyson, Souchong and Bohea Tea Turks-Island and Rock Salt Tobacco by the Hoghead A few Kegs Honey
Cash paid for good clean Flax-Seed.
Octob 15.

Selected Poetry.
Lines addressed to a Physician, who recommended a Vegetable Diet.
TELL me from whom, fat-headed Scot Thou didst thy system learn; From Hippocrate thou hast it not, Nor Celsus, nor Piteairn. Suppose we own that milk is good, And say the same of grass; The one for babes is only food, The other for an ass. Doctor! one new prescription try (A friend's advice forgive) Eat grass, reduce thyself and die; Thy patients then may live.
For Sale by THOMAS JONES, At his Store in MARKET-STREET, BEST retailing W. I. Rum, by the hoghead Few hogheads and barrels first quality Sugar Molland Gin, and Brandy, per pipe or barrel Sherry, Lisbon, and Malaga Wine, in quar- ter casks, of an excellent quality 1,000 wt. best hard Pepper A quantity of Powder and Shot assorted, pa- rent and common 7 by 9 and 6 by 8 Crown Window Glass Salt Petre per bag and retail, double refined and common Few chests best Hyson Tea Fresh Raisins per cask Spanish Float Indigo Pipes per box, of various lengths Allum, Brimstone, Copperas and Redwood, per cwt.
—A L S O— An assortment of SPIRITS and WINES, of the very best quality for re- tail Real French Anniseed Cordials in baskets Preferred Fruit, and many other Grocery Ar- ticles. Ten Plate STOVES with ovens, and various sizes of Cast-Iron close Stoves, and SHEET-IRON, for Pipes. Clover, Herds-Grass, and Bent Hay- Seed, &c. &c. He is in want of a good Cow, with a Calf by her side, or one that calves very soon, for which he will pay the cash. November 12.
Fire Insurance Company.
THE Public are hereby informed, that the General Assembly at their last Session, incorporated a Society by the name of the Providence Mutual Fire In- surance Company; the object of which is, for insuring any buildings and other property from loss by fire, throughout the State of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. The Institution will be opened at their office on the 17th day of this month, for receiving applications for insurance, from any part of the State. Applications are to be made in writing, describing the buildings to be in- sured, their situation, the number of fires usually held in winter, whether adjoining or near to any coopers, blacksmiths, joiners, carpenters, bakers, or other tradesmen and manufacturers shop; and in general, to pos- sess the Directors with general ideas of the premises, to enable them to fix the Premium, for which a note of hand is to be given, the interest of which is to be annually paid, but the principal not till seven years, to which time the Policy extends, unless a calamity by fire should require a speedy collection. Every person by taking out a policy be- comes a member of the Society, equally with those named in the charter, and is subject to the articles of the constitution and charter of incorporation, which in due time will be published for the benefit of each member.
JOHN MUMFORD, JOSEPH JENCKES, OBADIAH BROWN, S. of M., Nov. 12. Trustees.
FLAX-SEED.
Butler and Wheaton
WANT to purchase FLAX- SEED, for which they will pay cash on delivery, at their store in Providence; Where they have for sale, on moderate terms for cash, or credit for approved notes, 20 Crates of Liverpool Ware, af- forded 1200 Bussels Liverpool Salt Irish Linens Feather Beds 20,000 wt. Dutch Cheese, in boxes 50 Firkins excellent Dutch Butter 400 Barrels fresh Superfine and Fine Flour 40 Tons of Pilot Bread Cordage Spermacei Candles, and Hyson Tea November 12th 1801 W. S.
WHEREAS NANCY, my wife, refuses living with me, at a home which I provide for her, but absconds from the same, and involves me in debt wherever she can, without that discretion and prudence which become a wife; I therefore am determined to pay no debts of her for- mer, present, or future contracting. SAMUEL SHORT, jun. November 12.
W. C. WHITE
INFORMS the Public, that he has taken the chamber lately occupied by Mr. JOSEPH LAWRENCE, directly opposite the Market-House, where he proposes to transact the business of an Attorney. Those who will honour him with their business in the line of his profession, may depend upon his undeviating attention to it. November 12.
BLANKETS.
A CONSIGNMENT of about Two Hundred Pairs, of a superior quality, and of every size, will be re- tailed by the subscriber at wholesale prices; —a rare opportunity for those who are in want. WILLIAM BLODGET, jun. November 5.
RAN AWAY from the Subscriber, on Monday the 27th instant, SAMUEL BOWEN, an apprentice, about five feet six inches high, middling stout built, black hair, of an indifferent complexion— wore away mixt coloured woolen cloaths. Whoever will take up said apprentice, and return him to his master, shall have four cents reward. All persons are for- bidden harbouring said apprentice, or trusting him on my account. CHRISTOPHER CARPENTER. Rehoboth, October 28.
For CHARLESTON, S. C. The Brig Charlotte, THOMAS REMINGTON, Master; Will sail the 20th inst. She will load at the Long Wharf, and is now ready to take Freight on board; for which, and for Passage, apply to WANTON STEERE; Who has for Sale, A few hogheads of CODFISH. November 5.
FALL and WINTER GOODS.
Samuel Ames, Has received by late arrivals from Lon- don and Liverpool, and is now opening for sale, BEST superfine Fancy Silk Handker- chiefs Fashionable mix- ed, navy blue and Fashionable Thread, other Broadcloths and Silk Middling and low Laces and Edgings pric'd do. Modes, Sattins, Lute- Best double mill'd strings, and Ribbons Cassimeres Plain and net Gauzes Middling and low Cypress Gauze, and pric'd do. Italian Craps Superfine and common A great variety of In- Swansdown Waist- dia Cottons, for shee- coating ting and shirts, by Worsted Hose, a great the piece or yard variety Irish Linens and sheet- Ladies cotton do. ings A variety of Swan- A variety of Callicoes skins and Chintzes Flannels and Baizes Elegant Chintz Fur- A variety of worsted- niture Stuff Goods Common do. Book, Jacquet and Ladies Kid and Silk Cambric Muslins Gloves and Mitts Mouselins and Dimi- Gentlemens' Beaver ties lin'd with fur Cammels Hair Shawls Do. without fur white and coloured, Sewing Silks, Twists, fringed or plain bor- Threads, Tapes, Bob- dered bins, Buttons, &c. Mouselin and chintz do. &c. With every other article usually called for in his line, at the most reduced prices, for cash. Also, an assortment of HARD- WARE, at wholesale only; a few hog- heads of good retailing MOLASSES. October 15. (6w.)
Benjamin Thurber, Has just opened, for sale, at the Sign of the Bunch of Grapes, in Williams-Street, No. 30, a complete Assortment of WINTER and FANCY GOODS; amongst which are the following articles, viz. SCARLET, blue, black and London brown Broadcloths, Forest- Cloths, from the highest to the lowest prices, Kersemeres, Flannels and Baizes of all colours, India and English Silks, Black Sattins, Modes, and Persian high- land low priced Patches and Callicoes, Camel-Hair, Silk and Patch Shawls, a complete assortment of Looking-Glasses, Morocco and Florentine Shoes, India Muslins and Dimities—and other arti- cles, too numerous to mention.—All old friends are invited to call and see for themselves, and whether they purchase or not, they will be waited on with plea- sure. The above articles will be sold at the lowest advance for cash. 8 W. October 15.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 18, 1800.
PUBLIC NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN,
In pursuance of an act of Congress, passed on the 23d day of April, one thousand eight hundred, entitled "An act to establish a General Stamp-Office,"
THAT a General Stamp-Office is now established at the seat of govern- ment, in the city of Washington, from whence there will issue, from and after the date hereof (upon the application of the Supervisors of the Revenue, under whose management the collection of the stamp duties is placed) any quantities of paper, parchment and vellum, marked or stamped, and duly counter-stamped, with the following rates of duty, which are de- mandable by law:—
For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, upon which shall be written or printed any or either of the instruments or writ- ings following, to wit.
   ANY certificate of naturalization, D. C. M.     Any licence to practise, or certificate of the admission, enrollment or registry of any counsellor, solicitor, attorney, advocate or proctor, in any court of the United States, 5   Provided, That a certificate in any one of the courts of the United States, for any one of the said offices, shall, so far as relates to the payment of the duty aforesaid, be a sufficient admission in all the courts of the United States, for each and every of the said offices. 10   Any grant or letters patent, under the seal or authority of the United States, (except for lands granted for military services) 4   Any exemplification or certified copy of any such grant or letters patent (ex- cept for lands granted for military services) 2   Any charter-party, bottomry or respondentia bond, 1   Any receipt or discharge for or on account of any legacy left by any will, or other testamentary instrument, or for any share or part of a personal estate, divided by force of any statute of distributions other than to the wife, chil- dren or grand-children of the person deceased, the amount whereof shall be above the value of fifty dollars, and shall not exceed the value of one hun- dred dollars, 25   When the amount thereof shall exceed the value of one hundred dollars, and shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 50   And for every further sum of five hundred dollars, the additional sum of 1   Any policy of insurance, or instrument in nature thereof, when the sum for which insurance is made shall not exceed five hundred dollars, 25   When the sum insured shall exceed five hundred dollars, 1   Any exemplification of what nature soever, that shall pass the seal of any court, other than such as it may be the duty of the clerk of such court to furnish for the use of the United States, or some particular State, 50   Any bond, bill single or penal, inland bill of exchange, promissory note or other note (other than any recognizance, bill, bond or other obligation, or contract, made to or with the United States, or any State, or for their use respectively; and any bonds required in any case by the laws of the United States, or of any State, upon legal process, or in any judicial proceeding, or for the faithful performance of any trust or duty) 10   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 25   If above one hundred and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 50   If above five hundred and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 75   And if above one thousand dollars,   Provided, That if any bonds or notes shall be payable at or within sixty days, such bonds or notes shall be subject to only two-fifth parts of the duty aforesaid, viz.   If above twenty and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 4   If above one hundred dollars and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 10   If above five hundred dollars and not exceeding one thousand dollars, 20   If above one thousand dollars, 30   Any foreign bill of exchange, draft or order for the payment of money in any foreign country, 20   The said duty being chargeable upon each and every bill of exchange, without respect to the number contained in each set.   Any note or bill of lading or writing, or receipt in nature thereof for goods or merchandise to be exported;   If from one district to another district of the United States, not being in the same State, 4   If from the United States to any foreign port or place, 10   The said duty being chargeable upon each and every bill of lading, with- out respect to the number contained in each set.   Any notes issued by the banks now established, or that may be hereafter estab- lished within the United States, other than the notes of such of the said banks as shall agree to an annual composition of one per centum on the an- nual dividends made by such banks, to their stockholders respectively, ac- cording to the following scale:   On all notes not exceeding fifty dollars, for each dollar,   On all notes above fifty dollars, and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 50   On all notes above one hundred dollars, and not exceeding five hundred dollars, 1   On all notes above five hundred dollars, 2   Any protest or other notarial act, 25   Any letter of attorney, except for an invalid pension, or to obtain or sell war- rants for land granted by the United States as bounty for military services performed in the late war, 25   Any inventory or catalogue of any furniture, goods or effects made in any case required by law (except in cases of goods and chattels distrained for rent or taxes, and goods taken in virtue of any legal process by any officer) 50   Any certificate of a share in any insurance company, of a share in the bank of the United States, or of any state or other bank;   If above twenty dollars and not exceeding one hundred dollars, 10   If above one hundred dollars, 25   If under twenty dollars, at the rate of ten cents for one hundred dollars.  
THAT the power of the Supervisors of the Revenue to mark or stamp any vellum, parchment or paper chargeable with duty, will cease and determine from and after six months from the date hereof, to wit, on the last day of February, 1801.
THAT, If any persons shall, after the last day of February 1801, have in their custody or possession, any vellum, parchment or paper, marked or stamped by the Supervisors of the Revenue, upon which any matter or thing, charged with duty, shall not have been written or printed, they may at any time within the space of sixty days after the said last day of February, 1801, bring or send such vellum, parchment and paper, unto some office of inspection, and in lieu thereof, receive a like quantity or value of vellum, parchment and paper, duly stamped, in pursuance of the act herein before recited. And in case any person shall neglect or refuse, within the time aforesaid, to bring or cause to be brought unto some officer of inspection, any such vellum, parchment or paper, it is hereby declared, that the same will thereafter be of no other effect or use, than if it had never been marked or stamped, and that all matters and things, which may after that time be written or printed upon any vellum, parchment or paper, authorized to be exchanged in manner aforesaid, will be of no other effect, than if they had been written or printed on paper, parchment or vellum, not marked or stamped.
AND for the convenience of those persons who may be inclined to have their own vel- lum, parchment and paper stamped or marked, it is hereby declared, that when any person shall deposit any vellum, parchment or paper at the office of a supervisor, accompanied with a list, specifying the number and denomination of the stamps or marks, which are desired to be thereto affixed, the same will be transmitted to the General Stamp-Office, and there pro- perly marked or stamped, and forthwith sent back to the same supervisor, who will thereupon collect the duties and deliver the paper, parchment or vellum, to the order of the person from whom the same was received.
GIVEN under my hand, and the seal of the Treasury, at WASHINGTON, the day and year above mentioned. OLIVER WOLCOTT, SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.