Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-12-12 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 35, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 1808.
[Whole No. 555.]
Communication.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
WAR IN DISGUISE.
THE Report of the Committee of Congress on our foreign relations, is an interesting and important state paper. I wish to draw the attention of the reader to some of its incongruous features. Too much thinking "will make a man mad." I can't think all for him: he must think for himself.
Each of those two nations, [France and England] says the report, 'captures and condemns all American vessels trading with her enemies, or her enemies' allies.' Is this all true? No. Does England condemn all American vessels trading with her enemies or her enemies' allies, when captured, even if she does capture them? No. No condemnation is yet heard of, officially.
Again—The only plea urged in justification of those hostilities, is that of retaliation, grounded on a presumed acquiescence of the United States in previous aggressions by the other party—It is altogether untrue, that the U.S. have ever voluntarily acquiesced in the unlawful aggressions of either nation. Then of course the French Berlin decree can have no excuse; no palliation for its injurious operation upon the American commerce, & must be viewed as an unprecedented step in the French Emperor. For the report says further, (which is new to us, and we presume is so to people in general) 'that France has alluded to the violations of the national flag, & of the sovereignty of the United States, in the instances of Peice , murder, of the outrage on the Globe , and of the destruction of the Impetus . The measures taken to obtain redress in those cases, are of public notoriety; and it may be added, that with the exception of the last, (the case of the Impetus ), those aggressions on the sovereignty of the United States did not affect their neutrality, and gave no right to France, either of complaint or interference.' I would here leave the immediate object of this quotation, and ask the reader, if there be not in it an acknowledgement of a proposition which the rederation always advanced, and which the democrats and our administration have openly disavowed, viz. that the attack on the Chesapeake did not touch our neutrality—therefore the proclamation, an evident measure of redress or revenge, ought not to have been such as to have brought our neutrality, or pretended neutrality into question. Yet it is not implicated in this proclamation? Manage your own thoughts in your own way, reader.
But to the decrees. This report says further—That decree [the Berlin decree] might be construed merely as a municipal law, forbidding the introduction of British merchandise, and the admission of vessels coming from England. 'Sagacious politicians! Faithful French servants! 'Tis pity, mighty pity, that Bonaparte's own ministers in France had not been as apt at giving this decree a plausible countenance, as these wise committee-men were! That a 'municipal law!' Well! well! well! that will do very well—very well indeed, gentlemen. But look, reader, at the next section, and there 'American loges proceeded thus: 'But that broad clause of the Berlin decree, which declared the British Islands in a state of blockade, though not followed by regulations to that effect, yet threatened an intended operation upon the high seas.' Reader, do put yourself to the trouble to look up said Berlin decree, and see how near your construction of it would come to that given here by these Congress men. The report further says—'This, [the operation of the Berlin decree upon the high seas], if carried into effect, would be a flagrant violation of the neutral rights of the United States, and as such they would be bound to oppose it.' Now please to keep this quotation in mind, reader, while I turn to the sixth section of this report—there we read thus: 'And it is proper here to add, that the French have, particularly by the sequestration of certain vessels in their ports, and by burning our ships upon the high seas, gone even beyond the tenor of their own extraordinary edicts.' Now the United States being bound to oppose the Berlin decree from its being enforced beyond the tenor of it, we seriously inquire, what 'opposition' has been made to it by the United States? We say it never has been properly or manfully opposed by the government of the U. States, neither has the Milan decree been opposed in its operation. Mr. Jefferson's thing at Paris, is said to have remonstrated to Bonaparte against his 'unrighteous edicts,' but it is known to be in no other way than that in which Cuts , Alley , and Cook remonstrated to our President against the evils he has inflicted upon their constituents.
After stating that the explanation given to our minister at Paris of the Berlin decree, was that our relations of friendship and commerce were to remain undisturbed by said decree, &
to be secure according to our treaty with France, the honorable committee state, that 'The execution of the decree, computed for several months, with those explanations; several vessels were arrested, for having introduced articles of English growth and manufacture.' This was 'municipal law,' was it, that authorized such arrests; and all in faithful observance of our 'convention' with France!
Peruse the following extracts from this convention, and satisfy yourself how far this arrest of vessels comports with said convention and above named explanations.
Art. VI. of said convention, stipulates, that 'commerce between the two parties shall be free, &c.
Art. XII stipulates, 'It shall be lawful for the citizens of either country to sail with their ships and merchandise (contraband goods always excepted) from any port whatever to any port of the enemy of the other, and to sail and trade with their ships and merchandise, with perfect security and liberty, from the countries, ports, and places of those who are enemies of both, or either party, without any opposition or disturbance whatsoever, &c.' And in the XIVth article of the convention, 'It is hereby stipulated, that free ships shall give a freedom to goods, and that every thing shall be deemed to be free and exempt, which shall be found on board the ships belonging to the citizens of either of the contracting parties, altho' the whole lading, or any part thereof shall pertain to the enemies of either, contraband goods being always excepted.'
Now if these Congress committee men have not acknowledged an enforcement of the Berlin decree against the neutral rights and treaty of the United States, & virtually acknowledged an acquiescence on the part of our government to have taken place prior to the commencement or issuing of the British orders in council, I know not what words and sentences mean. Reader, examine these things for yourself.
This report further says, 'It was on the 18th of Sept. 1807, that a new construction of the decree took place.' And what new construction was this? Indeed it was this, That the decree authorized 'arrests' upon the high seas as well as in the French ports, which 'operation' was 'threatened' in the 'broad clause.'
Why do these gentlemen call this a new construction? They just before affirm that vessels had been arrested in the French ports, for introducing articles of British growth or manufacture. Now, a new construction takes place, which is, that French armed vessels were authorised, under that decree, to seize, without exception, in neutral vessels, either English property, or merchandise of English growth or manufacture. Now what is the great difference between arrests, contrary to treaty, by municipal officers and naval? Is there difference enough to cause this last seizure of our property to be called a new construction? If so, gentlemen, you are correct in speaking of your French municipal law.
This report again calls this decree a municipal regulation, and says that England cannot even pretend to excuse her orders on account of our acquiescence in this municipal regulation, which, however it might injure her, was lawful, and did not affect the legitimate rights of this nation!!! Read cautiously such things and assertions as these. Be not deceived by smooth words, to believe any monstrous doctrine.
Again says the report: 'It may even be asserted, that the alteration was not known in England when the orders were issued; the instructions of the 18th of September, 1807, which gave the new and injurious construction not having been promulgated in France, and its first publication having been made in December, 1807, and by the American government itself.' Was this 'new instruction' a secret? Was not our minister in London advertised of it? And say he was, did he keep it closely to himself, without communicating such important information to any body, nor even our own citizens in England? That would be curious conduct, certainly.
Further says this report: 'The Berlin decree, as expounded and executed subsequent to the 18th Sept. 1807, and the British orders in council of the 11th Nov. answering, are therefore, as they affect the United States, contemporaneous aggressions of belligerent powers, equally unprovoked, and equally indefensible on the presumed ground of acquiescence.'—And I was at that feast too, by St. Patrick! said Paddy. 'Ah yes! I should have been first there, if I had not been two hours too late, by me shoul, I should.'
In our consideration of this report, we are not seeking to defend either the British orders or French decrees. Our object was, in the beginning, and is yet, to expose the froth, sophistry, and subterfuge made use of by these committee men of duelling fame, to beguile our countrymen into wrong and ruinous opinions and conduct. We have long seen our fellow citizens played upon by these demagogues
and political villains. We have seen an awful storm gathering, which such creatures have fomented. We dread its explosion. If by any means we avert its dreadful consequences, we should feel ourselves highly recompensed for all our exertions. If we do herein expose any of these Congress dictators' absurdities, we shall rest contented for this time.
We do not believe the last sentence we have quoted to be anywise correct, and every one knows it is not strictly so. We always thought that, by the enforcement of the Berlin decree, and by our government's refusal to give England the assurance required, and by its silence and apparent non-resistance to the enforcement of that decree, that England had an acquired right to retaliate on her enemy the evils of her own injustice, by issuing her orders of Nov. 11. But the reader should be left to form his own opinion.
But to return to the report—Another appeal has in the mean time been made, under the authority vested in the President for that purpose, to the justice and true interest of France and England. The propositions made by the United States, and the arguments urged by the ministers, are before Congress. By these the very pretext of the illegal effects was removed, and it is evident that a revocation by either nation, on the ground on which it was asked, either must have produced what both pretended to have in view, a restoration of the freedom of commerce, and the acknowledged principles of the law of nations; or in case of refusal by the other belligerent, would have carried into effect, in the most efficient manner, the ostensible object of the edicts, and made the United States a party in the war against him. Thus we learn, from these great men, what Mr. Jefferson's modesty precluded him from stating in plain English, viz. That he had offered France, if she would repeal her decrees, to go to war against England, 'in the most efficient manner.' This certainly is the real meaning and import of this sentence; for Mr. Jefferson had told Congress, that a repeal of our embargo only, was the condition on which a repeal of the orders of England had been solicited; and that France, it was supposed would find a sufficient inducement in other considerations, particularly in the damage produced by a compliance.—Is this impartiality? Is this supporting our neutrality? Does it not show something rotten in some other state than Denmark?
And this committee a few lines after say, that because we can't go to war against one particular belligerent in alliance with the other, we must fight them both, or 'shut up shop and bid our lofty genius go to bed.'
The last sentence I shall take from this report, reads thus: 'The aggressions of England and France collectively, affecting almost the whole of our commerce, and persisted in, notwithstanding repeated remonstrances, expostulations, and propositions the most candid and unexceptionable, are, to all intents and purposes, a maritime war, waged by both nations against the United States. It cannot be denied that the ultimate and only efficient mode of resisting that warfare, if persisted in, is war. A permanent suspension of commerce, after repeated & unavailing efforts to obtain peace would not properly be resistance: It would be withdrawing from the contest, and abandoning our indefatigable right freely to navigate the ocean.'
What can be made or gotten out of this sentence? For one thing, I make this out of it: that war must follow this embargo system—for a permanent suspension of commerce, is no resistance. Yet we have resisted, and must resist. And these gentlemen affirm, that the ultimate and only effectual mode of resistance is war.
And war with whom? With France? No, that has already been disavowed. With England and France? I say no. With whom, then? With England, I answer.
Whom does the non-intercourse, recommended by this committee, affect? It affects England nineteen-twentieths more than it does France. It is aimed solely at England, with intent, as I think, to irritate her to such a degree, that she shall be induced to retaliate so far, that the people of this country would be satisfied with their rulers going to war with her. France can't do much more than she has done. England can injure us severely, but she will yet, I believe, bear with our government's boys' play, till there is something strange under the fun takes place.
Why was not the violation of our treaty by France spoken of by this committee, when they mumbled over her aggressions? Are treaties forgotten?
What has England done since our laying an embargo, to call forth our resistance more now, than then? Does it not appear that our government mean to go on stretching their measures of coercion, till they drive England to war, or to something which will bear that construction?
Every citizen ought to know, that the British orders in council are got a barrier against
our government's making a treaty with her. England is every day ready to treat with the United States, if our rulers will meet them on honourable ground.
The people of this country ought not to be led into a war against their interest, honor and happiness, by a few restless designing demagogues—No. It is necessary that the people of the United States should fully understand the situation in which they are placed, and this is the reason of my meddling with your report, gentlemen.
This report is upon the most interesting subject before Congress, and was made by the first men on the ministerial list, on which account I have carried my remarks further than I at first contemplated.
ROLAND.
FROM THE NORFOLK LEDGER.
With heartfelt sorrow, we lay before our readers the proceedings of congress of Thursday last, from which we are satisfied that the embargo will continue. Those who have not attended to legislative proceedings, may imagine, that as the majority was so small, and as 6 or 7 members opposed to the embargo, were absent, that there is yet some reason for hope. But the question being only to consider the measure, and the majority being against it, we consider it settled; for among those who voted in the affirmative on this question, are some of the warmest advocates for the embargo, such as Messrs. Macon, Claiborne, &c.
We anticipate the despair, which will pervade among those, whose hopes for future support, depend on the revival of commerce and industry. To look forward to another year's embargo, is too painful—those who estimate their future sufferings by the past, will find that the former will exceed the latter beyond all comparison.
We had thought that every one had abandoned the embargo, as a measure of coercion; after being informed by official communications, that neither of the great belligerents cared for it, we did not expect to hear gentlemen in congress talking about the price of wheat in England, the price of flour in the W. Indies, and the probable wants of the patriots of Spain and Portugal. But it is natural for those, who have no resources in their own minds, to look for aid from extraneous causes, however remote.
It seems now to be admitted by all, that the situation of the country is highly critical, and that difficulties present themselves on every side; it is demanded by the ruling party, in a tone of arrogance, very unbecoming in those who have had the uncontrolled management of our public affairs for eight years. "What is to be done?" That is indeed a serious question, and under our present situation, very difficult to be satisfactorily answered. Among the first, and we believe, the most effectual modes of relief from our difficulties, would be the removal of all those, who have had any agency in bringing the country into the present condition, and that too as soon as possible.
The persons who are now in power, talk as if the country was now for the first time in difficulty. But there are those, who remember that our country has been in situations equally perilous, but, from which the sterling talents, and integrity of the Federal administration delivered us, with equal honor and advantage.
Have the people forgotten the machinations of Genet, aided by the zeal of his numerous partisans? Washington defeated them all, and saved our country from the destructive consequences of revolutionary frenzy, and what would have been worse, from French domination.
In 1793 and 1794, Great Britain commenced her system of depredation on our commerce and carried it to an extent that threatened its annihilation. The federal administration did not abandon all commerce; on the contrary our countrymen were indemnified by the British government for those depredations.
Again in 1798, France, at a time when she and her allies had numerous and powerful navies, thought proper to disregard treaty and public law, and to attack our rights on the ocean. It is true that the federal administration spared no exertions to conciliate France, but when they found her deaf to the calls of justice and honor, the sword was drawn, and every real American must remember with pride the honor, with which our country came out of the contest. Our commerce, instead of being checked by the short war, was extended beyond all former example. No enraging alliance was formed with the rival of France, when the latter came to a false sense of justice, our hostility ceased. If the same force which animated our councils, at the epoch when we have enumerated, had existed when the Berlin Decree issued, we should never have heard of orders in council or perpetual embargoes.
Extract of a letter from a merchant in the Havana, to another in Charleston, dated November 12.
"If the accounts are true, that a rupture has taken place between France and America the vessels of the U. S. will continue to be received favourably here; but if they still adhere to the embargo there is a strong party here determined to re-alike, by excluding them from this trade."
The following despatch from the executive of the United States is published as an advertisement in the last Connecticut Gazette.
Collector's Office N. London.
The owners of vessels not under a general embargo bond, are cautioned not to take in goods to be cleared without the inspection of the proper revenue officer, or take goods on board their vessels as store ships, or in order to be prepared against the embargo is taken off.
Nov. 22.
Important Documents:
[CONTINUED.]
Mr. Madison's Letter to Gen. Armstrong.
EXTRACT. [a]
Department of State, May 22, 1807.
"THE two last letters received from you were of Dec. 24, 1806, and Jan. 16, 1807. The decree of Nov. 21, communicated in the first, had previously reached us, and had excited apprehensions which were repressed only by the inarticulate import of its articles, and the presumption that it would be executed in a sense not inconsistent with the respect due the treaty between France and the United States. The explanations given you by the minister of marine, were seen by the president with much pleasure, and it only remains to learn that they have been confirmed by the express authority of the emperor. [b] We are the more anxious for this information, as it will fortify the remonstrances which have been presented at London, against the British orders of January 7th—Should it, contrary to expectation, turn out that the French decree was meant, and is to operate, according to the latitude of its terms, you will of course have made the proper representations, grounded as well on the principles of public law, as on the express stipulations of the convention of 1800. Nothing, besides, could be more preposterous, than to blend with an appeal to neutral rights and neutral nations, a gross infraction of the former, and an outrage on the sentiments of the latter; unless it be to evite a species of contest on the high seas, in which the adversary has every possible advantage. But on the more probable supposition, that the decree will not be unfavorably expanded, it will be still necessary to press on the French government a despatch of such orders to the cruisers in every quarter, as will prevent a construction of the decree favorable to their licentious cupidity. The moment your letter was received, the answer of the French minister of marine to your note, was communicated to General Turreau, with a call on him to transmit it immediately to the French Governors in the West-Indies. This he readily engaged to do. But notwithstanding this precaution, there are proofs that the West-India privateers have, under color of the edict, committed depredations which will constitute just claims of redress from their government. (c)
"Mr. Frising has forwarded a Spanish decree also, avowedly pursuing the example and the views of the French emperor. The terms of the decree are even more vague, or rather more broad, than those of the prototype; and, if not speedily recalled or corrected, will doubtless extend the scene of spoliation already begun in that quarter; and, of course, thicken the cloud that hangs over the amity of the two nations."
NOTES.
(a) Why not publish the whole letter? Every syllable of what Mr. M. says to Mr. Pinckney is published—why then this mutilation?
(b) What was this "explanations" given by Dacier, the French Minister of Marine, to Gen. Armstrong? They were, that he knew nothing on the subject of foreign affairs; he imagined, indeed, that his Emperor would not openly violate the Treaty with the U. S.; but eventually says, that Mr. A. would apply to the Prince TALLEYRAND for the "development" of the intentions of the Emperor in his Berlin decree. Let the reader bear in mind, that the Berlin decree was dated Nov. 21, 1806; that the "Explanations," as it is called, of Dacier, were made some time in December following; and then let him carry his mind forward to the time when any mention is made by Armstrong, of a demand or receipt of this "development from TALLEYRAND." Mr. MADISON's reply to Gen. ARMSTRONG's information of the Berlin decree, it seems was not written until five months after the date of the letter!
(c) There is pretty good evidence that TURREAU knew in only to his sister too well, to do what he "engaged to do."
It is a consolation in these "embargo times" that the thousands thrown out of employ, can enlist in the standing army, now raising, where they can get five dollars per month, and have the satisfaction of reflecting that they are patriotically engaged to defend their country against—Ah, that's the question—against nobody knows what, or whom, without it is our own citizens—N. P. Herald.

MR. WHITE'S SPEECH
In the Senate of the United States, on Mr. Hill-house's resolution to repeal the embargo laws, November 22, 1808.
MR. PRESIDENT,
I have listened with great pleasure to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Pope) who has just sat down; but although entertained with his eloquence, I have not been convinced by his arguments. I shall not follow him through the New-England memorials, or discuss with him the policy of a non-intercourse law, as that is not the question before the senate; neither shall I join issue with him as to the apparent expediency of laying an embargo at the last session of congress; but I will endeavour to show that the operation of this measure, upon the country, has been such as now calls most imperiously upon this body to pass the resolution before us. The importance of this subject is admitted on all sides, and the anxiety known to exist, throughout every section, and almost in every individual of the community, in relation to the decision now about to be had upon it, is the fullest evidence of the deep and unusual degree of interest universally felt throughout the country, and attaches to the voice we are to give the highest responsibility. Such a responsibility I am not willing to meet, without assigning some of the reasons that influence my opinion. And this I shall do the more cheerfully, as I know they will be in conformity with the sentiments of a vast portion of those I have the honor to represent. The embargo when laid was admitted to be a mere experiment, but one which we were admonished not to resist, as it was to do great things for the United States. It was in a few months to reduce the West-Indies to a state of starvation, and to bring the two great belligerent powers of Europe at our feet. In the prophetic language of the President, it was to "keep in safety our merchandise, our vessels and our seamen, these essential resources," and we were told on all sides by the numerous advocates of the measure, that it would speedily bring the French and British governments to a sense of justice. But has it, or is it likely to accomplish any of these desirable objects? I grant you, it has kept our merchandise in safety if by that was intended to lock up in our barns and store-houses all the produce of our country to rot upon our hands. And as to our dismantled and roofless vessels, they are indeed decaying in safety at our wharves; presenting daily to the merchant a melancholy memento of his present or approaching ruin; and forming a suitable monument to the memory of our departed commerce. But where are our seamen? Gone, sir—driven into foreign exile in search of subsistence. The very measure that was to preserve them to their country has banished them from it, and many of them forever. Even the vigilance and terrors of our gun-boat navy have not been sufficient to confine and starve them in our ports. But, sir, the most mortifying disappointment we have to sustain, is the total indifference with which this boasted measure of our administration has been treated by both the belligerents. Instead of coercing them to do us justice, we now know officially that it is neither felt, nor thought of in France; and the British, so far from offering us terms on the subject, will not even ask us to take it off. Here I will beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. Canning's letter to Mr. Pinckney, of the 23d of September last, showing most distinctly the sense and determination of the British government on this subject. "His majesty (says Mr. Canning) sees nothing in the Embargo laid on by the President of the United States of America, which varies this original and simple state of the question. It is considered as a measure of impartial hostility, against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong; and his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought to have extended to him, at the expense of a concession made, not to America, but to France."
"If, as it has been more generally represented by the government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regulation, which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right, or the pretension, to make any complaint of it; and he has made none. But in this light, there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the U. States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his Majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies."
Here the embargo as a measure of coercion or retaliation on our part is officially treated by the British minister even with ridicule; he tauntingly admits, indeed, what is unfortunately too true, that it is a regulation which affects none but the U. States themselves; and tells us that his majesty neither has nor means to complain of it. And although the gentleman from Kentucky informs us, he has not met with, yet I have seen, a recent report made by a French minister to the emperor, in which the embargo is approved of and applauded, as what it really is, a measure favorable to them, and an act of great self-denial on our part. Under all these circumstances, and every gentleman here knows the facts I state to be correct, why in the name of Heaven continue it? What beneficial end can it produce? The country is at this moment bleeding from every pore under it, without the remotest prospect or probability of ultimately deriving the least possible advantage or security from the measure. And it is not among the least discouraging of the circumstances belonging to the present state of things, that we are able to make no calculation as to the probable time when we may see the end of the evil; for upon the same principle, that the embargo is continued now, it may be continued for twenty or forty years, or at least, during the war between the two great contending powers of Europe; which, I presume, no gentleman here expects will be at an end in the life of the present emperor of France, and as long as an English-
man exists with the means and courage to defend the independence of his country.
I am willing to believe, and to believe, what the honorable gentleman from Kentucky has just now in substance declared, that the gentlemen who supported the embargo laws at the last session upon this floor, supposed they would be speedily productive of great and beneficial results upon our foreign relations; that they would bring the two great belligerents, and especially England, to just and reasonable terms; and that there would be no occasion for continuing them longer than till they should be known on the other side of the Atlantic. But in all this they now see and know their mistake; they now know, from the most authentic sources, that these laws have produced no alteration in the conduct of either France or England in relation to us; that in fact, they are applauded by the one, and treated with contempt and derision by the other, whilst we are ourselves the suffering and bleeding victims of the rack upon which we vainly expected to torture them.
It is the fate of humanity to err; the wisest and the best of men are liable to it. And all we seek of these honorable gentlemen, now, is to come out openly, and acknowledge in the face of the nation the egregious mistake into which they fell; and unite with us in redressing the injuries and healing the wounds they have so unnecessarily inflicted upon their devoted country. I make this appeal to them with the more confidence, because I know every gentleman here has too much character and patriotism to be influenced by the pride of opinion, or to wish to persist in political error. I will submit to you, Mr. President, whether we have not before us sufficient evidence to show that the administration themselves are now convinced of the impolicy of this measure, and would willingly get rid of it, if they could do so, consistently with the character of infallibility they wish to preserve in the public opinion. I deduce this conclusion from the offer they say they have recently made to the British government, to take off the embargo, as to them, and continue it against France, provided they would rescind their orders in council. An offer which, if made unnumbered with other terms, is a complete acknowledgment of a conviction of error on the part of the administration; because, after they had subjected the country to all the deprivations and ruinous effects of the embargo for more than six months, it was coming to the precise ground we were requested to take in relation to France, by the British government a year before the embargo was laid, in the famous note of Lords Holland and Auckland, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, accompanying the British treaty formed by those gentlemen. All they then asked of us, was, that we should "not acquiesce in the palpable violations of our rights, directed by the Berlin decree, if attempted to be enforced;" but surely they have not contemplated more, than if France did attempt to enforce that decree, we would interdict all intercourse with her, and continue our commerce with G. Britain, which would be the effect of the stipulation recently proposed. This proposition from the British government, however, in December, 1806, was spurned with disdain; and now when the country is half ruined with the experiment of a perpetual embargo such as I believe was never before practised upon any people; we condescend to beg these very terms they refused to grant them. Sir, the truth is, the administration must now be convinced, that the embargo is injuring none but ourselves, and us it must eventually ruin if persisted in. I regret too, this proposition as trade, because it has furnished to Mr. Canning an opportunity of offering a most sarcastic insult to the government of this country. He tells Mr. Pinckney, in reply to it, "that H. M. would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible without any sacrifice, for the repeal of the embargo, would gladly facilitate its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people. I have no faith, Mr. President, in the security of this profession; but I feel most sensibly the severity of the sarcasm, as applied to a measure of our own administration, that we were confidently told was to bring England to our own terms."
I will now, sir, with the indulgence of the senate, endeavour to examine, as concisely and correctly as I am capable of, the operation of the embargo upon the commerce and general prosperity of the United States. According to the last report of the secretary of the treasury, it will be found, that the goods, wares and merchandise, of foreign growth and manufacture, exported from the U. States in the year prior to the first day of October, 1807, amounted to $59,643,558. All the revenue, all the national and commercial wealth that would have arisen from this very extensive trade, is completely destroyed by the embargo: it is a total loss to the country that can never be recovered. In the same report it appears, that the goods, wares and merchandise, of domestic growth and manufacture, the actual produce of our own country, exported from the United States in the same year, amounted in dollars to $48,699,592. The whole commercial profits and national wealth that would have arisen from the exportation and proceeds of this immensely valuable produce, is for the present lost to the country, and a large portion of the merchandise, the produce itself must be forever lost if the embargo be long continued. All, or nearly all the produce of the fisheries, amounting in dollars to $2,804,000, are like wise the agricultural produce of the country, a few articles, such as tobacco, cotton, rice, &c. excepted, which I have not included in this estimate, amounting in dollars to $13,521,000 making in the whole twenty-one million four hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, that must be forever lost to the fisherman, the farmer and the merchant: because they are articles of a perishable kind, such as fish, wheat, flour, indiamen, flaxseed, beef, pork, &c. that will not admit of being kept on hand for a year. So that if the embargo be now continued, the country in fact may be said already to have sustained a clear loss, in her native produce only, of more than twenty-one million of dollars by the measure: beside the duties that would have arisen from near a million and a half of tonnage now idle in our docks: and the immense expense of large detachments of militia, regular troops and a fleet of gun-boats to enforce the laws. And so obnoxious are those laws,
that although to enforce their execution we have blockaded our own ports, and hung our own citizens, they are still openly resisted by force, and seriously endanger the domestic tranquility of the country. But, sir, it is to be observed, that the actual loss sustained during the embargo, is not the only evil arising from it; another more permanent is to be apprehended. It will have the effect of throwing the commerce of the world into other, and different channels; of inducing foreign nations to seek in other countries what they have heretofore been in the habit of purchasing of us, and what we now deny them. In the single article of cotton, for instance, we now, or did, export more than fourteen million of dollars worth annually, and principally supplied the British manufactures with this article; but it is well known that the soil and climate of the Brazils is equally congenial to the growth of this crop with our own, and with due attention to the cultivation of it, is capable of supplying abundantly all the manufactures of England—Surely then I shall be correct in stating, that the embargo is a premium sufficient to stimulate them to this exertion, and to enable them ultimately to supplant us in the sale of this very valuable staple of some of our southern states. And the intimate connexion known, at present, to exist between the British government and the regency of that country, will greatly aid in producing this result.
Now sir, let me enquire, during the existence of the present state of things, whence we are to derive our revenue? A consideration certainly of no small importance to a government depending entirely for her revenue upon commerce. Our commerce is now completely at an end, and of course our revenue: by the way, another loss to the nation of at least fifteen million of dollars annually by the embargo. This I know cannot be felt during the present year, because our treasury is now overflowing with the proceeds of the last. But from what sources are you to obtain money next year, for the support of government, and the payment of the national debt? Are gentlemen ready to resort to a direct tax? No, sir, they love place and power too well. That was once done for the purpose of raising money, I believe to defend commerce, and the people of this country on that occasion, taught their servants a lesson that I presume will not be shortly forgotten. The president I know in his late message, has given a favourable account of the present state of the treasury; and most kindly indeed expresses much concern as to the best use to be made of the surplus revenue of the next year. Sir, among all the cares and troubles of his successor, I venture to predict that this will not be one of them: he will not be plagued with surplus revenue next year. Mr. Jefferson's overweening anxiety for the public good must have blinded him to the obvious fact, that before he can be well warm at his seat at Monticello, the revenue now bonded for will be collected, and as in consequence of the present abandonment of commerce, there will certainly be no other bonds to become due, it follows necessarily, in the course of your annual expenditures, that by the next meeting of congress your treasury must be empty: so that instead of being troubled with surplus revenue, it will require all the fiscal talents of the next incumbent of the palace, be he whom he may, to provide the sum essential for the support of government.
The gentlemen who advocate this, I don't know what to call it, terrapin policy—I beg pardon sir—when driven from every other hold, invariably launch into futurity, and tell us that if we dare to put out our heads in any part of this wide world, we shall get them broke, or, in other words, if we take off the embargo we shall have war. Laying out of view any comparison between the probable expense of war, and the actual loss annually sustained by the embargo, the former bearing no comparison with the latter, let us examine for a moment what foundation there is for this assertion; and whether we might not at this time, even admitting the British orders of council to have their full operation, carry on safely a most extensive and valuable commerce with at least three fourths of the commercial world. I have before me those orders of council; the only restricting clause is in the following words: "His majesty is therefore pleased by and with the advice of his privy council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that all the ports and places, of France, and her allies, or of any other country at war with his majesty, and all other ports and places in Europe, from which, although not at war with his majesty, the British flag is excluded and all ports or places in the colonies belonging to his majesty's enemies, shall from henceforth be subject to the same restrictions in point of trade and navigation, with the exceptions hereafter mentioned, as if the same was actually blockaded by his majesty's naval forces in the most strict and rigorous manner." As much as I condemn and feel disposed to resist these arbitrary regulations, they certainly do not interfere with, or in any respect embarrass our trade to Indostan, China, Java, Sweden, Gibraltar, England, Scotland, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Sicily, the whole extent of the Mediterranean and Atlantic coast of Africa, Arabia, the western Isles and Madeira, Nova-Scotia, Canada, the Spanish, Swedish and British West-Indies, the Floridas, the Brazils, and all the rest of South-America except Cayenne, as likewise the N. W. coast of America. These countries too, as will appear by the last report of the secretary of the treasury, receive annually nearly four fifths of the whole native exports of the United States; and are certainly none of them, notwithstanding what has been said by the gentleman from Maryland (general Smith) within the purview of the British orders of Council. That gentleman, when on this part of the subject, I will do him the justice to acknowledge, told us he had risen in great haste, and was unprepared; and indeed, sir, it would require great haste, and great want of preparation, to justify some of the statements made by the gentleman to the senate. Among other things equally extravagant, he told us, in the face of the British Orders of Council I have just read, that we were now interdicted by those orders from any trade with Spain or Portugal; and after referring to Mr. Canning's reply to the committee of merchants, viz. "that neutrals were not now excluded from the ports of Portugal and Spain by those orders," triumphantly asked us to tell him, as lawyers, whether, if a vessel engaged in that
trade was carried into a British court of admiralty, she would be tried by Mr. Canning's conversation with the merchants, or according to the law of the land? I answered the gentleman, not as a lawyer, but as a man of common sense, that she would be tried according to the law of the land. And I wonder it had not occurred to that gentleman, as a man of common sense, that according to the law of the land she must be acquitted. Sir, the express language of these orders is, "that all the ports and places of France and her allies, or of any other country at war with his majesty, and all other ports or places in Europe from which, although at war with his majesty, the British flag is excluded, &c."—And does the gentleman undertake to say here, that Spain and Portugal are now the allies of France, or that the British flag is now excluded from their ports? No sir. The gentleman knows they are, at this moment, waging a most exterminating war with France, in defence of their very existence; and that they derive their principal support and subsistence under the British flag. There is no man who can read and understand plain English and shall examine these orders, but will tell you in a moment that the ports of Spain and Portugal, so far from being within their spirit, are not now even within the letter of them. But independent of this, there was a special proclamation of the king, dated on the 4th of July last, notifying to the world that the blockade no longer existed as to the ports of Spain.
The advices the gentleman has been pleased to detail to us, as received in private letters from Europe, I shall take no notice of; they are entitled to none, unless he will first submit those letters to the Senate, and then we shall give that weight to which the characters of his correspondents, and their means of acquiring correct information may entitle it.
  Gentlemen, by turning to the last report of the Secretary, to which I have before referred, and I wish them to examine for themselves, will find, that the 48,699,592 dollars' worth of produce and other merchandise, the actual growth and manufacture of our own country, exported from the United States, in 1807, we sent   To England, and her dependencies in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, $27,947,077   To Spain, and her dependencies in Europe and America, 3,998,575   To Portugal, and her dependencies in Europe and America, 1,399,616   To Sweden, and British West-Indies, 472,666   To China, the East and West Indies generally, (not included above) Africa, and the north-west coast of America, 1,919,908   Making in the whole, $35,707,842 
Almost four-fifths of the whole native exports of the United States for that year, which we might export nearly as safely now as then, but for the embargo; for it cannot, it certainly will not, be now contended, that any part of this commerce is embraced by the British orders of council, and the French decrees in relation to it, from a total inability to execute them, are a mere nullity. It is not therefore, as has been said, the decrees and orders of foreign powers, that have reduced our country to its present distressed and embarrassed condition. It is our own folly, the embargo, that now palsies the labor, the energies and enterprise of our citizens, and locks up more than thirty-five millions of dollars, the native produce of our country, to perish and sink upon our hands. I want to hear sir, for I have not heard yet, how this enormous, this unnecessary and ruinous sacrifice of national and individual wealth, can be justified to the public. There is no man who holds more indignantly than I do, those French decrees & British orders; but before my God, I do most religiously believe, that the embargo is a thousand times more injurious to our country than they both could be rendered.
Instead of availing ourselves of the immensely extensive and valuable commerce now open to us, with at least three-fourths of the commercial world, it has now become a great favor, if we can be permitted, by the President and his gun-boats, to sneak a long shore from one of our ports to another, with as much flour and pork as we can eat on the passage. Sir, this is the next commercial country of the world to England: we are, in fact, in this respect, their only competitors, and whilst, as at present, they have an opportunity of monopolizing all the commerce of the world, do you believe they will ever ask you to take off the embargo? No, sir. This would be an act of madness in them, equal almost to our continuing it. They do not wish to meet upon the ocean again their industrious and enterprising rivals. They are no doubt pleased to see us shackling and crippling ourselves.
Much has been said by the gentleman from Maryland, (gen. Smith) on the subject of tribute, and in a manner I do not well understand, unless it be, to retort upon the gentleman his own language, ad captandum. I wish however to be distinctly understood, that no part of the commerce I have undertaken to show the United States might now carry on, would be subject to any tribute. I wish it to be further understood, sir, that I would not only see this country clad in homespun, but covered in sackcloth and ashes, rather than she should consent to pay tribute. I would see every commercial city upon our shores, and every rag of canvas we hold, in flames. I would see our soil smoking with the best blood of its inhabitants, and the bones of our citizens mingled with the ashes of their dwellings, rather than see this people submit to pay tribute to any nation on earth. I trust there is not in either house a member, who would not sooner risk his life, and spill his blood, than give a vote that should reduce his country to a condition so slavish and degrading. And I hope, Mr. President, that no insinuation has, or will be made here, calculated even to intimate an idea, that the gentlemen of this body who may vote for the repeal of the embargo laws, would subject this nation to tribute. Such an insinuation would not only be unfounded, (illogical), and derogatory of this floor, but in all respects highly unjustifiable.
It has been said by the gentleman from Kentucky, why do not those who oppose the embargo propose some other measure? I cannot be expected to go into other measures as the pioneers of this administration; but in reply to the question, I will refer gentlemen to the confidential letter submitted to the senate a few days past; gentlemen need not be alarmed, I am not going to tell what that letter contains. If any substitute be necessary, in that pointed out the one I would adopt; there is marked a safe, a high, and an honorable course, that if pursued, without I believe endangering our peace, would add alike to our national character and our national wealth.
It has been well observed by the gentleman from Virginia before me (Mr. Giles) that it is time we were nationalized. The sentiment was worthy of that gentleman, and one to which I entirely subscribed. But is the system of which this measure is apprehended by many to be but the commencement, calculated to nationalize? No, sir, much better calculated to estrange the extremes of the union from each other, and to familiarize our ideas to an event, that I deem it almost treason to think of; and that every honourable and patriotic American must view as the most calamitous curse that could be forced upon this country. I believe gentlemen, therefore, to beware how they press this measure too far. There is afection, a very respectable & powerful section of this country, that with commerce is rich and happy; deprived of that commerce a large portion of its population must starve. That population expect, and as a portion of the community have a right to expect, that their only means of subsistence will be fostered and defended, and not sacrificed to manufacturing whims, or local prejudices. I do not mean to intimate, that the embargo grew out of either of these causes; but the continuance of it at present, under existing circumstances, after the palling experience we have had, and when it can obviously produce nothing but dileits and embarrassment to ourselves, may engender and nurture jealousies that perhaps time will not allay—I believe the people of this country would submit to any privations for the public good, but they must first be convinced that the public good requires the sacrifice. It must, it will astonish every unprejudiced & reflecting man in the community, if this ruinous measure is persisted in, after the experience we have received, and when we have before us the most conclusive and irrefragable evidence to show, that it is utterly inadequate to the accomplishment of any of the objects for which it was said to be intended. And conduct that cannot be accounted for on any reasonable ground, is apt, however unjustly, to be attributed to unworthy motives. I trust, therefore, that gentlemen on their own accounts will not reject this resolution; that they will, at least, first deliberate and look to consequences; that they will feel well the public pulse, before by this rash preference, they flagellate the national blood.
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, SEPT. 28, 1808. SPANISH AFFAIRS.
Spanish papers into September, we received yesterday. The patriots act with precaution recommended to them by the Supreme Junta of Seville. The French still remained behind the Ebro, and did not give evidence of any disposition to fall on Madrid. The patriots are assembling on their flanks, and will harass them. Palafox hangs on their left, with about 20,000 excellent troops. Moncey, who commands the rear column of the French, has attempted to bring the hero of Saragossa, to battle. But like Fabius, Palafox, as cautious as he is brave, fell back on Saragossa; and thus defeated Moncey's intention. In the mean time, Gen. Blake, who hovers round the right flank of the French, made a threatening movement, and compelled Moncey to rejoin the main body. Gen. Blake has proceeded towards Biscay and Guipuscoa. From this position he will be enabled to throw detachments between the Pyrenees and Pamplona, harrafs the retreat of the French into their own country, or cut off any reinforcements from France. The army of Madrid is opposed to the centre of the French.
OCT. 26, 1808.—Dispatches were received this morning, by government, announcing the march of Sir John Moore, with 20,000 men, from Portugal for Spain. We shall have early in November, an army of 50,000 men in Spain. The residue of our troops at Lisbon, will act in the Mediterranean.
OCT. 27. The Rowena loop has arrived at Plymouth, from Corunna. She is said to bring intelligence, that the Spaniards have gained a victory over the French. This may be mere rumor.
It is said, that 30,000 French troops have reinforced their armies in Spain.
CORUNNA, (Gallicia) OCT. 6, 1808.
The Supreme Junta has published an official letter from Gen. Blake, dated H. Q. Quincoces, 30th Sept. giving an account that Marshall Ney, had made a feint with the army under his command, with intent to fall on our force in Bilboa, with treble its force; but the Patriot division, under Portago, apprised of the movement, made good its retreat, with its artillery and baggage, to Balmado. The French re-entered Bilboa the 27th. The measures taken by the Spanish army, in consequence of this movement were the most judicious.
It will be recalled, that in August, the French took possession of Bilboa, and pillaged it. It was afterwards retaken by the Spaniards, as appears by the following official Note from Gen. Blake, to the Junta of Gallicia:
"MOST SERENE LORD, "By a private letter which I have just received from Major-General Marquis de Portago, written yesterday in Bilboa; the said General advises me of his having entered that town the same morning, after an engagement, which lasted three hours, and our loss in which was but very trifling. He bestows much praise on the conduct of his division and promises to send me, as speedily as possible, the particulars of the above operation."
"The inhabitants received the Spanish troops with peculiar joy, and proceeded immediately, to proclaim Ferdinand VII. I think it right to communicate to you the above intelligence although I am not yet able to give a detailed account, which I am expecting every moment—"God preserve your Highness many years. "JOACHIM BLAKE."
"Head-Quarters, Trespaderne, Sept. 21, 1808."

CORUNNA, OCT. 10. "On the 5th ult. (three days after the capture) the French attempted to quit Bilboa, but were obliged to return. We may therefore expect their retreat to be cut off, that our army will fall upon Ney, and his 14,000 men; and that our arms will have a glorious day. Generals Cuesta and P. Llamas have formed a junction, and 9,000 Asturians are at Reynosa."
"On the 4th at day break Gen. Blake's army, at Quincora (not far from Bilboa) was in motion. Castanos, with 22,000 (of which 7,000 are cavalry) is at Logroño; Palacios, with 18,000 men, is advancing by Roncesvalles towards Fontarabia, to cut off the retreat of the French, by Irun."
Oct. 13. This morning a British convoy, of 140 sail, with 13,000 troops, under Sir David Baird, arrived here. It was expected their disembarkation would commence immediately; but the Provincial Junta having been dissolved, it is necessary that the function of the Supreme Central Junta should be obtained, before the troops can land. An express has gone to Madrid for the purpose. Gen. Baird has landed. We expect also 5,000 cavalry from England. As soon as the transports are cleared, they will proceed to Lisbon, to bring part of the English troops from thence; the whole of which are to act with Gen. Blake."
"Gen. Castanos has been appointed Commander in Chief of the Spanish forces. Gen. Cuesta has resigned."
JUNOT'S ARMY.
LONDON, OCT. 27.—The Convention for the surrender of Junot's French army has been duly executed. All the plunder was however, taken from them by a military committee. The first division failed for France about the 15th Sept. The number surrendered by the capitulation, was 3 Generals, 667 Officers, 176 Sergeants, 23,526 soldiers, infantry; and 1063 cavalry; 161 conductors. Their loss in the previous battles was 6639. On the same day the last division embarked; when the Portuguese flag was hoisted on all the castles; and mutual congratulations took place between the English, Spanish and Portuguese. Junot was followed to the shore by thousands of the populace hooting at him. He was protected from injury by the English Officers. The city was illuminated. The Portuguese government was immediately re-established; and the Intendant General Lucas De Scurra Silva began to exercise his functions. At the last date we have not heard of the arrival of these troops in France; the first division was last much dispersed, making towards Quiberon Bay; the second division probably reached Rochefort about the 20th inst.
Domestic Intelligence.
Salem, Dec. 6.—In the Mohawk, from Liverpool came passengers Capt. Folger, late master of the American brig Acorn, seized and condemned in France, under the Berlin decree; Capt. Waterman late of the Mew, or New York, which vessel was burnt by the French ruffians at sea, under the barbarous decree of their master; and another gentleman.
Capt. Folger informs us, that he left Paris the 30th of August, and escaped in an open boat from St. Malo on the 18th September, after a severe struggle with the guard boats. While he was at Paris, large bodies of troops were marching from the camps near that city for Spain; and it was represented that Bonaparte was sending forward upwards of 300,000 men for the conquest of that kingdom for his brother Joseph. There can indeed be no doubt but he will exert all the forces he can spare from other objects, for this purpose. Capt. F. represents, that the conduct of the French prize courts is most infamous—that they do not even observe the forms that decency might require to cover their injustice;—and that he has actually seen the summary process of the condemnation of several vessels, with so little ceremony or deliberation, that there was not even a pen put to paper in the business.
Capt. Waterman, of the Mentor, belonging to New-York, was from a Spanish port in the Mediterranean; on his passage he was boarded from an English man of war, but suffered to proceed without any endorsement of papers; afterwards he had the misfortune to meet with two French frigates and was boarded from one of them; after examination they were about dismissing him, when one of his sailors, [a foreigner, who now called himself a Frenchman] informed of their having been spoke by the English, on which Capt. W. was required to alter his declaration, or they would burn his vessel, and he and his crew be made prisoners of war; but he refused to make any alteration, and remonstrated against the proceeding to the testimony of such a fellow, against all other circumstances—but in vain; part of the Mentor's cargo was taken out, the crew carried on board the frigate, and in the night Capt. W. was invited upon deck to behold his ship in flames!
On board the frigate they were treated worse than the English prisoners; they were afterwards carried into France—marched to Brest and imprisoned—from thence through other prisons to Verdun, his mate and some of his people starved on their march. At length, after a tedious correspondence with Gen. Armstrong, and assurances from him that he had done every thing in his power by petitions for their release, Capt. W. insisted that he should rescind it, in the name of his country; it was finally obtained, after being a prisoner for nearly five months, & the tenant of thirty-two different prisons.
Such is the treatment Americans receive at the hand of France—our ships plundered and burnt on the ocean—our fellow-citizens carried into captivity loaded with irons, imbruted, and treated like slaves—while the arms of our country are turned against our own citizens, and the doors of security are closed upon the enemies of the universal robber, to whom in America we burn incense as the head of the enlightened government of France!
BOSTON, Dec. 9.—The Presidential Electors met yesterday throughout the United States. In this State the Honorable CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY had all the votes (19) for President; and the Hon. RUFUS KING, all the votes for Vice President. It is believed Mr. PIVERSEY and Mr. KING will each have fifty-seven votes. At the 14th election the federal candidates had only 14! Mr. Madison is undoubtedly chosen President.
Portland, Monday, December 12, 1808.
By arrivals at Salem and Newport, London accounts to October 26th, and Spanish, to Oct. 10th, have been received.
The Spanish patriots continued successful, and were collecting and concentrating their forces to make an attack on the French troops who were encamped in Navarre and Biscay.
Accounts from Corunna say, that an attack on the whole French line, would be made in October. Another body of French were surrounded in Barcelona, and the Spanish army was daily receiving reinforcements. A supreme junta, or congress, has been organized, which has adopted spirited measures to drive the enemy out of the country. The French are also augmenting their armies in Spain.
It appears that England will assist the patriots with an army of 50,000 men.
An armistice of three months, has been agreed on, between Russia and Sweden, which will probably terminate in peace between them.
A kind proposition has been made by Bonaparte to the English cabinet, but it does not appear that it will be acceded to.
Bonaparte and the Emperor of Russia have been together three weeks, at Erfurt, in Saxony. Some accounts say, their object is to partition the Turkish empire.
We see nothing in the late European intelligence, relating to American affairs, except that letters from England inform, that our energetic and saving embargo and non importation laws have little or no effect upon their manufactures, and give little uneasiness to the people, as the country enjoys the exclusive trade to Spain, Portugal, and South America, which formerly received most of their supplies thro' the commerce of the United States; and it is well known that the British colonies are growing rich upon the ruins of American commerce. And it appears by the following paragraph, that the government of the Provinces are not infensible of the fact. On the 24th of November the legislative assembly of Nova Scotia convened at Halifax. The Governor, in his address to both houses, after noticing the success of the English in co-operating with Spain and Portugal, speaks in the following words of the American embargo:
"When I turn my thoughts to the affairs of this province, I find much to congratulate you upon. We can now fully and fairly estimate the effects of the embargo, so long and so rigorously imposed on the commerce of the United States, by the government of that country. The manner in which their general restriction of trade has been carried into execution, leaves no doubt as to the real object intended to be accomplished by it. The project has totally failed, and the British nation has derived sufficient experience from the measure, to be convinced that her colonies and her commerce can be as little affected by the embargo of America, as by the blocking decrees of France. New forces have been resorted to with success, to supply the deficiencies produced by so sudden an interruption of commerce, and the vast increase of imports & exports of this Province proves that the embargo is a measure well adapted to promote the true interest of his majesty's North American colonies."
BRITISH TRIBUTE
Much has been said in the democratic papers, and by democratic speakers, in their grog shop lectures, about the English government's demanding a duty on articles taken on board an American vessel in England, in order to their being carried to France; but every man that knows any thing, knows that this regulation, as it affects the trade of Americans between France and England, is a perfect nullity. Bonaparte decrees, that either ships or goods, brought in to France from England SHALL BE CONDEMNED. Now can any one of common sense believe, that there is a man in the United States, fool enough to send a vessel or goods from England to France, when at the same time, he would furnish the very evidence which would subject both to condemnation by the operation of the arbitrary decrees of Bonaparte?
The Spirit of the Argus.
The sapient conductor of the Argus, has a most wonderful faculty of blowing hot or cold, as may best suit his purpose; but in attempting to play this game, in his last paper, he has cut his own fingers. This modest and HUMANE Daniel, of the 13th of October last, published and recommended, as a cure for federalism, the following receipt—
"Take American Tar, 2 lb. Any kind of Peaches, 1 lb. Mix and apply them according to art. This simple medicine is said to have cured without a second application." This publication, at the time, was very justly condemned by many of that party; but it shows the character and disposition of the writer for that paper.
In the last Argus, an attempt is made to do away the impression of the former pollution, but it has only served to make a bad matter worse. It is asked,
"Why have we heard nothing against the late Outrage in Portland, when the alleged charge against the unfortunate sufferer was the supporting the Laws of his Country?"
If the public have any curiosity to know the circumstances of the case which the Argus refers to, they are understood to be these—A short time since, a quantity of Rum, (about 30 barrels) was illegally landed on Chebague Island, and it is said 20 dollars were offered to have it brought to town, but refused as too little. The rum was put on board a small sloop, and covered with wood, to avoid detection. But before the rum was landed, the officers of the custom house were informed what composed the most valuable part of this wood-coaler's cargo, and justly seized it, for being brought into the United States, in violation of the revenue laws. Shortly after, the person who is understood to have been the "informer," was furnished with a full, fabricated of the materials recommended in the Argus. After recording our pointed disapprobation of such proceedings, it may not be amiss to go on at the motives which actuated this unfortunate supporter of the laws. We understand, he was actuated by personal pique, and the law provides, that the informer shall receive one half, and Rum is a cash article. The affair had no political bearing, and it is well known, the character of an "informer" is not always respected according to its merits.
"British Outrage!" once more.
MR. SHIPLEY,
HAVING noticed several accounts in the papers respecting an unfortunate affair which took place between some people in a boat from a schooner belonging to Liverpool, (N. S.) and a guard over some flour which had been landed in consequence of its being refused an entry at Passamaquoddy; and as there has been some contradiction in the statements respecting this business, I would submit the following facts which you may rely on as correct. The schr. in question, was English—was cleared out from Liverpool for Portland, but had Eastport on her stern; and when she made her port at the eastward, her crew consisted of five persons; but the person having direction of the vessel, I presume, made an agreement with the owner of the flour, to take it away. In the mean time, the crew of the schooner was increased to fifteen, consisting of part Americans and part foreigners—when they proceeded with the vessel to the vicinity of the flour, where her boat with a part of the people attempted to land; and the circumstances as stated in the last Gazette, occurred. My object in submitting these remarks, is only to show the impropriety of its being represented as a national affair, as was attempted in the Argus. It is impossible to account for what purpose the democratic papers endeavor to excite a spirit of enmity & hatred in the minds of the people of these States against England, or any other nation—unless they wish to involve the country in a WAR with her. The maxim "In peace friends, in war enemies," is as just as it is honorable; and because federalists subscribe to this, the democrats charge them with being partizans of England. But the real object of these demagogues is, to promote their personal elevation, by sporting with the prejudices which too many honest men retain, in consequence of the revolutionary contest.
AN AMERICAN.
NO RELIEF!
THE motion which was brought forward in the Senate of the U. S. by Mr. HILLHOUSE of Connecticut, for repealing the embargo laws, has been NEGATIVED. All the democrats, with the exception of Mr. GILMAN, of N. H. voted against the resolution; and all the federalists voted for a repeal of these ruinous laws. So we go.
Mr. Campbell's resolve for prohibiting all intercourse with England, France and their colonies, was still under consideration, and will undoubtedly pass into a law. The consequence of this will be, that merchants, (at least many of them) will have to witness that waste and destruction of property, which will involve them in bankruptcy—the mariners will still be deprived of all employment, and compelled to remain in idleness, and expend the little property they have acquired at much hazard and fatigue—the artisan may hang up his tools to rust in his shop, and think himself fortunate if he has enough in reserve, from his earnings in better times, to support his family—the farmer, if free from debt, has not so much to fear, until the Tax-gatherer comes round—even he will then feel the destruction of Commerce. But woe to those who are in debt and without money—a sheriff and jail awaits them. And the day-laborer must make up his mind to solicit charity or starve.—Glorious times these, in the eighth year of the reign of democracy.—Mr. Jefferson once used this idea, that a people to be virtuous, must be poor. If our patriotic rulers continue their present system of policy, the citizens of the U. States, notwithstanding their boasted liberty and independence, will be compelled to be the most virtuous of mortals.
The District Court is now sitting in this town, and there is much business to be acted upon; consisting principally of suits commenced for alleged evasions of the embargo laws. There has been one trial of this kind. Sometime in August, a sloop, owned by a Mr. Emmons, of Georgetown, went to sea, having on board a quantity of fish and flour, and has not been heard of since. The Collector of Bath, in behalf of the U. S. brought an action against Mr. E. to recover double the value of the vessel and cargo for a violation of the embargo. But it did not appear that Mr. Emmons either knew or consented to the vessel's departure; and the jury very justly found a verdict in favor of the defendant.
Armies dangerous to Liberty.
Thursday next, is appointed for drafting Mr. Jefferson's Military Conscription from the several Militia companies in this town. The General orders direct that the men are to be completely equipped for ACTUAL SERVICE. These manoeuvres may be just and necessary—for aught we know—but they look a little mysterious.
The "TRIBUTE" abolished.
The following is copied from the London Packet of Oct. 14:—
"The Brazil Committee have received from His Majesty's Ministers the IMPORTANT COMMUNICATION, that it is their intention to allow all goods, the growth, produce, or manufacture of Countries or Colonies in Amity, to be imported either in British ships, or ships of the Countries in Amity, without being liable to the EXPORT DUTY, under the Orders in Council Act."
[The above applies to the United States, if we are considered in amity, and we have no doubt we are, according to diplomatic usage—but whether we shall be after our non-intercourse law is passed, may admit of a question. However, under a non-intercourse, embargo, or the French decree, the British Order of Council Act could have no effect against our interests; but as the duty gave pain, we trust its abolition will afford pleasure—and so far as our new measures, or the continuance of the old, were promoted by the cry of tribute, they now lose that support. A portion of the cause having ceased, why should not a portion of the effect!—If we were not now considered in amity, we should be if our embargo were raised and intercourse renewed.]
[Palladium.]
Standing Army, and 100,000 Men!
In 1769, when British custom-house officers and tide-waiters thronged our cities, and so roused the virtuous indignation of the patriot whigs by seizures and violence, that two Regiments of Regulars became necessary to enforce the oppressive laws of the mother country, then the Provincial Assembly of this State, undaunted and unappalled, resolutely remonstrated, and declared:—
"That the use of military power to enforce the execution of the laws, is, in the opinion of this house, inconsistent with the spirit of a free constitution, and the very nature of government. The military force is uncontrollable by any authority in the province; it is then a power without any check here; and therefore it is so far absolute here."
The surviving whigs have not yet outlived their love of liberty and hatred of tyranny: their children are animated with "the tales of other times," and will execute the counsels of their forefathers.—Salem Gazette.
Representatives to the next Congress.—We understand the Honorable Council will be in session this week for the purpose of counting returns of votes for members of Congress, when the result in the different election districts, will be officially published.—If the democratic candidate in Lincoln has succeeded, we can show the Electors in that District one mean which was employed to ensure the success of the democratic ticket but few, even of the party, received the benefit of; the use of which, to us, does not appear quite so honorable for an "honorable" man to employ—and which to a man of common modesty would operate as somersault of a Tickler.
DEATH OF THE GOVERNOR.
We learn, by a Gentleman who arrived in the stage last evening from Boston, that his Excellency JAMES SULLIVAN, Esq. Governor of this Commonwealth, departed this life on Saturday morning last.
Portland Assembly.
THE Subscribers to the Portland Assembly, are requested to meet at Columbian Hall, at 6 o'clock this Evening. Dec. 12.
Amoskeag Canal Lottery. SIXTH CLASS.
A LIST of Prizes in the above Class is received at the Book-Store of ISAAC ADAMS,
Who has for sale Tickets and Quarters in the Watsula Bridge Lottery. Prize Tickets taken in payment.
To John P. Little, Secretary of the Trustees of Gorham Academy.
YOU are hereby requested to warn a meeting of the Trustees of said Academy, on Saturday, the 24th day of December instant, to meet at the Academy, at one of the o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following articles, viz:
1st To receive the Report of any Committee heretofore appointed, and to appoint any other committee. 2d To see what method shall be taken with the money in the Treasury. 3d To see what method they will take with the principal money which is due for the sale of land. 4th To transact any other business the Trustees may then and there think proper for the benefit of said Academy.
Gorham, Dec. 8, 1808. LOTHROP LEWIS, DUDLEY FOLSOM, SAM. WHITMORE, DAVID HADDON, JR., WILLIAM M'LELLAN
Gorham, Dec. 9, 1808.—The Trustees of Gorham Academy are hereby notified to meet at the time and place above mentioned, and for the purpose therein expressed. J. P. LITTLE, Secretary.
TO LET.
A Convenient Two Story DWELLING HOUSE, pleasantly situated in Back street.—For terms apply to Dec. 12. TH: SANFORD.
Sheriff's Sale.
Taken by Execution, and will be sold at Public Auction, at E. Greely & Co's. Office, TOMORROW, at 10 o'clock, A. M.
AN Invoice of Goods—consisting of Linens; Calicoes; Bandanas; Romal, Fancy, and Cotton Handkerchiefs; silk and cotton Shawls; ladies' and gentlemen's Silk Hoses; silk and kid Gloves; Sewing Silk; Thread; Tape; quality and shoe Binding; Calicoes; Peuknives, &c.—By order of EDMUND MARCH, D. Sheriff. Portland, Dec. 12.
Sheriff's Sale.
Taken by Execution, and will be sold at Public Auction, at E. Greely & Co's. Office, on WEDNESDAY, 14th inst. at 10 o'clock, A. M.
AN Invoice of GOODS—consisting of 283 yds. black, slate, fawn, battle green, & silver grey colored Lustings (plain & plaid) 1 piece Persian; 9 ps. sup. Printed Cambricks 1 piece bottle green Silk Velvet, 1 piece purple do. 2 pieces plaid Silk Ginghams, 1 piece green Saracene; 5 ps. English Checks, 7 ps Fancy Mullins; quantity of Silk Chambrays, 3 ps. Royal Pellice Cloths, consisting of London brown, scarlet and navy blue colors, 8 pieces 6-4 white Cambricks, 60 yards children's Scarlet Flannels, 1 doz. French fawn colored Twilled Shawls, 6-4, 7-4, and 8-4 Silk Shawls, Together with laundry other articles.—By order of CALEB GRAFFAM, D. Sheriff. Portland, Dec. 12, 1808.
WILLIAM M'LELLAN, Jr. INFORMS his friends and the public that he has just opened a very large assortment of
MUFFS AND TIPPETS,
which he will sell lower than has ever been offered in town before. He invites them to call and see for themselves.
Berkshire, Farmer's Exchange, and Vermont State Bank Bills, taken at par for the above, and all other Goods. Portland, Dec. 12.
To Masters, Mates & Mariners.
INFORMATION WANTED.
THE Schooner EXPERIMENT, ROBERT LAWRENCE, Master, sailed from Norfolk, in Virginia, some time in the month of February, 1806, bound on a voyage to Rio Janario, and River of Plate, in South-America. Information has lately been received that the said Schooner was at the Island of Goree on the Coast of Africa, some time in April of the same year, from which she departed the day after her arrival there, and has not been heard of since, by information that can be relied on. Various reports have been received, that the said Schooner did arrive at the River of Plate, and was there trading. It is presumed that if the vessel went from Goree to Rio Janario, and from thence to the River of Plate, that there are many persons in the United States, who have seen the said Schooner, or master, at one or both of those places. The Schooner was on her first voyage, Virginia built, of about 95 tons, coppered to light water mark, and has the appearance of a remarkable fast sailing vessel. Robert Lawrence is an Englishman by birth, born in the Isle of Thanet in the County of Kent, about 47 years of age, 5 feet 9 inches high, a stout man, inclined to be fat, of a ruddy complexion, and talks much. Any person who can give information respecting the above vessel and master, or either, will do a singular service in communicating it to THOMAS FITZSIMMONS, Esq. President of the Delaware Insurance Company, of Philadelphia; JOHN COFFIN JONES, Esq. of Boston, or to the Subscriber.
JOHN GRANBERY, President of the Marine Insurance Company of Norfolk. Norfolk, December 12, 1808 (GW)
To the Hon. the Senate and House of Representatives, in General Court assembled.
THE petition of Benjamin F. Baldwin, Agent for and in behalf of the Proprietors of the common and undivided Lands in the town of Baldwin, in the county of Cumberland, HUMBLY REPRESENTS, That in the division of the lands within the said township, which have been heretofore made among the proprietors and corporations, agreeably to a Resolve of the General Court, passed February 8, 1774, there was left and undivided in said township, several small pieces, gores and tracts of land, and still remain in common and undivided to the proprietors and others concerned therein. And whereas it would be for the great benefit and interest of all concerned, that the above mentioned pieces, gores, &c. of undivided land should be sold. Therefore, your Petitioner, for and in behalf of himself and the proprietors aforesaid, humbly prays, the prop. etors may be authorized and empowered to sell and convey the same, and make deeds of conveyance; and that the several shares of the proceeds of such sales, which accrue and shall be due to the Ministry the first settled Minister, the Grammar Schools and Harvard College, may be expended and laid out for the purpose of erecting and building a public Meeting House in said town.—And as in duty bound, will every pray. Nov. 14, 1808. BENJ. F. BALDWIN.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16, 1808. ON the Petition aforesaid. Ordered, that the Petitioner cause an attested copy of his Petition, with this Order thereon, to be published in the Portland Gazette, and in the Columbian Centinel, three weeks successively, the last publication to be thirty days at least, before the second Wednesday of February at the next session of the present General Court, that all persons interested, may then appear, and show cause, if any they have, why the prayer of said Petition should not be granted.
Seal up for concurrence. TIMOTHY BIGLOW, Speaker. In Senate, Nov. 17, 1808.—Read & concurred. H. G. OTIS, President. A true copy. Attest. NATHL. COLEMAN, Clerk of the Senate. Dec. 12.

Poetry.
TO A LATE PRIMROSE.
By Lockhart Muirhead, A. M.
Weep not, modest child of Spring, Loose, unspotted in the dale, Snatch the joys the Graces bring, Bid thy faded haunts farewell.
Rest of kindred, wherefore stay? O her flowers paints the vale, Vernal Zephyrs fade away, Sultry vapours taint the gale.
Come, my Emma's breast adorn! Give to her thy blossom rare; Emma sooths the fair forlorn, Emma cheers the child of care.
Wanton now around thy tomb, Catch the smile, and catch the sigh, Refused from the grove of gloom, Happy Primrose, live—and die.
Select Paragraphs.
NEW YORK, DEC. 1.
By an arrival from Havana, we have received from our Correspondent, papers to the 18th Nov. the most interesting news is that of the establishment in Spain of their new General Government, represented by two deputies from each of the thirteen provinces. The president of which pro. tem. is the celebrated Ex-Minister Count FLORIDA BLANCA, who enjoys, and always has the confidence of the people. The Central Junta assembled at one of the royal seats, Aranjuez, distant a few miles from Madrid.
Mr. Armstrong has recommended raising the Embargo, and arming our vessels against the cruisers of France.
It is said the argument used by the majority against taking off the injunction of secrecy, was, that it might endanger our minister, that is, Mr. Armstrong, for no one supposes Mr. Pinckney is in any danger. If Mr. Armstrong is in any danger, why not recall him? Indeed, whether he is in danger or not, he has declared in his public despatches, that he can be of no use where he is—why then should he be obliged to stay there?
[Wash. Fed.]
From the Dartmouth Gazette:
Origin of the word "DEMOCRAT."
In the reign of Charles the First, King of England, a certain Frenchman brought a rat into London for a public show. He had learned this little animal to imitate almost every human action and gesture. As the Frenchman did not well understand the English language, he called his little imitative companion, "de mock RAT;" that is, "the mimicking RAT." About the same time, innumerable swarms of demagogues made their appearance in London preaching the doctrine of non-resistance and passive obedience. The populace, highly displeased with their doctrines, and perceiving many gestures and pranks in these demagogues, which resembled the Frenchman's rat, called each one "de mock RAT." The name was easily changed to "Democrat," and applied to every bawling demagogue, who preached the doctrines of non-resistance and passive obedience.
HANTONIA.
TORIES.
In the year 1798, Mr. Jefferson said, though Virginia was a republican State, several of her most distinguished citizens were Tories. As some of these had acted in pre-eminent military and political situations during the revolutionary war, they waited on Mr. Jefferson to inquire the intent and meaning of the epithet, as he had applied it. An explanation took place; Mr. J. is said to have replied, That be meant by Tories no more than those who zealously supported an Administration, and were apologetic for its conduct; That such was the definition of the word in the best Lexicographers; and that it was applied to Whigs, which was an epithet usually applied to the opposers of power, and the founders of faction. Dean Swift defines a Tory to be one who adheres to the Constitution and Government of the State.
Whereas, he says, a Whig is "the name of faction."— Ruleigh Star.
REMEDY FOR IDLENESS.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century, John, Duke of Burbon, dispatched an elpecial messenger to England, with the following singular challenge. "That he would at an appointed day, accompanied by sixteen knights, equally indifferent to life or death as himself, meet as many English chevaliers, and fight it out with them, till one side or other were defeated and destroyed; In order to avoid idleness, and merit the good graces of his mistress."
Retirement of the Young Robin from the Stage. —The London Courier of August 2, says—"After a most successful engagement at Cheltenham, Master Betty last week repaired to Stratford upon Avon, for the purpose of finishing his dramatic career at the birthplace of our inimitable Shakespeare. It will readily be supported, that a youth, whose histrionic talents burst forth in such an extraordinary degree, and at an age before unknown, must see an enthusiastic inspiration, while treading the classic ground on which our immortal bard "warbled his native woodnotes wild." The arduous character which he supported on this occasion, were Hamlet and Richard, and never did he appear to greater advantage, or more admirably portray the varied passions, by which those Princes, so unlike each other, are oppressed and agitated. His perfections
however, in both parts are sufficiently known to the public; and while his ardent imagination seemed to tell him that the anxious shade of Shakespeare hovered, near, it was natural that, in addition to his former merits, he should on this occasion catch a portion of the poet's fire. The applause which he received on every side, was a just tribute to his talents and exertions—Such has been the force or genuine merit over every attempt to crush it, that success has accompanied him even to the last, and he has now retired to the prosecution of his studies as a fellow commoner of Christ's Church, crowned with the wreath of well earned fame."
Portland Circulating Library Removed.
S. PATTEN
INFORMS the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portland and its vicinity, that he has purchased the Portland Circulating Library of Messrs. Erving and Poor, and that the Books are now ready for Circulation from No. 10, Jones' row, Fifth-street. Those who have, and may become readers of said Library, may be assured that no exertion or expense will be spared to make it as extensively entertaining and useful as possible, by adding to the present number of Volumes, (which is about 1800) every new publication which may appear from time to time.—The terms of reading, as heretofore.
BOOK STORE.
JUST received, a large assortment of Books and Stationary; among which are the following articles, viz—Large Bibles, from 3 to 20 dollars; Pocket do. from 1 doll. 12 and a half cts. to 2 dolls. 50 cts.; Cann's do. with notes; Cruden's Concordance; Boswell's Life of Johnson; Mass. Term Reports; Shakespeare's Plays; World without a Soul; Hattori's Measurer; Marmion; Exiles of Siberia; History of the Bible; Walker's Dictionary; do. abridged; Flint's Surveying; Ainsworth's Latin Dictionary; Brown's Dictionary of the Bible; Travels in Spain; Trials; Registers for 1809; Pike's Spelling Book; Jenks' Devotion, with a great variety of Stationary.
LOTTERIES.
TICKETS, halves, quarters, eighths, and sixteenths, in the Hatfield Bridge Lottery, 4th Class, now drawing. The following Nos. are prizes of 50 dollars. viz. 10,538, 10,554—Of 20 dollars, 10,568, 10,581, 10,589. Tickets, halves, &c. in the 2d Class Dixie Road Lottery, to commence drawing in January next. Tickets rise to 5 dollars. 50 cts. on the 20th Dec. inst. The following are part of the Prizes, viz 5 of 500, 2 of 1000, and 1 of 10,000 dollars, besides 100 of 50 and 20. Tickets, halves, quarters, eighths, and sixteenths, in Rhode Island Coal Lottery, to draw in January next. 3,000 Tickets only, at 25 dols. each, and the following prizes, viz. 1 of 10,000, 1 of 2,000, 6 of 1,000, 10 of 500, 15 of 300, 30 of 200, 60 of 100, 100 of 50, 100 of 40, and 550 of 30 dollars. Portland, Dec. 5, 1808.
Junk Bottles Wanted.
CASH, and a generous price, given for JUNK BOTTLES, by DAVID DANA, Middle-Street. Dec. 5.
VERMONT,
BERKSHIRE, and Farmer's Exchange Bank Bills, received by Henry Smith & Co. No. 4, Muffey's Row—for Goods. Dec. 5.
Elegant Silk Hosiery.
N. P. POOR,
FISH-STREET, HAS just received for sale, Ladies' and Gentlemen's superb Lace, and embroidered Silk Hosiery—Silk Gloves, &c. Also—India Lustrings, of a superior fabric. Nov. 21.
Wood Wanted.
SUBSCRIBERS to the Portland Gazette are informed that the Printer has occasion for a few loads of WOOD; and that he would gladly receive it on account of papers, at the market price. Dec. 5.
TO BE LET,
HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf)
TO LET,
AND immediate possession given, a handsome and convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in the west part of the town.—Enquire of E. GREELY & CO. Portland, Oct. 31.
FOR SALE,
AT the shop of the subscriber, next door east of Maj. Burnham's Tavern, a handsome assortment of SLAYS and HARNESS, superior to any that has been manufactured in this part of the country. All kinds of Slay-work and Painting done at the shortest notice. All the above articles done at a reduced price. BENJ: RICHARDSON. N. B. Slays and Harnesses, to be let by the month, week, or day, at the above shop, and constant attendance given. Nov. 28.
LAST NOTICE.
THOSE persons indebted to the late firm of INGRAHAM & GOOLD, are hereby notified, to call and settle the same, at their Counting-Room on Ingraham's Wharf, by or before the 1st day of January next; for at that time all their demands will be left with a Lawyer, for collection. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
NOTICE!
LEFT at the house of Stephen Tabor, in Federal-street, two velvet Spencers.—The owners may have them again by proving property and paying charges. Nov. 28.
LIME.
David Pease, Hat for sale, 200 casks new burnt Thomaston Stone Lime. Nov. 28. (6w)
REMOVAL.
EDWARD HOWE, has removed his stock in trade, consisting of a complete assortment of Upholstery, Paper-Hangings, and Looking-Glasses. To No. 1, TITCOMB'S BUILDINGS, Formerly occupied by Messrs. Dwan & Albersen, where he continues to carry on the UPHOLSTERY BUSINESS in its various branches as usual.
7 A few barrels of excellent RUSSETING APPLES, for winter use—cheap for cash. Portland, Dec. 5.
Henry F. Dupee & Son,
HAVE just received and offer for sale, at their store, No. 6, Muffey's Row—Middle-street, A general assortment of DRUGS AND MEDICINES, Cases of Surgeon's Instruments—a variety of Teeth Instruments—Stone's improved Trusses for Ruptures; and a full assortment of Genuine Patent Medicines. They have likewise, a variety of Perfumery—Soaps—Washballs—Hair Powder—Pomatum—Rouge—Carmine—Face Powder—Honey-Water—Milk Roses—Lotions, &c. Together with a large assortment of DYE STUFFS—viz.
 Camwood, Nutgalls,  Ditto ground, Sugar Lead,  Fustic, Roman Vitriol,  Logwood, Oil Vitriol,  Bell Madder, White Vitriol,  Common do. Indigo,  Redwood, Aqua-Fortis,  English Alum, Spirit Salts,  Copperas, Spanish Brown,  Woad, Spanish White, &c.  Clothier's Jacks. They keep constantly for sale an assortment of LIQUORS—viz.
 Real Cogniac Brandy,  Jamaica Spirits,  Madeira,  Lisbon, } WINES,  Old Port, } of the first  Claret, } quality.  Frontignac }  With an assortment of CONFECTIONARY. Also—on hand, 20 bbls. Mackerel, 6 sets of Shooks and Heading, Winter Strained Oil, Vinegar per barrel, &c. * The above Goods will be sold very low for cash, or approved credit. * Orders will be as well attended to as personal application. Portland, December 5, '08.
NEW GOODS.
Wm. R. & C. Stockbridge, HAVE just received a variety of English, W. India, and Hard Ware Goods. Also—1500 wt. warp, filling, and stocking COTTON YARN. White, blue, and slate Cotton Thread. Cotton Stripes and Checks, Bed Tick, &c. &c. Which being a consignment, will be sold at the Factory prices. Cotton shirting and Sheeting expected in a few days from a Manufactory. * Orders from their customers will be punctually attended to. Northyarmouth, Nov. 21. (4w)
Dancing School. ROBERT ANSART respectfully informs the inhabitants of Portland, that he intends opening a School, on Tuesday, the 13th of December next, at Mr. Grafton's Hall, in Middle Street, for the purpose of instructing young Ladies and Gentlemen in the art of Dancing.—Those who wish to favor Mr. A. with their tuition, will please to call at the Maine Fire and Marine Insurance Office, where a subscription paper is left. Days of tuition, Tuesdays and Thursdays, from 6 o'clock, P.M. until 9. Terms—Three dollars entrance, and six dollars per quarter. Portland, Nov. 28, 1808.
NOTICE. ALL persons indebted to the Estate of THOMAS MINOT, late of Portland, deceased, are hereby requested to make immediate payment to the subscriber, who is duly empowered to receive the same, and to give acquittances.—A speedy compliance with this request will prevent a recourse to measures that would create expense. DANIEL TUCKER. Portland, Dec. 3d. 1808.
A FARM FOR SALE, IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of Land, of which thirty is Interval, and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story House and Barn, with out houses. The soil of said farm is inferior to none. Also—in said town, a Wood Lot, containing 60 acres.—Enquire of OLIVER WINSLOW. Oct. 17. (tf)
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the estate of WILLIAM BAKER, late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs;—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to THOS: WINSLOW. LYDIA BAKER, Administratrix. Sept. 29, 1808. N. B. The subscriber will attend to the above duty on the second Monday of December next, and of the five following months, at the dwelling house of the deceased. Nov. 21. THOMAS WINSLOW
Charles & John Fox, Nos. 4 & 6, South-side Long-Wharf, HAVE for sale, 6 tons Bolr Iron, different sizes, 1000 lbs. Plough share Moulds, Casks 4d, 6d, 8d, and 10d Cut Nails, Fipes American Gin, superior quality, Chells Hylon Tea, do. do. Barrels clear and navy mels Pork, Which they offer on very liberal terms. Wanted—A new inch COW—enquire as above. (6w) Nov. 28.
WILLIAM SWAN, No. 3, Union-Row, Middle-street, HAS just received an additional stock of FRESH SEASONABLE GOODS, making a general assortment; together with his usual supply of W. I. GOODS & GROCERIES, Which will be sold at reduced prices, and on favorable terms.—Also, 30 bales of Southern Cotton, suitable for retailing. Portland, Nov. 28.
JUST received from Philadelphia, and for sale by Robert Stover, at his store, No. 9, Ingraham's Wharf—2500 bushels Yellow Corn. A quantity of superfine and fine Flour, in whole and half barrels, 40 bbls. Tar, A quantity of manufactured Tobacco, Segars, Flax, &c. A few bbls. mels Pork. Nov. 28.
NEW GOODS. Joseph Maxwell, INFORMS the public that he has received, and now offers for sale, a quantity of Cotton and Woolen Goods, together with an extensive assortment of GROCERIES, too numerous to particularize. The above Goods will be sold very cheap, &c. &c. &c. Portland, Nov. 28.
HARD-WARE GOODS. William Goddard, HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of Hard-Ware Goods, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf)
Factory Cotton. JOSEPH POPE, constantly keeps for sale a large supply of cotton Warp and Filling, White and coloured Stocking Yarn, ditto Thread, Cotton Shirting and Sheeting, do. Check and Stripe, Bed Tick, &c. which being a consignment will be sold at the Factory prices. Likewise—a quantity of loaf and lump Sugar in hds. & bbls.—No. 7, Muffey's Row. Sept. 19. (6m)
Muffs & Tippets, A. Cheever & Co. AT No. 1, Muffey's Row, now offer for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston. HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction. Household Furniture. New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for hatching & shipping Furs. Portland Oct. 31. (tf)
Chance for 10,000 Dollars. TICKETS and QUARTERS, in Hatfield Bridge Lottery, for sale by ISAAC ADAMS. Nov. 28.
STRAY COW. STRAYED from the subscriber, on the 15th inst a middling sized Red and White COW, about six or seven years old, marked on one horn (N. C.) on the other (1808)—Whoever may have found said Cow, and will return her to the subscriber, or give information so that she may be obtained, shall be rewarded for the same, by NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Nov. 28.
To Farmers and Wood-Cutters. FOR sale, at the sign of the Broad Axe, Cross-street, all kinds of Edge Tools, made of Cast Steel, and warranted to be better than can be made of any other steel. JOSEPH THAXTER. Portland, Nov. 14.
THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of EBENEZER PARKER, late of Cape-Elizabeth, deceased, represented insolvent, give notice that they will attend that service at the Dwelling House of Nathaniel Merrill, in Portland, on the last Monday of this and the five following months, from one to five o'clock in the afternoon of said days. W. VAUGHAN, } Commissioners. BENJ: FICKETT, } Nov. 28.
NOTICE is hereby given that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executor of the last will and testament of JACOB CHANDLER, late of Albany in the county of Oxford, deceased and has taken upon himself that trust by giving bond as the law directs.—All persons having demands on the estate of the said deceased are required to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to the said estate are called upon to make payment to PHILEMON CHANDLER, Executor. Albany, September 24, 1808. (D5)
FRESH COLD. Joseph Isabour, OPPOSITE the Insurance Office, head of Full-street, has just received a variety of FRESH FALL & WINTER GOODS, —AMONG WHICH ARE— Real superfine & vacious and Kerameres Common do. do. Satinets—Velvets—Cords Queens Cloths—Fleece Flannels Coatings—Blankets Flannels, all colours Bombazetts, Wilboars, Durants, Duroys, Shalloon, &c. Plain black & olive Velvets—corded do. Worsted Hosiery—Silk do.—Cotton do. British Shirting—Linen—Linen Cambric Tabby Velvets—Brown Linens Plaided and plain Lustrings Ginghams—Prims—Furnitures—silk Chambrays India Cottons—Huckabuck Bandana Hks.—Fancy silk do.—silk Shawls Fancy Mullins—Sarfuets—Cotton Laces Black Cambric—do. Crape Ladies long white Kid Gloves Do. Kid, Leather and Silk Habit do. Gentlemen's doe skin Beaver and silk do. White Cotton Cambric—Cotton Balls Cambric Dimity—Common do. Cotton Shawls—Fashionable Coat Buttons Black silk Velvets—Cotton Umbrellas Gentlemen's Lambs-wool Hosiery, &c. &c. Also, An Assortment of MUFFS & TIPPLETS, Consisting of Sable, Pole, Elk, Bear, & Mock Sable. Oct. 10.
FRESH GOODS. Tappan & Sewall, No. 12, Haymarket-Row, HAVE received and are now exposing for sale, per piece or package, an extensive assortment of Fall & Winter Goods, Broadcloths of all col. Glazed, black and colours, from 7s. to 47. cured Cambrics Plains—Kerseys—Ser. Pios; Buttons ges, Kerseys, Sewing Silks, Black Coatings—Duffs, Cotton Sewings, 12 to 60 Baizes—Blankets, 6/9 12 to 11/4, Scotch Thread Flannels—white, yel. Bindings; Suspenders, low, green, &c. Bandannas; Madras Salisbury Fanels— Handks. Scarlet, green, &c. Pullicat and Spotted Stuff—Ruffles—Duroys, &c. Ginto, rants—Bombazetts—shawl. Cotton and Duroys, &c. silk Lineas, from 2/6 to 7/3 Worsted and Cotton Dimities, Hosiery Velvets, Velveteens & Milliners, plain and Thickets Pariset Gauzes Tabby Velvets; black, Ribbons; a small assortment purple and flax Swandown; Tolliets, Laces and Edgings Mixed & fancy Cords, India Cottons Shirting Cottons, 3-4 Gurras; Bafras and 4-4 Calias; Mowliannas Calicoes Checks, &c. Cambric, Linen, Pic-Cafes Windsor Soap-cy, Book & Fan Umbrellas, &c. qut Mullins, Also for sale—SKIRTING LEATHER, of a superior quality. October 31. (tf)
To the Honourable Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in General Court assembled.
WE the subscribers, inhabitants of the town of Norway and its adjoining plantations, in the Commonwealth aforesaid, deeply impressed with the importance of peace, harmony, and good order in Society, and fully believing that a due maintenance and preservation of the same especially depends upon a sacred observance and practice of the precepts of virtue, piety, morality and religion diffused in a community by the institutions of the public worship of God—Pray, that we with our families and estates together with such of the inhabitants of the town of Norway and its adjoining plantations aforesaid as may at any time hereafter associate with us, may be incorporated into a Religious Parish by the name of the first Congregational Parish in Norway, with all the powers, privileges and immunities to which other parishes in this Commonwealth are by law entitled, and as in duty bound will ever pray. JOSEPH BRADBURY, and 68 others.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
IN SENATE, Nov. 15th, 1808. ON the Petition aforesaid, Ordered, that the Petitioners cause an attested Copy of their petition, with this order thereon, to be published three weeks successively in the Portland Gazette, printed in Portland, the last publication to be thirty days, at least, before the second Wednesday of the next session of the present General Court, that all persons interested may then appear, and shew cause, (if any they have) why the prayer of said petition should not be granted. Sent down for concurrence. H. G. OTIS, President. In the House of Representatives, Nov. 16th, 1808. Read and concurred. TIMOTHY BIGELOW, Speaker. A TRUE COPY, Asst. N. COFFIN, Clerk of the Senate. Dec. 5.
BLANKS.
COMMERCIAL, Court and other BLANK kept constantly for sale at the Bookstore of I. ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth-street.
Tickets and Quarters, In Amoskeag Canal Lottery, for sale at the Bookstore of Isaac Adams—Fifth street. THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the estate of THOMAS PRINCE, late of Northyarmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs.—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to JAEL PRINCE.