The Kentucke gazette (Lexington [Ky.]), 1788-10-25 00:00:00

K E N T U C K E G A Z E T T E,
S A T U R D A Y, OCTOBER 25, 1788.
LEXINGTON: Printed by JOHN BRADFORD at his OFFICE in Main Street, where Subscriptions, Advertisements, &c. for this paper, are thankfully received, and PRINTING in its different branches done with Care and Expedition.
THE Romans had their Temples so built, that it was impossible to enter the Temple of Honour, without going thro' the Temple of virtue; and while they retained their virtue, while their generals at the end of the war returned to the plough; Rome was the nurse of Heroes, the mistress of Nations, the glory of Empires, and the source, the standard and pattern, of every thing which ever was praiseworthy among men; but at length a general corruption spread itself through all degrees of the State, Pleasure succeeded in the room of Temperance, Idleness took place of the love of business, and private regards extinguished that love of liberty, that Zeal and warmth which their Ancestors had shown for the Interest of the Public; luxury and pride became fashionable, all ranks and orders of men tried to outvie one another in expence and pomp, and when by so doing they had spent their private patrimonies, they endeavoured to make reprisals upon the public, and having before sold every thing else, at last sold their Country.
The ancient Saxons was a vulgar impolite people, yet they were a free people and framed a good Constitution, and was for a long time very resolute in supporting it, but when they got a number of great men among them, there was frequent encroachment made on this excellent Constitution; which will by the History of England more fully appear.
The nobility has always been the ruin of every free state where ever such cattle existed.
Let us take a view of the State of Pennsylvania in her infancy; this State tho' a place of trade and a tolerable fertile soil, was represented for near 100 years by honest plow men, in plain and chieftly Country made a peace and what would now be called mean and beneath the Dignity of the business, and their wages for a long succession of years did not amount to more than four Shillings Virginia Currency, and until the revolution never more than six Shillings and six Pence, those plain honest Farmers made very salutary Laws which remains on record until this day, and the people prospered under their just and mild Government and all things went on smoothly and in good order and there was no cause of murmuring and repining among the people.
But since the revolution Pennsylvania has not walked in the steps of their Ancestors, nothing would serve them out what is improperly called first-rate Gentlemen of a splendid appearance, gentlemen of the Bar &c. and it is very hard for an Attorney to be an honest Legislator, as they are insured to grabbing at the labours of mankind, custom becomes a second nature, and they are a kind of animals of prey; and would it be a wise judicious action to let the Hawk to take care of the hens, or to appoint the Wolf as guardian over the sheep? we may see the consequence of such Legislators in Pennsylvania.
At the time the people was oppressed with the late just war, when reason and equity would say that the wages of Legislators &c. ought to be brought down or reduced, they raised the expence of Government to more than double as much as ever it was before the revolution, they are falling into the corruptions which overturned the Roman Empire, and Pennsylvania is in a state of confusion which has been attended with murmurings, repinings and moans; and would to God that this extravagant disposition had never obtained a Pass port through the Alleghany Mountains, or down the Ohio; but do you not see perhaps unparalleled extravagancy in the elegant Stone Court houses they are building in the Kentucky Country, at a time the State is in its infancy without trade and consequently without Money to pay your just debts, and without Money to pay the Princes, which is absolutely necessary in every free State, and without Money to pay those who fatigue themselves and venture their lives in defence of the distressed Frontiers. What shall you do in the dangerous situation you are in to prevent impending ruin? I shall answer this question first negatively and then positively.
It is not by continuing connected with the State of Virginia that we can remove those great evils; for extravagancy like an epidemical disease has infested the Eastern States, Virginia not excepted; and can we expect a pure stream to proceed from an impure fountain? The extravagancy above mentioned, accrued while you were connected with Virginia and how can you remove this evil or any other oppressive mea-
sures that may accrue, until you can send a sufficient number of Representatives through the Wilderness to be able to cope with the State of Virginia. But some say that a majority of those who are eagerly pushing for a separation has not the good of their Country at heart, but is only desirous of obtaining posts of Honour and Profit, at the expence of the people: I grant this may be the case, but ought to be carefully guarded against by the people: but supposing a number of men was to urge you to act and behave like Christians, and you had reason to conclude that their designs was not good would you therefore in order to oppose them turn Heathens, or Savages? To stop or oppose the ensuing Election is not the way to relieve you out of your distress; if you oppose one Election appointed by the Representatives of the people, why not another, and this would throw you into perpetual anarchy and confusion. What shall you do to prevent the evils which threaten you; You are to search your wounds to the core, without which, it is out of the power of Surgery to apply suitable remedies: it is wild to think that there is any other way to prevent the consequence, without preventing the corruption and the cause which produced it: mankind will be always the same, will always act within one circle; and when we know what they did a thousand years ago in any circumstance; we shall know what they will do a thousand years hence in the same; this what is called Experience; the surest Mistress and Lesson of Wisdom.
Be unanimous in pleading for a Separation and in all probability it will be granted: then you will have the halter in your own hands; you may choose honest moderate men to do your business, you may order the Captains of each company to take the opinion of every individual concerning the wages of your Legislative and Executive Officers; if a majority of the people says they are to have one Dollar per day, let them know they are to have that and no more, give them a moderate compensation and let them know they are to be paid in Country produce until we can obtain a trade.
You have the same right to let your Legislators &c. know what their wages shall be, as you have to set bounds to your hired servants; (and it is as absolutely necessary too.) Supposing the Farmers of a whole State was to employ a large number of Grubbers and Rail maulers, and tell them we must have this work done, and we leave it to your own generosity how you are to do this business and what you are to have for your labour, you are to make your own wages; and suppose this custom to be continued for a long succession of years, what do you think would be the event? They would undoubtedly raise their wages by degrees, and at length they would have an exorbitant price and be far above their Masters is not this a parallel case? Mankind under the same circumstances will be the same, you have seen the dismal consequences that attended those things from Rome to Kentucky, and if you will go on in the same channel where others was shipwrecked, you will certainly share the same fate. Kentucky with all the natural advantages she can boast, is now on the very verge of ruin; without some such measures as those above mentioned be taken, you need never talk about being a Separate State; and you cannot be happy as you are for the reasons above mentioned and many more that may be advanced.
In my ramble through this Country, I beheld with grief the situation you are in and therefore made this humble attempt to relieve you, hoping that some salutary effects may accompany the pen of A STRANGER.
To POPLICOLA.
SIR,
I THANK you for the notice you have taken of my address contained in No. IV Vol. II of this paper.
Though your observations are neither so judicious, or good natured as might have been expected from so elegant a pen, it is nevertheless a condescension, a man in my station had no right to expect. But the gratification of my vanity is not the point in which I feel myself most obliged:
Your remarks, however foreign or angry, have brought my humble performance a second time, and I have not the smallest objection to its being brought a third, a fourth, and even a fifth time
into view; that it may sustain as many examinations at the bar of the public, as your favorite scheme of a separation; by which time it is hoped its timeliness may be destroyed, and the sterling metal of my opposites more fully appear.
I hope the candid public will excuse me in not giving you a more formal reply; especially when it is considered that we Complaners, like you "men of superior abilities have many avocations to divert our attentions;" and more especially, as you have not yet made it in the least necessary.
Besides Mr. Poplicola I have no design of entering into what is commonly called a paper war with you. But how far I have "disseminated false alarms" or "attempted to mislead the credulous, or impose on the ignorant" the impartial will judge; to my countrymen the address was made from that tribunal the rectitude of my designs neither fear a decision nor with an appeal. I have indeed taken the liberty of doing what you suppose "is the duty of every good citizen." I have attempted by my feeble "interposition" if possible to avert impending calamities, and restore confidence, harmony and accord among my fellow citizens" and have only to lament that I did not previously obtain your leave. I hope however, you will not be inexorable, when I assure you that though I may be "ignorantly stupid" I am not disposed to be "incorrigibly obstinate," on the contrary if after a fair and impartial investigation, there should be even a much smaller majority in favor of your favorite scheme of a separation than you pretend, however previously requisite, I may suppose a free trade, I will most readily subscribe to the public opinion.
Whether Poplicola, or the Complaner, is most guilty of charging the people of this District with ignorance, or whether he who urges that it is the peoples inherent right, as well as indispensable duty to decide on the propriety of a change in their government, or he who artfully evading the necessary enquiry would dupe them into the measure, is best intitled to the character of "the peoples advocate" let your friends and my adversaries determine.
But as a desire of information is my chief object, I will thank you to tell us what those "bright prospects are which you and your friends (for you write in the plural) have before you?" And you may be assured, if they are consistent with the prosperity of a country in which like you, I have embarked my all, and in whose fate I expect to share, I will not attempt to obscure them but if possible render them still brighter. Should these promises relieve your fears, and restore your temper, they will I hope prepare you for a number of other questions which I must take the liberty of asking.
And first, in your "five different determinations of the people on the question of a separation" has their opinion been ONCE fairly, rationally, or satisfactorily taken? Or has there been ONE judicious attempt made for the purpose? This my good Poplicola is the furnace in which I wish to have my "Tinsel wash" and your sterling metal honestly tried. And surely you have not the smallest reason to dread the Ordeal. True Gold you know suffers nothing from the fire, tho' seven times tried and as you has sustained "five trials" one would not imagine you would dread the sixth. Come Poplicola, dismiss your fears and resume your good nature. No body but yourself charges the people of this District with ignorance, or you with "courting favor or disgracing public confidence," all we want is a fair trial of a fair question, in which the interests of your "friends, countrymen and fellow citizens" are intimately concerned.
Consider for your encouragement, that the majority in favor of your measure "has been greater than on any question of equal moment which has been agitated in any country" and that the opposition consists of only "a very few who either obstinately ignorant or incorrigibly prejudiced study to increase every obstacle to your wishes" consider further that those stupid, incorrigible, refractory, untractable wrongheaded wretches are also guilty of the unpardonable crime of siding to a state which they are so weak as to think, and so

insolent as to say deserves their grateful acknowledgments. They have also the effrontery to declare that after examining their pockets though sensible they suffer many local inconveniences from their connection with this state, they are not at present able to support a new one; and that of two evils they wish to choose the least. They are also weak enough to suppose that unanimity among the people is in some degree necessary to so important a measure, and that oppression may tend to make such stupid creatures as themselves, a little uneasy. Surely such people are "stupidly ignorant or incorrigibly obstinate with a witness!" But thanks be praised their number is as few as their cause is bad. You have further to comfort and encourage you, "That several gentlemen who formerly opposed the measure, have, with becoming candour and public spirit submitted to the opposite opinion."
But to return to our questions, have not eighteen months elapsed since the last election, when a separation was in any sense held out as a question? Since which time, how many have been added to the number on our inhabitants? And is no respect due to their opinion of this question?
Again, are there not as many, who, when the question was first agitated, were in favor of the measure, but who now oppose it, as there are who have come over from the then opposition? If my information be just they are more than four for one.
But can you say, consistently with that weapon which is so "powerful in the hand of an infant," that the same reasons which originated the measure, still exist and have gained additional strength? Some of them it is true, still and ever will exist, but is it not equally true that many reasons existed in favor of a separation three, or four years ago which have now lost their force? Were there not laws then in existence, which bore particularly hard on this District, which are since repealed? were we not then in possession of valuable funds, which are now entirely exhausted? Was not our circulating medium much more extensive according to our numbers at that period, than the present? and were we not then taught to believe that the parent state was no longer disposed to protect, but rather to oppose us? This we discover to be a misrepresentation, and instead of acting the step-dame we find she is disposed to do more for our protection than we at present are able to do for ourselves: to which if it were not for disseminating false alarms" I would add that a few and not a very few neither are become so obstinately ignorant" as to suspect some of having their eyes so dazzled with "the bright prospects which lie before them" that they cannot well discern their country's true interest.
That you Sir, are of this latter description, I will not undertake to say; to your own conscience I submit the serious inquiry; "but it must be admitted" that a candid acknowledgement of the propriety and justice of the Cornplanter's reasoning and a cheerful submission of the matter to the cool uninfluenced decision of the people, would have given you, a much better claim to "public confidence" than the most skillful subversion of plain, simple, and I will add, honest and benevolent sentiments. You are it seems so candid as not even "to wish to interest the passions" of your Readers: You have however ventured to brandish the barbarian Tommehawk over their heads which I suppose will fall blunted and forever useless from the enervated hands of those bloody barbarians, the moment your favorite scheme is adopted. Then to be sure will the happy time commence when the Lion and the Lamb shall lie down together, and a young child shall lead them; when there shall be nothing either external or internal to hurt or offend this happy dominion.
But how could you be so unmercifully severe on poor Cornplanter, for, not shewing "what time or what manner will be suited to the object" of a Separation? Please to consider Mr. Poplicola, that Cornplanter does not pretend to the spirit of prophecy; tho' he has been weak enough to submit both the time and manner to an indulgent Providence. Had he been in possession of your, and your friends Telescope, he perhaps might have gained the "fair prospect."
It seems my "arguments are leveled against a Separation at any period." Had you not advanced this assertion, I believe no other person would have discovered the latent mischief; especially as I have proposed that we wait only a few days longer until a general concurrence in the measure and a free trade as necessary to support our new Government are obtained. But by what means you know "that our choice of Representatives is confined to those who have business at Richmond" and how you are able without hesitation to assert that none but such will serve I must leave for you to inform us. That "many general Laws may bear hard on this District," and "that the meeting of our Legislature six hundred Miles distance
from our Country" are real grievances I have not denied, I have already acknowledged: But if upon the whole, the evils justly to be feared, are more weighty and numerous than those to be avoided, I hope I may be excused in concluding that the measure for the present ought to be postponed. However if upon a judicious inquiry, which I humbly conceive has not yet been made, it should be found to be the wish of a reasonable majority of my fellow-citizens, I will most heartily concur in the public determination.
CORNPLANTER.
FORT HARMAR October 12th 1788.
DEAR SIR.
EVER since you left this place we have been in the daily expectation of seeing the Indians, or having intelligence that they would not be here but to this moment we are in a state of utter uncertainty.
The last account from the messengers are of the 30th of August.---The Six Nations were then come to the mouth of the Miami or Town River, and were to be met there by the Western Nations, what they have been about or what has been the result of their Councils we know nothing of, and I am persuaded they have interrupted the communication, or these men would certainly have sent in again.
Two men who I sent out since are also detained, at least they are now ten days beyond time, in which one of them was to have returned. From these circumstances there is in my opinion too much reason to fear they have hostile designs, and that the first intimation of it will be a stroke upon some of the Settlements. Under these circumstances I find myself in a disagreeable predicament. I have had no reply from Virginia to the application made to the Governor which you was so obliging as to take the care of forwarding, and which I also sent by post, nor from Pennsylvania except that my letter had been laid before the Legislature, and the instructions of Congress are express to avoid hostilities by every possible means, and should they now appear to be inevitable, the season is advancing so fast that operations could scarce be carried on to purpose---It is intolerably embarrassing. The stroke if it falls at all will probably fall upon your country, and you should be prepared to resist it, and that preparation may render more general measures practicable; this is all I can say at present I look every moment for intelligence, having also dispatched some Indians who should return in two days, whatever it may be I will take the first favorable opportunity to communicate it, and yet promise myself the pleasure to pay you a visit before the Winter sets in.
With great respect and esteem, I am Dear Sir, your most Obedient Servant.
A. ST. CLAIR.
The Honorable Mr. Brown, Danville.
From the COLUMBIAN HERALD. A Curious CASE, &c.
SUPPOSE that I am one of the number of one hundred and one persons, and that one of them owes me the sum of one hundred pounds and that the remaining number have a demand on each other in succession for a like sum of one hundred pounds; suppose also that they desire (if it can be contrived) to pay their debts. They having no other property whatsoever, but 7l. each in money, to pay the sum of 100l. with, that they owe to each other; I could manage the matter in such a manner so as to leave each of them 2l. a piece in their pockets' could for give the last of them the sum of 95l. which he by my method of settling these debts would owe me, and yet would get the sum of 500l. for the debt that was due to me by one of the hundred debtors My method of proceeding should be this, I would go to the person that owed me 100l. and ask him for the money, and would tell him if he would give me 5l. in cash and an order for 100l. on the person that owed him 100l. that I would take it for the debt he owed me, with which of course he would comply; I would then ask the person on whom the order was drawn to give me 5l. in money, and an order for 100l. on the person that owed him 100l. with which also he would comply; which plan of proceeding I would continue until I came to the last person, to whom I would say, if he would give me 5l. for the order I had on him that I would give it him up and for give him the remaining sum of 95l. with which, when he had complied, I should have received in all (at the rate of 5l. from each debtor) the sum of 500l. in payment of the original debt of 100l. that was due to me, and should have extinguished the demand of 100l. each, which the debtors had on each other.
By a plan of this kind the domestic debts of the inhabitants of this State and of other Countries may be settled with great ease, provided the courts of
law in said Countries are opened to compel persons to pay one twentieth part of the debt which each person owes in money, and the remainder by an order on one person that owes them money, but no creditor should be compelled to take an order on a person for a debt, unless the person on whom the order was to be drawn was able to pay one twentieth part of the order in money (or in such property and at such a price as the creditors should approve of taking in lieu of money) and to give an order on some other similar responsible person for the debt.
This method would enable persons in any Country (who are in the situation in point of circumstances which I have described) to pay their debts by converting only one twentieth part of their property into cash to do it with, and could (as in the case I have stated) enable persons, in otherwise involuntary circumstances, to settle their affairs, and yet have a pittance left for themselves, (as in the case stated) whereas, (as in the case in this state) if a persons property is seized and sold by the sheriff, it is disposed of at a price by public auction that ruins the debtor and prevents the creditors of the person so ruined getting twenty shillings in the pound or any thing like it for the debts that are due them.
If a plan of this kind was to be adopted in this state, after a person had been paid in the manner proposed, 5l. by twenty five persons in succession for a debt of 100l. he should then be compelled to forgive the last debtor, as he would then receive 125 for every 100 debt that would be settled in this manner. All Country debtors, under the pain of being deprived of the benefits of this plan or of any instalment law, should be obliged to appoint agents in Charleston, to settle their debts for them on the plan proposed; an Office in that case should be instituted, where the names of the agents of each country person should be registered in an alphabetical order, agreeable to the surnames of the debtors viz.
Debtors Agents Adam Thomas, Goose-creek, Thomas Stiles, No. 1. Broad Street. Baker William Dorchester, William White No. 10. King Street.
This mode would enable all country debts to be settled with ease and expedition, such debtors as lived in town should settle their debts themselves, or give notice at the before mentioned office, what person in town they had appointed to settle their debts for them.
PROJECTOR.
TWO ROUND DOLLARS
Strayed from my house in Mercer County some time last winter a yellow bay Mare with foal about thirteen hands two or three inches high, one ear cropped, has a black streak down her rump and remarkable large teats, branded (I think in more than one place) with an H, was formerly the property of Mr. Francis Hawley near Boonsborough, where I expect she has attempted to go. Whoever will deliver her and her colt if she has one, to Mr. Presley Anderson on Howards Creek or to me, shall receive the above reward.
JAMES SPEED.
LOST
ON Saturday the 18th Inst. between the 4 mile tree on the Hickman road, and Capt. Youngs in Lexington, a pair of Saddle-bags containing shirts, stockings, and other cloaths, together with some papers which can be of use to the owner only. Any person who shall deliver the above articles to Capt. Young in this place, shall have five Dollars reward, by
Lexington, Oct. 20th 1788. JAMES BROWN. N.B. The cloaths are marked with the initials of my name. J. B.
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD.
WILL be paid to any person, who will apprehend and deliver Negroe Ben to the subscriber.---He eloped the beginning of this month. Has a wife at Capt. Fowlers, and probably lurks about that neighbourhood, or in the vicinity of this Town. JAMES WILKINSON.
Lexington Oct. 20th 1788.