Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1808-11-21 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 32, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1808.
[Whole No. 552.]
Tenth Congress... 2d Session.
Monday, Nov. 7, 1808.
Quorum of Members appearing in the Senate & House of Representatives, a joint Committee was appointed to wait on the President of the U. S. and inform him the two Houses were ready to receive any communications which he might have to make. The President returned for answer, that he would make a communication in writing at 12 o'clock to-morrow.
Tuesday, Nov. 8.
This day, at 12 o'clock, the PRESIDENT of the United States, communicated to both Houses of Congress, by Mr. Coles, his Secretary, the following
MESSAGE:
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States.
IT would have been a source, fellow-citizens, of much gratification, if our last communications from Europe had enabled me to inform you, that the belligerent nations, whose disregard to neutral rights has been so destructive to our commerce, had become awakened to the duty and true policy of revoking their unrighteous edicts. That no means might be omitted to produce this salutary effect. I lost no time in availing myself of the act authorizing a suspension, in whole or in part, of the several embargo laws. Our ministers at London and at Paris were instructed to explain to the respective governments there, our disposition to exercise the authority in such manner as would withdraw the pretext on which the aggressions were originally founded, & open the way for a renewal of that commercial intercourse which it was alleged on all sides had been reluctantly obstructed. As each of those governments had pledged its readiness to concur in renouncing a measure which reached its adversary through the incontestible rights of neutrals only, and as the measure had been assumed by each as a retaliation for an affected acquiescence in the aggressions of the other, it was reasonably expected that the occasion would have been seized by both for evincing the sincerity of their professions, and for restoring to the commerce of the United States its legitimate freedom. The instructions to our ministers with respect to the different belligerents were necessarily modified with a reference to their different circumstances, & to the condition annexed by law to the Executive power of suspension requiring a degree of security to our commerce which would not result from a repeal of the decrees of France. Instead of a pledge therefore of a suspension of the embargo as to her in case of such repeal, it was presumed that a sufficient inducement might be found in other considerations, and particularly in the change produced by a compliance with our just demands by one belligerent, and a refusal by the other, in the relations between this other and the United States. To Great Britain, whose power on the ocean is so attendant, it was deemed not inconsistent with that condition, to state explicitly, that on her rescinding her orders in relation to the United States their trade would be opened with her, and remain shut to her enemy in case of her failure to rescind her decrees also. From France no answer has been received, nor any indication that the requisite change in her decrees is contemplated. The favorable reception of the proposition to Great Britain was the less to be doubted as her orders of council had not only been referred for their vindication to an acquiescence on the part of the United States no longer to be pretended, but as the arrangement proposed, whilst it resisted the illegal decrees of France, involved moreover substantially, the precise advantages professedly aimed at by the British orders. The arrangement has nevertheless been rejected.
This candid and liberal experiment having thus failed, and no other event having occurred on which a suspension of the embargo by the Executive was authorized, it necessarily remains in the extent originally given to it. We have the satisfaction, however, to reflect that in return for the privations imposed by the measure, and which our fellow-citizens in general have borne with patriotism, it has had the important effects of saving our mariners and our vast mercantile property, as well as of affording time for prosecuting the defensive and provisional measures called for by the occasion. It has demonstrated to foreign nations the moderation and firmness, which govern our councils, and to our citizens the necessity of uniting in support of the laws and the rights of their country; and has thus long frustrated those usurpations and spoliations which, if resisted involved war, if submitted to, sacrificed a vital principle of our national independence.
Under a continuance of the belligerent measures, which in defiance of laws which contravert the rights of neutrals, overspread the ocean with danger, it will rest with the wisdom of Congress to decide on the course best adapted to such a state of things; and bringing with them, as they do, from every part of the union, the sentiments of our constituents, any confidence is strengthened that in forming this decision, they will, with an unerring regard to the essential rights and interests of the nation, weigh and compare the painful alternatives out of which a choice is to be made. Nor should I do justice to the virtues which on other occasions have marked the character of our fellow citizens, if I did not
cherish an equal confidence, that the alternative chosen, whatever it may be, will be maintained with all the fortitude and patriotism which the crisis ought to inspire.
The documents, containing the correspondences on the subject of the foreign edicts against our commerce, with the instructions given to our Ministers at London and Paris, are now laid before you.
The communications, made to Congress at their last session, explained the posture in which the close of the discussions relating to the attack by a British ship of war on the frigate Chesapeake left a subject on which the nation had manifested so honorable a sensibility. Every view of what had passed authorized a belief that immediate steps would be taken by the British government for redressing a wrong, which, the more it was investigated, appeared the more clearly to require what had not been provided for in the special mission. It is found that no steps have been taken for the purpose. On the contrary it will be seen, in the documents laid before you, that the inadmissible preliminary, which obstructed the adjustment, is still adhered to; and moreover that it is now brought into connection with the distinct and irreconcilable case of the orders in council. The instructions which had been given to our minister at London, with a view to facilitate, if necessary, the reparation claimed by the United States, are included in the documents communicated.
Our relations with the other powers of Europe have undergone no material changes since your last session. The important negotiations with Spain, which had been alternately suspended and resumed, necessarily experience a pause, under the extraordinary and intereasing crisis which distinguishes her internal situation.
With the Barbary powers we continue in harmony, with the exception of an unjustifiable proceeding of the Dey of Algiers towards our consul to that regency. Its character and circumstances are now laid before you, and will enable you to decide how far it may either now or hereafter call for any measures not within the limits of the Executive authority.
With our Indian neighbours the public peace has been steadily maintained. Some instances of individual wrong have, as at other times, taken place, but in no wise implicating the will of the nation. Beyond the Mississippi the Loways, the Sacs and the Alabamas have delivered up for trial and punishment individuals from among themselves accused of murdering citizens of the United States. On this hue the Mississippi the Creeks are exerting themselves to arrest offenders of the same kind, and the Choctaws have manifested their readiness and desire for amicable and just arrangements respecting depredations committed by disorderly persons of their tribe. And generally, from a conviction that we consider them as a part of ourselves, and cherish with sincerity their rights and interests, the attachment of the Indian tribes is gaining strength daily, is extending from the nearer to the more remote, and will amply requite us for the justice and friendship practised towards them. Husbandry and household manufacture are advancing among them, more rapidly with the Southern than Northern tribes, from circumstances of soil and climate, and one of the two great divisions of the Cherokee nation have now under consideration to folio the citizenship of the United States, and to be identified with us in laws and government in such progressive manner as we shall think best.
In consequence of the appropriations of the last session of Congress for the security of our seaport towns and harbors, such works of defence have been erected as seemed to be called for by the situation of the several places, their relative importance, and the scale of expense indicated by the amount of the appropriation. These works will chiefly be finished in the course of the present season, except at New-York and New-Orleans, where most was to be done; and although a great proportion of the last appropriation has been expended on the former place, yet some further views will be submitted to Congress for rendering its security entirely adequate against naval enterprise. A view of what has been done at the several places, and of what is proposed to be done, shall be communicated as soon as the several reports are received.
Of the gun-boats authorized by the act of December last, it has been thought necessary to build only one hundred and three in the present year. These, with those before possessed, are sufficient for the harbours and waters most exposed, and the residue will require little time for their construction when it shall be deemed necessary.
Under the act of the last session for raising an additional military force, so many officers were immediately appointed as were necessary for carrying on the business of recruiting, and in proportion as it is advanced, others have been added. We have reason to believe their success has been satisfactory, although such returns have not yet been received as enable me to present you a statement of the numbers engaged.
I have not thought it necessary, in the course of the last season to call for any general detachment of militia or of volunteers, under the laws passed for that purpose. For the ensuing season however they will be required to be in readiness, should their service be wanted. Some small and special detachments have been necessary to maintain the laws of embargo, on that portion of our northern frontier which offered peculiar facilities for evasion. But these were replaced as soon as it could be done by bodies of new recruits. By the aid of these, and of the armed vessels called into service in other quarters, the spirit of disobedience and abuse which manifested itself early, and with sensible effect while we were unprepared to meet it, has been considerably repressed.
Considering the extraordinary character of the times in which we live, our attention should unremittingly be fixed on the safety of our country. For a people who are free, and who mean to remain so, a well organized and armed militia is their best security. It is therefore incumbent on us, at every meeting, to revise the condition of the militia, and to ask ourselves if it is prepared to repel a powerful enemy at every point of our territories exposed to invasion? Some of the States have paid a laudable attention to this object; but every degree of neglect is to be found among others. Congress alone having the power to produce an uniform state of preparation in this great organ of defence; the interests which they so deeply feel in their own and their country's security will present this as among the most important objects of their deliberation.
Under the acts of March 11, and April 23, respecting arms, the difficulty of procuring them from abroad, during the present situation and dispositions of Europe, induced us to direct our whole efforts to the means of internal supply. The public factories have therefore been enlarged, additional machineries erected, and in proportion as artificers can be found or formed, their effect, already more than doubled, may be increased, so as to keep pace with the yearly increase of the militia. The annual sums appropriated by the latter act have been directed to the encouragement of private factories of arms, and contracts have been entered into with individual undertakers to nearly the amount of the first year's appropriation.
The suspension of our foreign commerce produced by the injustice of the belligerent powers, and the consequent losses and sacrifices of our citizens, are subjects of just concern. The situation into which we have thus been forced has impelled us to apply a portion of our industry and capital to internal manufactures and improvements. The extent of this conversion is daily increasing, and little doubt remains that the establishments formed & forming, will, under the auspices of cheaper materials and subsistence, the freedom of labor from taxation with us, and of protecting duties and prohibitions, become permanent. The commerce with the Indians too, within our own boundaries, is likely to receive abundant aliment from the same internal source, and will secure to them peace and the progress of civilization undisturbed by practices hostile to both.
The accounts of the receipts and expenditures during the year ending on the thirtieth day of September last, being not yet made up, a correct statement will hereafter be transmitted from the treasury. In the mean time it is ascertained that the receipts have amounted to near eighteen millions of dollars, which with the eight millions and an half in the treasury at the beginning of the year, have enabled us after meeting the current demands, and interest incurred, to pay two millions three hundred thousand dollars of the principal of our funded debt, and left us in the treasury on that day near fourteen millions of dollars. Of these, five millions three hundred and fifty thousand dollars will be necessary to pay what will be due on the first day of Jan. next, which will complete the reimbursement of the eight per cent. stock. These payments, with those made in the six years and an half preceding, will have extinguished thirty-three millions five hundred and eighty thousand dollars of the principal of the funded debt, being the whole which could be paid or purchased within the limits of the law and of our contracts, and the amount of principal thus discharged will have liberated the revenue from about two millions of dollars of interest, and added that sum annually to the disposable surplus. The probable accumulation of the surpluses of revenue beyond what can be applied to the payment of the public debt, whenever the freedom and safety of our commerce shall be restored, merits the consideration of Congress. Shall it be unproductive in the public vaults? Shall the revenue be reduced? or shall it not rather be appropriated to the improvements of roads, canals, rivers, education, and other great foundations of prosperity and union, under the powers which Congress may already possesses, or such amendment of the constitution as may be approved by the states? While uncertain of the course of things the time may be advantageously employed in obtaining the powers necessary for a system of improvement, should that be thought best.
Availing myself of this, the last occasion which will occur of addressing the two Houses of Legislature at their meeting, I cannot omit the expression of my sincere gratitude, for the repeated proofs of confidence manifested to me, by themselves and their predecessors since my call to the administration, and the many indulgencies experienced at their hands. The same grateful acknowledgements are due to my fellow-citizens generally, whose support has been my great encouragement under all embarrassments. In the transaction of their business I cannot have escaped error. It is incident to our imperfect nature. But I may say with truth my errors have been of the understanding, not of intention, and that the advancement of their rights and interests has been the constant motive for every measure. On these considerations I solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to their fu-
ture destinies, I trust that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities, I see a sure guarantee of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that Heaven has in store for our beloved country, long ages to come of prosperity and happiness.
TH: JEFFERSON.
November 8, 1808.
A REQUEST AND A REMARK.
The American reader is requested to use his endeavor to penetrate the "puzzling mazes" of the above Message, particularly the labyrinths in the paragraph which seem to have reference to our affairs with foreign nations; and "maugre" he may not be "indoctrinated" in the "convolutions" and "turgid phraseology" of the Gallic school; or "initiated" into the "Elusian mysteries," he may yet find "abundant aliment" to satisfy him, in those affairs the most flagrant partiality in favor of one power, and animosity against another, ex-fis.—Cent.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 9.
The documents accompanying the President's message being read, they were referred to a committee of the whole, and 5900 copies ordered to be printed.
CLOSED DOORS—No. 1.
The House went into secret session on the confidential part of the message.
THURSDAY, NOV. 10.
Mr. Chittenden, of Vermont, after a brief delineation of the evils suffered by his constituents, from the operation of the EMBARGO LAWS, moved, That they immediately be repealed.—Negatived 88 to 9. Mr. Chittenden then moved, that the motion be referred to a committee of the whole; which after some passionate debate, was carried.
Messrs. Cook and Cuts urged the immediate discussion of C's motion, which was assigned for Monday.
Mr. Eppes, (he President's son in law), then prepared two Resolutions, as amendments to Mr. C's motion. That after the day of—next, all intercourse ought to cease and determine between the United States, and G. Britain and France, their islands and dependencies. And that provisions ought to be made, by law, for arming 100,000 thousand militia, in addition to the 100,000 already ordered. Referred to the Committee of the whole.
Mr. Elliot moved, that copies of Mr. Gallatin's Embargo Instructions, be laid before Congress; to which, on motion of Mr. Williams, was added, and the name of all persons detected in violating the Embargo laws.
IN SENATE—Nov. 10, 1808.
Mr. Gile, submitted the following motion for consideration:—
Resolved, That so much of the President's Message as relates to the several Embargo Laws be referred to a select committee, with instructions to examine and report whether any further measures are necessary to enforce a due observance thereof during their continuance; and also, whether any further modification thereof be expedient, at this time; and that such committee have leave to report by bill or otherwise.
This motion is to be acted upon to morrow.
Mr. Smith, (of Md.) submitted the following motion for consideration:—
Resolved, That a committee be appointed to enquire whether any, & if any, what amendments are necessary to the militia laws of the United States.
The Senate have appointed Rev. Mr. Elliott, Chaplain.
From Washington, Nov. 6.
Yesterday some of the gentlemen of our house waited on the President, who appeared to converse with freedom on the concerns of this country and of Europe. He remarked that "propositions had been made by our government to Great Britain to suspend the Embargo, if they would remove the Orders in Council, and that they paid no attention to the proposals." He further remarked that "there seemed to be but three modes left for us to pursue—A continuance of the Embargo—War or Submission." The last no American can be so dastardly as to comply with. To fight, our great President has never shown any strong predilection—therefore we may safely infer that the Embargo must be the dernier resort . From all the information I can obtain, I have no doubt this efficient measure is the one in contemplation; but I am by no means certain that the administration and their adherents dare hazard the operation of these laws much longer. —N. Y. E. Post.
Another letter, same date, says, "There is a rumour in town this morning that the governor of this state has received fresh orders from the war department of the United States to have his quota of one hundred thousand militia, some time since drafted for actual service, organized so as to be ready to march at a moment's warning. What foundation there may be for the report we have not been able to learn." —Gaz. U. S.
Miscellaneous Selections.
THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.
We are sorry to find his Excellency the Governor so feeble in mind, as to forget the application of terms, most common in our language, and under flood by every man. Patulation and robbery he nicknames "mismanagement;" and the abuse of trust and public confi-
dence, an "unfortunate circumstance." We do not expect it, found, logical deductions from his Excellency, but certainly we had a right to have expected more plain dealing. What could have been more plain, and more honest, than simply to say, that the deficit of money in the Treasury, occasioned by the peculations of the late Treasurer, would probably be made good by those surcies, which the prudent wisdom of the government had required from all its officers entrusted with public money? If this was in "oppugnation" to his social feelings, why lay any thing about the affair? Mr. Skinner will not thank him for again obtruding his affair on the public attention; nor will the legislature consider the notice of any consequence whatever, except as an attempt to warmish over the conduct of a public default. —Boston Gaz.
DIGNIFIED ATTITUDE.
Much has been said by our Government about "national dignity;" and "high ground"—And much is also said by the very party , that is, the passive obedience and non-resistance men, on the same subject. These people advocate Embargoes, and Gun-boats, and Dry docks, and slashing armies , and home manufactures , and no commerce; and this they call national dignity, independence, high ground, and strong measures . Reader, look candidly at this for one moment, and then answer "Are these things so?" Does national dignity look better in a gun boat , than in a frigate ? Does Independence appear more imposing, while in shackles at home compelled to devour all the fruits of her industry than she would as liberty to dispose of her earnings abroad, and thus double their value? Is surrendering Commerce to our enemies, and retiring from the ocean to the mountains, to be considered politically , as it is literally , taking high ground ?—And is pointing all the bayonets of our army, and all the guns of our navy, against our own citizens to enforce obedience to the laws, to be considered a specimen of a proof, of those strong measures , which the government of an injured country ought to adopt towards its insolent aggressors in order to check their audacity, to chastize them for their insults, and to extort from the hands of Violence and Rapine a redress of injuries, and a restitution of plunder? Great God of our Fathers! where is the mantle of WASHINGTON? Was this the independence for which WASHINGTON fought?—Was this the high ground for which our fathers contended?—Was this the national dignity , which they bled to establish? Alas! Has not "the gold become dim?" —Dartmouth Gaz.
FROM THE IMPARTIAL OBSERVER:
COMMUNICATION.
ON THE TIMES.—In the years 1797, 98, and 99, France was in possession of a powerful Navy, but so little did the Administration fear her efforts, that we engaged in open hostility with her—our citizens scarcely knew we were at war except from the intelligence of the capture of French frigates, and French fifty gun ships. It is lamentable to observe how changed the times are. New masters, in sad truth have given new laws. Our Commerce then flourished, our Revenue increased, our Farmers' produce brought a higher price than at any former period. Our Navy and Commerce mutually assisted each other and flourished. Survey the present times fellow Citizens, and the sad reverse you will find displayed, is, that our Commerce is extinct, our Navy annihilated, the Gun-Boat system adopted (the bye-word and ridicule of every one,) our Farmers impoverished, many of our most useful and enterprising Merchants bankrupts. The destructive business of smuggling in full practice caused by those iniquitous laws which have been adopted. Our mariners gone to other countries to procure to themselves that support they were entitled to enjoy under their own government. Armies raised not to fight an enemy, but to point the bayonet against the breast of that peaceful, valuable, laborious, and enterprising class of Farmers who brave the difficulties of fertilizing a wilderness on the borders of the Nation! Why are all these evils heaped on us? To gratify a Tyrant, who is at this time wholly without the power to injure or even annoy us. Seduced by the most shameful, the most disgraceful partiality for France, our Rulers are now at complete variance with the political creed of that honor of our country—Washington. His language was—"let us deal justly and with strict impartiality with all Nations; to the end that when difficulties arise we may be able to put them in the wrong." He had experienced the tyranny of British councils, and was well acquainted with the sinister motives and seductive arts of France. He well knew that every Nation is governed by the maxims of self-interest, and that to exalt the American interest & name should be our primary object, our continual pole Star, guiding, governing and directing us at all times. AN AMERICAN.
The Legislature of Vermont, on the 11th inst. adjourned sine die .

Foreign Intelligence.
BALTIMORE, NOV. 9.
One Day Later.
We are indebted to a friend for the "Globe," a London paper of the 25th of September.
We have made the following Summary in haste:—
Letters from Stockholm and Gotemburgh of the 12th and 16th of September, mention that the Russian Admiral at Port Bahick, had offered to capitulate on condition of his fleet being unrigged and not permitted to serve during the war.—In it as of this, the allies demanded that five sail of the line and six frigates should be surrendered, and the rest placed in the above situation. This was not acceded to by the Russians. Sir James Saumarez is said to be sanguine that the whole will be captured or destroyed.
They also speak of a reported defeat at the Swedes north of Abo—and that the Russians have sent a reinforcement of 20,000 men into Finland.
It appears by an article dated "Melida del Campo, 4th September," that the French occupied Provenzas, Exentas, and Navarre; and that the Spanish troops of Arragon and Valencia have entered Tudela.
Another article dated "Biscay, 12th September," states, on the authority of Madrid letters of the 3d, that 76,000 Andalusians were on their march to Madrid. The united army would thus amount to 130,000, with whom it was intended to flank the French. The principal body of French troops was near Tudela, and amounted to 20,000, to watch whom the Spaniards have 24,000.
Letters from Lisbon and Oporto, of the 11th and 12th Oct. mention a number of causes of complaint existing between the British & natives, principally relating to military co-operations. The English have taken the lead, and the jealousy of the Portuguese have been excited about their mode of conducting. The Portuguese Andrade has formally protested against the convention with Junot.
Bonaparte had not left Paris on the 15th Sept. His destination is said to be Strasburgh, where the members of the Rhenish Confederacy were to meet him.
The movements on the continent will indicate an early renewal of hostilities with Austria, who has assumed an undismayed attitude. Her army is formed into eight divisions, each commanded by a field marshal. The archduke Charles generalissimo, minister of war and supreme in all matters of military jurisdiction.
The duke of Sudermania has assumed the command of the Swedish army on the frontiers of Norway, which affords a conjecture that the plan against it will be resumed.
Three days after the first French division were, by convention, to embark from Portugal, not one soldier had left it.
An action is reported to have taken place between the French and British near Corunna, in which the latter were victorious.
By an order in council of the 21st September, all Portuguese property detained since the occupation of Portugal, by the French, is directed to be restored.
Legislature of Massachusetts.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
MONDAY, NOV. 14, 1808.
When the House assembled, at 9 o'clock, the discussion of the "Order and Direction" of the Legislature was resumed. It was opposed by Messrs. M c Farland, Morton, Welton, of N. G. Bangs, Ripley, and others; who asserted, that no order of the kind could be constitutional, unless it had passed, or been acted upon by all three branches of the "Legislature." Mr. Cutler, of North-Yarmouth, replied to Mr. M c F.—and in a very cogent and argumentative speech, defended the measure on the table, and demonstrated its constitutional and expediency, to the satisfaction of every impartial auditor. The measure was also ably advocated by Messrs. Gore, Thatcher, Channing, Ives, Bigelow, (of L.) Whitman, & others.
The debates continued until near three o'clock, when the question was taken by Yeas and Nays, as follows:—
Yeas — 244 } Majority. 40. Nays — 204 }
The House adjourned until four; when a few minutes after, the Hon. Senate came in, and formed a Convention of both branches of the Legislature. The President having stated the object of the Convention to be the choice of Nineteen Electors of President and Vice-President; a committee of five was raised to collect the votes—Which done, the chairman reported, that the whole number of Votes was
269—and that the following Patriots and Statesmen were UNANIMOUSLY elected:—
 ELECTORS, &c.  Hon. CALFB STRONG, } at large.  Hon. FRANCIS DANA, }  Suffolk District, Hon. JOHN BROOKS, of Medford.  Essex S. MOSES BROWN, Esq. Beverly.  Essex N. WM. BARTLETT, Esq. Newburyport.  Middlesex, EBENEZER BRIDGE, Esq. Chelsea.  Worcester S. BENJ. HEYWOOD, Esq. Worcester.  Worcester N. JOSIAH STEARNS, Esq. Lunenburg.  Hampshire S. JOHN HOOKER, Esq. Springfield.  Hampshire N. JOHN BARRETT, Esq. Northfield.  Berkshire, DANIEL DEWEY, Esq. Williamstown.  Norfolk, EBENEZER WARREN, Esq. Foxborough.  Bristol, SAMUEL TOBEY, Esq. Bristol.  Plymouth, JOSHUA THOMAS, Esq. Plymouth.  Barnstable, &c. LEMUEL WILLIAMS, Esq. New Bedford.  Tork, ANDREW P. FERNALD, Esq. Kittery.  Cumberland, SAMUEL FREEMAN, Esq. Portland.  Kennebec, SAMUEL S. WILDE, Esq. Hallowell.  Lincoln, JEREMIAH BAILEY, Esq. Wiscasset. 
WEDNESDAY, NOV. 16.
A motion, that six thousand copies of the Report of the Committee on the subject of the Restrictions on our Foreign Commerce, be printed and distributed throughout the Commonwealth, with the Yeas and Nays annexed.
A motion for the purpose of expressing the opinion of the Legislature on the British Orders of Council and French Decrees, affecting the Commerce of the United States, was laid on the table by Mr. Crowninshield.
An order from the Hon. Senate, that the Communication from his Excellency the Governor to the Hon. Council, on the 15th day of February last, and the report of the committee of council thereon, be printed in pamphlets, and that a thousand copies be struck off for the use of Members of the General Court—all of which were severally read and committed.
A Protest from the Minority, against the mode adopted by the Legislature, in choosing Electors of President and Vice-President, was presented, and a motion made that the same be entered on the Journal. Carried unanimously.
A resolve granting money to the Solicitor, to defray expenses of certain suits against Thompson J. Skinner, and his sureties, was read and passed.
Afternoon—The Committee on the Order of the Hon. Senate, for printing 1000 copies of the communication from his Excellency the Governor to the Hon. Council on the 15th Feb. last, and the report of the Committee of the Council thereon—Reported that the House concur with the Senate, which was read and accepted.
The Committee on the motion for printing the Report of the Committee on the subject of the restrictions on our Foreign Commerce, reported a Resolve—read and accepted.
The Committee on the motion for the purpose of expressing the opinion of the Legislature, on the orders and decrees affecting the Commerce of the United States—reported, That the further consideration of the subject be referred to the next session of the General Court; and on the question whether the house would accept the report, it was determined in the affirmative—199 members in the affirmative, and 78 in the negative.
PATRIOTIC RESOLUTIONS.
On Tuesday, in the House of Representatives, Resolutions were reported, to instruct the Senators, and request the Representatives of this State, in Congress, to use their utmost endeavors to effect a repeal of the Embargo Laws; and to express the opinion of the Legislature, that no point of etiquette ought to be permitted to operate as a bar to arrangements which involve the peace and prosperity of the country. After an animated debate, which continued until a late hour last evening, they passed by the following honorable majority:
For them, 236 } Majority, 89 Against them, 147 }
The Senate took up these Resolutions yesterday afternoon, and after considerable debate, agreed in a Resolution of concurrence.
BOSTON, NOV. 18.
We have not room for the particulars of the two last days proceedings of the General Court. The subject of the greatest consequence was the following
PATRIOTIC RESOLUTIONS.
THE Committee appointed to consider, "Whether it be expedient for this Legislature to adopt any measures with a view to procure a repeal of the Laws of the United States interdicting to the citizens all foreign Commerce, and imposing vexatious embarrassments on the existing Trade; to relieve the people of this Commonwealth from their present distressed state, and to arrest the progress of that ruin which threatens to involve all classes of their community," ask leave to report:—
That the Committee perceive with the most serious regret, that the distresses occasioned by the several laws imposing an Embargo have borne with extreme and increasing pressure upon the people, and every day's experience justifies a belief, that a continuance of these laws must soon become intolerable.
As measures of coercion they are now acknowledged to be altogether impotent.—They afford satisfaction to France, and are regarded as ineffectual demonstrations of a hostile disposition by Great-Britain.—Upon our own country, their effects are becoming daily & palpably more injurious.—The produce of our agriculture, of our forests, and our fisheries is excluded altogether from every foreign market; our Merchants and Mechanics are deprived of employment; our coasting trade is interrupted and harassed by grievous embarrassments; and our foreign trade is becoming diverted into channels from which there is no prospect of its return.—The sources of our Revenue are dried up, and Government must soon resort to direct Taxation—Our Sailors
are forced to expatriate themselves—Strong temptations are afforded to systematical evasions of the laws, which tend to corrupt the spirit of honorable Commerce, and will materially injure the public morals. In fact, the evils which are menaced by a continuance of this policy are so enormous and deplorable; the suspension of Commerce is so contrary to the habits of our people, and so repugnant to their feeling and interests, that they must soon become intolerable, and endanger our domestic Peace, and the Union of the States. As the Embargo Laws have been the cause of the publick distress, your Committee are of opinion, that no equal, permanent or effectual relief can be afforded to the Citizens of this Commonwealth but by the repeal of these laws.—They persuade themselves that the Congress of the United States must be fully impressed with a sense of the total inefficacy of these laws for any valuable purpose, and of their direct tendency to the most serious consequences. Your Committee therefore trust, that Congress will not fail to repeal them. In this confidence, therefore, your Committee are of opinion, that, upon this subject, the Legislature should, in its present session, confine itself to a repeated disapprobation of the laws interdicting foreign commerce, and to instructing our Senators and requesting our Representatives in Congress to use their utmost exertions to procure their repeal.
Your Committee might probably have contented themselves with the preceding remarks, had not the late Message of the President of the United States excited the most serious alarm; which in the present critical state of the country they conceive it a duty to express.—They perceive with the most painful regret, that in the estimation of the President, our country is now presented with the only alternative of a continual Embargo, or a ruinous war; but they cannot hesitate to express their confident belief that the wisdom of the Government may yet find means to avoid the necessity of electing between these great public calamities. If however, this severe necessity exists in regard to Great Britain, they are led by the Message to presume it results, in a great measure if not entirely, from the determination of the Executive to adhere to the Proclamation of July, 1807, interdicting all British ships of war from the waters of the United States; which has been, and as we infer from the Message, is still deemed by the British Government a measure so inhospitable and offensive, if not hostile in its character, as to form an insuperable obstacle to amicable adjustment. Upon this delicate and important subject, the Committee are far from asserting, that the attack on the Frigate Chesapeake did not justify the original issuing of the Proclamation, and enforcing it so long as the injury might be presumed to have the sanction of the British Government.—But as this violation of neutral rights was promptly and explicitly disavowed by the Sovereign of the aggressor, before the remonstrances or measures of our government could be known; as the right to search our national ships was expressly disclaimed, and a special Envoy deputed for the professed object of making to our government a full, satisfactory, and public reparation on the single condition of a previous revocation of this Proclamation; your committee are constrained to declare their opinions, that such a revocation, under such circumstances, would not have involved any dishonourable concession, or an abandonment of any just right or pretension; but would have been a full, reasonable, and magnanimous pledge of the sincerity of the wishes of the American Government, to restore the accustomed relations of peace and amity between the two countries. This course must have compelled the British Envoy to have offered that ample and honourable reparation, which would have been deemed by our own nation, and by the world, an adequate atonement for the outrage; or have justified in the event of its refusal, not only the renewal of the Proclamation, but the adoption of measures of the most vigorous and hostile description.
But even on the presumption that the course adopted by the Government, in refusing to revoke the Proclamation as a preliminary to an adjustment of that controversy, be sanctioned by the usages of nations, and the justice of our claims; your Committee are still of opinion, that a punctilious adherence to diplomatick forms and precedents should not be maintained, at the risk of war, by a nation whose genius and policy are pacifick; & which, while justly jealous of the national honour and independence, looks principally to the substantial security of those blessings, and regards as insignificant those petty contentions, which originating in courtly pride and vanity, frequently terminate in bloody wars. And they therefore think that this Proclamation ought not, in the present situation of Europe and this country, to remain as the only, or even as the principal barrier to the restoration of our amicable relations with the British Nation.
Your Committee therefore ask leave to report the following Resolutions:
Resolved, That the Senators of this Commonwealth in Congress be instructed, and the Representatives thereof requested, to use their most strenuous exertions to procure an immediate repeal of the various Laws imposing an Embargo on the ships & vessels of the United States, as the only equal and effectual means of affording permanent relief to the Citizens of this Commonwealth from the aggravated evils which they now experience.
Resolved, That although this Legislature would cheerfully support the general government in the prosecution of a just and necessary War, yet they cannot perceive the necessity intimated in the Message of the President to Congress, of continuing the Embargo, or resorting to War; that it is not the policy of the United States, to engage in a controversy with any nation, upon points of diplomatick usage, or equivocal right, provided substantial reparation for injuries can be obtained; and that the revocation of the Proclamation interdicting the British ships of war from our waters, ought not, in the opinion of the Legislature, to be deemed an inadmissible preliminary which should obstruct the adjustment of the controversy between the United States and Great Britain.
[Signed by the Speaker of the House and President of the Senate.]
Massachusetts Electors.
Though no man of sense, who has read the Constitutions of Massachusetts and the United States, can hesitate a moment in pronouncing the constitutionality of the proceedings of the Legislature of this State, in the appointment of Electors; yet as the papers in the pay of the Executive, have attempted to deceive the public on the subject, we give the following opinion of a Pennsylvanian on the subject.
[Continued.]
From the Philadelphia Freeman's Journal.
MASSACHUSETTS ELECTORS.—It is supposed that a question will arise in Congress, when assembled in joint convention to receive and count the votes for President and Vice-President, whether the electoral votes of Massachusetts shall be received? The Constitution of the United States has decreed, that each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, but has created no tribunal to judge in the case of the election of President and Vice-President; nor has any such tribunal been created by law. Indeed, it would be extremely questionable whether such a law would be constitutional. There is, however, a law of the United States upon the subject of the election of President and Vice-President, which, after recognizing the constitutional right of the State Legislatures to direct the appointment of Electors, declares that the votes of the Electors thus appointed, shall be received and counted by the two Houses of Congress. But there is another provision in the law, which it is supposed will affect the present case. Although it is peremptorily enacted, that the Electors shall meet, give their suffrages, and transmit them to the seat of the general government, without the intervention of any other power or person whatever; yet it is made the duty of the Executive of each state, to furnish the Electors with a certificate containing the evidence of their appointment. But no penalty is consequent upon the neglect or refusal of the State Executives to perform this act, & it is not declared that the votes shall be rejected, if they come unaccompanied by the certificate. Certainly, Congress possess no constitutional power to punish a branch of the state government for refusing to obey its mandates, and of course it would be absurd in the extreme, to say that the vote of a state must be lost, because the Governor may not choose to perform an act which Congress has no power to command him to perform. Congress have power to pass all laws necessary and proper to carry into effect the powers vested in the general government, but with the election of President and Vice-President, they have nothing to do as the Congress of the United States, but to collect and count the votes, and declare the persons elected. Upon a fair construction of the Constitution, Congress can only require evidence of the authority under which the Electors act, from the Electors themselves, or from the State Legislatures, which are empowered to direct the mode of their appointment. It is evident, however, that cases may occur, in which Congress must, from the necessity of the thing, exercise a species of judicial authority in reference to this election. Two distinct electoral bodies might meet in the same State, each claiming to be the constitutional Electors, and of course demanding that its own votes should be received, to the exclusion of the other. In this case, Congress must determine which was the genuine electoral board, and of course must act, quoad hoc , as a judge of the election. Hence it will be contended, with plausibility at least, that Congress may, in all cases, undertake to determine whether the persons claiming to be considered as Electors, were constitutionally and legally appointed.
It is expected that the Governor of Massachusetts will withhold the certificate of which we have been speaking under the idea that the Electors of that state are not appointed agreeably to the Constitution of the United States; it being understood that the two branches of the State Legislature intend to choose the Electors without requesting the co-operation of the Executive. The Constitution of the United States provides that each state shall appoint, a certain number of Electors in such manner as the legislature thereof, shall direct; and that two Senators shall be chosen in each state by the legislature thereof. It has never been supposed that the Executive of a state was entitled to any agency, direct or indirect, in the election of Senators of the United States; and it is obvious, from the adoption of the same mode of expression in the two cases, that the State Authority which should elect the Senators, and direct the mode of appointing Electors, was contemplated, by the framers of the federal constitution, to be one and the same. The Constitution of the United States, in declaring that "All legislative powers therein granted shall be vested in the Senate and House of Representatives," has clearly indicated that, in the contemplation of its
framers, the Executive was not considered as a component branch of the legislature.—
Expressio unius est exclusio alterius. By vesting all legislative power in the Representatives of the states, and the People, the Executive is excluded from the exercise of any legislative power. As the Constitution, however, is a system of checks and balances, the Executive is constituted a sort of Roman tribune, and has a qualified veto upon the proceedings of the Legislature. Bills, before they can become laws, must receive the approbation of the President, or be reacted by two thirds of both Houses of Congress.—All legislative powers therefore, strictly speaking, are vested in two thirds of both branches of the National Legislature; for, by the exercise of their will, bills, become laws, the constitutional negative of the President to the contrary notwithstanding. The President, in exercising his veto, does not act as a legislator, but performs an executive function, that of checking the Legislature in a certain manner, and to a certain extent. It is of the essence of legislation to originate, deliberate, and adopt or reject; but the Executive, in the formation of a law, can originate nothing. Deliberation, as applied to legislative proceeding, in republican governments, can only be considered as the act of a member, of a body of representatives; the spirit of republicanism excluding every idea of legislation by one, which is the appropriate characteristic of despotism. These principles are applicable to the constitutions of the several states, as well as to that of the United States.
It will follow, then, if the Electors of Massachusetts are appointed by the Senate and House of Representatives of that State, that they are appointed "in such manner as the Legislature thereof shall direct," and of course appointed agreeably to the Constitution of the United States. If they assemble, give their votes, and forward them to the seat of government, although they should not be accompanied by a certificate from the Governor, they must be received; for the same law which directs that the Governor shall give such a certificate, a duty which the National Legislature had no right to require him, and has not undertaken to compel him, to perform, has also declared that the votes of the Electors shall be received and counted, a provision which it was clearly competent to make. It is not to be presumed, therefore, that Congress will reject the votes of Massachusetts, under circumstances of this description; as in doing so it would be guilty of a daring violation of the constitutional rights of that state and a gross usurpation of undelegated power.
By the Gails.
RICHMOND, NOV. 8.
The American Conscription for the year 1809,
IT seems that orders from Washington City arrived here on Friday last, for the immediate raising and equipping upwards of Ten thousand Militia to be held in readiness to march at a moment's warning. Conjecture is all alive as to the use intended by the Emperor Thomas for this hasty call.
Citizens of Virginia are you ready to turn out! We know that your answer is, yes... in defence of our country we are always ready... but we know that you like us will accompany the declaration with this question: for what are we to equip!... is it to fight the French the English or who!... would to God that we could answer you. Be it then known to you that the order has come from the Secretary at War to our Executive here, unaccompanied with a single reason!... no object is assigned! It is the peremptory order from the War Office!
Citizens of Virginia, we wish not to alarm you unnecessarily upon any occasion whatever, but we venture to say (and as long as we are at liberty, we will speak and write) that even Bonaparte himself has never called out his Militia without assigning a cause accompanying the call! Good God! are we come to this despotic crisis, when we are ordered to prepare for Battle, and our Officers not even deign to inform us who our Enemy is! you, our fellow-citizens, will pause and ponder! and then with us you will shed a tear over our fallen liberties!—Spirit of Washington, whether hast thou fled! we beseech thee to intercede for us once more: our national offences against thy advice have been many: we have estranged ourselves from thy laws, and there is no help in us: we beseech thee to intercede with thy God that he will have mercy upon us... for we are poor indeed and miserably perverse! change our national hearts, and place us once more in the right way.—V. Gaz.
Whether it arises from a contemptible opinion of the Executive of the U. States towards the Executive of Virginia, nor from any other cause we know not, or shall we presume certainly to say, but be the cause what it may, we state this fact, the Secretary of War has ordered our Executive to raise and equip, and to have ready at a moment's warning, upwards of 10,000 Militia—Our Executive knows no more than we do for what purpose this army is to be raised! And we confess that we know no more of its destination than we do of the man in the moon.—Ibid
From Washington Nov. 10.
In the House of Representatives this day, an animated, but desultory conver-

ation was produced by a resolution, offered by a member from Vermont, declaring that the Embargo Laws ought to be immediately repealed.—Messrs. Dana, Quincy, Eliot, &c. took side in favor of the proposition. Messrs. Mason, Campbell, Alston, Troup &c. treated it with great warmth and bitterness.—They were for having the resolution immediately and indignantly rejected.—They deemed it disrespectful to the President; and to adopt it would be little short of voting away the independence and honor of the country. The resolution was finally committed to a committee of the whole House, and made the order of the day for Monday next.
Mr. Eppes submitted two resolutions to the house, which were both referred to the committee of the whole house; the 1st declaring that after blank day next, all intercourse between the United States and G. Britain, and her dependencies should cease: the 2d to declare the same with regard to France and her dependencies.
Mr. Elliot submitted a resolution calling on the Secretary of the Treasury to lay before the House copies of the instructions which had been forwarded to the Collectors relative to the Execution of the Embargo laws—to which an addition was afterwards made, requiring the names and places of residence of such persons as had been detected in evading the said laws—Agreed to.—Adjourned.
Presidential Electors Chosen.
 New-Hampshire —7—Federalists—chosen by general ticket.  Connecticut —9—Federalists, chosen by the Legislature.  Vermont —6—Democrats, chosen by the Legislature. Vermont has a federal Governor, who did not interfere in the election.  Pennsylvania —20—Democrats, chosen by general ticket.  New-York —19—Democrats, chosen by the Legislature. 16 of these are understood to be Clintonians.  New-Jersey —8—Democrats, chosen by general ticket, but expected to be rechosen by the Legislature to legalize their votes. 
Portland,
Monday, November 21, 1808.
On the subject of the President's message, published in the first page of this day's Gazette, we select the following remarks:
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
Notwithstanding the studied obfuscation and obnubilation of the President's stile, those who read his message, will perceive too plainly, in spite of the smoke and clouds, that he is still inextricably determined to prevent an adjustment of our differences with Great-Britain. Mr. Jefferson knows, and every public man ought to know, that the Proclamation by which the particular Navy of one Belligerent is forbidden the use of our ports, while these ports are free to the other, is inconsistent with neutrality, and of consequence may be justly viewed as a species of hostility.—If then, Great-Britain thus considers it, how is it possible she can comply with our propositions for the rescinding of her orders of council, without dishonor? Or how can she now, without debasing herself, make any new attempts at reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake, after she has wholly disavowed the act in every form, and sent an honorable Embassy to make the amends, which we were so far from receiving properly, that we kept in force an insulting and hostile act, as if on purpose, to render all reparation impossible.— Pallad.
What is the course which the President recommends and wishes carried into effect, as it respects our own country? The only satisfaction we can derive from the Message, on this important point, is to be obtained by inference. He says the embargo saves our "mariners and our vast mercantile property"—that the continuance of the belligerent measures overspread the ocean with danger—that from the experience we have had a complete manufacturing system may be established and be made permanent. What else can any man understand from these insinuations, but a disposition to perpetuate the EMBARGO? It is true, war with belligerents is suggested as one of the "painful alternatives" before us. Mr. Jefferson has not the most remote idea of declaring war against England and France Against England he dares not, without better grounds to satisfy his country, and better means of prosecuting it than he has at present. Against France he will not, or he would never have borne the violation of a solemn treaty, two years, with impunity. We say then that an indefinite continuance of the EMBARGO is intended, as we are to presume, from the passages we have noted, and from the well known character of the President. Ponder, fellow-citizens, at your destiny.
The suggestion in the Message in favour of taking funds from the national Treasury to be applied to purposes of local benefit, the document before us is sufficiently explicit. Inhabitants of New-England, read
for yourselves and repress your indignation if you can. By your industry and your enterprise, you cut roads through your forests, and you facilitate your inland navigation, which is to be for your own benefit, by your private funds and exertions. In the same manner, and with the same laudable spirit, you provide for the education of your children: You ask no aid from government, but on the other hand, you contribute, in the northern section of the union, much the largest proportion of the national revenue. These your hard earnings, your taxes to government, which it has ever been understood, were for national purposes, your President proposes to expend, where these objects have been neglected. A plan grossly unjust in itself, and opening a door for political corruption, which it is no violation of charity to suppose was a motive to this recommendation. All this too, when it is as certain as fate that if either of the "painful alternatives" to which the Executive limits our views, is adopted, in a very short time, we shall be without a dollar in the Treasury.— Repertory.
Our beloved President, in his last Message to his beloved country, seems to be more troubled with the difficulty of disposing of the surplus of revenue, after the national debt is paid, than with all the other calamities which bear upon us. It is humbly suggested to him that Titus Hutchinson, Esq. is President of the Vermont State-Bank—that that bank seems to want capital, there being no deposit in its vaults to meet the trifling amount towards half a million of dollars in bills in circulation—and that as, in the learned opinion of the said Hutchinson, it is an indictable offence for a man holding the bank notes of the Vermont State-Bank to demand the money in payment—that a committee of one member [viz. the Hon. James Fisk] be appointed on that part of the President's Message which relates to the disposition of these surpluses & that the said committee negotiate a loan of the surpluses, to the Vermont State-Bank, without interest, from and after the time when the debts of the United States, including Louisiana Stock, &c. &c. the expense of erecting the dry-dock, building gun boats, paying the expenses of Col. Burr's trials, and of the prosecutions in Connecticut, shall be punctually and honorably paid and discharged.— Con. Crar.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
MR SULLIVAN. A PIECE signed "BRUNSWICK," appeared in the Argus of Oct. 20th last. In common with too many democratic communications to the public, it is a tissue of deceptions, which I shall endeavor to expose. In the first place, the writer, by assuming the name of Brunswick , endeavors to impose a belief, that the inhabitants had employed him as the organ of their sentiments and feelings, and that the legal and regular proceedings of the town, in relation to the Embargo, were merely the proceedings of a few unauthorised individuals. The fact is, the majority of the voters in Brunswick, are federalists. At the meeting in April, the votes for Governor were 153 for Christopher Gore, and 137 for James Sullivan. This was as full a meeting of the democrats, as has been known, and no doubt, they were all present, except those who were out of town, or sick; for the leaders of that party, in this place, are indefatigable, and extremely successful in their exertions to rally their forces. With what view, then, does the writer seize on the name of Brunswick ? Doubtless, as before observed, to deceive the public.
Further, the same writer says, "150 of the legal voters in this town signed their dissent to the proceedings of the federalists." This is another deception. For at the meeting on the first Monday of November instant, all the votes, which the democrats could make and scrape for their candidate, (100) were but 106, while those given for Ezekiel Whitman, were 169. It is therefore utterly incredible, that one hundred and fifty legal voters could be found, who would subscribe the dissent. If names, therefore, were not obtained by collusion, how were they obtained? "The republicans of Brunswick," says their mouthpiece, "indignant at the vile insinuations, which go to impeach their honor and integrity, pledge themselves, that 150 of the legal voters in that town, signed their dissent to the proceedings of the Federalists." The Federalists of Brunswick, are confident, that "150 legal voters, in Brunswick, did not sign that dissent." The republicans are now challenged to prove their assertion, and redeem their pledge, or stand convicted of pledging themselves to a known falsehood; and their "honor and integrity" must shift for themselves as well as they can. In the mean time, a few suggestions may assist them, in showing the public, the number and kind of folks, whose names are subscribed to this dissent.
First, ten democrats have declared, that they did not sign that paper. Secondly, it is said, and we believe it, that the names of several democrats were subscribed without their consent, or even knowledge. One democrat told the writer of this communication, that he, though requested, refused to sign, and that he had heard, that his name was on the dissenting paper. Thirdly, a principal agent in that signing business, confessed, that some minors subscribed the paper, and some who, though of age, were not vo-
ters. Fourthly, it is said, that a zealous republican father, subscribed for two sons. Fifthly, one democrat confessed, that he signed, without consideration, from the urgent persuasions of some leading democrats, and that he would have given five dollars to get his name erased. Sixthly & lastly, (and very cautiously be it spoken) Sir Richard Rum was, it is said, most briskly engaged in stimulating the patriotism, & mellowing the hearts of the embargo lovers; and, it is supposed, was very successful. The fees paid him for his aid, must have been considerable. One man, (an "office-holder",) having, it is said, contributed for his share, one dollar.
Now allow the democrats in Brunswick to have been, at that time, 137, the highest number they ever had. From this deduct 10, according to our first head. Suppose 5 more, under the second head; 10 more for minors and unqualified voters, according to the third head; 2 more, under the fourth head; and 4 more, for the fifth and sixth heads, which appears to be a moderate calculation, and the whole deduction will be 31. Subtract these from 137, and one hundred and six will remain, which is the amount of the democratic numbers on the first Monday of this month. To this number the democrats are entitled, and to no more, until they prove their claim, which they are defied to do.
"Brunswick," says a republican, "would not gratify the impertinence and malevolence of a federalist, when offered five dollars to show the names to the protest." This is a paltry cloak to cover the fears of the democrats, and the federalists demand a sight of the paper.—He says further, "The republicans of Brunswick made no opposition to the proceedings of the federalists, & did not attend their meetings."
This is not true. At the Brunswick meeting on account of the embargo, several democrats were present, and did make opposition by their speeches in the hearing of the writer.—As a party they did not generally attend; nor did the Federalists: 80 only being present out of 169. But why did not the democrats attend, and enter their dissent on the records of the town? Why did they not, as friends to their country, step forward, and show their deluded fellow-citizens the folly and wickedness of petitioning the President to remove the embargo—which they pretend to believe, is so wise, so dignified a measure, and so salutary to the interests of the United States?
Why did they, as individuals, meet at a tavern, and obtain by all the means in their power, names to a dissent or protest, which many present, it is presumed, did not understand, and some perhaps could not read? Why hire a man, and send him three days' journey round the town, to pick up every name, that could possibly be drawn into the motley assemblage on their paper? No satisfactory or honorable answers can be given to these questions. Further—what does this defender of the democrats mean by saying, that "they saw a few individuals assuming the rights and privileges of all," &c. &c.? The town meeting was legally notified. Every voter was summoned to attend. The vote to petition the President was fairly passed; and all those, who were voluntarily absent, were to be considered as concurring in that vote; otherwise no proceeding whatever of a town meeting can possibly be deemed the act of the town, unless an absolute majority of all the legal voters be present at such meeting, and actually agree in the measure. The "peculiar arrogance," therefore, of "assuming the rights" of others, belongs exclusively to the dissenting democrats; and to them, also, belongs the meanness of seeking by private, individual opposition, to invalidate the open, public and legal proceedings of the town. Much more might be said on the subject of the communication of "Brunswick;" but my view and design has been to show the public the unfairness of democratic conduct in this town, and to contrast their proceedings with those of the Federalists, that all candid men may see the difference of spirit between the parties. I know not the writer of either the piece in your paper of the 26th of Sept, nor of that signed "Brunswick." The spirit and tenor of this last excited my surprise; and I thought its misrepresentations ought to be exposed and corrected. This I have attempted to do, and shall conclude, by requesting the democrats in this town, in any future communications to the public, only to publish truth; and they may rest assured that the Federalists will meet them on any ground, which they may choose to take.—Perish Federalism, perish every Federalist, if their cause cannot be supported without the aid of Falshood!
FEDERAL BRUNSWICK.
STANDING ARMY.
A letter from Washington, Nov. 9th, published in the Philadelphia Gazette, says—"We have nothing new—except an expectation that an additional standing army will be raised, as the secretary of war is now preparing the returns for 22,000 men, with the expense of equipments, &c."
Every one asks, what are so many troops raising for, and nobody can answer, but by conjecture. Are they to act against a foreign foe, or to keep in awe the free-born sons of New-England?— Salem Gazette.
"Lean looking prophets whisper fearful change, Rich men look sad, and Ruffians dance and leap."
From what we can gather among the democrats, it appears that the nation is still to be cursed with the embargo, or we are to have a war with the world. It is uniformly thought that our good friends the French might be pacified if we resisted England. But Napoleon is determined to hold the destinies of nations in his own hands. He will not only be obeyed—but the world shall know that he is obeyed—to this implicit obedience, whatever the government might do, the people will not submit.—We must therefore resist—England will not give up the right of search—we must therefore resist. The embargo is at present no resistance, we must of course go to war. We hear now of the militia being held in readiness—of armies being formed on our northern and southern frontiers, and armies of reserve in the heart of our country. What are we to think of these things?— Wash. Fed.
A rumour reached town last Saturday, (and spread like wild-fire into the country) that Congress had raised the embargo; and that a prospect was thereby exhibited of having better times. This report, as was to be expected, made its exit with the going down of the sun.—From the obstinacy evinced by democratic members of Congress in support of their favorite measure, we should judge that nothing better than the embargo laws can be expected at present. If they change the name of this O garb-me monster to a non intercourse law , its operation will probably be nearly the same. Our limits will not admit the Congressional debates which have come to hand. As a specimen of the disposition of some of the members relative to the embargo, we insert the following observations—occasioned by Mr. Chittenden's resolution for referring the consideration of the embargo laws to a committee of the whole house on the state of the union. Its discussion was to take place on Monday last.
Mr. Troup, a member from Georgia, observed that "he had voted against the consideration of the resolution proposed by the gentleman from Vermont, because he wished that any attempt to repeal the embargo laws might be rejected with indignation."
Mr. G. W. Campbell, a member from Tennessee, said "he would as indignantly reject this motion, as he would a motion for the present of the independence of this country."
As the "coarse and vulgar abuse," which, it is said, cost a certain "college learnt" "debating Doctor," "days and nights together," to form into editorial paragraphs for the last Argus, appear better calculated to grace "the purlieus of some noted places in London," than to enforce conviction on the minds even of "blockheads," our duty to the patrons of the Gazette, forbids the occupation of its columns with refutations of assertions, apparently more preposterous, though prompted by the same power that instigated the Knights of the Rueful Countenance to do penance for his Mistress in the Black Mountains!
"In ghosts the Doctor strongly did believe And pinn'd his faith on many a liar's fleet."
A quickly paper , we understand, has recently been established in Boston, whose nourishment is to be Federal Lies. We are sensible that lies are the principal nourishment of all Democratic Papers; but this paper, we fear, from the aliment it is to depend on, will become a very weakly thing indeed.
To Readers—In our next, we intend to commence the publication of the official documents communicated with the President's Message.—The papers which were first communicated, relate to our negotiations with England. Those which relate to France have hitherto appeared. They were probably referred for the amusement of those back stairs gentry who are permitted to "dine with the President," and obtain his instructions how to vote .
Votes for Representative in Kennebec District.
   Rice. Gannett. Stat.     Total in cur last, 1860 1961 32   Athens 24 10   Anson 50 36   Cornville 57 6   Cheverville 28 15   Madison 15 21   New-Sharon 16 64   New Portland 3 9   Emden 6 26   Harmony 8 6   Palmyra 15   Unity 4 23   Wayne 26 17   2082 2204 32  
Married,
In Bridgton, Mr. Richard Gage, mer. to Miss Martha Wheelock.
Died,
At Philadelphia, in the 75th year of his age, Lewis Hallam—the father of the American Theatre. At Sandy-Hill, on his way from Canada to New-York, Archibald M'Neil, Esq. his Britannic Majesty's Consul-General for Louisiana. At Windham, in the 25th year of her age, Miss Rebekah Smith, daughter of Rev. Peter T. Smith.
In the first dawns of reason, she discovered the necessity of mental improvement. Her situation favoring such a pursuit, she soon distinguished herself with literary acquirements. The design of a good education was exemplified in her deportment. She was able to suppress every thing disagreeable, and to accommodate herself to persons of every distinction. For her companions in life, she chose the sober, the chaste and virtuous. By the amiableness of her disposition, and correctness of her behaviour, she endeared herself to all her acquaintances.
She was beloved and respected in life; and for the comfort of bereaved friends, who lament her early removal, it may be added, that she was triumphant in death. At the approach of the stern messenger, she appeared unterrified. She longed for the appearance of her Saviour: she even chose the delay of his chariot wheels to wait her to the bosom of her God. Her chief labor, in the hour of dissolution, was to disengage herself from the over fond embraces of her weeping relatives. And now, though she is dead, yet by a pious and virtuous example, speaks, and urges her surviving acquaintances to regard a religious deportment in the world—"To be followers of them, who, through faith & patience, inherit the promises." At Brunswick, on Wednesday, the 9th instant, Mrs. Abigail Page, consort of Dr. Jonathan Page, aged 33 years. In her private life she was cheerful, social, and charitable; an affectionate wife, and faithful friend. Her moral character merits unqualified praise. What she deemed her duty, was inflexibly discharged, and in competition with it, all considerations of ease, interest, and health, vanished. In Royalton, Elizabeth Town, aged 51.
New Shoe Store.
JOHN BAILEY & CO.
RESPECTFULLY informs the Citizens of Portland, and the public in general, that they have opened a SHOE STORE in Fifth-street, in the Store lately occupied by Hufsey & Winslow—where they offer for sale, a general assortment of SHOES, of a superior quality to any ever before offered in this town. As they are directly concerned in the Manufacturery, they flatter themselves that they shall be able to give general satisfaction to all those who may favor them with their custom.
N. B.—Clocks and Watches faithfully repaired and warranted at the above Store. 11th Mo. 21, 1808.
Elegant Silk Hosiery.
N. P. POOR,
FISH-STREET,
HAS just received for sale, Ladies' and Gentlemen's superb Lace, and embroidered Silk Hosiery—Silk Gloves, &c. Also—India Lutrings, of a superior fabric. Nov. 21.
NEW GOODS.
Wm. R. & C. Stockbridge,
HAVE just received a variety of English, W. India, and Hard Ware Goods.
Also—1500 wt. warp, filling, and stocking COTTON YARN. White, blue, and slate Cotton Thread, Cotton Stripes and Checks, Bed Tick, &c. &c.
Which being a consignment, will be sold at the Factory prices.
Cotton Shirting and Sheeting expected in a few days from a Manufacturery. Orders from their customers will be punctually attended to. North-yarmouth, Nov 21. (4w)
NOTICE!
THE Copartnership of JOHN & STEPHEN FIELD, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. All persons indebted to said firm are requested to adjust the same with John Field, who is authorised to settle the same, and will continue to occupy the former stand JOHN FIELD, STEPHEN FIELD. Nov 21.
THE subscribers having been appointed Commissioners by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Cumberland; to receive & examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of SAMUEL WHITMORE, jun.
late of Gorham, in said county gentleman, deceased, represented insolvent, do hereby give notice that six months are allowed to said creditors to bring in and prove their claims; and that we will attend that service at John Park Little's office in said Gorham on the first Tuesday and last Monday of December, on the last Mondays of January, February, and March, and on the second Monday of May next, from two to six of the clock in the afternoon of each day. JOTHROP LEWIS, JOHN PARK LITTLE. Gorham, Nov. 14. (21)
NOTICE is hereby given, that the subscriber has been duly appointed Executor of the last will and testament of ELIJAH LIVERMORE,
late of Livermore, in the county of Oxford, gentleman, deceased; and has taken upon herself that trust by giving bonds as the law directs—all persons having demands upon the estate of the said deceased are requested to exhibit the same; and all persons indebted to the estate are called upon to make payment to HANNAH LIVERMORE, Exec. tris. Livermore, Sept 26. (Nov. 21)
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an Administratrix on the estate of WILLIAM BAKER,
late of Falmouth in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs;—She therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to THO: WINSLOW. LYDIA BAKER, Administratrix. Sept. 29, 1808.
N. B. The subscriber will attend to the above duty on the second Monday of December next, and of the five following months. Nov. 21. THOMAS WINSLOW.
WHEREAS, JOHN SMITH, my husband has, in the public prints, forbid all persons from harbouring me on his account, I therefore reply to his publication, that by leaving his house I perfectly obeyed his orders, and did it to preserve my own life; and when he shall request me to return, and give security that my life may be out of danger from him, I shall obey. ELIZABETH SMITH, Buxton, N. 21.

Poetry.
A BURLESQUE IMITATION OF ENCHANTED PASTORAL.
'Twas morning, and Mary arose, Her stockings and garters put on; Indistinctively follow'd her note, And walk'd with her back to the sun.  She smil'd and the woods were illum'd! She light'd and the vales were depress'd; She breath'd and the air was perfum'd; She frown'd and saw nature distress'd.  She nod'd, the trees nod'd too; She murmur'd, and so did the rill; She wept, and the evening dew Fell in tears on the neighboring hill.  She slept, and fair flowers sprung up; She blus'd, and the rose look'd more red; She was hungry, she went home and sup'd; She was tired and so went to bed.
REASONS FOR THICK ANCLES.
As Epigram. "Harry, I cannot think," says Dick, "What makes my ancles grow so thick." "You do not recollect," says Harry, "How great a Calf they have to carry."
Select Paragraphs.
Valuable Testimony in favor of the HOLY BIBLE.
THE Reverend John F. Uske, Chaplain to the English factory at Smyrna, now residing in London, has published a brief narrative of his travels and literary life. He was born in Prussia, Dec. 12, 1769, and was licenced to preach the gospel in 1780. In '89 he was appointed Chaplain to the English factory at Smyrna, by the Levant Company. In his travels he visited many of the places which are mentioned in the Holy Scriptures. He visited Bethlehem, and its vicinity—the Mount of Olives and Bethany—He passed the Mountain Carmel to Nazareth, Tabor, Taberas—the Lake Gennesar on the river Jordan. He was at Tyre and Sydon, and passed over the Mountain Lebanon. He visited the Islands of the Archipelago and the continent of Asia Minor. He was at Miletus, Ephesus, Sardis, Thyatira, and Pergamos.
He examined the state of the seven churches mentioned in the revelations of St. John. He visited Nineveh and the ruins of ancient Babylon; Of these he observes, "When I approach these immensely extensive ruins, I am amazed at the exact accomplishment of the prophecies of the Old Testament, by the prophet Isaiah." His narrative is concluded with this interesting declaration, "I must here declare to the honor of the Bible, that I did not find during my travels, one circumstance in the Holy Scriptures contrary to the present manner and customs of the East, or to geography, and the situation of the different places mentioned therein; but, on the other hand, all is confirmable to the different prophecies and descriptions in the sacred writings."— English paper.
FREEMASONS.
The Society known by the name of Freemasons, is so called, because they who first established it, understood building and masonry; or perhaps, the first principles of it were laid down by masons. But, whatever may have been their origin, they are now very numerous, and there is scarcely any country where there are no Freemasons. They trace their origin from the building of Solomon's Temple; and this, of all the circumstances which relate to their society, is the only thing they are permitted to communicate.
Notwithstanding the cloud which envelopes the proceedings of this society, it appears they attend to manners; and their secret is, by acts of disinterestedness, generosity and kindness, to fasten those bonds which ought to unite mankind. If these be the principles of Freemasonry, the place in which they meet should be considered as the Temple of Friendship, at the gate of which is the God of Silence. [ Emerald Sels. ]
Character of NAPOLEON—from Paris's Sermon, preached at Schenectady, in July last.
See the wonder of the age guiding the rage of battles; a demon of slaughter, rioting in carnage and blood; a thunderbolt of war and scourge and terror of nations. He draws his sword and the fields were covered with the slain: the rivers are blood: the country is in mourning: palaces and thrones are demolished; kings are crushed and nations humbled under his feet.—Do the flaming bolts of Heaven consume this tyrant of the earth, blaspheming God and scoffing at all religion? Are the sparks of an everlasting fire kindled in his bosom? It is conscience tormented with remorse; his face pale with terror! Is he deserted by God and man? Instead of this, a hundred palaces open their gates before him, crowns and scepters cluster on his brow and drop from his hands; a million of murderers, thirsting for blood, wait his command; kings and nobles are his servants; he riots in picture, the sons of song celebrate his valour, and adore him as a God.
A POOR man in Paris being very hungry found so long near a cook's shop, where they were dressing meat, that his stomach was actually fatigued by the smell of it. The choleric cook demanded payment for his breakfast; the poor man refused; and the controversy was referred to the first man who should pass by. On the relation of the cause, he gravely decided, that the man should jingle his money between two plates as long as he had staid, and thus pay the cook's ears for the benefit his nose had received.
A few years since James Malone, Esq. Mayor of Cork, imagining, if he could strip the beggars of the miserable and sickly appearance they generally made, he should divert them of the strongest claim to the charity of the humane, came to the following agreement with one Geoghegan, one of the constables, who was by trade a barber, viz.—He
directed the barber to seize all the beggars he found strolling within the limits of the city, for each of whom he promised a reward; but instead of bringing them before him (the Mayor) he was to take them to his shop, and there shave, wash, dress, and powder them in the genteel manner. He seized about half a dozen, and with the assistance of razors, washball, scissors, and powder puffs, he so completely metamorphosed them, that those whom he apprehended as mendicants, when they left his shop, appeared like macaronies, at least upon the head. This laughable scheme was attended with such success, that the whole tribe (during Squire Malone's mayoralty) avoided his jurisdiction as carefully as if it was visited by a pestilence.
A CITY of Germany once had recourse to arms, and was thrown into the utmost confusion, upon the trifling dispute, "Whether the Lord's prayer, in latin, begun with pater-noster , or nofter-pater ."
Miss Honoria Gibbons, of Bath, sings so sweetly, that she has captivated the brother of a Nobleman, who it is said, talks of matrimony. Shenstone remarks that marrying a Woman for her voice, is like eating a Lark for its singing! But—every man to his taste!— Port Folio.
Aphorism. —He who writes with insolence, when anonymous and unknown, and speaks with timidity in the presence of the good, seems to be closely allied to baseness.— Lavater.
Thomaston Lime.
A QUANTITY of Thomaston Lime, for sale by THOMAS HOVEY, No. 10, Long-Wharf, Portland. Nov. 14.
NEW FLOUR.
JUST received from Baltimore, and for sale by ROBERT STOVER, at his store, No. 9, Ingraham's Wharf, a quantity of FLOUR, made of new wheat. Nov. 14.
COPARTNERSHIP FORMED.
THE subscribers have formed a connection in business under the firm of James Chadbourn & Co. and have taken the Store under THOMAS BECK's House, in For-Street, corner of Plumb-Street—where they offer for sale a large assortment of
West-India Goods & Groceries , either by wholesale or retail—among which are, Hlds. Brown Sugar; do Molasses; chests Tea; 100 kegs inspected Lard; 50 Hlds. Coar Salt; 50 do fine ditto; a quantity of excellent Cheese; dip'd and mould Candles; Mels No. 1 and 2 Beef, &c. &c.
THOMAS BECK, JAMES CHADBOURN.
N. B.—All the above GOODS will be sold at as reduced prices as can be bought in town. Punctual attendance will be paid to the Store from sunrise until nine o'clock at night; where the smallest favour will be gratefully acknowledged.
A very convenient TENEMENT to Let—Inquire as above. Nov. 14.
TAILORING.
THE subscribers inform their old customers and the public in general, that they have taken a shop in Fifth street, next door to the office of Henry A. S. Dearborn, Esq where they intend carrying on the
TAILORING BUSINESS , in all its branches, with neatness and dispatch. WALTER HATCH, DANIEL GARLAND.
N. B. To all those who make prompt payment one third part of the present price will be deducted. Portland, Nov. 14.
DANCING SCHOOL.
MR ROBERT ANSART, respectfully informs the Ladies and Gentlemen of Portland and its vicinity, that he intends opening a School on Monday, the twenty first of November next, at Mr. Grafton's Hall, in Middle-street, for the purpose of teaching young ladies and gentlemen the art of dancing, in its various branches, those who wish to favour Mr. A. with their tuition will please to call at the Book-Store of Isaac Adams, in Fifth-street, where a subscription paper is left.
Days of tuition. Mondays and Tuesdays, from six o'clock P. M. until nine. Terms, four dollars at entrance, and eight dollars per quarter. Nov. 14.
Carding Machine—for sale.
ANDREW TUCKER, at his store on Ingraham's Wharf, has for sale, a CARDING MACHINE, of the latest construction. Also—A number of PLOUGHS, on reasonable terms. Nov. 14.
To Farmers and Wood-Cutters.
FOR sale, at the sign of the Broad Axe, Cross-street, all kinds of Flige Tools, made of Cast Steel, and warranted to be better than can be made of any other steel. JOSEPH THAXTER. Portland, Nov. 14.
Ebenezer Davis, Sadler and Harness Maker,
INFORMS the inhabitants of Buxton, and the towns adjacent, that he has taken a stand near the old Meeting house—where the public may be accommodated with any article in the line of his profession, at short notice and of good quality. Chaise made and repaired on the most liberal terms. Buxton, Nov. 7.
FRESH GOODS.
Joseph Barbour,
OPPOSITE the Insurance Office, head of Fifth street, has just received a variety of fresh
FALL & WINTER GOODS,
—AMONG WHICH ARE— Real superfine Broadcloths and Kersameres Common do. do. Satinees—Velvets—Cords Queens Cloths—Pellice Flannels Coatings—Blankets Flannels, all colours Bombazetts, Wilboars, Durants, Duroys, Shalloon, &c. Plain black & olive Velvets—corded do. Worsted Hosiery—Silk do.—Cotton do. British Shirting—Linen—Linen Cambric Tabby Velvets—Brown Linens Plaided and plain Lustrings Ginghams—Prints—Furnitures—silk Chambrays India Cottons—Huckabuck Bandana Hkfs.—Fancy silk do.—silk Shawls Fancy Muffins—Sarfnets—Cotton Laces Black Cambric—do. Crape Ladies' long white Kid Gloves Do. Kid, Leather and Silk Habit do. Gentlemen's doe-skin Beaver and Silk do. White Cotton Cambric—Cotton Balls Cambric Dimity—Common do. Cotton Shawls—Fashionable Coat Buttons Black silk Velvets—Cotton Umbrellas Gentlemen's Lamb-wool Hdkfs. &c. &c.
ALSO, An Assortment of MUFFS & TIPPLETS, Consisting of Sable, Pole, Elk, Bear, & Mock Sable. Oct. 10.
Sugar for sale.
Jacob Knights,
HAS for sale, on Portland Pier, 30 hogheads and barrels of good SUGAR.
—ALSO— 10 hogheads of Molasses. Oct. 31.
FRESH GOODS.
Tappan & Sewall,
No. 12, Haymarket-Row, HAVE received and are now exposing for sale, per piece or package, an extensive assortment of
Fall & Winter Goods,
Broadcloths of all colors, black and colors, from 7s. to 47s. —cured Cambrics Plans—Kersseys—Ser-Pins; Buttons Kersseys, Coatings—Duffles, Baizes—Blankets, 6/4 to 11/4, Flannels—white, yellow, green, &c. Salisbury Fannels—Scarlet, green, &c. Stuff—Ruffles—Ducrats—Bombazetts—Duroys, &c. Linen, from 3/6 to 7/3 Dimities, Velvets, Velveteens & Millers, plain and Thicksets Tabby Velvets; black, Ribbons, a small assortment Swandown; Toilets, Laces and Edgings Mixed & fancy Cords, India Cottons Shirring Cottons, 3-4 Gurrachs; Baftas and 4-4 Cafas; Mowlannas Calicoes Checks, &c. Cambric, Linen, Pic-Cafes Windsor Soap quet, Book & Fan Umbrellas, &c. cy Mullins, Also for sale—SKIRTING LEATHER, of a superior quality. October 31. (tf.)
Muffs & Tippets,
A. Cheever & Co.
AT No. 1, Muffey's Row, now offer for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston.
HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction.
Household Furniture.
New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for hating & shipping Furs. Portland Oct. 31. (tf.)
HARDWARE GOODS.
William Goddard,
HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah, from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of Hard-Ware Goods, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf.)
TO BE LET,
HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7. (tf.)
TO LET.
THE PORTLAND MONUMENT GROUND, and the Buildings thereon, for the term of one year. Any person wishing to hire the same, may know the terms by applying to either of the subscribers. ZACHARIAH MARSTEN, JONA. STUART, JOHN WATSON. Portland, Nov. 7, 1808.
Money Lost.
ON the 30th Sept. last past, the subscriber put into the Post Office at Freeport, a Letter covering one hundred dollars, directed to Thompson Baxter, of Boston, Mass.—said letter has never been received by said Baxter, and it is supposed was lost or mislaid between said Freeport and Boston. Ten Dollars is hereby offered to any person who will give information whereby said letter with the money may be recovered. NATHAN NYE. (N. 7) Report, 20th Oct.
NEW GOODS.
T. & A. Vinton,
HAVE received an extensive assortment of Fall and Winter Goods, among which are the following articles:— London superfine blue and black Broadcloths; common do. of every colour; Cashmeres, Serges, Devonshire Kerseys, ladies' Pellice Cloths, Flannels, Baizes, Duffles, Coatings, India Cottons, Bombazetts, Ruffles, Shaloon, Calimancoes, Durants, Worsted Hosiery, Lamb's Wool do. Checks, Cambrics, Calicoes, best of British Shirting Cottons, Tabby Velvets, common do. black Lustrings, do. Satins, Furniture Patches, Copperfield, Cotton Diapers, Bandanna Handkerchiefs, Madras do. black Barcelona do. Cotton Shawls, Velvets, nice Table-Cloths, black, blue, and coloured Sewing Silk, ladies' Beaver and Silk Gloves, Vest and Coat Buttons, Suspenders, Cotton Yarn of high numbers, &c.
—ALSO— One bale Rose BLANKETS, all sizes, very Cheap. Nov. 7.
Factory Cotton.
JOSEPH POPE, constantly keeps for sale a large supply of cotton Warp and Filling, White and coloured Stocking Yarn, ditto Thread, Cotton Shirting and Sheetings, do. Check and Stripe, Bed Tick, &c. which being a consignment will be sold at the Factory prices Likewise—a quantity of loaf and lump Sugar in hds. & bbls.—No. 7, Muffey's Row. Sept. 19. (6m)
Partnership Formed.
NATHANIEL JENKS, and THOMAS DE CARTERETT, hereby inform the public that they have commenced business under the firm of
Jenks & De Carterett,
and have taken the store formerly occupied by NATHANIEL JENKS, near the falls in N. Yarmouth, where they offer for sale, a complete assortment of English, W. India and Hard Ware Goods, Together with Groceries of all kinds, which will be disposed of on as good terms as at any store in the Country. N. B. Those who are indebted to Nathaniel Jenks, are once more requested to make immediate payment. Northyarmouth, Nov. 14.
For Sale at S. Patten's
Book-Store and Lottery Office,
No. 10, Jones' Row, FARMER's, Low's, Sewall's, and Farmer's Maine ALMANACKS; by the gross, dozen, or single. Undrawn TICKETS, QUARTERS, and EIGHTHS, in the Amoskeag Canal Lottery new drawing. TICKETS, and QUARTERS in the Hathield Bridge Lottery, commenced drawing last Wednesday; a very few Tickets on hand. TICKETS and QUARTERS in the 2d Class of Dixville Road Lottery, to commence drawing soon. Three chances for a fortune of 10,000 dollars, and possibly for 30,000. Nov. 18.
New Flour.
RALPH CROSS, has for sale at No. 4 Union Wharf, 800 bbls. Superfine FLOUR, made from new Wheat. Nov. 7.
Hogs Bristles Wanted.
THE subscriber will purchase any quantity of clean, combed Hogs Bristles, at the PAINT STORE, No. 1, Jones' Row, Fore-street, Portland. Where are constantly for sale, Paints, Oil, and Glass, MICHAEL SMITH. Portland, Nov. 7.
Bookbinder's Tools.
FOR sale, a complete Set of Bookbinder's Tools—which will be sold on reasonable terms, and a credit given for a part if requested.—A fine opportunity for a young man to establish himself in the business.—Enquire of the printer. Nov. 14.
Portland Benevolent Society.
THE subscribers to the Funds of the Portland Benevolent Society, are hereby notified that the third instalment of their subscriptions became due on the eleventh inst. They are respectfully requested to call and pay the same as soon as may be, to SAMUEL FREEMAN, Treasurer. Nov. 14.
NOTICE!
THE public are hereby informed that the real estate of Russell Bucknam, late of Gray, in the county of Cumberland, trader, deceased, will be sold by leave of the Supreme Judicial Court, at Public Vendue, to the highest bidder, on Monday the 12th day of December next, at one o'clock, P. M.— Said estate consists of a two story Dwelling House, about 36 by 40 feet square, with about one third of an acre of land, situated in the center of the village in said Gray, and being one of the best stands the country affords for an innkeeper, trader, or mechanic. Also—A Farm in said Gray, about 2 miles from the Meeting house, containing between 30 and 40 acres of good land, in suitable proportions of mowing, tillage, pasture, and woodland, with a house thereon.—The terms of payment are equal instalments, in 6, 12, and 18 months, with approved indorsers.—Sale to be on the premises first above described. DANIEL W. GREEN, } Attorney to Polly Bucknam, Ad ministratrix. Gray, Nov. 7, 1808.
TAKEN UP ADRIFT,
ON the 8th inst a new WHERRY BOAT, about 18 feet in length, between Baxter Island and Great Jebec.—The owner is desired to prove property, pay charges, and take it away—Apply to JONATHAN WEBBER, jun. Northyarmouth, Nov. 14.
Thomas Baker,
WANTS an active BOY, as an Apprentice to the Baking Business.—One from the country would be preferred. Nov. 7.
Henry Smith & Co.
Have just received for sale, superfine and fine BROAD CLOTHS; crimson, all, lawn, green and brown Pellice Cloths; green, scarlet, and fawn Pellice Fannels; crimson, purple, green and black Tabby Velvets; scarlet and black Bombazetts, Cashmeres, Sattinets, Flannels, Coatings, Baizes, Devonshire Kerseys, hunters Cloths—superfine Furnitures, Dimity do.; a great variety; Ginghams, Calicoes and Cambrics; Kid and silk Gloves, &c. &c. &c. All which will be sold low for cash. Oct. 24.
TO LET,
AN immediate possession given, a handsome and convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in the west part of the town—Enquire of E. GREELY & CO. Portland, Oct. 31.
NOTICE.
THE Copartnership heretofore existing between the subscribers under the firm of Jonathan & Samuel Davis is this day dissolved by agreement and mutual consent. JONATHAN DAVIS, SAML. DAVIS. Beth, Nov. 18, 1808.
A FARM FOR SALE,
IN the town of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, consisting of one hundred and five acres of land, of which thirty is intervale, and lying on Presumpscot River, and five miles from the town of Portland, and on the post road that leads from Portland to Augusta, and into many of the back towns. Said farm is conveniently situated for a Public House, with a large two story Hou. and Barn, with out houses. The fowl of said farm is inferior to none. Also—In said town, a Wood Lot, containing 60 acres.—Inquire of OLIVER WINSLOW, (t.f.) Oct. 17.
THE Commissioners appointed to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
THOMAS MINOT,
late of Portland, gentleman, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice that a further time of three months from the 26th of Oct. last, has been allowed by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate of Wills, &c. for the county of Cumberland to the Creditors to said estate to bring in, and prove their claims; which will be attended to on the second Tuesday of this and the second Tuesday of the two next months, at the counting room of the subscriber, from two to five o'clock, P. M. DANIEL TUCKER, Chairman. Portland, Nov. 7, 1808.
THE Subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Esq. Judge of Probate for the county of Lincoln, to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors of the estate of
JOSIAH WALLACE,
late of Georgetown, in said county, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that they will attend on said business at the house of William Wallace, in said Georgetown, on the third Monday in November next, and of the five following months, from ten to four o'clock, on said days. JOSIAH WYMAN, } Commissioners. WILLIAM TOTMAN, } Nov. 7.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of
THOMAS PRINCE,
late of Northyarmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to JAEL PRINCE. Oct. 31, 1808.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an Executor of the last will and testament of
CHARLES EMERY,
late of Gray, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to MOSES HUMPHREYS. Nov. 14, 1808.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that she has been duly appointed, and has taken upon herself the trust of an administratrix on the estate of
JOHN GAGE,
late of Portland, in the county of Cumberland, shoemaker, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs: she therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to RACHEL GAGE. October, 27, 1808.
BLANKS,
COMMERCIAL, Court and other BLANKS kept constantly for sale at the Bookstore of I. ADAMS, No. 7, Fifth-street.
Tickets and Quarters,
in Amoskeag Canal Lottery, for sale at the Bookstore of Isaac Adams—Fifth street.
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned, that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an Executor of the last will and testament of
SILAS MERRILL,
late of Falmouth, in the county of Cumberland, yeoman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon, to exhibit the same to SAMUEL MERRILL, JUN. Oct. 31, 1808.