Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser (Portland, Me.), 1809-02-20 00:00:00

PORTLAND GAZETTE, And Maine Advertiser.
PORTLAND, PUBLISHED BY ARTHUR SHIRLEY... FISH-STREET.
No. 45, of Vol. XI.]
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1809.
[Whole No. 5.]
LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.
TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1809.
ANSWER OF THE
House to the Lieut. Governor's Speech.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONOR,
THE House of Representatives view, with deep and serious regret, the very peculiar circumstances under which they have assembled, and with fearful anxiety direct their thoughts to that Being, without whose aid the portentous aspect of our public affairs cannot be changed. In a season of political calamity, when the hand of the General Government presses with peculiar rigor upon the people of Massachusetts the known patriotism of her sons, becomes a sure pledge for the display of those virtues which the times require. As such a moment the House of Representatives will investigate with patience and circumspection the causes which have led to the existing and threatening evils and will endeavour to apply such remedies as the powers confided to that branch of the State Legislature will constitutionally warrant.
The affecting dispensation of Divine Providence which has deprived this Commonwealth of its late Commander in Chief, cannot be more sincerely deplored by your Honor than it is tenderly felt by the House of Representatives. Elevated to the Chair of State, in opposition to the political sentiments of a majority of the Legislature, we are happy to declare that the late Governor Sullivan, in the discharge of his high and important trust, appeared rather desirous to be the Governor of Massachusetts than the leader of a party, or the vindictive champion of its cause.
We receive with respectful attention the assurance of your Honor's "solicitude, assiduity and best endeavors to promote what shall appear most conducive to the good of the whole; and pursuing the fair and obvious construction of the national and state constitutions as a rule of action, we apprehend that it is impossible your Honor should furnish any occasion for the exertion of candor or indulgence on our part."
We are unwilling to believe that any division of sentiment can exist among the New England States or their inhabitants as to the obvious infringements of rights, secured to them by the Constitution of the United States;—and still more so, that any men can be weak or wicked enough to contrive a disposition to support that Constitution and preserve the union, by a temperate and firm opposition to acts which are repugnant to the first principles and purposes of both, into a wish to secede from the other States. If a secession has been conceived by the States or people referred to in your Honor's communication, it is unknown to the House of Representatives, who abhorrently disclaim any participation therein, or having afforded the least color for such a charge. If ever such suspicions existed, they can have arisen only in the minds of those who must be sensible that they had adopted, and were perishing in measures which had driven the people to desperation, by infringing rights which the citizens of Massachusetts conceive to be unalienable, and which they fondly hoped had been inviolably secured to them by the federal compact.
The Legislature and people of Massachusetts ever have been and now are firmly and sincerely attached to the union of the States, and there is no sacrifice they have not been, and are not now, willing to submit to, in order to preserve the same, according to its original purpose—Of this truth your Honor must be convinced. We do not appeal to the unvarying conduct of our citizens during the glorious administrations of Washington and Adams, when the patriotic endeavours of our statesmen, under the most perplexing embarrassments, pursued and secured the interests and honor of the nation:—But we can appeal to the patience with which our fellow citizens have borne the administration of those, whose boast it has been, to proscribe all the measures of their predecessors and most of the men whose talents and virtues had aided in securing to the United States the blessing of a free government. The people in this section of the country had undoubtedly suffered under the weight of a liberal confidence which they had afforded to the protection of their rulers, and which induces a regard to their interests, and when experience had shown the incompetency of their measures to the honor or safety of the country, they would have had the magnanimity to correct their errors. It ought not to be matter of surprise that men who either on the floor of Congress or elsewhere, have adopted measures hostile to the union, and subversive of its principles, should endeavor to brand with the calumny you mention the efforts of those who sincerely aim at preserving the constitution, by demonstrating the redundancy of their acts and who studiously exert themselves to prevent a dissolution of the Federal compact by stating the dangers of such an event. An event which this house cannot fail to deprecate as the greatest of evils, and to prevent which they will leave no constitutional means unassayed. But it would be greatly to be deplored, if any thing in your Honor's address could be construed into a declaration, by the Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth of a charge so unfounded and a slander so unmerited.
It is with much pleasure the House of Representatives receive your Honor's declaration, that no personal gratification shall stand in the way of any arrangement, which shall concentrate the general will, and direct its strength for our country's safety. In this declaration so honorable to yourself, sir, the House of Representatives most promptly and cordially concur, and so far as constitutional powers they may, sincerely pledge themselves to your Honor in defence of all those rights, which have been violated abroad, or usurped at home.
The House of Representatives agree in sentiment with your Honor, that "it cannot be necessary to review in detail the continued and aggravated insults and injuries which have been heaped upon us by the warring powers of Europe;" yet it may not be improper to remark, that when a government, in the first instance, from an overweening partiality to one power, an undue prejudice against another, or a timid and pusillanimous policy towards all nations, surrenders essential rights without a struggle, the nation over which it rules becomes the victim of aggression from without, and of imposition from within. The partial development of public documents is but too conclusive on this point.
That the regulation of our commercial intercourse and our national defence are most wisely confided to the general government, is a truth so plain and palpable, that we should hold it unnecessary to be repeated here, were it not for the purpose of concurring with your Honor in the justice of the sentiment; but the liberty of discussing the measures of our general government with freedom and frankness, tho' with fairness and moderation, is a right the House of Representatives never will relinquish.
We cannot agree with your Honor that in a free country there is any flag at which the consideration of an act may no longer be open to discussion & debate; at least it is only upon the high road to despotism that such flags can be found.
At such a point the Government undertaking to extend its powers beyond the limits of the constitution, degenerates into tyranny.—The people, if temperate and firm, will, we confidently rely, eventually triumph over such usurpations.
Were it true, that the measures of Government once passed into an act, the constitutional object of that act is stamped with the seal of infallibility and is no longer a subject for the deliberation or remonstrance of the citizen, to what monstrous lengths might not an arbitrary and tyrannical administration carry its power. It has only to pass thro' rapid readings and mid-night sessions, without allowing time for reflection and debate to the final enacting of a bill, and before the people are even informed of the intentions of their rulers, their status are evaded, and the right of complaint denied them. Were such a doctrine found, what species of oppression might not be inflicted on the prostrate liberties of our country.—If such a doctrine were true, our constitution would be nothing but a name—nay worse, a fatal instrument to sanctify oppression, and legalize the tyranny which inflicts it.
Notwithstanding but madness or imbecility could put at hazard the existence of a "balanced government, capable of operating and providing for the public good," unless the administration of that Government, by its arbitrary impositions had endangered or destroyed the very objects for the protection of which it had been instituted.
Should such a case ever occur, on the administration who should usurp powers and violate such sacred obligations, must rest the odium of having hazarded a government to save, so reasonable, and to beyond every thing else essential to the liberty and happiness of our fellow citizens.
Altho' the history of the first twelve years of our Federal Government abundantly proves, that no administration, however wise and happy, can be satisfactory to all our citizens, yet have the people, at all times, and under all administrations, an undoubted right to insist that neither the letter nor spirit of the constitution shall be violated. And most certainly the policy, and capacity of its administration may be questioned which in a few years has reduced this great, active and enterprising nation, from an unexampled height of commercial prosperity, to comparative poverty and idleness—Assured that administration which meets aggression only with retrenchment and non-intercourse laws, never can acquire the confidence of a commercial people, and never will afford any security against violence, injustice and depredation. To the present administration is the country indebted for a system of measures as novel as it is feeble, as weak against foreign nations as it is oppressive and ruinous to our own.
The House of Representatives certainly have no disposition to assume the direction of those affairs, the management of which has been so properly confided to the General Government; yet upon this occasion it may not be deemed improper to observe, that, from the scanty information which has been suffered to escape, they cannot discern in the situation of our foreign relations, any difficulties or embarrassments which have not heretofore been successfully encountered by former administrations of our government.—During the administrations of Washington and Adams, in circumstances of much greater political embarrassments were met with a steady eye, and firm and vigorous purpose. Negotiations with both the great contending powers of Europe were commenced, and by a steady adherence to the just rights of our nation, with an active preparation to use force, when negotiation failed, the patriots of that day successfully repelled every unjust pretension, while they preserved the honor, as well as the revenues and property of their fellow-citizens.—The House of Representatives therefore, cannot doubt, that the same measures resorted to with the same spirit and good faith, would effect now what they did then, the protection instead of the annihilation of our commerce—the preservation instead of the abandonment of the nation's honor.
It cannot be denied that jealousy and distrust have arisen among the people of Massachusetts and much is it to be regretted, that they have been so well founded. A system of policy ruinous to their interests, and uncongenial to their enterprising spirit—a system for which the administration has yet, in our opinion, assigned no adequate reason, has borne most heavily and unequally on the northern and commercial states.—For relief from this oppression the people fondly looked to the meeting of Congress; but alas! how fatally have their hopes been blasted;—Their humblest prayers have been answered by an act so arbitrary and oppressive, that it violates the first principles of civil liberty, and the fundamental provisions of the constitution. At such a moment, and under such a pressure, when every thing which freemen hold dear, is at stake, it cannot be expected, and it ought not to be wished, that they should suffer in silence. The House of Representatives cannot admit that laws which operate unequally are unavailing.—The government, in their opinion, has no right to sacrifice the interests of one section of the Union to the prejudices, partialities, or convenience, of another.
We perfectly agree with your Honor in the general principle, that, in a free government, the majority must determine and decide upon all existing or projected measures.—But it will be recollected, that the decision of that majority to be binding, must be constitutional and just. Government is formed for the security of the citizen, and the protection of his rights. Whenever this liberty is infringed, his rights violated or unprotected, if not absolved from his allegiance, he may demand redress, and take all lawful measures to obtain it.
It is impossible for the House of Representatives to follow the very wide and extended range of political remark through which it has pleased your Honor to expatiate.—The limits which time and duty prescribe, necessarily confine our observations to a few of the most prominent features of your Honor's elaborate address. Those individual insinuations, and that rashness of sentiment and action, which have so justly incurred your Honor's censure, as opposing a vital movement of the body politic, appear to indicate with precision, that period of our federal history, in which an insurrection, fomented by those who assumed to themselves exclusively the denomination of republicans, and aided by the machinations of French intrigue, had nearly prostrated the national government. Thanks to the friends of the constitution, with the beloved Washington at their head, they protected by their valor in the field, what their wisdom in the cabinet had created. We trust, Sir, that there is now no danger of a repetition of those scenes of licentious riot & rebellion. We perfectly accord in sentiment with your Honor, "that no foreign power has a right to interfere in our domestic affairs, and that the character of our inhabitants, than on their patriotism;" their character is not marked with propensities to disorder, outrage and blood. If such characters exist anywhere in the U. States, they are not to be found among the peaceful and industrious citizens of New England.
The early habits and constant practice of our fathers and ourselves have led us on every great emergency, and on the pressure of political calamities, to resort to town-meetings, wherein the general sense of the people might be collected. This practice, to wholesome and salutary was one of the most influential means employed in bringing about that glorious revolution which established our independence. It was against these meetings, therefore, that the strong arm of royal power was elevated, in the year seventeen hundred and seventy-four, and they were prohibited under severe penalties. Had the British ministry of that day attended to the voice of the people so expressed, they would have avoided the evils, which they had afterwards so much reason to deplore. The expression of the public sentiment has become necessary to counteract the errors and misrepresentations of those who have falsely insinuated upon the administration of the general government, a belief that the measures they were pursuing were inimical to the people. From the suppression of these meetings would liberty have more to apprehend than from any other cause whatever. From such a cause should we most dread "the overturning the splendid edifice reared by the wisdom and valor of our fathers." A privilege so wisely secured by our constitution, we cannot hesitate to declare, the citizens of Massachusetts will never resign.
We are perfectly aware that "misrepresentations, groundless suspicions, violent and indiscriminate abuse," are the rank weeds of a free government and an unrestricted press. Perhaps no country has afforded more fatal examples of such misrepresentations, than our own. It is by the use of such means that factions and designing men always rise to power. The instructive page of history is crowded with examples. In some countries we have seen political partisans clandestinely supporting these vehicles of slander and calumny;—by their agency blackening the reputation of a meritorious and successful rival, for whom in the face of the world they professed the greatest personal consideration and respect. The object once gained, however, it has always been the practice of low ambition to disavow the means by which it mounted.—In our country, we congratulate your Honor, that every citizen has a temple of refuge in the laws. To these, and an independent jury, he may safely flee for protection from the poisonous breath of political slander and detraction.
In the description which your Honor has drawn of the situation of our country previous to the adoption of the Federal Constitution, we cannot but observe a very strong resemblance which it bears to the picture of the present times. "Our government humbled and inefficient, our union a thread, our commerce unprotected, our revenue nothing, individuals embarrassed, grievances complained of, our rulers censured, town and county resolutions published, combinations formed, non-compliance with the laws announced, property sold for one third its value, the insolvent imprisoned, and the courts of justice stopped;" that this description applies to the present state of parts if not the whole of our country, we believe will not be denied. Whence comes it that from a state of the most flourishing prosperity a few months should have produced a change so truly astonishing? It is not in the reflexes and unsteady habits of a people, till lately contented and happy, that we must look for the causes of these frightful calamities;—it is in the pernicious and dreadful consequences of this shallow system of Embargo and Non Intercourse that we shall find the fruitful source of our country's ruin. We do most sincerely hope that neither Virginia nor any other state may ever succeed in "dictating measures to Congress and by a convulsed state of things force their adoption." However, such an usurpation might from various causes endure for a time, the returning good sense of the people would eventually restore the equilibrium and effectually prevent those tempestuous scenes which your Honor has so eloquently described. "The importance and the interesting and perilous nature of the crisis" have excited the most alarming reflections in our minds, and we doubt not that every member of the Legislature will devote himself to the arduous yet necessary duty of "devising some reconciling expedient to quiet the agitated minds of our citizens," and relieve them from the weight of these unconstitutional restrictions.
The House of Representatives derive peculiar satisfaction from contemplating the patriotism, order and discipline of our militia, and look with confidence to this establishment for a sure defence of their country and its rights. Such a bulwark will always render standing armies in time of peace unnecessary for protection; and inadequate for usurpation or subjection at any time. So long as the militia is seen to be deemed susceptible of improvement, so long will it be the favourite object of legislative aid, & shall meet the early and persevering attention of the House of Representatives. So far as it lies in our power we will take care that it shall be "capable of moving & being moved without mortifying delays and dangerous collisions." Nothing
will more subserve this desirable end than the preservation of that discipline upon which depends the regularity and precision of all military movements. A vigilant regard also to those military judgments, (upon which depend the pride and honour of a soldier) will tend greatly to inspire confidence in our officers, to procure obedience in their men, and restore to the system that harmony which constitutes its perfection.
The House of Representatives have remarked, with much anxiety, an evil of growing magnitude in the accumulation of depreciated and counterfeited bank bills;—the alarming height to which this evil has arisen, loudly calls for some remedy; and although the want of a foreign market for the produce of our farms, and the total suspension of our commerce, afford fewer opportunities for witnessing impositions, yet no doubt the number of persons who resort to dishonest practices, with our paper currency, is much increased by the peculiar situation of the country. That ingenuity which is driven from the pursuits of honest industry and labour, frequently seeks a refuge from poverty in the paths of vice.
It always has been the practice of the Legislature of Massachusetts, to extend the fostering hand of encouragement to all manufactures, undertaken within the Commonwealth, with any prospect of success, or publick utility. The House of Representatives will be happy upon every fair occasion, to continue this laudable custom, and will seize the earliest moment, which is free from other occupation, to deliberate upon this important subject and to devise such plans as will best promote the object in view.
Good publick roads certainly afford very great facilities to husbandry, commerce and manufactures; and Massachusetts in this respect, is not behind any portion of the United States. It is matter of much satisfaction to the House of Representatives that these advantages have been obtained by the voluntary exertions and enterprise of our fellow citizens, without resorting to the General Government for any aid and from that superfluous wealth with which we are officially informed, the national treasury overflows. In a period of general prosperity, encouragement to the ornamental planting of our public roads would certainly be entitled to some attention from the Legislature, but at this awful crisis, when our very existence as a nation is almost in question, it is respectfully submitted to your Honor, whether the occupation of much time on this subject might not be considered by our constituents as trifling with the publick expectations.
To cherish the interests of literature, at all times, and under all circumstances, the House of Representatives will consider among the first and most pressing of their duties. Upon this subject we shall always be ready most cheerfully to cooperate with your Honor.
The House of Representatives accept with gratitude, and reciprocity with perfect sincerity, the with which forms the conclusion of your Honor's address, and prays your Honor to be convinced that nothing, on their part, shall be wanting to bring the session to a termination consistent with the wish to devotely expressed.
On motion to accept the preceding Report, it was carried by a majority of 67.
SACO PROTEST.
WHEREAS at a meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Saco, on the 26th day of January, A D 1809, called at the request of more than fifty of the citizens of said town, opposed to the continuance of oppressive Embargo Laws, for the express purpose of considering the following articles to wit:
1. To choose a Moderator to regulate said meeting. 2. To consult upon the common good; give instructions to our representatives; and to reject of the Legislature, by way of address petition, or remonstrance, etc. of the wrongs done us, and of the grievances we suffer. 3. To pass any committee which may be deemed expedient, and to act on any resolutions which may be presented conformable to the second article. 4. To abandon any agent or agents, if necessary, to carry the resolutions.
The following Resolutions were presented for the consideration of said inhabitants, in behalf of those who requested said meeting, and intended by their moderation to conciliate all parties, to wit:
"Whereas the people of these United States, established the constitution thereof, among other things, to ensure domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare and to secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, have declared, in their constitution, that the principal end of the institution of government is to furnish the individuals who compose the body politic, with the power of enjoying, in safety and tranquility, their natural rights and the blessings of life; and that among these natural rights may be reckoned that of acquiring, possessing and protecting property; and that whenever these great objects are not obtained, the people have a right to alter the government and to take measures necessary for their safety, prosperity and happiness: And whereas the act of Congress passed at the last session, imposing an Embargo, and the several acts in addition thereto, are found in their operation not to secure domestic tranquility or promote the general welfare; on the contrary have given rise to general discontent, and prevent our citizens from acquiring property in the manner to which they and their fathers have been accustomed, and to which they are impelled as well by inclination as by the nature of their soil and climate; and instead of protecting property, the vessels of our citizens are by restraint, decaying at their wharves, and their staple commodities perishing in their stores: And whereas, "No law or authority whatever is so binding that ought to be continued, when it may be changed with advantage to the community." Therefore
Resolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that the acts aforesaid imposing and enforcing the Embargo, ought to be immediately repealed.
Resolved, That a respectful petition be presented to the General Court of this Commonwealth, praying them to use every constitutional method to obtain a repeal of the acts aforesaid; and that they would remain in session until Congress rise, and if our citizens should fail of obtaining relief for their distresses from that honorable body, that the General Court would then adopt such measures as shall in a Constitutional way, relieve the citizens of this Commonwealth from their present embarrassments, restore to them the right of acquiring and possessing property, which right they claim by the gift of God, and by inheritance from their ancestors, and protect them in the enjoyment of that right as secured by the Constitution.
Resolved, That the Representatives from this town in the General Court, be requested to present said petition, and to use every laudable exertion to obtain the prayer thereof.
Which resolutions were (separately and) in gross opposed by Thomas G. Thornton, Esq. Marshal of the District of Maine, Capt. Seth Storer, Capt. William Moody, and John Boothby, and not accepted by a majority of said inhabitants:—And whereas other resolutions were then moved by Marshal Thornton, and accepted by a majority of said inhabitants, totally different in their terms from those which the town had been called together to consider, and inculcating passive obedience to oppressive rulers and destructive laws, and calculated rather to increase than diminish the distresses and embarrassments of our citizens:
Wherefore we the subscribers, inhabitants of the town of Saco, do hereby most solemnly protest against the proceedings of the majority of said inhabitants, and dissent from the general resolutions accepted as aforesaid, for the following reasons, viz
First and principally, that we may not be implicated in the disgrace of inculcating a spirit of servile obedience to rulers, who deserve not our confidence, and to laws which merit not our support.
2dly. Because there was no article in the warrant, for calling said meeting, which would authorize the town to act upon and accept said resolutions; which were hurried through with such indecent precipitation that the principles of them could not be examined nor their tendency discussed.
3dly. Because we have not that confidence in the integrity and wisdom of the Legislature and Executive of the United

States which is expressed in the first of their resolutions, nor do their measures deserve such confidence.
4thly. Because we do not, as they in their second Resolution affect to consider the present embarrassments of trade and commerce as the result of the piratical orders and decrees of Great Britain and France, but as the immediate result of the most weak and wicked measures that ever disgraced and oppressed a free people.
5thly. Because we do not believe that any of our citizens with for a dissolution of the union of the States, or their subjection to any foreign power; nor a base subjection even to its own government; and should ever such dissolution take place, it must arise from the weakness or obstinate wickedness of our rulers.
6thly. Because the movers of the resolutions accepted as aforesaid, have attempted to cover themselves with the mantle of our departed patriot, Washington, which in his life time they endeavored to rend asunder.
7thly. Because "Patience becomes culpable pusillanimity, when it serves only to encourage our rulers to increase the weight of our burthen, or to BIND IT THE FASTER; and the submission which surrenders the liberty of a nation, and entails slavery upon future generations, is enjoined by no law of rational morality."
Cyrus King, Edward Tucker, James Maxwell, jun. James Coffin, William Sawyer, Jonathan King, Asa Stevens, Samuel J. Morrill, William Chase, Abner Sawyer, jun. Samuel Dennett, Brattlebury Johnson, Thomas Buckminster, William S. Johnson, James Gray, Abner Sawyer, Thomas Dearing, jun. Stephen Sawyer, James Curry, Daniel Cole, Jonathan Cleaves, Sherburne Tilton, Joshua Patten, Nathaniel Scamman, 3d, John Berry, Thomas Hale, Nicholas Berry, Joshua B. Moore, Edward Runney, jun. Samuel Gray, Elias Edgcomb, James Dearing, Joseph Hanscom, Daniel Smith, Jeremiah Smith, Ebenezer Dennett, John Ridlon, Thomas Gooch, Daniel Wentworth, Joseph Patterson, Aaron Patterson, Benjamin Wakefield, Humphrey Gordan, Jesse Whitney, John Sawyer, John Underwood, James Rawlins, Edward B. Scamman, Jeremiah Boothby, Paul Fowler, Benjamin Scamman, Abraham Patterson, Samuel Chase, James Calf, Noah Kindrick, Samuel Gilpatrick, Joel Sawyer, jun. Noah Hooper, Benjamin Chandler, William Coffin, John Edgcomb, Nathaniel Ridlon, Eliza Thomas, Robert Young, Joshua Lumbard, Ephraim Ridlon, Jonathan Tucker.
By the Sails.
Ways and Means.
Mr. GALLATIN says we must have either taxes or loans, and as the people are either unable or unwilling to pay taxes, we are going to have a little bit of a loan, of only ten millions or thereabouts. Mr. Rhea says we have not a solitary friend in the wide world, and Mr. Lyon says this same ten millions is more than the capital stock of the Bank of the United States. (If Mr. L. is a little mistaken in this calculation, it does not follow that we can borrow the exact sum of ten millions.) If we cannot live under an embargo, we must try another herb, by Non-Intercourse, and if our commercial enterprise is to be eternally cramped in this manner, the sources of our revenue will soon become as difficult to explore, and more so indeed, than Father Lobo, or Bruce, found those of the Nile to be. That vast financier, the Selby and the Necker of Tennessee, keep snug behind the curtain.
Propose your schemes, ye senatorial band. Whose ways and means support a sinking land.
N. B. It is shrewdly whispered at Washington, that altho' the President cannot bear the idea that the committee appointed to dispose of the "surplus revenue" should postpone indefinitely their report, he would not be sorry to have it delayed four or five weeks or so. Freeman's Journal.
COL. PICKERING IN FARTIGY.
The rabble of the north east suburbs of Philadelphia, have exhibited an effigy of Col. Pickering and burnt it.
I have seen the rabble of the same quarter, exhibit an effigy of Mr. Jay in the act of receiving British gold, for signing the treaty, and carry it illuminated to the door of General Washington, in order to insult him. I saw
Knowing as I do the elevated understanding of Col. Pickering I am persuaded that the mockery of this rabble rout, will excite neither his indignation nor contempt, but pity for the delusion and depravity, which renders
these poor people the dupes of the designing.—North American.
"THE PULL ALTOGETHER."
AUGUSTA, FEB. 10.—A number of the Citizens of Hallowell, who are exempt from military duty, have agreed to arm and equip themselves immediately, and to hold themselves in readiness at a moment's warning to defend their rights and liberties against the attacks of foreign or domestic tyrants. At a crisis like the present, when our dearest rights and privileges are assailed by those whose duty it is to protect them, it is hoped the patriotic example of Newburyport and Hallowell will be generally adopted.
"E'en dogs bark at me as I halt along."
ALBANY FEB. 8.—A correspondent says, that he was much diverted the other day at observing a high officer under the state government peeping into a number of country sleighs, for the purpose of information of an intention to evade the embargo laws. A surly dog, in one of the sleighs, seemed so little disposed to give bonds or relinquish the cargo which he was left to protect, that his highness deemed it prudent to shear off.—Balance
We hear from Washington, that arrangements have been made for fitting out a portion of the Navy agreeable to the late act of Congress. It is said, that Com. Rogers, is to command the frigate Constitution; Com. Decatur, the United States; Capt. Bainbridge the President; Capt. Hull, the Chesapeake; Capt. Stewart, the Essex; Capt. Smith, the John Adams; and Capt. Robertson, the Wasp. Many new Officers have been appointed. Com. Rogers is to command on the Northern Station; Com. Decatur, on the Southern. Recruiting for seamen will soon be commenced.—Palladium.
From Washington, Feb. 11, 1809.
So much of Mr. GILES's conciliatory project, agreed on in Caucus No. 2, as relates to raising an army of 15,000 men, and borrowing ten millions of dollars, has been negatived in the Cabinet, and therefore is not to pass.
The Committee on Foreign Relations, REPORTED A BILL TO DAY for an IMMEDIATE NON-INTERCOURSE with Great Britain and France, their Colonies and Dependencies; prohibiting all their armed vessels from our waters; and a NON-IMPORTATION of any of their PRODUCE or MANUFACTURES after the TWENTIETH of MAY next. It also repeals, in part , their exemptions , after the 4th of March—releas es the coasting trade from some of its restrictions,—but imposes others. I can give you but an imperfect outline of its provisions, from hearing it read once. It is made the order of the day for Tuesday.
The Senate have confirmed the appointment of Gen. DEARBORN, to the office of Collector for the port of Boston and Charleston
[* This immediate non-intercourse, we presume, means so far as regards Exports.]
EXTRACT OF ANOTHER LETTER. Washington, Feb. 11.
The committee of foreign relations introduced their bill, which is in substance that the Embargo be repealed from and after the 4th of March, except as to Great Britain & France, and their Dependencies—and a non-intercourse with both. Read, and made the order of the day for Tuesday next. The bill is very long—17 sections. The non-intercourse to commence the 20th of May—two days before the next meeting of Congress. In the Senate it was determined that the Govt of War should be Collector of Boston—altho' enough was shewn against him to have delayed his appointment in common times. There will be a full investigation of the subject in the House, all of which will be published. We cannot conjecture what will be the fate of the non-intercourse—it is a foolish plan—but anything to help Rulers out of their hobble!
BUCKSTOWN, (ME.) FEB. 4.
The public will recollect, that a Hundred Dollar Bill, was lately missing from a letter directed to Mr. Samuel Hodsden, in this town which has not since been heard of. To day we have inserted an advertisement of David Howe, Esq. offering a reward of Twenty five Dollars, for the Recovery of a letter directed to him at Castine, covering Fifty Dollars, and put into the Post Office, at Boston, the 9th day of Dec. last.
Mr. Howe, was Post-Master of Castine for seven years and more. Gideon Granger, put him out, as he said, "to promote the public interest" and the notorious George Tyler, at that time was appointed in his place, who in consequence of his want of reputation could not procure bondsmen sufficient to enable him to act in the Office until he entered it by forgery, of which he has been since convicted and suffered imprisonment.
During the time Mr. H. held the Office large sums of money went from it to Boston and elsewhere, and from other places to that Office, and not a dollar was ever known to be lost, during his being in office. But since the "public good has required" that honest and capable men should be removed to make room for others more in the Executive favour, great and numerous are the complaints which are made, and we have reason to think these and other losses do not happen by accident.
Portland,
Monday, February 20, 1809.
BY arrivals at Boston, accounts from Spain have been received a few days later than those before published.—By them it appears the Patriots had pretty generally been successful, and the prospect was highly in favor of their continuing so. The want of arms and ammunition, however, had rendered the Spaniards unable to oppose the enemy; and consequently obliged them to retreat into the country, where they were reinforced, and in their turn, had defeated the French. By verbal accounts, it appears that about the first of December a general battle had been fought between the United British and Spanish army, and the French; that the latter was defeated, with the loss of 5000 killed. The loss of the former is stated at 2000 killed, among whom was Sir David Baird.
Among the numerous accounts of military operation, the Madrid Gazette states, that in Catalonia Gen. Vives had given battle to the French, and had taken Rosas. He had declared Barcelona in a state of rigid siege. And that Troops were continually passing the interior towns on their march to the armies. The number of Spaniards in arms is stated to amount to 400,000.
Accounts from Cadiz, to the 6th of December, mention, that it was not known there that any decisive battle had taken place, though there had been much hard fighting;—that the Spaniards still continued favourable to the system of warfare recommended by their Junta; that of harassing their enemy and retreating, rather than risking great battles;—that the spirit of the nation continued good;—that it was apparent to any one resident in Cadiz that the Spaniards were well united, and that a determination pervaded all ranks, to emancipate their country, or perish in the struggle; that there was not the least appearance of the existence of a GODOY (Prince of Peace) party; on the contrary, that a man's life would be in danger who should utter a word in favor of that traitor.
Thursday last was set apart by the Senate and House of Representatives of this Commonwealth, as a day of Humiliation and Prayer to Almighty God—that he would enlighten their minds and direct their measures to obtain relief for themselves and their fellow-citizens from existing evils & embarrassments; and that he would be pleased to preserve the government and people of the United States from all undue partiality or attachment to any foreign power, and to inspire them with that wisdom and patriotism which shall induce them to sacrifice all party professions, to the permanent interest of the AMERICAN nation.
His Honor, the Lieut. Governor, was invited to join in the solemnities of the day; but unfortunately the ill health of his lady induced him to "avail himself of the proposed suspension of Legislation."
Communications.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
Lieut. Gov. LINCOLN'S SPEECH.
GOD bless you, Governor! I hope you will never be coerced to make another such a Speech. Excuse me—I mean no insult by calling you by the high sounding title of Governor; you exercise the office of chief magistrate, and ought to have the title.
Perhaps I ought to treat your speech with "frowning indignation," but, believing myself as good an advocate of your political life as three fourths of the people of this Commonwealth, I shall handle it as familiarly, and strip it to pieces with as much ease and indifference, as I would were it the production of my greatest friend.
Supposing you will "not question the sincerity of my opinion," I say with the greatest deference, I think it the least like what it ought to be; the least fitted to the time, place, company, and subject, of any state paper I ever read—and thence, I am compelled to say, in its praise, it is properly, an additional number to the "Worcester Farmer."
The first section would have been very good, had all the rest been left out.
I shall notice some comical parts of it, Governor, if you have no objection, & some of its ludicrous and base remarks, by numbering the paragraphs from which my extracts are made.
1. 'Our best exertions for the general welfare, are now necessary.'—Exertions for what? To lie still and hold our tongues! They must be for that if any thing—for you say,
2. 'With governments as with individuals, there are stages when questions can no longer be usefully open to controversy and opposition; stages when an end must be put to debate; and a decision thence resulting, be respected by its prompt & faithful execution, or government loses its existence, and the people are ruined. Are we not in this stage of the great questions of foreign aggression, embargo, nonintercourse, and national defence, and other means of safety deemed necessary by those entrusted with the final disposal of these objects?'
This is fine preaching from a man who professes such a love of liberty as your Excellency. I shall not enter into an investigation at this time, to show the unconstitutionality, oppression and cruelty of the existing measures of our government; but suppose they were unconstitutional, oppressive, and cruel, which is undoubtedly the real fact, and will ere long, I believe, be declared so by the people; nothing must be said—the door is eternally shut.—Congress have said those measures are "essential to our safety, and the best for the whole," and now, you dogs, you "worthless part of society," fall on your knees, and implore the mercy of your parental, sympathetic rulers; respect their laws, by a "prompt and faithful execution" of them,
without questioning their design, operation, effect, constitutionality, or any thing else about them! Perdition seize my soul, Governor, if I do not think these wild as a March hare!—But that our "best exertions" should be required, is some what a puzzle.—Ah, truly, I begin to think your excellency knows a little something of the feelings of freemen; for, by all that's good, I believe it requires god like, or omnipotent exertions, in a freeman, to subdue his love and attachment to liberty, to bring himself, by drilling, to be a slave.
2. 'From my own conviction'—Where now, Governor? By and by you'll talk of the propriety of conduct in those who study the popular sentiment. But, I suppose, you deemed it requisite, once in a while, to be thought independent, and not always follow the old road.
'My inexperience in legislative business, will, I fear, be thought too often to call for your indulgence and candour.'—You must explain upon this, Governor, for you know best what you mean by it.
'A difference of opinion between the different departments of government, as to means, or their application.'—You are at your old story again, Governor, when you talk of the difference of opinion. 'Tis out of pure friendship, and republican motives, that I talk so plain to you, Governor; and pray don't get affronted with me, for if I can keep you upon my side, I shall care not a cent for all the Feds. from Cape Cod to Passamaquoddy.
3. 'Apparent indication of greater ones'—Surely this man is mad. And Governor, how can you reconcile this assertion, that the prospect indicates greater difficulties than we now experience, with some of your soothing remarks, that all will be well, if government can have an "unimpeded experiment?" Really, you don't link your speech properly together. The parts of it are scattered like the shepherd's sheep—one, one way—and one, one way! However, I can't find a word of fault with it.
'Could legislators be agreed, all would be tranquillity from without.'—Right again, your Excellency! No republic, I believe, ever fell, but by the intrigues of demagogues, and these demagogues were almost always rulers. For such creatures are not generally bold, open, or brave. Their success depends upon their cunning. They first, like you and I, Governor, flatter the people, secure their favour, get hoisted into office, and then feather their own nest, though their measures may "fall more severely upon some descriptions of citizens & portions of the country than others."
'The times call for union, confidence, mutual forbearance, and accommodation.'—Where did you, Governor, catch this fever-spreading, newspaper-writing slang? You, I find, use the same arguments (if you call the crash that fills most of your speech, arguments) the same blind language, to induce submission to the arbitrary measures of our antirepublican rulers, from our truly republican people, as the servile servants of Bonaparte, and of other usurping Neroes have ever done, since the creation of this our theatre of action.—'Confidence! mutual forbearance!' and, above all, 'accommodation!'! Why, Governor, if you wish for accommodation, you should not insult a large majority of your state fellow citizens, to whom you were delivering such stuff, as would disgrace any respectable newspaper in the country. You yet know but half but the nature of the other side will tell you how much.
'The dangers to which we are exposed'—What dangers, Governor? Suggestions that there were like to be difficulties to encounter, in the progress of our internal measures, you say, you trust are unfounded; our enemies alone could have made them.—Then what dangers? As to foreign affairs, if we are assailed on the highway of nations, we run home, and get out of harm's way, & harm being out of our way, we maintain our independence with dignity, and "pacific wisdom" declaring with much exultation, a plague on their crazy heads—if ever I put my nose within their reach again, may it be pinched off in good earnest.
4. 'For one, I am prepared for this measure of accord,' &c.—Poh! Governor. Don't make all honest men blush, by saying you are prepared to reconcile past dissensions, and back the same sentence with your old animosities and bitterness, and show to the world that you, yourself, cannot lean an inch. It will not do to roll yourself in meal to deceive old rats. No, Governor, you are known, and "there is the weight that pulls you down." You had better stay aboard of your ship in the country, than attempt to play an impartial executive part, beneath a borrowed cloak.
'Countervailing measures of our national government.'—It astonishes me a little, that men, who are allowed to possess common sense, and decent information, should talk such monstrous absurdities in publick, because some favourite had talked them before. If such stuff answers for the present with the people—they will one day see the truth, and if they do not, time will unsettle every thing, whose foundation is not the very rock itself. Call our Embargo 'countervailing,' that is having equal power to oppose or retaliate:—Now, Governor, see your position spread on paper, in miniature. The ocean is the highway of nations, upon, or concerning the use of which, a contention arises. England, France, and the United States, are the greatest contenders or claimants, for the use of this highway. England's power, as Mr. Jefferson says, is so ascendant, that she can, generally speaking, do as she pleases.—France, lays no great claim to the use of this highway, but wishes to reduce the power of England, as she is at war with her. The U. States are the greatest net gainers by the use of this highway. France, because England is benefited more or less by all neutral commerce, in time of war, (as she is a great manufacturing nation) issues a decree (to sweep all neutral commerce from the ocean.) For the United States being neutral, and trading immensely with England, assists her to become more annoying to her enemy, France. England, to revenge herself upon France, issues her retaliating orders, and thereby subjects (to please you, Governor, say) all the commerce of the United States to a sequestration from the ocean. These decrees and orders, principally constitute the "aggressions, injuries, and insuls, which have been heaped upon the United States," as a neutral power. The U. States, unwilling to bear these aggressions,
issues her "countervailing" measures, in his dignified and energetic language—"AMERICA has preferred to renounce Commerce and the Ocean, rather than recognize slavery."—SEE BONAPARTE'S ADDRESS to his LEGISLATIVE BODY, Oct. 25, 1808. (To be continued in our next.)
NOTHING is more common than for the Jacobins to endeavor to excite a belief, that "the Federalists are after a monarchy"—That "they mean to bring the country into Lordships; and wish to pay England tribute" &c.—Assertions like these, from hairbrained politicians, may be heard in the streets, in taverns and grog-shops, and other places to which they resort. These falsehoods are propagated as well by those who know them to be such, as by those who are ignorant both of their origin and application. Not being able to support their arguments by reason, they resort to arrogance for defence. Many honest but misguided persons declaim against the Stamp Act , Sedition laws , Jay's Treaty , &c. &c. without understanding a single principle they contain. In this they are actuated by a supposed analogy to British laws: but ask them what their import is, and they answer, to bring the country into bondage!—Question them how they are warranted in such a construction? they know not; out in their opinion, that was the intention. They will exclaim "the Stamp Act was what the British wanted to bring us under, and shall we now submit to that, which formerly we resisted, with our lives and fortunes?—Ex-pound to them the nature of it, shew them the difference, tell them it was not the Act , but the illegality of it, they fought against—that it was "external taxation"—that it was the principle and not the thing , we contended for—that even at the moment we opposed it, when forced upon us by Parliament, no one would have had the least doubt of its legitimacy or justice, if our own representatives had framed and adopted it.—Tell them government must be supported by taxation, [which they will readily allow] and that this act was nothing more—that what they paid this way, they would not another—that the intention of it was, that the proceeds, which were necessary to meet the exigencies of the times, should pass, not into the British treasury, but into our own.—And all this, though it may perplex, will not satisfy them—still, still it was a British measure!
O my countrymen! will you not regard the voice of reason? will you not let facts speak for themselves, and not be infatuated with malevolent assertions, which in their nature have the resemblance of neither truth nor consistency? Be not deceived. Examine for yourselves, with the spirit of the constitution of your country for your guide; and not let the bare assertion of any one influence your decision. Then may you learn to distinguish between the real and pretended friends to that compact, an adherence to which has brought you wealth and honor—but from which a departure has involved you in misery and disgrace.
A CONSTITUTIONALIST.
New-Castle Town-Meeting.
AT a meeting of the qualified Voters of the town of Newcastle, in the county of Lincoln, legally assembled at the meeting-house in said town—after some desultory conversation, and some other unimportant transactions, Dr. Cushing was chosen Chairman, and N. S. S. Beeman, Clerk of said meeting. Ebenezer Clark, James Cavanagh, Col. Daniel Waters, Stephen Coffin, and Capt. Alexander Little, were appointed a committee to prepare Resolutions, expressive of our present grievances, and likewise to draft a memorial for said meeting, to be presented to the Legislature of this State, praying them for such assistance and redress of grievances, as they may, in their wisdom, deem expedient. The committee retired, and in a few minutes returned and submitted their Resolutions and Memorial for the approbation of the town.
RESOLVES.
Resolved, That the people of these United States have, at all times, and more particularly when suffering under the pressure of public calamities, an indefeasible right, quietly to assemble for the purpose of examining and scrutinizing the various measures of government, and of deciding upon their general policy and expediency; that we are not, according to the doctrine of "passive obedience," bound tamely to acquiesce in those measures, which are unconstitutional in their spirit, and in their consequence subversive of the liberties of our country; that we look up to the constitutions of the United States, and of this Commonwealth, as the grand charters of our civil and political rights; and that we shall ever deem it our indispensable duty, to preserve their spirit, as well as their letter, unimpaired, and uncorrupted by the vague schemes of visionary innovators.
Resolved, That we decidedly disapprove of the whole Embargo System as unwarranted by the situation of our public affairs when it commenced; as having proved, by a long and dangerous experiment, its own injustice and inutility; as calculated, in its spontaneous tendency, to paralyze the exertions of our enterprising merchants & seamen, and to deluge the States of the Union in the waters of bitterness; that we observe, with the keenest sensibility, its cordial reception by one of the belligerents, and the contemptuous sneers thrown upon it by the other, while it falls with the force of an electric shock upon the industrious citizens of our own country. That in the act, entitled "An act making further provisions for enforcing the Embargo," we recognize, with painful emotions, principles and provisions, at open hostility with the Constitution, and which threaten the demolition of that fair fabric whose foundation was laid by the primitive asserters of our independ-

ence, and whose joints were cemented by the precious blood of our fathers. That we consider the powers vested in the President, and those who are to receive his instructions as the rule of their official conduct, as incompatible with the genius of our government; & we hope no man who places a just estimate upon the blessings of freedom, will attempt to enforce this tyrannical, unconstitutional, and injurious system; that we firmly believe the present privations and embarrassments of our country, are attributable to the partial and temporizing policy pursued by our government towards foreign nations, & the needless and burdensome restrictions imposed upon our own commerce. That we are persuaded these measures are becoming more & more odious to the people, and will finally receive the execration of all who think and compare, and act for themselves.
Resolved , That we view with trembling solicitude the military preparations making in our country, in a time of peace, without any ostensible destination, but the real cause of which is, no doubt, to overawe the people, and at the point of the bayonet, to enforce obedience to laws whose pressure has long been grievous, and must soon become intolerable; and that we deem it hostile to republican liberty, that the 50,000 men, lately raised by Congress, should be officered by executive appointment.
Resolved , That it is the opinion of this meeting, that our difficulties with England might have been, and might now be, amicably adjusted, were our rulers guided by the wisdom, firmness and impartiality, which characterized the administrations of Washington and Adams; and that we have the most substantial reasons for suspecting that it is the intention of our government, if possible, to force us into a war with England, and to bring us into a corrupt and nefarious alliance with the Emperor of France—that destroyer of liberty, and scourge of the world.
Resolved , That we join with our brethren of Hallowell and Augusta in expressing "our abhorrence of the frequent robberies committed in the Post-Office Department;" and we add, that we equally abhor the late detention of newspapers, the sentiments contained in which, are known not to be in unison with the administration.
Resolved , That we highly approve of the manly and patriotic conduct of the small, but spirited minority in Congress, and that we will treat with silent contempt, the foul and abusive aspersions, cast by the leaders of the majority upon the characters, conduct and motives of all who oppose their favourite measures.
Resolved , That the magnanimous conduct of Gen. LINCOLN, Col. OLNEY, and others, in relinquishing as profitable offices as were in the gift of government, because they could not, without a dereliction from revolutionary principles, consent to be the instruments by which arbitrary and unconstitutional laws were to distress and impoverish their fellow citizens, is worthy of imitation and meets our most patriotic applause.
Resolved , That we highly disapprove of the base and pusillanimous conduct of our district representative in Congress; that as a faithful centinel he ought not to have fled from his post when the rights and interests of his constituents were assailed by the panderers of despotism.
Resolved , That notwithstanding the degraded and suffering condition of our country results from the bad management of our rulers, we will demean ourselves peaceably, and with all proper respect towards the general government and its officers; that we will do every thing in our power to prevent a dismemberment of the Union; that we will wait patiently for a constitutional redress of grievances; and that we will pledge ourselves to be ready at a moment's warning to shed our purest blood in defence of our country; but dare not raise a weapon for the enforcement of the deadly Embargo.
Resolved , That we contemplate with anxiety and disapprobation the coldness with which petitions and memorials, on the subject of the Embargo, have been treated by the general government; and despairing, as we do, of relief from the present administration, it becomes an imperious mandate of duty, in this momentous crisis of our public affairs, to cast ourselves upon the protection of the General Court, and pray them as the chosen and more immediate guardians of our rights, to interpose for some amelioration of our distresses.
Voted , That the foregoing resolutions, together with the memorial of the committee, be accepted by the town; and that the resolutions be forwarded, by said committee, to the office of the PORTLAND GAZETTE for publication, and the memorial be forwarded to some member of the General Court.
ATTEST, NATHAN S. S. BZEMAN, Clerk.
Waldoborough Town-Meeting.
AT a legal meeting of the Inhabitants of the town of Waldoborough, assembled by notification for the purpose of considering the present alarming and distressed situation of our public affairs, on the 15th of Feb. after an excellent & appropriate Prayer by the Rev. Mr. CUSHING, the following Resolutions were unanimously adopted, by a larger vote than was ever taken in this town.
Resolved , That "the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances" is essential to the existence of rational liberty.
That under the first administrations of the Federal Government, during a period of 12 years, we enjoyed the blessings of peace, plenty and national honor.
That the present system of measures has discouraged agriculture; destroyed the fisheries; annihilated commerce; extinguished the public revenue, and interrupted the course of justice. That the military power is exalted above the civil, and that the People's dearest right, trial by jury, is in certain cases taken from them.
That the Embargo law, its supplements, and particularly the last for enforcing the Embargo, by which, in our opinion, every Collector in the United States is invested with more discretionary power over the persons and property of the inhabitants within his district, than is possessed by the King of Great Britain over his subjects; is unconstitutional, subversive of liberty, and ought to be submitted to only by those who prefer slavery to freedom.
That every interference of the general government with the Coasting Trade carried on between ports within the same State, is an arbitrary stretch of power, not warranted by the Constitution.
That freedom consists in being governed by equitable laws, openly promulgated; not by private instructions, or arbitrary determinations and groundless suspicions of individuals; and that we consider laws, which can be enforced only by the aid of 50,000 armed men, as impolitic, unjust & tyrannical.
That, in the opinion of this town, the present unhappy situation of our public affairs is the effect either of a lamentable incapacity in their management; or of a censurable partiality to one of the belligerents.
That the minority in Congress, the bold assertors, and able supporters of American Rights, are entitled to our warmest gratitude; and that we attach no credit to our Representative in Congress for having withheld his vote in favor of the death warrant of New-England prosperity; but that we attribute it to his usual weak, timeserving policy.
That we view with indignation an attempt to restrain the freedom of debate in Congress, by the pistol of an assassin.
That we perfectly understand the difference between the Constitution of our country, and the administrators of our government; and that while we reprobate the latter, we pledge our fortunes and our lives in support of the former.
That we consider the substitute of War with Great Britain, for the Embargo, before an attempt to settle our differences by candid and liberal negotiation, as exchanging a lesser evil for a greater.
That we consider the dignified position assumed by our State Legislature, as worthy the heads and hearts of the enlightened Representatives of free and independent citizens; and that we pledge ourselves, and all we hold dear in their support.
That having in vain sought redress of our unexampled grievances from our general government, we rely solely on the patriotism of the great body of the people, and the aid of our more immediate Representatives. Therefore,
Resolved , That a Committee be chosen to prepare and forward a Memorial to our General Court, praying for their interference for our relief from arbitrary laws, private instructions and military despotism.
Voted , That the above Resolutions be printed in the Portland Gazette.
JOSHUA HEAD, Moderator. ATTEST: THOS. W. GUGER, Town Clerk.
Proceedings of the towns of Boothbay & Camden, on the present alarming situation of the country, are received, and will appear in our next.
BLOCKADE OF BOSTON.
In conformity to their political creed, the democrats engage so deeply, and make such improvement in the art of deception, that we have long since despaired of detecting an hundredth part of their erroneous statements.
With a view of gratifying a number of respectable gentlemen in this town, however, and for the information of our readers generally, we will record another detection of democratic falsehood, and thereby expose the arts and pitiful shifts which they resort to, in order to keep their cause from sinking into merited contempt and disrepute, even in the estimation of their least discerning and prepossessed supporters.
It was asserted, a short time since, that
the port of Boston was blockaded by domestic tyranny; and that clearances were withheld from every description of vessels. The order which directed the government officers, in Boston, to put these instructions in force, being unauthorized by law, and in direct violation of the constitution, very justly excited general indignation.
The democrats found it necessary, therefore, to do away the impression which this stretch of power had excited, to deny its authenticity. And the commander of Fort Independence, prompted by his attachment to party rather than truth, published in the Chronicle , a statement apparently intended to deceive the community; which, with an editorial paragraph from the Chronicle , filed with its usual vulgar abuse, and denying the blockade of Boston in toto, was copied into that repository of smut, the Eastern Argus , of Thursday last. That the public may properly appreciate assertions contained in that paper, we have collected the following particulars, which, we are assured, will be supported on oath, if occasion shall require it.
About the first of the present month, Capt. DUNCAN, in a packet belonging to this port, was in Boston, and being desirous of bringing her to Portland—after giving the bonds required by law, on the 5th instant, obtained a regular clearance for that purpose. He was unable, however, to sail on that day; and orders having been received on the day following, for detaining all vessels, Capt. D. could not obtain permission to pass the castle until the 9th, notwithstanding numerous applications for that purpose. On the last mentioned day, Capt. D. having again applied to Col. BOYL for permission to pass the castle, was informed by him he might then proceed for Portland, who also gave him (Capt. D.) a letter to an officer at the castle—which permission he said was granted on his own responsibility, as he had orders to detain all vessels, whether cleared or not.
Thus it is demonstrated that the port of Boston was, as has been asserted, in a state of actual blockade, or we have yet to learn, in what a blockade consists. We understand, however, it was raised on the 12th inst. after one week's continuance.—Will the Argus -men have the magnanimity to correct his misstatement?
The inhabitants of Thomaston coerced!
We hear from Thomaston that a short time since a respectable merchant in that town applied to the Selectmen for a recommendation to enable him to obtain a licence to import some Corn and Flour from the Southward. But the Selectmen, imagining probably, that none were entitled to this privilege but "passive obedience" geese, and being advised thereto by their party—refused to recommend him. It appears, however, the merchant succeeded in obtaining these articles without their aid; and by way of punishing them for commencing the game of the "Dog in the Manger," retaliates, and refuses to sell them his corn and flour unless they will give him their confidence hereafter. On this subject our correspondent states, that "one town-meeting has already been called; but that the democrats are still growing; and that they were led on by a certain fat Doctor , who no doubt would sooner see some of his forces lifeless, than give way to reason."—So they go.
JOCOBIN LOGIC,
OR THE ARGUS-MAN in a suite of FUSTIAN.
Among the numerous paragraphs of folly, deception and nonsense, with which the jacobin papers are constantly teeming, we have discovered none of late, more contemptibly foolish, insipid or inconsistent over a piece published in the last Argus over the fictitious signature of a Soldier . We here insert it, with the belief that every reader will at once perceive that it is the production of some weak tool, who will resort to any thing but truth and justice, in support of a party, bent on the destruction of the American Constitution, and the ruin of a free people.
"FOR THE EASTERN ARGUS."
"An in Alible Rule to prove Republicanism or Love of Country."
"Talk with some old Tory, and if your sentiments differ widely from his, you may be sure you are right. But if he approve your sentiments you have every reason to abandon, abhor and despise them."
Mark Reader, try him by this Rule!
If a federalist (all of whom the Argus denounces old Tories) should declare to you, that he believes there is a righteous God, who made and governs the Earth—that he has full confidence in the merits of that blessed Redeemer, who was crucified and slain on Calvary's awful mount—that he believes there will be a day of final retribution, when that wicked disorganizing faction which dared to rebel against their Maker, together with all the wilful perfidious of upright men, will receive the dreadful sentence denounced against them in the volume of inspiration. You have only to disbelieve these sacred truths, treat them with contempt and ridicule, and by the Rule prescribed in the Argus , you may be assured you are a good Republican, and may serve your "twenty Gods or no God," as inclination or depravity may dictate.—Again
"I have been a Federalist, but little thought I was a Tory, until the above mode of examination occurred to my mind, which I was positive would be an infallible rule to prove my Patriotism. But what was the result?—To my astonishment, I found every sentiment and every measure of myself and my brother-feds highly approved, highly encouraged, and the pernicious feeds of Toryism adroitly cherished by those pretended friends, but real enemies to the rights and liberties of America. These self-styled friends of freedom affect to derive their example from the illustrious WASHINGTON; but how can they without blushing, take his revered name into their polluted lips, when he took up arms against the same hostile power whom they now serve, and for no greater reasons than they now appear as acts of justice."
In this clause the same sentiments are conveyed as in the preceding one. He says he was once a federalist and by this Rule he found himself a
Tory. The idea is perfectly ridiculous, and requires no other answer than is contained in the remarks we have already made. You may be assured he is a malicious jacobin—an enemy to our country, and to all honest men. You may not be surprised if the next information you receive concerning him, you should find he is either a defalcator of public treasuries or a robber of post offices.
"But if we are again destined to meet them in the field, may our hands be made strong by that Arm which is all powerful and able to save—and may the shade of the departed WASHINGTON descend and hover round, with tidings of victory from on high. Then will the voice of our fathers' blood salute us from the ground, crying, Courage, my Sons! for you we bled, for you we died, and if you now are cowards we bled and died in vain."
How admirably consistent this! What I call on the shade of Washington to "hover round them," that great and good man who when in office this same party who now file themselves republicans, "ceased not day nor night" to persecute, calling him an old Tory—British hireling and a traitor to his country! Nay, what is still more horrible, one of their leaders who is now in this town, (and perhaps the very person who wrote the piece in the Argus ) has publicly declared, "that he would travel barefooted from this place to Philadelphia, to see WASHINGTON's head fixed on a pike!" Vile miscreant! yet he files himself a friend to the people, and has the impudence to call on the revered name of Washington, and invoke the benediction of our Father's blood! Fellow Citizens, does not your blood "curse" e in your veins," while you discover such bale and insidious hypocrisy, in the bosom of your beloved country? We solemnly beseech you by all you hold dear on earth, to beware of the plot which is ripening for your destruction. Beneath the Sheep's clothing, there lies concealed a WOLF which will soon throw off the veil of innocence—grasp your liberties—tear asunder the vital principles of your independence, and subject you to the ignominious disposal of a foreign Tyrant, who "neither fears God nor regards man."
The "Diabolical Plan"
Mentioned in the Gazette of the 23d ult. of certain office-holders endeavouring to secure to themselves their office for life , is pretended by the Argus -man to be without foundation; and presume we will not hesitate in acquainting the public we were misinformed —So far from our being convinced of the paragraph's being unfounded, we are strengthened in the original opinion that it is substantially true ; & that we do not despair of making it appear so.—We would advise them, therefore, to "sing small" on this head, lest we should hereafter "put them to shame."
DIED.
In Boston, Jeremiah Allen, Esq. Sheriff of Suffolk, aged 58. In West-Cambridge, Mr. Thomas Williams, aged 101.
At Freeport, on the 6th inst. the Rev. SAMUEL VEAZIE, aged 29, pastor of the first parish in that town. In the death of Mr. Veazie his relations have to mourn the loss of a most amiable friend, his church a pious and attentive minister, and his parish a truly excellent and able instructor.—The funeral was attended on the Friday following by the clergy from the neighboring towns, and the services performed on this melancholy occasion in the most appropriate and respectful manner to one of the most solemn and numerous assemblies ever held in that place.—We forbear communicating the private character of Mr. Veazie, as the sermon, preached at his funeral by the Rev. WM. JENKS, of Bath, is a faithful delineation of his moral and social virtues.
In New Gloucester, on the 18th inst. in the 70th year of her age, Mrs. Sarah Woodman. She survived her husband hardly 11 months.
In Gorham, 14th ult. Mr. Charles M'Neal, aged 25. He was a native of Cantire, in Scotland, but has resided for the last 6 or 7 years in the Island of Jamaica. His ill state of health induced him to this country, with the fond hope thereby of benefiting it by the northern climate: in this, however, he was disappointed, and his relatives deprived of administering consolation to him in his expiring moments. His reason and presence of mind remained unimpaired to the last; and a consciousness of having lived a virtuous life supported him in the hour of death, and deprived the grim messenger of all his terrors. His mild and engaging manners and humane disposition, gained him the esteem of all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance—who heartily join with his parents and connexions in mourning the untimely exit of this amiable young man.
In this town, Mr. JOHN MORSE, aged 35.—Elizabeth T. Ingraham, daughter of Mr. James M. Ingraham, aged 2 years.—Albert, son of Mr. Hudson Bailey, aged 7 months.
FLOUR FOR SALE,
At a reduced price for Cash. 250 Barrels Philadelphia superfine FLOUR; being a consignment, will immediately be sold very low for Cash. Inquire at No. 5, Union Row, Middle-street, of
JOSEPH CROSS, Jun. Feb. 20.
FOR SALE,
A ONE STORY DWELLING HOUSE, with five Rooms completely finished on the lower floor, and one in the chamber, together with the lot of land it stands on, with an excellent well of water, situated on Cumberland-street, occupied by John Light.—For further particulars apply to
OLIVER EVERETT. Portland, Feb. 20. (6w)
TAKE NOTICE!
ALL persons indebted to the late firm of John & Ephraim Morse, are hereby notified that unless payment be made to the subscriber, the surviving partner, within thirty days, their demands will be left in the office of Messrs. Hopkins & Metcalf, his Attorneys, to be paid without further notice.
EPHRAIM MORSE. Portland, Feb. 15, 1809. (29)
Equity of Redemption.
CUMBERLAND, ss.— Taken by Execution and to be sold at Public Vendue on THURSDAY the sixteenth day of March next, at two of the clock in the afternoon, on the premises,
ALL the right in Equity of Redemption in and unto the following Mortgaged Real Estate, situated in Falmouth, in said county, being forty four acres, the growth of which is oak, walnut and ash, bounded as follows, viz:—beginning at the county road adjoining land now in the possession of Ruben Merrill; thence south twenty three degrees west to Presumpscot river; thence up the river as the river runs forty rods; thence north twenty three degrees east to the county road; thence as the road runs to the bound first mentioned, with all the privileges and appurtenances.—Said estate being mortgaged January 21, 1805, for four hundred and fifty dollars.
EZRA GIBBS, D. Sheriff. Portland, Feb. 14, 1809. (20)
FOR SALE—BY
Charles & John Fox, FEW pipes American GIN—superior quality, ALSO, Few chests HYSON TEA. Feb. 20.
NOTICE!
THE subscriber informs his friends and customers that he shall positively leave town by the first of March next—and again requests all those who have unsettled accounts with him to call and settle the same before the first day of March, or he will be under the necessity of leaving them with an attorney for collection.
NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Feb. 20.
INN—open for Entertainment.
REMOVAL.
THIS is to inform the public that I have taken the stand formerly occupied by Mr. Josiah Faine, as the Portland Stage House, in Court Street, where I am ready to wait on all who please to favour me with their custom.—The best of accommodations for Horses and Carriages under cover secure from the weather. Feb. 20. STEPHEN LEE.
Dissolution of Partnership.
THE Copartnership under the firm of STEVENS & HEATH, was dissolved on the first day of January, 1809—All persons having demands against said firm, are requested to present the same for settlement. WILLIAM STEVENS, ANDREW HEATH. Bath, Feb. 20.
NOTICE!
THE Copartnership of C. & J. Blood, is this day dissolved by mutual consent. OLIVER BLOOD, JOSHUA BLOOD. Wells, Feb. 9, 1809. (20)
FARM FOR SALE.
THE subscriber offers for sale, on terms which cannot fail to suit the purchaser, his fertile and well cultivated FARM, pleasantly situated in the town of Baldwin (about thirty miles from Portland) consisting of sixty acres of Land of a superior quality. Said farm has yielded forty tons of hay—and has on it three good orchards—a nursery—a Barn 55 by 30 feet—a House calculated and well furnished for a tavern, and accommodated with a good well of water, enclosed by the river. The above farm will be exchanged in part payment for a Ship or Brig. For further particulars inquire of
PETER BLAIR. Baldwin, Feb. 20.
FOR SALE,
ON board the Sloop Margaret, lying at Union Wharf, about 100 Hhds. LIVERPOOL SALT. Inquire at No. 16.—Portland, Jan. 23.
FOR SALE,
BY JACOB KNIGHTS, on Portland Pier 20 Hhds. SUGAR. Portland, Jan. 30.
A New Periodical Work.
THIS DAY published and for sale by Manning & Loring, No. 9, and Lincoln & Emmons, No. 53, Cornhill, Boston; and by Samuel Etheridge, Charlestown, (price 12 1/2 cents single—10 cents by dozen) the WITNESS, No. 1, for January 1809—published monthly, for the benefit of Missionary institutions.
CONTENTS.
The divinity of Christ—Nature of christian assurance—Extract from Dr. Silliman's Sermons—On searching the scriptures, No. 1—Parable of the tares and the wheat, illustrated—Aphorisms suggested by Rom. iv. 3—On Symbolical language, No. 1—Biblical criticism on John i. 9—Memoir of Mrs. Pierce—Religious Intelligence—Letter from Barnstable—Revival in Tranquilla, Georgia—Baptism of three Pedobaptist Ministers, &c.—Review—The Suffolk selection of church music—Remarks on Mr. Canning's Sermon, & Mr. C. D. man's ordination—Anecdotes—The English Country Parson—Fide's Carbonaria—Poetry—Address—Epitaph.
Persons wishing to become subscribers for this useful and highly interesting work, will please to apply to Mr. Thomas Beck, Forestier, Portland—Messrs. WM. R. & C. STOCKBRIDGE, N. Yarmouth, or DAVID STINSON, Esq. Bath.—The numbers will be delivered as printed. Feb. 16.
THE subscribers having been appointed by the Hon. Samuel Freeman, Esq. Judge of Probate, &c. for the county of Cumberland, to receive and examine the claims of creditors to the estate of
BENJAMIN ALLEN JORDAN, late of Gorham, in said county, deceased, represented insolvent, hereby give notice, that a further time of three months from the eighth day of the present month are allowed by said Judge, for the creditors to laid estate to bring in and prove their claims, and that we shall attend that service at the house of the widow Sarah Jordan, in said Gorham, on the last Saturday of March and April next, from two to six o'clock in the afternoon.
LOTHROP LEWIS, } Commissioners. JOSEPH ALDEN, } Gorham, Feb. 13, 1809. (20)

Original Miscellany.
FOR THE GAZETTE.
From the Shop of Messrs. PHILIP & FOSTER, Literary and Political Retailers.
"It is impossible for us, who live in the latter ages of the world, to make observations in criticism, morality, or any art or science, which have not been touched upon by others; we have little else left us, but to represent the common sense of mankind, in more strong, more beautiful, or more uncommon light."
Specator, No. 253.
So it seems our Governor pro tem. thought, by conveying his ideas in an "uncommon light." However we know not that he is to be credited for his messagizing stile. He seems to have very faithfully patterned after his great prototype Thomas Jefferson , Prince of the Cave, whose sentiments were never clothed with the old fashioned language of the days of Washington, but was always bundled up in some odd, or "uncommon" garb. But we believe his Excellency pro tem. is to have the praise of introducing this opugnatory, abjurgatory, philo-anti-statistical style into the executive closet of this state. Place it to his credit, if you please.
For the exercise of school-boys, 6 or 8 years of age, we make the following extracts, requesting the reader, for a correct view of them, to recur to his Excellency's late Speech to the Legislature, from which they are taken.
"The known patriotism of the people of Massachusetts, is a pledge for the display of those virtues ."
"Would not such an achievement?" What achievement?
"The aggregate of our wrongs have been great indeed."
"Although our commercial intercourse and national defence—is, &c."
"A balanced government and its authorities—is so safe, &c."
"It was not to have been expected that the United States could be exempted from dysfests , when causes were in operation, which have involved half the world in the great ."
"Will not thoughtfulness , in the language of our departed Patriot, frown indignantly ?"
"Can these opposers wish them to be abandoned, and a surrender of the government into their hands ?"
"Would they wish to break those which bind us to the common centre, a deposit for the publick, &c. "
"Buffeting the destruction threatened from the deep, conflict with the clouds above ." This sentence is in character.
"'Tis like our administration's fighting our enemies upon the ocean, by fleeing to the mountains ." 'Tis also similar to J. Q. Adams's "counter statement from the other side." 'Tis a fine thing to know so much, that one can say nothing as it ought to be said. It shows one's great  larain !
"Edge of a precipice," and "extremity of its exit," are bold expressions, and pure language, undoubtedly.
"The importance, and interesting, and perilous nature of the crisis, has compelled me."
"They will see whether there is the greatest aptitude and efficiency ."
"The circumvolution, &c. are not."
"Still her old empire to restore the tries, 'For, born a goddess, dullness never dies.'"
Duncidat. P
Harpwell Resolutions.
At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Harpswell, duly notified and holden on Monday, the 6th day of February, A. D. 1809, at 10 o'clock in the forenoon, at the west meeting house in said town,
To take into consideration the difficulties, difficulties, and calamities, in which the government of the United States have involved its citizens—Also, to consider, and determine on the expediency of petitioning the Legislature of this Commonwealth, in their present session, praying that honourable body to take such steps, as they think, in their wisdom, best calculated to secure to their constituents, the rights and liberties guaranteed to us by the constitution of the Union, from which our national rulers have deviated—
Chose Capt. Andrew Dunning, Moderator.
2d. Voted a committee of five be chosen, viz, Lieut. Jonathan John-
son, Capt. Nehemiah Curtis, Benjamin Dunning, Marlboro' Sylvester, and William Dunning, jr. to transmit an address to our state legislature—then adjourned one hour, after which the following resolutions were unanimously adopted :
Resolved , That it appears to be a much more alarming crisis with the United States of America, than at any period during the revolutionary war with Great Britain.
Resolved , That the moral cause of our national calamities, is our national sins; but that the instrumental cause is, the present administration forsaking the policy of '76, the Washingtonian policy, and pursuing a blind and ruinous one.
Resolved , That we deem some recent laws of Congress, subversive of the Constitution of the U. States, & destructive of our national rights and liberty—among which, are the unlimited, permanent embargo law, and supplementary acts, which unconstitutional laws are to be enforced by military power.
Resolved , That we are not to obey a Magistrate, ruling above a power entrusted to him.
Resolved , That when rulers become tyrants, they cease to be rulers.
Resolved , That a breach of trust in a ruler, or an attempt to enlarge a limited power, absolves subjects from every bond of covenant.
Resolved , That if the people quietly submit to infringement upon one part of the constitution, there is danger of the subversion of the whole; and that the American land, which has been an asylum for the oppressed, will be overrun with tyranny and despotism.
Resolved , That the enormous powers vested in one man, furinishes reason to suspect, that a monarchical government is contemplated.
Resolved , That we hold in high estimation the Minority in Congress, who have exerted themselves in support of our constitutional rights—may their memory live, while the names of a different description rot.
And whereas we despair of redress of grievances from Congress, (having heretofore sought for it from that body)—therefore
Resolved , That a respectful address be transmitted, in the name of this town, to the General Court of this Commonwealth, (now in session) praying that Honourable Body to adopt such measures as in their wisdom they may deem expedient for the public welfare.
ATTEST, WM DUNNING, jr. T. Clk.
Durham Town Meeting.
At a legal meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Durham, in the county of Cumberland, on Monday, the 6th day of February, A. D. 1809, to see if the town would vote to address the General Court of this Commonwealth, and request them to take every honourable and constitutional measure to obtain a removal of our present commercial restrictions, and a repeal of the several embargo laws, Jehiah Burnham, Esq. was chosen Moderator—Voted, that a committee be appointed to consider the subject, and report at the adjournment. The town then appointed the Rev. Jacob Herrick, Jehiah Burnham, and John Converse, a committee for that purpose, and then adjourned till half past four in the afternoon. The town met according to adjournment, and the committee made their report, in which were several spirited resolutions, and an address to the General Court of this Commonwealth—Voted the several Resolutions, accompanied with the address, be signed, and forwarded on by the Moderator and Town Clerk, to the General Court, without one dissenting vote.—After some observations, a motion was made by Dr. John Converse, to raise a Committee of Safety, to correspond with the committees of the several towns. The town accordingly raised a committee consisting of nine.
JOSIAH BURNHAM. ATTEST, ISAAC DAVIS, T. Clerk.
PANOPLIST.
SUBSCRIPTIONS for "The Panoplist and Missionary Magazine United," (a valuable collection of religious pieces, published monthly, price 20 cents) are received at the Office of Samuel Freeman, Esq. in Portland, where former subscribers may receive future numbers.
CONTENTS
Of No. 8, for January, 1809.
BIOGRAPHY.
Sketch of the life of the Rev. Isaac Watts, D. D.
Sketch of the life of Mrs. Elizabeth Rowe. RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATIONS. On the Divinity of Christ On Looking unto Christ for Salvation.
SELECTIONS. On Religious Controversy. Winter. A Prayer, under abuses and provocations. Rules of Living.
FRAGMENTS. Religious Societies. Extract from Witherpoon's Ecclesiastical Characteristics.
Anecdotes of St. John. REVIEW. A selection of Psalms and Hymns, by Wm. Emerson, A. M.
D. Rees' Cyclopaedia. Constitution, and official Statutes of Andover Theological Institution.
RELIGIOUS INTELLIGENCE. Of sundry Religious Societies. Revival of Religion in Connecticut. Extracts of Letters from India, &c. &c.
Extract of a letter from Washington, Saturday, Feb. 4. 1809.
"To-day has been spent in speeches, evaporation, smoke, &c. A man from Carolina, I forget his name, a most noisy creature, talking very big to day about war—the other day he was whining for fear of it. There is no knowing what to think of him—perhaps he fears his negroes would make a carbonado of him. But no question could be taken in consequence of three long speeches."
"It is said, the President and his squad are determined, at all events, to defeat the Resolution introduced by Nicholas , of Virginia—The alteration which has been made in that—viz.—"4th of March instead of 1st of June," has made the executive curse instead of bless . I have entertained hopes that the Embargo would come off the fourth of March, but Jefferson & Co. will stop it—mark my words.—The engagements with Bonaparte will not permit. We are in a wretched situation! Nothing will be done by the present Congress."
"The question expected, must either have been on a concurrence of the House with the Committee of the Whole; or in Committee, on a substitute for the Embargo."
Scandalous Proceedings. The Governor of Maryland, [Wright] has had the effrontery to grant a pardon and release from confinement, of those Irish renegadoes, who were sentenced to fine and imprisonment for tar and feathering an innocent citizen sometime since in Baltimore.
Language is inadequate to express the indignation which good men should feel towards this wretch, clothed with authority, in thus interposing between the injured laws and these vile rioters.
The Baltimore Republican says, real estate will depreciate 20 per cent. in that city, as all will endeavor to abandon a place where the laws are no protection to the innocent.
Rhode-Island Coal Lottery. Commence drawing in Boston, Feb. 15th inst.
  Tickets at D. 25 6 of 1000 Halves 13 10 500   Quarters 6 Quarters 26 10 800   Eighths 3 Eighths 52 10 900   Sixteenths 1 Sixteenths 104 10 100   The Prizes are 1 of 10,000 100 40   1 of 2,000 500 80   3000 Tickets only, and the prizes subject to no deduction. 
A few Tickets &c. in this and Dixville Lottery now drawing, for sale at S. PATTEN'S Lottery Office, No. 10 Jones' Row, Fifth-street. Feb. 13.
Real Estate—for sale. FOR sale on liberal terms, a DWELLING-HOUSE, pleasantly situated on Free-street, in complete repair, containing seven well finished Rooms, a convenient yard, wood house, barn, and a good well of water.—For further particular inquire of DANIEL COBB. Portland, Feb. 13, 1809.
DAY & ILSLEY, WANT to Purchase 3000 bushels of HOUSE-ASHES—for which Cash will be paid. Feb. 6, 1809.
WANTED TO PURCHASE, A new Milch COW.—Inquire of the Printer. FEB. 6.
LAST NOTICE! NOTICE is hereby given to those persons who are indebted to the estate of STEPHEN FOSTER, late of Bradford, deceased, either by note of hand or account, that unless they make payment to the subscriber on or before the 20th inst. they will be lodged with Messrs. Hopkins & M'Nally, for collection. STEPHEN FOSTER, Administrator. Portland, Feb. 6.
Wanted to Contract for A QUANTITY of White Pine TIMBER, sufficient to make 200,000 feet, board measure to be delivered in Portland, by the 18th day of March next, for which a generous price will be given.
TO BE LET, HALF of a convenient DWELLING-HOUSE, situated in Free-street, on reasonable terms.—Enquire of WILLIAM GODDARD. Portland, Nov. 7.
Eliphalet Smith, REMOVED to Titcomb's building, Middle-street—where he has for sale a general assortment of FACTORY COTTON YARN, CLOTH & BEDTICKING.—Other goods as usual. (9w.) Jan. 2.
William Goddard, HAS received by ships Globe and Hannah from Liverpool, an addition to his stock of HARD-WARE GOODS, Which are offered for sale on the most favorable terms, by wholesale or retail. Portland, Nov. 7. (11)
Factory Yarn & Thread Store. JOSEPH POPE, informs his friends and the public that he is appointed Agent for Almy & Brown , of Providence, who will keep him constantly supplied from their long known & well established Factory, with a general assortment of
 Cotton Warp and Filling,  White and colored Stocking, 2 & 3 thread,  ditto ditto Thread in hanks and balls,  Wirk Yarn,  Cotton Shirting and Sheeting,  do. Check and Stripe,  Bed Tick, &c.  Which will be sold wholesale and retail at the Factory prices. Shopkeepers in town and country may be supplied on the same terms as at the Manufactories, by applying at No. 7, Muffey's Row. (6m) Dec. 19.
TAKE NOTICE!
THE subscriber gives notice that he is under the necessity of calling on all persons with whom he has unsettled accounts, to call and adjust the same on or before the first of March next; or he will be compelled to lodge the demands of such as are indebted to him with an Attorney. Portland, Feb. 6. JOSHUA SHAW.
Library Shares.
THE owners of the following Shares in the PORTLAND LIBRARY, are hereby notified that the sums annexed to their respective numbers, have been due thereon more than two years, and that if they be not paid on or before the twenty-eighth day of February instant, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, the said shares will then be sold at a Public Vendue, to be holden at the subscriber's office in Portland, viz. No. 5, D. 2; No. 30, D. 5; No. 45, D. 2; 12, 2; 36, 2; 47, 2; 14, 2; 37, 2; By order of the Committee. SAMUEL FREEMAN. Feb. 10, 1809. (13)
TO LET,
THE Dwelling-House situated in Middle-Street, lately occupied by Mr. THOMAS WEBSTER.—It is a good situation for, and can be improved as a Store and Attorney's Office.—Apply at No 12 Union-Wharf. Feb. 13, 1809.
Thomas Webster.
RESPECTFULLY invites those of his creditors who have no security by attachment or otherwise, to transmit their demands to No. 12, Union Wharf, where the best arrangements within the compass of his power shall be made for their security. A few accounts remain open where the balance is in his favor, to the adjustment of which the debtor is requested to attend and give such security as circumstances will admit. Feb. 13, 1809.
NOTICE
IS hereby given, that all persons against whom the subscriber has notes or accounts of a longer standing than six months, that unless they are adjusted before Monday next they will be lodged with an Attorney for collection. WILLIAM M'LELLAN, JGN. Feb. 13.
BACK-COVE BRIDGE.
THE Proprietors of Back-Cove Bridge are hereby notified and warned to meet at the house of Abraham Beeman, innholder in Portland, on Monday the twentieth day of February instant, at two o'clock in the afternoon, for the following purposes:—viz. To choose a Moderator. To make choice of one or more persons in addition to the present Standing Committee. To receive accounts and allow the same if they be found right. To pass any vote respecting the toll, that they may judge expedient. By order of the Standing Committee. STEPHEN WAITE, Clerk of the Proprietors. Portland, Feb. 11, 1809.
New Portland, &c.
PURSUANT to an application made to me by five of the Proprietors of the two townships granted to the sufferers of Portland, situated in the county of Kennebec, and lately incorporated by the names of NEW PORTLAND and FREEMAN, I do hereby notify the said Proprietors to meet at my Office, on Tuesday, the twenty-eighth day of February inst at three o'clock in the afternoon, to act on the following articles, viz. 1. To choose a Moderator. 2. To receive and allow accounts. 3. To see if they will pay the taxes on the lands of non-resident proprietors in said towns. 4. To see if they will execute from further service any of their committee or other officers and appoint others in their room. 5. To do what they shall see fit with respect to the debts due to said proprietors. 6. To determine what they will have done with the lots of land now belonging to them, and also with the strips or parcels of common land, and with the public lots in said towns—and to act thereon as they shall judge proper. 7. To agree upon a method of calling future meetings. SAMUEL FREEMAN, Prop. Clerk. Feb. 10, 1809. (13)
THE subscriber hereby gives public notice to all concerned that he has been duly appointed and has taken upon himself the trust of an administrator on the estate of
SAMUEL WHITMORE, late of Gorham, in the county of Cumberland, gentleman, deceased, by giving bond as the law directs.—He therefore requests all persons who are indebted to the said deceased's estate, to make immediate payment; and those who have any demands thereon to exhibit the same to
JOEL WHITMORE. Feb. 6, 1809.
House at Auction. To be sold at Public Vendue, on WEDNESDAY, the twenty-second day of February current, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, A CONVENIENT DWELLING HOUSE, two stories high, situated in Portland, on the Lane leading from Fore-street, by Mr. Kellogg's meeting-house, to Middle-street. Said House stands on land belonging to Mr. Benjamin Knight, and is part of the Estate of William W. Knight, late of Portland, cooper, deceased. Sale on the premises, by order of the Judge of Probate. S. LONGFELLOW, jun. Attorney to Administrator. Portland, Feb. 13.
Equity of Redemption.
CUMBERLAND, ss. Taken by Execution and to be sold at Public Auction, on TUESDAY, the twenty-first day of March next, at one o'clock in the afternoon on the premises, ALL the Right in Equity to and of Redeeming the following described Mortgaged Real Estate:—viz. A certain Farm, or the one half of a lot of land laying and being in the town of Otisfield, in the county of Cumberland—it being the most south easterly half of lot No. one hundred and fifty nine, with the buildings and improvements thereon, containing fifty acres more or less. Sale on the premises, when and where the conditions will be made known. STEPHEN KNIGHT, Dept. Sheriff. Otisfield, Feb. 9, A. D. 1809.
Muffs & Tippets,
A. Cheever & Co. HAVE REMOVED from their former stand to the store nearly opposite, (formerly occupied by N. P. Poor) No. 1, Union-Row, where is for sale, a large and elegant assortment, manufactured under their own inspection and warranted free from damage. They consist of every kind fashionable and useful, and will be sold cheaper than can be purchased elsewhere in the District of Maine, at retail—at wholesale, as low as can be purchased in Boston.
HATS, they have of their own manufacturing, of every kind, which will be sold and warranted to give the purchaser satisfaction. Household Furniture. New Beds and Bedsteads, with a variety of Parlour and Kitchen Furniture. Cash given for hating & shipping Furs. Portland Jun. 30. (11)
NOTICE!
THE subscriber being about to close business in this place, requests all those with whom he has unsettled accounts to call and have them adjusted; and all those indebted to make immediate payment. NEHEMIAH CRAM. Portland, Jan. 30. (8w)
N. B. The subscriber offers the remaining part of his stock, consisting of W. I. Goods & Groceries, at reduced prices for cash only. To Let, TWO Chambers situated in Court Street—a convenient tenement for a small family. Apply to JOHN PHILLIPS. Portland, Jan. 30. (11)
E. Greely & Co.
RUM, Brandy, Sugar, Hysop, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin and Souchong Tea—Tobacco, Pork, &c. Feb. 6.
Edward Howe,
No. 1, Titcomb's Buildings, KEEPS constantly for sale, a complete assortment of Upholstery, Paper Hangings & Looking Glasses, with which the public may be accommodated on the most reasonable terms. He continues to execute the UPHOLSTERY BUSINESS in its various branches, as usual. For sale as above, a few bbls. excellent Kuffetting and Pippin Apples, for winter use—cheap for Cash. Portland, Feb. 6.
REMOVAL.
CHARLES ROGERS begs leave to inform his friends and customers that he has removed to his store under his dwelling-house, at the head of Titcomb's-Wharf, where he has for sale SEAMEN'S CLOTHING, &c. and where the TAILORING BUSINESS is carried on at the lowest cash prices. N. B.—All persons indebted to said Rogers, either by note or book account, are hereby requested to call and settle the same immediately, if they wish to save expense. Portland, Jan. 23. (6w)
THE subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Judge of Probate for county of Lincoln, Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
SAMUEL WOODWARD, JUN. late of Bristol, deceased, represented insolvent, and four months being allowed said creditors to bring in and support their claims, do hereby give notice that we will attend the business of our appointment at the dwelling house of R. Hutton, Esq. in said Bristol, on Monday the 13th day of February next, and the second Monday in the three following months, from one o'clock P. M. till five do.
WM. CHAMBERLAIN, JAMES DRUMMOND, JUN. Bristol, Jan. 31, 1809. (F.3)
THE subscribers being appointed by the Hon. Silas Lee, Esquire, Judge of Probate for the county of Lincoln, Commissioners to receive and examine the claims of the several creditors to the estate of
WALTER MALONEY, late of Warren, in said county of Lincoln, deceased—six months are allowed the creditors to bring in and prove their debts. The subscribers will attend to the said business at the dwelling-house of Mr. Jesse Page, in Warren, on the first and last Tuesday in April, from two to six o'clock, P. M.
JAMES W. HEAD, EDMUND BUXTON, } Commissioners. Warren, Jan. 7, 1809. (F.6)