The Massachusetts spy (Boston [Mass.]), 1771-07-04 00:00:00

 THE Massachusetts Spy
A Weekly, Political, and Commercial PAPER:--Open to ALL Parties, but Influenced by None.
Published by I. THOMAS, in Union-Street, BOSTON.
VOL. I.]
THURSDAY, July 4, 1771.
[NUMB. 18.
L O N D O N, April 22.
To the PRINTER.
I write for profit, without taxing the press,--to write for fame, and to be unknown,--to support the intrigues of faction, and to be disowned, as a dangerous auxiliary, by every party in the kingdom, are contradictions which the minister must reconcile, before I forfeit my credit with the public. I may quit the service, but it would be absurd to suspect me of desertion. The reputation of these papers is an honourable pledge for my attachment to the people. To sacrifice a respected character, and to renounce the esteem of society, requires more than Mr. Wedderburne's resolution; and though, in him, it was rather a profession than a desertion of his principles (I speak tenderly of this gentleman; for when treachery is in question, I think we should make allowances for a Scotchman) yet we have seen him, in the House of Commons, overwhelmed with confusion, and almost bereft of his faculties. But in truth, Sir, I have left no room for an accommodation with the piety of St. James's; my offences are not to be redeemed by recantation or repentance: On one side, our warmest patriots would disclaim me as a burthen to their honest ambition; on the other, the vilest prostitution (if Junius could descend to it) would lose its natural merit and influence in the cabinet, and treachery be no longer a recommendation to the royal favour.
The persons who, till within these few years, have been most distinguished by their zeal for high-church and prerogative, are now, it seems, the great assertors of the privileges of the House of Commons. This sudden alteration of their sentiments, or language, carries with it a suspicious appearance. When I hear the undefined privileges of the popular branch of the legislature exalted by tories and jacobites, at the expence of those strict rights which are known to the subject, and limited by the laws, I cannot but suspect that some mischievous scheme is in agitation to destroy both law and privilege, by opposing them to each other. They who have uniformly denied the power of the whole legislature to alter the descent of the crown, and whose ancestors, in rebellion against his Majesty's family, have defended that doctrine at the hazard of their lives, now tell us, that privilege of parliament is the only rule of right, and the chief security of the public liberty. I fear, Sir, that while forms remain, there has been some material change in the substance of our constitution. The opinions of these men were too absurd to be so easily renounced. Liberal minds are open to conviction;--liberal doctrines are capable of improvement: There are proselytes from Atheism, but none from superstition. If their present professions were sincere, I think they could not but be highly offended at seeing a question, concerning parliamentary privilege, unnecessarily started, at a season so unfavourable to the House of Commons and by so very mean and insignificant a person as the minor Onslow. They knew that the present House of Commons having commenced hostilities with the people, and degraded the authority of the laws by their own example, were likely enough to be resisted, per fas et nefas . If they were really friends to privilege, they would have thought the question of right too dangerous to be hazarded at this season, and, without the formality of a convention, would have left it undecided.
I have been silent hitherto, though not from that shameful indifference about the interests of society; which too many of us pro-
fess, and call moderation. I confess, Sir, that I felt the prejudices of my education, in favour of a House of Commons still hanging about me. I thought that a question, between law and privilege, could never be brought to a formal decision, without inconvenience to the public service, or a manifest diminution of legal liberty, and ought therefore to be carefully avoided: And when I saw that the violence of the House of Commons had carried them too far to retreat, I determined not to deliver a hasty opinion upon a matter of so much delicacy and importance.
The state of things is much altered in this country, since it was necessary to protect our representatives against the direct power of the crown. We have nothing to apprehend from prerogative, but every thing from undue influence. Formerly it was the interest of the people, that the privileges of parliament should be left unlimited and undefined. At present it is not only their interest, but I hold it to be essentially necessary to the preservation of the constitution, that the privileges of parliament should be strictly ascertained, and be confirmed within the narrowest bounds the nature of their institution will admit of. Upon the same principle, on which I would have resisted prerogative in the last century, I now resist privilege. It is indifferent to me, whether the crown, by its own immediate acts, imposes new, and dispenses with old laws, or whether the same arbitrary power produces the same effects through the medium of the House of Commons. We trusted our representatives with privileges for their own defence and ours. We cannot bind their descent, but we can prevent their carrying over their arms to the service of the enemy. It will be said, that I begin with endeavouring to reduce the argument concerning privilege to a mere question of convenience; that I deny at one moment what I would allow at another; and that to resist the power of a prostituted House of Commons, may establish a precedent injurious to all future parliaments. To this I answer generally, that human affairs are in no instance governed by strict positive right. If change of circumstances were to have no weight in directing our conduct and opinions, the mutual intercourse of mankind would be nothing more than a contention between positive and equitable right. Society would be a state of war, and law itself would be injustice. On this general ground, it is highly reasonable, that the degree of our submission to privileges, which have never been defined by any positive law, should be considered as a question of convenience, and proportioned to the confidence we repose in the integrity of our representatives. As to the injury we may do to any future and more respectable House of Commons, I own I am not now sanguine enough to expect a more plentiful harvest of parliamentary virtue in one year than another. Our political climate is severely altered; and, without dwelling upon the depravity of modern times, I think no reasonable man will expect that, as human nature is constituted, the enormous influence of the crown should cease to prevail over the virtue of individuals. The mischief lies too deep to be cured by any remedy, less than some great convulsion, which may either carry back the constitution to its original principles, or utterly destroy it. I do not doubt that, in the first session after the next election, some popular measures may be adopted. The present House of Commons have injured themselves by a too early and public profession of their principles; and if a train of prostitution, which had no example, were within the reach of emulation, it might
be imprudent to hazard the experiment too soon. But after all, Sir, it is very immaterial whether a House of Commons shall preserve their virtue for a week, a month, or a year. The influence, which makes a septennial parliament dependent upon the pleasure of the crown, has a permanent operation, and cannot fail of success. My premises, I know, will be denied in argument, but every man's conscience tells him they are true. It remains then to be considered, whether it be for the interest of the people, that privilege of parliament (which, in respect to the purposes for which it has hitherto been acquiesced under, is merely nominal) should be contracted within some certain limits, or whether the subject shall be left at the mercy of a power, arbitrary upon the face of it, and notoriously under the direction of the crown.
I do not mean to decline the question of right. On the contrary, Sir, I join issue with the advocates for privilege, and affirm, "that excepting the cases wherein the House of Commons are a court of judicature (to which, from the nature of their office, a coercive power must be long) and excepting such contempt as immediately interrupt their proceedings, they have no legal authority to imprison any man for any supposed violation of privilege whatsoever." It is not pretended that privilege, as now claimed, has ever been defined or confirmed by statute; neither can it be said, with any colour of truth, to be a part of the common law of England, which had grown into prescription long before we knew any thing of the existence of a House of Commons. As for the law of parliament, it is only another name for the privilege in question; and since the power of creating new privileges has been formally renounced by both houses,---since there is no code, in which we can study the law of parliament, we have but one way left to make ourselves acquainted with it; that is, to compare the nature of the institution of a House of Commons with the facts upon record. To establish a claim of privilege in either House, and to distinguish original right from an usurpation, it must appear that it is indispensably necessary for the performance of the duty they are employed in, and also that it has been uniformly allowed. From the first part of this description it follows clearly, that whatever privilege does of right belong to the present House of Commons, did equally belong to the first assembly of their predecessors, was as completely vested in them, and might have been exercised in the same extent. From the second we must infer that privileges, which, for several centuries, were not only never allowed, but never even claimed by the House of Commons, must be founded upon usurpation. The constitutional duties of a House of Commons are not very complicated, nor mysterious. They are to propose or assent to wholesome laws, for the benefit of the nation. They are to grant the necessary aids to the King;---petition for the redress of grievances, and prosecute treason, or high crimes against the state. If unlimited privilege be necessary to the performance of these duties, we have reason to conclude that, for many centuries after the institution of the House of Commons they were never performed. I am not bound to prove a negative, but I appeal to the English history when I affirm that, with the exceptions already stated (which yet I might safely relinquish) there is no precedent, from the year 1265 to the death of Queen Elizabeth, of the House of Commons having imprisoned any man (not a member of their house) for contempt or breach of privilege. In the most flagrant cases, and when their acknowledged privileges were most grossly violated, the
poor Commons, as they then stiled themselves never took the power of punishment into their own hands. They either sought redress by petition to the King, or, what is more remarkable, applied for justice to the House of Lords; and when satisfaction was denied them, or delayed, their only remedy was to refuse proceeding upon the King's business. So little conception had our ancestors of the monstrous doctrines now maintained concerning privilege, that in the reign of Elizabeth, even liberty of speech, the vital principle of a deliberative assembly, was restrained, by the Queen's authority, to a simple aye or no , and this restriction, though imposed upon three successive parliaments (in the years 1593---1597---and 1601) was never once disputed by the House of Commons.
I know there are many precedents of arbitrary commitments for contempt; but, besides that they are of too modern a date to warrant a presumption that such a power was originally vested in the House of Commons. Fact alone does not constitute right . If it does, general warrants are lawful. An ordinance of the two houses has a force equal to law; and the criminal jurisdiction exercised by the Commons in 1621, in the case of Edward Loyd, is a good precedent to warrant the like proceedings against any man, who shall unadvisedly mention the name of a King, or the ambition of a Princess.---The truth is, Sir, that the greatest and most exceptional part of the privileges now contended for, were introduced and asserted by a House of Commons which abolished both monarchy and peerage, and whose proceedings, although they ended in one glorious act of substantial justice, could no way be reconciled to the forms of the constitution. Their successors profited by the example, and confirmed their power by making a moderate or a popular use of it. Thus it grew by degrees, from a notorious innovation at one period, to be tacitly admitted as the privilege of parliament at another.
If however it could be proved, from considerations of necessity or convenience, that an unlimited power of commitment ought to be intrusted to the House of Commons, and that in fact they have exercised it without opposition, still in contemplation of law, the presumption is strongly against them. It is a leading maxim of the laws of England (and, without it, all laws are nugatory) that there is no wrong without a remedy, nor any legal power without a legal course to carry it into effect. Let the power, now in question, be tried by this rule. The Speaker issues his warrant of attachment. The party attached either resists force with force, or appeals to a magistrate, who declares the warrant illegal, and discharges the prisoner. Does the law provide no legal means for enforcing a legal warrant? Is there no regular proceeding pointed out in our law books to assert and vindicate the authority of so high a court as the House of Commons? The question is answered directly by the fact. Their unlawful commands are resisted, and they have no remedy. The imprisonment of their own members is revenge indeed, but it is no assertion of the privilege they contend for. Their whole proceeding stops, and there they stand, ashamed to retreat and unable to advance. Sir, these ignorant men should be informed, that the execution of the laws of England is not left in this uncertain, defenceless condition. If the process of the courts of Westminster-Hall be resisted, they have a direct course, sufficient to enforce submission. The court of King's-Bench commands the Sheriff to raise the posse comitatus . The courts of Chancery and Ex-

chequer issue a writ of rebellion, which must also be supported, if necessary, by the power of the county. To whom will our representatives direct their writ of rebellion? The guards, I doubt not, are willing enough to be employed, but they know nothing of the doctrine of writs, and may think it necessary to wait for a letter from Lord Barrington.
It may now be objected to me, that my arguments prove too much; for that certainly there may be instances of contempt and insult to the House of Commons, which do not fall within my own exceptions, yet in regard to the dignity of the House, ought not to pass unpunished. Be it so. The courts of criminal jurisdiction are open to prosecutions, which the Attorney General may commence by information or indictment. A libel, tending to asperse or vilify the House of Commons or any of their members, may be as severely punished in the court of King's Bench, as a libel upon the King. Mr. De Grey thought so, when he drew up the information upon my letter to his Majesty, or he had no meaning in charging it to be a scandalous libel upon the House of Commons. In my opinion, they would consult their real dignity much better, by appealing to the laws when they are offended, than by violating the first principle of natural justice, which forbids us to be judges, when we are parties to the cause.
I do not mean to pursue them through the remainder of their proceedings. In their first resolutions, it is possible they might have been deceived by ill considered precedents. For there is no colour of palliation or excuse. They have advised the King to resume a power of dispensing with the laws by royal proclamation; and Kings we see are ready enough to follow such advice. By mere violence and without the shadow of right, they have expunged the record of a judicial proceeding. Nothing remained, but to attribute to their own vote a power of stopping the whole distribution of criminal and civil justice.
The public virtues of the Chief Magistrate have long since failed to be in question. But it is said that he has private good qualities, and I myself have been ready to acknowledge them. They are now brought to the test. If he loves his people, he will dissolve a Parliament, which they never can confide in or respect. If he has any regard for his own honour, he will disdain to be any longer connected with such abandoned prostitution. But if it were conceivable, that a King of this country had lost all sense of personal honour, and all concern for the welfare of his subjects, I confess, Sir, I should be contented to renounce the forms of the constitution once more, if there were no other way to obtain substantial justice for the people.
JUNIUS.
A FABLE to be studied by modern Patriots and Politicians.
THE weather was sultry and the roads full of dust, when a stage coach came up with a traveller, who was toiling and sweating on foot, "For Heaven's sake (said he to the driver) give me a place; no matter where, within or without, on the coach box or behind the coach, take pity on me, otherwise I die with fatigue." "Every corner is already crammed," (answered the driver,) and you cannot be admitted (cried the passengers) unless you mean to have us all stifled." "Alas! (said the traveller) but now I examine things more closely, I would not accept of a place. To shew you however how disinterested I am, and that I can return good for evil, I will warn you of your danger. The coachman is drunk, the horses unruly, and the axle-tree cracked." At first they laughed at him, and disregarded his warning, but he bawled so loud, and persisted so obstinately in his assertion, that one of the passengers more timid than the rest, thought they might at least examine the matter, and so stepped out. The driver who had assured them that every thing was in good order, was disblushed; and the crafty traveller, watching the opportunity, jumped in the vacant seat, "Drive on," says he to the coachman; "and give me leave to assure you, (addressing himself to his fellow passengers) this is the soberest coachman on the road, his horses quiet, and his axle-tree heart of oak."
At the late masquerade, several ladies having rallied Col. Luttrell, who represented death, with many satirical strokes, an humorous gentlemen present, observing that
the Colonel had not one point of Wit to retort upon them, goes up to him, and cries, "O death where is thy sting!"
An Irishman, a friend of Colonel Luttrell's, seeing him at the late masquerade in the character of death, cried out, "By my shoul, he acts it to the life."
Lord S. lately addressed a lady, in a publick assembly, and told her, "he had heard that her ladyship had spoke of him in a very disrespectful manner;" on which her ladyship, with a great deal of humour, patted him on the head, and said, "Indeed my good Lord, there is nothing in it."
When Lord Chesterfield was asked what he thought of the late Spanish negotiation, he replied, "I think it is very like Spanish snuff; it irritates the nostrils of our politicians; they sneeze copiously, wipe their noses, and pocket the affront."
This morning, about 10 o'clock, the Right Hon. Bras Crosby, esq; Lord-Mayor, accompanied by the committee, went in coaches from the Tower, through the city, to Westminster-hall, and being brought to the Court of Common-Pleas, Mr. Serjeant Glynn opened the matter with great energy, and was seconded by Mr. Serjeant Lee, pleading, that as his Lordship had acted as Chief Magistrate of the city of London, he was answerable to no jurisdiction but that of the Livery and Common-Council; the court was extremely attentive, and took notes, as did several in the galleries, which were exceeding full, among whom were the Rev. Mr. Horne, and Mr. Wilkes. After the Council had ended, the court spoke with great precision and clearness on the subject, and found that no court of justice had any jurisdiction over the House of Commons, who, in the present case, were only acting with respect to their own members, a thing peculiar to every society, and shewing a power which was vested in them by the very fundamentals of the constitution; that his Lordship's deed was not only a contempt of the House of Commons, but even of the citizens of London themselves, who are virtually a part of that honourable house by their representatives; on which account the court found themselves, incapable to relieve his Lordship, so that he was remanded back to the Tower.
His Lordship was dressed in blue, had on a queue peruke, and wore the golden chain, the only badge of his dignity.
AMERICAN INTELLIGENCE.
WILLIAMSBURG, [Virginia] June 6. FROM Richmond we learn that they receive daily accounts of the devastation occasioned by the late floods. From the mountains to the falls, the low grounds have been swept of almost every thing valuable; and the soil is so much injured that it is thought not to be of half its former value, a great part is entirely ruined. One instance may suffice: a track of land where the river forks, which before the fresh was judged to be richly worth ten thousand pounds, is not rated at so many hundreds. Fourteen negroes belonging to that estate were drowned, and only one house left out of 50, which were sixty by forty feet, Off Elk Island, between six and seven hundred head of cattle, hogs, horses, and sheep, have been lost, and near a hundred houses; besides grain, tobacco, &c. At Farris Island, which the highest fresh never before affected, above eighty acres of fine land are rendered for ever incapable of cultivation, the soil being gone, and in its stead ten or twelve feet deep of sand, upon which is a layer of stones, as if paved. Many other islands have been tore to pieces, hills of sand thrown up, channels stopped and their courses altered, and, in short, the face of nature almost changed. Old Joe, an honest and well known Negro fellow at the falls of James river, who is intimately acquainted with the remains of an Indian nation that has resided there for ages, says that he was shewn by their old men the marks of the greatest fresh handed down to them by tradition; and that, upon his carefully measuring, it wanted near fifteen feet of the late dreadful one. A ship at Warwick founded from the beginning of the perceivable increase of the river, and found that the fresh, at its height, was upwards of forty feet higher than the common tides. The lessened value of lands, loss of stocks, houses, tobacco, wheat, and corn in houses, with
fencing, and the crops on the ground, baffle all description. Byrd's, Schocko, Richmond, Rocky-Ridge, and Warwick, have suffered amazingly, in the loss of merchandise and tobacco, besides houses, &c. between five and six thousand hogheads of tobacco are gone from these places. The distress of the people in Albemarle, and those parts of the country in the reach of the fresh, is not to be described; most of them being left without bread to eat, or dwellings, and their flocks gone. The trading part of the country has likewise suffered excessively, in European and other goods, as well imports as exports. The losses, and very great distress, of the numerous sufferers, call loudly for the interposition and assistance of the legislature; which no doubt that respectable body will take into as early consideration as may be, and grant the immediate and effectual relief which is so much wanted. In some places trees, carcasses, &c. are matted together, from twelve to twenty feet in height; and, from the horrid stench, there is no coming near enough to separate them. Happily, if, at this season, we escape some contagious disorder. Miles in length of trees and logs came floating down the river, and nothing could withstand their force. The logs were almost up to the bowspits of many vessels; so that their anchors could not avail them, and were chiefly lost. There were no rains to speak of at Richmond, and thereabouts, so that they must have fallen from the mountains to about thirty or forty miles above the falls. From the first perceivable rise of the river at that place was about sixty hours, and the water sometimes rose at the rapid rate of sixteen inches an hour. Daily accounts are received of the loss of whole families; and houses come floating down, with people on them calling for help, though none could be afforded. Accounts are already received of fifty odd people being drowned. Appomattox has been little or nothing affected, which proves that the rains must have fallen high up the country.
The devastation of Roanoke is, if possible, still greater; in the ruin of valuable lands, loss of negroes, flocks, houses, &c.
On Pamunkey river, the low grounds are chiefly laid under water, the crops and meadows destroyed, and the fencing gone. Many houses and mills are carried away, and a great deal of grain and other commodities spoiled.
A letter from Fredericksburgh says that several houses and mills have been swept away from that place and Falmouth; that the highest fresh in Rappahannock never came up to the floors of the warehouses, but that this rose as high as the joists, whereby a large quantity of tobacco was floated out, nine hundred hogheads from Falmouth, or the lower warehouses, and three hundred from Dixon's, the upper Inspection. Much salt, and other goods lost; several vessels driven from their anchors; a deal of valuable land washed away; incredible quantities of trees and fencing come down the river; only one life lost, that had been then come to the knowledge of.
We have no account from Potowmack; but, from its communication with the rivers at the mountains, there is no probability of their having escaped this almost general calamity.
Upon the whole, it is believed that history scarcely affords an instance of equal damage being done to any country, if the destruction of lands, loss of property, &c. be included.
A wagish blade at Richmond, we are told said it was his opinion Old Nick had bored a hole through the mountains, and let in the south sea upon them.
WILMINGTON, [North Carolina] June 5. The express, sent by the committee of the inhabitants of this town to his Excellency the Governor, returned last Saturday morning, and brought the answer which his Excellency condescended to give to the committee's letter; a relation of the battle of Alamance, and his Excellency's public orders the day after the battle: Copies of which are here subjoined.
To his Excellency WILLIAM TRYON, Esq; Captain General, Governor, and Commander in chief, &c. &c.
SIR, IN consequence of several letters from Cross-Creek, representing, that the troops under your Excellency's command, had had an engagement with the insurgents at the great Alamance on Wednesday the 15th inst.
and that many had been killed and wounded on both sides, the inhabitants of this town yesterday assembled themselves, and in a few hours subscribed above four hundred pounds for the purpose of raising a body of men to march to reinforce your Excellency, in case the reports which we had heard should prove true, and you should deem such reinforcements necessary.
"We have wrote Capt. Heyward, requesting him to assist us with men and arms as far as he can do it consistent with the duty which he owes to the particular department in which his Majesty has placed him.
"Our utmost endeavours shall be exerted to raise recruits with all possible dispatch, having already offered a bounty of three pounds per man to every one who will enlist, upon our own private subscription, leaving to government to add or not to that sum afterwards.
"Should your Excellency think proper to call for this aid, we shall be happy to know your sentiments by the return of this express, in what manner such a reinforcement may be made the most effectually useful to your Excellency, as well as how they may conduct their march with the least danger of being cut off, before they have an opportunity to join you at your head quarters.
"The action of the 15th instant, if government has had the advantage, will inspirit many to enlist whose doubts at present make them backward; we should be much benefited in recruiting by a representation, that had your Excellency's sanction for its authenticity.
"The inhabitants of this town, and the neighbourhood thereof, having thought fit to appoint us the subscribers a committee for the purpose of raising a reinforcement, and pursuing the measures that may be necessary to make them the most serviceable upon this exigency to government, permit us in behalf of ourselves and our constituents to subscribe ourselves with great respect, Sir,
Your Excellency's humble and most obedient servants, ARCH. MACLAINE, WILLIAM HOOPER. ROBERT HOGG.
His Excellency's ANSWER.
Sandy Creek camp, May 27, 1771.
"Gentlemen, I HAVE been favoured with your letter of the 23d instant by express. I entertain the most favourable and grateful sentiments of the spirit and loyalty, which you have testified by your late exertions for the public service. Since the action at Alamance, of the 16th inst. upwards of fourteen hundred of the inhabitants have come into the camp and submitted themselves to government, and as from general reports through the settlements, many more will come in agreeable to my proclamation of pardon, as soon as the weather will permit, and they are informed of the proclamation, and as I can not learn that there are any body of men collecting to oppose government, and the army is in high spirits, I am satisfied we are fully sufficient to restore peace to the country, without putting the public or individuals to any additional expence by raising new forces.
"Agreeable to your request, I transmit to you an account of the battle at Alamance, and am gentlemen, with much respect and esteem, to yourselves and constituents.
Your obedient humble servant, WILLIAM TRYON.
"Messrs. MacLaine, Hooper, and Hogg." Relation of the battle at Alamance on Thursday May 16.
ON Wednesday evening the 15th instant, his Excellency received certain information that the insurgents were assembled at about 5 miles from the camp at great Alamance, a council of war being called, it was unanimously resolved to march the next morning against them; accordingly on Thursday the 16th instant, the army leaving the tents standing and all the baggage and provisions in camp, under the guard of a field-officer and about 50 men began to march about 8 o'clock in the morning, and advanced to an old field within half a mile of the rebels, when his Excellency formed the order of battle in two lines, a part of the artillery on each wing, and the remainder in the centre of the first line. His Excellency then sent one of his aids du camp, and the sheriff of Orange, with a letter to the rebels, requesting them to lay down their arms; surrender their outlawed ring-leaders, and submit to the laws of their country; allowing them one hour to accept of the

terms to prevent the effusion of blood, that must ensue, as they were at that time in a state of war and rebellion against their King, their country and their laws.--In the mean time the army kept advancing near the enemy--the messenger soon after returned, and reported to his Excellency, that the rebels had received his offers with disdain, and the general cry among them was battle, battle . Immediately after, a considerable body of them appeared in sight, and waved their hats, daring us to advance--Upon which the army continued moving towards them until they were within 30 yards of the enemy, when his Excellency sent his aid du camp to inform them that the hour was elapsed, and that he should immediately fire. They cried out, "that he might fire and be damn'd."--Upon the return of the aid du camp, the action began, and a hot fire was kept up on both sides for about an hour and a quarter when it abated a little from the enemy. The cannon was then ordered to cease firing and the whole army to advance. Then the first line, after engaging three quarters of an hour longer, drove the enemy out of the field and gained a complete victory--Their camp was taken with many horses, arms, ammunition, cloaths and provisions.
It is computed that the rebels must have had killed in the battle about 100 men, 200 more wounded and upwards of 20 taken prisoners. The loss of the loyalists was nine killed and about 60 wounded. The number of the rebels from the best information could not be less than 2300, our army did not exceed one thousand men, of which not above 600, were engaged--The artillery was well served and did great execution. The behaviour of the officers and men, on this occasion, will appear by what the Governor gave in orders the next day. It is said that Hunter, one of the leaders of the regulators, was killed in the battle, and that Herman Husbands, the other of their chiefs, being a peaceable man, after assuring them of victory and encouraging them, rode off. The Governor's party have destroyed the house and laid waste the plantation of said Husbands, and was in pursuit of him, when the last accounts came away.
THURSDAY, July 4. BOSTON.
LAST Friday a vessel arrived at New-London from Bristol, which place she left the 6th of May, but neither letters or papers are yet come to hand;--all that we can learn by her is, that the Parliament was still sitting; that the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver remained in the Tower; and that a general uneasiness prevailed in the nation.
We hear his Excellency the Captain-General has commissioned Thomas Dawes, esq; (who was the first Captain) to be Major of the regiment of militia in this town, in the room of James Cunningham, esq; who had resigned.
We hear, the regiments are to be ranked in the following order, viz.
The regiment in this town, under Col. Erving, to be called THE BOSTON regiment.
 Col. Pond's, 1st  Col. Quincy's, 2d  Col. Hatch's, 3d  Regiment, &c.
On Monday the 24th ult. at a meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants of the town of Boston, William Philips, esq; was chosen an overseer of the poor in the room of the Honourable Royal Tyler, esq; deceased: And, Mr. Benjamin Gray, a collector of taxes in the room of Mr. Sampson Salter, who resigned.
The Newport Mercury mentions, that a report had prevailed in that town for several days, that part of Kingston in Jamaica, had lately been destroyed by an earthquake; but it was thought to be without foundation.
From Swansey we hear that on Monday se'nnight a farmer of that town committed a young horse to the care of a Negro boy, who imprudently tied the halter round one of his legs, when the horse taking a start, ran away with the boy, and dragged him over a very rough road, which deprived him of life in a few minutes.
We hear that a vessel arrived at Rhode-Island just before the post came away, in a few days from Newbern, in North-Carolina, and brought advice that a number of the Regulators who were taken prisoners at the late battle with the Loyalists on the 16th of
May, were tried and condemned, and that four of them had already been executed; one of whom had lost an arm in the engagement, and it is said was offered a pardon by the governor if he would acknowledge his error, upon which condition he refused to accept it, saying he would, if at liberty, engage in the same cause again, and that had he a loaded pistol he would blow out his Excellency's brains.
We hear that the ships of war, now in this harbour, will shortly sail from hence.
We hear from Abington, that on Saturday last a young woman of that town, was struck with lightning, the effect was convolution fits, and a delirium.
DIED. J. Hon. George Craddock, Esq.--Dr. Thomas Leonard.--Mrs. Dorcas Ingraham, widow of the late Capt. Francis Ingraham.--Mr. Caleb Parker, blacksmith.--At Brookline, aged 86 years, Mrs. Sarah Woodward; she was daughter to Mr. John Goer, one of the first settlers in Roxbury.
To THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Governor in Chief in and over the province of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England.
The ADDRESS of the people called Quakers, at their general or yearly meeting for worship and transacting the affairs of our society, held on Rhode-Island for New-England, by adjournments from the 13th to the 17th day of the 6th month 1771 inclusive.
"May it please the Governor,
"AS divers of us have had an opportunity of observing thy conduct in the various public stations in government which thou hast heretofore sustained, and it appearing to us that thou made justice and equity the rule of thy actions; thy being appointed to the chief seat of government is very agreeable and satisfactory to us.
"We earnestly desire that thy administration may be to the honour of God, acceptable to the King, and a blessing to the province over which thou presides; afford peace and satisfaction to thyself, and in the end tend to promote thy immortal happiness.
"We hope to be always ready and willing to contribute to the support of government in every respect consistent with our religious principles, and where any of us are or may be restricted thereby within thy jurisdiction, we intreat thy assistance and protection.
"With sincere love to thee we conclude and remain. Thy assured friends. Signed in and on behalf of our said yearly meeting by ISAAC LAWTON, Clerk." The Governor's Answer.
"I DESIRE it may be made known to the Friends within the several governments of New England, that I have a very grateful sense of the regard and esteem which they have expressed in this kind address. It is the more obliging because a great proportion of the members present at their general or yearly meeting do not live within my own government.
"I shall always delight in confirming and cultivating the orderly and benevolent disposition of the Friends among the several societies of that denomination, and among all other christian societies: as far as my influence may extend."
ARRIVED here. Horton and Tower from St. Kitts, Ingersoll from St. Eustatia, Small from St. Martins and St. Eustatia, Lambert from St. Martins, Underwood from St. Vincent and St. Martins, Holmes from Esquibo, Tree from Newfoundland, Underhill and Gray from Maryland, Olds and Lewis from New-Haven, Atwood from New-London. Clark from New Providence, from St. Lucia.
ALEX. CHAMBERLAIN, jun. Would acquaint his friends and others, that he continues to sell upon the lowest terms the following Articles, at his shop in Ann-street, viz.
 NUTMEGS, Mace, Cinnamon, Cloves, Superfine Hyson and Bohea Tea, Green Coffee, Chocolate, Sugar, Starch, Indigo Pepper, Pimento,  Ginger, Rice, Flour, Allum, Copperas, Brimstone, Logwood, Redwood, Hard Soap, 18 inch Pipes, Short ditto, Florence Oyl, Loaf Sugar, &c.  Likewise a neat Assortment of Creams, Stone, Glass, Delph, Nottingham and Liverpool WARE.
N. B. His own personal attendance will be given early and late, and favours thankfully acknowledged.
By the HARI FORD POST.
NEW YORK, June 27. Tuesday last arrived the Duke of Cumberland packet, Capt. Marshall, in six weeks and four days from Falmouth.
LONDON, APRIL 30. On Saturday some of the Common-Council men and principal inhabitants of Bridge Ward Within, went to the Tower in seventeen coaches, and presented an address to the Lord Mayor, and Alderman Oliver.
Yesterday Sir George Rodney set out from his house in Welbeck-Street for Portsmouth, to take upon him the command of the squadron destined for Jamaica.
His Majesty's ship the Captain, of 64 guns, in which Rear-Admiral Montague is to proceed to his station at Halifax, is now at Longreach taking in their guns and powder.
So greatly have administration increased their power of late, by an enormous number of dependents, that above 700,000 l. per annum goes to the several officers concerned in collecting the various taxes.
Dispatches, the contents of which are kept a profound secret, have, within these few days been sent off for the naval commanders on the American station.
Yesterday morning the Earl of Biffborough as secretary of state for the colonies, had a grand levee of colony governors, agents, and American merchants, at his house in Hanover-Square.
May 2. Yesterday the common-council and principal inhabitants of the Ward of Cripplegate Within, in a long procession of coaches, waited on the Lord Mayor with an address.
Since the secession from the supporters of the Bill of Rights, that Society, according to the best information that can be obtained, is reduced to the following gentlemen, viz.
John Wilkes Esq; Heaton Wilkes, George Hayley, his brothers. James Adair, his council. John Reynolds, Charles Martyn, his attorneys. Charles Pearce, his taylor. Edward Lowry, his banker. Captain Allen, Sir Joseph Mawbey, John Mawbey, John Harrison, Arthur Lee, Stephen Sayer, John Jacob, Thomas Rhodes, John Churchill, Robert Mason, George Grieve, James Connel, Benjamin Crompton, Robert Jones, Dr. Macnamara, Robert Baldy, W. Ellis, Luke Stavelly, Patrick Cawdron, Thomas Chifin, Savage Barrel, Johnson Gildart, Dr. Wilson.
Yesterday the principal inhabitants of the ward of Aldgate waited upon the Lord Mayor in the Tower, and presented his Lordship with an address, expressing their approbation of his late conduct.
This day the principal inhabitants of the ward of Farringdon Within went in procession to the Tower, and presented an address to the Lord Mayor and Mr. Aldermen Oliver.
The common council and many of the principal inhabitants of Bread-street ward presented an address to the Lord Mayor and Alderman Oliver in the Tower, expressing their approbation of their conduct.
The House of Peers was very full yesterday, all the Lords having been summoned, on a motion of the Earl of Chatham's for an address to dissolve the present P-----t. None were admitted but Peers. The debates were continued very late, when, we are informed, it passed in the negative.
The state of the corn trade, for allowing the exportation of grain, &c. from America duty free, is dropt.
May 4. A patent is preparing for creating Sir Jeffery Amherst a peer.
The Earl of Halifax was yesterday much better, and out of danger.
We hear that Mr. Heaton Wilkes, who took up his freedom last October, is to be joint sheriff with his brother.
Both Houses of Parliament will be prorogued on Thursday next, when the Lord Mayor and Mr. Alderman Oliver will leave the Tower, and be escorted by the most respectable bodies in the city to the Mansion-House.
We are assured, that upon the day the Parliament is prorogued, the whole city of London will meet upon Towerhill and places adjoining, in carriages and on foot, to
attend the Lord Mayor and Mr. Alderman Oliver to the Mansion House. All the bells in the city of London and suburbs will ring the whole day, and the illuminations are expected to be more general than ever were known upon any other occasion.
Mr. Alderman Wilkes, who stood foremost for the discharge of the Printers, will attend the Lord Mayor to the Mansion House.
On Wednesday the common council and inhabitants of the ward of Dowgate, waited on the Lord Mayor and Mr. Oliver with their address: the beadle rode on horseback at the head of the procession, with the mace new gilt, and a blue sash, (the Alderman having refused the Beadle his cloak.)
For the MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
MR. THOMAS, READING the other day an old London news-paper, one paragraph struck me so much, I could not help transcribing it, which if you think worthy a place in the SPY, it is at your service.
"HIS late Majesty (who never pardoned a murderer) had been strongly solicited to grant a pardon to Earl Ferrers, which he as strongly refused, uttering at the same time, the following sentiment concerning this nobleman, which ought publickly to be recorded as worthy the illustrious protector of a free people. "I distinguish (said his Majesty) greatly between the case of treason, and that for which Earl Ferrers is convicted: Connections, prejudices and education itself, often render the unhappy traitor a fit object for mercy, as being in other respects perhaps a valuable man and a good subject: But, for this Lord, he can be considered only as a common enemy to his fellow-creatures, and as such not fit to live among them."
It is said comparisons are odious, otherwise we might contrast the character of his present Majesty with his illustrious predecessor. Under the auspices of the reigning P---e, the bloody perpetrators of the murder in St. George's Fields live, and triumph over the law of God! The two Kennedy's who in cold blood murdered the Watchman on Westminster Bridge, have received the royal pardon, and the infamous Richardson, the murderer of the innocent young Seider, still lives in defiance of the laws of God and the land, though he stands justly and legally condemned for his horrid crime!!! How long O thou righteous judge of the universe, shall the blood of Allen, Seider and the Watchman, cry for vengeance against their murderers! Are not they that screen murderers partakers of their guilt? If so, as there is no earthly tribunal to which they can be brought, be it known unto them that there is a judgment to come, the consideration whereof once made even a FELIX to tremble.
JOSIAH QUINCY, jun. has removed his office from the South side of King-Street, to the room under Messrs. Edes and Gill's printing-office, directly opposite the New Court-House, in Queen-Street.
To be sold by JOHN SYMMES, At his shop between the Golden-Ball and the Sign of Admiral Vernon, Boston, viz.
BEST paste shoe, knee and stock buckles; set hair combs, sprigs and pins for ladies; Bristol and marquisate broaches, garnet and gold ditto, plain gold ditto, Bristol, pebble and mocho buttons; a few new patterns of silver shoe buckles; best polished shoe and knee chapas; stones and sparks; red, white and amethyst foil; borax; rough and smooth files; sand paper; crucibles and black lead pots; buckle brushes; friezing punches; bras and iron wire; watch chains and keys, &c. &c.
N. B. Said Symmes makes and sells most sorts of Goldsmiths and Jewellers ware, cheap.
TO BE SOLD, A VERY good second-hand CHAISE. Enquire of Mr. Enoch Greenleaf, or of the Printer.
TO BE SOLD, A FEW barrels of PITCH. Enquire of the Printer.

POETS CORNER.
WHEN Kings against the King of Kings rebel, And the crown'd christian turns an infidel; When mortal man his maker once defies, We may the man, tho' not the King despise, Here the distinction may be wisely shown, Betwixt the man that wears it, and the crown, But if to blood and murder they descend, And by their right divine their crimes defend; Trample on justice, and suppress the law, And think their crown must injur'd subj. &ts awe; Nature directs the people what to do, And people's nature's dictates will pursue: The sanction of the crown's at once transfer'd, Blood calls for blood, and nature will be heard; The crown no more can such a wretch defend, He's damn'd by nature's laws, his reign must end; What tho' by strength of hand he keeps the throne, He's no more King, tho' he possess the crown; Tyrant and King are vastly different things, We're robb'd by tyrants, but we're rul'd by Kings: This may unhold, but that o'er turns a state, This is the man, but that's the magistrate: Our safety will, on this distinction rest, For this we must obey, and that we may resist. It is the mark how the distinction's known, Oppression marks him out; the nation's groan, The broken laws, the cries of injur'd blood, Are languages by all men understood; The voice of bondage, and destruction's known And summon's all men to defend their own, Freedom's the native right of all mankind, And they that slight it, leave their sense behind. No laws of God, our property expose, Kings were the people's guards, their freedom to enclose; When they who what they should defend invade, Forfeit their office, have their trust betray'd, To him that first employ'd them shall account, As for reign power does human pow'r surmount, But they that by him have been fore oppress'd, Shall take that pow'r away which he possess'd, So far shall punish mischiefs done before, As to prevent the willing wretch from more; Shall take the sovereign glory from his head, And set up right to govern in his stead.
WILLIAMSBURGH, June 6.
WHEREAS the following Resolution was agreed to by a majority of the Clergy assembled at the late Convention, That a committee be appointed to draw up an Address to the King for an American Episcopate and that the Committee shall apply for the Hands of the Majority of the Clergy of this Colony, in which, if they succeed, the Bishop of London is to be humbly address'd for his Concurrence, and requested to present their Address to his Majesty, but without a Concurrence of a Majority of the Clergy the Address not to be transmitted; and that the Rev. Mess. Cumm, Wythe, Skyring, and Fontaine, or any three of them, are appointed a committee to prepare the said Addresses.
We whose Names are hereunto subscribed, and who did vote against the said Resolution, do publicly declare our Dissent, and protest against it.
First. Because, as the number of the Clergy in this Colony is at least a hundred, we cannot conceive that twelve Clergymen are a sufficient Representation of so large a Body.
Secondly. Because the said Resolution contradicts a former Resolution of the same Convention, which puts a Negative upon the Question, whether the King should be address'd upon an American Episcopate; and that an Assembly, met on so important an Occasion, should rescind a Resolution agreed to and entered down but a few Minutes before, is, in our Apprehension, contrary to all Order, and Decorum.
Thirdly. Because the Expression an American Episcopate, includes a Jurisdiction over the other Colonies, and the Clergy of Virginia cannot, with any propriety, petition for a Measure which, for ought that appears to
the contrary, will materially affect the natural Rights and fundamental Laws of the said Colonies, without their Consent and Approbation.
Fourthly. Because the Establishment of an American Episcopate, at this Time, would tend greatly to weaken the Connection between the Mother Country and her Colonies; to continue their present unhappy Disputes, to infuse Jealousies and Fears into the minds of Protestant Dissenters, and to give ill disposed Persons occasion to raise such Disturbances as may endanger the very existence of the British Empire in America.
Fifthly. Because we cannot help considering it as extremely indecent for the Clergy to make such an Application without the Concurrence of the PRESIDENT, COUNCIL, and REPRESENTATIVES of this Province; an Usurpation directly repugnant to the Rights of Mankind.
Sixthly. Because the Bishops of London have always, hitherto, exercised ecclesiastical Jurisdiction over this Colony; and we are perfectly satisfied with the mild, just, and equitable Government of our Excellent Diocesan, the present Lord Bishop of London, and do think a Petition to the Crown to strip his Lordship of any part of his Jurisdiction but an ill return for his past Labours, and contrary to our oath of canonical obedience. We do farther conceive, as it had been unanimously determined, by this very convention, that his Lordship should be address'd for his Opinion relative to this Measure, the Clergy ought to have waited for his Lordship's paternal Advice before they had proceeded any farther in an Affair of such vast Importance.
Seventhly. Because we have particular Objections to that Part of the Resolution by which the Committee are directed to apply, as it is termed, for the Hands of the Majority of the Clergy in this Colony; a Method of Proceeding, in our Opinion, contrary to the universal Practice of the Christian Church, it having been customary for the Clergy to sign all Acts of an ecclesiastical Nature in public convention, whereas the Manner of procuring their Concurrence now proposed is unworthy the Decorum and Dignity by which so venerable a Body ought ever to be guided.
SAMUEL HENLEY, Professor of Moral Philosophy in William and Mary College. THOMAS GWATKIN, Professor of Mathematicks, and natural Philosophy, in William and Mary College.
BOSTON, July 1.
On Thursday the 20th ult. his Excellency the Governor was pleased to send the following message by Mr. Secretary Flucker, to the Honourable House of Representatives. viz.
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, THERE is only one part of your message, presented to me yesterday, which I think it necessary, at present, to make any observations upon.
In my speech to both houses at the opening the session, I expressed my opinion of the necessity of effectual measures to prevent any farther intrusions upon the eastern parts of the province, and to remove such as have been already made.
The council, in a very obliging address or answer, declare their willingness to do every thing they can, in conjunction with the other branches of the legislature, to convince the intruders that they are under a mistake if they expect to acquire a title by force of their possessions.
You tell me, that I am sensible some of these settlements are in consequence of grants made by the general assembly of this province agreeable to the Royal Charter, and if any other settlements are made there, without any colour of title, you apprehend that the penalty provided by charter, and the appointment of surveyors is sufficient to prevent trespasses on the King's woods; and that there is no necessity, at present, of the interposition of this or any other legislative for that purpose.
The words in the charter are, "that no grant of any lands lying, &c. shall be of any force, validity or effect, untill we, our heirs
and successors shall have signed our or their approbation of the same." Now a grant cannot give a colour of title without having some force, validity or effect. It is therefore immaterial whether the settlements are with or without grants from the court. In either case the settlers are alike intruders, for none have the royal approbation. I know what the penalties are in the charter, and in divers acts of Parliament, for trespasses made on the King's woods. I have not asked you to join with me in more effectual measures for punishing such trespasses. I desired your assistance in removing such persons as have a ready intruded, and in preventing all others from intruding upon the lands; for by means of such intrusions, trespasses are easily committed without any great danger of discovery, let the surveyors be never so vigilant and attentive to their duty.
You have avoided a direct answer, and I have no encouragement that you will join in removing the intruders with or without what you call grants, or in discouraging others from making farther intrusions. I am bound to explain to you my intention in my speech, and to repeat my recommendation, and my apprehensions of the consequences of your neglect, that I may never be charged with having failed giving you that warning which I ought to have done.
T. HUTCHINSON.
To be SOLD by MARTIN BICKER, At his shop near the Flat-Conduit; YORK butter BISKEITS, by the cask, of the best quality. N B. Beaver, Beaveret, Castor and Felt HATS, of his own make. English Felt, and second hand Hats of various prices. Those Gentlemen that please to favour him with their custom may depend upon be- ing used in the best manner.
SMITH & ATKINSON, Have now ready for sale, at their store in King street, Boston. A LARGE and general Assort- ment of English, India, and other piece GOODS, suitable for the Spring trade, which were purchased on such terms at the different marts in Europe, as enables the im- porters, not only to serve those retailers who purchase their goods here, on the best terms, but also to supply those who usually import their assortments, with many articles as low as they are generally imported.
N B. Russia and English Sail Duck. Ra- vens Duck. Gun Powder. Connecticut Pork. &c. &c. CASH given for Merchandise POT-ASH.
WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Mathematical Instrument-Maker,
Has to sell At his Shop in King street, Two Doors east of the Sign of Admiral VERNON, Near the Head of the Long Wharf, BOSTON,
A large Assortment of HADLEY's and Davis's QUAD- RANTS, hanging and standing Com- passes in Brass and Wood. Gauging and Sur- veying Instruments, Cases of Instruments, large and small Perspective Glasses in Ivory, Wood and Fish-Skin; plotting Scales, Gun- ter Scales and Dividers, Surveyors Chains, Artificial Magnets with Cases, Sand Glasses, from two Hours to a Quarter of a Minute, Instruments of a new Construction to mea- sure Boards, Quarter Waggoner's, Atkinson's Epitomes, Wilson's ditto, Patton's Naviga- tion, Seaman's Assistants, Calendars, Mari- ner's Compasses rectified, Young Man's Com- panion, Journal Books, Ink Powder, Quills and Paper, Paper Hangings. An Assortment of Brass Pocket-Compasses with and without Cards, Box Rules, Slates and Pencils. Jack- Knives, plated Shoe and Knee Buckles. Pinch- beck, Block-Tin, and Brass ditto, Compass Seals, and Watch Keys, &c. &c.
Imported in the last vessel from BRISTOL, And to be sold at Mrs. ABIGAIL BREED- ING's, at the North End, in a house be- longing to the late Mr. Loring, deceased, near the Rev. Mr. Pemberton's meeting- house;
MANCHESTER Checks, and Irish Linen, by the bale, piece or single yard; Crown Glass, 7 by 9, 10 by 8, 6 by 8. The above may be had for the sterling cost and charges and a commission of five per cent.
IRISH LINENS. WILLIAM SCOTT, At the Irish Linen Store, in Anne-Street, Near the Draw-Bridge, Has just received from his friends in Ireland, A LARGE assortment of 3-4ths. 7 8ths. and yard wide Linens of all prices, which Linens, being bought when Markets were very cheap in Ireland, he is enabled to sell on lower terms than any he ever had before. Also Table Cloths of all sizes, some as low as 30s. old ten the piece; 3, 6, 8, 9 and 10 quarters diaper; clouting ditto, huckaback, dowlas, superfine white ticking; hempen cloth for coarse towels from 9 coppers to 5s. and 6s. the yard; brown Holland.
At said Store are also to be sold A variety of English & Scotch Goods among which are, a large assortment of plain and flowered lawns; flowered aprons and handkerchiefs, black and white cat gut, back and white Paris-net, spiders net and fancy, ditto black and white, Queens gauze and handkerchiefs; cambricks and muslins; a large quantity of check handkerchiefs; Bar- celona, black, coloured and striped ditto, and cievats; Manchester and Scotch checks, striped Hollands, beckticks, ironing cloths, &c. A large assortment of men's white and brown thread hose, cotton ditto, ribbed and plain; cotton ditto for women and children, worsted ditto of all sizes; breeches pieces, worsted gloves and mitts, silk mitts, Calicoes, Chinties, Bengalls, peniafces, tamies, du- rants, shallons, Ruffles, calamancos; 3, 4 and 5 thread lasting; flowered drawboys, rich misnetts, crapes, broglics, ducapes, lute- strings, Persians, taffeties, faseretts; black white, blue and crimson sprigged and plain fatens; sprigged and plain alamodes, pe- icings, black and white fatin hats, chips; cap-piece and skeleton wire; common and paddle stick, ebony and ivory fans; sewing silks, white and wax threads, shirt buttons, filiting, apron and cap linen, Hollands and diaper tapes; none so-pretty tapes, common milliners and White chapel needles; a large quantity of No. 4, 12 and packet brass pins; basket buttons and twift; silk and worsted knee garters of all colours; silk ferrets, qua- lities, garterings; stay braid, cord and gal- loon straping; silk, cotton and thread laces, French and English wax necklaces; powder beads; Manchester velvets, India nankeers, ginghams, Damascus, ivory combs of all sizes, crooked tupee and Dandruff horn ditto, white and yellow buckrams; writing and bonnet paper; a fine assortment of paper hangings; room and stair carpeting; genu- ine Kippen's snuff; Osnaburghs, Tickling- burgh, Ravens duck, brown and bleached Russia drab, metal buttons, single and double gilt, white lacquered and livery ditto; silver locket and brass sleeve buttons, coat and jacket horn buttons and moulds; white and yellow metal shoe, knee and stock buckes; silver plated ditto; silver topped cast-steel razors, common ditto, knives, table ditto, brass han- dle pocket knives and forks, hard metal spoons, steel and common forks, pocket compasses, spectacles, &c. French indigo, Lynn made shoes, tea, coffee, chocolate; crown window glass from the best makers, 8 by 6, 9 by 7, 10 by 8. Gloucester cheele, Bristol bottled beer; a large and elegant as- sortment of the most fashionable Ribbons from London, some with gold and silver flowers, to be sold cheap, being a consign- ment, &c. &c.
A Tailow Press, Furnace and other U- tensils for the Chandling Business.
BOSTON: Printed by ISAIAH THOMAS, in UNION-STREET, near the Market, Where all Persons may be supplied with this Paper at Six Shillings and Eight Pence, Lawful Money, per Annum; and where Articles of Intelligence, &c. are thankfully received, and ADVERTISEMENTS taken in.---PRINTING, in its various Branches, performed in a neat Manner, with the greatest Care and Dispatch, on the most reasonable Terms.---Small Hand-Bills at an Hour's Notice. SUBSCRIPTIONS for the SPY are also taken in by Mr. J. Lakin, chairmaker, and Mr. W. Calder, painter, in Charlestown; Mr. J. Hillier, bookmaker, in Salem; Mr. B. Emerson, Bookseller, in Newbury-Port; and Mr. M. Belcher, in Bridgewater.