The Wheeling repository — Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.], 1807-06-11 00:00:00, page 3

after the frequent discussions which it
has undergone .in this house, afte r the
present bill has been passed by the up
per house oi parliament, and is now sent
to this house lor its concurrence, and
•«iibo\e all, after the full and able manner
*n which the noble lord (Howick) who
introduced the bill has brought it for
ward it would lie perfectly unnecessary
for me to discuss the principle ofthe bill,
oi to detain the house bv additional ar
guments in its favour. 'There is, how
ever, one argument which has always
appeared to me so clear, so conclusive,
• >nd so short, that I will venture to state
it. Sir, tile African slave trade has al
ways subsisted only bv an abuse. If
w* place the human race in any fair and
reasonable situation, if we provide them
wiii the necessaries and accommoda
tions of life, they must by the very law
. naturp inevitably increase. It
is omy tiien because the slaves in our
v cst India Islands are not in that pro
per situation and are not provided with
the proper necessaries of life, that a di
minution oi number continually occurs,
and the slave trade becomes necessary
*o supply the deficiency. Now, sir, the
bdl beiore the house will not only pre
vent the further prosecution ofthe trade
to yxlrica, but will also effect another
great and beneficial purpose, not con
templated on the face of the bill; it will
immediately and necessarily improve
and meliorate the condition of the slaves
in the 'V est Indies. For as soon a3 the
planter shall be convinced that he can
not make up the deficiency of his slaves
In purchase, as soon as he can no longer
act upon the horrid maxim “ that it is
bcttei buy a slave than to breed one,”
^‘en be called upon, by a sense
ol his own interest, to pay that attention
fo the comfort and accommodation of
his tuaves which is so essentially rnces
ya>} lor their increase and their happi
ness. \\ hatever apprehe nsions may be
imertaincd as to the welfare and secu
rity oi our VV est India possessions from
the present measure, I hesitate not to
assert, that in mv opinion it will in the
result, he iound to he the first cause of
the security and prosperity of those co
lonics. I well remember the time when
the regulations made by this house on
the middle passage were opposed by the
merchants with the great - st warmth, as
wholly destructive to their trade ; but
it is only a few days since that v e heard
th, ir counsel at the bar of this house a 1
tnit that such regulations had rendered
the trade much more advantageous than
it h;tcl ever been. In like manner I
trust that the time will ere long arrive,
when the West India planters will feel
and acknowledge the beneficial effects of
the measure we are now endeavouring
to cai r\ into effect, and will elate the true
prosperity 01 the British colonies from
the time of the abolition of the African
slave trade. In discussing a question
of this magnitude nff. cting so great a
portion.pl the human race, it is impos
sible to close our eyes to that part of the
world which has suffered so greatly by
the effects of the trade in question*. I
mean the coast of Africa. * He should
be sorry to accuse this country as being
the sole cause of the state of ignorance
and degradation in which that immense
continent yet remains; but I must be
allowed to say, that if we have not been
the cause of the evil, we have at least
contributed in a high degree to prevent
its removal—When we consider the
nature of1 the trade, when we reflect that
tlic objects of our commerce have been
our fellow creatures; and that the articles
which we have furnished in return have
been chiefly fire arms, ammunition, bran
dy* articles ot destruction, articles of de
bauchery,—I cannot but fear that we
nu\i: in a great degree contributed to
prevent that civilization and improve
ment in Africa, which might otherwise
ha\ e taken place. That this supposi
tion is too well founded may be fairlv
inferred from the well known fact, that
the interior parts of Africa are more
civilized and better cultivated than the
coast, where our trade has been carried
on, and where we have kept up that
continual excitement which has been so
pie judicial to that unfortunate country.
It is time that we should remove that
excitement, and if we cannot contribute
to the improvement of Africa, that we
should not at least contribute any longer
to her calamities and her degradation.
Hut sir, although I think it unnecessary
to enter into a lurther discussion ol the
principle of the bill, yet I have been a
w arc, that with respect to its mode of
operation, or rather with respect to the
time when such operation is to com
im m c, some difference of opinion mav
be entertained. However anxious I
have always been for the abolition of
this trafHck, it has been mv uniform
opinion that this should be effected by
•radual and proper measures. And
nere I heg it may be most explicitly un
dci ctooclp that in speaking of gradual
measures, it never tras my idea that the
trade should be continued for the advan
tage of those persons who are engaged
in carrying it on. No sir, I would not con
tinue the trade a month, a week, a day,
on any such grounds. It was well ob
served on a former night in this House,
that justice is due to all persons, as well
to our own countrymen as to the natives •
ot Africa. I fully- assent to this ob
sei\ation. Hut in the distribution of
just.ee we must cautiously distinguish
between the rights of the claimants. It
would be the height of injustice to ba
lance the mere pecuniary interests of a
nv one body ol men against the lives,
the liberty, and the safety of any other
body of men. They are claims of a dif
ferent nature, and cannot be weighed
widi each other. That justice is due to
the persons in this country who mav be
affectedby the bill, I readily admit;'but
it is due from this nation, and not from
Africa, ‘which has already suffered suf
ficiently from us. Laying therefore
these claims out of the question at pre
sent, and regarding only the objects of
this bill, I must observe that in a great
measure of this nature particular caution
1 j nccessaiy , that in producing a certain,
good wo produce as little evil as possi
ble. Sir we must perceive how difficult
it is to legislate for those who are nnn.ir.
tics to our deliberations. I certainly ant
not without apprehensions that if this
trade had been terminated bv a sudden
and immediate act, it might have been
pioductive of dreadful consequences on
the Coast of Africa, where there is a
great donflux of slaves, whose numbcis
might accumulate, and who from the
sudden and total cessation of the frad<t,
might fail a sacrifice to the avarice or
resentment bf their owners, Before t
I*-’ft Liverpool to have the honour of tak
ing my place in this House, I tho’t it
necessary to make A particular inquiry
on this subject from a person well con
versar.t with, and who had frequently*
visited different parts of the Coast.
1’rom him I learnt that at Angola and
other places on the southern parts of
the Coa.it, slaves were brought down in
scanty numbers, artd consequently little
danger waft tb be apprehended from the.
immediate termination of the trade ; but
that on the more northern parts, and par
ticularly at Bonny, the slaves are brought
ovn in cpvat numbers, being travelled
from the mtcriour part3 of the country
for lour, five or six months, and that,
there, some fatal roof equencer might