Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-01-05 00:00:00, page 2

ifcljpliBtr pr i«ri« ltt*
it it «Xp*rl^i a message will b* da
tum tb* executive in the course of * ft-'*
days, in which w«, armies and loans wi1f be re
eotfcmendcd. On these lu* jeris there is a division
cabinet, and there will be * great division
in the r
among the republican partjfen congress. No aug
mentation of the navy we understand is contem
plated.
Oprsystem nf non-intercourse wss adopted with
a view to punish the belligerents for their decrees
mw) xrders, violating nor neutia! rights; more par
ticularly was it intended to punish Gieat Britain,
became the superiority other marine force was, and
» competent to restrict the commerce of Trance, or
rather to annihilate it. We should r*juice to see
any system adapted which could teach the belliger
ent to respect our rights, but we always did believe,
that the non-intercourse system was calculated in
its effects to benefit Great-Britain to our injury.
|ju system of non-intercourse hns two objects,
i-exclusion of British ships, and the exclusion of
itttah poultice and manufactures. We will notice
each separately—The exclusion of British merch
ant ships from our ports is within aur power, and
ctn he completely carried into effect, but that this
exclusion is of no serious injury will appear evident,
when we investigate the subject with attention.—
Tor the years 1805, 6’, and 7< the number nl Bri
tish ship* which entered the United States did n«t
*4 axceed forty in each year; in the same years the
number of American Ships which entered Hiitish
‘ports, averaged five hundred in each year. The
apparent effect is, that Great-Britain loses annual
ly the employment of forty vessel, and the United
States of five hundred. We speak only of the ports
Of Great Britain end Ireland ; the trade with her
colonies, was carried on wholly in American ves
sels, and tonsequ*nlly any facts which nury d-du
jVed from the argument, will apply with additional
force to the colonial trad*. Great Britain must
iave required from the United States annually, dur
ing the years above mentioned, as much of their
produce as could be transported in five bandied and
> forty vessels ; it is believed that she docs not want
less at this lime, hot must find other means for !
procuring it.
The means erf ro plain and simple, i'mI o” exer
tion of menaolll* 'lydinitv, was nerisirv in di«
eoverthem, The produce cf tlv- L'mt-d Steles will
find its way to Amelia ]»! <nd, Si. J.igo de ('nbu. St.
Bartholomew,Cadiz, Lisbon, <V>\ So lar hs Bri
'tftli ships are employed iu transporting itie produce
of the United St ates, from the ports ahnve ift«nu
oned, to British ports, beyond the employment
which' wnsgiven in forty vessel*, so far their carry
ing track i* benefited. It is not easy to ascertain
thitt extent with aretiracy, I ut we will adduce a sin
gle fact,’ from which s/upe idea may he formed. On
the 22d of hir-t montli, there were no less than sc*
Vrnty Jivr lirilish ships at Amelia. Ishrtd ! It wmdd
l»Ot fee expected that we should shew for what oh.
ject th * immense number of merchant sliijis were
agseoihlfd at a place where formerly, there were not
^Sprain a year. The fait is evident—that at one
tirajf and at one port, we find neatly double the
number of British ships, engaged in the transporta
tion of American produce, that were engaged in a
wh#|« year during the years ISO, 65, and 7 ! Sop
P®4*the ship* are two mouths in port, and
that only half that minileryrrive every two months,
the number will be immense— We take no notice of
* the British ships, which are employed in transport
i"! «he produce lh« United States from other
pom,'to dfcat Britain, hut if she requires i.s murh
of our produce as she formerly did, we may with
oneallowance «or me proportion or the transporta'i
on. which mir vends yet enjoy, say that Great
Britain gains At the expense of our vessels, w hat the
employment of 270 vessel* annually, is worth, ex
elusive of what she gains in her colonial rarrjing
iralK Her shipping interest, u still further hem lit
ted, in the advance of freighting, from the increas
ed demand oer»si<M»d tiy our voluntary abandnn
DWOt; bvtiUmiy here hejmfthnt the British na
««*• *» •"* by It.iK because a will
fall upon the articUmgphen transported nt this ad
ditional freight, fj^pe is less lorrrtn this o! jarti
'*• tMIlMneafsnt the first view. If Great Britain
foneumed5 all her manufactures, there would be
graft weight in this objection, but bring the work
•hop far the world, any additional rhorge upon the
raw materiel, is p«;d for by the consumer. The he
wed! arising from her increased carrying trade, is
ppiitwe, and accrues to her alone.
,’■* ®*c^'**ion of her manufactures and produce
h soot bur part nf the non-intercourse system, which
ea»Mt** fuPs exposed yjuu] it has 1 ecu tried. U’«
are persMdeia that this part of tie system *ill fail
;||r in trtfl'jrrt. *Al the commencement ofourjgjlt
lat.obj-similar meavur.., »„r t,■.,,
enthususrn^.in<l sup.
until tbe lastyear
some Amerfcun pri
irted upon l|, ^od
msde-a few seizures, not exceeding m »U ten, (M
the ordinance allowed private armed vessels ti nip*
tine vessels having on board British goods. We
have be^si informed by those who reenllect the his
tory of those times, and the rases to which we al
lude, that so far was it considered meritorious to
execute the ordinance, that in the few instances
which occurred, the captors were stigmatized ; and
•n one instance where an American vessel of supe
rior force having British goods on board bid defi
ance to one who had seized others, the act was uni
versally applauded.
Whin we find that under circumstances such as
we have stated, the system of non-importation tail
ed, we<have no confidence in its succeeding at this
time. The more the penalties are increased, the
more inducements there will be to evade the law,
and it" tlip system should continue a few years, Bri
tish goods will find their way under the accumulated
injuiy arising from a loss of revenue which might
be raised upon them, and the baneful effect which
will he produced upon the morals of the people, by
habits of smuggling.
Whatever therefore may he the system, which
congress may adopt, we do hope that a system
which does no harm to any nation bat our own will
be abandoned. It we are asked what system ought
to he adopted, we are not prepared to say. We
know that war is said to tie the only means we have
h-U; this we sh ill not advise, but leave those who
have brought the country into that situation, tor
which ti c re is no other remedy, to taka all the res
ponsibility of that and their other measures—They
hold the reins of government; Hoy have all there
sources of the nation at command, and 11 they em
ploy them for the honour and ini, rests of nur coun
try, we snail he among the torcmosl to express our
approbation.
The following persons -ne elected directors of the
Office «if Discount and Deposit ol the |Unk of Y'ir
p, tii.i at this place for the present year. The four
l ist are new directors.
li. E. L'-e, .l.pites T-irlor, sen. YV. R. Selden, YV.
'*• htuic., John Brown, Christopher Fry; Martin
i S»'!nu>'i M.rsh, Deorge Newton, Arthur Tay
! i. John L. Unit, YV. A. Annislead, Richard Row
Jen.
Fhom the Virginia Patriot.
Refections upon the State of our Count™.
No. II.
.hiring in my lust number takpn a cursory view
of mu present trtu.a:rasetni and humiliating situa
tion, it is proper now m inquire into the causes
which have led to tins state of tilings. The gr>al
CeUSe we shall tin ! to have been a departure from
the prini tples and prsrtice of Washington's admi
pislrotinn. These principles condtn ted the United
States, in safety and with glory, through a path a
boundiug v.itbdifih uliics scarcely paralleled. It we
turn our eyes to the peii„ii wnen the ltderal consti
tution was adopted, and from thence contemplate
the history of the government to me ratification of
the Lmish treaty, we cannot hut admire the wis
dom, firmness end integrity of those statesmen,
who guid.d the destinies ot this country in such
Dying and perilous limes. To organize a govern
ment, to till an empty treasury, to srttie contested
points of great difficulty with a powerful nation, and
to withstand the torrent «f jacobinmeal principles,
was a combination of ddh. allies which consumate
wisdom only could snrmocr.t. Rut by a happy mix
lure ot firmness and moderation, president YY'ash
ington preserved the; peace of the country, and esta
blished its commercial prosperity upon a basis so
solid, that nothing hut the mad schemes of a visi
onary philosOphei could have shaken it. The ma
jority m congress were last winter reminded of the
measures taken by the administration for the de
fence and mainUinanre of our just rights, and it
was fully demonstrated, that if Mr. Jelfersnn had
been governed by similar principles, the evils of
which we complain might have been avoided.
During the. presidency of Mr. Adams, the govern
ment was again called to defend its rights, which
bad been violated by French decrees, nearly equal m
atrocity to thosfenf Berlin and Milan. By hold
and vigorous measures, by teaching the Flench di
rectory that the United States were willing and able
to maintain their just rights, they forced that re
spect and justice, which was not accorded to repre
avm.nmus ui rtMiinii&uaiu rs.
These federal principles, the foundation of a poli
cy so lot innate, were llie result of plain reason and
»n intimate acquaintance with the nature of man.
The great oljert was, to preserve a neutral station,
so lung as that could be done, without a sacrifice of
any esstntiai rights or submission to the least indig
nity. The means were, to entitle the country to
the benefits of neutrality Ly performing its duties,
to cultivate the resources ol tbe country and to make
adequate preparation for the enforcement ol such
rights as any other power should attempt to violate.
It was not a maxim of President Washington to
/nuke large demands, to claim privileges to which
Ms country was not entitled, or to modify the priu
pples of public law, us its convenience might re
quire. The justice of his pretensions was in his
mind a mutter of great weight. He was sensible
that other nations had rigpts, and it was not bis
policy to require their sacrifice. It whs another
masim of this president's policy, not to make de
muqds w hich he was not prepared to enforce. He
knew thiit the dignity of any government would be
d-.-etrriyed by sueh contemptible trifling. 4*
For a government to make a declaration of ab
stract rights and to d*t ]«r* a resolution to have no
intercourse with wyr nation which svail sot ackauw
may compromise *ttfii ill situation, sod the asiefli
M of* right ftnyfk waved fori time, without ita
ing nbandoned. TTrie is often suggested By pdli
and is perfertly consistent with honoti^, But
lare a right and to complain of its violation,
without attempting to compel Redress, is mean and
disgraceful.
TIi* wisdom of fedsral policy is seen in its conse
quences. Never was a country advanced in wealth
and power as was this during the twelve years whirh
succeeded the formation of the federal constitution.
Contrast the stale of our country in the year 1800
with its state in the year 17S9, and the wisdom of
the federal men cannot* be denied. Contrast our
present state with that of 1800, Hod the weakness
and incapacity, or corruption, of the present admi
nistration must he confessed. Can there he a more
certain index ? Can there be imagined a hetter cri
terion ot the merit of a government, than the state
of the rountiy governed ? Under the federal admi
nistration, mnnmrre flourished and was the source
nf immense wealth. At present we have compa
ratively no rommerre, nor the prospect of an\.—
1 fiat valuable branch of trade, whirli has brought
so much wealth into the United States is lost, it is
feared, forever. This loss, as will hereafter be
shewn, is chargeable to the administration. Whe
ther it has been the consequence of a pailial Sys
tern of politics, which would depress one section
of the Union, whether it has been the result of a
conspiracy to destroy commerce, nr is solely altri
1 utable to the weakness and folly of a cabinet, the
effect is the same. There is another cause which
certainly has hud its effect in destroying that com
merce There has existed in therabiiiet adetermi
nation to quarrel with Great Britain at all events.
I do not mean, by the word quarrel, that there was
a disposition in fight, hut in he upon ill terms. In
pursuance of this determination, it was thought ex
pedient to inereuse the number of points in contro
versy, and it would not have been consistent with
this policy to ratify a treaty, which settled all diffi
• ulties concerning the carrv ing trade and secured us
the enjoyment of its bcnifiis. The loss of which
I complain has not, in mv opinion, arisen from any
one ol these rauses, but from all combined. Mr.
Jefferson and Mr. Madison have hpen in some de
gree influenced by each of the motives stated.
liiehrst undertaking of Mr. Jefferson, upon Ins
accession to the presidency, wss to destroy the
works of his predecessors. Me commenced by tak
ing away the means of revenue and by reducing to
insignificance the naval and military force of the
country. liy a repeal of taxes, which were not bur
ihvnsome, iie left the treasury barely able to sup
port a pe.ice establishment and utterly unuble to
meet a case of difficulty, as we now know. By de
stroying the navy, and by neglecting the fnrtilica
tions ot exposed places, be placed the country in a
situation incapable of resisting the most mntempti
i'|p invader. But worse than ail, to destroy the po
pularity of his predecessors and tn increase his own,
be laboured to conupt the publitk mind by disse
minating poisonous doctrines, more fatal to a nati
on than the sword of an enemy. In this employ
ment, be has been too successful. The people, of A
menca are too deeply infected with Ills notions ; and
this circumstance will oppose the most formidable
io au administration, which shull attempt in ear
nest to maintain the rights and vinJicale the ho
nour ol Ibis nation. There is reason to fear the
people ar« so much in hive with the neme of econo
my, that they will be hardly persauded to part
with money even for their defence. And it is not
certain that a naval and military force, surh as the
state of the country requires mold fie raised, with
out exciting un alarm for their liberties. Mr. Jef
lerson has been gratified. Me has succeeded in
gaming a transient popularity, which an honoura
ble nun would despise, because it is not the reward
ot virtue, hut the consequence of evil. The d*y
will come'when the nnst will be dispersed, and the
dec-ivfr of the people will be exposed to their in
dignation.
Mr. Jefferson was srarrely seated in the presi
dential chair, when the poit of New-Orleans was
shut by the Spanish lutendant in violation of a so
lemn treaty. Both the interest and honour of the
United States required, that we should he immedi
ately restored to our rights, and that .the art of the
lutendenl should he solemnly disavowed by his go
vernment. But neither was done. The same men
who are so punctilious in their negotiations with
Great Britain, whose indignation it is so easy to
rouse and so diffii ult to appease, calmly pocketed
an injury from Spain, and attempted to ronceul
their shame by a purchase of territory. This terri
torial acquisition, toa country before too widely ex
tended, deceived no one. The right of deposit at
New Orleans was alone valuable. This was a right
essential to the western people, and which it was
necessary to secure. , It was ours by treaty. But
Mr. Jefferson was not ashamed to expend the pub
lick money for the purchase *f a right unjustly with
When this purchase was made and the bounda
ries ascertained by .Mr. Jeflerson, U appears that
Spain was not satisfied with the transfer. A dis
pute arose and a tract of country, claimed by tbe
President and Congress, as tbe territory of the Uni
ted States, was actually occupied by Spanish troops.
To all these and other injuries tbe administration
did submit. Tbe only expedient thought of was a
nulber graut of money. “France wants'money
and we must give it, or take a French and Spanish
war," was the declaration of a Secretary of State.
This injurious interference of France, in our dis
putes with another nation would scarcely have been
tolerated by a federal administration ; but it excited
no sensation in the breast of Mr. Jetfersou, or Mr.
Madison.
By these proceedings it was ascertained, that
Mr. Jefferson would resent no insults which might
be offered by France, or by a prince under the pro
tection of F'rance. By the temporizing policy dis
played in the above transactions, the government
forfeited the respect of European nations, and invit
ed a repetition of insults from tbe empe.rour of
F'rance. Can it then appear strange that the go
vernment of Greal-Uritaiu should have attempted
to imitate her enemy in his conduct towards the
United Slates? I do not say that Use pusillanimity
of our government can be alledgrd as a justification
of the outrages of a foreign power. But my object
is to shew the causes of unr p
•sent enihmyass
seitaiuIjqKausc
ts^jmd tbs loss of cbaractw ii
i* r ot in the .nature of princor.rrpatdrrks, to / —
fraia fr«nSJ»urjri *h*re it, has learned lit despise.
, If then M Madison ic sinceiely disposed to iv
lieve the people and to redeem ths TlfMrHfrf tlif n..- ;
tipn, be 'most abandon all the tuaxmiS.aAich i&va jf
regU.itrd tbe cnndui t of government ijHlhe lust
eight years. lie must take upon, himsetf tIn- res
ponsibility of recommending an increase' of naval
lore*, a large appropriation for t#e erection of l*>r
tifkations, and oilier defensive preparations upon a
great scale. He must step a disposition to resist
the encroachments of deify foreign power, at the
same time unnecessary obstacles should gal be
thrown in the way af an accommodation with any
one nution. At all events, let net our relations
with England remain in theih present state. Let us
have peace or war.
The evils of war would be severely felt; but its
continuance would be short, and its consequence
would be peace, upon a solid and durable foundati
on. War would louse the spirit of the n&tion,
would call into the servire of the Country tbe vir
tues and talents now inactive and in obscurity, and
would prove tbe most effectual antidote to those poi
sonous notions, which have so deeply infected the
whole mass of the body politick. But a continu
ance of the present state of things is absolutely ru
inous. , e have suffered long enough from u sus
pension cl commerce, and .have lost a valuable
branch which cannot be regained. But is it pro
bable that Mr. Madison will depart from the tem
porizing system ? I fear not. War with England
he does not wish ; because such a war Would teach
tbe pesplc some truths which might destroy his po
pularity. Peace with England he will not have ;
because the very continuance of his power depends
upon his ability to keep alive the irritation now sub
sisting between the two countries. The injuries of
Prance he will not resent ; for what reasons I will
at present leave,my readeis to divine. The conduct
of his power and her ability to affect the welfare of
the United States will be the subject of future inqui
ries. Nor will any vigorous measures be adopted
for pt icing the country in a more complete state of
deb nee; because such measures might affect lha
popularity of the ruling party. In a word we ran
have no prospect of better times until an adminis
tration shall he found, who will regard the people's
interests as of superior consideration to the couli
auance ol Iheir own power.
VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE.
HOUSE OF DELEGATES.
Friday, December 29, 1 SOS
Mr. Prast ii pirsented, according to older, A
bill concerning divurres,” whirh whs lend twice,
.Hid committed to a committee of the whole house
on the state of the commonwealth.
Saturday, December 30.
The following resolution, which lay on the tall*
was taken up and read :
Resolved, that the office of commonwealth’s at
torney, either in the inftrior or superior courts of
this commonwealth, is a lucrative office r H*d that
all persons holding an offire, are disqualified by th*
constitution from holding a seat in this house.
A motion was made to divide tbe question upon
the said resolution, so as to take a-separate question
upon each member thereof; a motion Was then
made to refer the said resolution to the commute*
ol privileges and elections ; n motion was then nurds
to postpone the said resolution t» the 31st March
next ; a motion was then made that this house do
now adjourn ; and tbe question being put upon th*
said motion lor adjournment, it passed ill the neg*.
tive—ayes 0/—noes 88.
On motion, ordered, that the time of day, at
which the said motion for adjournment was made,
be entered on the journal.
The speaker pronounced the time of day, to be a
quarter past three o’clock in lha after*oon.
A motion was then made to refer the said reso
lution to a committed of the whole housir—the mo
tion lor relerring it to the committee of privilege*
and elections having been withdrawn.
I be question being then put un the motion for
postponing the said resolution to the 31st of Marrh
next, it passed in the negative—ayes l6—noes J33.
A motion was then made to lay the said resolu
tion on tiie table, and tlie question bJing put on th*
said motion, it was agreed to by the house.
Mr. Samuel Shepherd was re-elected auditor of
publick accounts, by joint ballot of both houses.
Mr. Charles Rlact^roce was yesterday elected
register ol the laud-office, by joint ballot of bolk
houses.
The following 15,11 and substitute are now befoietht
House of Delegates.
A 151LL
To amend an act entitled an act to amend an act re.
during into one act the several acts concerning the
Court of' Ajijictih.
Sec. 1. Be it emu ted bv the General Assembly,
That so much of the act entitled, an act to amend
an act reducing into one act the several acts con
cerning the Court of Appeals, (passed January 14th,
1807) which reduced the number of judges to three,
shall be and the same is hereby repealed.
Sec. 2. And be it enacted,That the Court of Ap«
peals shall hereafter consist of live judges, to be
chospn and commissioned in the manner directed
by the constitution i,f this commonwealth. Any
three of the said judges shall constitute a court.
Sec. 3. And be it enacted. That each judge shall
be allowed dollars per annum for his service*.
Sec 4. This art sball commence aud be iu force
from and after the passing thereof.
Sec. 1. That the court of appeals, shall instead
of three, consist of five judges, to be chosen and
commissioned in the manner directed |g| the con
stitution of this, commonwealth, OniPof whont
shall he the chief justice of Virginia, and‘ hall he
elected to that station by joint ballot ol both imus
es of the General Assembly. Any three of the said
judges shall constitute a court. The sai l court
shall commence US session on thelirst day of .Siarch
next. • h
Sec. H. And its sitting shall he permso»nt, if the
business ol the court ifijtifre; Provided always, the
court may in their discretion adjourp for short^e
nods. But it ilia!) be tl.- r doty to sit at !.\r«n»*
rtumlraJ'day* in the year, unless they suunyr dts- %
patch tfa* business ef the court.