The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-03 00:00:00, page 1

LETTER !.
To CA T O.'t/ F
TO b^ nobly ewrong is more manly than to be meanly
right. Only let' the error be disinterested—let it
wear, not the mask, but the mark of principle and 'tis
pardonable. It is on this large and liberal ground, that
we distinguish between men and their tenets, and 'gene
roufly prefefve our triendfhip for the one, while we com
bat with every prejudice of the other. But let not Cato
take this compliment to himfelf; he stands excluded
from the benefit of the diftin&iqn; he deserves it not —
And if the sincerity of disdain can add atubit to the Na
ture of ms sentiments, it than not be wanting.
It is indifferent to me who the writer of Cato's letters
are, and fufficient for me to know, that they are gorged
with absurdity, confufion, contradiction, and the most
notorious and wilful fallhoods. Let Cato and his faction
be against Independence and welcome ; their consequence
wjll not now turn the scale: But let them have regard to
justice, and pay some attention to the plain doctrine of
reason. Where these are wanting, the sacred cause of
truth applauds our anger, and dignifies it with the name
of Virtue.
Four letters have already appeared under the specious
nam# of Cato. What pretenfidns the writer of them can
have to the signature, the Public will best determine;
while, on my own part, I prophetically content myfelf
with contemplating the similarity of their exits. The
firft of those letters promised a second, the second a third,
the third a fourth; the fourth has fincc made its appear
ance, and stilt the writer keeps wide of the queltion.
Why doth he thus loiter in the suburbs of the dispute ?
Why hath he not shewn us what the numerous blessings
of reconciliation are, and proved them practicable ? But
he cunningly avoids the point. He cannot but discover
the rock he is driving on. The fate of the Roman Cato
is before his eyes: And that the Public may be prepared
for his funeral, and for his funeral oration, I will venture
to predict the time and the manner of his exit. The
moment he explains his terms of reconciliation the typo
graphical Cato dies. If the, be calculated to please the
Cabinet, they will not go down with the Colonies; and
if they be suited to the Colonies, they will be rejected by
the Cabinet: The line of no-variation is yet unsound;
and, like the philofophcrs stone, doth not exist. <c fam
bold," fays Cato, " to declare, and yet hope to make it
" evident to every honest man, that the true interest of
" America lies in reconciliation with Great-Britain on
“ constitutional principles."
This is a curious way of lumping the bufinpfs indeed !
And Cato may as well attempt to catch lions in a mouse
trap as to hope to allure the Public with such general
and unexplained expressions. It is mnr a mere bug-bear
to talk of reconciliation on conflitutional principles, unless
the terms of the firft be produced and the sense ofdhe
other be defined; and unless he does this he does nothing.
To follow Cato through every absurdity and falfhood
in the compass of a* letter is impossible; neither is it
now necessary. Cassandra (and I thank him) hath saved
me much trouble; there is a spirit in his remarks which
honesty only can inf,ire, and a uniformity in the conduct
of his letter which the want of principle can never ar
rive at. Mark that, Cato.
One observation which I cannot help making on Cato's
letters, is, that they are addressed “ To the People of Penn
sylvania" only: In almost any other writer this might
have passed unnoticed, but we know it hath mischief in
its meaning. The particular circumstance of a Conven
tion is undoubtedly Provincial, but the great business of
the day is Continental. And he who dares to endeavour
to withdraw this province from the glorious union by
which all are supported, deserves the reprobation of ml
men. It is the true inhered of the whole to go handh
hand; and dismal in every inftan^e would be the fate of
that colony which Should retreat from the protection of
the rest.
The firft of Cato's letters is insipid in its stile, language
and substance: crouded with personal and private .inuen
does, and diredly levelled against" the Madefy of the
<< People of Pennsylvania." The Committee could only
call, propose, or recommend a Convention; but, like all
other public measures, it fill rested with the people at
large whether they would approve it or not; and Cato's
reasoning on the right or wrong of that choice is con
temptible; because, if the body of the people had
thought, or should ftiil think, that the Assembly (or any
of their Delegates in Congress) by fitting under the em
barrassment of oaths, and entangled with Government
and Governors, are not so perfectly free as they ought to
be, they undoubtedly had, and frill have, both the right
and the power to place even the whole authority of the
Assembly in any body of men they please; and whoever
is hardy enough to fay to the contrary is an enemy to
mankind. The constitution of Pennsylvania hath been
twice changed throughthe cunning of former Proprietors ;
surely, the people, whose right, power and property is
greater than that of any single man, may make such al
terations in their mode of government, as the change of
times and things require. Cato is exceedingly fond of
impressing us with the importance of our " chartered
constitution." Alas ! We are not now, Sir, to be led
away by the jingle of a phrase. Had we framed our
coadud by the contents of the prefect charters, we had,
ere now, been in a state of heiplefs misery. That very
Assembly you mention hath broken it, and been obliged to
break it, in almost every inftahce of their proceedings.
Hold it up to the Public and it is tranfpareut with holes ;
pierced with as many deadly wounds as the body of
M'Cleod. Disturb not its remains, Cato, nor difnonour
It with another funeral oration.
* The writer intended at, firft to have contained his re
marks in one letter.
The Pennsylvania
Containing the Frefeeft Ad-
April 3 , 1776.
There is nothing in Cato's,firft letter worthy of notice
but the following insinuating fallhood: “ Grievous as the
" least restraint of tb@ press .mutt always, be, to a people
" entitled to freedom, it mutt be the more so, when it is.
" not only unwarranted by tbofe to whom they have com
" mitted the care of their liberties, but cannot be war
ranted by them, consistent with liberty itfelf." —The
rude and unfchola^ical confufion of persons in the above
paragraph, though it throws an nbfcurity on the mean
ing, still leaves it discoverable. Who, Sir, hath laid any
restraint on the liberty of the prefer I know of no inftahce
in which the press hath been even the object of notice, in
this province, except on account of the Tory letter from
Kent County, which waspublifhed last spring in tlie Penn
fykania Ledger, and which it was the duty of every good
man to dete& because the bonify of the press is as great
an object to society as flicfreedom of it, If this is the re
straint you complain of we know your true chara&ct at
once ; and that it is so, appears evident from the expres
sion which immediately follows the above quotation;
your words are, " Nevertheless, cue readily submitted to
" it, while the least colourable pretence could be offered
" for requiring such a submission." Who submitted,
Cato? cue Whigs, or we Tories? Until you clear up this,
Sir, you must content yourfelf with being ranked among
the ranked of the writing Tories; because, no other body
of men can have any pretence to complain of want of free
dom of the press. It is not your throwing out, now and
tb^n, a little popular phrase, which can protest you from
suspicion; they are only the gildings under which the
poison is conveyed, and without which you dared not to
renew your attempts on the virtue of the people,
Cato's second letter, or the greeted part thereof, is
taken up with the reverence due from us to the performs
and authority of the Commissioners, whom Cato vainly
and ridiculously stiles Ambassadors coming to negotiate
apeace. How came Cato not to be let. a little better into
the secret? The aft of parliament which describes the
powers of these men hath been in this city upwards of a
month, and in the hands too of Cato's friends. No, Sir,
they are not the Ambassadors of Peace, but the distributors
of pardons, mifehief and insult. Cato difcover,s a gross
ignorance of the British constitution, in supposing that
these men car be empowered to aft as Amb^ffadors. To
prevent his future errors 1 will set him right. The prefect
war differs from.every other in this instance, viz. that it
is not carried on under the prerogative of the crown as
other wars have always been, but under the authority of
the. whole legislative power united, and as the barriers
which stand in the way of a negociation, are not procla
mations but afts of parliament, it evidently follows, that
were even the King of England here ip perfun, he could
not ratify the terms or conditions of a reconciliation; be
cause in the single character of King he could not Ripulate
for the repeal of any alls of parliament, neither can the
parliament stipulate for him. There is no body of men
more jealous of their privileges than the Commons : be
cause they fell them: Mark that, Cato.
I have not the least doubt upon me but that their bufi
nefs(exchifive of granting us pardons) is downright bri
bery and corruption. It is the machine.by which they ef
fect all their plans. We ought to view them as enemies
of a most dangerous species, and he who means not to be
corrupted by them will enter his protest in time. Are
they not the very men who are paid for voting in every
measure against us, and ought we not so fufpedt their de
signs? Can we view the barbarians as friends? Would it
be prudent to trust the viper in our very bosoms? Or to
fuffer them to ramble at large among us while such doubt
ful characters as Cato have a being upon the continent?
Yet let their persons be fafe from injury and outrage —
but trust them not. Our business with them is short and
explicit, viz. We are desirous of peace, Gentlemen; we
are ready to ratify the terms, and will virtuouQy fulfil the
conditions thereof; but we ihould deserve all apd every
.mifery^which tyranny can inflict, were we, after fuffering
such la repetition of savage barbarities, to come under
your government again.
Cato, by way of fleabag into credit, fays, that “ the
" contest we are engaged in is founded on the most no
“ ble and virtuous principles which can animate the
“ mind of man. We are contending (fays he) against
" an arbitrary Ministry, for the rights of Englishmen."
No, Cato, we are now contending against an arbitrary
King, to get clear of his tyranny. While the dispute
rested in words only, it .might be called " contending
with the Ministry," but since it is broken out into open
war, it is high time to have done with such filly and wa
ter-gruel definitions. But it suits not Cato to speak the
truth. It is his interest to dress up the feeptered savage
in the mildest colours. Cato's patent for a large trad of
land is yet unsigned. Alas poor Cato!
@ito proceeds very importantly to tell us, “ that the
eyes of all Europe are upon us:" This stale and hackneyed
phrase hath had a regular descent from many of the King's
speeches down to several of the fpeeche.s in Parliament;
from thence, it took a turn among the little wits and
bucks of St. James's; till after fuffering all the torture of
fcufelefs repetition, and being reduced to a state of va
grancy, was charitably picked up to embellish the second
letter of Cato. It is truly of the bug-bear kind, con
tains no meaning, and the very using 'it difeovers a bar
renness of invention. It lignifies nothing to tell us “ that
“ the eyes of ail Europe are upon us," unless he had like
wise told ns what they.are looking; at us for ; which, as
he hath not done, I will': They are looking at us, Cato,
in hopes of feeing a final fepar'atibn between Britain and
the Colonies, that they, the lookers on, may partake of a
free and uninterrupted trade with the whole Continent
of America. Cato I thou reafoneft wrong.
For th^prefent, Sir, farewell. I have'feen thy solilo
quy and despise it. Remember, thou haft thrown 'me the
glove, Cato, and either thee or I must tire. I fear not
HO-&
G^ZETT E.
vices, Foreign and Domestic.
"S fi '! d of fair debate, but thou haft stepped aside and
Personal--Thou haft tauntingly called on me by
I '.'?'." hunt thee from every lane and
"¥?^ e ° f ^^c^ l '', an d bring thee hot a trembling
culprit before the public bar, then brand me with ret
pi oach, by naming me in the lift of your confederates.
T HE FORESTER.
hbiladelpbia, March 28, 1776. , tft^^^
To THE PEOPLE of Pennsylvania.
LETTER V.
J N my fourth letter, some notice was taken cf the dan-
A gerous propofitioh held up to us by the author of &m
---mon Senje, for having, recotirfe to foreign abiftance, and
niixing the virtuous cause of these Colonies with the anl
- views of France and Spain, even allowing that
they are either able, or that we could male it their in
terest, to enter into a war with Great- Britain and her
allies on our account. History will scarce give us an ex
a™CT of.any people that ever recurred to an expedient
of tnis kind, without having their allies at last for their
Rasters. The fatal consequences of hasty refoliations
in great questions, might be well illuftrateu by the con-'
Gutt of the foolish Danes, who, to avenge themselves of
tneir nobility, in one dreadful moment,' made an irre
trievable surrender of their own liberty, and that of their
posterity, into the' hands of a Tyrant. And had I been
dhpofed to work upon the passions, rather than address
the reason of my readers, the mention which was made
l^.of the arbitrary governments of France and
Spain, their bloody massacres and Unrelenting persecu
tions, gave me an opportunity of entering into descrip
tions, which would have " harrow'd up the very fouls"
of Froteflants and Freemen.
? The Administration of Great-Britain itfelf, daring as
tuey teem to be, have not yet dared to recur to the def
peiqte rneafare of calling in foreign aid. But some of our
best friends intimate that an example of this kind, on ei
ther fide, would juftify the like conduct on the other.
A great majority of the patriotic freeholders of the coun
ty of Berks in England, nobly supporting our cause be
fore the throne, compliment us upon this—that we have
not thrown ourselves into the arms of other powers, and
that “ our petitions have yet appeared before no throne
" but that of Britain. Let not England (fay they) set
an example which is but too easily copied, by drawing
“ into a free country the insidious and mercenary aid of
“ foreign forces, trained to the support cf barbarous
" Despotism. The moment that a great army of such,
“ or of any foreigners, shall enter your territories, the li
“ berties of your people are at an end. —Strenuous as we
“ are for the honour of our country, we cannot be for
“ getful of its peace and concord. It is therefore we
“ abhor the idea of encouraging foreigners to make a
" prey of this nation, and its dependencies, under the
“ miserable and uncovered pretext of discountenancing
" faction and sedition among ourselves."
It is but too reasonable, then, to conclude, that which
foever fide, Great-Britain or America, fliAl firft call in
foreign assistance, will but force the other into the fame
desperate measure. In either case, this devoted land
would become one fi^ld of blood and carnage for a length
of years; which, at last, it is to be apprehended, would
only be dreadfully elofed in our perpetual fubjedion and
Slavery to the victorious lide, whether allies or foes ! It
is, indeed, impossible to describe the miseries of that
country, which is once made the feat of foreign wars.
Torn in pieces by contending armies, fubjefted to the al
ternate ravages and oppressions of rival powers, the Mer
chant, the Farmer, the Peasant, has nothing to call his
own. Even the wife of his bosom, and the daughter of
his affection, are not fafe from the unholy violence of
mercenary soldiery, rioting through every corner of a
land not their own, insolent in victory, and barbarous in
defeat.
Altho' we now sadly bleed under the cruel hand of an
nnjuft administration, who have kindled up a most unna
tural war among brethren in their own bud, vet (God
be thanked) that war hath not reached, and I trust will
never be able to reach, much further than our sea Shores.
A nation, cannot long continue totally blind to all its
most essential interests. Our own vigor and virtue have
already gone a great way to convince our oppressors of
the inanity, as well as the impracticability,' of their
schemes to govern a great and distant country by force.
Perseverance, on our fide, will speedily accomp ifh the
rest. Our friends in Britain, unbought by us and on
corrupted by our foes, arc yet of more worth to us than
whole nations of foreigners, drawn into our assistance
by mercenary or interested views. If, by no precipitate
or unnecessary measures, we forfeit the esteem of the
former, and make them also enemies, we shall prevail by
.our united strength. The devices of those, who, for
ambitious purposes, strive to divide a house against itfelf,
will be finally confounded; and the whole family of Bri
tons, on both tides of the Atlantic, may yet be bound
together, by frefh ties of mutual love and intereft—for
many generations!
But, I repeat it once more—by the former measure of
callingin foreigners to decide our quarrels, we shall bleed,
not in a few parts only, but at every pore; and the pre
sent generation will not probably fee the en^of the cun
teft. Would to,Heaven, that they who press such a
measure, as preferable to reconciliation with our ancient
friends, upon whatever terms, could but beheld the face
of Poland, and visit the feenes of havock and desolation
which mark the late footfteps of contending foreign
powers in that country ; or read the accounts of the like
feenes in many parts cf Germany ! They would not then
continue to urge such a measure, till they could cle&lff
prove that the last necessity was come.
[ For the Remainder fee the fourth Fare.]
Numb. 2467.