Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-02-19 00:00:00, page 2

{twittapjtaara lkuh**mark able wap* sin
gle democfetirk paper, ifv*t «e know of, hat pub
lithcd ths public defair allow given in our tad. It
f| Oappesad, the leader* ban not mad* ap their
minds in what-manner this report ii to be received,
tbs minor papers *1 enures wait hr ths word of
comesaad.
Miny of oar readers will ranentlar thsts writer
«ader the sigsetOrc of a “ Calm Obtervtr,” through
'tbs Anrors, man; pears since, areuted oar beloved
Washington with a misapplication of public money
to hit own use. The “ Calm Observer* was Mr.
John Berkley, whs is sow dead, and whist name
Stands at tha headof the list of pub lick defaulters!
Hie shall spare t(||pabjert, and only remark, that
the false areoeer of Washington was ths bosom
kind of Jctferson.
At length, ae will he s*en in oar paper of to-(Jay,
the catntniltee af t)*e Senate has reported the hill,
commonly celled Macon’s Bill, with some amend
Wtois* sgMrectiRji the bill in its principles, end it
is made order of the dny for this day. By ihu,
the bill will have to go hark to the house of repre
sentatives, and thus a little more time will be gain
ed.and enable onr sage rulers to prepare for a Anal
parting with ail their hea't-d measure! of restricti
on, If th»y discover some reluctance we are not
to he surprised, there will be some hesitation, when
st*en ore called to deride either to retract their er
tours, or perse rre in wrong.
The following gentlemen have been appointed
directors af the Office of Discount and Deposit of
| Bank of tba United States at this plaee, for the
'! year.
•iitnr Tatioe,
li Mrs Young,
11Mrs as,
Richard Blow,
, Wsifk* A milf. v,
Larkin Smith,
George Mint ray,
John Nniton,
Mir*A7t»in Macevr*,
Fortrscve Whittle,
J^A RAISON AlLMAMD,
John Southgate,
BApsrt Maitland.
." Those whose
ics are in Jtaliek art new Di
lectori.
fit will be very well recollected, that a few weeks
mrice, a letter addressed by Counsellor Emmett,
the celabratsd Irish Patriot, to Mr. Chutham the
Editor of the New York American Citizen, was
ptthh*hed in Most of the newspapers at the request
of Mr. Emmett. It was not published in this p*.
.. 1**». which imposes on ns (be necessity of briefly
Meting the origin of that letter. Mr. Cbeetham in
lie IHhof rtinmet Paine, had reflected upon a Ma
3am Bmuitiillr, in a manner very unbecoming, in
th» j^ptwent *f Mr, Emmett, who wiih great pro
priety apd liberality caused Mr, Chelham to cor
% treet,the misrepresentations. If Mr. Emmett had
•topped there, the snbjert wnnld have never fallen
■f*r mir notice, tut he went farther, he gave the
bracter of Mr. Bonmvil/e, in terms that will be
found below, and as a farther recommendation,
» Mated that be intended te remove to this country._
Mr. Cbeetham has found a document, which is pub
f ished herewith,that will cntibls ut tu appreciate the
* Waive ef Mr, Bonneville at n citizen. tVe think it
gpay he said to Mr. Emmett,
Sv a "You wronged yourself to write insucb n cause.”]
Timm lie jf. T. American Citizen.
The following well written character it given of
lion*. Howwviir., publisher of (he Sir* Inform*.
rum, by Mr. Emmet, in hit htUraddfeesedio Mr.
“ Mr. Bonneville wit not only a u republican
jcioier," l^*e hid u very Urge and product! ve es
tablisbmeflH that imtnre. nod was in hV.ii* of in
sgLjK*P»f''with most of the literary
Vhlrartrtfcpf France,, apd with very mauy of the
son* whom the French revolution
—r Jwb. Hi embarked ardently in the re
. hot was not implicated in its crimes ; for
prescribed, concealed and subsequently im
^-Stiitfdtiringth* time of Robespierre. After his
rgliou he edited the Bien Inform*, one of the
—t tstictned jouraals of that day, which was
luppwed hy Buonaparte on acroint of its antqui
Wacal hostility to the Hew order of things. He was
'"‘permission to resuioeil, if be would make it
khw limes j hot he would not submit 10 ex*
sentiment be did out feel, oor to suppress
fit hr thought important and just. Mr,
lww| io his house for sever*! years ; not as a
—it m the pcemloryJbM of the w„rd-foi the
•t**M'«* *** M of bis oiakmo
Ctfppansation, oor did that of the other then require
ww an sstjlum which a racy ardent and hr.
»«dj»nt repul4i.»o afforded to a man whose faults
, apd failings he saw and disliked, but whose political
ftinciplea And writings he esteemed, and whose di
I WMyt situation he pitied. A h»s .m assylum which
wa« latterly afforded in spite of the first consul’s
■'■■harieeu m “re and rrsentment. At the time
it embarking f r America Mr.
~twM
yqpin il had been suppressed,
bliehfl
‘ and prosper ts had beeii <Je
had biwsalf became eminently «b
*-a drtrioiioed to
frwud# te/We Utook place. As « proof of tfafiapnd
“(-<•>* general esteem in which she and ter fcte
bmiw*n held, I dmy now odd ttet (be was the
bearvr of ■ Inter from M»ne. M-rrier in the name
,oi the National Institute to Mr, JefTerann, at a
member of that body, and in which die wat parti,
cularly recommended iu tte president's protection.”
The (unjoined extract from Mr. Bonneville's
/lice Informe, it copied from Mr. Biisted't Hints on
the National Bankruptcy of Britain,” just publish
ed, p.267.
A French national newspaper called “ Lr Men
11*forme," published in Paris, and dated. 26th Fruc
tidor, 6th year of the republick (J 798)® time when
; the executive directory were grievously displeased
with the fedeial administration of the United State*
tor not immediately declaring war against Britain, ic
becoming the vassal of France, contains the follow
ing denunciation of vengeance:
“ He who speaks ill of John Adams (then presi
dent of the United States) shall pay a fine of twa
thousand dollars, and be shut up for two years ; he
who writes against tbe government, shall pay five
thousand dollars, and suffer five years imprison,
meat. Bee he is arrested, and his paper (the Aoro
ra, published at Philadelphia) is prohibited. So
much for the liberty of the press. If George the
Tiii'd was driven from England he would go to A
m“ri' a, where he has invested money; and what
sou would not expert, he would he a king there; yes
they would make him -king there.
11 Alt Europe will have a representative govern
menl, but America, ungraceful and without energy,
will have a king ; not in form, perhaps, tut in
tact.
M It France had on army to land in the United
States, the ought not to send it there. Corwallis
and »urK#yne were conquered by having advanced
IllU" the interior. It it true that France has neither
h fleet nor an army which she ran dispose of in the
new continent; what ought she then to do with re
spect to the an'noosus infans of America >
“ Not to he so imprudent as to declare war n
gainst them ; for this would be also ta declare it a
gainst all the republicans, (tha democrats, tlien in
opposition to, and and now possessing tha adminis
tration of tha government of the United Stales,) and
planters, and even against the savages, whom we
respect. If must be made against the mercantile
clan, devoted to Geoige the Third.
“ And how shall it he made, you will say this
war of exception ?
“ A fleet of light vessels, not drawing at the
most above ten feet water, some gnn-boats* and
bomb-ketches, will go into the river Savannah in
Georgia, us far as Tybee, and from Tybee to the
town of Savannah. It will take possession of the
magazine of stores, and burn the farm houses on the
right and left to the mouth of the river.
“ The same operation at Charleston in South
Carolina. It passes the bar, and by the same ope
ration burns Johnson $ island, and the buildings on
Sullivan’s bland. The same operation at George
Town, South Carolina, and Washington, North
Carolina ; go into Chesapeake bay, and it is by that
pernaps, by which the operation must he begun;
irom Norfolk, Alexandria, the capital of Mary
land, (Annapolis) and Baltimore.
“ Care must be taken, my inends, not to let one’s
self be enveloped in the Chesapeake, where one
would be annihilated, if the English by sea, or the
English Americans by land, had time to advance.
“ The operation of the Chesapeake is on affair of
eight days, and must begin at the most distant
place, that is, Baltimore, whence may he drawn a
large contribution: Savannah, Cbaileston, and
Norfolk, have near them little earthen forts, which
can be taken without great danger from the rear.
Have a cara then to advance yourselves into the Da
taware. One can barn on the left Livingston. If
one was sure, however, that the English were at a
distance from it, one can at the same time burn
Philadelphia. It is an affair of eight days.
“ Between Sandy Hook arid New-York there is
a fottin a much more respectable state ; but they
will bombard it. Ling Island, covered with hou
ses, and also Nantucket to be burned in an hour;
and Bosten to he bombarded.
“ The master blow would be to finish at Halifax
or Nova Scotia, where the English winter in return
ing from the West Indies ; not believing you to he
in force there, they keep none in the neighborhood.
If the expedition were co-operated in by a fleet I'soui
Canada, convoyed by a signal frigate the operation
would.be brilliant. One might send tbe most part
of your emigrants tn Canada. >
r-nler Jiew-Or leans with the of Spain,
take possession of the port of Natchez, call no the
fneutls of liberty in the back parts of the United
States, from Kentucky to the southern li/nits of
Kngtish Ameiirf. (t will be necessary to make
some presents to the savages : send back by way of
Spain, gen. Melcorut. chief of the Creeks ; pnt in
motion gen. Clark of Knoxville; call to the French
standard the legions of Florida and America raised
by Genet and Mangaoril; proclaim the liberty of
the black tint* in the United States; and give
equality of rights to the people af colour.
“ H is in fine, the iobabitaate of the confederate
ports who anglicise the United States. To destroy
their 'laboratories is to fix them for ten years in the
interior of the country ; ia to put them in opposition
with the planters who will accuse them for the die*
nstrrs of the war; it is to destroy the leopard who
at thia moment feigus a anion with tba eagle to de
vmrr her."
vVhile Mont, llonneville then waa preparing to
emigrate u> the United Slates, he w«t projecting
respectable as he teas, the distraction of our coun
try—the “ burning ef the farm-houses on the
Tvree—the same oferation on the Chesapeake
Buy—the burring of Philadelphia—the same
operation at Long Island and New-York— the
BOMBARDMENT OF Boston—the letting loose the
negroes to cut the throats of*heir piasters, and
generally, which would be “ an affair of a few
hours/ the destruction by firs and sword of tha U
nited States.
Jefersmn, tie Famci seem wry food
From the Psuaush. - i
To tie imaura^e members ofmk Legislature of
~;JHas*meiuettteffi:qx.„-.
• - MasmchustUs, . )fi •
M* fsUowiag hats apoa tha CanttitattoRaiit;
#
K
hf "W'fPInpi* ws#.hm
^^dilntnd ••wBPWp'-'ii <• estiaii
“•* (XlldSMr light* reserved by the constitute
to the people. . ^
4»» both the pride aadpfeitnre of tie writer, to
refleel that hit remark* an addressed tu an a«irm
bly which, in point of virtue, talents and inform*
ti.»n, will yield to no deliberative body in the Unit
ed State*, and who represent the most powerful,
wealthy, and as intelligent a state as any in oor ron
f'delation.
1 hese remarks are not the offspring of vain and
ostentations spirit. ]n or.ler to comprehend our
rights and obligations, it is as necessary that we
should duly appreciate our own consequence and ie
lative character, as that we should do juslire to
those of others.
When we recollect the honiogenenusness and uni
formity of nor population, the immense advanta
ge* we have derived from our brave and enlightened
progenitor*, in the rstahkshment of excelleBt.law*,
seminaries of learning, and nurseries of religion_
when we compare the literary advantages univer
sally diffused in our state, with those ol the vast
state* south of the Delaware, the great mass of
whose population is involved in the darkness of the
middle ages—when we recollect the free presses in
this state is three times as greatfas that of Virginia,
whose population exceeds our own—when we look
at onr monied capital; at our navigation, equal to
thatot all the states south of Maryland-,—at the
liiher.es which exclusively belong to us;—when w*
read the history of ihe last war, & tind teat powlul
arnres could make no impression whatever upon A'eu;
England, while small detachments could scour the
d nuuuunt .<i oor present masters in Virginia anci
Georgia—l ask whether u is in vain to »ay, that
Mastuchuteflt, with her sister stales; in A’ew Eng
land, may justly he praud of their intellectual, mo
ral Hud physical superiority ?
It will be seen presently, that these ideas have
thur weight when we come to consider the question
ol the expedirni y of our opinions—lor if we were
less important, less femeo, less respec ted, -it might
be asked with lorce, wlul good the expression of
our opinion will do? ii is ceceusethat opinion car
ries with it soch an immense weight, that the ex
pression ol it is so strenuously opposed.
One othvi remark I would also make as a preli
minary—-tliHl 1 am addressing a booy of men who
were born and edonted in the true principles of ci
vil liberty- who know as well bow to respect the
rights of the people as the pretensions of their go
vernors—who, while they will not only indulge,
but listen with candour to any remarks which may
be offered them hy a ntireu, tbraogh the medium
uf the press, will not shrink from the just andcare
ful exercise of their own rights, whenever, in their
opinion, the safely of the people shall requiresuch
exercise.
A committee has been raised by the legislature
to consider what measures can be adopted to avert
the calamities with which our beloved country is
threatened. Thrswas the least which the legislu
tuie could do, out of respect to bis exrellenry the
governor, who took the responsibility ol recom
mending the subject to the attention of th* two
houses.
This measure is, inconsistently enough, opposed
by the democrats, who are addressing the govern
ment in every paitof the Union, to encourage their
taction in congres. to persevere in their ruinous
measures, and who, at this very vrom nt, as appear*
by the recent resolutions u» Kennebeek, m„ke no
scruple, in then unhallowed assemblies, to anathe
matize the constituted authorities of this state.
1 shall" briefly consider the two objections to the
expression of the legislative sense ut the public area
sales.
tst, mat i t is unconstitutional.
2d, Thai it is inexpedient.
Fi»«r then, is it unconstitutional is the legisla
ture of this stale solemnly tu express its sense of the
dangers which threaten onr peace, and its earnest
wish that the national government would take im
mediate measures to avert the calamines with which
we aie menaced'
No man ef any party denies that the manage
ment of our external relations is exclusively vested
in the president and congress.
Nu man pretends that this stale has a right to
interfere directly in the measures which the national
government may see tit to adopt.
If any such direct interference with foreign pow
ers was proposed, there might be a jest and reason
able objection te it.
But the right claimed by the legislature is to ex
press its own sense of our dangers, of the evils and
mischiefs of a war, and their earnest desire, that,
notwithstanding all existing pretexts, our national
government would be pleased to ndupt measures to
avert these calamities, and to bring about an ho
nest reconciliation with the belligerents with whom
we havsrauses oi difference.
Thisceurse, so far from beiog a violation of the
constitution ; so far from infringing the acknow
ledged authority of the national government, is an
exprtst and toltmn admission that the power resides
exclusively lu that government.
But is there Hny thing in our constitution, or in
the principles adopted by all tree states, that should
prevent our expressing the opinion of this state, by
US authorized representatives, eveu by the way of
solemn rcmvnttrence Y
Every free government is predicated upon the will
of the peepte. The expression of that will is usu
ally made thiougb the instrumentality of tbepopu
iur elections, fiat this is not the only mode of ex
pressing the pubiuk voice. If this were the case,
the press would lose half of its value. Our acres
ters, next to the trial by jury and tba habeas cor
pus, estimated the right to address the conscience
»f the Priuce by supplication and remonstrance.
This right was most strenuously asset ted'end
manfully supported by the legislatures of the pro
vinces before the Revolution.
The right to petition, and. to remonstrate was
deemed unalienable, and some of the noblest and
most honourable sentiments are to be fuuud in tin
exerciee of this right by the then provinces of the
United Stales. •
In our constitution the rights of speech and of the
press, art most sacredly guarded.
Shall it thmi be said, that the legislature of this
most powerful, free and independ^t ntit*-, have u-.i
as much right to addreui the UtdBoi his majtsi,
the President, and of their high mightinesses th<
P ■> -' ■ > ,■": ■ ' ' ' * *4
- v •
ot FrjufVf c
Mte%s*^y/t*l4 ■*—W«»mw
r,WB *i», dare. to *r
^TMgn theflHfVif their m-mart-h, and abajl it
Ua»i4 that tM’lree andindcp«ud.-ntrepresentatives
W sovereign Ital* cannot *»ni ex pres* thfk fears ’
“rtd tM*ir irgrel» «ai their hopes?
Locant that enslaved country, Great Britain—
At what period of tbeir modern history was it pre
tended that parliament could not solemnly address
the threne and express their abhorrence of the wa*V
and their earnest wish that his majesty would Itatcs^
to terms of peace, and, in some rases, Leg hitn te
open a negotiation for that purpose.
Yet in jhat kingdom the right of making war at*
peace is at cxchindy tested in the King, as the
same power is in this country vested id congees*—
aud it was as improper an interference in parliament
to express their oponmns, as it would be in our. J*.
gislature—but iu truth it is not an improper exer
ns? of power in either. As therefore the right claim- *
ed in this instance is no more than the wretched!
slaves in France—than every corporation in Great-.
Britain—than our own glorious ancestors exercised
betore the revelution, in their supplications to tbn
throne ; and as this right of speech and of tha
press (lur it amounts only to ibis—-it amounts on
ly to an expression of opinion,) is most explicit*
StGurrd I y the constitution, we might safely repos*
the question upon this point. . ..hii
uut happily lor os in this rase, precedent,
continued uninterrupted, frequently repeated prece
dent—the best expositor of law*, has beep, uniform
ly in our favour, and'in nine cases nut of tea, this
precedent has been afforded by cur political stivers**
Ties, the Jefferson*, Madisons, and the lesser men, .
the Mortons and WFarlands of the Democratic*
party.
Some distinction may be attempted to be set up
between the approbation and disapprobation of the
measures of the government, and some Vicar of
Bray, some tool of a tyrant, may contend, that
while we may luwiully approve we cannot lawfully
condemn—But 1 mean to put them down by shew*
mg, that from the earliest moment of our history,
they, the democrats, have exercised both rights—
and that the federalists have acceded to this con
struction of our constitution, whieh has now becoqiu
the law of the land.
1st. Then let me observe, that it maybe as «nk
cl.wvous often to past votes of approbation as of
cen.uirc.
The argument against the interference of the ci
tizens with the measures of hi» riders, reposes
m
chiefly upon this, that the ruler has better means of
jn.igtng of the state of public* aff-irj. This ap
plies ugHiitst those who ignorantly approve,
those who ignorantly condemn; but m point oI
fact rulers are follicle—they are often divided in tbo
cabinet and m congress—measures are carried l»y a
are majority—by art, intrigue or misapprebeasioB
of the public* voice.
If ten states can be permitted to express their
entire approbation of public measures, and the, «
thers, who are silent, are presumed to be i» favour
of the same measures, Congress are deceived.) and
and are induced to pass, by lean and insignificant
majorities, measures at whieh the whole nation ra
vels.
Take, fur example, Giles's resalutions or Ma-v,
con a bill, they passed by no veiy great majorities/ *
but congress bad only to judge of the public* voted
by the proceedings of Pennsylvania, NortA-Carolma.
Maryland and Georgia.
They might have Jteea eocouryged to these rash
measures, under the belief that the whote ttetes con
curred in the same destructive opinions.
h will he then seen, that if one or moretUioa
approve, others, wbo differ from them, must du
approve, otherwise they lent their aid tadestructivd
measures.
And alter all where n the harm of this moral and
p-B'-eful influence in a free state? Jf congress does
not find the weight and power of the whole states
against them, they are still free toject— indeed they
are free, though they would be rash to act aaaieetl
Uie opinions of all the states.
But, t’dly, bttk parties have given examples of
proving the aatioaxl will by remonstrance, and tfin
democrats began it.
1 hr re is no real distinction between remonstrance
by smaller bodies or by the legislatures of the
states.
Neither of them pretend any further right-to in
terpose than as citizens or representatives oi citizens.
—The very idea of remonstrance excludes (tie »dea
of absolute negative.
Every corporation almost in the United States,
aud many legislatures, declared their disapprobati
on of Mr. Jays treaty, after it had been solemn
ly ratified by the unquestionably constituted a«tb<|»
rates.
1 he legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia, (tb/s
latter upon the suggestion of Mr. Madison, who
was chairman of the committee,) passed noMsss
declaring the alien and sedition laws, whicqHwgj
passed l.y congress and approved by Mr. Adend
unconstitutional and not binding. These teaoluC
ons were sent to the governour of Massachusetts,
and submitted by him to the legislature; and upon
a question upon them they were supported by Mr,
Morton and others; and upon a reference to (ho
journals it will he found that all the <faanci>’0ft en
ter! in favour of the Kentucky and Virginia retold-’
tions. " * w JpF
At the time of 1±a difficulties with France, io
1798, many legislates and publick badiesjm the
democratic k side, remonstrated against tjj| mea
sures of Mr. Adams, and that gentleman has lately
declared that this opposition was the chief cause of
ms alteration, his sudden altera tioa,nfhia, policy.
But the most important and* lh||Btt example
which I shall cite, is that of the bolflpund made
by the legislature of this state lost year against tba
embargo, laws.
Those laws were as much within the jtrnvinct,
and the exclusive province of the national govern- '
mant, as the present questions which erenow die
cussed.
But it was conceived, that those meatuses tfere
cuiuous in their consequences and unfounded iu
Uieit ,nrigKi.—They wt-ie opposed, end />pppsCd
most successfully .—The t opposition ft Seed opr coun
try from the jo»* of many millions.
The people pi New-England approved'tbit inter
ference, and rewarded ilie auU gM of it t»y their tks
newer! confitfeaceai the lata e!«*on».
Every nun, them who vu-rf for' ih$
of last wiutir, tt is ronciiyed is hound ;o support