The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-10 00:00:00, page 1

Messrs. Bradfords,
Observing in a late Providence paper an Extrafi from an Oration,
publicly delivered at Bbode-lfland College the 7th of February,
by one of the Students,-.-at if contains fentimems highly honorable
' to America, and falily different from thfe of a modern Cato,
er the Tory Author of a Pamphlet, fat,s entituled " Plain
Truth” If a'ter petufal you fee so to iy/ert the fame in your
Impartial formal, you will oblige feme of your jieady readers,
particularly at a time -when a few other ferffa are teeming .ith
publications too much calculatedto interrupt that union am ng us,
of which ore have hi hert juhly b:a]led.
, HALL more than a million of the bravest men that
" ^ ever lived, in such a glorious land as this, born and
educated in liberty, patiently endure tu be gul" d and fleeced
by a few lordiv tyrants, on a petty bland, at the distance of
three thousand miles? Shall the aibgrafpiog avarice ot Britain
be at length gated with the honest earnings of industrious
Americans? Forbid it heaven! Rather let civil war, with all
its grille horrors, continue to ravage and lay waste this popu
lous land, till not a min remains to weep the fad catafhophe.
But id oiks to heav, n a fa. better profpea opens to our view;
n< tight yet has happened hat may juftiy damp our ardour.
Wh?t gh> r y gained he 3.i. fli aims the lift campaign? Should
it be handed down, that he bravest officers in Britain, with
more than 5000 vetcrin B^'ith troops, the complement de
manded to carry deflation and havoc through this continent,
lay a whole compaign cooped up, inginrif us in the town of
Boston, wafting rith sickness and ina'ion ; or if they dared
but ih '\v themfe!ve<, rere flaiighicied by hundreds pojErit,
would feared, believe the ftoiy P inch a noble hand was
made the firft campaign, by our undisciplined provincials,
newly levied, badly equipped, fatted for ammunition, let
not one anxious thought arise about the event of the approach
ing funimer.
Meo are not wanting to us; our hardy youth rife up to
mat hood fader than war itfel can <ill them, and our money
is as plenty; the debt contrail d by 3 000000 Shall be paid
by i2,oo*ooo; the teeming earth pours forth supplies which
way loever our armies bend their cou'fe; the bowels of our
mountains arc pregnant with warlike (lores; fire arms and
powder are manufactured am mg us; he briny ocean pours
in fait upon us with every tide; thou/mids cf lurw-whitc sheep
adorn our pafturcs; arid liberty fair liberty, preludes among
our Senators, united by friendship' l closest band; engaged in
the bed of causes. N^ri let me ilk, wirii gratitude to him to
whom our all is due, can Britain, at this diftaoce, already
groaning under enormous debt, ipht iato ^chun, furxoauded
with jealous, envious neighbours, who watch ncr halting, can
Ilie, in fuah an unrighteous cause, ever hope ^prevail against
the consolidated power of all thofc colonies,' Sorely not, uu
lefs grow 1 frantic through her dotage.
Fain would I pass in lib ^hft nhuman horrid plans of
the prefenc British niidftty^Jfojw^tue cads aloud that all
should fee and hate them, ft is known to ail that, even in
parliament, the reafonabtentfs of thefr meafurcs is not the topic;
but whether Great- Britain IW,tb< fewer to enforce them, and
by what means! How is Abe glory of the British arms tarnifh
£d by their prefect inglorious employment! Well may their
veteran legions, though trained to war, and used to wade in
blood, be reludant, and some resign their posts. But it seems,
though Britons hearts recoil, and kindred blood doth chill
and Magnate at the horrid deed, yet Hanoverians and Hessians
are demanded, and even Russia's frozen and half fettled re
gions must be difpeopled for the purpoie. Let Britain no
more vaunt of troops invincible in war; of fleets abd armies
terrible to distant nations; gather let a guilty bluth conceal
the ibameful ignominious deed, of wandering from court to
court to call in the dirty dregs of mercenary foldims, cu en
force her unjust laws.
But f mething dill worse than even this must yet be told;
yer, here is undoubted proof, that their contaminated hands
could reach the butchering knife to lavages, let loole upon our
defenceleft frontier fragments; but even savage nature shud
dered a r 'the thought! And that fame providence which inter
pofi-d and saved this people from the lirft, which protested
the over-memorable father of this town, wi.h the tirlt planters
here, amid/i the native savages; that fa^e kind providence
has confounded and defeated heir b^c* defiguf. The na
tives are our friends and allies and end our spirits brook the
thought of calling in the help of others, they would freely join
us; their swarthy heroes by th ufands would cloud our plains,
in horrid forms, with dismal yeliings, doubling the native
horrors of the war. But this need not be done, while Britain
ransacks only Europe to find m rccuaries. Our valiant youth
alone (ball reap the laurels of the conquett. Surrounding na
tions (hall envy us the glory that aw aits our arms, and even
priority (hall hold their manhood cheap, to think tftey had
no thare in (hiking off the yoke of British tyranny, and
founding in liberty and salutary laws this rising, mighty em
pire; to which even Britain, imperial Britain, in some future
dav, reduced t.> her primitive insignificance upon the map of
the globe, (hall Supplicate, and implore for assistance and
proteaion.—THLs mighty period rolls swiftly on.
In jufic^ to the young gentleman, it ought to be observed, that
ibis Oration -was compofcri and delivered before he bad seen or heard
fa late celebrated Pamphlet, " Common Sense."
TBE
A A ' Numb.
April 10,177%
PENNSYLVANIA jl^/ir^ JOURNAL,
and 4 THE
' 1V IT IT IT v v ^^'F'^<^^ ADVERTISER.
WEEKLY I ^^ ^
^M^^^jUh^ifo^^^^
, WEDNESDAY, • Ap.il to, ^
^S^^S^SWS^^SS^§^^^^^^^^^
The ASSIZE OF BREAD.
Fine Flour at Seventeen Saltings and Nine Pence per Ct.
Middlings at Fifteen hbilfrgs per Ct.
RY e at Ten Shillings per Ct.
White Bread, lb 3 \Middl. de. lb 3 R,e do. lb 3
id. loaf is 0 7 I rd. loaf is 0 85 id.loaf is 0 it
2d, ditto, 0 15^; 2d. ditto, 1 4 ^ ditto, 1 64
4d ditto, 1 14^1 qd. ditto, 2 2% 4d. ditto, 2 12%
hid ditto, 313 : Bd. ditto, 4 5 Bd. ditto, 5 9
rtd ditto, § Tifrad. ditto, 6 yffijizd_ ditto, 8 52
LETTE R IL
To C A T 0.
BEFORE I enter on the more immediate purpose of this
letter, I think it necessary, once for all, to endeavour to
fettle as clearly as I can, the following point, viz. How far
personality is concerned in anv political debate. The gene
ral maxim is, that meafuies and not men is the thing in ques
tion, and the maxim is undeniably just when rightly under
flood. Cato, as a refuge for bimfclf, hath quoted the author
of Common Sense, who, in his preface fays, ' That the object
for attention is the d Brine itfelf not the man;" that is, not
the rank or condition of the man; for whether he is with those
whole fortune is already made, or with thole whose fortune is
yet to make, or among these who seldom think or care whe
ther they make any, is a matter wholly out of the question
and entirely confined to himLlf. But the political characters,
political dependencies & political connections of men, being
of a public nature, differ exceedingly from the circumftanccs
of private life: and are in many instances so nearly re
'ated to the measures they propose, that to prevent our be
ing deceived by the lad, we mufl bo acquainted with the firft.
A total ignorance of men lays us under he danger of mistak
ing plausibility for principle. C; uld the wolf bleat like the
lamb the flock would soon be indeed into ruin; wherefore,
to prevent the mifehief, he ought to befeen as well as heard.
There never was, nor ever will be, nor ever ought to be, any
important political debate c.rr ed on, in which, a total repa
ration in all cases between men and meatuses c@uld be admit
ted with fufficient fafety. When hypocrifv (hall be banished
from the earth, the knowledge of men will be unnecessary, be-
Cause their meafuies cannot then be fraudulent; but until that
time come ( which inver will cotnr) they ought, under proper
limitations, to go together. We have already too much fe
crefy in some things and too little in others: Were men more
known, and measures more concealed we should have fewer
hypocrites and more security.
As the chief daiga of thefc letters is to detect and expose
the falfhoods and fallacious rcafonings of Cato, he mull not
expert (when detected) to be treated like one who had de
bated fairly ; for I will be bold to fay and co prove, that a
grosser violation of truth and reason (carcely ever came from
the pen of a writer; and the explanations which he hath cn
deav< ured 10 impose on the passages which he hath quoted
from Common Sense, are such, as never exited in the mind of
the author, nor can they be diawn from the words themfelvcs.
Neither mud Cato expert to be spared, where his careleffaefs
of expreffioa, and visible want of companion and fenriment,
(hall give occasion to raise any moral or philosophical re
ft&ion thereon.—These things being premised, I now pro
ceed to review the latter part of Cato's fecund letter.
In this place Cato begins his fiift attack on Common Scnfe,
but as he only difeovers his ill will, and neither offers any
arguments against it, nor makes any quotations from it, I
should in this place pass him by, were it not for the following
strange affertiori, " If little notice, fays Cato (tittle oppufaion
" be means) has yet been taken of the publications concerning
“ ludepc&daoce, it is neither owing to the popularity of the
" d.iftine, the unaufwerab^e nature of the arguments, nor
" thefear of oppofng them, as the vanity of he author would
" fugged-" As Cato ha.h given us the negative trafini, he
ought to have given us the real ones, for as he pfitivcl, tells
wh.it it was not owing te, h undoubtedly knows what it was
owing to: that be delayed bis answers so long; but instead of
telling 8s that, (which perhaps is not proper to be lold)
he flics from the argument with the following p.ump decoa
tions, '' Nine &nthrof the people of Pennsylvania fay + he,
" yet abhor the doiftrne." But flop Cam! not quite to taft
friend! If this be true, how came they, ft late as the fecood
of March last, to elc& so, a Burgess of this city, a gentleman
of known Independant principles, and :,c of the very few to
whom the author of Com 101 Senfelhew d some part there
of while in manufeript.
Cato is just as unfortunate in the following paragraph.
“ ThJfe, fays he who made the appeal" (that is, published
the pamphlet) “ have but little cause to triumph in its fuc
" cefs. Of this they seem sensible: and, like true quack, are
" condantly pteftering us with additional doles till the ft, machs
" of their patients begin wholly to revolt." Iris Cato's hard
fate to be always detected: for perhaps there never was a
pamphlet, iince the use of letters were knoun, about which
so little pains were taken, and of which, lb great a number
went off in so (hurt a time; I am certain tha # I am within
compass when I fay one hundred and twenty thousand. The
book, was turned upon the world like an orphan to Drift for
itfelf; no plan was formed to fuppotc it, neither hath, he
author ever published a syllable on the fubjecl from that time
till lifter the appearance of Cato's fourth letter ; wherefore
what Cato fafa of additional doses a^mimftered by the au
-thor is an absolute falfity ; befidcs which, it comes with an ill
grace from one, who, frequently publiflies two letters in a
week, and often puts them both into one paper—Cato here,
Cato there, lock where you will.
At the distance of a few lines from the above quotations,
Cato prefects us with a retrofpecftive view of our former date,
in which, fays he, " we considered our connexion with
" Great-Britain as our chief happiness—we flourifhed, grew
“ rich and populous to a degree not to be parellcled in his
" tory." This affection is truly of the legerdemain kind ap
pearing at once both right and wrong. All writers on Cato's
fide have uldthe fame argument and conceived themselves
invincible; nevertheless, a single expression properly placed
diiloives the charm, for the cheat lies in putting the time for
the cause. For the cheat lies in putting the conference for the
cause ; lor had we not flourished the connexion had never exited
or never been regarded, and this fully proved by the neglect
shewn to the firft fetters, who had every difficulty to Druggie
with, unnoticed and unassisted by the Britilh Court.
Conuuiffion.
In this letter Cato recommends the pamphlet called Plain
Truth, a performance which hath withered aw,y Ikr a sickly
unnoticed we'. and which even its advocates art difpleaf-'
cd at, and the author ashamed to own. Abou: the middle of
this third letter, Cato gives notice of his\b@ing ready to take
the fit d. " I now proceed fays he to give ^nv reasons."
How Coo hath managed he attack we are now to examine;
and the fid remark I fha'l offer on his condi& is, that he
loth mJI i?r^ok.„ endued the lift on the wrong sider and
difeharged his firft fire among the tones
Ii order to p<ovc thi, 1 1! all give the paragraph entire.
"Agriculture and Commerce, fays Cato, have hi
" thtito been the happy employments, by which these
" middle colonies have risen into wraith and importance.
" By them the face of the country have been changed from
" 1 ba-cu wilderncfs, into the hospitable abodes of peace
" and plenty. Without them we had cither never exited
6 as Americans, or existed only as savages—The oaks would
" still have p fTeffed their native spots of earth, and never
" have appearedin the form of Jhtys and houses. What are now
" well cultivated fields, or fluuri/hing cities, would have re
" mained only the solitary haunts of wild beasts, or of men
" equally wild." The reader cannot help perceiving that
through this whole paragraph our connexion with Britain is
left entirely out of the question, and our present greatness
1 attributed to external causes, agriculture and commence. This
is a Grange way. Cato, of overrunning Common Senfe,'
J which fays, " I challenge the warmed advocate for reconci:
'" liation, to (liew, a single advantage which this C ntinen^
“ can reap b, being connected with Great-Britain; I repeat,
“ fays he, the challenge, not a single advantage is derived?
" Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe; and our
" imported goca's must be paid for buy them where we will." Cato
introduces his next paragraph with faying,)" that much of
" our former felicity was owing to the proteaion of Eng
" land is not to be denied:" Yes, Cato, I deny it wholly, ail'd
for the following clear and simple reasons, viz. that our be
ing connected with, and fubmitring to be protested by her,
made, and will full make, all her enemies, wr enemies, or
as Common Sense fays, " fits us at variance with nations who
" would etherwife seek our friendfltip, and agaiuft whom
" we have neither anger nor complaint."
The following passage is so glaringly absurd that I fluff
make but a'fliorc comment upon it. " And if hereafter, fays
" Cato, in the fulntfs of time, it shall be necessary to f c p*.
" rate from the land that gave birth to (some of) our ancef
* tors, it will be in a state of perfect manhiod, when we
" can folly wield our own arms, and protest our commerce and
" coasts b, cur own feels." But how are we to come by fleets
a-
Cato proceeds very induftiioufty to sum up the former de<l
rations of Congress and other public bodies, some ot ^bich
were made upwards of a year ago, to prove, that the doarine
of Independance hath no fanarin fiom them. To thi^ I
shall give Cato one general answer which is rhat had h pro
duced a thousand more such authorities they would row
amount to nothing, they are ou of date, timesand things are
altered, the true chaiaaer of the King was but little Known,
among the body of the people of America a year ago, wiring
to believe him good, the, fondly ca cd him so, but have
since found that Cato's Royal Sovereign, is a R yal Savage.
Cato hath introduced the above mentioned long quotation of
authorities agaiuft independence, with the following curious
preface, " Nor have many weeks, fays he, yet elapsed since
“ the firft open proposition for independence was publidied
" to the world. By what men of consequence this scheme is
" supported or whether by any, may puffibly be the sub
" jc& of future enquiry. Certainly it hath no countenance
", from the Congress, to whose fentimens we look up with,
" reverence. On the contra y, it is direbU, repugnant to ever)
" declaration of that refpeaable body" Now. Cato, thou
haft nailed thyfclf with a witness! Directly repugnant to
every declaration of that refpeaable body! Mind that Cato,
and mark what follows—lt appears by an • xtraa from the
resolves of the Congtefs, printed in the front of the Oration
delivered by Dr. Smith, in honor of that brave man Genera!
Montgomery, that he, the Doaor, was appointed by that
honorable body to compole and deliver the fame; in the
execution of which, the crator exclaimed loudly against the
doarine of independance ; but when a motion was after
wards made in Congress, (according to former usage) to re
turn the orator tliaoKs, and request a copy for the press, the
motion was reje&cd from ever, part of the house and thrown
out without a division. t
I now proceed to Cato's third letter, in the opening of
which, he deserts the fubjea of independence, and renews
his attack on the Commi tre. Cato's manner of writing has
as much order in it as the morion of a Squirrel : Hr frequent
ly writes as if he kne# not what t write next, just as the
other jumps about, only because it cannot fraud (till.
Though lam fomerimes angry wih him for his unprincipled
method of writing and reasoning, I cannot help laughing at
him at other times for his -aut of Ingenuity : Out iodance
of which he gives us. in kindy warning us against " the
foul pages cf interested writers, and grangers inte?medfoig in our
affairs." Were Ito r epiy hriousl, my anfrer wud be this,
th. u icemeft then ignorant, Cato, of that ancient and nume
rous order which are related to each 0 her in all and every
part of the globe—with whom the kindred is not formed by
place or accident, but in principle and sentiment. A free
man, Cato, is a Granger no where.—A (lave, every where.
Bur were 1 difp led to answer merely, I fluu'd tell him,
that as his notions of friendfhip were so very nar? w and
local, he obliges me to u~dirftand, that when he ad'dreffes'
the people with the tender title of " my dear countrymen"
which frequency occurs in his letters, that he parties 1 ly
means th- long lift of Macs published in Donald M'D grid's