Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-05-30 00:00:00, page 2

ft
IXTTEft
that
►IliruN*
bo4y
of
foreign affairs, the low mc
iftate ofa*r revenue, and th* great in
i rfw expenditures, demanded our careful st
JiijMrt although *• bad * session of mon
than lie months, and all these subjects brought ir
tOMM fiiriapi fare ea, eery little has been done. 1
know, however, that this it a matter of consolation
to.snjoy : If we have done but little good, the;
give in credit for doing lets harm than they ones
apyeaheaded. I ran therefore, tell you what has
beOn attempted rather than wbat hat been arcoim
2lltd. daring the sestinn.
t'will be remembered that Mr. Jackson, the Bri.
I minister reached the United States in Ortubei
•“that a correspondence was opened between bin
•nd nuf secretary of state—that the negotiatin'
Spt* MHHy broken off, on the ground that he hat
In' thfc^Krse of bit correspondence, made insinua
lions which were deemed inadmissible by our go
vernment. This was immediately pul lished, ant
met the members of congress on their way tt
Washington. At the opening of the session. Mr
MWi imrouuffd nis relfbratcd resolutions, cJcriarti)'
the conduct ofthe British minister to h* “ indreu
row, insolent andaffronting, charging him with of
fering outrajrous, premeditated, direct, and aggro
voted intuit; that he had appealed to the people oi
Iba United States through 'foist and fallacious dis
guises," and railed upon congress to pledge them
arises to the people and to the world to bring forth
thevkotc force at the nation, if it should he neces
Mfj, Theae extraordinary resulutiuns have beer
ao ably and ao frequently discussed, that f shall nol
trespass on your patience with any remarks nl
nine. I widfonly observe, that a supposed insinua
fins {and an insinuation only is charged) could not,
Jn my opinion justify the rupture of a negotiation,
aq veyjp> important to both roontr e?, at tha very
threshold, when this minister declared he had ful,
paten to nuke *-treats »n ‘be points in dispute,
*nd at the same time offered to exchange those pow
.fjj*» when he declared he was not instructed to in
put on the three propositions which have been con
sidered so offensive in principle (but which have all
pt one time or other, been indirectly recognized by
some member of our government). But if all was
admitted that could be asked—even if the president
seas tight in breaking with Mr. Jackson, still ti c
interference of congress, in such a manner, could
never be justified. It belongs to the executive
ich of our government to regulate aiidudjustsf
i of this kind. Kucha course <vas not taken when
government was openly and directly insulted by
enet and Vrujo, the French and Spanish minis
jTbe language of the resolutions was suri-ly
exceptionable—The solemn acts ofthe n ition should
appear firm and dignified, but at the same time ht
exprsesed in rains and decent terms. There was
another objection which was still greater with me:
I considered it apparent from the face of the resolu
tions, independent of other strong evidences which
I.bad nf tha fact, that it was intended as an indi
rect declaration of war against Gieat Britain, to
provpke her to commit Some-act of direct hostility,
and thos throw us inevitably into the armsail
France. For these reasons I was opposed to the
resolutions. I could not consent to seek a war
with any nation. This scourge of mankind is to
be dreaded at any time, but particularly in the pre
dent state of this reuotry, and of the great nations
of Europe ; when our army is far from being in a
respectable condition—our militia neither trained
W>r armed—otir towns and harbours in a defenceless
state—our treasury so exhausted that it has been
deemed necessary to authorise a loan of at least Five
|ddhont of Dollars, and this too to defray the ordi
Aery expenses of government only—and w hen it is
certain that qre.must.Auc, and can gain nothing.—
To these resolutions, therefore, and all the various
W/fc amendments, resolutions, and other projects ol
this sort, (and we had many of them during the sea
aiao) I gave my decided negative, under a solemn
conviction that such policy was highly injurious tn
the best interests of the nation, and contrary tn the
wishes ol a great majority of the American people,
l am, however, happy to inform you that tbe artifi
cial'warfare, which was in one of its violent parox
ysms at the first of the session, gradually abated ;
reason, instead of passion, began to prevail and these
measures after innumerable' efforts, in vanousforms,
were obliged to be abandoned.
Atin jftrfjr part of the session a billwas brought
forward, welt known since liy the name of Macon *
*b» framer, I presume, had two objects in
he first was to hold out a sort of prntf6t a*
b* orders and decrees of Great Britain and
t-tne second to relieve the country from the
mischievous effects of the Non-Intercourse law—
The hill contained four distinct provisions: First,
it interdicted fhe public ships «f Great Britain and
France,from our ports and harbours—Secondly, it
repealed tM iton-ititercourse act.—Thirdly, it con.
fined our ttade to oor own registered vessels, and
prohibited circuitous voyages, or, in other words,
nil goods, wares, and merchandize must be brought
in adirectvevage from the place where th.w
od were manufactured.— And lastly,
th#exportation of any articles of the grnwm, pro
det<f<e, of manirfarctures of the United States in Bri
tish «r French eeescle.—As the bill was finally lost,
it U unnecessary to state the reasons why I disap
proved of some of it» commercial regulations. But
frefWtglta
, lb* *Huation of (lie country in
gWIWxt, and d#nWy constituents in pariit ulir, that
it, and dPwii
•wr produce, ever since the laying of The embargo,
hud commanded eery low prires—that, so great
•M the general distress, our state legislature had
reoorted toihcesetfabrdtnary expedient of expend
ing the final process ef law for the collection of
Mtl—wlai I observed that at the lust session
rtialiy repealed the suspending law, and
course executions to an immense amount
, this spring front the several coarts of
•talc- that by a repeal of the non-int«r
phnqld get a much better price far *u(
f resolved, sifter bcatowiog the best cm-.
I was able on tbn,subject, to mU for the
tuhtilitt for -fib* embargo
was JWBtinuufly insisted
if gbe bill Wne rejected*
apon in. Thjb
%lsewbefe' when bsfasLthe aame'articles of'ears
bad but little comp®Jtinn in th« market—sunk out
menu froth upward* of aeveBfteB million* to six
tssti.
million* qnd a half—occasioned an increase of (be
public debt—embarrassed -the great mass of the
community—redaced thousands to beggary—dpi ven
many of our citizens into foreign countries—and
which has had a most demoralizing tendency on our
people, by teaching them to evade and despise our
revenue laws, and by holding out such temptations
to smuggling—In short, sir,it would bean endless
task to trace these unfortunate measures through
all their pernicious consequences.
*lhe state of our revenue will be best understood
by a reference to the report of the secretary of tha
treasury ; it will there appear that a loan to the a
uioont of four millions of dollars would, in his o
pinion, be necessary to meet the ordinary demands
of the government for the ensuing year. A law Lae
passed empoweiing the president to borrow a sum
not exceeding the amount of the principal of the pub*
lie debt, which will be reimburseable during the
present year by the commissioners of the sinking
tund ; to be applied in addition to the other monies
uow in the treasury or which rnlty hereafter be re
ceived to defray the ordiuary expenses of govern
ment. \nu will perceive at once that no precise
sum is turned in this law—the amount that may
be borrowed depends on calculation, and requires a
si'itc of information and knowledge of the state of
our public debt which few men possess. I am in
all cases opposed to this mysterious and indefinite
mode of legislation, but particularly in laying bur
thens on tbo people : they ought not to be imposed
on in a dark and hidden manner, but so plainly as
to be understood by every raparitv. I was ready
to vote for any fixed snm which the secretary of the
treasury, or any other authorized organ of the go
vernment might shew to be necessary to meet the
engagements, or to sopply the reasonable demands
which might be against it: On these grouuds 1
voted for an amendment to insert four millions of
dollars being the largest sum named in the report
of the secretary of the treasury. You will be sur
prised to hear that this amendment was rejected,
iiut the whole secret is, that this law is so contriv
ed as to authorise a loan of more than five millions,
and in such a manner as to be concealed from com-'
mon oboervation.
The charter of the bank of the United States
will expire on the 4!h Marrh, 1811. It is certain
that an institution of this kind, to say the least of
it, is essentially necessary to facilitate the operati
ons of the revenue system; I therefore supposed
t iat something would he done. In this I was mis
taken, though I am convinced that a majoiity of
congress were in favour of a bank, and that one of
tlie great causes ol its failure was the confusion pro
duced by the number of plans which were brought
forwerd. *
While I am on the subject of revenue it may not
be amiss again to mention a section which was in
troduced into a bill erroneously called Mr. Macon’s
Bill, No. 2, (that gentleman did not approve of it,)
which passed the house of representatives but wsi
stricken out in the senate, proposing to lay a du-y
of 50 per cent, upon all goods imported from Great
Britain and France and their dependencies. It
was difficult to discover the real motives of the sup
porters of this measure: Some insisted that it
would increase our revenue ; this was disclaimed by
others, who said it was a substitute fur the system
we were about to abandon. Others alleged it would
diminish foreign importations and thereby encou
rage dornestick manufactures. It was the decided
opinion of a large portion of the southern represen
tatives that this law would hear with peculiar hard
ship on that part of the union. They were of op -
uion that if manufacturing was carried on to any
extent, it must be in the northern and middle states.
That this duty was paying a premium to these es
tablishments at the expense of the southern consu
mer whose raw materials and other produce wuuld
be greatly depressed by such a system.
1 Ids bill among other things, interdicts the pub
lick* ships of Great Britain and France from our
ports and harbours, repeals the non-intercourse law,
and puts an end to that pernicious system of re
strictions on our trade which has so long been the
subject of complaint. Our citizens are thereby left
at liberty ta engage in commercial pursuits, free
from the vexatious tesiraiuts of our own laws. This
measure was continually urged from the beginning
of the session.—The injurious operation of the non
intercourse law was apparent to all; yet, strange as
it may appear,' a repeal could never be obtained till
the very lust day of the session, when it could an
swer no valuable purpose, as that law would then
have expired by its own limitation.
ire expenditures 01 the govern
ment, for some years past I was astonished to find
that they had increased so rapidly and to such a
prodigious amount in several departments, particu
larly the army and navy. The navy establishment
as regulated by the act of March, 1801, before Mr.
Adams went nut of office, cost the United States in
the year 1802, the sum of nine hundred and fifteen
thousand eight hundred 6c eleven dollars (£915,811)
—The expense increased every year from that time
to the year 1809, when it amounted to nearly two
millions and a half. The army in 1805 cost seven
hundred and twelve thousand seven hundred and
eighty-one, (£712,731.) In 1809. it amounted to
three millions three hundred forty five thousand se
ven hundred and seventy two dollars, (£3,3+5,772.)
In the yaar 1800 we bad eight thousand seamen in
service, at the cost i>f lour hundred and lorty three
dollars for each man.—In tha year 1809 we had
2723 seamen, who cost us eight hundred and nine
ly one dollars each man. It appears from the re
port of the secretary of the treasury, that the ave
rage <if the government in the first twelve years un
det General Washington and Mr. Adams, was a
bout five and a half millions of dollars, and that du
ring the eight years of Mr. Jefferson’s administrati
* It is presumed that Mr. M'Bryde has been mis
taken in saying that only the pvtlick armed vessels
of Frenee and Great Britain are excluded, for it
will bt recollected that the Secretary of the Treasu
ry has explained the law^gs applying to all armed
rmmm
ci^wMo^y for r*- T
r»"y admitted. As attempt „_
greater part o( Ike {vnboatt; this proposition was
negatived; it was only agreed that some ifotrr 01
five that were almost rotten might be sold. It was
proposed to reduce the marine corps, and what 1
approved much more, to discharge a number of sffi
cars, who, in my opinion, were not necessary to the
pablick service; aid to retain about fifteen hundred
seamen. It was also proposed to discontinue for
the present some of the navy yards.—instead of six,
to keep up only three. It was the wish of many to
get nd of some useless corps belonging to the army
and of the supernumerary officers, but nothing was
accomplished. I have always been of opinion that
it was the true policy of this country to kerp up a
small oaval and military force, when those wbnar#
now the advocates of expensive establishments were
declaiming against armies and navies; but 1 am al
so for keeping them within reasonable bounds.—
Pubhek eeroDomy has never been more necessary
than at present. It we should be so unfortunate as
to be involved in war, it must be carried on by
whatever enemy we may have, by depredations on
our commerce and by sudden attacks oo our roasts.
It is obvious that the militia nearest the point
wbtre their incursions may be made, must be relied
on to repel such predatory invasions. When we
consider the great extent of our sea roast, and the
number of poiuts at which we may he attacked, w*
may see the utter impracticability of being guarded
by regular troops, and that our piincipai dependence
must be on the great body of the militia ; these rea
sons had their weight with me in voting against the
bill which passed the house of representatives, but
was postponed by the senate, for raising one hun
dred thousand volunter militia ; There were howe
ver, other objections still stronger ; it would have
required near three millions of dollais to curry that
act into effect. It provided for carrying those mili
tia out of the United States—a power which I am
well convinced congress does not constitutionally
possess.
1 he lamentable fate of a part of our army under
gen. Wilkinson, in the vicinity of New Orleans,
ought to be mentioned. It appears Ly the report of
• committea appointed to enquire into the causes of
the greet mortality ol those iroops, that they were
encamped on low marshy ground—ihnt the} suffered
greatly lor the common necessaries nnd comforts of
life, and that out of about two thousand men near
nine hundred died.
After the adoption of Mr.Gilts’s resolution, a plan
Was brought forward tor altering the rules of the
house ol representatives, by empoweriug'tha majo
rity, at any stage of a debate, to call for the previ
ous question, und, if rarried in.the affirmative, that
the main question should be instantly put without
amendment or further debate. It is true that after
s discussion of lluee days this proje t wns dropped, J
but such an alarming & unpai-alieled utteai[ t wn the
privileges ol the house and on the constitutional
rights of the nation ought not to pass unnotired.—
To reason on such a measure would he idle—it
speaks lor itself It is but too evident, that when
the right ol debate is taken away—when a majority
can form their plans in a midnight caucus and carry
them by ti silent vote, and thus screen themselves
from exposur#(huwever weak, arbitrary or wicked
their measures may be) by sealing the lips of a mi
nority on the floor of congress, we may soon bid
adieu to our best and dearest rights. It is laying tbe
axe at the very root of the tree of liberty.
1 am very sorry that it is not in my power to give
you a more satisfactory arrount of tbe present state
ol our iorrign aflnits ; for all is uncertain. Govern
menl have lately it is said received,dispatches by se
veral vessels from both France & England, but I am
a stranger to their con tents. The John Adams is daily
expected, and will probably bring very important dis
patches; they may determine the great qoestiou ol
peace or war with either France or G. Britain. The
injuries which we have received from both those
powers have been long felt here ; it is also certain
tbutthe Danes have committed great depredations
on our commerce. It has been stated, and 1 believe
truly, that the Insuranre Companies of Philadel
phia, since tbe embargo, have lost 30,000 dollars by
British captures, 10,000 ol which have hren re
stored : That the French have taken § 153,420 of
which 38,500 have been recaptured by the Butish
and restored on salvage : That ibe Danes have ta
ken about § 200,000 of which 94,000 have been
given up : But the late condemnations of property
in the ports of Fiance and her dependencies, with
out even the form of a trial, and the extraordinary
note of the French minister to general Armstrong,
calling opon us, or rather commanding us to unite
with France against England, are acts of a ditfer
ent character from what wfe have heretofore experi
enced. From newspaper accounts we have reason
to suppose that our differences with Great Rritalu
are in a train for adjustment; how they may ter
minate it is impossible to foresee.
Thus, sir, I have endeavoured, in the best manner
which my time and tbe pressure of other business
would permit, to giveyou a short sketch of thestate
«tf our foreign and domestic affairs, and of the pro
ceedings of congress—I have'also g van you my opt
nious, and informed you ol the course i pursued w
a member of that body ; all which I submit with
pleasure, but with great deference, to the judgment
of my constituents.
I am, sir.
Your obedient servant,
ARCHIBALD M’BRYDE.
Moore County, May 10, 1810.'
hOK 3ALIO,
A Valuable Tract of LAND,
Containing 900 acres, situated in James City Caun
ty, on Chickahominy river; the lend is productive,
well timbered and watered, with good marshes, 13
miles from the City of Williamsburg ; there is a
good House with 4 rooms in repair, a well of excel
lent water, and a garden, the whole well enclosed,
with a valuable fishery, and in season abundance of
wild fowl.
24 likely well disposed NEGROES,
and the whole of the Stock, 8ec—The terms which
will be liberal, will be made known on application to
Mr*. S. Gatliff, in Williamsburg, or to Mr. Wol
cott, on the farm.
Willisy^utg, May 18._Sawtf
I Sclrrfe LIZA, Sever, Ail.l sail for
Baltimore on Sunday next. ilaj 30,
the management of Messra. titycv tuMufo.
We understand that the Company willMt'foni for
Twelve nights only, end return here in October.—
This arrangement is judicious, on areod|j|ifof the
Season, and will we have no doubt meet the pnblick
approbation. '.safe fctfe
The letter of Mn. M'Brtdk of North CUnTina
tohis Constituents, whirh we have inserted in tbif
dny • paper, will be found to contain many inte
resting details of the proceedings of the late Con*
gress with a candid and able view of'publick atTOrs.
The prcspect of our foieign relations become**
more and more gloomy ; there is nothing but ruin,
or threatened ruin to our commerce from the shores
of the Mediterranean to those i f the Baltic, where
ver the power, or the influence of France extends.
The National Intelligencer at last, has noticed the
insolence and injustice of the Tyrant—the same pa,
per says that our government had no knowledge gg£
the existence of this note, “ until it was received a
few days since through England by the Camilla.;*—
It is a little strange that this document reacheirthis
country from Eegland and from Germany mow
than aix weeks since, and yet no official informal!
on reached our government until it came through
England by the Camilla, which vessel arrived at
New York tba 18th of this month, not from Eng
land, but from St. Sebastians, so that Mr. Smith
must account for the receipt of this letter in some
other way, for by the Camilla, “ through England*
it did not come.
It will be very well recollected that our govern
ment did out consider the ports of Italy, tl use of
Spain occupied by France, or the ports of Holland,
as dependencies of France, when our embargo was
raised last year—The consequences of which have
been the seizure and confiscation of our vess-ls and
their cargoes in those ports, on account of nn el
ledged injury done by ua to France by tin non in
tercourse act of March, 1809—f,r this fact ve
rtler to the letter of the minister of wha* is relied
the king of Naples—also that of tm Frem-h sjeot
at Trieste—After all the clamour thai, has been
raised, it appears that Atnet cn property is sa'e 'a
the English, Spanish, and Port,., ocse putts only',
and the colonial ports of those nations.
[COMMUXICATED IOR THE BALTIMORE WHIG.]
Interesting extract of a letter from Bordeaux, to a
merchant in Baltimore, dated 2d of April.
“ General Armstrong has been officially notified
that the cargoes of the American vessels ordered
from Spam to Buyonne, are to be puhlirkly sold—
but they arrive so slowly that we cannot anticipate
a sale for many months. He has applied to know
what is to be the fate of the vrsiels, but had receiv
ed no answer.
. “ By letters of the 11th March, just received
from Naples, I learn that all Ameriran vessels hnv«
been confiscated and sold; and the eretrs put tee
uork.
All American property is re seized at Ton*
oingen.
An arrival from Boston brings reports, that
the house of representatives bed repealed the non*
intercourse act, and that immense shipment* were
making for this country. God forbid, that either
of these tv.0 events should hare occurredJ One fact
is certain, general Armstrong has engaged a ship
now at St. Sebastians, to come round to this port,
to tak* himself and family to America in May.
“ The schooner Tilsit has arrived at Bayonne.
“ A Russian ambassadour sails for Philadelphia
in the Francis; and a French ambassadoureuesbv
return of the Tilsit.”
Fiom tks ATew York Evening Pott.
Proem Verbal.—We publish this evening acuri- •
ous I-ranch document, being a pr.:cest verthl for so
questfring American property. No cause however'
is assigned foi the seizure-; hut it is merely said to
b» done. Sic volo, sic jubco, si at pro rat hone volun
tas.
But it is curious enough to hear individuals, in
this city justifying this act of robbery by saving
that it is only a just retaliation upou us for oornoa.
intercourse law, which law they say we had no right
to pass, because we have a treaty with France sti
pulating for free trade, and this law they say violates
fi' these people know that our treaty with
F rance has expired f Do they not know that it eje- 1
pired last July f But it did expire Joly 1809 '
own limitation. So they must find out some othef
i » v,
justification.
(TRANSLATION) # *
Process verbal of the placing of Seals upon tie A
mericonbrig Rose-in-Bloom, on't/le IQth March.
1810. ’
COPY.
On the ipth of March in the year 1810, We
Benoit Nicholas Alisse, principal commissary of
war of the government of Biscay, and Jacques Bhui-’’’
din, commercial agent of Franreat the ports of SL
Sebastian and Passage, commissioners delegated by
general Thouvenot, governour of Biscay, for the se
questration of American vessels and the confiscati*
on of their cargoes, in the said ports, having been"
informed that the American brig Rote in-Bloom of '
the burthen of one hundred and eigftty-sevea tons
or thereabout*, which entered the road of the port
of St. Sebastians on the tenth of the present tUfenthi
had completed the quarantine to which she ha* ^
been subjected, went onboard the said brig Rov-itfr
Bloom, captain JrdedbdHfentt, from New Yoik,
with a cargo consrstin^WSior hundred and t**n~
ly-four bales of ro^L and 15 tons of fojptood, and,
in the presence ofHMhir Boorgqgl Chef de Bat
talhon Commandant d’armt-s at 5t:tft>,iiliaft, pT0.
Mb « feikwn
§