Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-05-21 00:00:00, page 2

would be given to apply to a r»se which from the
nature of ihioas vat not likelv ever to huppen—
Oar vessels would not go indirectly when they emilr
gb dffectlv. We have always bi Ii< veil, und de, lured
that our restrictions of emh,• go and non-intercourse
would he more inconvenient to nurse lVes than to those
Against whom they were directed. They hnvepiov-d
to be so by ibe measures of oornwugovernnieBl,& by
those of the British government, fur while we were
anxious to remove them, the other party appears to
bt pursuing measures that evidenced a perfect con
tempt of them. In this moment of infatuation, we
might almost say of madness, we can hardly indtdga
, th* hope, that the people will take a i aim view of
the real- situaljnoof the country, and of the conduct
of those who have brought it to its present state of de
gyadatien. The measures of embargo and non inter
course, thst were to work so much for us. have
been, abandoned without producing any alteration
in theconduct of the belligerents, exposed the weak
ness of our councils, have produced'publick 'and
private distress, beyond calculation, and yet the
people continue to confide m the same meuy that
proposed and carried them !
We have copied into our paper an article from
itt National Tntetligcnccr, in which we find more rea
«on and moderation, than we have commonly found
i» that paper, but adversity teaches us moderation.
We have before us the high sounding language
which was held in that paper in the commencement
of these destructive, end we may add, disgraceful
measures ; for surely we may call them disgraceful,
when their authors abandon them, f;om a convicti
on of their impolicy and imbecility. VVe compare
the language then held with the tone of the article
which we M publish to day. In a publication
•bicb appeared in the National Intelligencer in
jt latter part of 1807, we find these two sage
edic lions, speaking of the embargo :
“Great Britain will feel it in bar manufactures,
** in th® loss of naval store*, and above alt in the
“ iupplif* iiseutml to her colonic ; to the number of
“which she is adding by new conquests”— Hera we
have the text, and the recent orders to Admiral
Cochrane furnishes th# commentary. Speaking of
the effect whirh Ibis wonder-working nostrum would
have on the other belligerent Franet, the same pub
HcntiOn says, “ France, will feel it jn the loss of all
“.those colonial luxuries, which she has hitherto
“ received through oar neutral commerce.” In ve
rification of this prediction, France refuses to
receive from us those colonial productions, and
puaiehes as by seizure and confiscation for car
* ryk»g to her ports those very luxuries, for the want
of which she was to suffer so greatly 1
Blockade of Cadiz.— fo the year 1795, a
number «rf American vess,ls were raptured, and
carried into Gibraltar,and other British ports, upon
&t| aUrdged breach of the blockade of Cadiz. These
vessels and their rntgoes were all condemned lysrn
«8f e of the vice admiralty rnuit*, appeals from whir h
wejreUkeu in most,if notalhhe cam*. We are sorry
lo say that there is too much reason to believe that
the judgments of the mfenour court* have been af.
firmed by sentence of the hight court of appeals—
The sentence in the rase of the «hip Argus and
cargo, belonging to thie port, condemned for an
ullodged breach of this blockade, lias been recently
affirmed. We have not time at present to revi*w
this sentenee, hut those who have attended to the
btture of the circumstance*, which were folly slated
in ««r paper at the time, we think, pronounce
the final decisioj* to have been highly oppressive
1 unjust. J
We have received a file of London papers by the
April Packet to the third of the last month, hot we
#»d titfh contents without ioterest, eirept wbu is
Ly the extracts copied into this day’s
‘ r|jhw-Y*rk papers. We do not find
S the letter of Sir Francis Burden,
. * hit commitimnt to the Tower;
i from a. speech of * member of the hops* of com
oroentiugppmi the letter of S^J-Vaocis,
i that he t ad made an attack opou the pri
i tb# house of which heist memberj tony*
passages of higieUsr are quoted by the member *1
ladadto, whurlt wvthoaJd grveef^etftd qotreftkrk
tb»t the New-Tork editors prormse jhaJjjttar t»
Abets nart publication*, which will enable us to lay
it before our readers tn our m*C Adverting to this
circumstance, a ministerial paper contains the fol
lowing remark*:
Privilege if tAe Hone nf Common*
Imprisonment without trial, nmI conviction on
the oaths of witnesses and jurors, and without the
right of appeal, it may hr broadly asserted, is not
consonant to the general spirit nf our common laws.
Bot it does not follow that the exercise even of
such an extraordinary powi r, in a particular case,
may not be absolutely necessary |0r the public good.
It Will be felt by every reflecting mind, that with
out some prompt means of abating or removing
nuisances or eontempts lodged with the deliberative
branches nf the legislature, that they would not i t
able to pursue their deliberations. Their meetings
might otherwise he distur ed by intruders, or their
own members, and their doors sent with impunity
by a noisy and outrageous rafcble, dictaiing Us own
will, instead ol the deliberate wisdom of thecounfry.
It seems absolutely necessary to the dignity, if not
ihe existence of surh assemblies, that a right of
this sott should be possess'd by them. But to what
extent this right should he carried, which arises out
of the necessity ot the c»se, the wisest nun have
not always thought alike. Some have extended
their uotions to an alarming length; while others
have narrowed them so much, as to dispute the prin
ciple just laid down, which 13 thought to t.e unde
niable. The one pm ty would draw all ntbnres 01
supposed nftt-nceg having relation to the home of
commons, or the constituent members of it, within
the scope of the privil-ge, whether surh otfcnces a
roge within sight or lie.iriiig of the house, or how
soever remote from it in circumstances or romoiis
» >n; whilst the other party tvnuld lefuseiH cogni
zance ol the nflrm-e, if it could be inquired into and
punished by the ordinary courts "I law. Both of
Wuuiu *x'ravag;tul ; lor, in
tl.e one ees*. acting to the full exteht ol the preten
sion, the house of commons ought hold plea of eve
ry possible offence HlV-c tint; the person of a member,
eiiil under whatever rircu in.ti.nres committed, for
the principle admits not of decree—and in the other,
the house could lake cognizance ot none, however
flu?, rant or however prejudicial to tbe public inte
rest, by the interruption of its proceedings. Jns
l:p* Hale, a venerable authority, overlooking per
haps the latitude of the principle contended for.
'i.ti r inged himself on the side of those who insist
on the limited operation of the Privilege, as eX
plaiihd. Hut this would withhold from the great
council of the nation, aright to punish open con
tempts, which is not denied to the courts or ordtna
r" j',ri»hiction. This would go to convert tbe
house of commons into a suitor to those courts to
protect its (lights and Privileges, and so interrupt
ns public deliberations hy discussions incident to
tbe suits end prosecutions it might think fit to in
siitute in maintenance of its interests, or in vindica
tion of its wrongs. To such a situation there is
not a man in the country, who thinks as he ought,
would ever wish to sec a most important, end ut
wiys a favourite branch of our legislature reduced.
There may he many, however, whose admiration of
the constitution is unquestionable, who may wish
to see the privilege bounded by some reasonable and
known limit. 1 hat as it is a p..wer, exercised from
necessity, it may not exceed the point whence the
nectssily diverges, and is thereloreat on end. Now
in all those case , whrre the house h is referred
complaints of breach of privilege, not commit
ted witt.ing its walls, to other tribunals—it woulo
seem to l e admitted, even by itself, hut this privi
lege, in so far as regards tbein, is not of absolute
nec-ssity.
It will he a most desirable rirrumstance, if in the
discussion of this, the fiist difficulty that presents
ii> If, a correct and declared line be drawn and
marked our, so as to preveut any future doubt or
misunderstanding ; then the question will not have
been stirred in vain.
Tho frigate Constitution went up tbe Bay on Sa
turday.
Having rereived information lh»t several vessels
had hern fitted and armid within the wateisof trie
United Stales, with intent to cruise against the
su'ijerts of a foreign prince with whom the United
'< tesare at peace, government has issued instruc
tions to institute prosecutions against nil persons
whatever who may have been or shall hereafter he
concerned in the fitting not and arming of any such
vessel or in tbe augmenting of the force of any such
v stel- NationalIntel.
Capt. Crack low, informs us, that the port of
Havana was officially open to all friendly and neu
tral vessels on the 28th ult. and that the article of
Flour, which bad been before prohibited was per
mitted to be sold. Charleston Courier.
From the National Intelligence!*.
Cursory Thoughts on Publick Affairs.
Individual* and nations are obliged to art their
parts on the great theatre of the world, according
10 their powers and their ronditions. 'limes and
circumstances impose effective laws on private men
and publick homes, and never have times and cir
cumstances been more imperious than in the Utter
.sieges pi the short, but eventual existence of the
United States. Much as we have suffered, however,
and many and great as have been oar recent trials,
they siok to nothing, in a fair comparison with the
d.fficullies and the sufferings which alarm, convulse
and lacerate the old world.
At the commencement of the last session of con
gress every true lover of oar country—every wise
and good man was heard to enquire what effectual
measures to ameliorate the condition of the United
States can our national legislature adopt f
It was plain that much of the evils of the day a
rose from a deadly quarrel among the great powers
of Europe. Kcnioie, potent, respectively, beyond
*11 example, by eea or fend, contending for the
greatest Objects in this lower world—convinced of
our unshaken end unalterable neutrality—ariogat
ing to themselves every thing by arms alone—the
European belligerents left us an remedy but one, us
bad as the disease—war w tie ante of one against
thr other, k, - .... tt . ,
It astral) to have been thought by the national Iw
V ' “ • *'
t*..' ”*’'• "*r ';:yf
gialatore that thi* would bar? betnnur turst course,
iorttd®lwhberi«*riiwv«a«'&*l«r*ti«a 0f war a
gain* to; power.
i he people appear lo be of tbe »a«ne opinion in
every ttate.
1 he executive government seem to have consider*
ed ao unequivocal war ineaWWe as worthy ht a sug
gestion by theuXto the legislative body.
1 he continuance of our portions nlarmy anti na
vy, and of the preparations ot arms, the support of
poblirk credit, lire removal of those restraints or.
commerce, which were said to produre privations
that would revolutionize our government, the exrlu
stoh of the maiine armies ot*lhe principal beiiige
rents from our ports, the provision mr the exi lusi
• ob from our trace of either power, whit h shall con
twue tu aggress. These several things, small as
they may he deemed by some, are wore thou any
other country has teen witling and able to oppose to
t/lt aggressions of the tub belligerents. These event
lul times—* our deeply interesting case reoiiire an at
tentive survey oi the '.vorlu—a calm consideration.
• rid some rational course ot action, or that we should
rest upon oar unus, upon <ntr sea-boxed, and upon
eveiy Margin of cur country. In a season so awful;
III % rasa ao di e; Iv affecting, it is of no incunsidei .»
hie moment, that oui state physicians do nut too
inu' h—that they do nothing wrong. In a cas.
wherein I lie world in arms pr> ss*s on this young
and minor country, very little posit he depends upon
ourse-res. \ et a negative wisdom is left to us. W*
may reiraiu fruni active tolly, insanity and crime :
from a w.tr oi mere lurre: a war of ambition : a
war of plunder : a war of madness : a w.,j ot . x
pense incalculable and ot hazards we raiinot esti
mate ; a ww for commerce, e.oftmg more than its
prefits : a war of knight errantry, ‘or the bub le ie
pillation, to prove tlut we alone ran oppose abinun
tire lorees of Buonaparte, which lim.npe cannot op
pose -r and the navies of Britain, win, h the ft- i ts
ol the civilized ivorM ate on d.le to subdue.—
Kacb power at tar trad.-s with the oiler, ;.s
far as it can Ti-is :s a new stile oi things.—
Is it right then, or is it wrong, that we also trade
with each, as I, r as we chii? It may he of some
importance, it it were only To prove it.at our priva
tions are lint pio.jMceat y our own laws and govern*
i. ... n . . . ,
tiering this truth manliest. i-t will appear lo the
imld, the sober-minded, the cautious and the weal
thy in t.ur<»pf, tliHt we have a disposition, a talfnl
and good I.mune in our walk ol industry, econo
my find pcaee, We shall pursue commerce as tar
» <ve ran ; and w« shall increase that vast aggie
y,ale of 120 'millions in American manufactures,
.shlrli tin* secrvutry of ,,ur treasury has recently ex
hibited to the government, the country and the
world. He rnusi perceive that we are not lens pros
perous than the most fortunate of the European
Stairs. Affected in our accustomed intercourse
with foreign nations, we shall Have more In-queni,
intimate and bentfirIal intercourse with one ano
ther. Donrestick resources will he developed and
displayed. The estimate of the greatest uianalar
tures of one nation nl Europe in J78(i, was sixty
millions rit pounds sterling. Ours at ICO millions
ot dollars, rs equal to twenty-seven millions of ster
ling pounds, it is a good estate which produces
two percent, net income, beyond the maintenance
ot the family, the cattle, and ail taxes, improve
ments and repairs. Our exports, sea stores and
matnteifenre ot foreigners here, may lie taken at
sixty millions of dollars per annum, giving at two
percent, net profit, a capital in productive domes
tick property o< three thousand millions of dollars,
besides our publirk r mi private uncultivated lands,
which are a dejared stuck of incalculable niagni
tude. Americans! Love one another; cultivate
your inUriour i assist fomiuerce • be ever ready to
dtlend your altars and your lire sides : and grate
fully confide in an overruling providence, so emi
nently good to our political family.
Baltimore, May 15.
DOMES! IC NEWS !-—Tb* bickerings of heads
of departments, have hoi terminated with the session
of an unpopular congress ; and the attack* on Gal
latin having, as is supposed, disgusted the ident,
h change of ministry, nearer home than England, is
quite possible. The jarring in our cabinet no long
er rests on mere rumour ; for we know, if the evi
dence < f a letter (which we have seen)from a sovth
, ern UemvcraUck emgreuman be sufficient, that a se
rious misundi rstanoing exists. Certain manage
ment, thus far apparently successful, may yet sub
serve the interests of the STATE, whatever may be
I Ial the SECRL1AR\. Other h tiers, we believe,
hint that it is quite as probable Gallatin wi'i suc
ceed Secretary Smith,as that there cau be a sine re
reconciliation between the President and Gallatin’s
opponents. There is some whisperrng about Mr.
Jackson s being again received, and negotiations
with him recommenced. Of this we speak not con
■ fidently yet.
Hartford, (Con.) May !4.
On Friday, the Legislature appointed his Excel
lency John Treadwell Govrrnour. The votes
in the House o! Representatives stood as follows,
viz.
John Treadwell 12^
Roger Griswold 09
Asa Spaulding 32
- 71
Majority 50
The Council com arred in the appointment by an
unanimous vote. At half past eleven, A. M. his ex
cellency met both houses of Assembly, and after ha
ving taken the oath of office delivered the follow
ing
SPEECH.
Gen tit men of the CVanciV,
Mr. Speaker, and
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I I am once more railed by the publick suffrage to
the office of chief magistrate of this stale. The op
portunities 1 have long had to compare myself with
others of pre-eminent abilities with whom 1 have
been associated in puhluk life, have, I trust, effec
tually taught ore to form a moderate estimate ui
my own talents and acquirements; and hence to
eonclnde, that the legislature have placed me in
this honourable station to remunerate me for a lit*
of ssell-iotended and faithful services, by an unequi
vocal proof of their confidence in my zeal to pro
mote the publwk good; and also to demonstrate
therespect which they bear to their own habits of
advancing putlick functionari-a, by a regular gra
f&T V M , ■ ' ' ' ’ £ .•;T'' - 1 J ' ” " ” •' ' ” p -
elution of ofEc*. whireyogro? rersons tfuecnofffl.
ry are pot s«a to e*i»t. As a mark JputtH-k ap
probation I consider this appointment of inestima
ole liJue. Bat descending, as I nni, into (he vale
ol years, being one yearmjvaoced beyond my grand
climacteric, an age winch invites repose, rather
than labour, and tbe sweets of retirement rather
than ibe hustle of publirk life } at e period too,
w hen the European nations, are shaken to their
foundations, and the skins-of the storm which agi
tates them have reached these hitherto peaceful
shores,and threaten to involve nsjn the like rates
tropiic, l am far from rertain that it will add to
my enjoyments. Suffice n it tW^ay, that duly to
inyseli and family, and gratitude and respect to my
fellow-citizens and the puhlick, have induced my
acceptance of the trust.
Having from early hfe been called to act, in vari
ous slotions, under the pohlirk eyer my conduct, in
those stations, must have been generally known
and is the most exceptionable comment on the prml
ciples from which it has originated. On this ac
count, therefore, and because the chief magistrate
of this state, a3 a member of the legislature,0 which
has the whole power of appointments to office, is
no more than the first among equals, it may be the
less necrssary, to develope the principles which I
deem correct, i„ such appointments and in the ge
Mi-r.il administration ol the government. Still it
m y n..t be umuitabje, „n this occasion, briefly to
ui^e some »f those prinrrples.
Ihe magistrate, o> ruling power, will cultivate a
deep ronvi. lion, that lie acts by a delegated autho
I nly •'ruin (>ot> the fount an of pnvver, and rnnse
| quenllv is bou. d to e.x-rcise it for the honour of
t. .d an.t the prod of men. He writ therefore, p»r
I sue the publirk interest with undivided attention—
feel and act as the common father of the people_
reverence and support the institotions of religion
null learning, the great pi!l,rs of rational liberty—*
l.ive energy to me laws against all such as would
3 id.trl them—guard the rights of private property
and personal security ; as well by providing em
ploy inent for the poor, and so renrtiftirtng temptati
ons to invade them, as in the punishment of crimes
when committed—encourage euterprize and the
arts, and enrich the state by aiding the operations
ol g n-ral industry. That the state may avail it
seh ol [lie experience ol its servants, and that The
*' aie ot competition may be so contracted, as not
to endanger the publirk peace, it is doubtless expe
rt ent,. to rontinue m office such officers of govern
ment, whose duties are little effected by questions« f
general policy, to whatever party they may attach
then,Sj Ives, so long as they faithfully discharge
off'c-ial duties. But, in case of legislators, or pub
lr k functionaries, whose duties consist in deciding
and minaging questions of state, which are the
great subjects ol party dissentions, they wbb have
the light of appointment, cannot without incurring
the cb.tige of nicoiisiitcncv, exercise it, so as not
to advance, most tfiectually, their respective sys
tems. J i
"“""T supposnt.ie mat the majority of a
in any st-itr, can seek its destruction as a
dirert nljcrt; and yet, it has sometimes happened,
that a majority lias, for a time, embrared errmw
tor troth, and mistaken the means for its subversi*
on, lor the means of its prosperity. Nothiug con ■
!.e more d mgerous than such a state of things,
where patriotism, if surh it may be called, more
than even enmity itself, will burry the state Co the
verye ot ruin. Zeal for the public service will im
pel. such a majority to deprive tbeir opponents of all
power and influence, and effectually to suppress the
voice oi reason and of truth. How important is it,
then, that the majority i» a state, who are siibj'ert
to God alone, examine with impartial scrutiny the
nature ol the measures they adopt, since the effect
oi measures on the community will result Irons
the r natuie, and not from the motives which pro*
duce them.
the principles and habits whirl), from the
beginning, have formed the citizens of this state,
and whir h continue to predominate m our publick
roncorns, are founded m justlci' and true policy, is
demonstrated by their uniform effect on the stale of
society, in all its vicissitudes in peare and war! And
we have every reason for c ongratulution, that, as a ‘
state, we are in no immediate danger from the
dreams of n visionary and impious philosophy,
which, hy poisoning the fountains of truth, have
subjected continental fcuiope tu the will of a mas
ter. ■
With respect to the new appointments* it will be
impossible lor the appointer hot to prefer one who,
in his opinion, has correct vipws’of general policy,
piovided be possesses other qualifications, inane
q'Ml degree, with a competing who has not, If
this principle should be thought' hroad enough to,
justify appointments of men addicted to a partial
interest, when the appointer should embrace such
interest, it may be sufficient to observe, that, tho*
the evil be unavoidable, nothing can justify the as- .
sumpti. n of errour for truth ; nr, the substitution
of a partial, in place of a general, interest; or,any
measure resulting from such a fatal perversion of
principle, the magistrate, however, while bis o
pimon of duly will compel him to make these dis
tinctions, in appointments to office, will, us far as
possible, secure to them all their perfect right* •
and will embrace all with paternal affection, wife
reveitnce the laws, and faithfully discharge tbei*
essential duties, without animadverting, tno se
verely, on opiuions of policy .different from his
own.
1 lie great defect in a government like ours, the
basis ol which is laid in popular elections, consists
in the wide scope it gives to the reign of the passi
ons. These are often blown into fury, by those
who seek to raise thems< Ives into notice in the eon
fusion which they produce, lienee the importance
ot a constant effort of the wise and good, and esp<#
cially of those who are called to act in public staF
tions, to moderate their rage, or, to divert them up
on obj-cts, where they may spend themselves with
out injury to the body politic.
In such a government, there is not a more pdw
ful engine of good or evil, than the press. Directed
by principle, it is a great blessing ; and directed fry
malice, it is a great curse, to the community. The <
notion which has been propagated, for interested
purposes, that.it must be unrestrained, and as free
to propagate falsehood as truth, is nnUjWmded itta
common Benee. On the contrary, it is4>)*a so*
of treason against publtr and private virtue. No
man can claim to he tolerated by law in bearing
“ false Witness against his neighbour.”
Permit me now, in conformity with usage which
has become common, on like occasions, with all