The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-20 00:00:00, page 2

To THE PFOPI, E OF pENN^YLVANiAe
L ETTE R 111.
WHEN I fat down to address you, a resolve or
Vote of our Committee of Inflation for calling a
Conven riON had alarmed many good friends of the pro
vince, on account of our Charter-constitution; and there
fore I determined freely to examine the right of the
Committee to convene such a body, the necessity of their
being convened, the, powers which they might affiime;
and the confufibn such a tneafure must produce. But in
the evening of the fame day on which my firft letter was
published, we were acquainted, “ by order and in behalf
pf tire Committee," that they had recalled their former
vote ; and therefore, as the resolution for this recal was
probably formed before my publication, I Shall claim no
merit in it. The public seems willing to ascribe it to mo^
tives or prudence, suggested by the general disapproba
tion of the Convention-Scheme, —the zeal Shewn among
all ranks of people for the Support of our ancient go
vernment by Assemblies, and the little profped that any
regard would have been paid to the edicts of a body of
men, constituted without necessity, even if we could sup
pose any number of our County Committees willing to
unite in assuming powers which were never delegated to
them.
But those who correspond in behalf of the Committee
give us other reasons than the above. They tell us, that
they have held a “ conference with several members of
Affernbly," and have, in behalf of this province, told
them their duty—that the said members have promised
all future attertion to the fame—but that the Committee,
watchful for our good, and not willing to trust them too
far, still hold the rod over them, and therefore have not
'annulled their vote, but have only been gfacioufly pleased
to forbear, " for the present, the forwarding the letters"
[or issuing the writs] for “ calling a Convention.
This is rather Spoken in a lordly Style, if it be any thing
Snore than the assuming language of the few who corre
spond in the name of the Committee. But if there be
those who think a back door more honourable for a re
treat than the front, I would not wound their dignity,
her throw a Straw in the way to retard them. It is pro
bable that our Affernbly may now be permitted to exercise
their own judgment, without further attempts to intimi
date them in the discharge of the important trust commit
ted to them by the voice of their country; and therefore,
as I Would avoid contention at all times, and especially at
this dangerous crilis, I Shall likewise for the present for
bear fending to the press every thing which I had prepar
ed in vindication of our injured Representatives, except
so far as relates to Independency. But that topic I
Dropofe, as occasion offers, to handle at some length. For
1 find the chief resentment levelled against them, appears
to be on account of their instructions to their Delegates.
These, in the eyes of some men, Stand as an insurmount
able barrier in the way of their destructive purposes, and
I trust will continue so to Stand till removed by the clear
sense of an uncorrupted majority of the good people of
this province. Without full proofs of this, the Affernbly
Can neither consent to any change of our constitution, or
to make the least transfer of our allegiance; and these
proofs ought to be more pure than what can flow through
the foul pages of interested writers, or Strangers inter
meddling in our affairs, and avowedly prefling their re
publican schemes upon us, at the rifque of all we hold
valuable. Nor would Ibe willing to receive these proofs
from Committees, as proposed in the Evening Post of the
9th instant, by one who Signs himfelf “ A Lover of Or
der,' but Should be Styled an Author of Confufon.
" It would be proper, fays he, that the constituents of
" the Congress Should declare their fentimchts upon that
" head [independence] as soon as possible. This may
" be done by the various Committees and Conventions on
" the continent. Their votes and resolves Should deter
" mine the question in the Congress. The firft Congress
" was nothing but the echo of Committees and Conven
" tions. In the present important question concerning
" Independence, the Congress should only, as in the
" former case, echo back the Sentiments of the people,"
that is of Committees and Conventions. And thus we
may be Echoed and re-echoed out of our liberties, our
property, our happiness, and plunged deeper and deeper
into all the growing horrors of war and bloodshed, with
out ever being consulted ! For I insist upon it, that no
Committees were ever entrusted with any authority to
speak the sense of the People of Pennsylvania on this
queftigh. I have already observed by how few voices our
largest Committee of a hundred was chosen; and I know
Some counties where the whole Committee was named by
fix or Seven Voices only. At this rate three or four hun
dred people would take upon them to declare the sense
of as many hundred thafands, in a matter of the greatest
importance that ever came before us ! Can you, my coun
trymen, "equiefee in such a horrible do&rine? or does
not the bare mention of it still further convince you that
your liberties can no where be so fafe as in the hands of
your Representatives in Affcmbly? " Those who are not
" rchi^ed with Independent will certainly allow, that
the obtrusions to their Delegates were dictated by
" '!!. e ™ 7 ~ fpirt of peace, justice and exalted policy.
" Who So proper to inftrua them as those chosen by
" X'!"™™' not in the hour of passion, riot and con
" fusion, but in the day of peace and tranquil reflexion ?"
These words I borrow from a pamphlet just published
under the title of Plain Truth; which I would recom
mend to your perusal, av containing many judicious re
marks upon the mifehevious tenets and palpable abfurdi
t;cs held Sorth in the pamphlet so falfely called Common
Sense.
I have, in my second letter, freely declared my political
c r eed. viz. " That the true interest of America lies in
" reconciliation with Great-Britain, upon Constitutional
" Principles, and that I with it upon none else." I now
proceed to give my reasons for this declaration. It is fit,
in so great a^quedion, that you Should weigh both Sides
well, and exercise that good sense for which the inhabitants
of these colonies have been hitherto distinguished; and
then I Shall be under no apprehensions concerning the per
nicious, though Specious plans, which are every day pub
lished in our news-papers and pamphlets. The people ge
nerallyjudge right, when the whole truth is plainly laid
'''? r . e t"'™ ; '"" through inattention in some, and fond
ness for novelty in others, when but one tide of a propo
-stocis agnaced and persevered in, they may gradually
deceive themleives, and adopt what cooler reflexion and
future dear-bought experience may prove to be ruinous.
Agriculture and commerce have hitherto been the hap
py employments, by which these middle Colonies have risen
into wealth and importance. By them the face of the
country has been changed from a barreri wilderness into
the hospitable abodes of peace and plenty. Without
them, we had either never cxifted as Americans, or ex
isted only as Savages. — I he oaks would still have possessed
teeir native spots or earth, and never have appeared in the
xorm of Blips and houies. What are now well cultivated
of hardy poverty as soldiers or hunters.
To fee America reduced to such a Situation may be
the choice of adventurers who have nothing to lose, or
of men exalted by the present confufions into lucrative
offices,which they can hold no longer than the continu
ance of the public calamities. But can it be the with of
all that great and valuable body of people in America,
who, by hones t industry, have acquired a competency,
and have experienced a happier life.—Can it be their
with, I fay (for such considerations) to have destruction
continually before their eyes; and to have enormous debts
entailed upon them and their posterity, till at length they
have nothing left which they can truly call their own?
I know the aniwers which will be given to these que
stions, and am prepared to reply to them, with that tem
per and gravity which io serious a fubjeft requires. It
will be averted —indeed R has been already afferted —that
the animosities between Great-Britain and the Colonies
are now advanced to such a height, that Reconciliation
is impoflible. But cfo'ions are nothing, when opposed
to the nature or things, 'the truth of history, and all past
experience. The quarrels of nations, being neither /er
fonal or private, cannot stir up mutual hatred among in
dividuals. There never was a war so implacable, even
among states naturally r vals and enemies, or among sa
vages themselves, as not 0 have peace for its object as well
as end ! And, among people naturally friends, and con
nedted by every dearer tie, who knows not that their
quarrels (as thole of lovers) are often but a Stronger re
newal of love? In such c: fes, the tide of affection revert
ing to its course is like that of water long pent back,
which, at length burftin, the opposing mounds, breaks
forward through its native channel, and flows with re
doubled vigor and encreaied velocity, to mix' itfelf with
its parent-main !
It has been further affcr ed—that we are able, with our
land forces, to defend cu selves against the whole world;
that if commerce be an advantage, we may command
what foreign alliances w. please ; that the moment we
declare ourselves an independent people, there are nations
ready to face the British thunder, and become the car
riers of our commodities for the fake of enriching them
felyes ; that, if this were rot the case, we can soon build
navies to force and protest < trade ;. that a confederacy of
the Colonies into one great republic is preferable to Kingly
government, which is the appointment of the Devil,' or
at least reprobated by God . that those denominated wife
men, in our oun and foreign countries, who have been so
lavish of their encomiums upon the English constitution,
were but egregious fools ; that it is nothing better than
a bungling piece of machinery, handing in need of con
stant checks to regulate an I continue its motions; that
the nation itfelf is but one mass of corruption, having at
its head a Royal Brute, a hardened Pharaoh, delighting in
. blood; that we never can enjoy liberty in connection
with such a country, and therefore all the hardships men
tioned, above, and a thousand times more, if necessary,
are to be endured for the pr hervatiun of our rights.
fields, or fctfrifhhtg cities, Would have remairied only the
Solitary haunts of wild beads, or of men equally wild.
That much of otir former felicity was owing to the pro
tection of England A not to be denied; and that we might
still derive great advantages from her protection and friend
fhip, if not valued at too high a price, is equally certain;
nor is it worth enquiring, whether that protection was
afforded us more for her own fake than ours? That the
former was the case, more especially Since the Colonies
grew into consequence, I have not the least doubt, but
that this is a reason for our rejecting any future connexion
with her I must utterly deny. Although I confider her
as having, in her late conduct towards us, acted the part
of a cruel Step-dame, and not of a foftering Parent, I
would not therefore quarrel with the benefits I may reap
from a connexion with her, and can exped to reap nb
where else. If by her fleets and armies every nation on
the globe is deterred from invading our properties, either
on the high seas, in foreign countries, or on our own
coasts, ought we not in found policy to profit by her
Strength; and, without regarding the motives of her con
duct, embrace the opportunity of becoming rich and pow
erful in her friendship, at an expence far less than it would
cost us merely to exist in alliance with any other power ?
If our present differences can be accommodated, there
is Scarce a probability that die will ever renew the late fa
tal system of policy, or attempt to employ force against
Ils. But Should She be so infatuated, at any future period,
as to think of subjugating us, either by the arts of cor
ruption, or oppressive exertions of power, can we enter
tain a doubt but that we Shall again, with a virtue equal
to the present, and with the weapons of defence in our
hands (when necessary) convince her that we are willing,
by a constitutional connexion with her, to afford and re
ceive reciprocal benefits; but, although fubjedts of the
fame King, we will not consent to be her Slaves. It was
on this ground, and not for the purpole of trying new
forms of government, “ or erecting Separate Indepen
dent States," that America embarked in the present glo
rious contest. On this ground, and upon none else, the
Continental Union is formed. On this ground, we have a
powerful support among the true Sons of Liberty in
Great-Britain; and lastly, upon this ground, we have the
utmost affiirance of 0 Gaining a full redress of 6ur griev
ances, and an ample Security against any future violation
of our just rights. And if hereafter, in the fullnefs of
time, it Shall be necessary to separate from the land that
gave birth to our ancestors, it will be in our state of perfect
manhood, when we can fully weild our own arms, and
protect our commerce and coasts by our own fleets, with
out looking to any nation upon earth for assistance.
This I fay was our ground, and these our views, uni
yerfally declared from the origin of this contest, till with
in a few weeks ago, when some gleams of reconciliation
began firft to break in upon us. If we now mean to
change this ground, and reject all propositions of peace,
from that moment we are deserted by every advocate of
our cause in Great-Britain. We falfify every declaration
which the Congress hath heretofore held forth in our be
half. We abandon all profpe& of preserving our import
ance by trade and agriculture, the ancient, sure and ex
rienced road to wealth and happiness.
In short, if thus contradicting all our former public pro
feffions, we fllould now affed Independency as our own aft,
before it appears clearly to the world to have been forced
upon us by the cruel hand of the Parent-State, —We
could neither hope for Union nor Success in the attempt.
We must be considered as a faithlefs people in the fight of
all mankind, and could Scarcely expert the confidence of
any nation upon earth, or look up to heaven for its ap
proving sentence. On the contrary, every convulsion,
attendant upon revolutions and innovations of govern
ment, untimely attempted or finally defeated, might be
our portion ; added to the loss of trade for want of pro
tection ; the consequent decay of husbandry; bloodshed
and desolation ; with an exchange of the easy and flourifh
ing condition of farmers and merchants', for a life, at best,
LONDON, December 16.
IN yesterday's debate, the Duke of Richmond having,
with a poignant delicacy, alluded to certain clamorous
advocates of administration, who even the firft day of the
present session had also voted with the friends of the peo
ple; but being now in a new Ration, with a fat place,
were rendered totally adverse to themfebes on a former
occasion. He also, with his usual mamy freedom, repeat
ed his honest indignation at the present nefarious system to
subjugate America, and called the regulations from begin
ning to end tyrannical and despotic. But in the reply,
Lord Lyttleton, to throw some mist over his own late de
fettion, after averting that he did not acknowledge him
felf bound by the recent, unmerited 0 ligations dealt
forth to him, he forewarned the noble Duke, that if he
continued in his place to abuse the arts once p dftd by the
whole legislature, he himfelf would the next time move
to take the sense of the House on his future behaviour.
This menace brought up again the noble Duke, who re-'
worded all his epithets, adding others still more pointed
and severe, and declared, that King, Lords and Com
mons, could not alter the indefeafible nature ofjuftice and
injustice, nor bend an intrepid, honest man; into a base and
servile compliance with the sense of a majority, whilf the
retained his own convictions of the immutable nature of
truth. He said, the bill before them being altogether ofthe
fame complexion with the other links in the chain of des
potism now forging, that he had a parliamentary right to
express fully his honest indignation ^ ail such matters,
whillt they continued to be agitated in that Affernbly.
This dodrine was reprobated by Lord Bute's friend,
the vociferous Lord Denbigh, who among other allega
tions neld forth, that if any Peer or fubjed conceived
that neither his Majesty nor any of the House of Hano
ver had a just right to the crown of these realms, yet
none would in this clamorous Peer's opinion be mad e
nough to make such declaration. To this his Grace ibort
ly and pertinently replied, he joined in opinion with the
noble Earl, that not one of them all could be found mad
enough NOW. By this answer, and by the forefight of
another ministerial advocate, the Duke was admitted to
have fufficiently explained his words, though he averted
he had not, nor would he on any future day explain his
principles AWAY.
fan. 2. By a letter from Cork, dated Dec. 23, we are
iefqrmed, that the Marquis of Rockingham transport,
which failed from Portsmouth, with the 33d regiment on
board, was wrecked between Cork and Kinfale the %zd,
when Lieutenant Marsh, Ensign Sandiman, the C^pt in
of the fliip, all the crew except four, with all the wo
men and children, and upwards of 100 soldiers, were
drowned.
WATERTOWN, March 11.
In our last we mentioned the comment ement of the
bombardment of Boston, 011 Saturday and Sabbath day
nights. The whole of Monday night the bombardment
continued inceffintly; our shot and (hells were hear ' to
make a great crashing in the town; and by a maher of a
veffcl who eame out of Boston on Friday last, we learn
that one cannon ball took off fix.mens legs in one b Trade;
and that many were wounded in different p .rts of the
town. The enemy returned the fire, from their batteries
at Weft Boston, and from their lines on the Neck, very
vigorously. They threw many fliells into the lottery at
Lechmore's Point, one into the fort on Profpeft Hid. and
one or two as far up as fort No. 2. within a quarter of a
mile of the college. On Monday night we had tw^ kill
ed, Lieutenant Mayo at Roxbury, by a cannon ball, and
a man at Lechmorc s Point by a shell, which with one or
two wounded is all the loss, of any consequence, that we
then sustained. After Monday night there was a cessation
of firing on both sides till Saturday evening, when the
bombardment and cannonading was greater than hereto
fore: Through the imprudence of five of our people who
went on Dorchester Neck near Boston, and made a fire,
four of them were killed, among whom we hear was Qr
Dale of Chockfet, the names of the three others we hZe
not heard; this is all the IoG we sustained. We have Tot
heard what loss they have met with in Boston, but we
heartily sympathize for our distressed friends there.
'Tis reported the regulars are embarking.—Our friends
on the Continent, we hope, will be on their guard.
On Monday night a body ofthe Continental troops took
possession of two large hills at Dorchester, about'a mile
from the south part of Boston, where they arc now strong
ly fortified. These are two ofthe he& ts which General
Burgoyne said, in a letter to a noble, Lord, commanded
the town of Boston, and which he also said it was neces
sary the British troops should be possessed of.
(Ve hear that a transport brig of 14 guns, laden with
naval stores and provisions, bottnd from Bolton to the
nunifterial fleet to the southward, ^an alhore at the back
of the Cape the beginning of last /week: On feeing of
which, a number of people went on board and difmafted
If these things had been as fully proved, as they af^
boldly asserted by the authors of what is called Common
Sense, I ihould here drop my pen ; and through the fhoft
remainder of life, take my chance of whatever rhiferies
Providence may have in reserve for this land, as I know
of none else to which I can retire. But as these doctrines
contradict every thing which we have hitherto been taught
to believe refpeding government, I hope you, my dear
countrymen, have yet kept one ear open to hear what
answer may be given in my future letters.
CA T O.
POSTSCRIPT.
CA T oto TIBERIU S, Greeting.
Questions civilly proposed deserve a civil answer, which
shall be speedily given to those of Tiberius. Urbanity be
comes us Romans; and Cato is proud to correspond
with one assuming that character, although he is not fond
of the imperial name i He has no quarrel with our Com
mittee as a public body, and regards many of the mem
bers as fit to fill any Ration to which they may be called
by their country. If he cannot support his charges against
the individuals who projected the Convention-jcheme, he
will chearfully acknowledge his mistake. He never ex
pelted to finifh these letters without opposition. The
question is, whether the liberty and happiness of America
can be best secured by a constitutional reconciliation with
Great-Britain, or by a total separation from it? Cato is
willing to be judged by his countrymen, when the whole
of his arguments fnall be submitted to them. Whatever
may be insinuated before that time he will scarce think
worthy of regard ; and it was rather unbecoming Tiberius,
so early in the dispute, to suggest, that “ the fentimenh
" (in the letters) may resemble a modern (more than an
“ ancient) Cato, who will consent to live a save s rather
“ than to die free." The inaccuracy of expression, in
making sentiments referable men, may be passed over- for
where a person's meaning can be picked out, in such a
contest as this, Cato despises a war about words.
N. B. The twelve queries in the Evening Post are, in
substance, the fame as the questions of Tiberius, and the
fame answer will serve for both.