The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-05-01 00:00:00, page 2

^ZAeEtE^fßßs ana frkEtfldtHzks of the ffit, of
Philadelphia.
Friends' and Fellow-Citizens,
^ LATE laiV of this province havin' appointed the
/'L Election of four additional Members of Assembly
for this city to be held on this day, and the choice of fit
persons for this trust being a matter of the highest im
portance, it has been thought proper, in a brief and plain
Kay, to submit a few things to your ferions consideration
on this great occasion. I . .
th€ chief blessings which a peddle can enjoy under a
free government depend upon a fair and equal represent
ation—the having frequent elections of those to whom
they consign the care of their rights —and the holding
these elections in such a way that every person, entitled
by law to a vote, may exercise that most valuable of all
privileges agreeable to his own reason and conscience,
without being over-awed by the threats of power or
party.
The late law has provided for the firft of these three
things, viz. a more equal representation ; and our prudent
ancestors, in their former laws, by the method of ballot,
have provided for the two latter, in such a way as hath
tendered our constitution the admiration of all our neigh
bours : But the best laws are of no fignification if a peo
ple become in sensible of their value, or inattentive to their
execution. The office of a Burgess for the City of Phi
ladelphia is as great and honourable a trust as can fall to
the mare of any freeman of Pennsylvania; and yet a
stranger, who had observed what a small proportion of the
electors of this city have thought it worth their while to
step front their houses to give a vote in some late in
stances, would imagine either that we hold this privilege
at a cheap rate, or that we have nothing at stake in our
representatives; and this neglect has been lately construed
against us by anonymous writers into a tacit approba
tion of new doftrines, by no means agreeable to the ge
neral sense of the good people of this city.
A question has been lately started, which has greatly
changed our political ground, and has driven all our lit
tle diftindions of parties entirely out of fight. It is, whe
ther united, as heretofore, we shall continue our refin
ance to an oppressive ministry, till we can bring ven
geance on their heads, and open the door for renewing
our happy connection with the people of Great-Britain,
dr whether, without waiting to know clearly whether this
be poflible or not, we shall by our own aCt !hut the door
Against. reconciliation, immediately declare ourselves a
separate people-arid run the rift of all the evils which
may follow.
Upon one tide of the question we have every public
declaration of the Continent —the avowed design of our
taking arms into our hands —the ardent desire of multi
tudes of good men deeply interested in the consequences
—the sense of this province uniformly expressed from the
beginning—and of feme neighbouring provinces just re
newed in their latest tranfadtions.—On the other fide, we
have the publications of nameless writers, setting them
selves up in opposition to pulrlic bodies—driving to in
flame the passions, and lead us on to schemes of danger
ous and uncertain event, wholly incoufiftent with our
original purposes.
If peace can be obtained upon fafe terms —no good
man can think without horror upon the pursuit of new
schemes, which present nothing to us but a long ftop
pnge of our trade and commerce —an immdfe increase
of our taxes —changes in our civil governments —the
consequent uncertain situation of our lives and proper
ties —the ruin of families, intestine divifibns, and all the
calamities attendant upon civil war. There i» this essen
tial difference between a declaration of independence
(as it hath been called) and the continuing our defence
upon the present foundation—in the one case, a convic
tion of hey error on the part of Great Britain may re
ftdre peace and tranquility—in the other, we leave no
room for such a conviction to operate in our favour —
on the contrary the tools of power will strive to verify
their predictions, that we were aiming at a separation
from the beginning—they will thereby seek to raise the
indignation of the world against us—and to unite the
whole British nation in a fixt enmity—they will exert
every engine to defeat our schemes —and praftife every
art in every court in Europe to injure our credit.
As prudence and regard to ourselves can never direCt
us to give an enemy such an advantage, or to pursue such
a conduct till the last extremity, it becomes one of the
most weighty concerns that ever employed our attention,
to be careful what fort of men we intryft with the con
duct of our public affairs during the ensuing five months,
in which time we shall probably be able to judge whether
reconciliation be,ef possible.—ls violent men, who have
pre determine! this great question, should be our choice,
the guilt of every rath measure into which we may be
hurried will lie at our own door. But if the majority of
voices shall be given to those, who are known to be firm
in the defence of American rights—friends to the con
stitution of this province—vifinly interested in its pros
perity, and at the fame time desirous of peace upon ho
nourable terms, every tiling will be fafe in their hands.
If the fatal necessity should evidently arise, which will
juftify new declarations, and a change of measures, such
men will never dissent from the general voice of their con
stituents.
Upon this single consideration the matter now rests.
All other diftinCtions are vain and trifling; let unnecessary
heats be avoided, and every man give his voice accord
ing to his conscience, with that freedom which ought to
distinguish a people in the exercise of one of their most
sacred rights, under the function of the best laws. This
is not a time either for timidity or rashness, and threats
or abuse will only disgrace those that make use of them.
In this light a most daring publication is to be considered,
which has just appeared under the signature of an Elector.
At a time when all America is contending for the charter
rights of one of the provinces, he calls upon the people
of this city to trample the charter of this colony under
their feet, to act upon “ a renewed fyfem," to pay no
regard to the legal qualification of voters, nor to those
sacred laws by which every man, who becomes a citizen
of Philadelphia, has agreed to be bound. This would
be giving a fatal stab to our liberties, and may teach us
what we are to expert, should we fuffer men profeffing
such principles to get the direction of our affairs.
To the Freeholders and Electors of the City of
Philadelphia.
M, Fellow-Citizens,
ID I D expert that those innovators, who for a few
weeks past have been attempting to bring about a re
volution in the happy constitution of this province, would
have been fatisfied with declamation, and relied upon the
artful performances they have published, to convince the
judgment of the refpedable freeholders and electors of
this city that their measures are desirable. But alas ! they
themselves are afraid to trull to their arguments, they
In the second paragraph, this writer discovers the true
motives of his party: He tells us, the idea of a crown is
rendered detestable to the whole wejlern world: What a
daring falfhood is this! when have the western world
authorifed you, Mr. Elector, thus to speak their senti
ments ? Do you not know that you stand contradicted
by the voice of the representatives of all those colonies,
who have yet spoken their minds upon the fubjeCt? Is
there one colony, whole representatives, either in Assem
bly or in Convention, have taken upon them to inftrud
their Delegates to favour the whim of independence and
a republic? You know there is not.
We are told in the last paragraph, that a preclusion of
all men below the estate of Fifty Pounds from voting,
seems peculiar to this city alone. From this hint I collect,
that the writer has deceived you in calling himfelf an
Elector. What Elector in this city can be found, that is
so ignorant of our constitution ? there is not a man in the
province, who speaks English, but knows that this circum
stance is not only not peculiar to this city, but universal
throughout the province, and not this province only,
but the Delaware Government and Maryland. In New-
Jersey, none but a freeholder has a right to vote for re
presentatives, and when a convention was lately chosen
to represent that province, the people, who were not
freeholders, complained that they were excluded, and
demanded to be admitted to that right, upon “ the terms
“ of the Free Constitution of Pennsylvania;"
their demand was thought reasonable, and granted, and
they remain perfectly fatisfied. Surely thou mug be a
granger in this province, or thou would have known its
constitution better. But the boroughs in England, those
Jinks of corruption, that rotten part of the British cogi
tation, are to be used as a precedent for the free bates of
America —" Burgesses were elected by every resident in
“ habitant who paid his foot and bore his lot, this I will
" affirm is the ancient free constitution, which every
“ honest man will venture his blood to restore." These
are our author's words: Now these burgesses are the re
presentatives of those venal boroughs in England, against
which every ho ?ef man now so justly complains. At
their firft institution, they were allowed to fend members
to parliament to represent the trading part of the king
dom, as the knights of the (hires represented the farmers,
who were freeholders; but the very dodrine our author
holds up rendered them the servile tools they are at
present. Every resident was allowed to vote, whether
he had property or not; the majority, being men of lit
tle or no property, were, in a course of time, easily
brought to part with their votes, to acquire a little pro
perty, and this put their votes in the power of one or
two men of property, who bought them in order to fell
them, at an advanced price, to the candidates. The
ministry, in a course of time, became the principal pur
chasers, and now engross the whole race of borough
jobbers; and hence arises their power to attempt to en
slave us. The wife Pennsylvania Legislator, feeing these
blemishes in the English constitution, guarded against
them by his charter to this province; he fixed the qua
lifications of electors to such a standard as secures us
from bribery, by excluding necessitous poor from a vote,
who perhaps might be induced to part with it for a mess
of pottage, and at the fame time allows every man to
exercise that right, who is so little elevated as to be
owner' of property to the value of fifty pounds. This
generous plan of gov< rnment, which has set the name of
Penn on a footing with Solon and Lycurgus, is now to
be laid waste, to let : n the ambitious republican schemes
of a sett of men, wh >m nobody knows.
Permit me, my fellow-citizens, to warn you against
the arts of these men ; they are attempting to hurry you
int® a feene of Anarchy; their scheme of Independence
is visionary, they know not themselves what they mean
by it. We are already, to every necessary purpose, in
dependent of Great-Britain, and are now fighting to
secure good terms of reconciliation. If we continue upon
this ground, Great-Britain will soon be brought to rea
son, and our liberty be eltablifhed on the most lasting
foundation : If, on the other hand, we should leap in the
dark, and declare to the world that we will have no con
nexion with Great-Britain, what do we get by it? Will it
frighten Great-Britain into our terms? It will not. Will
it secure us any foreign assistance ? We know not that it
will, but have every reason to think the contrary. Will
know their fallacy, they know that their plot is so thinly
covered, that men of reflection and consideration, men
who have lived under the generous plan of liberty, which
has been handed down by our forefathers, for any length
of time, are not be gulled into their vilionary scheme;
and are now, by a bold stroke, attempting to take the
election of four members for this city out of the hands
of the lawful electors, and give to a new sett of men the
only privilege which fubjeds can rely on as a security for
their liberty.
I need not tell you that the piece I have in my view is
that signed An Elector in the Pennsylvania Packet of. last
Monday —a piece, give me leave to fay, that confains
treason—the worst of treason—treason against the con
stitution. The scope of this performance is to destroy
the right of election; for if every Jtickler for dependency
on Great-Britain is to be kept far from our councils, I Will
undertake to fay, that two thirds at leak of the electors
of this city will loose their voices. Conscious of this,
they want to deprive them of their votes, and give the
power to those only who have already fixed their fenti
meiits in favour of independence, without regard to their
age, condition, or their knowledge of our constitution.
We well know that a great number of the associators in
this city are minors and apprentices, a great number of
them new men lately arrived among us, who know not the
happy form of the government of Pennsylvania; yet these
are the perforis who are to eled Representatives for this
city, to guard the constitution against invaders. Our au
thor supposes, and perhaps truly, that such men, if they
are permitted to vote, will be easily influenced to vote
for that party Who raise them to con sequence, by giving
them the rights of citizens before the law and constitu
tion of the province entitle them; and men, thus re
warded before-hand for the part they are to adt, are the
only persons who can be relied on to carry their point.
This writer impudently takes it for granted, that all
men, who oppose the scheme of independence, are ad
vocates for ablolute tyranny. Were this once proved, as
it has been often averted, the contest would be at
an end, and we should all unite in hand and heart for
their beloved Utopian plan; but it never has, it never
can be proved; the oppofers of independence, in every
public body, from the Congress downwards, and in the
mass of the people, are the true whigs, who are for pre
serving the constitution, as well against the secret machi
nations of ambitious innovators, as against the open at
tacks of the British parliament ; they are the men who
firft set on foot the present opposition, and who I trust
will, if they are permitted to go on, bring it to a happy
conclusion.
it Strengthen the hands of our friends in En^and, and
our advocates in the Parliament? Alas ! it will have the
direst contrary effect; it will unite the whole force of
Great-Britain and Ireland against us, a force that has hi
therto been much divided, from an opinion that we only
seek peace, liberty and fafety, in a constitutional con
nexion with Great-Britain. Will it lessen the influence,
and weaken the hands of the ministry ? No, but the re
frerfe; it will confirm the unjust, the untrue reflections,
cast on Us by the ministerial hirelings; that we took up
the sword to eftablilh an independent empire, and wilt
probably save them from deftruCtion. They deceived the
parliament, by Inch information, into the present un
natural war, and if they do not make good that informa
tion, they must fall a facrifice to the resentment of a
deceived, enraged nation; but if we can be driven into a
declaration of it (Whether by ministerial influence, or by
republican ambitious partisans, is of no consequence) the
forefight of the ministry will be applauded, and they sup
ported in their unjust measures. Indeed, it is so much
the interest of the ministry to procure a declaration of
independence, that'l cannot help fufpeding that it is
countenanced by their hirelings, and took its firft rife
from their influence. Did we know who were the firft
broachers of the doctrine here, it would be worth while
to enquire into their connexions id England, and we
might probably find that the wheel so violently turned
here has some secret connexion with the ministerial ma
chine at home.
Suffer not yourselves, therefore, to be either cajoled or
frightened out of your charter liberties and privileges.
Exert yourselves in the choice of men whom you know tv
have the public good at heart; and give every countenance
and support to the officers who conduct the election, in
preserving the constitution inviolate ; so shall ye be instru
mental in preserving your country, and have the pleasure
of enjoying liberty while you live, and transmitting it to
the latest posterity. C I V I S.
The clause in the a& of Parliament, paged on the 19th
December loft, which afeertains the powers of the com
missioners, is in these words.
PROVIDED, that in order to encourage all well as
sessed persons, in any of the said colonies, to exert
tbemfelves in Juppreftng the rebellion therein, and to affr
a speedy protection to those who are disposed to return to the
duty, it Jhall and may be lawful to and for any person
persons, appointed and authorifed by his Majesty, to grant
pardon or pardons to any number or description of perfor.
with such exceptions therefrom as gall seem ft and recifo:
able, by proclamation in his Majefly's name, to declare aw
colony or province, colonies or provinces, or any county,
town, port, district or place, in any colony or province, to
be at the peace of bis Majesty ; and from and after the
issuing of any such proclamation in an, of the aforefaid colo
nies or provinces, qr if his Majesty shall be graciously pleafC
to Ji^ify tbe fame by his Royal proclamation, then, from
and after the issuing of such proclamation, this ad, with
refbeft to such colon, or province, colonies or provinces,
county, town, part, difiria or place, gall cease, determine.
CHARLES-TOWN (South-Carolina) March 20.
The last accounts from Savannah inform us, that the
men of war have all gone down the river, and have car
ried with them 16 merchantmen ; the latter were carried
through the back river, and were obliged to be lightened
of great part of their cargoes, which were thrown into
the river. We are informed that a number of Negroes
have been taken off a gentleman's plantation, lying on
Savannah river, and carried on board the men of war.
April 3. On Thursday last the new constitution, agreed
on by our Congress, by the approbati n of the Conti
nental Congress, " to serve for regulating the internal
polity of this colony, until an accommodation of the
unhappy differences between Great-Britain and America
can be obtained, an event which is earnestly desired,"
was published here in due form. A detachment of the
Provincial regiment of artillery, and the Charleftown mi
litia, were drawn up in Broad-street from the State-house
to the Exchange, where the constitution was read, and
the commissions of John Rutledge, Esq; President and
Commander in Chief, and Henry Laurens, Efq; # Vico
President of the Colony, were proclaimed, amkift the
shouts of the numerous fpedtatprs, firing of field pieces
and the cannon on board the Provincial armed vefiels.
On Friday the 2zd ult. Capt. Turpin, in the province
armed brigantine Comet, of 18 guns, retook the Hoc
Hetty, of this port, which Capt. Toilemache seized 0
this bar in December last. Her name was changed to ts
General Clinton ; file had some co'horns and swivels, wit
twelve men on board, and served as a tender to the Far
con man of war.
We hear from Savannah, that a party, in which were
some Indians, lately went to Tybee Island, were the
took 13 Negroes and some others prisoners, and killed
or 4 marines.A
WILLIAMSBURG, April 20.
In COMMITTEE of SAFETY, at Williamfourg
April 18, 1776.
ORDERED, That the circular letter from the Sc
cretary of State, lately intercepted, together wh
the clanfe of the act of parliament therein referred to
be published. (A copy)
John Beckley, Assistant Clerk.
SIR, Whitehall, Dec. 23, 1775.
THE King being determined, in concurrence wit :
his parliament, to pursue the most vigorous me:
fures for reducing his rebellious fubjedts in North-Aim:
rica to obedience, and for restoring legal government, h
given the royal assent to the encloted adt, which I a;
commanded by his Majesty to transmit to you, and a
the fame time to lignify to you his Majesty's pleasure th
you do exhort all persons, upon whom the execution<
this law shall depend, to pay a due attention thereto
and to use their best endeavours for carrying the prov
lions of it into effect ; and I trust that when his Majesty
deluded fubjedts in the associated colonies are better a
prised of the fatal consequences of the conduct they ha
adopted, and fee the determined spirit of the nation t
maintain its constitutional rights, they will avail them
selves of the means which the justice and benevolence of
the supreme legislature have held out to them, of being
restored to the King's grace and peace, and that a happy
and lasting reconciliation and union will be effe&ed. And
I have the fatisfadtion to acquaint you, that, in order to
accelerate this desirable objed, the proper steps have been
taken for passing a commission, under the great seal, in
conformity to the last fe&ion but one of that adt ; ano
that the commissioner or commissioners, to be appointed
for that purpose, will have full power to enquire into th
state and condition of the colonies, and to confer wito
proper persons upon such points as may be necessary for
effecting a reiteration of the public tranquility.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
GE O. GERMAI N.
Deputy-Governor Eden.