Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-08-06 00:00:00, page 2

■m _
4*
THE PUISL1CK LEDGER.
■bhI*
HON DAY KVKNINO, AUGUST 6, IS 10.
V: our 1^1 we pttMisScd an at tide elating the
Z3|deathaf Mrs. Orr, the wife of Mr. George Ott.—s
£: ft it with pleasure that we catv say, that the infor
mation given to as, prom to have proceeded from
a mistake, as that lady is in perfect health. If the
' f lljperthin of the^Wiginaj article hat produced pain
to any one (and we fear it has), it adds to the ebu
u grto which we feel aibaving occasioned it,however
' innoeoolly.1
The account whicblfnliow j of the rencounter be
tween the Vixeif and the Moselle, we presume, is
a much nearer the troth than that published by the
;gif Intelligencer,. We perceive that lieut. Trippe’s enn
^ duct, far from being of that timid and disgraceful
'i character represented by the Intelligencer, as requi
i ring htfefecull. was prompt, spirited and every way
' > ■ becnwtjjHhn American ortircr.
•5% The explanation also of the captain of the Mu
; telle, is here given, with more regard to probability,
• >,. viz. his not seeing the colours of the Vixen, bis ob
* aerviog no preparations for taking in sail, and his
•nspiriolf that she was a French privateer. Ileai
. 4 to declares the second shot nut to have been aimed
■t the'Vixen. The wbnle affair, though wnrited up
by tire Intelligencer anJ his worthy correspondent
Poindexter, into an alarming shape?; appears to
to h.ve'bt eu nothing mure than one of chose urdinu
ry occurrences iu a seafaring life, to which every
i i -ditv may give births
.’ 1“ contradiction, however, to the Intelligencer’s
-Statement, that lieut.'Tripp# was recalled, in order
-•* to explain his conduct, it may be conclusively ob
gerved, that the President, not being at the seat ofga
vernincq!, no such order would have been given;
...-"-'JWid it is hardly to be supposed, that the si-. reiary
i'Sft.sf'the navy would arrogantly take such a step upon
i jbinwelf, at recalling from u distarl station an olli
ytfaic of-Jiigh and established character, on the bare
'•pi,;.-4«aiptioti o( misconduct. [Balt. Fed. lit pub.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board the U
mted vjutes brig Vixen;
{ “ lltrioHM,- June 8$.'
*Y: -»^On oaf passage on Sunday the 24th wist, we
, • fcHlO with his majest'y’s brig Moselle, of 22 guns,
■, commanded by rapt. Boyce, laying at anchor under
(be Stirrup Key, (one of the Ueiry Islands.) On
J>~|»**8tngher, she fned a gun, and sent a boat off, as
>we supposed, to speak us. •tPe hauled up the boat,
and as soon as the officer ratite on hoard, he said the
captain of the bng wished us tn go down to him.
Captain Trippe said he would inform who he was,
... (whirb be did), hut could not go down. At that
momenta second shut was tired, which came over
f, tfie quarter deck, and shut away our main boom.
Thu captaio immediately despatched the officer to
■* y; Kis own vessel to inform he could spent; only by
broaqsides; li e word was, “ in ell studding sails,
toyalf^c. beat to quarters." We ran down along
‘ aitxaie^ier, ami were expelling the words, “blow
' jruurinatrh fire”—when the Briton said he would
■ send ltis first lieutenant onboard of us. lie came.
The |ituu'uairt said, bis reasons Inc ftriug were,
t that he could not see din cotoufs } that he saw no
preparations on board tint Vixen fur taking in
Sail; 'that he was informed of two French brigs
-fitting uot Of the United States-—that he was desi
rous of speaking us. Nut understanding this us
•onrng directly from his commander, and consi
j,'. defing theijjsult given too great to look over, cap
tain f. sent our first lieutenant on board to demand
^rom the captain a written -explanation, which he
■' ; ; and which was couched in nighty civil
r language. Wherein be disclaimed having aimed at
■ 1^*1 Vixen aucJ so forth, -Thus ended our tight.
f Th*attorhey.general's son receivedaVut iu the lip,
- *nH r got tfly face scratched from a splinter—none
T others w«re wounded.”.•••■»
I^y,Stgaso/' the —Strange as h may seem, we
, arenjuvh deceive^ if the ministerial party m this
country, are not at the present moment engaged in
paving tlie way for an ailrnjpt to re-establish the
• .embargo, or some other commerc-wl restrictions,
equivalent to the embargo. Having found that the
»f&perour of their dearly beloved bianco, will n--t
pat tip'even with their pr<ituJrd impartiality be
^ Vtuwen him and(rre*t Britain,%yt to pmiisb them
for one step awry has' laid down his all-devouring*
^ Ifend upon uhtoM millions‘of ofir property, they ate
! j alarmed—no tut the losses our merehants have sus
. tatiisd, but at the displeasure of ** his majesty,”
and am wishing, to regain the ground hr bw guild
which they have imprudently lost.
June, a writer in .tbs National
To'elligrncer, under The. frettce signature of “ Sri,.
* series of papers on aaliaiwl i ir
Cnmstaoces.^ IJta second number appear' d on the
\ *d «f 4ul)t, and bis third on the mh. This wri
* »* *11 Pur Jeffersonian cabinet writers
f'V pretty t’eatnu remarks, arc'‘m
pnoird hyuo ixtenniy mrc of very plausible abstract
‘dB*c» dispassionate and candid, talking well,
, nothing. As hr proceeds, however,
■'£*!» dor triifes gradually untold, and promises U» be
soatsfhatf Interesting to us in the tartan
in hi* tliird imbiber, has the'1 following
£h$oondupt of England and France to
*** k** l*yp Characterised by a deeper atrori
tpgWPtnafti lobp«rdin:iily discovered in the rondoct
-one tMlutn to another, it hits arisen from the nn
ff'Wtlon on tueir nrnds, real or imaginary, of wit
.* •Mptfwur tnierfertiice with their interests, end the
' ly*hie restraint that arose from the apprehension <>f
. ipjwy7tfiat we could lidlict upon them, as a re
. Wwliim-fer dwenags imposed ut*«n us. ,
. “ **•*• Qstportsnt to taUtbu view of rife subject,
to anew tbit the evils to which we have been ex •
posed, arising ont of die nature of |td»«V
posio, arising _oot oi Uie nature of things, ought
not to ha conttdrrsd as either accidental »r tempura
r.vi s°d to convince ns that in the progressive stages
of uur eomitierriitl cuurge We shall have to enenutt
; mrthesameahstucle^g^ddji5oggri«&d d
|»uriioo to our progress; lumber sturdy that if we
- attempt through tbe ntediom «if mnnrrrtts grow
t'ichnl the expense uf odists, ths^ohjort gpnonly
M.gaibed by they word; and that wewnstpcf pare
. ourself r», if such be gpr resolution, f»r the saogw.
- sir* mn^i (be ..J ,l.
Bary seen, t, the oppressions nod .the ex peases,!
whiih have invariably followed iu U)e train of rve
•- - ; V. .. 7 ...
ty<VK» (Sari, which Ins bsen either crowned will
success, nr lost io defeat, : i,
_• “ This view ts further important, at it! prove* the
innorrme of oat ruler* inpioduciugthe wrong* we
eudure from foreign powers. England and France
have insolently told us thatthe injuries of which we
complained were the result of our patfialily to the
one or the other; and successive factions among
ourselves have risen to momentary consequence by
inculcating anJ diffusing the belief. But nothing
could be more false or absurd. Partiality to who#?
To either England or France from a regard to tbe
lorm of their governments or tbeir chills ? Whale*
ver differences may be discovered in them, too little
resembling our own is to be found to command tbe
slightest portion of abjection or reverence. If the
bloody plains of Europe demonstrate the ferocity of
one, the depopulated, starving aud famished plains
of India evince the equal uurbarily of the other, to
vuy nothing of the total destitution of principle on
the ocean.”
Here, in language somewhat obscure, indeed, but
sufficiently intelligible to a moderately attentive rea
der, we find the drift we are to expect hum this
writer. “ This view of the subject, lie says, is im
portant, to shew, that the evils to which we have
‘•een exposed, are not accidental or temporary ; anil
In convince us, that in the pursuits of commerce here
after, we shall have to encounter the same obstacles,
probably aggravated; and that if attempt to
grow rich through the medium of commerce, at the
■ i/jense of others, the object can only be gained by
the sword.”
In the same paper of the 4th of July, is along
editorial article, containing some sentiments, tod
inapposite to the subject we are engaged upon.
| ’■ Luxury," say $ iijr. Smith, “ always involves a
j sa'-ritice of liberty. It js iinmateri.il what the na
| tore of the government may be ; it is the ttniinl
| destiny o! man, in proportion as he aggrandizes his
; animal to sacrifice bis rational character. A peo*
j pie, therefore, that pursued with immoderate ar
| dor the road to rirbes, always do it at the hazard
| of their rights and peace.
i tiuu we rie.ec wise, we should have been slow
J to embark our wealth on Ibe ocean; we should have
j realised, that so long as we confined ourselves to
| the cultivation of our lands, and the fabrication ol
i articles called lor by our Wants, we should have
burn permitted to remain undisturbed ; that com
merce bas beeo, from the beginning of the world,
the prize lor which contending nations have fought
even to their aunibihaiou.’'
By, Sully, then, we are told, that the evils which
our merchants have suffered, by foreign depredali
ons, grew out u/the nature of things, not, by any
means, from the bad measures of our administration ;
i and that of commerce is the nature of things, from
which spring all these evils—and as if this was not
enough, be proceeds gravely to inform us, tkat if
ae still continue our commerce, it can Le carried on
only by the sword—that is by our fghting. And
Mr. Smith, whu is always in a tuue losing the dux
ology to the cabinet music, still more gravely tells
iw, that-*-** A people, that pursue with immoderate
ardour the road to riches, always doit at the ha
sard of their rights and peace—that if we had been
wise, we should have been slow to embark our
wealth on the ocean—and that commerce has been
from the beginning of the world, the prize for uhick
contending natrons have fought even to their annihi
lation."
believing this to be the cabinet language, we think
the interest of the commercial states call loudly on
the freemen who inhabit them, to watch the course
of our government with a steady eye. By a course
of beggarly policy, we are reduced to the depths of
disgrace, and now we are to he told by the authors
uf our misfortunes, that the inordinate love of,
weulth, and the influence of luxury, have brought
us tu these calamities ; and that the remedy is a
lone to b« found in air abandonment of the great
source ol our wealth, viz. our trade, and that in
this way our prosperity and influence, are to be an
Irihilatcd. The cabinet that calculates on reducing
the commercial states to the most abject condition
“f beggar) anJ distress, “ reckons veil boat its host."
1 he people of the commercial states are not such
egregioui blockheads as not to know, that the e
vils which would be caused by the destruction of
their trade, will hill exclusively on themselves.—
The southern stalls are perfectly indifferent on this
Subject* They well know that foreigners will come,
alter their tobacco and cotton, or they Can find
means to send it to Amelia Island, from whence it
run be taken by foreign ships, and they get their
price. But, the eastern commerce is lhe strength
of that pfirt of the country. It furnishes wealth
jiul truly to the merchant, but tq the farmer, and
the mechanic, and if once it is destroyed, the pros
perity, ami importance of the easterrt states are
blasted forever, ft is in vaiu to attempt to amuse
ua w*in kuc jwg 01 aeniorrauc manuitu: lures.
Manufacturing does now, and always did exist in
New England, to a certain extent. Probably it
will extend to a somewhat greater degree. But the
, whiui of turning all the wealth of the commercial
states into 'weavers* shops, is too silly to gull the
poorest bruin in the ronimonity, Our countrymen
are not made lor it, nor j#ill they Submit to it, un
less some more substantial necessity calls on them
to make the sacrifices which such a change of life
demands.- Whence the necessity ? Hpw.happens it,
that a nation boasting of unbounded wisdom, ot
great intrepidity, of an uncunquerahle love of
liberty, end of a population of seven millions,
is unable to pursue its lawful business,, but is
so biihihled, to debased, as to b« obliged to
relinquish many of the most striking and important
attributes ot sovereignty and independence? L'loak
the t/iatter how we may, oar,«Irnffracti spring from
aj/ectiun lu, or fear of France, and hatred to Great
tint an, Buonaparte liked the embargo, becWns#
it-was intended to distress the .British. Hence lha
favouritism of Mr.Jejfcuiiiiand his votaries for the*
(Measure. Tue i'oovioeiYi«l states, particularly iiK
N*w*England, spbke-ih^hingitugeof opposition io
such strains, that our little tyrants turned pale,
dad revoked, or rather shifted their decrees ; ' and
the tubs!ilpte was not sutisWiory to the great land
Ecviathap «f’ Europe. He frowned, and his Ud~
’ poles m this country greatly Jquake and tremble,
‘pud with humble «ubuiissio«,a»* prepared to tt~'_
trace their steps, and Trgaiu if possible tils mighty
favour, even at tha savridres of all the sources of
wealth, p*syer, and influence, which a large portion
of the uution passesi. The project may look well
on paper, it may daazle tin tJuvry, but take Tar
'WORD or A NfcW-Exn.AND MAS-. rt WILL WE*
v« ivccxmt ix ♦itACTiCs,} jUip, itiiroi. *
. c
r»OU THE 4CA0SA.
TUE DIPLOMACY EXAMINED;
v' • v „ . •,■. No, V. - ,1
We have before observed tbe necessity of follow*
ing op Mr. Gallatin’s line of defence, rather than
through the correspondence, the deviation being
"0 his part. Mr. Gallatin observes that Mr. Era*
kine has not reported his own share in the conver*'
nations, nor are tbe conditions expected by the
United States, dearly explained, and he thinks
it therefore necessary on this occasion,' in his
own vindication, to state briefly, tbe general grounds
which acre considered here as forming a proper ba
sis for an adjustment.
1. Reparation for the attack on the Chesapeake.
2. Orders »f council to be repealed.
3. Impressment »f seaimufo crc.sc.
4. Colonial trade—to be by us partially soared.
5. Commercial relations—duties to be equalised.
In this order we shall pursue the examination.—
On the tirst lopick, we do not find a single senti
ment in the report of Mr. Gallatin’s conversations ;
we might pass this over with an expression ol
rcgiet at the cold indifference, or the want of
judgment, which silence, on such a subject, would
seem t.i betray. Rut there is such an niter
imbecility of mind, such palpable demonstration
of mental incapacity, or moral turpitude, in the
explanation which accompanies this brunch of
iiie subject in Mr. Galiatiu’s defence; that we
should beam abject as Uie abject policy pursued,
were »► to pass it without reprobation.
1. “ Reparation for the attack on the Chesa
peake.—Tbe piesident’s proclamation merging in
tbe proposed non inleftourse act, by which tbe pub
lick ships of both Great Britain and France, would
I,e excluded from tbe ports of the United Steles,
the ostensible obstacle to making the reputation, ac
knowledged to be due, was ren.oied."
What a picture dots this exhibit of an understan
ding held forth (or so many year3 as the paragon of
wisdom, the mirror of logicians, and the stand
ard ol statesmen ! A man so eulogized, and of
whom a inosl eloquent writer sold,—“ the daily
beauty of whose life made olhirs uglv." In the
name of common sense, would any man whose
mind was not disurdrrtd by sin, have affixed as an
illustration to reparation lor murder and outrage,
an act of confession from the offended to the offen
der, and the audition of the enmity of another na
tion as the price ol justice, whtrh ought to have
been spontaneous, and which had been aggravated
by denial, by delay, and all the shameless and
unblushing attifices of practised fraud, it is not
I ut all times fair to estimate men or measures by
their success, but let any man of common honesty
determine whether, alter our flag and territory
were violated, so many of our citizens bad been
murdered, and so many carried away j we say is
there any uian'ol common sense who could repose
the least credit or confidence in the piofesnions
I or promises of the power who did not at once res
tore the men who remained in their possession,
and every man proved to be Americans, Wliut
claim could any man lay to understanding or pub
lick confidence, who could exchange positions with
the author of a criminal outrage, and betuine the
| supplicant and the apologist to the unrelenting
( and persevering oppressor. Mr. Erskme, with
j all liis amenity, with all his zeal in pursuit of a
| conciliation, is compelled to pass an indelible sen
tence on this policy, by saying that the American
government “ coldly and ungraciously gave vp what
they considered as a right." This ungracious stig
! ma hangs upon us to this moment, and the deten
tion of not only ail tho.se Ameticanb generally who
have been impressed, but particularly those who
wtit promised to be restored, is a proof at onee of
our own want of sagacitj’, or our closing our eyes
to the plainest dictates of leasoii, and of duty, in
ordei to pursue the chimera of British honour or
good faith.
The second head of Mr. Gallatin's stmrtnary,
requires but very few words ; it ouly fulther proves
the fallacious views, and the incompetent policy,
which has been pursued ever since the railing ol
the embargo, and the failure of which we cannot
| but attribute, in a great degree, to his fatal influ
ent e.
“ 2. Oxters of Council.—To be repealed simply
on the ground of the non-intercourse act applyiug,
in that event, exclusively to i'rauce, so lung as her
decrees violating the neutral rights of the U. States
continued in fotc.e,”
In this place v.e wish to state a question for pub
lick consideration, whirh appears not to have en
tered into the contemplation of our statesmen.—
When a free and independent nation pursues a course
of inflexible and unremitting neutrality towards
other Rations—is it compatible with these rights
ami mai mutjitnacncc, 10 suuer or sunm.i i<> any
interfeience by one belligerent wi'lb the neutral
dealings of Uie neutral power with any other bel
ligerent ? We ask this question ninety to illustrate
the fallacious course of direct and indirect submis
sion which our government has suffered itself to
pursue, instead- of the open, ingenuous and unem
barrussiog course'of a firm and single deci'siun an
every ^question, with whatever power any contro
vtisy should arise. Apply the principle to the sub
ject of the orders in council—what is the course
held forth by Mr, Galtbtin in his vindication. In
stead of requiring the cessation of injustice, in
stead of standing up manfully against wanton rob
bery and oppression, carried on by system, and
such, if our only meaus were like thuse of the
Dutch whose fate ought to have been a lesson to us,,
if our only means were external commerce, a sys
tem of rapine and outrage, that would inevitably
lead to our utter ruin ■; instead of this, what course
have we here recommended by Mr. Gal)atj|| why
it is his unrversH^fonocia, his British cordial \—we
see it throughout all the schemes which have de
graded and deputed congress of publick confidence
—which have perplexed and baffled, and thrown a
bark all the sober counsels and wisdom of the exe
cutive ; wo sea the same aigumujts and influence
protracting debate, till national patience and con
gressional spirit b,ave evaporated, aud the offspring
of legislation has come forth a sickly, imbecile,
oervrjesk, brainltss abortion.;
Mr. Gallatin's offerings jorw.Cessation ofoutrage
art of two kinds, ^ auiuunts to as much as if he
should say tuMr'Erskine—•“ Sir, your orders ol
rnurtrit aif injurious the most unjustifiable and
wantofe j hut in order to prevail upon yon to be just,
! and abrogate those orders, and desist front oppress
ing its, we will forgive and forget the past, we will
| ofen 9«f Wide to you, had as w« know France has
/ -»•' v • • jsr’&y %C ■■ - ... . - *i-i« ' • »
no navy nor army star enough <6 rajeftf^r pkritrg
you, who bathcgmmmed s» a^a’y morderous oui
ragea upon as, on' the same fooling with her, we
will go faril.er and take such steps, as if taken to
wards yon, would provoke you to make war upon
u»; steps which may deprive us of great resources
of future prosperity, and involve its possibly hi per
petual wars.” ' - • • •
That is not a forced construction the correspond
I enceol Mr. Erakine himself proves ; hear what be
Siya in ih« very despatch No. II. which bear* lh«
conversations of Mr. Gallatin.
" ,low far U,e good will of this gove%mt#tJib&
country towards Great-Lin tain may be worth in^the
estimating of his majesty’s government^' the sacri
fice <>( the orders in council and of the impression
which they might be expected to make on France, It
would be presumptuous in me to venture to calcu
late, but I am thoroughly persuaded that at *
rate* it might be obtained.”
1 he third head of Mr. Gallatin’s “ grounds for a
proper basis of adjustment,” will ue luund perhaps
equally humiliating and disreputable.
3. Impressment of seamen—To be entirely aban
doned, America agreeing to’exclude from her navi*
gation sramcii not citizens of the United States, on
the principle contained iu the instructions ot th#
20th May, 1807, to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney,
winch on account of the rupture of the negotiations,
were not, in that respect, acted upon. j
there are various circumstances of an unfeeling
and ignoble character in the conduct pursued oa
this particular subject; and had not the pubtiefe re
cords ut our own government afforded ample mate-*
rials lor exhibiting the duly of resisting ev-Ay mea
sure that was not equal and reciprocal, there might
be perhaps an apology found in the spirit and uil
sunthrophy which governs these conversations. ...
Mr. Gallatin refers to the instructions oC^tfie
20lb May, 1807, fet us take his reference mto
View ; they speak a language tiiut is forcible and
ahicii nquirts to fce contrasted wit}i the language
ot Mr. Gallatin, these despatches 4re written hy
Ml. Madison, and they allord another evidence that
they had differed. The following jg the declaration
ol Mr. Gallatin to Mr. Erskine.
I i>jr. urfijftun ’.ntimAr.rd to me that such steps
were about to be taken by congress upon another
veiy important subject ot the difference^ between
the two countries, as might have a further effect, in
leading to a favourable adjustment of them, lie
informed me that a law was about to be proposed to
congress, and which he believed would pass, to in
terdictall American vessels from receiving on board
any foreign stamen, under heavy penalties or forfei
tures, and that alieady the ships of war of the Uui
ted States had been ordered not to receive anv, and
l« discharge such as were at that time on I.oarJ.’*
Despatch A’o. If.
The instructions referred to by Mr. Gallatin aci
company the president’s message of the 22d March,
ISOS, and embrace from tbe 3<)ih to the 6'6'th page
<>t the documents printed by order of the smat-.—•
We shall literally extract what Air. Madison sey*
mi this su* ject in bis instructions to Messrs. Mon
roe and 1‘mkney, and we shall subjoin a lew more
extracts from Mr. Madison’s instructions on other
occasions ; and vve shall offer also an eloquent pas
sage from Mr, Monroe’s letter to Mr. Canning on
that subject.
“ Thu president caftnot reconcile it with his du
ty to-our sea-faring citizens, or with the sensibility
or sovereignty of the nation, to recognize tieti Co«
struetively a principle that would expose on the high
seas, their liberty, their jives, every thing in a
word that is dearest to tbe human heart, to the Ca
pricious or nucleated sentences which may be pro
nounced against their allegiance,- by officers of #fo
reigtr government, whom neither the law of nation*,
nnr even the lull's <>} that government will allow la de
cide on the ownership or character of the minutest ar
ticle ot pjoptiiy found ui a like sitilhtiori.^vV •/
l be president is constrained to del toe any or
1 rangement, forma), or informal, which does not
comprise a provision against impressment from A
mencan vessels on the high seas.
“ That you may fully understand Kis impressi
ons and purposes I will explain the articles.
“ 1st. Without a provision against impressments,
substantially such as is contemplated, no treaty is
to he concluded. - ,
“ 2d. Tile article on tbe colonial trade cannot be
admitted, unless freed from tbe conditions which
restrict to the market of Europe the re-e*jfd*tatu>n
of colonial produce and to European articles tha
supplies to the colonial market. *<- *
" As it is passible however that this, favourably
calculation may not be verified; the president has
concluded to authoiise you in the. event of the re
jection ot every arrangement already authorised but
*‘vent only, to admit an article to IhefwUosr
ifl| effect. -J-.V, s, ■[
“ It is agreed that after the term of—month*
computed Irom the exchange of iallocation, and
duiing a war in which either of the parties may ba .
engaged, neither of them will permit any seamen,
not being its own citizens or subjects, an4 being a
citizen or subject of the other party, whosball not
have been for two years at least prior to that data, i
constantly and voluntarily in the sersirftjSbr within •’
the jurisdiction uf the parties respectively to enter
<>r be employed on board any of its vessels navigst- 2
ing the high seas ; and proper regulations, enfonggt,
by adequate penalties, shall be mutually established
lor distinguishing the seamen of the parties re- ~
spec lively, and for giving lull effect to its stipula
tions.” ■
“ Von will observe that the proposition is so fra
med as not to comprehend, among British seamen
those who have been made citizens of the United
Stales, and who must necessarily be to regarded
within their jurisdiction and under theirfljg. ' *
“ It will occur to you that the period of two
years has been chosen iu allusion to thsprriod es
tablished by Great Britain, as suffiettntlj incorpo
rating aliens wiURBritish seamen—in rfect mattb
rattling tiem” ,y*h .; >' ;
These are the parts of tire instructions which ap- ■
pru aches pea test to Mr. Gallatin* article in hi* de.*
fence, but which in his correspondence bears a very
diflerentundmure sweeping operation. . %■ r,•> •
_ The provisional article laid down in the! above
instructions, had there bean any sincerity in the"
British government would have obviated all cavil.
But.our ministers were welt apprized of the deters
initiation never to abandon imprisonment, and they
would not consent to the incorporation ef the sub
ject in the projected treaty, which failed on thieve
ryjfpint. H’e have heard that Mr. Monroe waft
tipped to btlievt by certain of those whose fritai '