Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-05-18 00:00:00, page 2

- hMR. rv . __
t ties* too days
!••*» of • rupture hawng taken place among the
■«mben*>f the rebinft at Washington-It it so
stated, that we cannot attempt to present
tha pdftirotee# to the getlic—bojar, iljs said to
he certain, that between the secretary of Mate and
the serraUry of the treasury, nolmlv irritation ex
i*ta—*nd the president, who like ail ather men,
lMM hit partialities and hi* prejudices, is represented
ac eoioeidiog with the latter—It is presumable if
thr raptors bat arrived to this point, that an altera
tiorhia the head* of department must lake place.
Adjvrded cabinet cannot properly Conduct the inn
pprtoat sfam of th» nation—Mr. M-di%*n mwi
know the importance of harmony and concert in
Ms ronnrils j and will doubtless use his authority
to secure them—The principal question lie will have
to drtenoine, it, with whose set vires ran he most
needy dispeuse, those ef Mr. Gallatin or of Mr. Re
hart Smith? - Rdf.
.■ The unexpected detention ef the John Adams fri
gate, gives rise to e variety of conjectures. The
most probable, and at the seme time the most
pleating one is, that discussion* are going on in
England, which are expected by Mr. Pinkney to
lead to a favourable arrangement between the two
countries, and that the frigate is under hit aiders
to bring home the result. We should hear lily re
join*, in rommon with the whole rouotry, if this
ebould happily prove lb* rase. Jbtd.
It i| stated that g*n. Wilkinson is bosjty engag
ed to preparing a publication on the subject of the
charges made against hin>; and that he is consoled
in fhisindertakmg by the reduction, that if lie must
faR he hae it in his power to drag a aittingnitked
Qutfiti along »itft him. Ibid.
P. Bedash), Esq. who is imprisoned at Quebec,
ffiarged wtthseditinus conduct, Im», since his con
finement, been re-else ted a nieiobci of the Provin
cial Parliament f ’ N. E. Pal.
Decrees and Orders.—It would seem by a letter
fifain gen. Armstrong to the secretary of state, dat
ed the 98th Jan..last, that Napoleon now offers to
revoke his Berlin decree, provided the British go
vernment will previously revoke “• her blockade* of
Firaoce-or part of France (such as that from the
' CJbe to Brest, he.) of a date anterior to that of the
„ Berlin, decree."
That this proposition is merely another attempt
to ampse and deceive the public, by keeping up the
pretence that the lb rim decree was a oiere inea
sareof retaliation, wiH be evident to anyone who
jpill peruse the order in council here releired to, de
claring tJka coast of France from the Elbe to Brest
to be ini state of blockade. We subjoin that or
der for the purpose of demonstrating that n con
ta'Mno provision hostile to a bona tide neutral
commerce. It is thus officially announced by the
British minister to Mr. Monroe. U. S. Gaz.
“ Downimg-street, May Hi, 181)6.
“The nndersigried, hi* nrnjety's principal si-cre
.** stale for foreign affair*, has received his ma
jesty's commands to acquaint Mr. Monroe, that
the king, taking into consideration the uew and ex
traordinary means resorted to by the enemy, for the
purpoee of distressing ths commerce of his subjects.
Baa thought Sat to direct that the necessary mea
sures should ba taken for th« blockade of the
toSSt, rivers, and ports, from the river F-lbe to
s^jSU port of Brest, both inclusive ; and the said coast
fivers, and ports are, and must be considered as
* bloc haded—hot that his majesty is pleased to de
clare, that surh blockade shall not extend to pre
vent neutral ships and vessels, laden with goods,
tret being the property of his majesty* enemies,
and not being contraband of war, from approach
ing the said rtast*. and entering into and sailing
* from thffsatd rivers and ports (save and except the
coast, rivers and ports from Ostend to the river
, Seine, already in a state of strict and rigornat
blockade, and widt h are to he considered as su con
tinued) provided the said ships and vessels so ap
proaching and entering (except as aforesaid) shall
jsut have been laden at any port belonging to or in
the possession nfhis innj sly’sen-mies, and that the
ftaidvbtps end .-v*i*td* so sailing from the said rivers
and ports (except as aforesaid shall not he destined
to any ptfrt belonging to or in the possession of any
of his majesty's enemies, nor have previously bro
ken the blnrksde.
“ Me. M'mrna is therefore requested to apprise
* the American consuls and merchants residing in
‘ England, that the roast, rivers and ports ab<(Pe
mentioned, must be considered as being in a state of
blockade and that from this time all the measure**
authorised by the law of nations, and the respcc
»|nfc treaties between bis majesty and the Afferent
tiMlrsl powers, will be adopted and executed with
reifect to vessels attempting to violate the said
blockade, after (bis notice.
The undersigned requests Mr, Monroe to ac
cept the assurances of bit high consideration.
(Signed) G. J. FOX.
James Moir roe. Esq*
/Jkc.ffscilte.
£ From He lodrpendent American.
H% Tobias L«»f burn iuffurtd io expend
«mJ» neediest sums of money in Karb..ry ) Why
Ibis he'rereived suet
h sulury ? Why was h« appointed
tolhaiofiaw?
Perhaps a» answer to the last question will suf
^Jkm for the whole. Mr. Jefferson once wrote a
false, calumniating, detestable letter to Muzaie, in
, wbi.h the Washington administration was grossly
•bused, and Washir.glou himself. General Wash
ington trrote to Jefferson to know whether that let
tor generally ascribed to him was really his. J.f
itmo is said to have written an answer, full of mean
and confession of guilt. After this affair,
niator of Washington was glad to avoid
'wa»«h hit mojuay was not witlihelil
Who could he paid for his blasphe
the greift'and, good—-When Jefferaitf
Tobias L*ar, who had ioag been
Ctiity or Washington, acfd npparanl
Wjs soon ttheo UVtofttovoa', aud
Appointed to office by Jeffers**. WlJHas Me rev
loaf W«have been lufmtaed that jiJfs Washing
too C*B account for it.; The letter to Washington
fioptJtlsnaPi had tfat copy of t**l.Uer Smu
&
ufMWWMHRfiTii t paper*
- had MMMta *tse*n.a: 4 _
The m whorodd be guilty of writing wh o
loiter tw Meszic.wJefierson wrote, and who suUe
qoently ot> deteatiiwi was furred to confession of
goilt end profession •( remorse; would no doubt be
anxious, at any price, tri bute proofs forever con
cealed from the world: and Lear well understood
how to hotter his bread.
Jefferson to be save did not expert lhatMazaie
would publish his Intel; hot vanity induced the
publication. Mazzi* had resided several years in
Virginia, nnrf was well acquainted with Jefferson,
who however never could have bad much respect for
his talents ; or be never could have spoken of him
as bedidiu Paris: Seeing him approaching at a
distance, Jefferson exclaimed, “ There comes that
d—d Mazzir, to teaze me about his book, which
nobody will resd if be publishes italluding to a
book relative to Virginia which be wm then about
publishing in Paris. Yet, though the letter was
notint*nded for the public, the intentions of the
writer arc not less censurable.
The conduct of Lear in making a treaty with the
reigning Bashaw ol Tripoli, at the moment he did,
when, principally through the enterprise and exer
tions of general to ton, every thing was in our pow
er. or on the pnmt «f being sis may perhaps he ex
plained, when it is considered that a present is al
ways made to the minister who negotiates a treaty
with the bashaw. What the present was to Lear
we know not: possibly a sixth, third, or half the
<§60,000 stipulated foi ransoming the prisoners—
Nor do we wonder that Jefferson justified the tecret
articles of the treaty not to have restored the wife
and children of Harriet Carasnanli, though that
restoration was pMicklj) stipulated—Nor d» we
wonder that presents have been made, or pretend
ed to he made to a vast and unnecessary amount,
and that Mr. Jefferson attorned them all.
It was all right enough, that general Eaton,
whose spirited and determined ronduct had enforced
respect for the American name, and had been of
vast utility; and, had be not been thwarted by
I-ear, would have rendered permanent incalculable
a<lvantages, and saved the necessity of subsequent
expences lor presents to maintain peace; it was all
right, we soy, that general Eaton should be neglect
ed, and the sly, cunning Lear be rewarded for bis
services rendered to Jefferson.
Elliott'» fatten.—This gentleman furciwily pledg
ed himself, in the r • >st solemn manner, to exhibit
to the people of the United States, satisfactory evi
dence that the politics of the party which has so
long and so futa'ly governed this country, are and
have been the effect of French INFLUENCE. The
following is the first is the promised series ofletters
which is to contain this evidence, end the simple,
perspicuous, unadorned, hut pore style in which it
is written, and the spn it of mildness and candour
ty which it is dictated, recommended it to strong
ly tu our Usteand judgement, that we hesitate not
a day to give it a place, and shall continue to-ac
j company the writer by an immediate repubiication,
as fast as the originals come to hand.
N. Y. F.v. Post.
Letters upon French Influence.
No. I. •
To the People of the United States.
It is proposed, fellow citizens, in a course of ve
ry brief and very plain political letters, to unfold
the history and display the character* of that pe
culiar species of French Injluenct, whieh, almost
all unprejudiced persons of all parties are now pre
pared to acknowledge, has been exercised in some
way or other, upon the affairs of our country, since
' the commencement of Thomas Jefferson’s adminis
tration. The letters will be short, that they may
stand a chance for general republication in the in
dependent papers; and they will be written ill a
style simple and unornamented, that they may be
understood by every man, woman and rhild, in the
United States, who is at all in the habit of politi
cal reading.
lie who addresses to you these letters, has been
honoured, wiili no inconsiderable portion of your at
tention on former occasons. He has mada the
subject of politics, as an Knglish writer says of po
eliy, too much the business of his life. Too much
lor his own happiness us well as interest. He has
been satired by his late democratic friends, because
it was his fortune, or rather perhaps his misfortune,
to rise, in the course of a few years, Irom one of
the very lowest situations in rural life to a scat in
the cobncile of his country ; a rirrumstance which
he will not affect to remember without pleasure,
and which certainly bedoes remember with no lit
tle republican pride. Pardon this egotism. It will
be confined to the first letter, and to the necessary
purposes of explanation.
But the writer has changed his political party.
Hence all this satire and much boisterous clamour.
Some nation has a proverb, intimating that the
wiseman changes his opinion often, the fool never.
It will be admitted, however, that frequent transiti
ons io politics', from one part* to another, ought
to render any individual suspected. If one change
ware not to be allowed, the democratic ranks, in one
part of the Union, would be very thin. But no man,
in the public life, ought to charge bis parly with
out giving to his constituents and tbe public the
reasons which have governed his conduct. A mere
sic volo, “ I choose to chungr,” should never be ac
cepted in such a case.
Of the administration of the government of his !
rouiitrj, the writer, while he acted as one of the re
presentatives of the people, did not solicit either for
himself or any other person, directly or indirrclly,
a favour of any consequence whatever. The ap
pointment of a young gentleman as a midshipman
io the navy was the only thing that he requested
alone and in that be woe gratified. The appoint
ment of now and then a deputy postmaster, in some
small cuontry village, cannot ha considered as the
aet of tha executive administration. Probably no
uihcr democratic representative ever asked so little
from the president, for from him nothing was asked.
The writer was disappointed Ly the administration,
hut he was disappointed ia bin rapacity at a repre
sentative of the people, and on their behalf. He
was disappointed in finding that hit political friends
who tilled the different deportments of the govern
ment were not, at ha had belraped them to be, real
republicans, and that they won not firm and iada
. pendant patriots.
Wbep conscience demanded a complete transition
frnjB ftme of the great political parties which divide
the country ta the ether, then was bat eat we/ fox
P—f -
hbown priMi
«tfr wifcif, MIH^ ...
gBt«r enough t* b* sure, but (tick at could »<*t but
gavfrn him. lt «u to give th* beet evidence the
«r tfcf fee* would admit that Bo Interested or
um^tiouo views,or any impure motives, produced
wfif change, by abandoning the-high and honourable
situation to whirh^hrt been three times raHed
h> great and rapidpihcrrasing majont'.es of those
who knew bine best, and to which be knew he
rould again be called. ‘He declared, on this occa
sion. that he would never again be a candidate at
any popular election whatever ; and this promise
he means to keep. He does not believe that any in
dividual, in a republican government, is under any
obligation to devote more than, a reasonable portion
ot bis life to the publirk service. He h,is a right
to judge for hirnsdf when it is prudent and proper
to retire, unless, indeed, so general a disinclination
to the labours of publirk life should pervade the
Country, us to occasion the wheel:, of ih* machine
of government to stop! In the rases of invasion
and rebellion it is very different. Even the life of
every one is then the property of his country. In
the present case, the writer’s perpetual retirement is
more the result of choice and taste tbau of disap
pointment and disgust.
it was :n the “ memorable and mournfunsession
of 1805, 6, when both houses ot congress were
shut up in darkness fur seveial successive weeks
that certain individuals of the democralick party
became convinced that their leaders were not only
despots ui their heaits, hut were devoted to the
fesr, if not to th» interests of France. In :t>e course
ol tlmt session, Mr. Joskph Cloy, the representa
tive of Philadelphia, made a solemn pahlick decla
ration, that Trance had threatened war against the
United Stat( s,and acknowledged that the threat had
not been without its tnSuenceunon his mind! He was J
called to order, and not suffered to proceed. Mr. j
CUy, it is believed, has not even yet manifested a
disposition to become other than a democrat in A- '
meriean pohtitks. His veracjty'remains unii»
peached. Upon that occasion he alluded to a docu
ment which is still concealed Irotu the people, and
which probably will never be published. ’ The
present writer could not justify hiweell mdiselosing
it. He recollects, indeed, that when it was first i
lard before Congress, it produced a sensation as ho
nourahle to that body as much ol its snbsequ-nt
conduct has been disgraceful. Alas, it was hot the
sensatiou of a moment! The great polical niagaci
an, Jefferson, waved his potent wand, and the spirit
of genuine patriotism became extinct in the coun
cils of America.
No. H.
Previously to an investigation of the origin and
character of what has been deemed by ths writer, in
common with a great proportion of his country
men, to he the influence of «fear of Frunce, if no
thing worse, operating upon the executive and legis
lative departments of the government of the United
Slates, several introductory, explanatory, and inci
dental points, naturally claim c onsideration and de
mand attention.
This course is rendered the more rndispensible by
the peculiar situation of the writer of these papers.
The constitutional power of the President of the
United States to impost upon the representatives of
the people, and tbe right of the majority of those
representatives to impost upon the minority, a per
petual injunction of secrecy, io relation to matters
of great national concern, will form the first subject
of examination.
Tbe constitution of the United States, politically
speaking, should be regarded with holy reverence.
It is the most illustrious of all the monuments of
human wisdom. Pluto, Aristotle,Cicero,and ntheis,
whose names are written an the list of the wisest
men ol ancient times, did hut dare to dream of even
a faint outline of our present political system.—
Could the genius and the greatness of the present
age have been so far anticipated, as to have pre
sented to the view of these sages, a general idea of
the American constitution, they would at once have
pronounred the system too pure and perfect ever to
fall, in practice, to the lot of human nature. They
would have declared that rt was the vision of a the
orist nr a set of theorists; great and magnificent,
but delusive and impracticable.
In pay ing the tribute of his highest homage to
the wisdom of the authors, and the excellence of the
character, of tbe constitution of bis country, the
writer must again stop for one moment to impress
upon the minds of his readers the sincerity of
his present attachment to that glorious inslru
nient. it cannot be concealeO that he was
once an anti-constilutionajtst, in other words, a
Trench partisan. No one should blush to recollect
the errors of youth, when those errors resulted
from purity of principle, and the most ardent wish
es for the happiness of the whole human race. Es
pecially should the recollection be chrished, when
tbnse enois have been discaided from reflection and
experience. In political science at least, uever to
have erred is never to be wise, for poiitieal wisdom
is not inherent in our nature. Experience cannot
develope it, but must create it, even in the strong
est and soundest minds. The writer knows that
not only many of the youth of our country, but some
ol the a tied also, have abandoned the cir.mrA itr.umt
of the revolutionists ol Fruuce, from a perfect con
virtiou of their futility and lolly. We hailed with
joy the opefing dawn of what was fancied to he the
coming day of human perfection. We were among
the wildest of all wild enthusiasts. Compered with
■the purity of French democracy, the constitution
of our own Republick w«s deemed a correct mass ol
aristocracy. Jefferson was believad to he a better
•ud a greater man than Washington. These recol
lections indeed can be connected with no pleasant
emotions. Jelfersou and Washington! Compare
theaut with (he elephant! Compare the little nil
which travellers denominate the Scamander of Ho
mer, with the Danube or the Mississippi.
I t were to be wished that the late President of the
United States, whose power to close the lips of the
representatives of the people, upon subjects vital to
the independence of the nation, is about to be ques
tioned, had in all cases squared his conduct by the
provisions ol that tarred instrument which hr, at
well as those representatives, had taken a solemn
oath of office to support. But alas, be who, while
gradually mounting the little steps of “ young ambi
tion's ladder," was the most adroit and oily of all
lb* flatterers of the populace, since the days of Ju
lius Cesar, was the most odious despot when
in power! He did not, indeed, altogether scorn
tke km dtgrtM tjt which he did mud, for base
_,rw_ ^
tbataMer, 'io SOW* instances.
«knc*i W«w* rtTCBg tircwsiiiuia! «n|Srauw)ttv
appear in the comee of < tlme lrUert. should that
course uecompIVrrd, provM.Uiat, it* ^rt^dvRl of “
the United States did ritijkm, a ou.*t degrading .
correspondence with him whom be ought to huvaf
efii ictil <4 I fttA .4 __ C t f.
ciiMSUirrcd the derided enemy of his eotriitry, did itn
pini-e merry of hint when hr ought iPiiiiye demand
■ * .' — u^lUdUUt
cl justice, and, io*lr«d of claiming and coannuoding,
the respect due to the United States, as aa indepea.
dent republirk, did deprecate the wrath of a foreign^
power in a manner the most rowaraly, mean and .
submissive. Strong assertions these, hut they shall'
be supported by arguments which will not be deem
ed feeble, and by the mightier power of evidence,
for the present we return to the lontitutionaJ Ques
tion. n
Thomas Jefferson was never sincerely attached,
to the constitution. One of his strongest objecti
ons to it was that the 1'resident might be ft elected!
Strange that he whs not even then calculating to
become president himself lint it is possible that
he was at that day an honest man. None of u>
need blush at having been deceived bv Thomas J. f
lerson, for he deceived even Washington. That
great and good patriot gave him the first office in
fils power, and thus advanced him far ip the path
ol his inordinate ambition. Washington knew
that he h»d bees opposed to the constitution, but
believed that he abandoned that erior. • 15ut Jeffer
son seemed to feel the stings of a gittlty consi i-ftce,,
far he began to vindicate himself before he was ac
eusedi 1 tie momenta schism L-g«n to arise ip
the cull,net, in consequence of the political diifer
enres between Jefferson and Hamilton, the former
wrote a» elaborate letter to the president, endeavor
ing to shew that although lie had wished for impor
tant amendments in the constitution, yet he had
beep uoon I he whole friendly to its adoption.—
The father of his enuoirv w*s even yet decei ved, lor
he wrote in answer, “ l did Lot require the evidence
of the extracts which v< tt ep, Insect me, to convince,
me of your alUcbramt t<> the. constitution of ilia
United States, or of yum disposition to pioim-ie
the general welfare of this- enputry/’ (See BaN
CUOKT’s Life ef Wuchiogtoo.) There is every lea
ton to believe that oik- <v the greatest causes-of that
schism wa*a discovery made bv Mr. H .iuiJ'.on that
the secretary «f state was holding an improper
“ language confidenti :l’' (the reader will recollect
that these are Genets own words) with the most
outrageous minister of France. How far-conduct
ol this sort was const it utimial in an American se
cretary ol state, it is not now material to enquire.
Ihe “ exclusive reuublh’aus” contended, before
their eluvation to power, that neither thp general
government, nor any >d its branches, could coii&Ue
tutionally exercise «py power whatever, for which
(hey could not shew a special delegation. It wae
the democratick dortrine to disra-rd-all powers by
implication. Hence the clamour against the art
establishing the national bank, and against the ali
en and sedition laws, os unconstitutional and df*pn- 1
tick. 1 ried by this test, the president pnssrsse*
not a particle of authority to close the bps of the
members of the legislature, iu rela’.i n t > any coni
muniration which he may think proper to msket*
them, ile has not only the right, hut it is made
bis duty, to communicate from time to time unnr
(liatioD. of the slate of the uui-iB. But the right t«
bind the members to secrecy m any possible cate,
is not to be found in Huy specific k provision ol the ’
constitution. If it exists at all, it must be sstiuht
for elsewhere. *
From thr New York Eveniso Post.
A word to such men as nr* federalists, from rcjtec
tion and principle—It is now hilly asrrrta-ned that
democracy triumphs in our slate, and that her fa
vourites have ascended lb* high places i.f power,
| nine up by an unexpected and overwhelming ma
jority. It is equally evideut that iu other parts of
this bumbled land, the Genii of ignorance and infa
tuation have resumed a resistless controul ; that the
blind and infuriate people, beHd in humble subjec
tion to tbetr magic it, and work with burning seal m
their cause—Under these circumstances it becomes
you to think seriously on the course which you arc
o pursue ; to examine w uh a steady eye aud an un
daunted heart the ground on which you tread; and
to prove to your vaunting adversaries, that y«.ur
sorrow is pity for the country which you love : not
the offspring of wounded pride or disappointed am
bition. Friends! you are engaged iu a glorious re
sistance against darkness and corruption : despond
not, nor remit your exertions—should light aurl
“ tiuih ultimately prevail;” should the mad, delu
ded multitude discern the path of peace, and es
cape from the desolation to which they now hasten,
you will be more tba.i rewarded for all your exerti
ons—Ou the other hand, if destruction is speedily
to be our portion, if the spirit of jacobinism is to
overturn our constitution, and eventually reduce us
to Ihe stale of France, you may bid defiance to the
storm, and smile at its fury, while you rertecl that
you have dune your dutj.
PERSEVERANCE.
THE WOULD IS MAD.
When such men as Samuel Gardner receive the
voles of nearly a majority of a democratic assem
bly, we have no hesitation in averring that the re
public is lost. hetman* Journal.
From the Ntuport (R. 1.) Mercury,
Jonathan Nichols, esq. elected lutrd justice of th*
county of Kent is a federalist, and was rhu»« n by a
majority of four voles in oppos'.iion to Samuel
Gardner, the democratic candidate, who, a iew
year* was movicud ol tlie airi.rmus crifn#
of ARbON, and wa8 sc«rcarfd to be pubiickty whip- '
fed at the cart’* tad, on his hare hack, WHICH
SENTENCE WAS DULY EXECUTED. 7W
facts were aisled and admitted, and yet the eletHSm
of this culprit we# strenuously advocated hy his
excellency the governour.and by Nathaniel Hasard,
and finally received the votes of 34 democratic
members, in opposition to an bonest man !
The average majority lor the democratic pros of
general officers aboot'190 votes. So far as the e
leclion has progressed, every federalist has been
swept from office— Whether their places arc idled
with better nun, the public will have an op pmca
nity to prove. jt ■ ■
__
F*c»t the Boston Repextort.
Extract of a Utter, from a gentleman in the Fn±ktk
opposition*
‘! NotwithsUoding lha sossineat Lss t««a ah