The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-06 00:00:00, page 1

To lle People of PENNSYLVAN I A.
iN my lad directed to you, I pointed out the conferences
of an independency, so far as it reflects the Rates of Eu
rope. The reasons on which I rounded our Safety from fo
reign invasions, I think, will Scarcely be denied, or if they
Should, not easily confuted. I hear but little fad on that head
at piefent. Perhaps it ceases to be a Scarecrow and is there
fore taken down ; but as it will never do for the enemies of
our liberties to give up the pout, it is only to hang up a more
terrific in its Read. ißtefti*? confufioas, continual wars with
each other, republics and pir^yterian governments compose
the bugbear of the day, and rhe very name of them frightens
people more than the whole force of Great-Britain. My pre
sent design is to remove this dreadful chimera from your ima
ginations, and to Shew you r hat nothing but a reluctance in
you to independency can ever be the cause of any such evils,
and I earnestly crave your attention to the (object, and entreat
you to weigh my rcafous impartially.
Io the firft place then, it never was, nor can it ever be the
interest of any civil society to exalt any set of religious tenets
above all others, or to unite the chureh and Rata. Most of
the wars, whichdcluged the world in blood for centuries toge
ther, arose from this falfe policy. The priesthood of any fedt
in religion, with Sorrow 1 repeat it, can easily be made the
tools of tyranny and arbitrary power. To crowned heads
they are ufeful ; but where no such exist there eftabldhrneuts
of the kind ate truly a nuisance. We have no eftabliflimenc
in this province, and coofequently little diftin&ion of fe&s,
all men living in good neighbourhood with one another, how
ever different in religious Sentiments. The States-General,
even in the days of fiery persecution, soon found the nec&ffity
of effectually excluding religion from interfering in Rate af
fairs, and in our days when that edge is totally destroyed, and
mankind have learned to think more liberally, none can fuf
pea any thing of the kind ; but those who labour incessantly
to deserve it. And yet they have been hitherto disappointed
and I hope ever Shall. I know the present Continental Con
gress, or any other assembly of men of sentiment and education
in America, would as soon agree to Subject the united colonies
to the King of Caffreria, or to the fee of Rome, as to any one
sea of religion now exiting in the world. Doubtless ev ry
fedt will be permitted to enjoy its compleat privileges within
itfdf. But for any one to be allied to the date is absurd co
imagine. Depend on it, they who hold it up to terrify you
believe no such thing. They cannot unlcfs they have taken
leave of their (cases. In the next place war is not, nor can
it ever be our element. Trade and agriculture are the true
sources of wealth and happiness to a Society. The majority
of no nation ever gained any thing by war, except when in
defence of their privileges. And even in that case the regain
ing them is the utmost they can expert An ambitious mo
narch, who prefers felf exaltation to the blood of his fubje&s
may be for war, because as the war is carried on at the ex
pence of the people, and he alone reaps the rewards of vi&o
ry, he has a chance to be a gainer thereby. His fubjeds can
not, for they muff not only fight his battles, but pay all the
expence of the war. I set it down therefore, that the repre
feutatives of a free people, if free from the influence of roy
alty, can never be for war, except when the rights of the So
ciety are invaded.
Besides the colonies are at present nearly on an equality
with refpe& to warlike knowledge, and will be compleatly so
before the present war is at an end. There will therefore be
no temptation on that score, and all the regular troops, as
long as such are needful, will be in the pay of the continent,
and°can never be employed by one colony against another.
Disband them at the end of the war, and fettle them on plan
tations, or assist them in Setting up their trades, and let your
ftreugth consist in a well regulated militia, and you will have
done with war forever.
For freemen to prefer the chance of war to peace, liberty,
trade and agriculture, is as unnatural as to prefer wounds
bruises, poverty and death, to health, riches a,nd all the plca
fures and enjoyments of life. To fee a society of farmers,
tradesmen, and merchants quit their peaceful employments
and make war upon one another would be a phenomenon
which the world has not yet beheld, and I will venture to fay
never will. God has placed us at the greeted distance possi
ble from external oppressors and he has placed oar intcreft as
far from internal ones.
Some pren have an uncommon talent at making men forget
what is before them, and calling off their attention from cer
tainty to (peculation, from truths supported by fa&s to chime
rical suppositions, and from what really exists, to what never
can exist, and they can make many believe the one so
firmly that it is fearcely in the power of felf-evidence
to overcome their credulity. Hence it is that so many
Shudder at the thoughts of what (hall happen to us after
we are fairly Jet loose from Great-Britain, and are fright
ened almost out of their senses, on account of the divi
&@us which will then disturb our internal repose.
I have heard it alledged by able politicians, that the reason
which induced the crown to give so many different con
stitutions to the several colonies, was that it might make a
union of them impracticable. Be this as it may, it is certain
that a union of our legislatures in any opposition to the crown,
was impracticable. It was not, noris it now in our power to
get any governor on the continent, except two, to give his as
sent to any bill for the purpose, and according to the consti
tution of the colonies no acl of our assemblies can be deemed
law without such aflent. This Shews the evil of a negative on
the voice of the people. Now though a constitutional union
of the colonies by their legislatures was impracticable, and
though the ministry and their tory friends exerted their ut
most influence to prevent any kind of union, and to break it
afterwards, yet it took place and flill continues, canuaty to
THE'
March 6, 1776 ^& ^^ Numb. 1735.
PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL;
WFFKI Y O / 'ADVERTISER.
WE^KLWill# OMJ
CT ^^^^a^ Lct ^ffi^
^ CTSCT %^.^ March 6
# I%<^^^\{^^^^l\^^^ w^s^w^s^^
ple than that of absolute conquest is tolly in the extreme.
Blood once tried puts a final period to all other accommo
dations; and the exciting a,flave to cut the throat of his mas
ter produces a similar effect. A spirit once kindled by blood,
can never be cooled but by the fame, or a total extinction of
its fire. And God is so tar from detiring or expecting a
friendly re-union and connexion in such cases, that he has
continually declared the contrary in every dispensation since
the murder of Abel, by constantly repeating, " that he who
(heddelh man's blood; by man fhali his blood be shed" I
therefore repeat it, that a re-union of most of the Colonies is
now become impossible. Can any of the New-England Colo
nies ever be cordially united to Great-Britain? Can they ever
approach their sea coasts without viewing with horror and in
dignation the ravages of her fleets and armies? Can Virginia,
the Carolinas, or even New-York, ever be content with Go
vernors appointed by the Crown? The day they can content
edly submit to such appointments, or such re union, the spirit
of freedom will forfake these Colonies. Freemen will never
grow on such a foil. When this takes place, Great-Britain
may convert her African into an American Company of slave-,
traders, and'fend her ships to carry her -white negroes to the
Weft-Indies to work her sugar plantations. I have a better
opiriibn of them, than to think them ripe for such a metamor
phosis; I therefore conclude they will fight for independence.
every expectation and endeavour of internal and external
enemies. All colony diftinaions are now at an end
and cuffed will he be who endeavour, to revive them. Can
any be so stupid as to believe, that, they who remain united
without law, without authority, and without restraint merely
because they know it to be their interest, will break that uni
on when it Shall be eftabliflaed under a continental legisla
ture, and Supported by public authority. The fame interest
and wisdom whch joined us against such odds will certainly
keep us together when aided by conftitption and law. The
arts of peace ever form the true basis of human felicity, and
while we remain free that mutual intercourse which adds
wealth to every fociai enjoyment will be constantly preferred
to the wild Schemes of mad ambition, which purchase a few
days gratification to one, at the price of the lasting misery of
thousands.
To imagine therefore that our remaining united, until we
had obliged Great-Britain to acknowledge us an independant
people, would be the cause of future wars among the colonics,
is as absurd and irrational as to imagine that harmony could
produce di^ord. On the contrary every cause of quarrel
would forever subside. All the unlocated lands in America
would be taken under the care of the continental legislature,
and fettled upon one general plan, which would prevent a
thousand contentions which must remain while they are in the
gift of the crown. Lands will then be equally open to all.
America will be the country and all of us as much one peo
ple as the inhabitants of any one colony are at present. Let
proper care be taken by the people at large at the time of
forming the continental constitution, to fix such an equal plan
of representation, on principles which will continue it so, as
\vill make the general good the general interest, and to se
cure that motion to power and authority, which is necessary
to prefetve it from corruption by a constant rotation, and war
will be unknown in America.
I have Shewn in a former number, dir^aed to the people
of North-America, She impossibility 0/ a re-union with
Great-Britain on the principles of the ye/r 1763, if we mean
to preserve our liberties. To Irf^T£>4aUy secured from fu
ture mischiefs and machinations in case of a re-union, there
ifluft not be one crown officer either civil or military left on the
continent, nor a Britifli Ship of^War permitted to enter our
harbours. From them pur prefrut ^ihreffes f,ang, and by
them they will be continued. And while any Such is permit
ted to remain among us, we keep cur enemy in out bosom,
and tile robber in our house. Be opr doors ever so Strongly
bolted it will add nothing t,o .our fecupty. Nothing but 4
divitlon among the colonies, when it Shall be finally debated
in Corigrefs whether we Shall 'be independant or not, can be
the cause of future wars to America. This is the single point
on which our future happiness or misery ^ill finally turn.
It is cafy talking of a re-union and permanent feenrity to
our liberties,' and public orators may fay it is very plain. I
am no member of Congress, no Committee-man, nor in the
secrets of either; but I will throw out some hints to both,
which it might not be amiss to confider. Our welfare will
greatly depend on the weight they have in the minds of those
who ars eutrufted with our public affairs.
He betrays an uncommon degree of ignorance of human
nature, who thinks that a cordial re-union can take place be
tween Great-Britain arid any one of the United Colonies.
Slaves have been known to prefer servitude to freedom, but
this has always happened where their matters used them ex
ceedingly well. The moment ill ufkge hud a disregard of
their interest take place, the happiness of such a dependance
and connection is gone for ever. Our connexion can no longer
exist on former principles. These principles did not, nor
'could not protia us. They once existed, and what good did
they do ns; did they save us from our present troubles? I fay
therefore, if a re-union takes place, it mnft be on the princi
ples of unlimited dominion on the one hand, and abfohite
fubmiffio'n on the other. They will footer treat with you as
independant states, than grant you all that is necessary to fe
core your privileges, while you acknowledge (objection. But
granting they fhb'uld be willing to grant absolute security,
which they never will; the Colonies which have fuffered least
may re-ifnite on thffe terms: Others, I am confident neither
can nor will, tinril they ^re deprived of that forefight which
diftifigtiilhes th^m from the 'limb which licks the hand of the
butcher. To imagine what three of the Southern and four of
the Northern Colonies can ever re-unite on any other princi
and they will obtain it. On this account, an attempt of any
of the Colonics to be re-united to Great-Britain, would be a
very uawife and unhappy measure. A war twice fought al
ways cods less blood and treasure than once effectually gone
thro'. There are some, who knowing that a Republic well
regulated is ever unfavourable to that ambition which aims to
be aggrandized at the public expeace, will make strenuous op
position to independency, and they would willingly disunite
the Colonies rather than j®in in asserting it. To such I would,
throw out some cautionary observations.
ift, A division of the Colonies will not prevent the inde
pendance of those which stand out.
adly, The provinces which submit will return to trade and
agriculture, and consequently lose the use of arms, while they
that Band out will be expert warriors.
3dly, The Continent will be divided into two diftina: Em
pires or Republics, a Northern and a Southern: For allure
yourselves, Virginia will never submit, and the Carolinas (if
not Maryland) will join her.
4thly, While there is land to fettle, and two Empires on
the Continent, war will be the consequence.
Sthly, When Great-Britain is so far reduced as to declare
them independant, who will protea the submitting Colonies
from the resentment of incensed warriors, whom they desert
ed? Such Colonics will finally be divided between the two
powers.i
The man who traces these hints fairly, be he who he may,
if he means not to fell his right to America, will be a ftrenu.-
ous advocate for independancy, and a united Continental
Legislature. SALUS POPOLI.
c*o^o^o^o^c^c^&fo&^c^dfot&c^c^o^c^ efooo
To the Publishers of the PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL.
AS you have inadvertently dishonoured your Journal of
January 14th with a Sussex tory publication, aa
attempt to wash a blackamore, Thomas Robinson, Ejq; by
blackamores or tories like hirafelf ; in which Grange per
formance, they have also made too free with my character, I
only request it as a piece of common jaftice, that you let the
public know, what every body knows here, that the present:
Committee of Infteßion of Sussex was elected by a majority, at
that time, of tories for the purpose of clearing, and protesting
Thomas Robinfen, and the rest of the Tor,-junto in Suffix; hence
Darid Train, who owned himfcif a tcry, as was proved, is
their clerk ; Peter Rebinfon, brother of Thomas, and a worse
tory than himfelf, a leading member, &c. Permit me to add
in trying Mr. Robinfen, they would not cite witnesses, and
when a number offered voluntarily they would net hear them.
They equid' have had witnefles enough to have proved many /
of the R^binfon’s most virulent and falfe declamations against
the Congrtfs, General Warrington, and the whole American
cause, spreading tory pamphlets, Rivington's papers, &c. But
they would hear none, except myfelf, and then teized me with
many questions, nothing to the purpose, particularly about
my intentions in going to Robinson's house. They fay I gave
two different reason : And it is true I bad two reasons,
though I did not know I was obliged to open all my heart to
them at one time, or at all. My motive was in Short this, I
took a witness with me, designing to buy a few articles, if he
was not a tory, but if he Shewed himfelf such, I was deter
mined to buy nothing at his Store, which I found to be the
truth.—l am very sorry to fee they have a'oufed Mr. Butcher
who was the bed witness, who has a strong memory, repeating
Robinson's own words, with his ingrammatical blunders, and
falfe pronunciation, just as he heard it. But what can be
more base than their publishing Job Ingram's mifreprenta
tion, and other of Mr. Robinson's domestics to set alide the
judgment of eighty disinterested men, who were not tories,
and who condemned Robinson last Summer.—This Ingram is
well known to be a pitiful tool of Thomas Robinson, and of a
Slender character, whom the tory junto endeavoured to reward
with a Colonel's commission, instead of my uncle, well known
for his parriotifm, now General Dagworthy.
N. B. The patriotic members of Broadkill protested against
the manner wf Robinson's trial. Nathani el Mitchell.
Lewes, February 6, 1776.
1* ^** % I ********* *#*^
Sussex on Delaware, December rx, 1775.
ON the eleventh instant, the day appointed by the Com
mittee of Infpedtion for this county, for the trial of
Thomas Robinson, Esq; who had been charged by a former com
mittee of eight, patriotic members, in July last, of counteracting
the measures of the Honourable the Continental Congress : Mr.
Robinson came into Le-wes, guarded by a number of men, arm
ed with clubs, but the Spirited appearance of two companies
of militia, who grounded their arms under double centries,
before the Court House door, in which the committee fat pre
vented any violence.
It had been easy for Mr. Robinson, on making some acknow
ledgments and promises, to have been restored to the favour
of the public; but through some Strange infatuation, he pre
ferred an acquittal by the committee, before a candid recan
tation of his former errors, and asking a generous pardon
from an injured country.
This acquittal however, we think cannot, in the judgments
of an impartial public, clear Mr. Robinson of the charges alledg^
ed against him, when it is known that the committee refufed
to take any effectual Steps to bring the-witnesses against him before
them, and also refufed to hear some who did appear, before they
adjourned. One of which would have Sworn, that he heard
Mr. Robinson fay, “ that any person, who took up arms in the
present cause, -would be in rebellion, as much as ever the people in
Scotland were." Another present at the committee heard him
fay, " that taking up arms was rebellion in the highest, and cbal--
l ? "g™g the King into the field to fight." Others, who wer.not
present, would Swear, that they have heard him Say,“ that white
( For the Remainder fee the Feurt, Page. )