The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-02-07 00:00:00, page 1

HOUSE OF LORD S.
PROTES T.
Die Jo-vis, 26 ORobris, 17,5.
TH E Lord Chancellor reported his Majesty's Speech,
and the fame being read by the Clerk.
Moved, Thatan humble Address be presented to his Ma
jesty for his most gracious Speech from the throne.
Then an amendment was proposed to be made to the said
motion.
Which being objected to,
After long debate,
The Q^efben was put whether the amendment fliall be in
ferred in the m tion ?
It was refbiyed in the negative.
■ Contents, — 29? z
Proxies, —o)
Not Contents, 69] ^
Proxies, — 115
Then it was moved to agree with the said motion as at firft
proposed.
The Question was put thereupon.
It was refolded in the affirmative.
Contents, — 66? 6
Proxies, — roj 7
Not Contents, 33?
Proxies, — oj
Dffentient.
ift. BECAUSE we cannot, as Englishmen, as chriftians,
or as men of common humanity, coufent to the prof cution
of a cruel civil war, so little Supported by justice, and so
very fatal in its necessary consequences, as that which is now
waging against our brethren and fellow-fubjefls in America.
"We have beheld with foirow and indignation, session after
session, and notwithstanding repeated warnings of the danger,
attempts made to deprive some millions of British fubje&s of
their trade, their laws, their conftitwion, their mutual inter
aourfe, and of the very food which God has given them for
their fubfiftance. We have beheld endeavours used to enforce
these impolitic severities at the point of the bayonet. We
have, on the other hand, beheld so large a part of the em
pire united in one common cause, really Sacrificing with
cheaUulnefs their lives and fortunes, and preferring all the
horrors of war raging in the very heart of their country, to
ignominious ease. We have beheld this part of his Majesty's
fubje&s, thus irritated to resistance, and so fuccefsful in it,
still making profeffions (in which we think it neither wife nor
decent to afFe& a difbelief) of the utmost loyalty to his Ma
jesty; and unwearied with continued repulses, repeatedly pe
titioning for conciliation, upon such terms only as shall be
confifteut with the dignity and welfare of the mother coun
try. When we confider these things, we cannot look upon
our fellow-fubje&s in America in any other light than that
cf freemen driven to resistance by a&s of oppreflion and vi
olence.
xd'y. Because this unnatural war, thus commenced in op
pression, and in the mod erroneous policy, must, if perse
vered in, be finally ruinous in its efFeas. The commerce of
Great-Britain with America was great and increasing, the
profits immense, the advantages, as a nursery of seamen, and
as an ioexhauftible magazine of naval stores, infinite; and
the continuance of that commerce, particularly in times of
war, when most wanted to support our fleets and revenues,
not precarious, as ail foreign trade must be, but depending
solely on ourf&lves. Those valuable resources, which ena
bled us to face the united efforts of the House of Bourbon,
are actually loft to Great-Britain, and irritrievably loft, un
lefr redeemed by immediate and effectual pacification.
THE'
February;, 17764 g^ & Numb. 1731.
PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL;
'A 11^1^11!™^
WEEKLY K nw^Mra^^ ADVERTISER.
SS^GSSSSS^^^SS^ AN ^m^^^m^
E D NESD A r, February 7, 1776
sssss^ss^^^^ssliiiliii ^ii^iiteili#^3iffilifl^^
3d'v. Becanfe Great-Brita'n, depriv'd o' f valuable a
part of its resources, and not animated, either with motives
of feif-defence, or with those profpe&s of advantage and
glory, which have hitherto supported this nation, in all its
foreign wars, may possibly find itfelf unable to supply the
means of carrying on a civil war, at such a vast distance, in
a country so peculiarly circumstanced and under the compli
cated difficulties, which necessarily attend it. Still left Should
we be able to preserve by mere f^rce, that vid Con'inenc,
and that growing multitude of ref lu e freemen, who inhabit
it ; even if that, or any country was worth governing against
the inclination of all its inhabitants. But we fear, that while
we are making'hefe fruitlefs efforts, refufiog to give credit
to the declarations of our fellow-fubje&s, and blindly con
fiding in the insidious profeffions of the natural enemies of
this country, we are preparing an easy prey for those who
prudently fit quiet, beholding British forces, which, ifunited,
might be io a condition, from their valour, nu nbers and
difciplbe. to carry terror into the very heart of their king
doms, destroying each other. Every event, which ever wav
it turns, is a vi&ory to them. Our very Hospitals furnish
them with daily triumphs, the greater as thvy are certain,
without any rifque to them of men or money.
4th|y. Because we conceive the calling in foreign forces to
decide domestic quarrels, to be a measure both difgraceful
ad dangerous; and that the advice which ministers have
dared to give to his Majesty, which they have avowed and
carried into execution, of fending to the garrisons of Gibral
tar and Port Mahon, the dominions of the crown of Great-
Britain, a part of his Electoral troops, without any previous
consent, recommendation or authority of parliament, is un
conflitutional. That Hanoverians troops should, at the mere
pleasure of the ministers, be considered as a part of the Bri
tish military establishment, and take a rotation of garrison
duties, through these dominions, is, in practice and prece
dent, of the highest danger to the fafety and liberties of this
kingdom and tends wholly to invalidate the wife and Salutary
declaration of the grand fundamental law of our glorious de
liverer King'William, which has bound together she rights
of the Subject, and the succession of the crown.
gthly. Because the ministers, who are to be entrusted with
the management of this war, have proved themfelVcs unequal
to the talk, and every degree unworthy of public trull. Par
liament has given them every ffiftance they aSked; no un
forefcen accidents have flood in their way ; no dorms have
disabled, or delayed their operations ; no foreign power
hath, as yet, interfered ; but notwithstanding these advanta
ges, by their ignorance, negligence, and want of conduct,
our arms have been difgraccd; upwards of ten thousand of
the flower of our army, with an immense artillery, under
four Generals of reputation and backed with a great naval
force, have been mif.rably blockaded in one sea port town,
and after repealed and obstinate battles, in which-such num
bers of our braved men have fallen, the British forces have
not been able to penetrate one i,<iie into the country, which
they were sent to subdue; important fortieses arc Seized, the
governors are driven from their provinces, and it is doubtful,
whether at this moment we are in possession of a single c< wn
in all North America. Whether we confider its extent or its
commerce, England has loft half its empire in one campaign.
Nor can we impute the mifcondu& of ministers to mere ina
bility, n®r to their ignorance of the date of America, upon
which they attempt to judify themselves; for while some
members of administration confefs they were deceived, as to
the Strength and condition of the provinces, we have from
others received official information, that the i Sufficiency of
the navy was concealed from parliament, and part of admi
nidration, from a fear of not receiving support from its
members : We cannot therefore consent to an address, which
may deceive his Majedy, and the public, into a belief of the
confidence of this House in the present miriders, who have
deceived parliament, difgraccd the nation, loti the Colonies,
and involved us in a civil war agaiuft < ur cleared intcreds;
and upon the mod urjuftifiable grounds, wantonly frilling
the blood of thousands of our fellow-lutfc&s.
TORRINGTON, MANCHESTER,
FITZWILLIAM, D VONSHIRE,
ARCHER, CHEDWOR IH,
THANET, BOYLE,
CHOLMONDELEY, CRAVEN,
KING, SCARBOROUGH,
Portland, EbriNGHaM,
STAMFORD, ROCKINGHAM,
PONSONBY, RICHMOND.
ABINGDON,
HOUSE of COMMON S.
ORober 31. This day, though the House fat but a (hort
time, they went through a great deal of private business.
The resolution of Monday, “ that a supply be granted to
his Majesty," was reported and agreed to, and a Committee
of Supply accordingly appointed.
Hon. Mr. Mafoam gave notice, that if no fatisfa&ion was
intended to be given, relative to the measure of introducing
Hanoverian troops into the dominions of Great-Britain with
out the previous confentot Parliament, he would in a few days
move for leave to bring in a bill of indemnity; but it would
spare him the trouble, if the minister would now rife and tell
him, whether he or his friends had such a bill in contempla
tion.
Lord North said, that he could not, with all the attention
and little abilities he was master of, fecthe measure in the
light that he underdid several other gentlemen did; that
however, as an individual member he ihould not oppose it.
He said he had confuted several persons on whose judgment
he c< uid confide, and they all agreed a bill of indemnity was
never palled but in cases where private actions lay, and da
mages might be fought; that in the only two instances which
happened of late years, the permitting the importation of raw
h des, and prohibiting the exportation of corn; the reasons
afligned for passing bills of indemnity on both these occasions
were, that private reparation might be pursued by an action
at law These, hi Lordship said, were his ideas. If taken
up on any 0 h<r ground, it might go t@ an impeachment, and
might affca his head; but he was quite easy on that head,
because he could not be yet persuaded that he had a&ed im
properly or illegally in advising such a measure. He conclud
ed, by offering to the coufideration of the House a resolution
which he was willing to submit to, and which he hoped would
fatisty a I parties. He read part of it, but it did not seem to
be relished. It expressed great thanks to his Majesty for his
care and lolici ude for the interests of his people; and by dark,
confirmative implication, it might be supposed to bear a mean
ing that might be again interpreted into something like a
claim, that the prefect measure should not be brought into
precedent on any future occafiow.
Mr. Ma, jam replied, the refohitipn was by no means fatif
fadtory, and that a vote of one House of Parliament ought
never to be permitted to supersede the law of the land; be
fidet, it would he destitute of the afeertainment of those facts
always necessary to afeertain what is or is not the law of the
land.
Lord North answered, that if a vote of one House was not
fufficien-t, a conference might be held with the other, and the
matter laid before his Majesty by way of address, by which
m4ans.it wou'd corae under the cognizance of every branch
of the legislature. ,
Governor Jobnftone said he was neither fatisfied with the in
tended motion, nor proposed resolution. He remembered
very well at the time of passing the last bill of indemnity for
prohibiting the exportation of corn, there was a speech attri
buted to Lord Mansfield, who, when he pieafes, fays the
Governor can ride the Hotfe of Liberty most ably; where,
instead of speaking of public anions, or approving of bills of
indemnity, he contended that nothing but a downright par
don, reciting the crime, should be a proper indemnification
for those who should advise his Majesty to supersede the
laws.
Mr. Mafoam then gave notice, that he fhonld, in purfa
ance of what he firft suggested, move the House for leave to
bring in a bill of indemnity.
November 1. This day the Speaker took the chair a little
before three o'clock, when Henty Bateman was admitted, and
took the oaths in order for his naturalization.
Mr. Comptroller reported, that pursuant to their address of
Tuesday, his Majesty would give directions to the proper of
ficers that the several estimates, lifts, and accounts therein
mentioned, should be laid before them.
Lord Barrington having accordingly delivered in the army
estimates for the year 1776, Colonel Barre arose and said, there
were a few particulars of which he and many other members
wished to be informed, previous to any deliberations on the
supply; and firft, he desired to know the numbers, state, and
disposition of the forces we already had in America, accord
ing to the last accounts transmitted from thence?
w Lord Barrington anfwer«d, that it was not in his power to
give the information required; he observed at the fame time,
that the proper time for making this request would be on the
motion for the Speaker to leave the chair; and laid, that, in
his memory, it was unprecedented to lay such information
before Parliament. As there was then no motion before the
House. Colonel Barre prepared one to the above purport, but
at the desire of Mr. Cornwall delayed making it until Lord
North came; when it was read, Lord Barrington declared,
that he would be sorry to efiablifh a precedent, which might
lay a foundation for many abuses, by publishing the state of
our force in time of war; yet as he did not conceive that it
would be dangerous in this case he was very willing to give
the House, in bis place, all the information he could from
some papre, which he then happened to have about him;
by one of those which he read, it appeared, that on thei,th
of July last, the number of our army in America, exclusive of
1371 men then on their passage, amounted to 8582, out of
which 1342 were sick and ineffective.
Colonel Barre Aid, he was furprized that government had
no accounts from the army later than the 19th of July. He
had, he said, so great an opinion of the noble Lord's veraci
ty, that he would not suppose he spoke falfly or evafiviy;
bi rhe thought he spoke rather loosely; and as he did not
think the information tufficient, he desired to continue his
motion for the papers to be laid before the House.
Mr. T Trronfend supported the motion, and insisted that it
was not unprecedented to have such information given to
Parliament during a war; for even so late as the affair at St.
Vincent, the number and state of our forces there had been,
in con fequ.c« of amotion, laid before that House during the
war with the Caribbs.
Mr. Charles Fox said, administration had loft many friends
by deceiving those who gave support to their mealues last
session; that they seemed now as little disposed as they were
last year to give candid information to their friends, which
ass rded a very fair opportunity to many others, who had
hi hrto been with them, to take part with opposition, and
he thought it extraordinary and ridiculous, that because the
minihry were not able to manage a small army, we should
proceed immediately to entiuft them with a very large one.
He said he members of that House had a right to the infor
mation Contended for; and more particularly in the present
case, where the ministers pretended it was not the cause of
the Crown, but the cause of Parliament, which gave rife to
this war.
Welbore Ellis was against the motion; he said, there were
many persons who publicly expressed their approbation of
the rebels and their cause, that consequently any information
which might be of service to them, would in all likelihood,
if once published in the House, be very soon sent over to
America. He could not approve of publishing the state of
our forces flagrant bello in the midst es the worst of all wars—
a civil war: it was his wish to put forth all our powers and
oppose the Colonies totis viribus until they should confefs the
authority of Parliament: the difference, he said, about which
gentlemen were contending, could not be more than ,00 or
I(too raen, and thi, could be no object to direct the House in
voting a numerous army.
Mr. Edmund Burke dwelt sometime on the folly of with
holding informations from Parliament, for feat it Should, by
that means, be carried to the Provincial Camp, as if it were
eater to swim across the Atlantic Ocean, than over Mystic
River; he wondered gentlemen could think so poorly of the
abilities of a WASHINGTON, a PUTNAM, or a LEE, as
to suppose them unacquainted with the Strength and condition,
of an aimy which they could overlook from their tents; he
wished the House were as well informed of these matters as
THEY were, and observed, that we should not probably
have made so ridiculous a campaign in America, if Parlia
ment had had as perfect a knowledge of the state of the forces
on both Sides, as the Continental Congress. He descanted on
the different language held by different gentlemen in adminis
tration. Some talked of rigorously enforcing the absolute un
limited authority of the British legislature, though Lord North
declared in Friday eight's debate, that he desired no more
than to have all things put on the fame footing on which they
Stood in 1763. He concluded with remarking, that gentle
men should b? cautious of giving the name of rebels to people
whom they may by and by take by the hand; that it was on
ly in cases of extremity, when the scabbard was thrown away,
that we should adopt a language which, he thought, should
be solely left to the folly and futility of proclamations.
Lord North replied, that before the year 1763, the autho
rity of the British legislature ^as not denied in America: He
said, the repealing thirteen lefts of parliament would noc
consequently place us in the fame Situation we then were.
He wished as ardently as any perfun to hop the effufron of
blood on both sides; but thought it could only be etieaed by
fending over a formidable army early in the Spring, and ap-