Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-04-04 00:00:00, page 2

* > rtmt ifj 1
. l WwtWigt6ft, »IM}3
— ’■♦wwjr-ssii* fN®W p|wf* **“»'
...i attending the expedition to the
J*,' Canning ^d, tb«*e who resigned their of
not to be considered n exempted from
7, which he doomed not they were prepared
f Meet yj|ldi part, he piff frt his claim for his full
p*Crt ofjBMjttiponsibili'.y. Subsequent to the time
When tlfl^^Ehtinn was given that the objects of the
j^Uraeditl^^^BA not tie accomplished, he knew ne
sting of sHMptssed in his majesty's councils. lie
knew of the IStifna tion being given, but of nothing
posterior to that circumstance. Could lie linve been
"" unsaved that the expedition would hove accomplish,
ed nothing more than the reduction of Walcheren,
he certainly would not have consented to sending
oufnnch a force with no other object in view.
—Tluthing Wat not an object of sufficient magnitude
Id evil lor Hiui HD cxcniun* u w<n nmnucu ui
strike ;»blow at the naval power of France, and this
WRt an object of the greatest importance. It was
f true that Buonaparte would never be induced to loose
tight of the objects be might be immediately in por
ttiitof. whatever efforts might lie made to call off
hie Jlteatirm, then it most lie obvious that it would
have been equally useless to lmve scut them to the
Kttfth of Germany or to Spain, and in that case it
should appear, that the best diversion it was pmsi
ble to make, was (as n great man once observed), to
keep your armies at home, that the enemy may be
III constant apprehension, front not knowing where
the danger is likely to approach. Had the object of
/the expedition been folly accomplished, it would
hate produced effects the most important. The sub
ject* of Buonaparte would then have fond, that
while he w»* delighting them with accounts of con
quests abroad, they were not secure from invasion at
home. At that lime a disposition h.id manifested it
•Clf, in that part of his dominions, to shake off the
yokeAm tyranny anti usurpation had imposed. It
t>ehyaWrbe taken into consideration how far it might
’ be'f^oliuck to encourage such a feeling, hy making
in eflRdrt in their behalf, more especially as it was
believed a military force, from this country woo’d
not have 'teen received with general hostility. It
was, perhaps, hardly possible so to commit our
neWewMkut in no case we could separate ourselves
wem mm wc wished to serve,and provide four own
aafety. It would therefore be cruel to excite an in
Mrrecffag, unless we had the most ample means of
|nsurin|jSljcr.ess to those who entered into our views ;
but when insurrection and discontent had *lre-.dv
made their appearance, and the struggle was about
to be made without your aid, then to assist and ena
ble the oppressed more effectually to struggle against
tyranny was worthy a nation like Britain. This was
done ip Spain. In the'North of Ocrnmuv, it was
true, llptt there were some insurrections, hut they
•twi b* partial. T<i send an army would hove keen
moft unjustifiable, unies such a force could be sent
•s we furnished in the 30 years war, which was al
most a nation living within a nation. But had v;e
been able to do so, that force must have been entire
ly detached from our service for so considerable a
period, that it would almost have been rntire'y alie
nated from us, And if we had been resolved on
•ending an army there, wc must have done so, or
after stimulating them to useless exertion-, aban
don t^cm to agony and despair. It appeared to his
• majesty's ministers to be a better and a more geue
• toils line of conduct, to take such a part as would
tyobabiy divertthe attention of Buonaparte in some
degree from our allies, while we only committed
tmrselves. This was the line of conduct England
ever had pursued since the revolution broke out,
I and wet« ‘ ■ ■
gaii to take so gr At an interest in the af
:lie continent. Where a nation 1ms been
lous to borst the chains of tyranny,' England has
Bred her assistance ; but where it was obvious
„ qvtry exertion must prove worse than nugatory, she
baa conscientiously avoid luring a feeble power to
provoke the anger of a stronger, and an unavailing
struggle for liberty. Austria determined on making
another effort for her independence without the ad
vice of ty» government; instead of being advised
,to enter Ah lists with France, the counsel given
rather of a contrary nature, as it suggested the pro
priety of reconsidering the subject. When war was
declared, 'we rushed to assist her in the struggle,
*-b*4 When vanquished, she was compelled to make
ace ; the withdrew from the contest unreproach
England, He did not think Austria thought
gland had done nothing for her. He believed
fgrutefu! for tha support she had received. The
v hotly gentleman who had made so promising a speech,
indeed had drawn, partly from local knowledge, a
aortof picture of Spain, from which it appeared
f that ah indisposition existed on the part of the con
•tituted authWties inSp-oin to give the people an in
terest in the struggle. It had been said whv not en
deavour to effect a change internally ? Any condition
almost might be coupled with assistance, almost
with lets danger than an attempt at internal amelic
y«*u coHier a oenent, you cannot go
fe ^|p™ein one hand and a sword in the oilier,
^ tathaege the habits and religion of those you would
“ ~*i attempt never fails to excite a jeah nsy
allayed. He was not nice in the means
■••t "■*" ■"’» *** ***«i iiitsaus
e made use of to thwart the views of Buonaparte.
Fe would gladly press a combination of all nations,
•wl^oraH religions Into a phalanx to opp< se him.—
He Would unite with the Turk without requiringhim
hp fay aside his turban, and he would inarch to the
with the poor hig'tted Spaniard, without first
,“i*asUng< on his divesting himself of superstition.—
r Sfouldlet every man light.his own way. Some
“M epinton that no nid should be granted till the
^were convoked. But he should be verv snr
sve to answer fi>r snc.lt conduct, as it would
wa>'of creutiag intestine divisions,
clashing interests of the several provinces
"“““I-.produced the most fatal couscuuemes.
» CsstiHin Cortes being assembled, Bu
bher rsJiiog the Arragonese against them,
i hnjre divided jh>:tm within herself more com
ittwn site is dfvid ‘ '■ I ■ ' | ■
inr.z-.-- -- -r —Wed by the Ebro. Spain, with
_.nfr fruits, deserved assistance of England, as it
was p»f for us to be jwrtlc-d ir about the weapons
aafeMaauaj, our enemy *vas to be assailed. Ha could
• --- hr or against an inquiry into the af
-♦ W’Spaiil. If ministers thought it would be pro
pee, be had no objection. He did not spent, .igiust
Wellington when be said die march to Talnve
®'*n'»ct. He approved of it, and of the
hbaoPrs tiestowed on that gailant officer. We ought
* yt„to»Bderv,iue the hem’s laurels even though
Had Valour so long been admired
•Mr w lawwst It* value i Hud we on n sudden be
•snae io enlightened that we could contemplate it
*P*«l»y ?- He knew the moralist
the shedding of huntat^Upod ; he
9n» •! isr't unequal game,
bleed to rai*e a single name,”
untitled to the gratitude
of Tala veep he could
to he for ever <fe
*“t jtajr, that
"
uMhrmm
— sltould fodiiCfl T *
the rwofution fee
SL.ILUiBJl'-.r'lJJIHJL.
liitli he Mt, that tty; rtyht bon.,
JlIy Lkptained the reason pf his mawing nw cw
-iagueto remain so long in his majesty's councils, he
feinfaeli continuing also a member of those councils,
and conceiving that colleague unfit for the situation
which he occupied. He trusted that this would he
made a substantive inquiry in that house. As to the
expedition to the 'CbeUlt, respecting which the right
lion. gent, had talked so fluently, so far was it from
having succeeded in withdrawing any French troops
from the banks of ihe Danube, that Buonaparte did
not even condescend to look at it. The mighty lion
that we hnd attacked had thrown us off with one
sweep of his tail. He called upon the riglit lion,
gentleman opposite (the ch .ncelior of the exche
qner) to declare what jrere his intentions with re
spect to the conduct which he should pursue. To use
that right hon. gentleman's mnther-t<mgue, fhere
were many indictments I .id against him, and manv
counts In those indictments to which h</ had to dead.
i«iui je* nr; n*u nitnerTii remained perversely silent.
There were many circornst .nres, besides ‘he d:s
sjractfut expedition to the Scheldt, for which that
'■'fcht hon. gentleman was deeply responsible. The
first, was the delay, at such critical period, in the as.
scmbling of parliament. The next respected Ante
ric i ; and here he could not help expressing his sui -
prize, that the right lion. gent. * ho had fast sp«ken,
had abstained from explaining why in the last session
he h„d withheld frj.ni the house a document, which
w.nt to the campPsU! justification >fonr l. te minister
m that country. He was gl d to hear, bv a passage
m Ins m ijc-'y’s speech, that our affairs with Amen
ra we re in train of accommod.. tion ; but the right
lion, gentleman opposite him is deeply resp msibie
i >r t.te tardiness with which that arrangement had
l^en entered into. He had also to ask the right hon.
gentleman nf whom the existing government were
composed, for of that he was ignorant, except as f.r
j as the writs which had that day been moved iliustra
M ive of the subject. A right hon. gentleman had ob
jected to the amendment, because he asserted that
, it condemned without inquire. It did not do so. He
conjured those who wished for substantial Justicr to
i vote for the amen Imeut. Against ministers there
appeared a prima facie evident e so strong, that he was
prepared t., vote against their criminating resolution',
i . ^7 events of the war in Austria had unfortunately
justified his predictions. Great Britain, however,
having, ognred to support Austria in the1 crisis of her
fate, the delay which had taken place in the afford
:nt> of that assistance w.s highly criminal, especial!
when ir was considered that the trial of M.innet, the
governor <,f Flushing, proved that the attack upon
that place was anticipated by the enemy so long ago
as the 2-’d of A; ril. He reprobated that paragraph
in the speech which mentions the destruction of the
! Bison of flushing a-, one object that had bee a gained
by the expedition. This was to expose ns to the ri
dicule of Isurope. The destruction of Flushing was
a most tinini! nrtaut object; ind the moment that
the commander of the expedition had reported that
the main object ofit could not have been accomplish
ed, the troops ought immediately to have been order
ed home ; but he presumed that all jhe mischief
had been done while the right honourable gentleman
opprsi'e was running about asking who wanted a se
c.retari ship of >t.it-* ora presidency of a board of
contrord. Alluding to the battle of Talnvera, he con
tended that k was .« victory only in name, and that
our reputation for courage was not at so low an ebb
as to render it necessary for us to allow thousands of
our brave soldiers to in- rut to pieces, mereb' to shew
that Great Britain produced them. The Gladiato
rial spectacles of Muida and Corunna were of thia
description. He entered into a detail of lord Wel
lington's movements in Spain, and contended, that
had not the French attacked him «t Talavera, the
destruction of his army would have been inevitable.
The intention of government to defend Portugal, was
folly sublimed into madness. The delay iit lord Wel
lington's visit to Spain was a suspicious circumstance,
and would probably qii inquiry, be attributable to rise
intrigues of the right hon. gentleman opposite. It
was strange, that so soon after the noble lord had
toasted the health of the Pope, in Spain, he should
Bee hiipse)! into the arms of his holiness's implaca
ble fee. With respect to the other new members of
administration, it was no unreasonable supposition
that the right hon. gentleman had resorted to his fa
vourite expedient of ballot in theirappnintment. The
two noble lords to whom that right hon. gent,crnnn
had applied so soon after having boasted that he had
got the lot of office by bis cry of no Popery, returned
him an answer which became the dignity of their
characters. The right hon. gentleman had then
gone to he high ways and hedges to fiil his places ;
the consequence was, that the government were des
titute of power and respectability. It was the duty
of all honest men to combine to overturn them, and
to shew that court favour alone, without the confi
dence of the people, was insufficient for the support
of an administration. Adverting to the state of our
contest with France, he confessed that he saw no
prospect of a successful issue to it, especially under
the guidance of the present ministers. The right
non. had taken upon himself alone the
load of govc nment—alone, because the noble mar
qtiis who had recently acceded to the administration
vrould be no support to it. An individual who had
proved himself in India to be an enemy to that palla
dium of liberty, the press, was an unfit minister for
a free country. If such a man formed part nf a
strong government, the rights and privileges of the
subject might he in danger ; hut fortunately he was
introduced into such an inefficient administration,
that the means of doing mischief would be denied
hiiD.
The ChanreHnr of the Rxch<-rjuer then rose, and
s .id, that the hon. gentleman who had just sat down
had urged it as a serious charge against him, that he
had not taken an earlier part in the debate, and had
uccusrd him of disrespect to the house for having sat
so long silent ; but no s'ioner had the hon. gentle
man preferred that charge than he put a variety of
questions to him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
to which he demanded an immediate and catagorical
answer. The best answer that could be given to this
charge was given by the honourable gentleman him
self, via. that “ being, to use his mother tongue, un
der many indictments, and each indictment consist
ingof many counts,” it was not unnatural, it was
not inconsistent with common justice, that he should
hear those indictments, and the arguments and proofs
by which they were supported, before he gave his an
swer or made his defence. When the house recol
lected that jt was not until he heard the hon. gentle,
man that he could be aware of many of the questi
ons which he had to answer, or of many of the in
dictments against which he had to defend himself, it
would, he wan sure, acquit him of a«v thing like in
tentional disrespect for not having risen sooner. It
wan, in point of fact, because he expected to hear
from tiie hon. gentleman, and some of those who sat
near him, all those charges which he should have to
answer, that he had not solicited the attention of the
house at an earlier period of the debate. There waft
also another reason why he wished to hear the hon.
gentleman and-cthers, oh that aide of the house, before
he rone'; he Wished to| know whether' the amend,
meet Which they hfcd proponed wee all the amenft
ment which %r meant to offer to the addrese, or
Whether tbejlfUairt to propose any other alterations.
m
tv «v
«m which related to th*
tite-expeditM* tt»,W*U
eharen, and wou
’leeve untouched Mf the
remainder. He wish
. -irftWj thefrtftre, whe
liter the gentlemen on t
other side hath made up
their own mind* *t to what-they wanted the house
to do upon this occasion—whether the* had any ©
ther amendment* to oHMt if they bW, they were
bound in common csiuNr, though not perhaps in
strict form, to state at once what was their intenti
•ms. It appeared to him rather extraordinary that
if they had any thing to suggest with regard to the
other parts of the address, they had not stated it in
the amendment, for certainly in their speeches they
had alluded to the campaign in wpain and Portugal,
as well as to the expedition to the Scheldt, though no
t»rt of the amendment applied to it. But he really
believed that the gentlemen on the other side who
had bren so spoken, were not aware of any intention
■° propose any further amendment, if it really ex
isted, for if they had they would in candour have an
nounced that intention. With respect to the many
ijncsunns wnit n mu ncfn put to him, there was not
'me to which, entering fully into the feelings which
h id been so eloquently expressed by Ins right bon.
friend !>elow him (Mr. Canning) he wished to say as
little as possible now, or at any other time. Upon
rhai subject, therefore, he should only state thus
much, that with regard to the transactions to which
the hon. gentleman had alluded, he could assure him
and the house, that be was entirely ignorant of them
until the close of the sessionsof parliament, and when
he did know of'them, he certainly did conceive,
whatever might he the motives which induced his
right hon. friend to wish for the removal of the no
ble lord, that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer,)
should be a party in them, more especially as an ex
pedition of great importance tva* at that time in
great forwardness, with which the noble lord (Cas
tlereagh) was intimately connected. Ail that he then
did arose from an anxi, us desire to preserve to the
country the services of both the individuals alluded
to. Feeling as he did the utmost admiration of the
splendid talents and eloquence of his right hon friend
t-Mr. Canning), and thinking most highlv cf the abi
lities of his noble friend (lord Castlere»gh), he ccr
t»mly did every thing that it was iu his power to do
to retain both of them in the service of their country.
1 bis was his only object ; never having partaken in
any opinion of the inability of his noble friend, but
thinking that he was nbir, cs useful, and as efficient
a minister as that office ever possessed. Having said
thus much, he should r.ot go any further into the unes
tion.
[We have given as accurately as rye cculd the
Chancellor of the Exchequer’* language upon this
point, but vs he spoke rather in a low tone of voice,
it is possible that we may have been mistaken in
seme of his expressions.]
The hon. genileiu.in had next put to him some
questions respecting the situation which he had the
honour to hold m ins majesty’s ,‘councils to which he
begged to answer in the most distinct manner
that the situation was not in any manner an object of
his own desire ; en the contrary, if his wishes could
have been realized, another person would now have
held the office cf First Lord of the Treasury. After
the resignation of the noble Duke, then at the head
of the administration, his majesty had desired him
and a noble friend of his, to make an application to
two noble lords, Cir the purpose of forming an ex
tended administration. This command his noble
friend am) he nbeved, and upon this foundation the
hon. gentleman had accused him of having hawked
about the offices of government.—[Here Mr. li'hit.
bread naid, across the table, “ .-Vo, zj0.”]_The ■
Chapceller of the Exchequer continued, and observ
ed, that that was what he understood the gentleman
to say, and the whole tenor of his argument proved
that that was what he meant. The situation of the
country was obviou-ly such as required as strong an
administration as could be formed, and he did think
that there were circumstances at the time the ap.
plication was made, which rendered it not improba
ble that that application would not have been unsuc
cessful, Hut if he was to be accused of arrog ance"
and of wishing to reian without a rival, it was
strange that he should have made the application tn
the two noble lords, and more especially when he
informed the house that the first proposition which
he should have made to them, if they had given him
an opportunity of stating it. would have been tint
they should determine who should be the first Lord
of the Treasury. With respect to himself, he again
repeated that it was a situation which he did not de
sire. That he had afterwards accepted the office
was true, and Ills principal motive was. that he Telt
himself bound, by every consideration of duty, not to
suffer his sovereign to be dictated to, and not to leave
his maiesty without a minister. He had already
stated the proposition he meant to make with resoeet
to the other offices of government, it was natural to
conceive that they were to be filled bv* those
who contributed to the formation of the adminis
tration. If there was any thing in this statement
that rested solely upon his assertion, the fault did
not rest with him, for he had no opportunity tiffin .Yd
to him of conveying to the noble lords the nature of
the proposal he meant to make. Hut the hon. gent,
seemed to think that there was something almost ah!
“U1CI ill lilt 1 *•»<• »*•»«» saw IIMVI llinuc lu lllf iwo notHe
lords, and that it was highly honourable in them to
have refused it.—Upon this point he begged to say
that it appeared to him that there were then in ex
istence circumstances which afforded a greater
chance of the success ofhis application than at any
other time. Th<* first was, though this might appear
a trifling consideration, the period of the year. Some
time had elapsed since the prorogation of parliament
when political animosities might naturally be sup
posed to be irritated and augmented by the contests
in which the different parties were engaged in par
liament, and the lapse of time might naturally !>e
supposed to have abated much of party animosity.
This, however, he mentioned only as a slight circum
stance ; but there were others in his mind of much
more importance. The ban. gent, had asked how
he could expect that any union could take place a
mong those who differed so radically ? Most certain
ly very considerable differences had subsisted be
tween the noble lords to whom he made the applica
tion, and the administration, but he thought that
there was less chance that, these differences would
prevent an union at that time, because many of those
differences had been removed. With respect to Aus
tria, the war had nearly terminated, and therefore
the question respecting the propriety of taking* part
in the contests on the continent, which formed one
of the points of differences, was on the eve of being
removed. With resjiect to Spain and Portugal he
thought there-could exist no difference of opinion in
giving assistance to those injured nations, as long as
they felt the inclination, or possessed the means of
defending themselves. That question, however, was
open for discussion. With regard to Au>ericHl there
certainly did appear to exut greater difficulties in
reconciling the difference whi' h had subsisted be
tween them ; but evert upon this point the obstacles
to an union did not appear to he insuperable. One ef
the great leading points of difference respecting A
menca arose upon the Orders in Council, which die
two noble-lords bad represented as most impolitic’*,
and as being big with ruin to the commerce of this
country. Fortunately the polley-'or impolicy of the
order* in council then ho longer'remained a quest),
of theory i it hadhera determined by die evidente
eV**’ f*J" from having ruined the cotnmercn
tg*-*** been confidently predict^
. greater than it was the year be
an il Wfls evetrin the most prosperous
he export of mwrirfacttjre. a t«J of foreign
produce last year exceeded, by seven millions, out
trade i» the most favourable period n
and
try ten millions that of any year of war. He did net
mean to sav that there were not other cirCumstaA
res which had operated to augment our commerce,
hut he had stated enough to smew that there was no!
thing so inconsistent with common sense_nothin*
so calculated to ruin the trade of this country, in the
orders of council, as the noble lords had contended.
He had therefore flattered himself that he should
have been able to remove one great ground of dif
ference between those noble lords and himself by
any appeal to experience and the incontestible’evi
dence|(if facts. Another essential point of difference
certanuy was me cutnoiic question ; but there again
it appeared fn him that the,obsUcles to an union half?
been uva great degree removed. After the noble
lord and the right hen. gentleman, who had present
ed the Catholic petitions to both houses of parlia
ment, had been disavowed by the Catholics, with re
gard to the offer which they had nude relative to tha
veto on the appointment of bishops, he did think that ’
I they would na totally have come to the determination
of not again supporting that petition, until the Ca
tholics should agree to that proposition, which the
noble lord and the right hon. gentleman had deemed
so essential. And as it did not seem likely that tha
Catholics of Ireland would agree to that proposition,
there did not seem reason to believe that there vis
a {greater chance of a concurrence of opinion, to a
certr.in extent at least, between those two n»b|jj|Jnrds
and the administration, than had heretofore existed.
Under all these circumstances, he certainly did think
there was a great probability that his proposition
would have been acceded to, and that those two no
ble lords would have concurred with him in thinking,
that in the present state of the country, it ought to
he the wish of all men, of all parties, that die stron
gest and most efficient government should be formed.
These were the reasons which had induced him to
; make the offer upon which the hon. gentleman had
I commented so strongly. But then the hon. gentle
| man asked, why, after what he called this symptom
! ot weakness, as it had been called, he had accepted
hi« present office ? He had accepted it because hit
offit-r bad been reject/-.), and because he could not re
s' nrile it to his duty to leave hissovercivn in a situ
ation to bn dictated to. If there had been any thins
unconstitutional in his conduct, he called upon gei5
tlemen to point it out, for lie was yet to learn that
there wasanv thing unconstitutional in fidelity tohig
sovereign. He would not do any one of the gentle,
menoposite to him the injustice to suppose that un
der si mil • r circumstances, they would not have a.
doptf d similar conduct. He was sure there was not
one ..f them that would not have felt it his duty in
-■uch a c*se to have adhered to his sovereign, and to
have given him every contitutional support. The
lion. gent, declared that he wished to see the present
administration removed, end another set of mum.
ters appointed in their mom. He did not mean to
speak pr. sumptuously, though the hon. gent, might
think Ins language had that tendency; but looking at
the gentlemen opposite to him, and giving them lull
credit for the todents and eloquence which they pos
sessed, ho did not think that they would possess more
ot the good opinion of the house and of the country
than lie and his colleagues did The hon. gent. h.*d
expressed his decided disapprobation of the whole
conduct of administration, from the time the duke of
Portland came into office ; but in deciding upon the
character of an administration, it was necessary
to t empire their claims with those of others, and ha
should be glad to know what reason there was to
suppose t hat the state of this country was worse, with,
lcgarJ either to its foreign or domextfok rebtioni.
under their administration, th in it would have been
if the gentlemen opposite to him had remained in of
fice ? Russia, indeed, whet the duke of Portland’s
administration came into office, was at war with
France, but she soon made peace, and became the
ally of France ; but no blame could be attributed to
the noble Duke or his colleagues for the treaty of
Tilsit; indeed, from the language of Russia (who
constantly complained of the preceding administrati
on, for their unwillingness to make sny exertions in
the common cause), it is obvious that the defection
of Russia must lie attributed to them. He knew it
would be said, that it arose from the armament
w inch had been sent against Copenhagen ; but did
auj man seriously believe that there was nothin* in
the treaty of 1 ilsit which would have induced Russia
to take part with France, even if the armstnent to
Copenhagen had not taken place ? The only differ
ence would h ve been, that if that mea,ure had not
been adopted, we shniild have ail the northern pow.
ers a i unst us with much greater annovance than theju
1 new possess, and that w» should have been shut our
oi the Hal tick, instead of having the command of that
'en* With respect to the affairs of the Peninsula,
he conld not tell how the hon. gent, opposite to him
could have acted if thev had remained in office, but
he was inclined to think that upon every principle of
pob.-v and feeling they would h ive felt it expedient
give every assistance in th«r power to Spain.
Judging, however, as well as he could of the state of
the world, he was firmly convinced that the state of
Spain was much better now, as t,r as concerned thin
country, than it was when the duke of Portland’s ad.
ministration came into office. Nay, if France should
conquer Spain, an event which he sincerely depreca
ted. she would hold that country in a manner which,
would afford her much less means of annoying!
this country than she did then. France then drew
immense supplies from Spain, and in fact command
ed all her resources, pecuniary, naval and military.
It was unnecessary to point out how different the
case was now, nr even how different it would be if'
France should succeed in her atrocious designs a
gainst Spain. ^
I laving said thus much, he should now advert tw
a subject which would certainly l,e much better di*.
cussed when the materials w. r* before the house.
He had been diked, what were the meaning *f that
part of the address relative to the inquiry f It did
not appear to him that it required sny explanation.
The address certainly did not pledge the house to in- *
stitute inquiry, hut it did not prevent it ; it left
that point open to the decision of tb« bouse, whe» 4’'
the documents were pro,InceH, Certain informati
on would be laid before the house, and then it
would be for the bmfte to deride vvbether.it would
call tor more, whether it would institute no inquiry
at the bar, whether it would order an inquiry in a
committee, or wheiher it would institute an enqui
ry at all. With respect to the expeditjg^o thf
Scheldt, that subject had been so ably dimpled by,
'hf noble friend (lord Castler-agb), and by his rigbfi
lion, friend (Mr. (fanning), that it was not «ecWc»cV'’
ry for him to *i»y much about « He wished,'
however, that the house would bear in m;hd the
state of Austria, of the Tyrol, and of tfte north of
Germany, at the time that exnediitnn: w»a ufjKojy
taken, end he was sure that geotiimea #oa! i -id-’
tnU the propriety, and even the nee'elmy, ,.f :,t.
fnmrvf * r* t oln . i. s. I ■ ■ ^ I .. - a . .L ' •
tempting some diversion to district the
|>f the*
enemy. The frenoaaof^le