Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-08-01 00:00:00, page 2

THE PUBLICS LEDGER, ~
^W€DNE»UAY EVENING-, jkUffiyfay; ifijo.
FROM
AURORA.
THE DIPLOMACY EXAMlNg©. J
... .. . , '^'V F * ,. * > ' 'F ^
• ^ r ■, v, m* I. , ,.
| .Having Uid before .the publirk the whole of the
documents which appeared in a hook published by
border d the British house pf lords, we now pro
ceed to examine them, under the following heads.
The eirrumstanrcs under which they appear t4i
fore the publick: *jp - .'
"f*Th* question of credit on the rilntent* of these-i
veral papers, between the British ministers and our
owbYcCf ■ »' >-.;■£> *•;?« :
* Theehsr»etw W their contents as they relate to
the policy and independence of the United Stales :
Rod,
iv Considerations on the rhaiartr-r of the matters
’rotttainerf in tltSse disp.itrh-s compared with other
transactions of a politicmI nature in aud out ol con*
Bm». -*v . , ; j
Peiliaps the publirk is not fttHy aware of the ex
tent of-tfie application of which the correspondence
j'Ht, unfolded is susceptible tocher measures, and \
hi transactions of ainnch earlier dele; and which ;
have very generally been considered only as the rc
tuty of caprice or frrude opinions in various indivi
^duels. We dull, as usuil, offer the facts to the I
pul.lifk, ana the opinions which we have formed
from a dose attention to publick transactions and!
publirk characters. 1
The first head of examination is the cirrnaistaO'
ces under which the doctimcifis now appear. On
head the JlaUimor* Whig psnd American have
contributed some information ; und in ti e date of
the letter of MV. Gallatin of the 21st April, which
b« ®ot been published until this time, vie find e
■oughto corroborate what they state.
T lie editor of the Whig heard at Washington in
April l«;t of this correspondence, and the tenor of
the calumnies attributed t,ir Air. Gallatin, on-the
shinartcr of Mr. J rtf (non and M r. Madison, and
**f>ab'infei«ltfcn to publish the correspondence at
that time. Tire correspondence is said to have b»en
received by the ship Cincinnati, rapt. Conklin,, which
arrived at New-York the 1 t'.b of April..
The American observes, (hat from the date of Mr.
Gallat'ni’s letter, which is called “an exculpatory
^letter f’ the correspondence as published by tbe IVi
tlsli house of lords, appears to have been in Mr.
Gallatin's hands since the middle of. April; that to
jgive .them publicity was not his object, until the
Itarptpiss of the press coerced him, rather too late
for htS credit, to perform «u act which duly shoo Id
have imposed upon him at the first moment.
There is great force in these remarks of the A
nierican, which adds-^“ We haya been fold that
’the pamphlet containing these documents was
loaned to* the secretary, from •whom they could not
be recovered; that when called for, the usual ape.
logy was, that the secretary had not done reading
them." -• ■ v * , ■ 6
So far have other pipers spoken rm the subject ;
we also beard of this correspondence during ttie ses
sion of congress; we had heard of them through
those that had read them ; and were so incredulous
■I to saspeud opinion, and to suppose misapprehen
sion in those who had read them ; we sought ufter
the oulherrtiok publication and at length 'succeed
etfj when the article appeared in the Whig, calling
Upon Mr. Gullatin for the pamphlet we were posses
sed.of it, and had heard that a well known British
•iiiissary, who figured away in this city, and now
jigumjb England, had sent copies hither, with ar
guments drawn from this correspondence to account
for the contempt into which tie American nation and
name had fallen in Europe.
It was nor wish, in noticing tha article in the
*Whig, to produce a publication, in iharorm which
h has taken place; that it -should come forth in
such a way as to obviate all the desperate cavils of
{Ifbstitpted presses, to cut off at onre all that m:i
ignant hypocrisy Which assumes the mark of ran
cour, by averting to doubt what it does not wish to
Viieye, or by pretending to suspend opinion until
palpable faett are rendered pnthr/HicIc by the con
Issaina of those who have an interest to deny them.
The correspondence'is therefore, now before the
puhlick, nut upon the authority of a pamphlet
wltich this refined hi/pocrkjf might soy any printer
couldprUtt; rt is now before the poblick, sanction
ed by the authority <of Mr, Gallatin, as an autheu
* kick publication of the British house of lords.
.The subject is; therefore before the publick in a
- form at-jmtbcntirk-as any evidence can he. Jt re
Stains to examine other (arts connected with ft.
- .Among these the pu|$rk eye has already- noted
|1>e date of the 91st Apm, prefixed to the latter of
Mr.Galfatin, puldiahedlhe 18th July.
Here we reach a point, upon which we eftnnnlv
form conjrrtrires ; and to opinions formed upon the
; mere jpipitSft ion of Mie mind, we do not wish to at
taeh tyiy more weight or importance than they are
Worth, or than as th^bliall appear to the dispas
sionate reader, fair, reasonable or probable. Wt
Wish to strain nothing beyond its natural compass,
.-.fonunfonunately the shame is already hutenna ana
toormous.
, mere artident for tlie date
4w *Mr. Gallatin's letter; it has hern conjectured
*h»l..|hc latter «. anti-dated in eider to have the
apMCMBcc of being forced out by certain new*pa
*’• surmise might a*nre to.aecunnt for the
>( * '"W of bumbler faculty or weaker
ian Ur. Gslletin ; those who ascribe the
>i» letter to that rtiuse, do not know him •
fUtiB 1* not indifferent, tin.’ he affects to be’
"*wSfc*P*ra i b« ■*•*! maxim is
toltt* publications, bis departure from it
*'18 °0^ b* efubsre of the ptatiiar importance
ifT. tb*,<'itaef >««f be possess** a certain faculty 0f
auptrcM'P* h tomiewmatf & raw. be would not
i !a> *»«>»«« *P«* is that way, unless it-should be
1 Wended to lud Ui $o>m d«roier ptsrpoffv
1 NV* obtit therefore look to snttto cause m order to
} account for this solid* t*. \Vn must look in tbe
correspondence itself for a# cause. Mr. Gallatin
has teen safldiJfcd^b. public k, opinion ever since
h,a conduct jn tb* refit,n op the jjr«M rrport, „0.
ly by^rwfttcnanra apd^wnr Wife Jason's
•onfidturr; *„d rmiwithiTaading ^^scur, b(
• ** ty several sttf, which w*?hall tfiiofcj* o«4u
ty on this occasion -not inoty sunk himself
»a thf ojmou.0 nf Mr. Jejfc,*wt,;f f( tends j -but Mr.
Jtffeison has caused many pongs, tolh^sa «ito,baw
tytl “'gnlj thtjr priM hit services to bis country
it^tlis irnreovsble integrity and benevolence, have
lamented that be did not dismiss Mr.
Gdiatifl shrajie «(t difiucicd in retailing, to Mr.
Kaiui^b tbegpibfidentiaf Conversations concerning
a purchase oC, Florida, or wben Mr. Randolph a
vowed otfthe $tb March, 1806, that Mr. Gallatin
bad derlared to him “ (Acre was no cabins t "
The magnanimity and kindness with which Mr.
Jefferson overlooked these transactions of Mr. Gal
latin, should have operated as an antidote to the
motives which secretly actuated him ; had he been
tempered with the generous warmth of a Virginian
heart, he would feel himself forever bound to the
man ; how shall we contemplate his conversations
with Mr. Erskine—but we were trespassing on a
subsequent topiek.of th* examination.
To account for the date of Mr. Gallatin’s letter,
we must keep in view, the fact that the main sup
port of Mr. Gallatin was the countenance and pa
tronage of Mr. Jefferson. This is not a matter of
mere surmise. It has been repeatedly declared by
persons who say they have it from himself, that he
contemplated to resign the station of secretary of
the treasury, that lie was induced to abandon his
intention and remain by the intreaties of Mr. Jeffer
son, when he paid him a paitirular visit not very
many months ago. Without any reliance upon Ins
name lor support, it would not he inconsistent with
the cunning of the man, to discover that ha must he
very solicitous to avert the inevitable abhorrence
which most be excited in the breast of Mr. Jeffer
son, should the correspondence fall into his hands ;
it is'nut unreasonable to suppose therefore that he
wrote to Mr. Jefferson minudiatcly, disclaiming
the language and sentiments given as his by Mr. Er
skine to itje I’.itish government.
It is not unreasonable to suppose that be might
have done «0 with precedent of Mr. Monroe's let
ter and Mr. JeflVrson’s answer before him; with a
view ol drawing from Mr, Jefferson such ananswer
to bra disclaimer, as he might afterwards employ to
complete the circle of his contrivances, and weaken
the indignation of Mr. Jefferson’s Iriends, by array
ing Mr. Jefferson himself against them. We repeat
that this is conjecture; but to those who under
stand the man, wS appeal—is it unreasonable ?,
But this does not directly, though it indirectly
operates to-account for the date. Either Mr. Jef
ferson has written such an answer as it is not eligi
ble to publish in the first instance, or this letter of
of tlie 21st April is of date coeval with a letter ad
dressed to Mr. Jefferson; pei haps the original was
sent and proposed to he published and withheld only
until the correspondence should mine out.
Upon the published lettero: Mr. Gallatin we shall
have occasion to observe in a subsequent paper.—
The circumstances under which they appear, are
such as do not by any means tend to corroborate
the dental of Mr. Gallatin, The tenor of Mr. Ers
kine’s dispatches, if they do-not exhibit his know
ledge of mankind in a very strong light;. they at
least demonstrate the earnestness of his own dispo
sition to promote an-understanding, at the same
lime that they exhibit the depravity of his govern
ment. But although the correspondence shews his
wishes to preserve peace and harmony between the
two-countries, it is not altogether calculated to ele
vate the wisdom or justice of the American govern
ment in the eyes of the world ; it is indeed well a
dapted to afflict the bosom of every man who feels
the least regard (or public or private virtue.
Ufa. II.
Mr. Erskine, in his despatches, reports certain
conversations held with pub’jck men. Mr. Galla
tin admits that the conversations took place, but
denies the tenour and const! uction of his discourse
as reported by Mr. Ersbine ! The question is now
reduced to very narrow limits. We cannot believe
both, because the assertion and the denial are as
opposite as it is in the nature of language tu state
* negative and affirmative.
Mr. Erskine, with an earnestness that will not
be questioned by any one, seeks to be the medium
of a good understanding between his-own govern
ment and the United States. Thera appears to be
an eagerness and sincenty in his desires, to accom
plish this object, which exhibits a rare exception
to the duplicity of diplomatic dealing : be appears
to have conceived that there was a kind of necessity
for a liberal nndeistanding, and the extinction of
all causes of resentment; he appears to have de
ceived himself into the belief that his government
was equally sincere, and tjrat a substantial settle
ment and quieting of the subjects which had stir
red up the danger of hostile contention, might be
accomplished without difficulty. *
Under these convictions, to which the diversity
of the instructions, both rt» itvmbtr and subatancc,
afford a very ample latitude; he employs bis hours
with a diligence that reflects great credit upon him
as a public servant, to seise upon every avenue
through which he could be likely to obtain an inti
mate andnnequivocated knowledge of the dispositi
ons of men who held the most eminent stations in
the United States government.
i iie circumstances ui ureat Uritain were at the
lime encumbered with perils and dangers. The
peare of Tilsit in July 1807, bad prostrated the
Russian and Prussian armies ; converted Russia,
upon whose power so much reliance had been plac
ed, and so much gold expended, into an ally, and
reduced Prussia to a powef of the third order. The
commerce of the Baltic, which it was hoped to se
cure by the attack on Copenhagen, was again en
dangered ; and Swedf n alone appeared the last fee
ble allj^in the north of Europe. The British pro
jects upon tbe naval force of Denmark and Portu
gal, had precipitated the French much earlier than
they had meditated; with the expectation of at
once rendering from Britain the resources which
she received from Spanish commerce, and rescuing
from hei grasp the Spanish navy.
Mr. Erskme witnessed the indignation which
wss produced by the mission of Mr. Rose, which
although smothered hy the disdain or coldness nt
the American executive was sufficiently perceptible
,> any man who- was even lesa a stranger .to the
country than Mr. F.rskiuc. The tone of the British
foveriimebt itself had sunk with its disasters, *and
the new coahation with Austria bad not ripenedInto
light or form, when the Instructions were givth to
Mr. Erskme,id follow up thenegotiation left incom
plete by Mr.Rose. ■.
The despatch** of Mr. Erskine, which have at
tracted much attention and excited both astonish
ment and concern, are dated thn$d and 4th of De
cember, 1808. TI)eg<lKr«1stateofatfair* in Eu
tupr, which could not hi known to our statesmen,
while iflc counts for the eagerness ef Mr. Enklae,!
excites additional consternation in contemplating
’the conversation and conduct of .our own executive
officers. For we leave out of vie4r at present the,
unconstitutional a* well as fatal course of men ap
pointed to one department, underletting to execute
the duties of another. A eaatom never advantage*
ous in any kind of affairs, at Ways dangerous and of
ten fatal in diplomacy.
We must keep in view the visible growth of a
new war in Germany iq the beginning of 1809,
which became less equivocal some time in April of
that year ; in order to combine and take into out
estimate the impression which must have been made
by Mr. Erskine’s two despatches of December
1808, on the minds of the British ministers. We
shall then very easily account for the style of Mr.
Canning’s despatches of the 23d Januaiy 1809, as
well as for bis writing four despatches to the same
minister on the same subject in one day.
We must keep in view that Mr. Erskrne remain
ed under the impressions communicated in his two
dispates of December, during the whole period be
tween that date, and the receipt of Mr. Canning's
instructions, which arrived on the 10th of March,
that is during three months of an important epoch
in our national affairs, the letiremenl of one chief
magistrate and the accession of another.
Nor must we lose sight of the state of national
affairs during the same period. We discover in his
despatch of 7th August 1809, marked No. XIV.
jt|» the documents as published in the Aurora,
wb«l his impressions were of our affairs, and
bow much the events appeared to sanction and j
to impress upon his mind those ideas of confi
dence which he repeatedly and explicitly de
clares that he reposes in the declaration of the
officers of the American government with whom
he had conversed. These circumstances com
bined, all shew, and 'they account most natural
ly, for .the steps taken by Mr. Erskine, Mr.
Canning had informed him that the Hrituh govern
ment was not willing to trust to assw ances from the
American government ; aud no man ought to know
better than Mr. Canning how far credit is due to
any assurances of statesmen.
But Mr. Erskine, in his despatch of the 25th
March, 180.9, (Enclosure A. 1, No. VII) declares
that “ the weight and influence of the eastern stales
“ had forced the government to abandon the cm
“ Largo He declares that “ the non-importation
“ law would be merely nominal,” aud that “ many
“ leading men oPtbe eastern states had seriously
“ contempIaUd a dissolution of the union."*
With these impressions, and as he says, having
“ collected from his instructions that his majesty
“ was desirous of accomplishing his retaliating sys
“ tem by such means as w,ra most compatible with J
“ a good understanding with liiendly and neutral
“ powers, I felt confident that his majesty would
“ have approved of the arrangement 1 had conclu
11 ded, as one likelj/ to lead to a cordial and complete
“ understanding and co-operation” witli Great
Britain, “ which co-operation never could be obtain
“ ed by previous stipulation."
These are the sentiments given in explanation of
his motives and conduct by Air. Erskme himself;
the countenance given by the rebellious proceedings
jn Massachusetts, and the more contemptible though
more direct outrage of public law in Pennsylvania,
went too powertuliy to strengthen nnd prepare Mr.
Erskine’s mind for the impressions which were made
by conversations with men in high stations of na
tional trust.
We therefore cannot doubt ihc sincerity of Mr.
Erskine’s belief in the state of publick. affairs which
he describes, becaote no man can be ignorant of
their accuracy. II we lojtk to the proceedings of
congress itself, we shall find manifold causes to
strengthen the impressions on Mr. Erskine’s mind;
and when we come to compare the conversations
which be has reported, with the i jurse of publick |
events, we shall have no reason to hesitate in giv
ing him full credit for every fact which he has ut- j
tered ou the measures and character of the period
of which he treats.
Hitherto publick indignation has spontaneously
directed itself towards Mr, Oallattn. Some voices
are indeed heard mingling a murmur, and extending
it to the president and Mr. Secretary Smith. This
press has never shrunk from the investigation of
any publick transactions, however elevated, howe
ver surrounded by honours or patronage. The cold
calculating discretion of a “ dignified moderation,”
would flatter the self love of men in power; but
that s«n»e cold calculating temper is much better
adapted to the atmosphere of despotism, than tp
the region where the pres9 has obtained by the same
sovereign authority which constitutes the political
government itself, the right of censure over all men
and alt puMick measures.
We are neither insensible to the importance of
the right when lightly used, nor indift'eient to the
reputation which cannot fail to follow the honest
and manly exercise of its luuctions. We might, if
coldly disposed, to evade the discussion, say that
there is jinlhingalMgrd concerning the president or
Mr. Smith, that has been denied by them; let us
see whether they too will come forward as Mr. Gal
latin has done; we might answer to the murmurs
which we iVar, when you have pointed out the facts
to which you except, we shall then examine them j
at present we have the assertion of Mr. Gallatin as
far bs concerns himself and Mr. Erskine; but we
have nothing from the two other gentlemen.
We shall not evide the examination in this way;
we shall take up what is reported of Mr. Madison
and Mr. Smith, as well as of Mr. Gallatin, and we
shall speak of them as publick confidence requires
us to speak, without partiality or reserve. <
The despatch of Mr. Erskine of the 3d December,
1803, marked No. 1, is principally occupied in re
porting the opinions, uttered by Mr. Madison and
expressed to him. Here Mr. Madison is represent
ed as making very important communications, as
well as other members of the government; and
from the tennur of which Mr. Erskine declares, t* 1
“ confidently believe they were delivered from an
**■ unfeigned desire that they may lead to some ad
“ juslment of differences with,Great-Britain^.which
" * Mr; Erskine was only retailing a slander which
had been propagated in the democratick papers,
and which indeed be aright have received from Mr.
Robert Smith and others. But let it be forever re
membered, that Mr. Eiskine knew nothing of hie
pwn knowledge dishonourable la the federalists, as
bis despatches will prove.—[£</. Led. • 4':.. .* .
* migfct anahla tfo (American) goverrmrttloe sr
tricate itself from iu prelent perplexin* dtlem- -3
“ m«," , ' • >
Several other sentiments of the same tvnor and
corroborative thereof, are cited; anwltf nthets, that
1" ^e Brit«|j%rrtrniTOtit were tn see ttte drepatchea
to Franca and to consider the' strong remonstrance 1
»f gen. Armstrong of IClb November, 1807, that
they would acknowledge the United States had don#
every thing that remonstrances could do.
The tenor of ail these observations cited, 'went
to shew that the United States had no bias fowaids
!• ranee, and was prepared to act in the spirit of lha
instructions which had been sent in common to tha
American ministers in London and Paris, declaring
that the measures of the United States shouldceasa
against that one of the two powers which shrutd
release American commerce from the restraints of
orders and decrees. I , •
In these ideas of Mr. Madison we srr nothing’
that can provoke censure or cavil against him indi
vidually. It was in perfect consonance with. iKir
policy that had been lung before adopted and pbr
sued ; as to the policy i/sclf, that is a separate ques
tion ; we say that Mr. Madison pursued the prin
ciples of policy adopted before he became president,
and if there be any thing censurable in this,4 j»
must belong to the policy itself; upon which, w*
shall speak more hereafter.
There are two points upon which some excepti
ons have been uttered ; the 6tst in these words—
M Mr. Madison observed to me that it must be evi
“ dent that the United States would enter upon
measures of hostility with great reluctance; as
he acknowledged that thry were nut at all prepared
H for war, much less with a power so irresisiably
“ strong vis Great-liritain.”
If there lie any matter improper in Ibis point, it
is the latter part of the sentence ; for however plau
sible the notion may be, that he ought not to bare
acknowledged llutt we were unprepared for war, /it
appears to us on the contrary both wise and p&. .
per ; because it was truth, and a truth which
was not necessary to tell, because it is probable the
British minister was as well acquainted with our
military condition as the president himself.
. The remainder of this despatch treats more gene~
roily of the sentiments expressed by Mr. Madison y
and Mr. Erskine declares that he “ believes them
to be his real sentiments,” and refers to “certain
private important communications," which have beea
made to him by members of the administration,*^
who are sincerely desirous of a conciliation with
Great-Britain.
Thus far the despatch of Mr. Erskine, No. f.
The despatch No. II. is appropriated by Mr. Er
skine to the communications of Mr. Gallatin al
most exclusively, and whatever is contained in it
relative to Mr. Madison, proceeds wholly from Mr.
Gallatin, and must be considered in that way.
'I here is no further note of any conversation of
Mr. Madison until we reach No. VIII. Mr. Erskine'a
despatch of the l(itb March. 1809, which so far
from being unexceptionable, is highly creditable to
the president, fixes at once the principle of his con
duct r to be eonlorinable strictly to the rule avowed
to the two belligerents.
Upon a review, therefore, of what relate* to tba
conversations of Mr. Madison himself as reported
by Mr. Erskine, we must draw aline of discrimina
tion between them and the reports of his opinions,
as they are stated by Mr. Erskine to have been ut
tered by Mr. Gellatin, and must declare that so far
as the policy adopted was wise and just, so far tha
conduct of Mr. Madison was consistent and correct.
We shall to-morrow notice the part- which Mr,
Smith has borne in these affairs. 1
INDIAN WAIT.
Vincennes, June 28.—The editor thinking Hi at
lie could not present any thing more acceptable to
his readers than a particular account of the causes
of alarm which have existed here far some days,
past, waited on governour Harrison for the purpose
of procuring information, and was favoured with*
the following :
Since early in May; the government has beelf
possessed of information communicated by Indian,
traders and by friendly Indians, that the Sba wanes#
Prophet was again exciting the tribes of the Wa- '
hash to war against the United Slates, and indeed
it was actually agreed upon by all the tribes west
of that river ; this information was communicated
to the government, and was the cause ot the do
tarbrnent of troops being sent here which we men
tioned in our last. Early iu May also, the inter
preter maintained by the government amongst the
Delawares arrived here to inform the gfcrernour
that tribe had heard of the hostile movements of
the prophet, and that they had determined to send
a solemn embassy to the tribes west of the Wabash,
to warn them of the danger of listening to the ad- -
vice of the prophet. The governonr did every
thing in his power to strengthen them in the reso
lution, and composed a speech for them to deliver
to the other tribes. This it appears was faithfully
delivered, and it is more than probable, that to tho
influence of the Delawares, and the impression madt '
by them on the minds of the other Indians;, that
the war has been averted. - i - / t;
From the 10th to the 18th inst. the government^
was informed through various channels, that tha .
Indians were collecting in very great numbers *•
bout the prophet, that the Miimies had been to in
timidated as to agree to attend his couoeil—that
the Wyandots had come into hissbemes, and they
had agreed with him—that every thing that had''
been done between the white people and fndiaoe,
since the treaty of Grenville, was void and good for
nothing, and that they were determined to stop the
progress of the white settlements. '•*
About the 9th and 10th inst. an Indian come t* ’
Mr. Dubois (a French gentleman who lives about*
mile above town) in the dead of night, and told him .
that his friendship for him, had induced him to
come to hint for the purpose of advising him by all
means to movp over the Mississippi wjkh' his family
as he might shortly expect trouble if be remained
where he was. $Fhe old Plaukasbaw chief, Grohle,
who came also w the governour, and asked his per
mission to retire over tbe Mississippi, observing'
that he beard nothing from the Indians above, but
t he cry of war-<-ihat he was old and did not wish
to have any share in it--.that be wanted to retire tot
a place of safety. * The next day he informed th*
governour that a particular plan hud been laid by
the prophet for the surprise of this town, and told’
him what the plan was. Abnnt this time alsd, 4
boat which had been sent op the Wabash with tb*
annuity salt-for-th* Indians returned. V.