The Gazette of the state of South-Carolina — Charles-town [S.C.], 1783-08-13 00:00:00, page 2

meliorating influence on munkln,, and ereresfed
the blessings of society. At this auspicious pe
riod the United States came into exigence as a
nation, and if the citizens Should not be com
pfeatly free and happy, the fault will be entirely
their own.
Such is our fitutaion, and fach are onr pro*
fpeasi;but not withstanding the tup cf ble^ng
is thus reached out to us; notwithstanding hup
pinefr is curs, if w# have a difpofiti^n to seize the
occasion and make it our own; yer it appears to
me there is an option Rill left to the United States
cf America, that it is in their choice, and de
pends upon their conduct, whether they will be
refpeaable and prosperous, or contemptible and
miserable, a, a nation. This is the time of their
political probation ; this is the mr ment when the
eyes of the whole world are turned upon them;
this is the moment to eftabiifn or ruin their na
tional character for ever; this is the favourable
moment to give such a tone to our foederal go
vernment as will enable it to answer the ends of
its institution ; or this may be fun ill fated mo
ment for relaxing the powers of the union, anni
hilating the cement of the confederation," 'and
txpchng us to become the sport cf European
politics, which may play one state against another
to prevent their growingimoortance, and to serve
their own interefled purpbfes ; for, According to
the system of policy the dates Shall adopt at this
moment, they will ftard or fall; and by thrift
confirmation < r lapse it is yer to be decided, whe
ther the Revolution must ultimately be considered
as a blessing or a curse, not to the pie^ent ag^
alone, for with our fate will the defiiny of un
born millions be involved.
With this conviction of thbfmprrttihce of the
present crisis, faience in the would be a crime;
I will therefore freak to you Excellency the lan:
guage of freedom and of Sincerity, with/ ut dis
guise; I am aware, however, that those who dffer
hem me in political fenrimfat may perhaps re
mark, I am stepping outof the prope line of my
uy; and they may p< ffibly ascribe to arrogance
or cfcntaroo what I know i, alo'ne the refuit of
the purest intention; but the reditude of my own
heart, which disdains such unworthy motives, 'he
part I have he/herto a&ed in life, the determina
tion I have formed cf not taking any Share in
public business hereafter, tie ardent defirb I feel,
end Shall continue to manifest of quietly enj y
i \ in private 1 fe, after all the toils of war, the
benefits of a wife and liberal government, will, I
Barter myfel', tooner or later, convince my coun
trymen, mat J could have no sinister views in
delivering, with so little rest ve, the opinion con
tained in this address.
Th re are four things which I humbly conceive
are effettial to the well being, I may ev & nvulture
to ay, to he exiftcr.ee of the United States as an
Independan Power,
ift. An inciffoluble union of the States under
one Foedral Head.
zdly. A leered regard to public justice.
gdly. The adoption of a proper peace eßa
blifhraent. And,
4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and
friendly difpofitien among tie people ti the U
mited States which will induce them to forget their
local prejudices and policies, to make thole nmu
tual concessions which are requisite to the general
prosperity, and in feme instances, to facritice
their individual advantages to the ifotsreßs of the
community.
These are the pillars on which the glorious
fabric of our independency and national character
must be supported: Libert, is the basis; and
whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or
overturn the Structure, under whatever Specious
pretexts he may attempt it, will merit the bitter
est execrations and the fevered punishment which
can be inflicted by his injured country.
On the three firft articles I will make a few
observations, leaving the left to the good sense
a d fericus consideration of those immediately
concerned.
Under the firft head, although it may not be
meceffary or proper for me in this place to enter
into a particular disposition of the principles of
the uron, and to take up the ,great question
which has been frequently agitated, whether it
be expedient and requisite for the States to dele
gate a larger portion cf power to Congress, or
mot— yet it will be a part of my duty, and that
of every true patriot, to assert without reserve,
and to iafift upon the following positions: That
onlefs the Sates will fuffer congress to exercise
those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invefled
with by the constitution, every thing must very
rapidly tent to anarchy- and confufion; That ft
is indifpenfible to the happin fs of the individual
States th & t there Should be lodged somewhere a
Supreme Power, to fegula c and govern the ge
neral concerns of the confederated republic, with
out which the union'eannot be f long duration :
That there must be a faithful aa poir ted com
pliance on the part of every flats, with the l«te
propofols and demands of Congress, or the mft
fatal confequeaecs wili enfuc: That what ever
measures have a tendency to dilute the un;n,
or contribute to violate or lessen the fovorign au
thority, ought to be confd^cd as hoftile'to the
riberty and independency of America, and the
authors of them treated accordingly: And lastly,
that unless we can be enabled , by the concur
reneme of the dates, to participate of the fruits
of the revolution, andajo, the fffential benefits
of civil society, under a form es government so
free and uneorrupted, so happily gaardrd against
the danger of opprcffion, as has been deviled and
adopted by the articles of confederation that it
wi 1 be a fub;efl of regret that so much blood and
treasure have been lavished for no purpose, that so
many /offerings have been lavished for no purpose,
that so many fefferirgs have been encountered
with ut a compensation, a^d that so many ,arctic
sites have been made in vain. Many other confi
dersti its might hee a adduces to pove, that
without an entire conformity to th^ spirit of the
union, we cannot exist as ar indepen ent pow
er—it will be fufficient to my purpose to mention
but cne or two which fe^m *0 in? of the grea est
importances L is only in out united character as
an empire, tha, our independence is acknow
ledged, that our power can be re garbed, or out cre
dit Supported amontfforeign nations Ihe jeaties
of ihe European powers with the United States of
America, will have no validity on a dissolution & f
the Union—we sh 11 be left nearly in a Rate of
naturn ; or we may find by bur own unhappy
exper e ce, that there is a natural and necessary
ptogriffion fiora the extreme cf anarchy, 'to the
Extreme of tyranny, and that arbitrary power is
tneft easily eftabhihed on the ruins of liberty abufi.
e'd to licentioufnefsb
As to the fecohd article wh'ch retells the per
formance of public jaflice, Congrels ha^e, io
their late addref to the United States, almost
exhausted the fubje& ; they have explained therr
ideas to fully, Ind hav?% enfjtfced the obi Ration's
the fates are under to. tender 'comp'l/tt juries to
all the pub^c credi^oft with fomuch dignity and
energy, th*t in my opinion no real friend to the
honour and indupenpetcy of America, can hesitate
a tingle moment reflecting the propriety at com
plying with the just and honou able measures pro
pofed' ;if their arguments do not produce convic
tion, I kd,w of nothing that will have greater
influence; etyeciafy when we recoiled, that t e
system refined to, b.ing the refut of rhe ccliftcd
wisdom of the c; ntinen ,'muft be esteemed, if not
perfect, certainly the lead objectionable of any
that could be devised, and that if it (ballnor be
carried into immediate execution, a national bank
ruptcy, with ail its deplorable conftqu nee will
take place before any different plan cin p ffibly
be proposed, and ad pted. So pr<ffiug are the
present circumfUnces ! and such if the arte, native
mow offered to the Rates !
The ability of the country to discharge the
debts which have been incurred in its defence, is
not to be doubted—an inclination, I flat er my
felf, will not be wanting ; the path or our duty
is plain before us: honesty will be found, on
every experiment, to be the belt and only true
policy; let ds then, as a nati. n be just; let us
fulfil the public contrasts, which CengreL had
undoubtedly a right to make for the purp< ft of
carrying on the war, wi h the fame good fai h we
suppose ourselves bound to pe form our private
engagements ; in the mean time, let an attention
to the chearful performance of their proper busi
ness as individuals and as members of fcciety, be
earnestly inculcated on the citizens of America ;
then will they strengthen the hands of gove la
ment, and be happy under its proteaion; every
one will reap the fruit cf his labour ; every one
will enjoy his own acquisitions without mulULii
on and without danger.
In this ft^te of absolute freedom and perfea fe-
Curity, who will grudge to yield a very little of his
property, to support the common interests of So
ciety, and ensure the protedion of government ?
Who dbes not remember the frequent declarations
at the commencement of the war, that we should
be compleatly farisfied, if at the exoence of one
half we could defend the remainder ofo r posses
sions? Where is the man to be found who wishes
to remain indebted for the defence of his person
and property, to the eexertions, the bravery, and
the blood of others, without making one generous
effort to xepay the debt cf honour and of grati
tude/ In what part of the continent fhsll we find
any man, or body of men, who would not blush
to tftand up and propose myafures purposely calcu
lated to too the feidier of his Ilipend, and the
public creditor of his cue ? And wens it pqffible
that huh a fl gr.mtinftu.ee of injustice could ever
happen, would it net excite th^ general indignti
on, anu e^d to bring down os t'e authors ,f
such meafurcs, the agravated vengeance of Heaven;
If after ail, a spirit ut difuni n or a temper of
obstinacy and perverfenefi ihouhi manifed afelf in
any of toe Rates : If such an ungracious difp firi
on ihobla nitempt to ; fruffite all the happy effeds
that might be expected to How from the umor ; if
there fhculd be a refufal to comply with the re
qu fitions for funds to dtfch%e rhe annual intefeft
of the public debts; and if that xefufal ihold re
vive again all thole jealoufes, and produce ^ll
those evels which are now happily removed.
Congress, who have in all their tranfa&ions shewn
a great degree of Magnanimity and jaftice, will
Rand jollified in the fight of God and man ; and
the Rate rione which putsitfelfin oppouton to the
B £g re £ a ' e wfdom of the continent, and follows
such mistaken and pernicious councils, will ba
responsible lor the cqnfequences*
For my own part, conscious of haring a&ed, while
a servant of the public, in the manner 1 conceived
bed suited to promote the real interest of my country;
having in confeqhence of my fixd belief, in some
measure pledged myfelf to the army, that their coun
try would finally do them compleat and ample justice;
and not wishing to conceal any instance of my official
condu& from the eyes of the world, I have thought
proper to transmit to your Excellency the inclofed
collection of papers, relative to the half pay and corn
mutation granted by Congress to the officers of the
army; 'from these comhictations, my decided fenti
m^nts will be clearly comprehended, together w,th
the conchfive reasons 'whrdh induced me, atane rty
period, to recommend the adoption of this measure
in the most earned and serious manner. As thepro
ceedings of Congress, ^he army, and myfelf, arc
open to all, and contain, in my opinion, ft fficient in
formation to remove the prejudices and errors whuh
may have been entertained by any, I think it unne
cessary to fay any thing more. .than just to obfeive
that the resolutions of Congress now alluded to. are
undoubtedly as abfuHitely binding upon the United
States, as the mod foie no a&s of confederation or le
filiation. As to the idea, which lam mfoimed has
in fame infences prevailed, that the half-pay and
commutation are tebe regarded merely in the odious
light of a penfioA, it ought to be exploded for ever
— that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a
reasonable compensation offered by Congress at a.
time when they had nothing else to give to the offi
cers of the army, for services then to be performed —-
it was the only means to prevent a total dereliction
of the service, it was a part of their hire, I may be
allowed to fay it was the price of their blood and of
your independency; it is therefore more tha a com
mon debt; it is a debt of honour; it can never be
considered as a pension or gratuity, nor be cancelled
until it is fairly difeharged.
With regard to a diftin^ion between officers and
soldiers, it is fufficient that the uniform experience of
every nation of the world, combined with cur own,
proves the utility and propriety of the diferimination:
t wards, In proportion to the aid the public receives
from them, ate unquestionably due to all its Servants.
In some lines the soldiers perhaps have generally had
as ample a compensation for their services, by the
large bounties which have been paid them, as their
officers will receive in the proposed commutation :
in others, if betides the donations of lands, the pay
ment of arrearages of c/oathing and wages (in whiclv
articles all the component parts of the army must be
put upon the fame footing) we take into the estimate
the bounties many of the soldiers have received, and
the gratuity of one years full pay, which is promised
to all, possibly their Situation (every circumstance
being duly considered) will not be deemed less eli
gible than that of the officers Should a farther re
ward, however, be judged equitable, 1 will venture to
assert, no one will enjoy greater fatisfaftion than
my felf, on feeing an exemption from taxes for a limit
ed time (which has been petitioned for in some instan
ces) or any other adequate immunity or compensation
# granted to the brave defenders of their country s
cause: but neither the adoption or rejection of this
pr®pofition will in any manner affed, much less mili
tate againß the aft of Congress, by which they have
offered five years full pay, in lieu of the half pay for
life, which had been before promised to the officers
of the army.
Before I conclude the fubje& of public justice,
I cannot omit to mention 'he obligations this country
is under to that meritorious class of veteran non
commissioned officers and privates who have bee#