The Virginia gazette — Williamsburg, Va., 1776-05-17 00:00:00, page 1

MAY 17- I776- T H E NUMBER 68.
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ALEXANDER PURDIE, PRINTER.
URSUANT to powers received from
the Hun. the Com'mental Congrcss,
the Committcc of Sat'cty are ready to
grant commisslons for making rcprishls
upon the progwrty ofthc peopic of Great
Britain, ac ea, orin the rivers, below
high—water mark, to any persons who
shall apply for them, and com ly with
the terms mentioned by Congrelg.
EDMUND PENDLETON, president.
HE Committee of Szlsety desire the
commanding-osiicers of the several
minute battalions to procure and return,
without delay, an exact list of the number
ofmen in each company, and how they
aresifurnished with arms, that the same
may be laid before the Convention.
EDMUND PENDLETON, president.
------ [m cadat na/b, rugofizquesanna,
Gum veteres avias, tibi de pulmone revello.
T is not uncommon to hear some men
boast of the excellence of our conflituti—
on; that it is no less the lory and securi
ty of those who enjoy it than the envy
and admiration of strangers. lts re
establishmcnt is the chief subject of' their
prayers for reconciliation, and its demoli
tion the chief cause of their exocmtion
and abhorrence ofan independenqy. Such
a noble equilibrium between the several
branches of the legiflative powers! The
executive si) placed, in the hmds of one,
as to give it all the dignity and despatch of
an absolute monurchy, without the power
to oppress! The judic'ffll power dclcgntcd
Io judges, who are supposed to be inde
pendent of, and thereby uninfluenccdby,
the cxecutive! ss
Ail this may be very well in the month
oslm Erzglzj/bman; but as we have severciy
experienced that the interest: of an Engli -
man and an American may be diametricalgy
opposite in points of- infinite importance,
it behoves us to inquire how much they
coincidc in thi; ; and, without being either
-a lnwycr or a statesman, I confidently think
that these sine things belong no more to
.us Americsi'mx than the hou ses or other pro
perty of the people of Britain. We may
,enjoy their constitution as we enjoy repre
sentation in their parliament, virtualZy;
but os this nbsurdity ! have nothing to say.
Thejustness of the foregoing observati
on wiil best appear, by cnntrasiing the
British constitution, in some striking- and
general points, with those pretty ms'niature
copic: ps it to which we are so fondly at
tached.
First, then, in Brimin there is an here
ditary king., possessed of great power,
Wealth, and grancleur. The advantages
Of & splendid' and magnificent court are
confined to the country wherein he re
siJcs, while its evils may he rczuliiy cx
tended to the uttermost parts of his em
pirc.
Si'c'nnsiiiv, (here is (1 [stuff Of Lord!,
poisclil-il ()Fvnst property. :uul oslzcrcdita
_T_V rights um] honours, uswhifsh no pnwer
in the shltc can (leprive them. '; lussir
lorsi-dcccflbrs cxtortcd Lhc c/zsiu'lor os liber
tie: from the sovereign, at the point of
the sword; and should the present face
be descctive in principle, they would pro
bably retain pride enough to give their
own creature ibme show os protection.
Thirdly, there is a House of Commom,
whose powcrs and privileges are such,
that, wheuprovokcd, they once demohsh
ed the other two branches osthe constitu—
tion, and may always controul their law—
less sallies. Perhaps the privilege of giv—
ictngsia'nd gt'anting money would be alone
1u1nClenl [Os [ne purpote ; out, ullIUChlly ,
after they have cxhaled wealth from the
nation at large, it is condensed in the high
regions osmujelty , and showercd down upon
them with such purtiai and irreiistibie pro—
fusion as flesh and blood cannot withstand.
Let our American constitutions be now
put to the test of a comparison.
First, to balance their king, we have a
governour appointcdbyhim: ADirrwiddie,
: Fauquier, a Dzmmore, a Martin, an
any body. But enough of kings and king
]ings. Let us proceed to our House of
Peers.
Alas! Icun only find twelve private gentle
men, called Counscllors, whose sunction
to ourlaws is merely surcicai; for, as they
are creatures of the crown, and remove
able at pleasure, they never can be consi
dered as a separate branch of government
from the crown . Their poWer is no more
than a saint and distant cmanation osruy
alty. which passes through the ohscuring
mcdium of ;: governnur; and, when it
reachr-s them, is scarcely darkness} v1_'/1'[110*.
Thirdly, what have We to put in the
balance with the House of Commons?
Our Assemblies. It is true, they have
their speaker, their mace, their privileges,
their messengers, and so Forth; but, for
all this, Britain looks on them in no other
light than as magistrates of a great corpo
ration. Theymay,withgreutpariiamen
tary paradc, propuund, debate, commit,
read, engross, pass, and send up a law;
yet, not only may the Counci], Cover
nout', or the King rejcct it, but it is
also notorious that this may be indirect
ly brought about by men residing in
London, os sordid and despicahie charac
ters. Snmucl Gilt is laid to have obtained
the royal disscnt from an act of" great and
general concern to this coluffy. in 1770.
] have been told, that the sees oslhe soli
citor, or advocate, who does the business
at the Privy Council, arc from five to ten
guiucas for demolishing an American act.
Now, I cannot think that ]nw ever sclls
nearly so Cheap, in the House osCommons;
so that, in this point of view, we are
greatly undcrvahled .
lec add to these fdsznntnm: osn consti
tution thess/uh/Iantial invq/[om ok'thc liber
H' of" trssulc.sihv the navignticm act. :mcl
*—ct [ mzz/f lzmr aq/crvc, t/mt 1_/prxak us
the szmrfilsblc-lv in thcir politicnl ("up:ccitv.
As privulc gentlemen, Qstlzefipj/l (lfsfim'lictm,
llnss- mujoritv of them are amiable ; and their
conduct, insit/m irrf/isi-nt di/pulc, cntillc: them
to f/IC' ])(si/s rzj/jm'f as the mmmrmity, and
the bust afllsiction (f their ]i'icmlx.
other commercial regulatiom, ] see canse'
rather to blush that we have lived'lb long
in hondage, without & conltitution, than
to tremble for the loss of;: supposed ope
I rcpcat, that a claim to the property of
the British inhabitants would be as reason
able as a claim to their constitntion ; and
ik'we yield to the delusion of'haviug consti
tutions similgr to that, we take the sound
for the sense, the shadow for the substance,
a loathsome and liselesi carcase for an ani
mated anthvigurous'deyss Vsse rlnassy here
-l'. _._ --.-si , .
nuu unvbllcupv, wuu lllculcumolc lusl'UW,
that , like the s-u age of M'rica or America,
We have exchanged things os inestimabic
value for an European baubIe.
] have observed, thnt those who ate
most lavilh in their encomiums on our
excellent constitution are also most Vei'c
ment in exprcssmg their ahhorrcnce of re
publiccm government. The cause of mcns
aversions and errours on this subject is ex
tremely ufiaccountable. ] believe- that
some of their objection's are proofs of its
excellence. Their chagrin is heightcned
and magnified when theyxxpetience de
fect: in the execution osa (ystcm which,
in strict and rational theory, anpeurs so
perfect. Admitting the mixed govern
ment os Britain to be the best, we cmmut
enjoy it, for wmt of its ellential consiitu-,
ents ; and of the more simple form: of re
ublican and monurchical, the difference
is almost as great as freedom and shvery,
happinessnnd misery. It is confesses], thzt
the republican is the most ancient form,
because it is the most natural. Superiour
cupacitics, either of villainy or virtuo,
have generally laid the soundations of
monarc/zy in the bq/um of rcpubli-ckt.
When the monarch -mcu display their ta
lents in pathetick desiiriptions ol'thc tumults
and distractions of republicks, they should
also be ingenuous enough to sa how very
generally these mischiefs arile from a_t<
tempts to establish monarchical, or,'1tl
nearest of kin, oligarchical governments.
History, l think, teaches us, that the
contaminating prison of these perverted
forms occasions the natural decay and
death of republicks. I will mention two
striking- examples.
The first kings of Rome were generals
and chief magistrates, not monarcbs.
The great rights of sovereignty were
avowcdly acknowledged (0 belong tn the
peoplcif. When Tsiquuin attempted to be
come a monarch, he was expcllcd Lu'c
state, and an end was put to kingly rule,
by the cstablishment ok'a rcpublick. From
whence, ] pray, proceeded the next dis
turb-mo: in the state? It was not from
the faction and sZ-diliuu of the people ,- ic wa
srom thc machinations ofssthc king's party,
and certain ambnsszulours (orcnnmiflshncrct)
who formed & conspirucv, in the busum of
the flute. shr its destruction, the discover!
* in thy reign of Anon: Alm'tim, the
hcrahl who proclainu'd wsizr aguih/I the La—
tin: m 'nlrz na mention nfthc- king in his pro—
clarn/llinu. Ego populusquc vazmus po
pnl'ffi ] ri/Z'crum Lniiuu'mct'z bcllum iudico:
fucicqzxe .- --L 1 v .
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