The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-13 00:00:00, page 1

HAVING dispatched my two irregular numbers, which
were particularly directed to the Freemen of the Pro
vince of Pennsylvania, I now return to the plan I at firft let
out upoh, which was to lay such objects before you, as, if
properly attended to, will enable you to secure that to your
offspring, for which you at present contend, and put it out
of the power of any set of nrn, however cunning and am
bitious, to rife into power and importance at your expence.
The Subject of my present number, however ill qualified £
may be to difeufs it, is of very great consequence to America;
it being imp ffib ! e to make the best of our present advantages,
unirfs old prejudices are effi.? ?' r removed.
I wish it to be examined wi.h car and reviewed with im
partiality; as truth is my object, and the happiness of man
kind, without regard to fe&, party, province, or distrust,
the end of my labour.
Pure monarchy is that form of government which is framed
for 'he exaltation of the Prince alone, and his interest and
grandure are of primary consideration; the people are only
of consequence so far as their welfare is involved in his. The
grand monarch is the only being known to the constitution,
who like th Divinity, pardon the comparison, derives every
power from hinfelf from whom the other members of the
community derive every piviledge they poflefs, and on
whose will they depend for their continuance. Aristocracy
divides all the miviledges of the date, among the grandees of
the nation, and constituting them the foie legislators and ex
ecutors, lodges all power in their hands. Oligarchy distri
butes the powers of government into a few hands, who are
generally the leaders of so many factions which exist in the
date. In a'l these forms the people are but of small, if of
any, consideration, and the farther they diverge from pure
monarchy, the more intolerable they become. Popular
government Sometimes termed democracy, republic or com
mon-wealth, is that plan of civil society, wherein the com
munity at large takes the care of its own welfare, and ma
nages its concerns by representatives elected by the peo
ple . ut of their own body.
Seeing the happinef, of the people is the true end of go
vernment, and it appears by the definition that the popular
form is the only one which has this for its object, it may be
worth enquiring into the causes which have prevented its suc
cess in the world In thi enquiry it would ill become us to
fit down contented with the aceoarts given by royal Embaf
fadors, or men of ambition who can never arrive to the
heigh- they aspire to in a republic. With such men it is im
possible for a' commesr-wealth : confer happiness on its
members. Were they honestly to investigate the fubjedt, per
haps they wouldaher their opinions. The neceffiry of mu
tual defence firft gave rife to social connexions, which were
coufequeatiy of the military kind Thus very great diftinc
cions between the members of he fame community, were
incorporated into the very constitution of the date, and
formed an infup table obstacle to a p fc& republic. Every
nation which has hiherto attempted to set up a republic,
entered on the measure too late They were the convulfcd
remains of some government eerft&d upon military princi
ples, and finding it hard to content those with the Simple
rights of freemen, who were once possessed of all power,
they too eifily gave way to claims of a Superior nature,
whereby they admitted an iniCreft fep-rate and d ftineft from,
and ioconfittent with, the geuerri welfare of the people:
This interest forever clashing with that of the community,
produced continual confufions, until the people wearied out
with the druggie, gave tip to the ariftocratical parry, or blind
ly following some popular leader, in confidence of his at
tachment to their interest, gave all power into his hands,
which generally ended in tyranny.
The inexperience of mankind was another cause of the
decay of popular governments ; being unacquainted with
legislative representation, established on the principles of a
free, uninfluenced, and general election, they met in large
au4 consequently tumultuous assemblies ; this gave ambitious
and designing men, to whom such a form of government is
always udfivamable, great opportunities of breeding distur
bances ana creating batons, which generally terminated in
its dissolution. Betides this manner of conducting public
affairs, not fiotirg extrofive dominion, the priviledges of the
society were continually confined to the prccin&i of the ca
pital, and as fonn as their territories extended beyond these
bounds, Slavery took pl^e. whish inducing the necessity of
Grading armies, laid a foundation for overturning itfelf.
The feuds and anim< fifes attendant on this mode of manag
ing public affairs, gave great opportunities to those whose
ambitious defigus wre incomputable with the good of the
society, to bring it into dislike and contempt. Far from
trying to remedy ^uy defers in the system, or to put an end
to famous and difturbancts, they used their utuioft abilities
and canning, to heighten the old or excite new, until the
minds of the people were so torn to pieces and worn out by
feuds and coafufions, that they were ready to submit to any
thing, which could relieve them from their unhappy Situati
on; then artfully charging the troubles thtmfelves had occa
sioned, to the fault of die constitution, they easily obtained
inch a change in its form as was more favourable to their
dr Signs.
Political writers either mistaking the true causes of the un
eaGneffes which are found in ancient popular government',
or willing to make court to princes, have greatly contributed
to bring the republican fbims of government into diferedit :
This has been carried to such a length with many, that the
mentioning a democracy constantly excise's in them the idea
of anarchy; and few, except such as have emancipated
themselves from the Shackles of political bigotry and preju.
THE
March 13,1776 e, g
PENNSYLVANIA rf^W lI^W JOURNAL;
AND
WEEKLY ADVERTISER.
sww^s^wss^w A& g
WEDNESDAY, , &#b. March ^ '776 #
s^s^osws^ ^s^3 3^^^;^^.^^
To the People of NORTH-AMERICA.
On the different kinds of Governments.
dice, can talk of it with patience, or hearken to any thi^g
offered in its defence.
One or all of the foregoing causes have at one time or ano
ther contributed to the deftruaion of republics; but of all
others the firft has done most. Where two or more separate
interests exist in a government, there contention will remain
until one becomes maftcr. A nation'fauft cmlift of all Kings,
all nobles, or all simple freemen to prevent such confuftons
and preserve its priviledges. Every attentive reader of histo
ry must perceive this. The history of the Roman common
wealth, abating for its foreign wars, is little ehe bur a relati
on of feuds, faaions, and animetities, occafioued by 'he
exigence of a rank of nobles, whofc interest was unconneaed
with thatof the plebians; rhey formed fehemes and adopted
plans to balance the powers and reconcile the interests of
these two ranks; but all to no purpose; tyranny at lad de
stroyed them both. The irrecohctlabienefs of these two in
terests did more to prevent the formation of a republic in
Great-Britain, than all the ambition of a Cromwell; and, if
I mistake not, Ludlow in his memoirs charges its failure to
this cause alone. Where no King is, that body must erjoy
his power or be annihilated: They muff and will hang to
gether. To a man of reflexion this will readily appear, and
fully explain the reasons why a Parliament that dethroned a
King, voted a House of Lords useless. They will be an
everlasting plague to the society which has not a King, tor
they will always be aiming at kingly authority : And where
there is a King their dignity and confcquence will fl^w from
him, and they will be his tools, if he makes no attack oh
their peculiar priviledges
Two or more didina interests can never exif tin society,
without finally destroying the liberties of the people. The
best plans will fail in accomplishing this until mankind (hail
have universally learned to do to others as they would be
done unto. The whole wisdom of the Britifli nation, at a
time when its virtue and wisdom was at the highest, exerted
its utmost efforts to form a perfea plan of political freedom,
and to preserve and secure the rights of the three diftina
clades of King, Lords and Commons, and it was th night they
had effeaed it; but latter experience has proved the con
trary. The crown of Great-Britain is now as absolute in le
g Nature as the crown of Franca, and were it not for the Ha
beas Corpus aa, and trial by jury, the consequences of of
fending it would be full as fatal.
Kings and nobles are artificial beings for whole emolument
civil society was never intended, and notwthftanding they
have had the good fortune to escape without general censure
from the w®rld, yet I will boldly affirm that nine tenths of
all the pubii@ calamities which ever betel mankind, were
brought on by their means. The protest which the Almighty
entered against Kings, when the Jews demanded one, thews
in what estimation they are held by the divinity. Point me
out the King that does not verify the description and I will
begin to fufpe& the divinity of the bible. Wicked Kings
and Governors make up the history of the old testament, and
the chief part of the labour of the prophets was to keep them
within bounds. It is thought to be vastly in favour of King's
that we are commanded to pray for them ; but if the na
ture or design of prayer were attended to, it would certainly
m.ke igainit them. If the wickt'deft of men stand mod in.
need of prayers ; it is no wonder that so many clergymen are
continually fending up petitions for Kings ; but it is certain
ly much against them t iat all these prayers do them so little
good.
Mankind never differed fn much during the exiftance of a
republic as they have fff< red io the short reigns of many
Kings. A Harry the Bth did more milchief to his fubje&s
than any republic ever did to its members, notwithttanding
that they were so ill conftioued. But the true principles of
republic inion arc,at present to well understood, and the mode
of conducing such a government so simple and easy, and
America so ft for its reception, that a dozen of wife heads
and honest hearts might in one day form a plan for the united
colonies, which vould as much excel any one now exriling,
as the Britilli cooflitution does that of CatFreria.
Few opportunities have ever been offered to mankind of
framing an entire constitution of government upon equitable
princip es. All modern writers on this fubfea, agree that
mankind are entitled to freedom by birth, and that they are
independent of, arid on a level with each other, when they
enter into society. This being the case, it is evident that
where gieat didinaions ertift in a community before its con
stitution is formed, its members do not enter on equally ad
vantageous terms, and it will be difficult if not impofti<le to
frame an equitable plan. Rome had her Patres, and Patres
Conferipti, before die attempted it, and the consequence was
an eternal clafliing of interest which kept their constitution so
fluctuating, that they never could be said to have any thing
(For the remainder fee lift page.)
When I ferionfly contider this, arid take a calm survey of
the slate of civil gevernwedt throughout the world, the modes
whereby they acquired their polent forms, and the chutes
which gave rife to them, I cannot help cherishing a secret
hope, that God has defined America to form the latt and
bed plan which can pollibly exist, ana that he will gradually
carry those who have long bent under the galling yoke of ty
ranny in every other quarter of the globe, into the bosom of
perfect liberty and freedom in America. Were the great men
of the present day, and all those who choose to interfere in
public affairs only to set before them the godlike plcafure of
conferring the molt lading and compleat Rate of happiness
human nature is capable of, in a date of civil society on
millions yet unborn, and the eternal reward which must at
tend ihe doing of so much good, I cannot help thinking but
contraaed views, partial interests and party taaious would
fink under and yield to considerations of so greatly superior
a nature.
Appointing the distribution of prizes taken during the continuance of
the rebellion now fubfifiing in divers parts of the Continent of
North America.
GEORGE R.
WHEREAS by an act, made in this present sessions of
Parliament, intitled, “An Aft to prohibit ail trade
“ and iutercoutfe with the Colonies of New-Hampshire,
“ Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-lfland, Connecticut New Yoik,
" New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Lower Counties on
" Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, South
“ Carolina, and Georgia, during the continuance of the pre
" sent rebellion within the said Colonies rcfpeaively for
'' repealing an aft, made in the fourteenth year of his pre
“ sent Majesty, to discontinue the lauding and difebarging,
" lading or Whipping of goods, wares, and merchandize, at
'' the town and within the harbour of Bafton, in the pro
“ vince of Massachusetts-Bay; and also two a&s, made in
“ the lad session of parliament, for retraining the trade and
" commerce of the Colonies in the said acts tefpeaivel,
''mentioned ; and tc, enable any person or persons, appoint"
" cd and authorized by his Majesty, to grant patdons to if
" sue proclamations, in the cases and for the purpoles there
in mentioned;" it is, among other things, ena&ed, That all
fliips and vessels of or belonging to the inhabitants of the
said Colonies, together with their cargoes, apparel, and fur
niture, except as in the said a&s are excepted, and all other
fliips and vessels whatsoever, together with their cargoes, ap
parel, and furniture, which Shall be found trading in any,
port or place of the said Colonies, or going to trade, or com
ing from trading, in any such port or place, except as are
therein also excepted, fhal> become forfeited to his Majesty,
as if .he fame were the Ships and effects of open enemies,
and Shall be so adjudged, deemed, and taken, in all courts
of Admiralty, and in all other courts whatsoever: And for
the encouragement of the officers and seamen of his Majesty's
Ship of war. it is thereby also further enacted, that flag offi
cers, Captains, Commanders, and other commissioned offi
cers in his Mjefty'^ py. and also the seamen, marines, and
soldiers on board, Shall have the foie interest and proper y of
and in all and .voy such thip, v ffel, goods and merchan
dize, which they fliallftize and take, (being firft adjudged
lawful prize in any of his Majesty's courts of Admiralty)
to be divided into Such proportion,, and after such manner,
as his Majority Shall think fit to order and direct b, procla
mation o iproclamations hereafter to be jibed for those par
pofes; We, taking the premises into consideration, do, pur
suant to the said a& of parliament, (with the advice of our
Privy Council) by this our proclamation order, direct, and
appoint, That the neat produce of all prizes taken, in pur
fuarce of the said a&, by our Ships of wai, be divided into
eight equal parts, and h deftributed in manner following,
that is to fay, To the Caoain or Captains or any of our Ships
of war, who Shall be a&ually an board at tie staking of any
prize, three eight parts but in case any such prize Shall be
taken by anv of our Ship or fliips of wag, under the com
mand of a flag or fl igs, the flag officer 01 flags being actually
on board, or directing and affixing in the capture, Shall
have one of the said three eighth pat', the said one eighth
part to be paid to such fl.g or flag officers, in such proporti
ons and Subject to fuel regulations, as are herein after for
that purpose mentioned: To the Captains of marines and
land forces, sea lieutenants and master, on board any such
Ships, one eighth part, to be equally divided amongst them :
To the lieutenants and quarter makers of marines, and
lieutenants, ensigns, and quarter-makers of land forces,
boatswain, gunner, purfur, carpenter, matter's rm.tr, chirur
geofy pilot, and chaplain on board, any fuel /hip one
eighth part, to be equally divided amongst there: To the
midshipmen, secretary to the flag officer, captain's clerk,
matter, fadmaker, carpenter's marcs, boatswain's mates, gun
ner's mates, maker at arms, corporals, yeomen of the Sheets,
cockfwain, quarter-matter's, quar cr-mafter's mates, chirur
geon's mates, yeomen of the powder room, and ferj^ants of
marines or land forces, on board any such fliips, one eighth
part to be equally divided amongst them. To the trumpeters,
quarter gunners, carpenter's crew, Steward, cook, armourer,
Steward's mate, cook's mate, gunfmitb, cooper,, fwabber,
ordinary trumpeter, barber, able seamen, ordinary seamen,
and marines or other foldicrs, and all other pfrfous doing
duty or affixing on board any such fliips, two eighth parts,
to be equally divided amongst them.
And in case any sea captain, inferior commission nr war
rant sea officer, belonging to any Ship of war for whom any
Shares of prizes are hereby allowed, be absent at the time of
the capture of any prize, the Share of such Sea captain, in
ferior commiffiun or warrant sea officer, Shall be cast into the
.Shares hereby allowed to the trumpeters, quarter gunners,
carpenter's crew, steward, cook, armourer, reward's mate,
cook's mate, gunfmitb, cooper, fwabber, ordinary trumpe
ter, barber, able seamen, ordinary Seamen, and marine or
other soldiers, and other persons doing duty or assisting on.
board any such fliips, to be equally divided among them.
Provided, that if any officer or officers on board any of our
Ships of war, at the time of taking any such prizes. Shall have
more commiffidns or offices than one, he or they Shall be en
titled only to the Share or Shares of the Aid prizes, which ac
cording to the above-mentioned diftilpion, Shall belong to
his or their refpe^ive Superior dornufiflinty »r offices.
And we do hereby ftrialy enjoin all arid every commander
or commanders of any Ships of war, taking any prize as
soon as may be, to transmit, or cause to be transmitted, to
the commissioners of our navy, a true lift or the names of all
the officers, seamen, marines, foldicrs or others, who we-e
actually on board our Ships of war, under his or their com-
From the LONDON GAZETTE, of December 23.
BY the KI N G.
A PROCLAMATION.