The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-03 00:00:00, page 1

P HILA DE L PHI A.
In CONGRESS, March 14, 1776.
Resolved, r rHAT it be recommended to the Several Aherr
blies, Conventions and Councils, or Commit
tees of Safety of the United Colonies, immediately to cause
all persons to be disarmed within their respective colonies,
who are notoriously difaffedted to the cause of America, or
who have npt associated, and refufe to aflociate to defend by
arms, these United Colonics against the hoftilc attempts of the
British fleets and armies; and to apply the arms taken from
such performs in each refpe&ive colony, in the firft place, to
the arming the Continental troops railed in said colony; in
the next, to the arming such troops as are railed by the colony
for its own defence, and the residue to be applied to the aim
ing the associators : That the arms, when taken, be apprised
by indifferent persons, and such as arc applied to the arming
Continental troops to be paid for by Congress; and the resi
due by the refpe&ive Aflemblics, Conventions or Councils,
or Committees of Safety.
Extras from the minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
In CONGRESS, March zo, 1776.
WHEREAS, in the execution of the resolve of Con
gress of the fourteenth of March refpe&wg the dis
arming dtfaffe&ed persons, many fire arms may be taken
Which may not be fit for use, to arm any of the troops
mentioned therein, therefore resolved, that all the tire arms
so taken, being appraised according to said resolve, norm
of them Shall be paid for but thole that are fit tor the use
of such troops, or that may conveniently be so made, and
the temainder shall be fateiy kept by the Assemblies, Con
ventions, Councils, or Committees ot Safety for the owners,
to be delivered to them when the Conguis Shall direct.
March at, 1776.
Resolved, That it be recommended to the fevcral Assem
blies, Conventions and Councils, or Committees ot Satecy,
and Committees ot Correspondence and Inlpedbon, that they
exert their turnoff endeavours to promote the culture of
HEMP, FLAX, and CO ETON, and the growth of WOOL,
in these United Colonies.
Resolved, that it be recommended to the said Assemblies,
Conventions and Councils, or Committees ot Safely, that
they take the earheft meafurcs for creating and establishing,
in each a id every colony, a lociety for the improvement
ot agriculture, arts, manufactures and commerce ; and to
maintain a correspondence between such Societies. that the
rich and numerous natural advantages ot this country, tor
Supporting its inhabitants, may not be neglected.
Resolved, That it be recommended to the said Assem
blies, Conventions and Councils, or Committees of Safety,
that they forthwith consider of ways and means of intro
ducing the'manufactures ot DUCK and SAIL CLO TH, and
STEEL, into such colonies where they art not now under
dood; and ot encouraging, inercafing, and improving them
where they are.
Extras from the Minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
To the ignorable the Kepr^ntattves 0/ the Freemen of the pro
vince of Pennjf: u niain General Assembly met, the Memori
al of the Committee of hgpcßion and observation for the City
and Liberties of Philadelphia rcfpedjul) jhewetb,
&> THAT they have the highelt Role or the necessity of
the UNION of the COLONIES at the pretent juncture, when
the Parliament—Minifti) —and King or Grcai-Britain are
united in uling their umudt efforts to subdue, and enslave
them;
•' Th-t they have likewise the bigheft sense of the necef-
Gry of secrecy in many ot the measures of the CONGREsS,
particularly in thole which relate to military affairs ;
" That they apprehend that the INSTRUC I lONS of the
Honorable Afiembiy of November 90, 1775, to their Dele
gates, have a tendency to weaken the union of the Colonies,
Lei to make public many of those measures ot the CON
GRESS, which found policy requires fhouid be known only
to the Members of that body ;
“ The Committee beg leave therefore to regueft that the
laid Hiltructions .be icicinded, and tarher to declare that
they are of opinion that Peacs: —Liberty -and Safety
can only be obtained tor this province, by a Strict adherence
to the revolutions ot a majority ot the Colonies.
Signed in behalf, and by Order 0: the Committee, by
Maren xo 1776. JOHN BAYARD, Chairman.”
In COMMITTEE of Inspection aud Observation,
Maren x 6, 1776.
WHEREAS the Continental Congress did lately resolve,
" That if any pterfon shall be to left 10 all virtue and regard
" tor this country, as to refuse to receive the BILLS of
"CREDIT emitted by the authority of Congress, or Ihould
• obitruct or dtfeourage the curency thereof, and be cmi
'*vifted by the Committee of the city, county, or ddbiet
' where he Ihould rehde, such perlon liquid tie deemed,
“ pubhihed and treated as m enemy ot tins c untry, and
" be precluded from all trade or intercouHe with the iiihabi
•' tarns of these colonies." An 4 whereas HhNjAMIN
SHARPLESS of this city, being charged with a breach of
this resolve, in tetuhug to receive the above Bids of Credit
in payment, appeared bei»re die Committee tor the ciy and
liberties, acknowledged the truth of the charge, and alledgd,
in h's defence, fcruplcs ot conference ilicieupon, as being
m ney emitted for the purpose of war.
ToC Committee, pursuant to the trust reposed in them, pro
ceeded to confider the charge and defence, and were of opi
nion, that if such allegation was true, yet as the Comgrets
have made no exceponu, and as fu«n conduc'd tends to tub
vert the mod edential rights and liberties ot their fellow ci
tizens, and by dehroymg the mead's of defence, to expole
their lives and properties to unavoidable ruin, it ought not
THE,
April 5, 1776. .^^ tf ' 39 '
PENNSYLVANIA J||% 'JOURNAL;
WEEKLY ^^^^ ADVERTISER.
SSss^^^^^ l ^^^^^^^ GS^^^S^^^
^ EDN ^ D4r ^^ ^^^^^76
SAMUEL TUCKER, President.
o:ocfoofocfo)*oc^o„cfooto&^cto cfc^c^c^c ofcc^c*)
~ L E TT E R I.
To C A T O.
r ro be nobly -wrong is more manly than to be .meanly right.
I Only let the erior be difintcrefted—let it wear net tie
mask, but the mark of principle, and 'tis pardonable. It is
on this large and liberal ground, that we diftinguilh between
men and their tenets, and generously preserve our friendship
for the one, while we combat with every prejudice of the
other. But let not Cato take this compliment to himfelf; he
stands excluded from the benefit of the diftinaion; he de-
Serves it not— And if the sincerity of disdain can add a cubit
to the dature of my leotiments, it shall not be waning.
It is indifferent to me who the writer of Cato's letters art,
and lufiicient for me to know, that they arc gorged with ab
surdity, confufion, contradiction, and the mast notorious and
wilful fallhoods. Let Cato and his faction be against Inde
pendence and welcome; their consequence will not now turn
the Scale: But let them have regard to justice, and pay some
attention to the plain doctrine of reafpe. Where these arc
wanting, the sacred cause of truth applauds our auger, and
dignities it with the name of Virtue.
Four letters have already appeared under the specious name
of Cato. What pretentions the writer of them can have to the
Signature, the public wid belt determine ; while, on my own
part, I prophetically content mnelt with contemplating -he
similarity of their exits. The firft of these letters promised a
fecund, ,tk Second a third, the third a tourth; the fourth
hath since made its appearance, and (hil the writer keeps wide
of the question. Why doth he thus loiter in the Suburbs of
the.difputc? Why hath he not ihewn ns/what the numerous
bieffings of reconciliation are, and proved them padicarie ?
But he cunningly avoids the point. He cannot but difeover
the rock he is driving on. The fate of ,h< -Rman Cato is
before his eyes: And that the public may be prepared for his
funeral, and for his funeral Oration, I will venture to predict
the time and the manner of his exit. The moment he ex
plains his terms of reconciliation the ty pbgraphieal Cato dies,
if they be calculated to please the Cabinet they will not go
down with the Colonies; and if they be Suited to the Colonies
they will be rj died by the Cabinet: The line of no-variation
is yet unsound; and, like the philosophers done, doth not
exilt. " I am boid," fays Cato, “ to declare and yet hope
" to make it evident to every honed man, that the true in
" tereft of America lies in reconciliation with Grcat-Biitain on
" corjtiiuional principles."
Tins is a curious way of lumping the business indeed! And
Cato may as web attempt to catch lions io a mouse-trap as to
hope 10 allure the public with such general and unexplained
expreflions. It is now a meer bug-bear to talk of reconciliation
on confactional principles, Uriels the terms of the firft be pro
duced and the ieiife of the other be defined; and unicfs he
do«s this he does n* hinz
To follow Cato through every absurdity and falfliood in
the compass of a * letter is impuffibic ; neither is it n # *w ne.-
cefTaiy Cefohdra (and I thank him) hath Saved me much
trouble; there is a Spirit in his remarks which honesty only
can inspire, and a uniformity in the conduct of his letter
which the want of principle can never arrive at. Maik that,
Cato.
One observation which I cannot help makir g on Cato's let
ters, is, that they are addressed " To the People of Penhfylva
via" only : To ahnoft afiv other writer this might have palled
unnoticed; tut we know it hath mischief in its'm'caning.The
to be admitted. But it appears by his own acknowledgement,
that he ha's heretofore received, and does continue to receive
Bills of Credit emitted in this and the neighbouring piovinces,
though frequently issued lor the purposes of war, therefore
such objection is not well founded, or the present pretence
confident with his former conduct.— This Committee there
fore (rhe party having declared he did not mean to appeal to
any other Board) do unanimeufly hold up to the world the
said BENJAMIN SHARPLESS as an ENEMY to his country,
and precluded from all Trade or Intercourse with the inha
bitants of these colonies.
Ordered, That the above be ptiblifbed.
Extract from the Minutes,
R. STRETTELL JONES, Secretary.
In C OMMITTEE of SAFET Y, New-Jersey.
Trenton, March 22, 1776.
Resolved Unanimously, That it be recommended to the several
County of Townfliip Committees in this Colony, immediately
to cause all persons to be disarmed within their refpe&ive di
ftrias, who are notoriously difaffe&ed to the cause of Ameri
ca, or who have not afibciated, and refufe to associate, to de
fend by arms the United Colonies, against the hoftilc attempts
of the British fleets and armies; and to apply the arms taken
from such persons in this colony, in the firft place, tQ the
arming the Continental troops raised in this colony; in the
next, to the arming such troops as are railed in this colony
for its own defence, and the residue to be applied to the arm
ing the associators: That the arms, when taken, be appraised
by indifferent persons, aid such as arc applied to the aiming
Continental troops, be paid for by the Continental Congress;
and the residue, by the Congress or Committee of Safety of
this colony.
Rejolvea, That each county or townfltip Committee in this
colony, do immediately appoint two or more reputable per
lons in each township to appraise all arms taken as aforelaid,
which appraifement thall be delivered to the Chairman of such
county or township Committee, in order to be by them hand
ed up to the Congtefs or Committe of Safety of this colony,
for payment. By order of the Committee,
* he writer wtenwd at firft to have contained hts remarks tn
one letter.
tion.
There is nothing in Cato's firft letter worthy of notice but
the following insinuating falfliood : • 'Grievous as the lead
" restraint of the press must always be, to a people entitled
''to freedom, it must be the more so, when it is not only
" unwarranted by thofc to whom they have committed the care
" of their liberties but cannot be warranted be them, con
" fiftent with liberty itfelf."—The rude and unfcholaftical
confufion of persons in the above paragraph, though it throws
an obfeurity on the meaning, still leaves it discoverable. Who,
Sir, hath laid any restraint on the liberty of the press ? 1
know of no instance, in which the press hath ever been :he
object of notice, in this province, except on account of the
tory letter from Kent county, which was published last spring
in the Pennsylvania Ledger, and which it was the duty of every
good man to detect, because the hsnefly of the press is as great
an obje& to society as the freedom of it. If this is the re
straint you complain of, we know your true character at
once ; and that it is so, appears evident from the expression
which immediately follows the above question; your w rds
are, “ Nevertheless, ire readily submitted to it, while the
" lead colourable pretence could be offered for requiring
" such a submission." Who Submitted, Cato ? we Whigs,
or -we Tories ? Until you clear up this, Sir, you mult content
youtfelf with being ranked among the rankest of the writing
Tories ; because, no other body of men can have any pre
tence to compiain of want of freedom of the press. It is
not your throwing out, now and then, a I'itt e popular phrase,
which can prote& vou from suspicion ; they are only the
gildings under which the poison is conveyed, and without
which you dared not to renew your attempts on the virtue of
the people.
Cato's second letter, or the greatest part thereof, is taken
up with the .reverence due from us to the persons and author
rity of the Commiflioners, whom Cato vainly and ridi
culously ftiics Ambassadors coming to negotiate & peace. How
came Cato not to be let a little better into the Secret? The
act of parliament which describes the powers of these men,
hath been in this city upwards of a month, and in the hands
too of Cato's friends. No, Sir, they are not the Ambassadors
of peace, but the distributors if pardons, mifehief and insult.
Cato discovers a gross ignorance of the British constitution,
in supposing that these men can be empowered to act as Am
bassadors To prevent his future errors I will set him right.
The present war differs from every other, in this inflance,
viz. that it is not carried on under the prerogative of the
mown as other wars have always been, but under the autho
rity of the whole legislative power united, and as the barriers
which fraud in the way of a negotiation, are net proclamati
ons but aeis of parliament,'it evidently follows, that were
even the King of England here in person, he could not ra
tify the terms or conditions of a reconciliation; because, in
the Single character of King he could not Stipulate for the
repeal of any aSs of parliament, neither can the Parliament:
Stipulate for him. There is no body of men m< re jealous of
their privileges than the Commons : Because they fell them.
Mark that, Cato.
I hive not the least doubt upon me but that their business
(txclufive of granting us pardons) is downright bribery and
corruption, itis the machine by which they effect ah their
plan.' We ought to view them as enemies of a oft *angcr
ou a species, and he who means not to be corrupted by thfy°
wili enter his protest in time. Are they not the very nfe, wha'
are paid for voting in every measure against us, ^ffl ought wT
n^e to suspect their designs? Can we view the hirbatiahs as
friends? Would it be prudent to truftthe viper in, our very
botomsh O, to Suffer them to ramble at large an@ g us whii'^
such doubtful characters as Cato have , being upon it; cvu^
particular circumflanc^ of a Convention is undoubtedly Pro
vincial, but the great business of rhe day is Continental. And
he who dares to endeavour to withdraw this province from
the glorious union by which all are supported, deserves the
reprobation of all men. It is the true intcreft of the whole
to go hand in hand ; and dismal in every instance would be
the fate of that Colony which Should retreat from the pro
te&ion of the rest.
The firft of Cato's letters is insipid in its stile, language
and substance ; crouded with pcrfonal and private innuen
does, and directly levelled against" the Majefiy of the People
of Pennsylvania." The Committee could only call, propose,
or recommend a Convention ; but, like all other public mea
fares, it still rested with the people at large whether they
would approve it or not; and Cato's reasoning on the right
or wrong of that choice is contemptible; because, if the bo
dy of the people had thought, or Should still think, that the
Assembly (or any of their Delegates in Congress) by Setting
under the embarrassment of oaths, and entangled with govern
ment and Governors, are not so perfectly free a they ought
to be, they undoubtedly had, and still have both the right
and the power to place even the whole authority of the As
sembly in any body of men they please ; and whoever is har
dy enough to fay to the contrary is an enemy to mankind.
The constitution of Pennsylvania hath been twice changed
thr< ugh the-cunning of former Proprietors ; surely, the eo
ple, whose right, power and property is greater than that of
any Single man, may make such alterations in their mode of
government as the change of times and things require. Cato
is exceedingly fond of impressing us with the importance of
our " chartered confitution." Alas! We are not now, Sir, to
be led away by the jingle of a phrase. Had we framed our
conduct by the contents of the present charters,, we had ere
now, been in a state of helpless misery. Tjhat very fffembly
you mention hath broken it, and been obliged to break it,
in almost every instance of their proceedings. Hold it up to
the Public and it is transparent with holes; pierced with as
many deadly wounds as the-body of M'Cloed. Disturb not
its remains, Cato, nor dishonour it with another funeral ora-