Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-06-27 00:00:00, page 2

lift. 2—JaJheaiWley. ■
'' f;NSi '3—ftitii»r# H. U», AkxHiifStr Jordan*,
&M»! ♦r-'Sshwtl ftmitfchf-WiHiam Stanhope.
tU&frtp. 4f-iR6b*it TeyW, Wright Southgate,
ifeo: <^ojfewo«t Coleman, George Newton.
No* T—^ranfts Sntj^i, Patrick K%nr.
B. Archer, Robert F.. Steed.
m Mrn"
On iuoudey evening the Tragedy of Mahomet
(hr the benefit of Matter 1‘itynt, was performed at
ptirTh^afre, »*d to the most crowded audience we
, Itn^fntifrrr ev*r to have seen. It was pleating to
tile friends of genius and merit, to perceive them so
liberally patronized.
The frigata Uvitrd State*, Commodore Di
CATt’K, arrived in Hampton Road yesterday from
Pliiladslpbia.
The report ©I the day is, that Rlr. Pinkney is so
much pleas'd with till- British climate, that he mean*
to reitta'^fn tha^ country—to that the story of Ins
feeing ftWiltd, is not likely to be realized literally !
Aurora.
Wfe sbotHd not have copied this article from the
Avrora,- if it had not struck us as being connected
*rUb, and intended in nunopinion to produre theef
frct, with a report, which reached ns some time
Frotnauthority, which we do place the utmnst
Moftifenre in, w«learned that Mr. Rohert Smith stat
ed in conversation, that Mr. Pinkney would probably
— not return to this country, but intended to remain in
^England, knd practise the Law, when his mission
'IMS terminated. When wr received this informati
, on our mind was prepared for Mr. Pinkney’s denun
. ei|tion—It was said carelessly, and the hearer left
to make bis own comment—That we may readily
*appo»e “ If Mr. Pinkney has determined to re
4in»ain la England he most le attached to that
‘^jpoontry more than bis own * We do not believe
the report, and set it down for nothing more nor
TdSt,th»n a mean artifice to destroy Mr. Pinkney in
ih* pobiick estimation—We are not the advocates
of,Mr. P. bat we detest snch low artifices.
, -JtriCiti Blociadea anterior to the Berlin Decree.—
To a tight undemanding of those orders of block
ade, it may be proper to refer to the orders them*
«lv«*. for which porpi.ee the notifica'ion by Mr.
Ihjr of the blockade of May, 1806, given to Mr.
ftfoneoe, is subjoined. Whether this order is equal
ly violative of nor neutral rights with the llrrlin d«
*(** moat appear by refereme to both; The Ber
lin decree declares'the whole British nation in
blockade, and confiscates ull ves' cls with their car
goes boond to tny British port, whether with ntm
U*1 goods n> those of an enemy. The blockade of
May 1806, bfoekadesfrOr,, Brest to the Elbe. with,
il reservation, that vessels laden with neutral pro
perty. nt*'? freely enter (except ports from the Seine
to Osfend) and depart, provided they are not going
or coining, to or from an enemies port. This
. order left dor intercourse with Holland, and that
f ort of France not excepted, as free as it ever'was.
It did not deprive ns of n market for our produce,
»0T of obtaining those articles .for which we were
inclined to exchange. The only port of any impor
tance from which otir ships were excluded was
Havre de Grace—all the ports of the Bay of Biscay
nod the Mediterranean, the port of Antwerp, and
the ports of Holland were open. This order certainly
prevented vs from trading from one Trench port to
•pother, or from a French port-to the Colonics—
If these interdictions ere contrary to the laws of na
tl#d», the French less than any other nation ought
^“‘■'■'ilaiw, they being in conformity to tb« Frcuch
ki7o*. • . vv>.
do «M Incline,to justify either nation, tut we
ism itrlg^l fact* ought to be stated.
C'jESMnv_l*'VOg
. Downing Street, jt/ay lS, 1 SOS.
she undersigned. his majesty’s principal secreta
" rynf state for foreign sffislrs, bus received hit ma
jwly’i commands to acquaint Mr. Monroe, that
«fc« king, taking into consideration the new tmdex
. U^'D»ry means resorted to l.v the enrmv for the
" »T distressing the commerce «f his sub
Mq thotiaht fit 4® direct that the necessary
t*i|jp»W he token for the blorkitrie of the
'» riwVrand ports, from the river Elbe, to the
fflVMh InrtattV.; nwd the said roast,
'l por|s ate and must he considered as
| vhot t^at his majesty is pleased to de
*»rh Mockade shiiU ootevti nd to prevent
ips and vessels, Indented with goods n»>t
pteperty of his majesty’s enemies, * id not
trahand of war, from aprjjr'mc^,^ tf,*
and entering into andsanim; fnis^whe
«ad ports, (save «nri*vcrpt the rocsf,
ports from Ostefld to the river ?-eirw, ul.
fenf strirland rigoroi/s blockptie, and
'b* considered aj*jj oc»a ti nae J) provid
pq and ystrtfis So approve Irirg and
t »»nfofttb$d)sha’J not haveheen ]a
■ to or io th# possession pj
_ - <fnd that file Mfd ships
frpm thd said rivers end ports
•sbalftw ftjfetfindd" to any
Htntb*pfl*i*«i<W> ofan*ofM.
nor bfTe.preyiewj, ,Woken
•ftrv V«vh.<•* , • .
^»log
_jtttejSiilf nife -.
tral powers, WH1 be adopted end exeroted with re
V** tt.yni'h attempting inviolate tbeaaidiljJdHj-'
*6*jj0»r this notice.
The undersigned retjttests 'Mr. Monroe to eccrpt
t!»« Msurance* of hi* high consideration. ’ *
(Signed) C. J.^FOX.
r Cept. Atkin* of the srb’r Parrot,* who arrived at
Xewburyport, inform* that there was a report in
Cadiz, that the Archduke Charles was going to sue
teed Kinjj Joseph, and that he was coming on
with a huge army for that popose. Capt. A. fur
ther reports that on the jgrh April, the day before
he sailrd, three English transports, full of troops
arrival there, by the way of Lisbon.
The despatches received l.y the John Adams cor
rnliorate the remarks we lately offered to the pub
hlic on publishing the note of the due of C’a*
dnre, with the accompany ingletters of general Arm
strong. In presenting a fuller view of the state of
nur foreign relations, thry shew how little we ought
to expect from the justice of either France or Eng
land, and loudly call'upon us to abandon all partia
lity for either of them. We h#ve lung considered
this as the imperious duty of onr countrymen. In
the desperate game lor wealth and power which is
playing on the continent of Europe, we have seen a
total destitution of principle and disregard of the
rights Or interests of others. The plea of necessity,
ever the watch word of tyranny, which has been so
vehemently urged, ought to have convinced us, that
while the present storm continues, however a trea
ty might have been patched up with both or either
of lb* belligerents, it would he either of short dura
tion, or faithlessly, if not treacherously, exeruled.
But as credulity is the last acquisition of an honest
mind, which struggles against it until compelled by
irresistible facts to receive it, so, to the honour of
the American people, they have heen slow to apprr
ciate the motives of the leading governments ol
Europe. Honest themselves, with no ambition but
that of fairly pursuing their own interests without
invading those of others, they have cherished the
hup* that the aggressions committed from lime to
time upon their rights would be soon succeeded by
a respect tor them and by a renewal of political con
fidence and mmmert ial intercourse. But they must,
now be convinced that the career of ambition and
the inordinate thirst for riches are not to he arrested
by tnsxims of justice or laws censer rated-by the
wisdom of ages. They must be satisfied that the
greatest insult that can he offered to the outstretch
ed arm of power is to attempt to arrest it by argu
ment or remonstrance. They must see that Eng.
land sod France stand in th« same attitude towards
us, and that the assertion of nur independence can
\ only he correctly displayed by ceasing to palliate or
apologise for the unjust conduct of either.
There was for a lime a fuitii hope that the propo
sitionsubmitted by our government thalthe respcc*
live orders and decrees of the belligerents should be
chronologically revolted, would be agreed to by
them, and something like nn accommodation ba tha
result. But even this hope, shadowy as it was, is
uow dispelled. England has refused to annul the
orders of blorkade issued by her antecedent to the
B“rliu decree, a.<J thereby neutralised the of
terofthe French government torevuke that decree
on condition of the previous revocation by the Bri
tish government ol her previous blockades of France.
As this is a point oFconsiderable importance,
iimmorh as it proves unequivocally the disposition
of the British government, and tests the sincerity of
its previous assurances, we shall dilate a little upon
it. It, in performing this duty,-tba facts stated, or
thr interl ines deduced from them, evince a want of
good faith on the part of the British government,
we trust we shall not, in condensing such conduct,
he viewed as virtually advocating the conduct of the
French government. We wish it t* be distinctly
understood that u* can condemn the conduct of
one, without approving that of the other ; that, in.
the strictures otfrred, we art the part ol Americans;
that we are neither Frenchmen or Englishmen, l.ut
Americans ; and that although, as uhilainhrnDists.
we wish wpll even tn our enemies, yet ns patriots,
we consider it our duty to maintain by nil just
means the rights end interests of our own rountiy.
It will he recollected that the violations of our
rights by France and England have been alt-along
justified by each on the giound of retaliation. Nei*
| thw government has maintained its right to origi
iiat§ the aggressions committed by it, but earh has
insisted upon its right to retaliate upon its enemy
tor her onginnl violations of the laws of nations.—
lu has been in vain that we have denied the justice
of this principle of retaliation, 'by alledging that a
just retaliation could only fall on the enemy of the
offending nation, and not on neutrals, who had
maintained «n inviolable impartiality. Having
••ore taken their ground, both the belligerents have
been deaf to our remonstrances.
In the course of thenunmous explanations which
tbtse outrages gave rise to, both the English and
French ministers frequently declared, that, as to
the measures taken by their respective governments
were entirely retaliatory, either would, on the pre
vious repeal of the orders of the other, moke its
own. 1
To pat the sincerity of this assurance to the test,
we find that Gc.v. Arrrmrory, in virtue of an in
struction from Mr, Snijih ol the first of December
tost, enquired of the doc dr Cadore “ what were the
conditions on which his majesty the emperor would
.inaulht* decree, commonly called the Berlin &>'•
rrre; » ttd whether, if Great Britain revoked her
'^hicktfkh os, a date Mteriour to that decree, bis ma
psty would Cjin|*-nt i*> revoke the said detree.”
To yk'w enquiry the due de Cadore rained for
'** To* only condition required for the revocation
by bis majesty theeniperour of (be decree of berlin,
will be 4 previous revocation by the British gnvrrn
stwutmf ber tlachades of France or part of France
(such as that from the Elbe to Brest, he.) of «date
grifeiior to thw of lie aforesaid decree"
Tbc-p bkeikudes, if will be held in tuind, are pa
per. block sd*s, at rontr.editiinguiihed from actual
*:5fc*rh (the paper Mutiadew,) it in allowed
00 *Vw*pn$s, aranatautftomed by tha laws cfnv'
up
Due dtCadore brought
Jcftdmg^mse tpo point. All room for subter
frg* #at* *eme»«r hy it. The condition of the
efomrtr*
; excfaciveTy' ,,
0 >j to bh'opV of dilt antcriunr to fj
?V Me
decree. r ■■■'>.■*"-' * ' -, - --- r«
TSis vritlen ieclifatinh 3f tli*' Frenrh goveftfr.
meot, solemnly made in tb* n«mc nf the EmpeVor,
rrwrbed Mr. Pinkney on the 12th of February. Mr.
Pinkiiey writes to Lord Wellesley, and enquires of
him, in pursuance of a previous iniimation, “ whe
ther sny, end if any, what blot k«des of France, in
stituted by Great Britain during the pres«*l war,
tefore the first ef January, 1807, are understood by
his majesty's government tote in force." In the
previous intimation, alluded to, Mr. Pinkney had ex
plained to Lord Wellesley the probability dor Jed by
gen. Armstrong’s letter that a declaral.ou by the
British government that no such blockades exist
ed would be followed by the recall of the Berlin de
cree.
To the letter nf Mr. Pinkney, Lord Wellesley re
plies, on the 2d of March, “ that the roast, rivers,
and ports from the i.ver Elbe to Brest, both inclu
sive, were notified to be und-r the restrictions of
blockade, with certain modifications, on the l6th
of May, I80C ; and that these restrictions were af
terwards comprehended in the order iu council nf the
7th oi January, 1807, which order is still in
force.”
An explanation of this note having been asked by
Mr. Pinkney, Lord Wellesley, on the 2iitb of March,
most explicitly answers as follows :
“ The blockade, notified by Great Britain in
.May, 18Q(), has never been formally withdraw!) ;
it cannot therefore, be accurately stated, that the re
strictions, which it established, rest (/(together on the
order of council of the 7th of-January, 1307 ; they
are comprehended under the more extensive restric
tions of that order. No other blockade of the
ports of France whs instituted by Great Britain be-*
tween the l6th of May, I8fl6, and the 7th of Ja
nuary, I8O7, excepting the blockade of Venice, insti
tuted on the 2?th July, 18C6, which it still iu
force."'
Itere then 19 a broad and unequivocal acknow*
IfilgemcRl, by the British government, that- some
ot her illegal blockades against France, of a date
anterior to (he BerliD decree, are still in farre.
Frcm these farts, admitted by herself the follow
ing inference* are irresistible.
1. Thai England was the original aggressor upon
neutral lights. -
2. That she still persists in some of her original
aggressions, enlorced and extruded by subsequent
older*.
2. 1 hat the pretext that they are a retaliation
upon France is false.
4. That whin btought to the point, nod the sin
cerity i f her assurances are put to the test, it ap
pears that she is unwilling to give valadity to those
assurances, by revoking bar pap,-.i blockades of date
anteriour to the Berlin decree, as, if the were so
disposed, she might revoke them by a new order in
the same summary way in which they were origi.
nally passed. Jy'at. Intel.
SOUTH AMERICA.
As every thing connected with that great coun
try, which is now the scene of important transac
tions, is interesting to Ameiirans, we publish the
subsequent observations on her approaching inde
pendence. and its reception of ly Great Creat-Bri
tain and France, friynr Sidney’s letters on. the affairs
«/ Spain and Spanish America, by the author of
South American Independence.
“ I* nuay he recollected, that oneof my principal
objections to oar suspending the intended emanci
pation of South America, had been the opportunity
it would afford Napoleon to try and gain over her
people to his views, by holding nut to them a pliu*
sible prospect of having the situation of their conn
try materially amended. Unfortunately ibis op
portunity, so much to he deprecated, has been af
forded by nut etrooeons polity ; and though it has
not succeeded, for reasons we shall presently ex
plain, to the utmost of his wish»s, yet it rannnt be
denied it has gained iar him many friends, ami rais
es an insuperable bar to nor hone* of success, bv
any other mode ol proceeding than thai of offering
to support the people in esta' lisbing a full and com
piete independence. 1 he Spanish Americans n je<t
!lie m-liora lions proffered hy Buonap.ute, not be
cause they prefer the oppressions and disabilities of
their own system, hul tor the plain reason, 'and, u3
t is natural for men, heginning-to rontempjalelheii
rights and their power to do, that they desire to
look to pe.rfeet tndcper.dfnre, as being much better
than either. Hence the great body of- Spanish A
merlcans have cried out for Ferdinand the seventh
in opposition to Buonaparte ; the power of the lat
ter they dreaded; while in the certain and speedy
extinction - of the old dynasty, and with it of the
domination of Spain over America, in the peison of
the former, they hailed the approaching emancipa
tion of themselves and their country.
“Thus Spanish America is, virtually, independ
ent at this moment. Events in Spain, ratbei than
the philantropy of* governments, have precipitated
this great result; and it is probable, the moment of
hearing of the sahjertion of the mother country,
will be seized on by the people for proclaiming the
liberty of the colonies. What line of policy then
ought Britain be prepared to adopt, upon this ap*
proeebing, memorable occasion f Will she openly
oppose the will of the people, and tell them they
must not be free ? Surely the experience particu
larly of the New World, must have long since prov
ed to us the folly of this attempt. No, no ; even
the temerity of our ministers will not agaig try the
open conquest of Spanish America. But, I must
confess, I dread the fatal effi ets, of another kind of
policy—equally ruinous, and which, there is great
danger, nur cabinet may be induced to adopt—1
mean that of endeavouring to forra upop fbe Spa
nish Americans, contrary to their own views and
wishes, a King—io liie person of goqae branch of
the unfprunuie House of Bourbon; and who is ac
cording to rumour, to be aided by a fleet and several
leading emigrants from tba south of Spain,
“ To superficial observers, I adapt, the plan of
of transferring to America thf.government of Spain
and placing at its head a member of the subverted
dynasty, may appear not nitty plausible, but also
praise worthy: *.» did,h ahodld be recollected, our
efforts to spiiport that dynasty in Spain herself.—
But, aJ*f ! what have become of those shorts, and
pow mark better bad it Wn we bad never made
tbejbf But what occasioned oaf signal discomflu-re,
in Spait J—Why the mdjftreKe of tieptufU in the
*
tftiu 9t
we v *ent (o
w»Uift* .A
expetieg
>« oa, *b#N
•* *>?>/*
igh w«,
iinr. we
A*«#tfrf t$.§:;
»me |
„ril*h America
feed in a country
itfce people are not imly ioAiilcr«ii=to*\hiS^«SH*
p'es, but also determinedly and generally hostile to
then.whereas it iy *>11' kiiowp the ittass of
tbe population has long resolved to follow tjbe '%x*
an.ple of th« U. States, both in declaring indepen
dence and establishing a popular government*;—
and where,!.) fine, the facilities for their doing,, in
despite of Europe, exists, even in a soperior degree
to wliat they had done on the northern continent.
Is it in this state of things then, and in ductus
country, we are to hope success form a measure
which, instead of being accompanied only ty the
indifference of the people, will be calculated to Ex
cite their active hostility—which must infallibly ar
ray the people in arms against us and leave us ulti
mately, as upon a recent melancholy occasion on
the same continent, without a single friend in tbe
country ? Let no one be deluded by such folly.
“ Our lalse policy has already done us much in
jury with the Spanish Americans ; it led us to fling
away, perhaps forever, the noble opportunity that
ottre presented, lor conferring independence on that
people ; and with this opportunity, the incalculable
advantages we must have derived, from the friend
ship 01 their emancipated,grateful country. Now,
it is probable, the only opportunity that refiieine t» i
us, is to offer our protection to their already declar
ed independence. Let us be cautious then, i con
jure my countrymen, how we treat this last spd
closing prospect in our favour, in the great snuthtm
uivision of America. Our late measures, it should
be recollected, have not been calculated to gain ti'.e
affections of the Spanish Americans ; t ut, on the
contrary, have unhappily rendered them suspicious
of us ; aud, by uselessly opposing the mil of the
people, have excited a hostility from principle that
must, if further aggravated, exclude u3 ultimately
from the whole ol the nrw world. Ought England
in the present crisis, to expose herself to this alter
na ive* anouiri she now, with nearly the entire of
the old world nit ofl front her, risk also her connec
tion with the whole ..fthe n w-apd for whi t nb
, jert ? ro try to tone into r stahlislimeni in the new
woild, contrary to its peculiar circumstances, and to
the views, the int rests and the affectionsof its pe<»
ple, a dynasty nod frame of gorarnrotnt, antiquated <
even in out of the least enlightened cr runs Of En*
rope? No—suiely the common sense of England
i w’" ,<,ve J',T this fresh disgrace ; and part:.
jCulaiiy, as the way to certain success lies so plain
• nd open. The universal hope of our success io
Spain arose from the expectation ; that the people
would join in the cause ; what grounds of hope can
we then have, where the forre of the people wilt ha *
opposed to us? Let ns not, I must Anally beseech
my countrymen, hazard longer the great and solid
interests of the British empire, for inadequate and
inconsistent views. Ti e people of America, tho*
they can and will rstaldish their freedom, and sus
inin it, iurfependiat of os, of all Europe, and of
commerce, yet may, at the present critical and aw
ful moment of their Hfiairs, he gained over to a
fnendly and lasting connection and intercourse with
ns, hy a reasonable offer of prntrclionto their new .
l.btrlies being speuii'y made by us. The offer will
appear gracious on our part; it will enable us to a«.
si?t in directing the great political change in Spanish
America,rmd in preventing mueh confusion ; rt mil
also assist us in opening in that country a hogpiu
_ble assy turn for the emigrutrd Spaniards; it will
be the best and perhaps only mode of dertreying tl e
partiality already formed there by several in favour
of !■ ranee ; it will have a powerful effect, by dis
closing new commercial views, to reconcile cs w.th
North America ; and lastly, by the wide spread
which our trade and our resources must receive,
from having the imroenj- regions of Spanish Ame
rica added to the field <>| their operation, it will have
the proboble effect, by convincing the French em
penuir of the impossibility of. xhausfirtg our mcai.s,
to indue- him to that peace which his present hopes
of injuring us had3 him to refuse." * %
A out. Cil.
* See Sir John Moore’s Idlers to Lord Cos I Is
rcagh.
CONSULAR OFFICE OF SPAIN.
PinxMD£r.pHiA, June 19. 1810.
Having rtcpivtd information from 'the captain
f’rntral and cnminandei in chief of the province of
A ucutan, that he has, by and with iht advice and
consent of his count il, det< rniiiied to open the ports
of Sisal, Campeche, Rnd/Csrman of that province,
until the 30th of September next, for the adrruspi
on of neutral vessels from the United Staley with
flour, Indian corn, pine boards, masts and spars,
anshots, cordage, nails and spikes, canvas, Russia
sheeting, naval stores, and all sorts of implements
of agri< ultare.
The flour and Indian corn to be admitted free of
duty on importation—the other artirleslo pay du
ty as cuslmnary, and the proceeds of all sueh law
ful cargoes to be exported at the option ofathe im
porters.
Ibis therefore is to give notice to all whom it
may concern, that the necessary licences and cer
tificates for admission will be granted at this offira
for the aforesaid permitted articles,and it is reques
ted that no others may be carried, as thev yrill sol
jeet the whole property to seizure and confiscation.
N. B. No.vessel must carry less than at the fata
of one barrel of flour and four barrels of Indian com
to each ton measurement.
LtKCHBURG, June I. .
J irginia Bank Notes.—A very clumsy attempt
(nevertheless in one dr two instances practised suc
cessfully) bus, we are told, lately been'made to
rll«nS? $ 5 Virginia Bank Notes into Fifty by the
addition of an 0 and by tearing off the opposite cor
ners of.the Notes, after the letters FI which desig
nate the amount. This fmud is said to have origi
nated with a scoundrel to Bedford county, -who on s
the discovery of his base trick, absented himself— •
Such are the devices—snch the numerous checks;
and supb the elegance of drsign'desijen, of the Vir«
gi»ia Bank Notf$, aad for which the direction is en
titled to great praise, that no attempt inthis <ju»r
tcr has bern until this, made, either to counterfeit
or alter them—As the inexperienced, only, Will be
liable to imposture, strict examination on tfieir
p^rt, will in future be necessary on receiviog Lar.k
Paper. * ;3 ( - ■ * ; Ti
it. %;i