The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-13 00:00:00, page 1

To the PEOPLE of Pennsylvania.
LETTER I.
My dear Countrymen,
rn HE wisdom of some nations has been greatly
■ commended, because they never enacted any
■ ne<w law, nor fuffered any innovation in their
ancient constitutions, without firft proposing
the matter to the people, and giving them a full opportu
nity to express their approbation or dislike. It is true,
we have never come up to the perfection of this rule, yet
in the former happy days of the province, it was a good
and salutary custom among us, freely to discuss and ex
amine all public affairs, in conversation as well as writ
ing, when occasion required. And although, since the
commencement of our prefect troubles, this rule could
not always be observed, yet every unnecessary deviation
from it has but added to the affliction of many real
friends of America.
Grievous as the lead restraint upon the Press must al
ways be, to a people entitled to Freedom, it must be the
more so, when it is not only unwarranted by those to
whom they have committed the care of their liberties,
but cannot be warranted by them, continent with liberty
itfeif. Nevertheless we readily submitted to it, while any
colourable pretext could be offered for requiring such a
submission. Nay, we have done more —we have too qui
etly yielded to a fe<v who have been claiming one power
after another, till at length, encouraged by their success,
and prostituting the cry of public necessity to cloak an
ambition, which needs as much to be checked in the
lowest as the bigheft, they have now the astonishing bold
^nefs to aim at a total deftruftion of our charter constitu
tion, and seizing into their own hands our whole dome
stic police, with legislative as well as executive authority.
To prepare the way for effecting this most ruinous
design, the Majesty of the People of Pennsylva
nia has been grievously wounded, in the persons of their
legal Representatives, by repeated attempts to intimidate
them in the difeharge of the great trust committed to
them by the voice of their country, and the most scur
rilous misrepresentation of patriotic exertions which have
not been exceeded by any other body upon the continent.
Since the Press is at length become so free, that such
publications are thought tolerable on one tide, it cannot
but be judged reasonable, that it should be equally free
on the other fide also; especially where charges are to be
answered, and innocence defended. At all riiks I am
determined to make the experiment, and to offer one ap
peal to the remainder of our ancient virtue. Nor need
any persons be alarmed; for an indecent or angry expres
sion (hall not difhonour by pen, nor yet a single sentiment,
which is not calculated to cement all parties in the pro
vince, upon fafe and popular grounds, more firmly than
ever, in executing the Resolves of Congress, and main
taining American Liberty. So far as our Committees con
fine themselves to the purposes of their appointment,
whicli are merely executive; so far as they are exerting
themselves to effect what is well exprefled in theEvENiNG
Post of last Thursday, to have been their original design,
viz. " a faithful execution of the association entered into
" by the Continental Congress, relieving and assisting
" those who may fuffer by the suspension o's trade, pro
" moting reconciliation upon constitutional principles
" between Gnat-Britain and her Colonies; the encou
" raging the manufactory of such articles as are necessary
" for our exigence, eloathing and defence; the prevent
" ing manufacturers or venders of goods and merchandize
" from felling the fame at unusual or extravagant profit,"
and holding up transgressors of every rank to public cem
fure, without fear or affeCtion —so far, I fay, they ought
to have the thanks of their country, for generously be
stowing their time and attention to its service, and ought
to be supported by all good men. In this view they de
serve the greatest commendation, for their late vigorous
endeavours to refeue their injured fellow-citizens from
the avarjtious gripe of engfoffers and foreftallers.
But if, instead of being confined to such purposes as
these, any individuals of our Committees, who I trust will
never amount to a majority, should, by the bait of power
thrown out to them by designing men of this or any other
province, be led out of their line, to interfere in matters
foreign to their appointment, I am persuaded, that when
they seriously confider what may be offered on this head,
they will perceive that such a conduct (as it never can be
submitted to by the people of this province) would give a
more effectual stab to our domestic harmony, and to the
public cause, than all the efforts of all the difaffeßed per
sons in America can give.
In carrying on our great controversy with England,
Pennsylvania has no need either to make the least facri
fce of its constitution, nor yet to yield in zeal to the fore
moft of the colonies. It has been our singular happiness
from the beginning, that we have been able to grant, and
have actually granted, as large sums for the common ser
vice, as any of our neighbours, in proportion to our num
bers; and that these grants have been made in a way to
which the people were accustomed, and to which they
have given their function, by re-electing the fame nlen,
since the contest with England had advanced into open
war; thereby pledging themselves to fubrnit to whatever
mode may be adopted by future Assemblies for finking
the immense sums with which the province is charged, aj
well as lignifying the fulled approbation of the measures,
which have been concerted for our defence.
This great privilege which we enjoy, of giving our free
unbiaffed voice annually in the choice of an Assembly,
who, from that moment, by charter, become a constitu
tional body, veiled with the authority of the people, and
can meet when they please, and fit as long as they judge
necessary.—This privilege, I fay, and the ease and quiet
with which our public business has been tranfadted, dur
ing the present contest, have been the envy and admira-
The Pennsylvania
Containing the Freshest Ad-
March 13, 1776.
The contest in which we are engaged is founded on the
most noble and virtuous principles which can animate the
mind of man. We are contending, at the rifle of our
lives and fortunes, against an arbitrary ministry, for the
rights of Englishmen. The eyes of all Europe are upon
us, and every generous bosom, in which the pulse of
liberty yet beats, sympathizes with us, and is interested
in our success. Our cause, therefore, being the cause
of virtue, it will be expected that all our steps should be
guided by it, and that where the dock is so fair,, the
fruit will be proportionably perfect. Let us not disap
point these fanguiue expeditions by the smallest deviation
from those liberal and enlarged sentiments, which should
mark the conduct of freemen; and when the faithful
historic page shall record the events of this glorious
struggle, may not a (ingle line in the bright annuls be
stained by the recital of a difgraceful action, nor fu
ture Americans have cause to blush for the failings of
their ancestors.
I tiuft that there is not such another barbarian among
us as Cassandra. I am sure there are none such among
our savage neighbours. To what is it that he would per
suade us ? To receive with contempt, and treat with
insult, men commissioned to negotiate with us about
matters of the highest concern to America, and at leaf
tion of our neighbours, who, enjoying no such perfection
in their civil constitutions, have been driven into the mea
sure of Conventions, and forced to hazard the emission of
money, and other afts of state, under disadvantages
which need not be mentioned here, as we are yet happily
free from them. Would any wife people, enjoying such
a constitution, ever think of destroying it with their own
hands ; or does any other colony, whole Assemblies can
exercise their authority, ever think c. 'committing the
conduct of affairs to Conventions?
But suppose our Assembly really chargeable with any
culpable neglect of duty, with what face could those of
our present Committee, who are so loud in their clamours
against them, pretend to step into their feats? Were they
chosen for that purpose ? No. They were considered as
chosen for the purposes already mentioned; and although
they consist of a hundred members, they had not two
hundred votes. Few people gave themselves any con
cern about the election, being well fatisfied, that any
number of respectable citizens who would take the trou
ble of a Committee of Inflection, should be thankfully in
dulged with the office. But would this have been the case,
had it been imagined that any among them would ever
aspire at the powers vetted in an Assembly, fairly and con
stitutionally elected, to represent two or three hundred
thousand people? For, whatever may be pretended about
the necessity of a Convention, it is cel dn, that if such a
body were to meet, and could succeed in assuming the
powers of government, they must all at length be veiled,
for the fake of execution, in the hands of a.few men, who
confider themselves as leaders in the city of Philadelphia;
and the province in general have but little to fay in the
matter.
These are very serious and alarming considerations to
many ; and therefore, after difeuffing a certain point of
equal importance in my second letter, I will proceed in
the succeeding ones, to enquire into the justice of such
complaints as have been made against the Assembly. In
some instances, probably, these complaints may appear to
be well founded. Where they are so, I (hall be ready
to Confefs it; and as perfection is not to be expected in
the firft hasty essays of any public bodies, providing for
new and unprecedented cases, I doubt not they will rea
dily make such amendments, as may appear neceflary to
themselves, or be suggested by reafo^able men. In some
instances, I snail shew that they ceferve public thanks,
for refufing to comply with some requisitions formerly
made ; and that others are now made, which they cannot
assent to, without a manifeft violation of our constitution ;
such as blending the military and civil power, and giving
Field Officers, who may hold their places for life, the
power of determining appeals, and dilcharging assess
ments, which is now fafely lodged in the constitutional
way, with commissioners chosen by the people.
C A T O.
LETTER 11.
AS I propose to take my fubjeds as they rife out of
the times, I shall leave to my next letter the fur
ther defence of our Assembly, to give room for a matter
of very great importance, agreeable to what was hinted
in the conclusion of my firft letter.
The account which we have already received of Com
missioners being appointed in England, and ready to em
bark for America, in order to negociate a settlement of
the present unhappy differences, has engaged the atten
tion, and exercised the speculations of many among us.
The powers with which they are to be invested, the
manner in which they are to be received, how they are
to be treated with, or whether they are to be treated
with at all, have been canvassed agreeably to the differ
ent veiws or judgments of individuals.
Among others, a writer under the fignatiure of Cassan
dra, in the Pennsylvania Evening Post of last Saturday
week, has held forth sentiments which I conceive highly
difgraceful to America, and pernicious to society in
general. He pretends to have fatisfied himfelf (but upon
what grounds I know 11$ that the sole view of Admi
nistration in this commission is to amuse and deceive, to
bribe and corrupt us. And because he supposes all of us
so very corruptible, he proposes, by way of prevention,
to seize the Commissioners upon their firft setting foot on
shore, and bring them immediately, under a strong
guard, to the Congress. I have too good an opinion of
the virtue and good sense of my countrymen, to think
they will pay any other regard to this advice, than to
confider the author as an enthusiast or madman.
^<^^ %
6 1
t^&wl
wf^l
G^ZETTE.
vices. Foreign ans Domeflic.
fcrofeffmg peace —Persons eloathed with the character of
Ambafladors, which has been uniformly esteemed sacred
by every nation and in every age !
Can a precedent be produced in any country, or at any
period, which could be proposed for our imitation, or
give countenance to such, a proceeding ? Let this writer
turn over the volumes which eftabhlh the principles of the
Law of Nations. Let him search the history of every
™ e '.', antient and modern, civilized and uncivilized.
He will find none so fierce and rude as not to reverence
the^ rights of Ambassadors, and confider any insult of
their persons as the grossest outrage that could be c<,m
mitted. Nay, let him enquire among the numerous tribes
of Indians that surround our frontiers, for some example
to countenance him in bis proposal! These untutored ra
vages would startle at the quettion, and wonder that there
could be a person so ignorant as not to know that public
messengers, with the Calumet in their hands, are enti
tled to audience, refpedt and hospitality. And shall Ame
ricans, glorying in their attachment to the rights of liu
manity, be the firft to violate obligations which have been
thus univerftilly held sacred ? No ! L^t us never give that
advantage to those, who have been striving to excite the
indignation of mankind against us as faithlefs people, fe
rocious, barbarous, and uninfluenced by those humane
sentiments and finer feelings, which, in modern times,
have in some raealure foftened the horrors of war. We
know that such a charge is as malicious as it is ground
less. Initances enough might be produced to refute it,
since this contest was carried on by arms; and I trult 110
future ones will be found which might have a tendency
to support it.
As we have long profeffed an ardent desire of peace, let
us meet those who bring the terms with that virtuous
confidence, which is iufeparable from an upright conduct.
Let us hear their propofais with patience, and confider
them with candour ; remembering how deeply |he happi
ness of millions may be concerned in the ifl'ue. If what
they offer be luch as freemen ought to accept, my voice
shall be tor an immediate reconciliation ; as I know of no
object so worthy of a patriot as the healing our wounds,
and the restoring of peace, if it has for its basis an effec
tual security for the liberties of America. If, on the con
trary, the terms which may be offered should be such as
we caning accept, we have only to f.y so, and the nego
-0 dion dill be at an end.
But tuis writer is greatly concerned for cur virtue, left
we fliould be cajoled, deceived and con upted. I conh is
these fears appear to me so groundless, that I suspect their
reality. Is it possible, in good earnest, to entertain so ill
an opinion of those who have staked their lives and for
tunes on this contest, as to believe that they will fuffer
themselves to be flattered out of their liberties, or in
duced to fell their birthright for a mejs of pottage ?
When I confider that this treaty is to be managed, on
the part of America, by men delegated for their integrity
and abilities by the voice of their country, I feel myfelf
quite easy on that score. If the scheme of the miniltiy
be to try the arts of corruption, where their arms cannot
prevail, there are other and less suspicious ways of car
rying it into execution, than by Commissioners in the
face of America, where they will have the eyes of all
fixed upon them, and their conduct diligently watched
and severely scrutinized.
Upon the whole, it appears that this writer is more
an enemy to the bulinefs on which the Commissioners are
to be sent, that really apprehensive for our virtue. He
seems to have drank deep of the cup of independence ; to
be inimical to whatever carries the appearance of peace ;
and too ready to facrifice the happiness of a great con
tinent to his favourite plan. Among such writers I
pretend not to class myfelf; for I am'bold to declare,
and hope yet to make it evident to every honefl man,
that the true interest of America lies in reconciliation
with Great-Britain, upon constitutional principles, and I
can truly fay, I wish it upon no other terms.
Why^the many publications in favour of independency,
with which onr presses have lately groaned, have passed
hitherto unnoticed, lam not able to determine. But
there are certainly times when public affairs become so
interesting, that every man becomes a debtor to the com
munity for his opinions, either in speaking or writings
Perhaps it was thought best, where an appeal was pre
tended to be made to the Common Sense of this coun
try, to leave the people for a while to the free exercise of
that good understanding which they are known to possess.
Those who made the appeal have little cause to triumph
in its success. Of this they seem sensible; and, like true
quacks, are constantly pestering us with their additional
doses, till the stomachs of their patients begin wholly to
revolt. If little notice has yet been taken of the publica
tions concerning independence, it is neither owing to the
popularity of the doctrine, the unanswerable nature of
the arguments, nor the fear of opposing them, as the
vanity of the authors would suggest. lam confident that
nine-tenths of the people of Pennsylvania yet abhor the
doctrine..
11 we look back to the origin of the present controversy,
it will appear that some among.us at lead have '.een con
stantly enlarging their views, and stretching them beyond
their tirft bounds, till at length they have wholly changed
their ground. From the claim of Parliament to tax us
sprung the firft refinance on our part. Before that unjust
claim was set on foot, not an individual, not one of all
the profound legifl itors with which this country abounds,
ever held cut the idea of independence. We considered
our connexion with Great-Britain as our chief happiness
—we flourifhed, grew rich and populous, to a degree
not to be paralleled in history. Let' us then ad the part
of fklllful physicians, and wifely adapt the remedy to' the
evil.
[ For the Remainder fee the Fourth Page. ]
Numb. 2464