Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-06-11 00:00:00, page 2

M'ftirrftrft mr fcrU,
fyfesorto tht a*d munitions of war, stems
d-'
St■ tot oow require. For while
» enormous Mpnn of tbo establishment,
9JM6,7?t, this Utt ytar, renders hi rsdoetion
object with s view to loving expense: there
K not app*«r any ground to apprehend aaocca
siotrforthe employ moot of such a ftfrbe. An in
" 'Vabidn of tbo neighbouring territories of England
,o? France, is hardly ton tern plated except by a few
f# iter energy men, whose war-fever will doubtless
■*jiasipet» itself its idle vapouring—and for defenee,
- wire an invasion of oor territory to be attempted,
t tbo people themselves os militia present at every
spotnt a tnoeh more formidable, and more efficient,
and more trust worthy resistance than this remnant
'■•tm army—were it even less suspected than it is
•f Burrism, and Jess tainted (with the infection of
i.B_...
, Of the (be only practicable use in tfaa pre
,t(mliUttof thing! let mi to be the protection of
. ear harbours. Same redortion of tbe expense now
r aether teed might have taken place and still have
left its effective force the same. The gun boat*
trhich fonp a mouldering monument of the whims
of the late president might have been sold and a
portion of their cost brought back into the treasu
• ty. As it is, they are fast rotting and a few months
will relieve os from all anxiety as to their employ
ment or preservation.
The secretary of the treasury by direction of the
boose of representatives, transmitted “ a state
MientOf the rnnoal amount of expenditures in rela
tion to the militnry and naval astablishments from
the 4tb March, 1789,10 the end of the year I8O9.
'• • The information received by this statement ii of
Iba first importancetu tbe people; it exhibits the
application of by far the greatest portion of the
public money not paid in discharge of the debt; it
shews the comparative *x<ravagenc* or (Economy
of the different administrations of tbe government
ind afford* a criterion by whieb to test the professi
lioni with the performances of the public agents,
ly this document it appear*, That
(be military establishment cost
wider the administration of Wash
ington, from the 4th March, 17 89,
t# 31st Dec. 1787, (the expenses
•f this knt year being authorised
by laws passed under his adminia
(ration) $10,128,396.
under the administration of Mr. A
dams, from the 1st of Jsouary,
1798, to tbe Sint Dec. 1801,
(the expenses of this last year be
authorised by laws passed under
_ bis administration) $ 8,4(53,71 5.
Under the administration of Mr. Jef
ftrton, from the 1st of Jan. 1802,
lathe 31st December 1809,(tbe
• expend!tore of this Inst year be
ing nntborised by laws passed un
der bis administration) $ 1 *,349,459.
Total npnMt o/ tba military nU
.blishment, $ 30,94l ,«6l.
(Mba expenditures of ths years 1799 and 1800,
jiN greatest under Mr. Adams, amounted ta
four millions, nins hundred aad twenty three thous
and sauanty nine dollars $4,923,079
The expenditures of the years 1808 and 1809,
under Mr, Jefferson, amounted to six millions, two
hundred and forty six thousand, six hundred end
six dollars $ 6,246.606.
And consequently two years of the republican
cheap administration cost the United States one
million, three hundred and twenty three thousand
dollars, marc than the two most extravagant years
of the most extravageat John Adams'!
The Naval Establishmimt of the
United States, commenced in the
year 17^4, and cost to 31st De
cember, 1797, under the admini
-UgaiiotfUl Washington, the sum
$ 1,129,386
tinEphe administration of Mr.
‘ JMKtnt, from the 1st January
1798, to 31st December 1801,
(the effpences* ef this last year
being incurred under laws passed
by his administration)
fliaUVdMpeahe. Tel with this es
kaa reduaed, expense Jim annually
Ofo4»a« **»»«*• Ulilben ef dollars in
two.mtWjmns tmy hundred and
o thmssaad aevea htrodredaad fifty rWh*
•27.7 >8.) the expeaep of tba yeue m#,'
latest year ofexpeliaatheSdbttn|mrt
fra inrtaded amount to -3,818. end cost
.„ „ ,-a.teofpublicl&ea.ureiitthe
military and naval department under Mr. Jeffer
*®« and Mr. Madison, unprecedented in this couo
\iy. - *;
Lat every mu who remembers the promises of
reform end economy 'on the faith W which Mr. J«f*
fereoo came into power, examine three statement*;
let hint that confided in them, he sensible of the
imposition practised upon him ; let those who sung
hosannahs to this golden sera of reform, ’blush at
the discovery, bow little of what was promised has
been performed.
These establishments of an armv and navy are
no longer such terrible anti-republican bugbears;
they afford jobs to reward dependents, contracts for
humble friends, and the gieat apostles efrepubli*
canism, indulge a comfortable patronage in provid
ing at nearly double the tsptnee of ftdtral timet, for
frieuds and relations who have ao" other employ*
meat. J
Even to those who were formerly most clamor*
ons against these establishments, “ We have teen
the question put to the slave iu Algiers, Will you
put on the turban and share the plunder of the day 1
Will you stick to that religion which you received
from your parents and from heaven 1" And like the
apostate wretch, we have seen them foisake their
former principles, partake of the plunder and quiet*
ly seat themselves in the comfortable births afford
ed by a ‘‘ standing army” an “ aristocratic navy."
In obedience to a resolution of the bouse of re*
presentatives, the secretary of the treasury trans
mitted “ a statement of the annua! receipts into the
treasury from the 4th of March 1786, to 3lst
Dec. 1809, and a statement of the amount of debt
annually incuried aud reimbursed during the same
period.”
By this statement it appears,
Th*t the receipts into tbe treasury, from the 4th of
^.*7*** > 789, to 31st Dec. 1800, during tbe ad*
ministration of Washington and Adams, mdud
ing all the loans, amounted to, eighty nine milli
ons, five hundred eighty eight thousand, six hun
dred and eighty tree dollars, 89,888,683
That during the same period there was paid on ac
count of the principal of the debt, the sum of
twenty two millions, four hundred and sixty
thousand, nine hundred and six dolls 22.465,906
That tha receipts from tbe 1st Jan. 1801, to Jan. 1,
1810, during the administration of Jefferson
and Madison, amounted to one hundred and
twenty one millions, two hundred and thirty nine
thousand, two fanndred and fifty three dol
. ‘“7* * 121,239,253
And the payments on account of the principal ol
the debt in tha tame period, to forty four milli
***** hundred and sixty five thousand, (even
hundred and forty eight dollars, 44,865.784
These statements with those of the expenses of
the military and naval establishment! already given
enable me trf pleco the management of our money
matter*, before yen in another important point of
view. r
The federal administration received in 12 years
including all loans,
$89,588,683
They paid on account of tha prin
cipal of the debt,
22,465.907
The Army,
18.592.112
The Navy,
10,928,956
And left in rash in the Treasury.
April 1st, 1801,
t,794,052
53,781,027
Balance expended in 12 year* on
other objects, viz. Salaries to officers
of government, foreign ministers, in
terest on the debt incurredin their own
line, and generally aneh expenditures,
which with the appointments in the
army and navy, form the patronage
of the administration—thirty five
millions, eight hundred and seven
thousand, six hundred and fifty six
dollars—at the rate of two millions,
nine hundred and eighty three tboua
and dollare per year,
35,807,656
89.588,638
Jefferson and Madison have received,
cash in the treasury, April, 1801, 1,794,082
Receipts into the treasury, from Jan.
1801, to Jan. 1, 1810—9 years—
One hundred and twenty one mil
lions, two hundred and thirty nine
thousand, two hundred and fifty
three dollars, * 121,239,253
183,033,306
They have paid ift the same period,
For the principal of the debt
44.865,748
For the Army
12,349,557
For the Navy,
12,717,022
Thry have cash in the treasury 1st
Jan. 1810,
3,8; 7,977
„ . J . . . S 73,750,304
Balance, expended m nine years
upon other objects, such as salaries
to officers at home, ministers abroad,
fte. fee. as above, including the mo
nies disposed of by the patronage of
government beyond appointments in
the army and navy, forty nine milli
lions, two hundred and eighty three
thousand dollars 49,283,000
—at the rate of five millions four hun
dred and seventy five thousand, eigfit
hundred and eighty nine dollars in
each y ear,
$123,033,30$
:■ Here is a retuh that the dullest may understand
and most obtuse 'm*»i ijrel, Jefferson mad Madison
hade received of'the-peoples’ money in ttifie years,
thirty three miBtona, four hundred aitdforty four
thousand dolUri, (33,444,000) morethan was re
eeived by Washiagton and Adams W*, twelve years.
And giving Messrs. Jefferson nyd Madison full cre
dit for ail payments on account of the principal of
the pabiick debt, the arm) and aavdMhnd lor the
m«iey on hand, they have expKf in nine
yoara, forty oine rtiHjtpfio, tvdhondrad and cub
(t*vkn ®r*jfce
mllimjjimr+putrtd nit tevtntyJive thorn >irt, tight
hndrcimdtightr^td^r,, C9JM.8B9) m
KgsMtterflfce
Uw ditburteaseats of the. two federal administrati
mw. to the seme objects were im than three miUi
one m year.
. *** "*■ extravagant, profuse, owl 1«*.
*” the peoples Money, in tdlarie* nod reward*
to bit creature* for services in election*. And a*
certainly a* five million* i* great:? than three milli
on*, *o certainly does it appear, that Jefferson has
been, and Mftdison continues to be more extrava
gant, more profuse and more lavish of the people'*
money in reward* to bis- creatures for services iu
elections than Adams was.
Early in the season an attempt was made in the
bouse of representatives to abridge the right of de
bate, which merits notice.—
A new rule oforoceeding was proposed, by which
whenever any subject was before the house, a ma
jority by, calling for what it termed the " previous
question" might compel the final question on the
matter under consideration to be “ instantly put,
without amendment or further debate." By the
rule heretofore practised under, every member has
a right to speak twice upon any question^ and no
matter can be decided until every member who
wishes to speak has keen heard, twice if he pleases.
The operation of ibis nsw ruls would be, that
whenever the course of debate tended to expose the
felly or wickedness of a measure—whether it was
proposed to Ttform an existing abuse, or the ob
ject was to prevant one ; if the argument! of the
minority did not correspond with the feelings or the
interest of the majority, end the majority thereby
wished to smother debate, they might under this
proposed rule without any regard to the desires of
those members who wished to speak, call the
u Previous Question” put an eod to all debate, pat
the final question and obtain a decision on the mea
sure proposed ** instantly; without amendment or
further delate."
I o have said any tbing in support of the right of
a representative of the people, to be heard on a ques
tion affecting their interests, in that assembly of
which he was a member, would but a little time
since have been deemed the unuecessary labour of
defending a priviledge which seemed sacred from at
tack—but as this attack has been seriously made, I
be pardoned for exposing it. The right to consider
and debate, seems inseparable from the right to de.
cide—and the world probably never beard of a le.
gislative and deliberative assembly whose province
it was to decide a question, without the priviledge
to discuss it j until tbat burlesque of Buonaparte’s
“ the Dumb Legislature” of France. Under an
emperor where a legislative counril is a mern “ in
substantial pageant; or with such “ republicans”
as believe in executive infallibility, and who aecord
in opinion with John Quincy Adams (who a short
time before it was discovered that he was a fit mi
nister for the court of Russia, declared in tbs senate
on the embargo bill “ the President recommends it,
I would not bssitate, I would art.'1) With such
men an abrigment of the right of debate may be a
matter of indifference. Jn Great Britain howaver
where a spark of the spirit of liberty remains unex
tmguished even under a monarchy ; this priviledge
of freedom of debate in parliament not only exists
unimpaired but has been confirmed, and cherished
for^centuries : the effect of their “ previous questi
on" is only to postpone debate for that day; never
to permit a question to Le decided uithout debate.—
And in these United States, the “ only free land
upon earth* this freedom of debate enabled our an
esstors to expose to general view the oppressions of
the regal government—has carried us through the
scenes of the evolution ; through the two federal
administrations, and has been used as a “ burkler
and a sword” even unto the deposition af John A
dams and the repeal of bis sedition law, without
any sacrilegious right to impair it. The nearest ap
proach hitherto made in this country to effect the
same object of cutting off thru information of the
merits or demerits of publick men and measures
which the people derive from free discussion in con
gress, has been seeu in the practice eo frequently
resorted to under Mr. Jefferson of abutting the doors
of congress and doing business in secret conclave—
such as those memorable occasions in which “ mo
ney was voted, (as an independent and eloquent
member declared) to bribe France to bully Spain,"
but under the pretence of buying Florida; and the
laying tbe embargo of glorious memory. The at
tempt in the late session was a bolder effort to effect
the same object.
ine sedition law ot John Adams subjected to
punishment by fine and imprisonment those persons
whom the verdict of • jury should pronounce guilty
of “-writing and publishing, any false, scandalous
and malicious writing against the government, ei
ther house of cougress or the president with intent
to defame the government, congress or the presi
dent, or to stir up sedition, insurrection, See" This
law wasrevilsd as encroaching on the lights of the
people. Yet strange as it may appear, the same
gentlemen who were tennaciout of the sacred right
of the people to “ write and publish false, scanda
lous and malicious writings” were among the advo
cates of the proposed rule for gagging the minority
in congrras, and preventing n part of the represen
tatives of the people from advocating or opposing
such propositions as might come before them.-J
Conipased to the tyrannical,wickedness of this rule,
the mischief of the sedition law dwiudtes as a bon
fire, contrasted with a city in flames. Its adopti
on would (in the language of an able representative
from Virginia a republican, but no democrat—Mr.
Sheffey) “ have given us the substance of despotism,
with the shadow of liberty.” Tbis attempt to smite
the minority with a political lockjaw, was not car
ried into effect, repeated.votes were taken an it in
committee of the whole, which served to shew, that
tha troopa of the palace, the executive infallibility
men, the exclusive “ republicans” of the day, with
a very few exceptions, were the supporters of the
project. Symptoms of publick indignation gave
alarm, the Gag-Rule was permitted to sleep, and
tha lips of the minority escaped the Padlock for the
session..
I'have thus glanced at tha most prominent of the
measures either proposed or adopted in the late ses
sion. You cannot but hav* been struck with the
devious course which hut been pursued—at the
wgat of system and decision evinced by the variety
of projects which, however dangerous, or absurd,
has each in its turn been extolled, supported and a
baadfMd j—at Iharalactant hesitation to abekeoff
that incubue oa our prosperity, the Non-Inte/
|ur*e, under ftil awdtoce a«d conviction of its
suffigssEttsS&ssft
fal
continuance*without reform of the known *.
baa
•s existing m the army aad tutor; rt Uw-tmM
attempt to stifle free ffisrossmo in congress, ltd it
the reserve of the President in confining bilMelf in
the embarrassed sitoatson of oor country," in -dis
charging his constitutional duty of recommending
“such measures a* he deemed, necessary and expe
dient, to the mere recommendation «f a draught of
militia; as if that vexation of the people was eSfcu
Uled to lighten our difficulties or extricate ua from
them.
This disgraceful and truly humiliating state of
things has teen seen with grief and indignation
by every intelligent man who had visited the seat
of government during the session-.—Aiwf to what
source can it be traced! It la almost exclusivelyes
enbablo to that dominance of party spirit, which
conscious of its weakness and jealous otus security!
reject*every proposition coming from, the minority
in Congress, and to the imbecility and want of ta
lents in a great proportion of those who <Vm that
majority.
The existence of this baleful party is strikingly
obvious in the rash rejection of the repeated propo
sitiont of the federal republicans to repeal the Em
bargo and Notr-Inteicourse and Nnn-Importafion
laws ^-propositions which after three years of fluc
tuation “ Penelope-like continually weaving and
unravelling the same web" they have been com
pelled to accept—of their imbecility and utter ina
dequacy to their important trust, their proceedings
alone may be referred to as sufficient probf; from
these we are to account for that perpetual inderisi
on which their conduct throughout the last session
exhibits. ’
At first the war cry is raised and echo* in 00f
hell*. Giles resolution is produced to excWa war
temperament in the people;—this is succeeded by
measures of a more insidious, but not less doubtful
cast; to arm the merchantmen and to throw the
gauntlet at Great-Britain and convoy our ships in
defiance of her claim to search.—This war par©*,
ism subsides, and peace and honor are to be sought
by commercial restrictions to our own injury
Macon’s bill, No. 1, is introduced, bandied from
house to house, aud sti-ngth rejected. Next bill,
No. 3, is to cover us from disgrace; to this fifty
per cent, additional duty is annexed, this is also
the bubble of the day, ceases in its turn to be chato
ed, and No. 2, becomes a law. It is resolvedwU
roost unanimously to reduce the army and navy,
yet no reduction fs made.—An attempt is made to
gag the minority; appalled by the determined sUnd
with which this attempt, exceeded only in its base
ness by its temerity is met, their courage flags and
the gag rule is abandoned-Canada must be in
vaded, and tbe militia draughted, yet finally
draught is ordered! x 1
Such indeed is ihe dearth of capacity for bu
siness in most of the party, that the few individu
als amongst them who are respectable for tbeir
ability, find themselves iucompetcnt to the diffirnlt
task of managmg a machine, in which the leaden
weights are too numerous for its springs, or to con
ceal or excuse tbe dangerous errors and ruinous pio
jects of their partizens. So notorious has this Im
becility become, that the democratic pipers, tbeir
oracles of political wisdom, have tepeatedly advised
their democratic friends, to elect men of more un
derstanding, or that their party is ruined.
Would to Godp’tbat the great body of the sub
stantial yeomanry of the country, the planter, the
merchant, and the mechanic, could quit bis plough,
his warehouse, and bis shop, and visit congress m
their session ; that they might faiily judge of the
competency of those, to whom they have commit
ted the helm of this mighty empire.
The causes of this disgraceful state of things are,
I repeat it sir, to be found in the blind violence of
party spirit—from the overflowings ofwhirh, men
llurstiDj for office, ambitious of its bonors„or ava
ricious of its profits, (as the torrent sweeps tha
fruifs ef the orchard and the offal of the barn yard
together) from the mere circumstance of swimming,
on the sanae current, imagine themselves converted
into Statesman they keep alive that fermenypf
party, in which they have risen from the dregs of
society, and without which they would aeaia sink
to their preprr level. ,
it is natural to enquire, how is this deplorable
staiwof our public c-unrils to be remedied { 'fhe
remedy is to be sought onlv in the candor, wisdom,
and virtue of tht people. In their choice of repre*
sentatives let them be govern d only by, that rule,
which guides a prudent man in the selection of hit
private agents; let them enquire, “ is he honest,
is he capable, is be faithful to the constitution,;’*
let them select for their service, men distinguished
for their virtue, their superior talents, and prosed
attachments to the interests and government of
their country; and discard from the favor, flit a a*,
plicant, whose leading claim to their attention is,
that servility, which peculiarly fits him for a pa?ty
Then sir, wo might confidently hope, that the
councils of our beloved country would be satin
marked with wisdom, firmness, and magnanimity,
rbe shame of this disgraceful misconduct, which
has brought us to the verge of ruin at borne, and'to
contempt abroad, might yat be removed. That
scandaloua waste and profusion in the army and «a
vy, for enrishiag hirelings and multrplying:rifpend<
ants, would be reformed, and the people of the U.
Stales once more become • happy and prosperous
amongst themselves,and regain thalehviable height
in the view of foreign nations, frotn which we have
of late been so rapidly detcendiiig.
I ought perhaps to improve this occasion to gfre
a more explicit-and public answer to tha enquiries
of my friends in relation to my standing a "poll at
the next election,' than I yet h&ve.
H has for some time been my determination dot
to he a candidate at Cbe*apprnaching election'. *It
would be uncwndid in me to say that I have forrtfti
this resolution without some regret; I am a strau
ger to that insensibility which would not pr&etha
honour of representing so respectable a pordon’of
my native slate ■$ the district in which I re*side.V
Noram I so unmindful of those repeated proofs
which I have received of the confidencfe’of Sly fel
low.citliens as not to be penetrated Wjtb feshugsof
the moat grateful acknowledgment and ret^ctT for
their flattering invitations again tq represent them.
“1 determination to withdraw fiotn urr seat ia
caagress is founded on rtacotfa too well known ®U»
my friends to need enumeration, and tod intefeaift*
to myaelfand fwnHy to he disregarded. Thb obsi
oas sacrifices of interest ami the deprivation of'**.
*