Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-08-03 00:00:00, page 2

THE PUBLICK LEDGER.
r r n nr n> m i framul i y anmas—BH
W't; " " ' *’ ■ ' * ^ . . ' »*• MIBW ■
wii^Nsr;*®'* *»o twr oi’jrk*'
*»< iroM« <n» D r^irtsuag. ‘
KSr—
IUDAf EVENING, AUGUST 3, i&io.
' repotltd fur iiMji* days past* Chat two
| Frrgatw, ouf Capes, ln« w* have
'*Wt t^«n ablfc io asrrrta n thetiuthof the report
* JV*» certain that the frigate* which have been tnen
,n tionfd* e* vPoa,:jptr toustj^ire not the Milan and the
Cumbrian, a* the former tamely sailed from Halifax
‘■ for Lisbon, end the latter is atatiooed in tfe* Medi>
twanean. ...a. - ,-«?v■«'» ■ ••. • j
r'•>' ”»We fan further slate, that the ships of war of
the United States in ffbmplon Itoads, neither have,
jObr Will makeHny movement in relation to any
• armed vessels that may' enter our waters. ■ If our
readers recollect, ,by the law, all public 1c arm:
ed vessels, coming into the waters of the United
v Statrtjgr. to report to the r oiler tor of the district,
: who n^n« them a plate of anchorage, and regu
lates matters, touching their stay and Intercourse,
or orders them to tffpbrt, according to the* rirrtim
■ ftences under which they have entered, ffany pub
licit armed ship beir^ ordered out should remain,
then is lawful lor the President to employ the
tea and lawi forces of the Uiriled States, fo compel
I such putJick, armed ship to depart. 'This is the
, subsume of the law, froni which rt will oppeur,
that it is no part of the duly ,>f the wuaJ com
manders, in the first instance, to prevent t& en-j
.Iraare of any pubhek ship into the waters m the i
United States. ■ * ; I
W ARftrsn—Last evening by the Rev. Sir.
Symt*, Mr. Jovas Hasting* (of the House cf
V Wood and Hasting*, Merchants) to Miss Eli2a
,-G*ax*brY, eldest daughter af John Granbety, Esq.
all of this place.
\ .v.y>.■•'■■■. *. : ~ . • -y> ”
' < raoa tbs aurora.
the DIPLOMACY EXAMINED.
, , ‘ • ' , ' No. 111.
\ The'share which Mr. Smith had in the conversft
, tionswith Sir. Erskine, we now propose examin
name fim appears in his despatch No.2,
• Jo^hkh Mr. Erskme states he hndcolttcted from
'Mr; GtirLUiin and Mr. Smith in spvprai private in
tervi**s, that their sentiments coincided with Mr.
Madison, at detailed in the preceding number.—
VpuDthatOOtnher «« yesterday oflsred our remarks.
There it'Orie point of some moment in the first
paragraph , of this second despm* ii; alter stating
that they rducorred in the proper course of conduct
.to bd pnrwted typ the United Slates in their present
situation, alth m^h they had differed as to the pro
prietf'/ laying on the embargo, and had uinught
ipeseores of « more decided nature should have
been teken.'i Toe inode of expression employed by
|;Mr. Efiktns doe* not designate which was in fav
. embargo, or which for stronger measures,
N d Wiint of which he could not be ignorant, nivl
. woi' K would shed mat h light onthe suliject under
? discussion.. . ■ i, j
.Mr. Gallatin is the burthen of the whole of the
remaining part of. the despatch No. II. All that
we discover so fur exceptionable in Mr. Smith's
coatiuci, j*. that he, while secretary of the nuvy,
|| held these it rcgular conversations on stlaus out of
'f his depar/meut.
* In the'despatch No. VIf. we again find Mr. F.rs
kiite. reporting Ur Mr.Canning that both Mr.Madi
son and Me. Smitii had expre3w| their sentiments
ptrpjreely ; «t this time Mr. smith had become
l&fmfy of state ; hot iu a subsequent paragraph,
* we find Mr. ErskiheJteferring to previous conversa
tions with Mr. Smith,
Thsre is attexpression in this paragraph which
has inet wuh mix h severe animadversion ; it is in
these VroHs— “ He [Mr. Smith) declared to me
iilso.tliat he knwes that war would have been m
’ " .Sbihtly'declared against France, upoit England'*
: *** ret^xihgher orders," M,
|n oilier to ascertain the value «f th* emphatick
yfew^wicj'; we m^st ask how he-con Id hiurto ; the
jwwcr of declaring war is vested by; the constitution
of .th*:United Stales in congress there might have
been men disposed to go to,war, as no doubt there
■ 'Were In both Iionses ; but there rmmnly was not
*ny evidence given by the proceedings, or by the
treatment which the must energetirk measures re*
s' Ctiswdf" which were brought before congress, to en
g*g*Jn any shape in war ; this knowledge of Mr.
Smith therefore must havy beeng knowledge of the j
dispostUousnfsnme of . tetf influential members of
^tngresa to propose sueff* measure; and ho doubt
W« h a disposition was cunkislani with the measores
offered to ■both the belligerents, as a contingent ef- '
v /wt ttf tht refusal of and the cousfdI of i
V* "W- ... • !
V - Aootlwr ejfprmmn has been ceosnred-«-it is as
* {Mr. Smith] was nnvrilling to Kt the
: ^ Vn»teiJ States thrown int(j an alliance [with a »a
^w-jjopJ.whieh-fce th not hfe already tpo powerful lor
' - ** tbe Mtterest of the world. lie did not pretend torn*
■ H tert$t* 4D> partiality England, Ut e«n
>1 *;«*»• that tbj» inter estoft be United States was
tbe. praacnt mqmeot with that ol
"^PMit’O'itatnA ■*■ ■
There »re (wj^fitnUgienf < in this etc tract which
. taken t«i any other
of a' diplomatist; and
4 ,fveo in the l«tttad* which cuMijni allows for dipio
| k wi» bf* vary questionable,
wbatlifrtt wpntd wk b*w t»rii preferable to cn»
•: |>1'*ythe force vt One kestiwyftt.y«ry opposite
wyi*ISr^lk br^ndnutinn of the pm*
ers of Europe 41 w«»Jd Kens to.bemtfW*k policy
. to hare j^ed
£■*•*»<■!y oetftr 4.,.j&»**f IB dwp.tttt* epan hor own
Btfilwt * power «Jiu h
w^Ow pottr^ an4>a«*e w^i^ponajgat ottt
pr-s»iofir, an.Atiierieait minlMrr1#^^
•tarred as *p? -hia*b.yM#of .&WV»s,
'■'If l» w*»e to say tbnVtha po#»r ’«f fr^ y,,
y<»*#^#-rfi«l:^r A* whole .’i.Mi^k»i%»rip<*nd
^Um* difeMgli** wfr* f*lidloui nttire things
V . >•• ' ‘ 4' -J " '■’.i/ v ' ' ,-v. v
J&pvoui fimvlttmtat either for or «gau»t either1
]0*H» tb«t the eggrewionf ef England were eal*
ebhkttd to}ead os, without wishing it,, into a tilua
lioowhic b would have aU the sheets of au al(j*ince
, with the powej* which held forth the promises, and
which had e real in|«re*t, kt least for the time, in
the Jrcedomof the teas, “ As the expression of Mr.
Smith stands, it is undoubtedly the amount of a sen"
i-.nfnt common to all public turn, who are jmprcs
-fd upon by that phantom of ambition, the balance
iff power j if there is now any foundation, or it
ihere ever was any sujh thing in reality as balance
(f power in Europe, undoubtedly the expression is in
'hat sense strictly conformable to diplomatic noj|b
ons and language; and when Mr. Smith might be
supposed either to speak according to bis own un
'erstandino or hcln-l of lt;e balance of power, or to
f uhlresa hiiuselt to Mr. Erskine in the idiom which
! oe might have known to be best understood and oi
thodox with Mr. Erskme.
The second sentiment of n common interest at that
i time, between Great Bnuin and the United States.
| i» not bitter founded than lie preceding ; and the
, Hi ndis lost in search of fads upon which to form
I ' cen a ph.usible argument m suppoit of such an o*
pinion : a common interest in what? llow, in what
respect is their interest tie same? Have we an in
terest in stirring up nations to make war and plun
der each other ? Have we the same interest in des
troying the freedom of the seas ? Have we the same
interest in ttie colonial and carrying trade”? Have
we the same interest in the blockade of the ports ot
Europe by an order of council ? Have we the same in
terr-st in being, prohibited from going to any other
ports then those ol Great Britain? Search the whole
range of human affairs, and except it be in peace
alone, there is no one point, in which British inte
rests are not adverse to those of America; even our
prosperity is in their eyes the greatest of all the
evils that menace the Untish. We appeal to lord
Sheffield, to lord Liverpool, to the author of ll'ar
in Disaume, which contains the political creed of the
British government. Hear what this oracle de
clares—
“ Such is tbp position of the United States, and
such the effect ot the trade winds, that European
vessels, homeward hound from the West Indies, mb
Inuck at their ports with very little inconvenience
or delay j and the same is the case, though in a
less decree in regard to vessels coming from the re
motest parts of South America or East Indies.—
The passage from the Gulph of Mexico, especially,
rum so close along the North American shore, that
ships bound from the Havanna, from Vera Cruiz,
and other Spanish ports in that Gulpb, to Europe,
can touch at certain ports in the United Slates,
with scarcely any deviation, See. Rut this new
neutral country, s^ happily placed as an entrepot,
is obviously no place for a fictitious destination,”
&c.
Our natural midway position, the very trade winds,
oui happy position for an entrepot, create grievan
ces in the ey es of British politicians, for which we
can never be excused ; and which at least induce
them to think our interests and theirs adverse and
repugnant to'each other. What is the policy of
England l for two hundred years the uniform unde
rling and successful policy of England, has beep
to make En-.Lnd the universal entrepot; apd are we
such children in political affairs, as to suppose she
Willcountenance or permit, li in her power, the es
tablishment ot an entrepot, for wbi< h her oracle de
clares our position in the universe so happily a
dapts us ?
The language of British proclamations, of diplo
matists aud statesmen, cannot he mist \ken—when
they talk of the commerce of other nations, their
expressions are those ot masters over slaves, or lords
aver vassals—America was permitted—American
ships are prohibited —they grant an indulgence, to
trade—or the lords ot trade, in their great indul
genet, thought proper to listen to the Americans j
ami while they are using this language, and Sailing
against the Americans carrying on this or that
trade, they are themselves carrying on the same
arti. Irs, t y special licence, with their open enemies,
which they will not permit us to carry on as neu
trals— are our interests then the same f
"I his brief view of the respective interests, we
have thought fit to take at this point; we shall ex
hibit it more at large when we come to examine
the general policy unfolded in this correspondenee.
Mr. Smith, by las letter of August p, I8O9, No.
XVI. appears to have been completely released from
j the delusion which had prevailed over him, and bis
! mind appears to have felt wounded by the three pro
positions revealed by Canning’s despatch No. X. as
well as by the conviction that the overtuies of the
British were all hallow and insincere.
He expresses his surprise “ at the extraordinary
pretensions sut forth in this letter of instruction,
and especially at the expectation that this govern
me^would, as a preliminary, recognize conditions*
twmif which are so manifestly irreconcilable to the
dignity ana mu rent of t/It: United it t ales. 1, hnw
, ever, remark, that had you defined it proper to
; have eomimnucated m extenso this letter, it would
have been impossible lor the president to have per
ceived in itt conditions, or in its spirit, that concilia
tory fit posit ion, whit b had been professed, and
whirl), it irai hoped, had really existed."
The plain English of this is that the- British go
vernment, after discovering unequivocally, that
there was a disposition unquestionable in the Ame
rican government, to maintain peace upon reasona
ble and honourable term*, immediately took higher
ground in proportion as we retreated. Mr. Erskiue
wery candidly states in his own defence:
" It appeared to me that if any indecorum could
justly be attributed to the expressions in the official
notes of this government, the cetutire due wouldfall
upon them, an 1 that the publirk opinion would coo
demnthe bad taste of want of propriety, in coldly
and ungraciously giving up uiat they considered as
a fight, but which they wore mot in a condition to en
force. • • i,
Indeed' tb« credulity . of nur administration
throughout is beyond ^pyredtnt; and the success of
.dbg.British minisKr‘^Watugeins, first to delude us
fi§«in»t fhe daily evkfipeO of oof senses, into a be.
I»e» of good will where-there was deep injury, unre
and aggtnvated by tip manner of the refu
xt to cheat us'out of thi
sill i nsst l
' the enforcement of.our
own laws out! policy, by their eastern intrigues, is
such a series ,of transactions; » justifies the sc-*
counts we hear constantly from Europe, that the
At nericai).name,has becoiirf a 'bye-word ofrsi
Q*frir. a -*'■ ,*‘*5
■* —
. 1 To morrow, s?* shall **
Mr,
i’s sbars
intbese tfensacubos.
; v'r AO. Jr. v ^
Tfct part wtiicb Mr. Gallatin performsia itie
dispatches, embraces , greater .‘variety and covers
a larger compass of serious and important matter, |
than all tbe res’t. Questions of publick right, prin- !
riples of policy, considerations ofnutional honour,
and good faith, the elaitns of justice, as wellaslhe !
decent dignity of self respect in debating the con
cerns of a free and independent nation, and tbe de
corum of private character, are all treated with an
indulgence of disregard and a willingness of a sacri
fice which excite disgust and indignation. That
continence of mind, that cautious indirectness by
which he has been hitherto distinguished, have been
here totally laid aside, and we see the man disar
rayed of bis disguise, appear in all tbe nakedness of
his real character.
This tevolution of character is to be remarked
also in tbe paper published as an apology, or an
excuse, or a vindication, font would be difficult to
determine from its irrelevance to the main subject
what it was intended for, if we had not a sufficient
knowledge ol the bearing and tendency of the pail
which is personal. It is, notwithstanding the long
time which lias elapsed between its dole and its pub
lication, feeble and deceptive where it should be
decisive and unreserved; it betrays alarm, and
strengthens the belief in the reality of the slander
which the despatches fix upon htm, and Irom which
alone he appears solicitous to escape. He appears
to feel more apprehension for his political influence
fhan for thepubhek rights—for his private ingrati
tude than his publick infidelity.
On the subject of the publick transactions, which
beside bis having no constitution :1 light nor autho
rity to meddle with them, he admits that the con
versations took place; but he endeavours to miti
gate the error ot the transaction, by staling that it
was at his own house and without prtviuua appoint
ment ; as if a voluntary visit of a foreign minister
could authorise what was constitutionally wrong,
any more than what was morally perfidious attd po
litically wicked. In further cover he also states
| inai *ir. rnddison had th j prpcpding dny romrnuui
t rated to him, the result of his conversations with
Mr. Erskine ; and to this he adds another buttress,
that every sentiment hentttered was in perfect uni
so£ with the president and secretary of state.
But neither will the confidence reposed in him by
Mr. Madison or the preceding day, nor would-even
an authority Iroro Mr Madison to do, if he had au
ihorised him, justify what is in itself wrong, and
which as the events shew, woo'd have been unwise \
neither* with the shield of Mr. Madison or Mr.
Smith, under which lie cowers, avert the light »i
investigation and the irresistible force of truth. It
may exhibit the extreme resource of desperation,
to bring down Mr. Madison and Mr. Smith-in the
same common ruin, by dividing with them under a
general assertion the iguotny of his conduct { but
upou a comparison of the conversations and declar
ed principles of both, as reported by Mr. Erskine,
there is no assent in common, no agreement in dis
honour, no concurrence in principles and measures of
the greatest moment:—independent indeed of the
detraction which truckles to the minister of an op
pressor, and establishes the sincerity of his own de
basement by contrasting the characters of two pre
sidents with each other, and libelling both, by ex
hibiting one as so partial to France as to withhold
from the publtrk a Juir statement of our relations
\ uith that nation ; and representing the other as so
luiatuated an admirer'of the British constitut ion, of
its institutions, its energy, and its spirit, that he
was as capable us Mr. Gallatin of forgetting all A
meru an wrongs and betraying ail American rights.
'Ihe conduct oi Mr. Gallatin throughout this
whole transaction, affords a horrible picture ol
duplicity and cunning counteracting and destroy
ing itself. Artifice marks every step he takes.—
YVe are under the necessity of taking up his letter
of the 21st April, published 18lh July, rather
than the despatch itself, because the order of its
construction, is not the order of the despatch ; and
because the defence has been, either through con
fusion of the mind or design, composed iu such a
form, as to perplex rather than illustrate, and to
substitute for the matter stated by Mr. Erskiue, an
enumeration of abstract propositions, which up
pear only to have been conceived; some of which,
from the known declarations of the British minis
ters could uot be calculated upon, and others of
which are in the conversations actually abandoned
by Mr. Gallatin himself.
This evasion is not to be admitted, the transact
ions must stand upon their own premises, and the
departure from them is not a veiy prepossessing
circumstance.
What was meant by the colonial trade, he says,
“ has been already explained by Mr. Erskine.”—
This refeis not to the despatch No. II. hut to the
treatment of the subject in the month of August.
1800, when upon the rejection of Mr. Erskine * en
gagemcnt, tiie despatches of Mr. Canning bad
drawn the three extravagant propositions into pob
lick discussion. These Utters, and this ti eminent
of the subject, referred to on this occasion, fnim
the documents Nos. XVJ. XVII. XVIII. ami XIX.
of *the papers published in the Aurora.
As it is probable that this subject has already ex
cited great interest and may excite more, we shall
not hesitate to examine it more at targe than we
should do with a topirk of inferiour moment.—
Principles of policy, as well as the conduct of pub
lick niep, will he betteoindeistood by a full and ex
plicit dis< ussion—we Spall thereloie also refer to
this reference of Mr. Gallatin.
In the letter of Mr. Erskine of 14th of August,
180y, in answer to a remonstrance of Mr. Smith,
Mr. Erskine expressly stales and repeats almost in
the same words what be bad written in his despatch.
We shall copy both sentences.
“ Mr. Gallatin also said, that he kpew it was in
tended by the United States to abandon the attempt
. to carry on a trade with the colonies ot belligerents
in the time'of w# which was not allowed m tips
of peace, add to trust'to the being permitted by the
French to rairy on such a tr.sde in peace so' as to
entitle them to a continuance of it in,time of
war." DctpaUh EfoMI..»
•• He adverted also trt the probability of ah ad
justcneni of another important point m dispute be
iweeo Ibe two cuiiolnc*. as he said Ac Anno Hut
it teat inteadedbif the United State*, to abandon
•the attempt to carry on a trade with tie colonic*
•>f belligerents in time of War, which was nut al
lowed in tithe ofopeure. and to trust to tha being
psrmilted by the Freach to carry on such a trade in
peace, so as to entitle them to a continuance of it
jQtiseof '^ifi***H •, Letter Jfe. XVHit
. • " V • 1 • • » 4**"- * ' • . _ - ,
Hit* are the dpioiocs referred t«fcyMfsilwAtia
himself, and Mr; Gallatin io addressing Mr. Ere* .i.
lurj* begin# with declaring: e
*• I donot believe, that in the roQVenMiQfe w#
have buddreepertiag lb* practicability *£ an adjust.
iBeot «f thedifferences between the Untied States _
•and Great-Britain, pc ever hart misunderstood out ~
""f"” A>. XVIII. ,,
Aiul Mr. Erskme very amicably responds :
“ In answer to your enquiries, I have greit *a- i
tisfactioo in assuting you that there appears La -
have been no misunderstanding respecting the sub
stance or meaning of the conversations which pas
sed between us as elated in Mr. Canning’s iiiKirO. t
ton. alluded to." v Ao^XJX.
line Mr. Erskme re-asseits that there was no
misunderstanding, and adds of the conversation* at
\ gated. ' • V *#
j Let us now see this subject as it is stated in th#
despatches, and let us see if .it be true, as Mr.'Gal.
lalin has said, that “ every Sentiment he uttered
was in perfect unison with the president and seclpf ■
tary of stale.” We obtain from Mr. Gallatin
s.ll, in his reply to Mr. Erskine, an indirert all
mission, that what be said was true, in sUtgmjr
that they differed on the embargo; Mr. Gailatfe
says h» was not in favour of any strongtx mea
sares ; what is Mr. Madison reported to gay i,»
ilr. Eibkine : v *■
Me (Mr. Madison) said he did cot believe that
:tny Americans would bp found wili ng to submit to
(wijal he termed) the rncroai hments upon the liber
ty ol the rights of the United States by the belli
gerents, qpjd therefore tbe alt malms were emhar*
go oi war. He confessed that the people of this
| country were beginning to think the former alterna
tive too passive, and would perhaps soon prefer the
latter as even less injurious to the inter-sts and
more congenial with tin spirit of a free people.”
We fin! no evidence, no assertion of Mr. Ers
kine. even remotely insinuating a disposition («&■
bandon neatral rights. Mi. Ersk'oe posilivelyUfi
serts that Mr. Gallatin did. VVe h ive the evident*
o Mr. Erskine above, that he did not. As to Mr.
Smith, his name is not once used, unless as it is Vjl
by implication dragged in by Mr. Gallatin • but we
have in the avowed dispatch. No XVI. transmitted
by Mr. Erskin**, and by them published, a most r;x
pli' it and insurmountable pro..*, that Mr. Smith
not only did not agree with Mr. Gallatin, but that
be was unreservedly and avowedly opposed to the sa
crifice of those very principles and rights winch
Air. Gallatin was disposed to rnn-ede ; the words
•<t Mr. S mith are too clear in their intention, and
too decided in their construction, to admit of any
sophistical rjual'fications or misconstruction ;—In*
emphatical words arc :
“ I forbear toexpress to you, sir,the surprise that
IS felt at the extraordinary pretensions set forth in
his letter ot instruction, and especially at the ex
pectation that this government would, as a preiimi- i
nary, recognize conditions, tieo of a A iff, dr- so ma
nifestly irreconcilable to the dignity ond interest of the
(Jutted States. I, however, would remark, that bid
you deemed it proper to have coimminicated-iVi ex- .
tenso this letter,, it would' have been impossible for
me president to have perceived in its condition, or
’n its sprit, that conciliatory disposition, winch h id
'*-en professed, and which, it tms hoped had rtallu
existedr
In this axtrart' we discover, not merely Mr.
Smith’s own surprize at the extraordinary p re tensi
ons, but the construction of the phrase, surprize
tout is felt, indicating that it was not ronfiued to
hiiuse!) alone. The extension of this emotion to
another, is strictly and fairly applicable to Mr. Jrlji
dison, and is corroborated by the general tenor of
what is attributed to him.
Thete was then a disagreement, or as Mr. Ers
kine expresses it, th*y bad differed-, although Miv’
Gallatin says there was a perfect unison in every
sentiment. But this is a point of all others which
oil 'rs the greatest body ol evidence. We have only
to ask, hots did this dispute arist f (We do not mean
here to touch the Chesapeake or our seamen, foe
these were it teems, offered up as a peace off.ring on
the altar of Molni h.) This dispute'arose out of an
usurpation by Great Britain that had been a subject
of treaty in 179-t, and which the British abandoned
and for injuries done under jwhirh some actual com
pen»ation, though immensely short of the injury,
had ln*n made. It arose out of what has been call
ed the rule of 1756, which Britain had been rom
pelled to abandon by tlie arm»d n-otrality in 1780,
which she by treaty admitted to b* «f|jjist in 1794,
but which she resorted to again when American pros
perity alarmed her ministers. This is the true)|bafac
ter of the business. The dispute now Hrostj'uponthe
British proclamation of 16th Ort. and th^orders of
council of tb< 11th November 1807, whiclf ,
clare that—“ all trade”—(Mr. Canning’s words ill
in his three propositions are alt trade:)—‘V All
trade in articles which are of the manufacture or
“ produce of any country or colonies at war with
" Great Britain, shall he deemed and considered to
be uhlawlui.”' The reader will recollect that this '
is not a lajv regulating the trade of British subjects,
but the trade of nations declaredly independent; —
it proceeds—“ and that every vessel trading from or
“ t > the said countries or colonies, togetherfwitk mU l
“ the goods and merchandize onboard, and till articles
“ of the produce or manufacture of the said countries r J
“ or colonies, shall be captured and condemned at
“ prize to Ike captors."
Out of these orders, or rather oat of the success' ‘
of American commercial enterprize, and rheenviewy
jealousy of Great Britain, the question arose. Tha.
public will recollect, indeed, the .work, for. its e*..*
ceUence cannot be forgotten,-’that Mr.. Madisois.^
published a work, expressly intended tp exhibit thy
untenable nature of the British pretensions. That ,
work carried to the tnindfof every dispassionate
man the most irresistible conviction. There is in
history connected with that book, which i^ is tims
to turn the public mind upon. The pufejljikraitawt
have forgotten the manner in which Job’ll Randolph
betrayed himself and his confederate* O0that occut*
on, non that in tfc^^ame rnemorableypcecfl, winch,
with a notorious f&bu his lips, he rdrnounr«d that
work, and al%o revealed Hie orsvlc, of whose perfidy1 > *
lie was but the e£ho. In the Same nfemortblo
speech on Mr. Gtegfft rspnluiioti for prohibiting f
the ijmportation of British ipSaafactttret. 5lh
March, 1806.7 f’ .7'
Mr. Randolph, lathe. face of congress, arid in • 7
Wain of queiulois hypocrisy, thus expressed him
self. - .' . ' v - - \> /'77
. “ The first question I asked , when I saw the gets- 7-;
tleraea’s resolution was, a Is this the measure of tit
cabinet f" Not of an open declared cabinet, hat of
sjyf- :• ~l,C ■; . .'"A ... .t Vi , , A ’