Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-07-23 00:00:00, page 2

’AMWOt^Cm, July H
ltd tbit the stoop of war (tot Hof
w I New-York Mm#n the 25th and
thiamnnUi, for Franc! and EncUnd;
x commander wilt take charge of mer
otber letters f<*r Europe. >
Vy *
icretary of the Treasury left the egg* yes
, »h a visit la the stnte of New-Vork.
ie secretary of war also left this tiry yester
or the northward. *m w;;
4g -t^sr
. ..,'C ■
'he j^rreapondence between Mr. Canning and
r. Erskinc, (aid before the hnusenfloid* of Great
Itrithip,; and printed bv their order, contains l<«ir
!<• , letter* front Mr. F.irkins which do Dot appear (<>
bate been published ip any English or American
^iierjinaper. They are now published from a print
, ^d copy lately put into durlfc.n<!s, all the other pn
pers contained in that collection having already ap
peared id the pepers. *
-4 ’ ' > (N-« 8.)
Dnpatch fthm'ihc If mi. Duxil Enkine In 3Ia, Se
,.eiWkn/ Qhtmiagf dated it'asfiwglun, 3d Dttcm
*■£ ■ •?}
bee, l&Os.,
««> ‘OWOe^j ,
jjft-ii SIR—-The government and congress have been
./quite A a loss liow to act in the present extratndK.
t^pary and fqtbeirassing intuition of their pnblirk af
■‘■a fairs, and they have not yrt determined upon the
measure* which they mean to pursue; but I think
$Af 1 may venture to assure youihat t)ie course of con
J duct recommended by the commit fee of the house ol
jreprcSeutittivi-8, to which was referred the doru
matt* mentioned in-the president* message to con
ornts. tt'fll in til! tlinna at !a<tdf I.„ „d/.ni*ft f..w
jgreSs^ will, in sul et jnca^JWTeaftt, be adopted for
Atb« present, with certattf **n ndments, so as
to
give s.une time ftrevious to us imim, into operation
It f» UGi*. naMf^vui^'doniftd l>y tiiftsp who
biive i#>UiKfcjr$<J this measure, that u is ynly of a
temporary nature, and that the United States tiny
^be drutn to adopt a more detid«denur** pf .conduct
/■yMpipst the belligerents before tllfc present editress
:^ywe». f»r «t p.ny rate soon after tn« meeting »f the
new hgishttare, in^ronie^tieiKe of the fcelioes and
aeiiiiqients of ;thaisastei;i division of the United}
States, which has aluiost universall) expressed a
' ffisoppiobatmn of th#*onlin«anc<r-of the embargo,
J and bus Ugtlh to shew symptoms of a detenoinuti
itm doi to «pdore it tuoeb longer, -*•
; if*- TLa government and parly in power unequivocal
V '*^prlfe their resolution n't to remove the etnbar
. i%nr fJtcapt hy substituting war measures against
V both btfftgcn nts, t.plefcs Vtther oi both should te
li?f theirfwtrict'mns upon neutral commerce.
Upon tlia «phjeet »(>iue important comninnicati?
^M>ha buye taeft made to me by Mr. Madison, and
y several nf thikmembers of this government, which
‘ h will accordingly lay jiefore you, as I confidently
^. tteheve they were rid Tiered from *n unfeigned de
jitre that they flight produce the effect of leading if
possible to gome adjustment of their differences with
Ij, Qreat-Bfitain, so jfcto enable the government And
tha nation to fxtric^r thrinselves from the present
fer^dtstressingjiledmi tu which they are involv
ad.
^Ir. Madison expressed his firm conviction that
•Hen the do<3ggientj| referred to m the president’s
i message shouliRie
n by his majesty’s govern
f- ^mant, and the corn
mdences between their mints
^ter io Franca and .
Fieneh minister respecting
Hi decrees oi SUrli
and M>lap, .should be rieithe
lately considered;
irlicularly the’^strong rt-mnn
'' »tr«*ice of Mr. Ar
trongto the Frenchgovernment
of the 12th Kd
hei. 18Q7• it would he ac
* Itnowlcrtged that the United States had exerted all
jv’t'lha efforts J^ich remdnst ranrei could have been
; 5'iapposr4 capable illgjoduring, and that tc
' failure oFiny effect from^*ni, m persuading the
to wlthHhiw their unjust res
•ff^tctinirtjjpnu nepjtfjpl romnierce, recourse mighi
* h»v,.to had by the'United States to measures «|
v:'»|*pP«wt*y »nddecision against France; hut that
‘P®*? lime Orea^Britaid had issued her or
;. »iers in council, bsfore'it was Known whether the
;J United Stales would ucquiesce in the aggressions ol
il4 France; and thereby rendered it impossible to dis.
gjpingtffah Kctwaso the conduct of the two belligerents
viho,h ide((ii4lty committed aggressions against tbi
-.'-i-blnited States. ■ ■
' lH weob also into all the arguments npon thai
subject which are detailed in Ins c&respondenrt
' ^ With the Anirruon ministers in London and Parts
published io the documents referred to in the Pre.
Si lent s ,\t ssage, but which | do nut bow repeat
J'l** my o^tet is merely to inform you of the result
*'!% ",,s,’rv‘4"”S^ which was, that as the world
*onvinr<Mhut America had in vain taken
all nSniiteiins in her power to obtain frnfii Great
h Britain apd France H just attention tf» her right* ns
g A neutral power, hy representations and r-ninnstrmi
Ahal'l^ would he folly justified in having re
1 utilities wi(h either belligerent, «6d that
S;'»•* brdy hesitated to do so, front the difficulty of
I ■ . $I Ul-lt Sue niU't b* dr: vrn
'!*®v,!bC to maintain *lirr rights against
y 'T -r-- '?TVi. ’‘H ®
T falrst p.i*fH in ihf wijfte, unless either.
shouUj rel-ts their restncflihis upon neutral
which case the United Stales would
M that |**w<y%ainst (he other which
iitlht continue it* liggresaffins.
$*emd to nit that it must be evi
dent..
.Mitaued States would cuter upon nica
hbSttlity with great reluctance, as he ac
thal they arrant all prepared for war,
a power to iricsisiahiy strung as G.
:t t^thing^ild herUM;,,gbt ..
the preservation of peace, except
' their .
their Ironjiur. lie said that
**d.J
^l^nrAmeyrans would Vfoonu
>' ljr%ng t«;
«^NiM8»f»n««•) tlu* rtnruarli
pf the Uteri
' States ]
elli^eret^iaMBBItfreitire the Alter
.uihi»rgo.<u*-Af^^Mla.foh!e';iedbihai
■. native* ^
tins rnuntry wer»mrtt»itMut«ril,ink
the j>ei>p
■■•*. ■«» no r alternative toe passive,- '.jjjfcjjJ. nssU in
' ffeitr th4 l<teri.a.«v^n.
Oii interests und more congenial witfcSle s¥trtt #1
- &fr#epeople. >' 1 _v
laedefJaieU to me that eviaw opinion -*%gfaL
entertained rtsp.rfing the besfCntereste bfhiselhn
“to him that »g»ud understanding should
i t*he "place between Great-Bn t-imand the U.State*,
fthd he thciight^hal the obvious advaittagvs whiof
-afiiidd thereby result t'l both (minifies, were astdl
;pledge ,uf tic sincerity >f lm svuiLorfrt**
' ; The reasons which induce me to Indie** that tl«,
, flews and determinations <>f t b is gp v« nmen t. «* djS?
4. f ri bed to me b\ Air. Mudiimu, are their,res) senlr
BientK, and that they will pursue that course of cun
~ Jfcrt «»teh-«h*4r bm merited out, arise from a tu*
tb« um »l»te of tta
°f ♦Mf ’roontrj, the particular-situation of the |ov
i art; desirous of ferfvb»g46e ftnbargo removed ; but it
isaljfifto becnltated ffffli thefesiilt of the elec lions
throughout iht; United Stattg, that the jajdhritruling
party have a decided majority of the ptobpls with
j them'1 and ms they have pledged themselves Dot to
I repeal it, while thfrestrictions upon their neutral
rights rnntinif in force by both belligerents, with
out substituting war mensures, and as they them
selves acknowledge “ that the ultimate and only ef
1 tertual mode of resisting such warfare, if persisted
i in i* war,” and “ that a permanent suspension of
[ commerce would not properly be resistance, but
submission I cannot therefore conceive that it
would be possible lor them to retract their declara
tions, apd indeed, they would not have the power ol
continuing the embargo, more than six months and
j of course, therefore, lliey must substitute war mea
sures when it should he withdrawn, unless they I
were to abandon ail the principles they have laid
down, and to r hange all the resolutions which they
have so unequivocally expressed. j
It is tine that they might possibly do so, if they
found themselves pressed by the number and
strength nl their oppund|jtj|, or by a change in the
opinions of their mejnrityfcmongst the people; hut
it is plain liorvi the decision in tl\g house of repre- i
sentatives in congress, upon the resolutions propos
ed by the committee appointed to consider the sub
ject ol their foreign relations, which were carried
by a majority of eighty-lour to twenty-one, that j
they have not lust any ground in the present con j
'•?*/***» an^ the result ol t'.eelections for members ol i
' congress, proves, that although lliey have lost some
Voles m the east ril states, that they will have a
grtut majority out ol the whole number of the next
: congresjr. • *
v °r * *ess rc*s°t*** I ^nnrlunp that the government ,
jMnild carry along with the support ol the peo
measures which they might resolvetu uke,
and I have alieady explained, why 1 believe they
will adopt the course of condui t which I h.ivedes
eribed in the ioregaiug part of this dispatch, arising
out of the stateol the country and their nv.n parti
cular situation, and 1 will therefore proceed to ex
plain my private reasons lor feeling confirmed in
their opinions, and will have the honour of laying
before you some important communications which
were made to me by some of tl# members o! this
government, unofficially, but with a desire that they
might produce a favourable effect towards a roncili
alinn with G. Britain, 1 heg leave to relrr you to
my next number in which they are detailed.
1 have the honour togbe, with the highest respect,
Sir, youi most obedient'humble servant, .7
. D. M. ERSK1NE.
(No, ().) 4
Dispatch from the hon. D.jvid Erskine to Mr. Secre
tary Canning, dated Washington, Ath Dec. 1808.
H 1° the course ol several private interviews which
wr«*d with ,Vlr. Gallatin the secretary of the treasu*
ry, ana with Mr. Smith, secretary of the navy, 1
have collected Irom them that, their semiments co
incide with thosejjgf Mr. Madison, which, I have
detailed at some length in the preceding number of
my despatches, respecting ihe proper course ot
conduct which ought to he pursued by the United
Stales, in their present situation, although they had
dillered as to the propriety of laying on the embar
go, as a miisiire of defence, and had thought that
,.it would have been better to have resort*d to
measures of a more decided nature at first, hut that
now lh«y had no other means left, but to continue
it for a short lime longer, and then in the event of
no change taking place iu-the conduct of the belli
gerents towards the United States, to endeavour to j
I assert their rights against both powers ; hut that if j
either should relax iu, their aggressions, they said
tli|y would vote for taking part with that one against
the other which should continue its aggressions,—' i
Mr. Gallatin remarked to me, that the resoluti
ons which were proposed hy the committee of fo-!
r,,'Rn Eelati'ms in the report to the house of repre
senlatwes, and which had already passed in the
j committee of the whole house, and would perhaps |
| soon pass into a law, seemed to him to remove two
vrry important grounds of difference with Great- j
i Britain, viz. the r||h importation act, as appliea
j ble to her alone, ana the president’s proclamation,
! whereby ships of Great Britain were excluded from
the porti*5 of the United States, while those of
h ranee were permitted to eutfr, but now, by the j
non intercourse l,aw, both powers were placed on j
the same footing ; ho did not pretend to say that
lt)i£ measure had been taken-,
from any motives of
concessionto Great Britain j
as in fact those
consequences followed, he conceiv
jhey might be
considered as removing the two grei __
obstacles to a
conciliation. This be wished,might be the case, as
he intimated to me that such steps were about to be
.taki-n by congress upon another very important
subject of the differences between the two countries,
as might have a lurther effect in leading to a favor
able adjustment of them. He informed m£s, that a
ilaw was about to be proposed to con$Jp, and
which he b lieved would pass, to interdict all Ame
rican vessels from receiving on board any foreign
‘•eatnen, under heavy penalties or forfeitures, and
•b.il-already the ships of war of the United States
hitd been ordered not to receive any, and to dis
harge surh^as were at that time on board. This
gjit.ject is altoded to by Mr. Giles, the senator,
Ills speech, who it hllh in the rnnfidsnr* of the .
is speech, who it high in the confidence ofthe go.
vtrinneot, 'and it is said, it to be Madison’s secre
tary of state. Mr. Gallatin also said, that he knew
'Unit it was intended by the tailed Stales to a ban
don the
rty on a trade with thecolo
nies of
lime of war whidhMHkltot
allowed' ift.titW'if^wSijf,'
ijlo trust
permuted by the french W’finy .on >u&'ti|&ju
peace so at to entitle theintUatontiauance of tljn
linwofwar,': W
iothrs manner he observed all the points of dif
ferences between Great Urilalilaud the United States
might be smoothed away (wm^big expression) and
rhaV'thi: United States would he willing ta^jlu: the
ntercourse with Great Britain upon a perfect foot
«>? of reciprocity, and would either consent In the
that the sbips of h.oth nations should
L ’he sapfe duties reciprocally, or place ett^h o
‘iHnply upon the footing of the must favoured
L ^ >. 5--U' 1 .. 1
m V '
■ v4: ‘
extra duties, and other
trade with Great Britain tjivHfeen *Uk<
tained that opinion, and that heuhad uniformly en
deavnured In persuade^ presHpf to place the rno
jluct of Great- Britain aodi'rit|tfe towards the United
^States in a fair light fetfore'tfre ptibljck. lie seemed
(o rherk himself at the moment he was speaking up
on that suhji-t^ff and I could not get him t<> express
himself more distinctly, hut 1 could clearly collect
from his manner, and limn some slight insinuations,
that he thought ihejm-suh-nt find acted with parti
aliiy towards I-ranee. For he,turned the conversa
tion immediately upon the cbaiaeter of Mr,%l.idi
son, and said that fit could not he accused of hai
irtg such a bias lowaidsjj^’ance: and reuiarked that
d the Bri
wards the nation, and to be entirely free from anv
enmity to its general prosperity. He appealed to me,
whether ( had not observed that he frequently spok
with approbation of its institutions, its energy and
spirit, and that he was thoroughly well versed in
•its history, literature and arts.
These observations he made at that time for the
purposeofrontrnstingthesentiments ofMr. Mudis' p
with those of the president, as he jj^new that I must
have observed Jhat Mr. Jefferson never spoke with
approbation ofany tiling that was British and ai
rways took up french topicks in his conversation,
and always praised the people andrountry of Fi ance,
and never lost an opportunity oi shewing his dislike
to Great Britain. * “v
Al theclose of my interview with Mr. Gallatin.
he familiar way, “ You see, Sir, we could
settle a treaty in my private room in two hours,
which might perhaps be found to he as lasting us it
it was hound up in ail the lortnalilies of a regular
system; and ought he imiiid as reciprocally uselu!
us a treaty consisting of twenty four articles, in
whirh the indicate points of intercourse might be
in vain attempted to be reconciled to the .opposite,
and perhaps, jealous views of self inteust of the
respective countries.”
1 have taken the liberty of detailing to you the
substance of this unofficial conversation wnh Mr.
Gallatin, in oider^jpiexplain to you the grounds up
on which I have formed my opinion that the mem j
hers of the present government who it is expected
•rill belong also to the next, would be desirous of
settling the differences of the United States with i
Great-Britain to enable them to extricate the coun
ity and themselves from the difficulties in which
they are involved ; for it ;s now, 1 believe, d$termi
j lied that Mr. Gallatin will accept his present office
t under Mr. Malison, which was at one time doubled.
I he character of Mr. Gallatin must he well known
to you, to be held in toe greatest respect in this coun
try lor his unrivalled talenis as a financier and as a
stet'-suiaii. 1 here cannot I tlunk he any reasonable
doubt entertained that tie u heartily opposed to
: French aggrandizement, £§i|o the usurpations of
Buonaparte. Me was an elniu9iasl in ravmir of
the French resolution, in the early period of it, but
has long since abandoned the favourable opinions he
had enu-rtained respectingsit, and has viewed the
progress of France towards universal dominion
with jealousy and regret.
How far the good will ofa this government and
country towards Great Britain may he worth, in
the estimation id his majesty’s government, these--;
crifice ol the orders in council and the impression
which they might he expected to make on Ff»na,
it would be presumptuous in me to venture to cal
Iplate, but 1 am thoroughly persuaded that at that
PRICE it might be obtained.
1 have endeavoured, by the most strict and dili
gent enquiries into the views and sictngth of the
federal party to ascertain to what extent they wutftd
he willing and aide to resist the i%usnres of the
party in power, and Jgtow far tftky couid carry the
opinions of this country along wiih them iu their
attempts to remove the embargo, without recurring
to hostilies against both Great Biitain and France.
Upfltdi mature ciftsidvr«tion oi this subject i am
persuaded that great as the desire is whic h general
ly prevails for the removatof the embargo, that the
federalists would not venture to recommend ibatlt
should he withdrawn, without proposing some ftPa
sures of greater eneigy as a su' stilule. Some have
indeed hinted at the propriety of at once declaring;
war against Francp ; hut few, however, of Ifmse who
have been must clamorous against the Embargo,
have yet offered their opinions as to what course^
ought to be pursued, although all have declared a-*
gainst the submission to the restrictions upon their
neutral rights.
When the small number of those who have point
ed out the propriety ol going to war with Francis
alone, is considered, even of the federal party,®
cannot believe trial such a measure would suc
ceed.
All the leaders of the democratic party in con
gress and out of (ti,.dert«re that they only propose
the continuance of the embargo for a short time,
and that il the people at large is foi^lnore active
resistance, that they shall be willing and readv to
put forth the strength of the country for that pur
pose-s-These declarations are to he found in the
speerbes, some prinud copies of which 1 have sent
herewith ; you will »d, however, theft in some of
them a great stress is still laid upon the eflerts l« be ‘
expected from theembaigo in coercing the bdligfe
reflfe, particularly Great llritaiu, to relax in her nr
strictions, from the distress |pnd inconvenience
which is likely to he produced by the want of the
produce of this country.
This relianre upon such ronsrqttences from the
embargo is greatly, indeed almost entirely diminish
ed m lha opinions of most people, and I conceive,
thut the.only reason why the ruling party wish it to
be continued arise? from the hope that time might
afford them anamportunity of h£per judging of the :
probable isstteWavant? ip Europe, particularly of
i^*drt-Mw.ot failure offtoohapHne in Spain.
*'?’*■*hi jpdiu,
It tlllllf /tiklitiiajv WlKutkaV ska _>. iL
h, may bo douhisd whether the privations ami in
mrte ’ ‘
corfvemenres produced by the embargo in thru krooit
trjr, will rot cuarptl the congress to Ukfe^me
hostile measures, in order to have n pretext for its
removal of so trifling a nature, however, as to leave
it tu the heljigerents to overlook t befit, if they please,
and to save the ruling party from the necessity ol
aping into war measures of great expense and dao
|*r out only .to their own popularity and power, hot
-x:
perhaps, even to the safety of the onion. F.«
mu
pose tpjkavejlie honour of offering some remarks
opun W»* subject in khe next number of jsy dis
patches.% «/-' '''.'W* .3 *V‘
» With tbehjiktst wpect, flcc. 4^
, . ERSKINE.
fn other- fetters out yet published shall au
ur nextjb .v .
For the National Intrfaigcncer. " >
Amongst the papers lafely laid before the British
parliament respecting Artmftfrao affairs, is a aits- >
patch Ironi MnEtskine l<e|3*. Cannifg, dated 4th '
December, 1808, wbtrh principally relate* to a
conversation between Mr. Erskine and my*lf._
riiiS took place at my house and willioot any pre.
yunw. appointment: But as Mr. lii-kine haddor- '•
mg the preceding week conversed-with Mr.'M tdi
on the same topirks, and l‘.e rtsutl hadjtjei-a
communicated to me the dly before by Mr. Madi
son,-.1 was prepared t.»r tbesu^jert; and every Seas'
timCnt 1 uttered was i*i perltct unison with thos^of
of the president and of the secretary nl state. V¥lia|
was ineoftt by colonial tradff hits already beeu e x
plained by Mr. Erskttle: but as Ins ovn share m
those conversations with several niPnibers ol t!ie ad
,ministration is, in his dispatches^altogat* .r omit
ted ; and the conditions expe, ti-^Fby the JJ. Slat* •
from Great Britain are distinctly explaitu d, it s
proper to stats briefly the generalground^ which
were considered hereas loaning a proper basis fur
an adjustiiimt of dt^mnees, if a cnir-ilia-hiry
position was found tWicist on the part of the Bri
tish government.
1. ricpirution jor the attack on the Chesapeake.
The president’s proclamation merging in the pro
posed non-intercourse act, by which the putUck
Ships ol botn Gn at Britain and France would bp ex
cluded from the ports ol the United States,' the os
tensible obstacle to nuking the ftparution, acknow
ledged to be due, was removed. £ ’
2. Olden of Council. To be repealed sinjfly on
It be ground of the non inter, ourse act applvmgjia
that event, e xriusivtiy to France, so long as ber’de
crees violating.|he neutral rights of the U. States
continued m fitter.
3. Impressment of Seamen. To be entirely aban
doned, America agreeing to exclude honi her navi
gation seamen not (Wizens of the United f$tal«, on
the principle contained in the instructions of the
20tb May, 180/, to M ssrs, Monroe and Pinknry,
which, on account of the rupture ot the negotiati
ons, wye not, 111 that respect, arted upon.
4. Colonial t rade. The right to the direct trade,
viz. that curried directly from the colonies to itie
oelltgerents in Europe, to he waved by the United
Slates: provided that the trade between the United
States and the colonies, and that in colonial arti
cles between the Uajttti Slates attd other countries
was formally recogmsJd, aceoiding to the principles
contained'in the seme instruction*.
5. Commercial Relations. The partial non impor
tation act of the United Mates, and the convov and <
other extra duties ot Great Britain to be repealed:
and generally every source ol collision arising front’
that species of connner. ial warfare to cease by a
mutual repeal of all discriminating duties, in <yn
lormity with the instrut tmns to Messrs. Monroe
and Pinkney beiore mention'd. The two notions
to place each other, in every other respect, on the
looting of the most favoured nation. ,
On this last point, my observations wjere general
and equally applying to both countries.* ’phe sys
tem of restrictions which those o( Great Britain
had forced the United States to adopt being equally
injurious to both. And Mr. Erskiiw is mistaken
in supposing that 1 would have nr eh rret), ut first,
measures nfa moredacided natuiPtn the emffcrgo.
Mr. Erskine ajj^^irs, s»> fw as can be inferred
from the correspondence noy^ptiblUhed, totiave-Sup
posed that iii order to induce his government lo take
into consideration those propositions, and to adopt
u conduct consistent witlijusi principles and wills .
the great and permanent interests ol Great Britain,
it whs absolutely neeftsary to dissipate the prejndi
ces they had imbibed; And his shorts seem accord—
mply to have been principally used in trvmg to con
vince them of the sincere disposition of the mem
bers ol tbe American administration 'to adjust lb#*
| dttterences between the two counineg. Knowing
; the earnestncss^l his endeavoais nr piomoling
that object, theWtuThulties he had to eit^ouiiter iiy,(
bis attempts to induce the British ministry t# lafci#
a comprehensive and correct vtVw of the Subject,
and the sanguine temper which he discovered
U.raoghout tl.tr whole transaction, 1 feel no dispo
l" ravil at yie general colouiing rif^the lan
guage ascribed either to other niemhersoT the ad*
• »iniafr4|>» UT. 10 But theft is a part of
Lthe despa tel# ini which 1 cannot for a raonvenyte*
qur»-sce.
from casaarexpressions rmgerfeclly understood,
and incorrectly stated, and'f&m what he rail*,
“ r«y nmuner and slight insinuationsMr. Erskine
■nfers that I thought that the president (Mr. Jelfcr
son) had acted with partiality towards Franc* and
ihat I had attempted to contrast Mr. Madison’s
sentiments in that respect with those of the presi
dent. 1 t;Sr V':*
That Mr. Erskine’s ohjeettwas to use the change
j of Presidency as an argument to induce the British
ministry to oiler t|eir measures to-wiuds America ;
I and that the opinions thns ascribed idmie were his
, own, is sufficiently obvious from the whbE tenor of his
t despatch. But the’inference ns it relates to me is
totally erroneous: and Mr. Erskinemust have mis
I taken my assent to the existence of surmises of par
tly ••• Mr. Jefferson towards France for an ac
i qniescjgce in the truth of them.
J tfljpit with troth have spoken of Mr. Madison,
not as feeling any particular admiration for tbeBri
I tish constitution and institutions, hut as having '
neither bias or enmity towards France of England.
But 1 never could or did contrast his sentiments ip
that reaped, or ascribe to him opinions on the sub
ject ol uur foreign relations'at variance with those
of Mr. Jefferson. ■' ■, ^
\ - 1 •'*'* ‘ho*e' surmises respecting Mr. Jefferson
*> l*e altogether destitute of foundation. Tpji*ve,
1 ln nrost indirect manner^ suggested or cnunle
nauced a belief in them, would have been.direct
fokchnod. 8n far front barring, even by my silence,
•rfbiesctd^,10 insinuationsIbf that nature; when
Mr, Ertlon*,^once, and once only drepta bint to
that effect intimating as-opposed hostility to Eng
land, and that the president Jhad not placed her
conduct in a faiHight before the pnWick.I iramedi- *
ately repelled the eburge, and, amongst other ob
servations, reminded him that the only time whets
tb* British government Mi by the proposed quali