The Pennsylvania journal, or, Weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-05-22 00:00:00, page 1

In CONGRESS. May rs, 17^
WHEREAS his Butanoic Majesty, in donjuoaion with
the Lords and Commons of Great- Britain, has, by a
lan Atl of Yardarm nt,- excluded the inhabitants of these
Uni el Colonies 'from the preteaion of his crown—And
whereas no answer whatever, to the humble petitions of the
Colonies tor redress of grievances and reconciliation with
Great-Britain, has been, or is likely to be given, but the
whole force of that kingdom, aided by foreign mercenaries,
is to be exerted for the deftruaion of the good people of
theft Colonies — And whereas it appears absolutely irrecon
cileabte to reason and good conscience, for the people ofthefe
Co.on'es NOW to take the oaths and affirmations necessary
f/ he in port cf any government under the crown of
Gea-Britain; and it is necessary that the exercise of every
kind of authority under the said crown should be totally flip
py ffed, and all the powers of government exerted under the
authority of the people of the Colonies for the preservation
of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the
defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the
bolide invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies—
Therefore
PESO! VED. That it be recommended to the refpe&ive
Abemblies and C inventions of the United Colonies, where
u moment Efficient to th exigencies of their affairs has
b> n bi herto eftabifhed, to adopt fitch government as shall,
r be opinion of the Representatives of the people, best
conduce to the happimfs ^ud fafety of their constituents in
,a ricular, and Am- cl in germ'd
By older of Congreft,
JOHN HANCOCK. President.
ofc ?v^ ^^o;^^^cfoofoXdo^o^^-^
S 1 n V! QU ESTIONS proposed to ail friends to the rights of
mankind in Fennfylvania, with suitable ANSWERS.
Q ^J[rHAT is government?
Vy A. Certain powers veiled by society in public per
sons so i the £ curity, peace, and happiness of its members.
Q_ What ought a society to do to secure a good govern
ment?
A Any thing. The happiness cf man, as an inhabitant
of dais world, depends intirQy upon it.
Q When ought a new government to be established ?
A. When the old becomes impracticable, or dangerous to
th rights of the people.
Q, Is that the present Rate of cur government ?
A. Every officer of it is bound by oaths of allegiance and
fidelity to our enemies. The chief magift.-ate is wholly in
d pendant of the people both in fortune and authority. The
us of out constitution is Impiamicable io many instances,
anil dangerous in all, therefore neceflity fays it ought to be
laid fide.
Q_ Who ought to form a new constitution of government?
A. File people.
Q_ From whom ought public persons to derive their au
thority to govern ?
A. From the people whom they are to govern.
Q What ought to be the object of government?
A The welfare of the governed.
Q_ Hour is such a government to be obtained?
A. By forming a constitution which regards men more than
things, by framing it in such a manner that the interest of
the Governors and governed (hall ever be the fame; and by
de egating the powers of government so that the people may
always have it in their power to resume them, when abuied,
w tbout umult or confufion, and to deliver them to persons
m worthy of trust.
Q_ Shoud the ( fficers of the old constitution be entrusted
vil he power cf making a new one when it becomes necef
Fy?
A. No- Bodies of men have the fame felffh attachments
as individuals, and they will be claiming powers and prero
gatives inconfiftnt with the liberties of the people. Arif
t< cracies will by this means be cfablifhed, and we will ex
cbanee a bad conhitution for a worse, or the tyranny of one
so: rhe tyranny of many.
0 Who ought to have such a trust conferred upon them,
as 0 is the highest and most important which man can de
iegao?
A F ft, Men of the greased wisdom and integrity, who
have a- much if not more natural than acquired frnfc and
underftandith Secondly, Men who can be under no temp
tations^ frame pobtica' diftin&ions in favour of any class or
feeof men. Thily, Men who the moment the confutation
is framed, must defend into the common paths of life and
have as grew a chance to feel every defect in the couftiturion
as any man. And lastly, Men who regard not the person of
the rich, nor despise the Bate of the poor, but who prefer
justice and equity to all things, arid would go,,any lengths to
eftabrifh the common rights of mankind on the firmed foun
dation..
Q Ought the constitution which a proper number of such
pcrns agree upon to be immediately adopted ?
A. No. After agreeing upon a conuitution or form of
government, they ought to adjourn for fix or pine months,
pubbfh the plan, request every man to examine it with the
White Bread, lb 3
rd. loaf is 0 8^
ad. ditto, I o-g
4d. ditto, a 1
Bd. ditto, 4 3
n^ dtto 6 4^
THE
May 22 , 1776. ^|& n Numb. 1746.
PENNSYLVANIA if I^^f'JOURNAL;
' A ND ^ / B THE
WEEKLY fy,^
^ss^^^^ \^. ffifr^^s^^^
WEDNESDAY, ^^f^ M AY 22 , ,776
SssSsSSsSsSSsSSsss^^u^#^^^^
The ASSIZE of BREAD.
Fine Flour at Fifteen Shillings and Six-Pence per Ct.
Middlings at Thirteen Shillings per Ct.
Ry e at Nine Shillings per Ct.
Middl, do. 16 5
rd. loaf is 0 9^
ad. ditto, 1 3
4d. ditto, & 6
Bd. ditto, 4 12
nd. ditto, 7 x
Rye do. lb 3
id. loaf is 0 n|
xd. ditto, 1 7|
4d. ditto, x 15
Bd. ditto, 5 14
tad.ditto, 8 13
utmost seriousness and attention, make remarks upon it, point
out any defeats which may appear in it. and off.r amend
ments. Then let the fame body of men who framed it,
joined by an additional number of new members, meet at the
time fix d in their adjournment, canvass the whole again,
take the defe&s pointed out, and the amendments proposed
into their confideratiou, and finally agree. N. B. This
frame of government, when agreed upon, should be entitled
the Social Cornpa(ft of the people of , &c. and should
be unalterable in every point, except by a delegation of the
fame kind of that which originally framed it, appointed for
that purpose.
Q_ W hat should be done after this compact is finally agreed
upon ?
A. The fame, or another body of men, should be ap
pointed to draw up what I ihpr'd call a charter of delegation,
being a clear and full description oi . th. quantity and degree
of power and authority, with which the society vests the per
sons intruded with the powers of the society, whether civil
or military, legiflativc, executive or judicial.
<L Is this all that is necessary to secure a good govern
ment?
A. If the legislative be so constituted as never to be able to
form an interest of its own separate from the interest of the
community at large; if its branches are jndependant of and
balance each other, and all dependant on the people, and
if it has. the power of calling the executive and judicial
branches to account for mal-adminiftration, it might do;
but I should piopofe the addition of a Committee of Inquiry
to be chosen every third year, whose authority should extend
to the examination of all laws passed within that space of
time, to fee if any infringed upon the Social Compal, to in
quire into tht application of the public money, and the con
duQ of all officers whether legislative, executive or judicial ;
particularly to fee that no branch of the legislature exceed the
bounds prescribed to it in the Charter of Delegation; to ^t in
judgment on the delinquent, and they, whom the Committee
condemned, should be declared incapable of holding any
office ,of power and trust in the society. This Committee
should exist only for fix months at 010 ft, and should have
power to recommend any ^b^,atioi.vr amendment of toy ar
tickle in the Charter of Delegation, which, by experience,
should be found defective or dangerous; which alteration or
amendment should be made by a body of men delegated for
the purpose, in the fame manner as the Original Compallt.
N. B. One article in the original compact should be, that all
virtuous men, who believe in a God, should be equally capa
ble of holding any office, for which he was qualified, when
the choice of the people. Nothing but Atheism or open im
morality to exclude any man.
Q_ Granting the foregoing plan to be just and right, how
may it be obtained?
A. By the virtue and unanimity of the people, particularly
those who at the hazard of their lives have rcfolved to support
the liberties of their country.
Q_ Will they be unanimous in establishing a perfectly free
government?
A. The people thcmfclves can best answer this question.
They began the contest for the fake of freedom, and it is
both their duty and interest. Men of sinister views and de
signs will endeavour to sow divifibns. They will lay hold on
the bigotry of some, the religious prejudices of others, and
the ignorance cf a third fort. A few families will endeavor
to get all power into their hands, and form an oligarchy or
arifl cracy. Most nations, who have Shaken off royal
tyranny, have been enslaved by an aristocracy or oligarchy,|
which is much worfe,' purely by leaving the business of
framing a constitution to the officers of the old government.
They, fitting up an interest of their own in oppofitiph to that
of the people, formed an aristocracy For my part I should
think it a good precaution to exclude all those who frame the
constitution from ever holding any office under it. This
should be esteemed so high and sacred a trull, that the man
who was thought worthy to frame it, should be forbid ever
to degrade himfelf by holding any office whatever. These
things, next to the salvation of our fouls, should engage our
attention. The firft settlers of this province formed a com
pa& with William Peon nearly of this kind, but he artfully
got them to give it up. Their wife and Ready oppafitiori to
his encroachments cannot be fufficicntly commended. I
should expert much from the virtue cf their descendants, if
they coud be persuaded to lay aside groundless fears and
jcaloufies, and heartily to join in correcting and reforming a
conftitudon against the detects of which they have long con
tended. They have now the only opportunity which, per
haps, will ever be offered them.
N. B. As the above concerns all, the fcveral printers are
intreated to give it a place in tlieir papers as loon as poffib e,
that all may have an opportunity of answering the questions
fur thcmfelves.
I Aristocracy means the government of the great families of
the country ; Oligarchy, the government of a few great men,
who have by feme means or other got pofTeflion of the
powers of government.
"aNI)RTW BUNNER,
HAVING left this city; lequefts a', persons that are indebt
ed to him, to pay the fame to Messrs. Fuller and Fisher
in Water-street, near the Draw-Bridge, who are hereby em
powered to give receipts. He has a few articles on hand at
said Fuller and Ftlher's (lore, which he will fell very cheap.
Philadelphia, May ri, 17'76 6w.
r I HE creditors of ALEXANDER LUN3N, dccc^c^Te
I drived to call on ROBERT RITCHIE for a second
dividend. Philadelphia, May 13, 1776.
IN whatever view this bill, both in principle and the mode
of enforcing that principle, presents itfe f, it appears to
me to be fraught with every accumulated species of impolicy
and injustice. I mail in the few observations I propose to
make on it deliver my mind freely, on this however, as on
all former occasions, looking upon myfelf at liberty to alter
my opinion, and to regulate my judgment merely on the _
merits of the ma ter under debate, combined with its own
particular circuniftances, not by any collateral motives,
which do not properly relate to the question before me. The
firfl matter that forces its way to your Lordships confidtra
too on prufing this bill is, the principle which to me ap
pears no less cruel than impolitic. It is, as it has been ? 1*
obs rved in the course of this debate, and to which I h,ve
not yet heard a rational answer, to the last degree cruel and
utjuft, because it involves the innocent in one common
punishment with the guilty. It is impolitic, because it will
throw the people into a Rate of desperation, and of neeffry
force them to ake up arms in their own defence, so that it
will have the double effect of transforming your fri.nds,
such as have hitherto continued so, into the moR inveterate
enemies, and inspiring both friends and foes with he m^R
enthusiastic and desperate resolutions, of refilling a coercion
that leaves them no other alternative but submission to the
most abj:cl Rate of slavery, or cf ending in their complete
deftruaibn unless they should prevail in the contest. But,
my Lords, I have a Wronger objeaion to the principle of the
bill than even that I have now stated. It proceeds on the
idea that America is in rebellion to the just authority of this
country. I deny it. I contend they have been in part, if
not entirely, forced to take up a r ms in defence of thcii pro
perty. which has been attempted, by the a&s of this legisla
ture, to be wrested unjulßy out of their hands. They have
been taxed by the British Patiiainen!, for the purpose of
railing a revenue. They have been thereby deprived of the
inalienable privilege of a British Subject, that of voting«aw a y
his own money; of judgingo« the quantum, and of the propri
ety of entirely witholding it, should he not approve uf ( hs
uses or purposes to which it may be intended to be applied.
Besides this general unquestionable ground I have now stated,
taxation has been attempted to be carried into cffe<ft, con
trary to the usual mode, to the antient usage of requifidon.
I therefore contend that the principle of the bill is ill found
ed, and unjust in the firft conco&ion ; and therefore that the
idea is falfe, on which it proceeds, for the colonies arc cot
in a Rate of rebellion, but are armed in support of their just,
their inalienable and constitutional rights, thus openly invad
ed and attacked. The noble Earl in office has aligned every
reason for inferring the elaufe in this bill, which has been
objected to by the noble Duke, but what appears tt me to
be at the firft blufli the most obvious. His Lordship fays,
that in a foreign war we secure all prisoners which fall into
our hands in prison ; but that we will not know how to dis
pose of those which may be taken on the present case, as no
provision has been made on the bill for that purpofe.—Bui if
the noble Earl will permit me I will tell him, what appears
the true motive for inferring that elaufe, a mete wanton a&
of feminine revenge, a mere love of cruelty and oppression.—•
But let us pass over that co\fideracton, and turn to the means
proposed in the bill icfelf, for ensuring its opera ion. This
i take to be framed too on other grow ds than those of merely
rewarding merit. On a former occasion the noble Earl,
though he did not positively assure us, gavuus the firongeft
hopes that we fhou ! d be a|le to man our navy without
pressing; but finding it impracticable, the noble Earl and
his brethren in office, have had recourse to this merited of
dividing the prizes taken among the captors, in cider to
avoid the unpopular mode of pressing, or of disclosing to 'he
public, that out feamcn are as avife to this ferric, a< our
landsmen have already proved themleives. I believe the noble
Earl distinguished liimlelf in a warm opp< firion, during the
Spanish war 1741 and affixed in trying he mralure against
the Minister, for dividing the caotn taken by the E^emy, a
mong the cap ors Lord Ba h was ar the head of that op'po
firion ; & and I b licve the noble Fat dots not forg t that the
great argument then uftd in both Houses, was, that fitch an
encouragement became absolutely 1 eceffary ; for as the mer
chants wages were so much higher than the pay allowed by go
vernment, such a ftimuiaiive to enter aboard the King's thips,
would be the only, best and most probable means of speedily
manning ournavy, upon any sudden emergency. This my
Lords, cannot be said to be the case at prelent ; no such rea
lon can now be assigned ; for 1 believe the merchants wages
are rather lower than usual ; at ieaft I am well informed th v
have not b en raised for tome time past. I do not knew, that
dividing the prizes in the manner usually adopted among the
captors, is perfectly right at any time ; but as it is, the only
reason that has been ever aligned, and that it does net ar
present .exist, I must confefs, that that, with the circurn
ftances attending if, is another reason why I am against this
bill. 1 should think myfelf juftified in puffing over the mat
ter I am now about mentioning to your Loidffi ps, as not
dirediy applying to the fulled matter of this debate, if I
did not think it of the most material confrqu nee; I mean
the two resolutions agreed to in the other Houie, relative to
the Colony of Nova Scotia. As we cannot procure any in
formation in this Hcufc, 1 am under the neceflity of ifeeki
it wherever 1 can find it. In the votes of the House of Com
mons, I find that they have resolved, that no other duties or
customs (ball be paid for any goods or merchandize import
ed into the Colony of Nova Scotia, but what it expriffid in
the second reloluuon; and that in the fecund icwomoe, tha m
LONDO N.
SPEECHES delivered in the HOUSE of LORDS.
[ Continued from our last. ]
LORD S HELBURN E.