The American Republican gazette — Concord, N.H., 1802-11-23 00:00:00, page 1

postal fftsceUanp.
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From the National Intelligencer.
A VIEW of the Relative Strength of
Parties in the United States, in the
United States, in the years
11800 and 1802.
[Continued from No. XCI.]
A Second criterion of the relative
I, JLJL strength of parties at the close of
\ the year 1800, and the present period,
may be found, in some measure, in
the political complexion of the fede
ral Senate at those periods. It will,
however, be recollected, that as the
election of the members of that body
is made for 6 years, the new appoint,
ments of Senators within the two last
years can but imperfectly exhibit the
change of public opinion. As far,
however, as it does go, it is conclu
sively demonstrative of the increase
of republicanism.
At the close of 1800, the Senate
flood thus :—
Republican. Fed.
Newhampfhire 11
. Massachusetts 0 2*
' Rhode Island b 2
Connecticut 0 2
Vermont 0 2
Newyork 11
Newjerfey 0 2
Pennsylvania @ 2
Delaware 0 2
% Maryland • 2
Virginia 2 0
North Carolina 2 0
South Carolina 11
Georgia 11
Kentucky 11
Tennessee 2 0
Bdpßßt _
^ll 21
Federal Majority 10
At present the Senate (lands thus :
Newhampfhire 0 2
Massachusetts 0 2
ConneClicut • 2
Rhode Island 2 0
Vermont 11
Newyork 11
Newjerfey 0 2
Pennsylvania 11
Delaware 0 2
Maryland ' 1.1
Virginiago
North Carolina 2 0
^° ut ' ) Caroline 2 0
(Georgia 2 0
Kentucky 2 0
Tennessee 2 0
18 14
Republican Majority 4
It follows, that in a period of two
years, the Senate has been changed
from a federal to a republican body,
by the appointment of 8 republicans
in the room of a like number of fed
eral members, which constitutes a
change of one fourth of the whole
body.
) \ But to exhibit fairly the change
which has taken place in the state le
gislatures, of which the Senate is the
conffitutional representative, it is nec
essary to shew what would be the
complexion of that body if an entire
ly new ejection of Senator were now
to take place.
AMERICAN REPUBLICAN GAZETTE.
9s. a Year,]
TUESDAY, NOV. fy 1802.]
Error of Opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it.— Jefferson.
Such an election would produce
the fallowing result:
Republican, Fed.
Newhampfhire 0 2
Massachusetts 0 2
Rhode Island 2 0
Conneaicut 0 2
Vermont 2 0
Newyork 2 0
Newjerfey ' 2 0
Pennsylvania ' 2 0
Delaware 0 2
Maryland 2 0
Virginia 2 0
North Carolina 2 0
South Carolina > 2 0
Georgia 2 0
Kentucky 2 0
Tennessee 2 0
2 4, 8
Republican Major. 16
It follows, that the national will,
fully expressed at this time, thro' the
constitutional organ of the state legis
latures, would give the republicans
three fourths of the members of the
Senate.
There is every profpeC tthat this
splendid success will attend the repub
licans in little more than two years &
~a half. Nor is there wanting the prob
:ability that Delaware, Massachusetts,
Newhampfhire, and even Connecti
cut, will be republican states before
that period. In all those states repub
licanism is gradually gaining ground.
We shall now close this branch of
our view with an exhibition of the
complexion of the Senate on the 4th
day of March next, when the terms
of appointment of one third of the
present Senators will expire. There
may be some dispute respecting the
last period, froln the remote date to
which it refers. There can be none
refpeCling the subjoined Ratement.
Republican. Fed.
Newhampfhire o'2
Massachusetts 0 2
Rhode Island 2 0
ConneClicut 0 2
Vermont 2 0
Newyork 2 0
Newjerfey 11
Pennsylvania 2 0
Delaware .1I
Maryland 2 0
Virginia 2 0
North Carolina 2 0
South Carolina 2 0
Georgia 2 0 .
Kentucky 2 0
Tennessee 2 0
24 8
Republican majority 16, or 3 votes
to one.
Let it be recollected that the Sen.
ate has been uniformly represented as
the anchor of the constitution, as the
shield of liberty. Why it has been
so represented, it is no difficult talk
for us to lay. Removed from popu
lar sympathy, by the organ of its ap
pointment, and elevated above re
sponsibility by the long period of its
power, it partook less of the essence
of republican institutions than any o
ther department ofahe general gov
ernment. Hence the eulogium lav
ished by those who dread the people
as their own greatest enemies.
LIBERTY and the CONSTITUTIO N.
PRINTED AT CONCORD, N. HAMPSHIRE, BY E. RUSSELL.
THE
But notwithstanding the strength of
the fortrefs, its meretricious honors
have been blasted by the lightning of
liberty. (To be continued.)
Crums of Comfort for Monarchies.
In 1769, the British parliament
dfcharged the King's debts, to the
amount of £563,000, without the
lead investigation-
In 1777, parliament again dis
charged the King's Debts, to the
amount of £618,000 ; and moreover
added £IOO,OOO per annum, to the
civil lift ; which was already
£BOO,OOO per annum. Such was the
complaisance of parliament, that the
demands of the minister, in this in-
Rance, were complied with, 'almoft
without a division.
In 1782, parliament authorized
the King to borrow a further sum of
£300,000 for the liquidation of his
debts.
In 1784, parliament granted the
further sum of £60,000 to pay the
Kings debts.
Thus in the course of 15 years,
the people of Great Britain had sums,
amounting to 6,626:666 dollars, lev
ied to discharge the debts which their
King had contracted during that pe
riod : And, in addition to this, al.
though the sum appropriated for the
payment of the civil lift amounted to
upwards of3 millions and an half of
dollars, prior to the year 1777, the
parliament then added a sum equal
to nearly half a million of dollars per
annum towards enabling their King
to keep out of debt.
By this it appears, that the fame
granted by the British parliament, to
pay debts contracted by their King
in 15 years (over and above almost a
million sterling per annum, allowed
for the regular disbursements of the
civil lift) woulQpay the fallary of
president of the United States for 265
years!+
Is it any wonder that the national
debt of Great Britain should be equal
to 500 millions of pounds sterling ?
This monstrous sum would load thir
ty-nine thousand and seventy-six
waggons—each carrying, 40 hun
dred weight of silver I 6 The very
trappings of monarchy," as Milton
justly observes, * are more than fufo
ficient to defray the whole expence
Qf a republic."
ft When we fee, ' fays a humourous
writer, 66 the print of Garagantua,
thathas a mouth as large as an oven,
and swallows at one meal 1200 pounds
of bread, 20 oxen, 100 sheep, 600
fowls, 1500 hares, 2000 quails, 1000
barrels of wine, 6000 peaches, &c.
&c. &c. who does not fay, that is
the mouth of a King ?"
Besides this, immense sums have
been granted, from time to time, by
the British Parliament, to pay debts
of the prince of Wales, heir apparent
to the crown. His Rated income,
notwithstanding, is 100,000 pounds
sterling; equal to 444,444 dollars :
So that one year's amount of the re,
• gular (alary of the British King's el
dest son, would pay the salary of
President of the United States, for
nearly eighteen years. N. B. The
King of England has at least a dozen
other children, whom the nation are
obliged to support. Lan. In.
. .—rf^q^ag@,t«mraß±
The Vice-president.
, Letter Eight.
[continued.]
b ri
PROOF of the Negotiation between a
Federal gentleman, authorifed by the
Leading Federalists at Wajhinglon,
and Mr. Burr, toplace himjelf in the
Prejidency, at the late election.
" The Minister who, by secret corruption,
invades the freedom of election, and the ruffi
an who by open violence destroys that free
dom, are embarked in the fame bottom."
Junius.
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE
UNITED STA TES.
Few men believe that Mr. Burr is
innocent ;—many, very many indeed,
Rrongly fufpe& that he is guilty of
the charge exhibited, but almost all
are of opinion that he has managed
the negociation with so much
caution, dexterity, and art, as to de.
fy the production of any proof. The
latter opinion is drawn from the
known subtlety of his character, the
general secrecy of his movements,
and his scrupulous avoidance to
commit to writing any thing which
may, by possibility of accident, in
volve him in serious inconveniencies.
The known care ahd cunning, too,
of Mr. Burr, it is generally and just
ly supposed, would be increased in
proportion to the iniquity of the tranf
a&ion, and the consequences which
would result from it to himfelf, in
case of a disclosure. All the consid
erations, to which Mr. Burr paid
suitable attention, and which he no
doubt clearly perceived before he em
barked in the negociation, render,
it is true, the produaion of proof Rill
more difficult. And this difficulty
becomes augmented when we confid
er that the negociation took place and
was completed solely between Mr.
Burr and the federalifts, and that it
is equally the interest of both parties
to keep it a profound secret.—From
the nature of the tranfaClion and the
motives and obje&s of the two con
tracting parties, proof must be diffi
cult of access, firice this proof, it is
fair to infer, is exclusively in the pos
session of Mr. Burr and the federal
negociator. Nor can it be supposed
that Mr. Burr would be a felfaccufer,
or that the federalifts would be guilty
of an ad that would inevitably injure
their party. —They are sensible that
a division exists among the tepubli
cans; that this division is occasioned
by the machinations of Mr. Burr;
that it is propitious to themselves,
and that to disclose that very testimo
ny which would compose those divi
sions, by proving Mr. Burr's nego.
Iciation, would injure the federal par
ty, is as much as it would unite the
republicans ncc only against that par
, ty, but also against the man who has
in the most alarming manner attempt,
led to betray their confidence. Mr,
Burr, therefore, as well as the feder.
alifts, feels every inducement that
can possibly exist, to keep back the
A proof. That party Rill hope to prof..
Volume ll.— Number XCIV.
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