Lynchburg star — Lynchburg [Va.], 1807-03-19 00:00:00, page 2

fhe fortunes of liis infant
.miy itiitive, except his
* has. But whatever the
ew from col. Burr! the
tieJ in his Irttei 'o Gen.
, incontrovertible fails,
d-no authority tor mak
laughter did net go-with'
ui tlie United plates it
its duty $ Commntl 01 e
told, at-the very moment
. have gone to the Weft
in Philadelphia, which I
/ether he has ever left; and
following with a corps oj
« my ufual refidence,
ive been ever ftnee the adjourn
; l.e -jjlature, peaceably dueCl
fouglnng of my rice-lields, and
g my lands for the coining crop,
is cniiciufwe. A confpirator a*
he happinets or liberties of his
y, won Id have been at this mn
, very differently employed. Con*
<tor ! tlie Itiood that burns my cheeky
1 write tlie word—but I meant to
ifine my/elf ifyipiy to tliedifavowal, I
ave made to you, of a fingle afliort or
• nought linltde to my country. To feel
even that riilavowal neceffiry, is ltiffici
-v.tly painful; 1 have yialded however-,
to circumd.vnces and made it. My nne
rjnivncal maunei ol nuking it, l null,
-will not leave a doubt upon one candid rr
lioneit mind. Still I am aware that tlie
coiBriioii vn:eichange of good offices with
■* man with whom X have been longneai*
ly cnnne&cd, miv have given rile to cir*
cuinftances •/■•inch, however innocent in
themi'elves, mxlignity will delight in dil~
toning, and the illiberal among my poli- I
tical adverfariesexult in diffemmating. I
am awaie that there will be men bale i
’ enaugii—for you and I have, not long j
Jim, fern nmols of it—to wlnfper even
•the ciicnmdance ol my -connexion by
■marriage., with col. Burr, as a cii c«m
ttjnce warranting /ufpieibis, About the j
Opinion aifuth men, 1 am indifferent. ;
To the more ingenuous and better pair
-of my fellow-citizens of whatever left or
party, l ean only I'olemnly repeat, as 1
have done to yon, lootier would I have pe
rilled, than harboured a thought liilivcr
five of tin liberties, the happinrls, or the
integrality of my country. Let me be
judged by my own ails, and I lhall oe la
c.srkd. It Mr. Jetfcrlon or Gen. Wil
kinion ever find any thing to mge again ft
•me, let it lie adduced. My refidence is
weli known, & I Hull never ffi. ink from
inveftigation. Nay, more, prcfiunption,
where I cannot irpel it by fo/ilive proof,
•hull be received -a good evidence, and the ;
flightedfifpicion, which 1.cannot fatis
jaStorilj explain, lhall be admitted as ;
.guilt.
I remain, my dear S:r.
With much re.'peA, andregaid,
Yaiii’i alwavs.
JOSEPH ALSTON.
*■_v
C&e <i>tar.
Slpncpurg.
| Thursday, March 19.
^ John Dabney, Esq. is the only
>jen atorial candidate in this Drs
V
'tthew C!:ty and William A.
\ Esquires, (each in his
Nffer again for Congress
' heard of no oppositi
warn
, that of a
.vrents and
without cere
price set upon
fortunate for the
,reat body of the
tened, and from
'ud conviction
"reaty was recei v
e President dis
ary to expec
•5 provision
\of Atne
imrac
ough
way
nrt
)rk
the
Go
-Aei. Up
s this sys
and yet
t a sin
vbeen
~ the
lo
rn
ave
or
so strongly attached to the consti
tution, their liberties, and the
laws.
By last Mail we Have been o
bligingly favoured by our Repre
sentative in Congress, with /o
important documents,from which
extracts shall be made in our next.
The one, a statement of Exports
from the U. S. for one year prior
to the 1st October, 1806—The
other, a statement of the Public
Debt. These documents were
not presented to Congress until
"theSdinst.
“Senator Baldwin, from Geor
gia, was then breathing his last at
the seat of government—Thomas
M. Randolph was extremely ill
ol' a cold and fever—-The Presi
dent was said to be confined to
his bed, with the same complaints
—members of Congress, and the
citizens generally, were very sick
ly, and had been so during the
winter.”
The outlines of the “ Richmond
Female Academyin our paperof
to-day, bespeak a grand design.
This is commencing national re
form, and national instruction, in
the proper place. Enlighten and
exalt the female mind, and you
forthwith banish from the world
baseness, villainy, ignorance, and
vice. The writer of this article
recollects not ever seeing an intel
ligent woman, the mother" of a
dunce, or a scoundrel, where even
tolerable attention had been paid
to education, after the sixth or
seventh year. What of kindness,
humanity, andtenderncss, is dis
cemable in the human character,
may justly be ascribed to female
intelligence and delicacy. The
founders of this Institution will
merit the gratitude of posterity,
and it is ardently hoped that so
noble an example, will be general
ly, and generously imitated.
Burr has been liberated on
bail of Si0,000. He immediate
ly returned to his boats.
Col. Burr has escaped—The
Governor of the Mississippi Ter
ritory has issued proclamation,
and offered a reward of £2000
far his apprehension.
A New-York paper states that
a very alarming and mortal dis
ease, rapid without example in its
progress, prevails at Newark (N.
Jersey.) Many instances of death
had occurred in less than 24 hours
bearing the strongest marks of
early mortification. The type
of the dirorder is not mentioned,
nor tire method of treatment.
Late British arrivals report the
sickly state of the French*armies»
The naval commanders of his
Britannic Majesty in America,
have received orders (’tis said)
to release every American Seaman
who has not entered voluntarily.
• The Emperor of Russia must
consider himself highly honored
by brother Bonaparte’s intended
visit, accompanied with 400,000
soldiers—He contemplates an ar
my of a million. The balance is
to be left, to keep matters in or
der in his absence, and to secure
a retreat.
Electioneering.
Soon after Rome had reached
the zenith of national greatness,
and when that magestic severity,
peculiar to virtue, had Vgun to
relax through enfeebling luxuiy
—when the who!*: empire felt that
decay, from which neither States
nor Nations, more than man are
exempt—the artful and the de
signing resorted to stratagem, and
succesl’ully sought place, eleva
tion and emolument, by shows, sy
cophancy, largesses and bribery—
Amongst the causes which pro
duced ihat mighty revolution the
immortal Gibbon mentions not, it
is true, one syllable concerning
the effects of gingerbread or ri'liis
keij—nor does either Plumy or
Tacitus. Neverdieless, it cannot
be logically or reasonably deduc
ed or inferred, from their silence
on the subject, but that both were
in constant use in all the Roman
elections, as well in the cabinet as
the camp—the Forum as in the
Senate House—Who can deny but
that Julius Caesar’s first Lieute
nant introduced this detestable
practice of corruption among the
Piets—The British ’tis well known
inherited it from their Pictish an
cestors, and with that eternal re
pro, ci and stain on humanity, the
Slave Trade shipped a sample ol
the curse over to Virginia.
One or two, here and there still
stick to the Swillery system, and
may perhaps by the practice of stu
pefaction, darken, once more,
the Capitol door. They now give
their constituents, what alone the
constituents have a right to ex
pect—grog!—When vast nation
al questions of general concern
ment are to be discussed, can aid,
or energy for the maintenance
and securement of our rights, and
priviledges be reasonably expect
ed from such men—from men
who, in the very outset, violate
an established law of the common
wealth, and affect to deride the
integrity of a Competitor, who
scorns the brutallawless practice ?
—In what differs this wet sys
tem from British electioneering
bribery ?—one guinea, or a hun
dred there, is no more a bribe or j
violation of law, than a treat or
barbacue are here. The princi
ple is precisely the same, and the
effects alike immoral and mischie
vous.
It is highly gratifying to be in
formed that men of real indepen
dence, sterling talents, and worth,
candidates for seats in the next
Virginia Legislature, abjure the
base system otgrogery, servility,
and sycophancy, so prevalent hi
therto, on similar occasions in the
upper counties. Conscious of
their own worth, after declaring
their sentiments; and willingness
to serve in a representative capaci
ty, they conceivie they have done
as much as men of honour ought,
in a republican government, where
the public voice and will should
for ever be free, unfettered, and
unbribed.
i Mar<Jh TerjI.
Campbell Quarterly Sessions
were held last week. Upwards
of one hundred and twenty judg
ments were obtained. Several
very heavy suits, of considerable
moment, and long standing, were
determined.—This spirited and j
equitable dispatch is ascribed mea
surably to the determination of a
number of young, intelligent, and
independent magistrates, united
with a fav old ones, of the same
stamp, who are resolved to sweep
the docket in two more Terms,
and wipe off the reproach of Court
Delay which had become prover
bial—bye word, in Campbell.
We are acquainted with a few of
the gentlemen lately commission
ed to the peace. Some of them
we know to be men of business,
character, independence and punc
tuality. Their names, united as
above, will be a guarantee for fi
delity, justice and dispatch.—
But should expectation be disap
pointed they shall hear of it, un
less it can be clearly proved that
the malady is not in the man, but
the Bench. It is a most unques
tionable truth, that some passible
hearts and tolerable heads, in times
past, have been much transmuted
and rendered vertiginous (hard
wc:ds) by place and elevation.
The disorder is said tobeirresist
able when it seizes on certain parts
and takes an upward direction.
We af-e not hopeless, as we shall
hold their Worships upon their
honour. T.
Under existing arrangements,
Campbell can conveniently dis
pense with the services of Justices,
stuck round with law suits, and
beset with eternal litigation.—We
have in “ days of yoref beheld
men of thisdiscription, solemnly
ascend the judgment seat—aye,
and descend too, not with the most
righteous intent, or for the most
equitable purpose.—The system
cannot be perfect where such mat
ters exist, and are tamely tolera
ted—The most inoffensive and
virtuous citizen may sometimes
be constrained to resort to law,
for the maintenance of his rights
or in defence of his person, orpri
viledge^—but the habitual, prac
tical, litigant should not, ifpos
I sible, be permitted to stain the
seat of justice, by participating,
in any shape, in its dispensation
or duties. ' T.
APPOINTMENTS.
MERIWETHER LEWIS,
Governor of Upper Louisiana.
THOMAS TODD, of Ken
tucky, Justice of the Supreme
Court of the U. S. for the new
circuit recently established.
The House of Representatives
were in session on Saturday from
7 o’clock in the eveningto one o’
clock the next morning. They
were principally occupied in con
sidering the bill for the repeal of
the duties on Salt, and for the con
tinuance of the Mediterranean
fund. The bill finally passed the
House by a large majority, and
discontinues the duty of eight cents
on salt after the 30th of June, and
the duty of 12 cents after the 30th
of September; and continues the
Mediterranean fund until the 31st
day of December.
On Monday the House sat
from 10 A. M. to half past 4 P.
M. and from half past 6 to 10 in
the evening.
On Tuesday the House sat from
10 A. M.to half past 3 o’clock,
when they adjourned to half after
six o’clock, from which time they
continued in session until 11 o’
clock, when the two Houses ad
journed sine die.
BRITISIiTREATY.
UNDOUBTED intelligence
has been received from Washing
ton, that the treaty signed by our
Ministers Plenipotentiary at the
court of Great-Britain, has been
received by the President: but
we are truly sorry to inform our
readers that the terms are such as
in his opinion are totally inadmis
sible.
It appears that the articles
which were at first agreed upon
between our ministers and the Bri
tish commissioners, were as fa
vorable to the United States, as
our most sanguine hopes had an
ticipated. The protection of our
seamen from being carried into
captivity by the officers of his ma
jesty’s ships of war, was one of
those articles} and the grand
principle tor which we contend,
that “ free ships should make free
goods,” was another. The dis
patches from Messrs. Monroe
and Pinckney, which informed
the President that the terms were
settled, according to which the
treaty was to be prepared and con
cluded in a few days, were writ
ten and sent off before the news
had arrived in England of Bona
parte’s decree of blockade. Un
fortunately* alter the treaty was
ready for signature* it was sub
mitted to the examination of the
Lords of the Admiralty, who
struck out the clause for the pro
tection of American seamen, de
claring that the interest of Great
Britain would never permit her
acceding to it; and, in conse
quence of the decree of the Em
peror Napoleon, declaring the
British isles in a state of blockade,
a farther difficulty presented it
self to prevent the conclusion of a
treat,}'. The British commission
ers insisted that the effect of that
decree would be to subject a cap
ture by cruizers belonging to the
enemies of Great Britain, all A
merican vessels trading with her,
or with any of her possessions;
and, that if the United States sub
mitted to such treatment from
France, Great Britain would be
compelled to retaliate, by treat
ingin the same manner all Ame
rican vessels trading to France, or
to any place under her dominion.
They therefore annexed to the in
strument, which had been intend
ed to be executed as a treaty, a
memorandum that the article, de
claring that free ships should con
stitute free goods, shoult; be void,
in case the- United States should
acquiesce in the blockading de
cree. Under these circumstances,
oitr ministers were obliged to send
. over the instrument, not as an
absolute, but as a conditional trea
ty. We presume that they con
sented to sign it at all, only as a
plan, submitted for the conside
ration of our government, and
containing the best terms which
they had been able to obtain from
that of Great Britain. '
It is said that the President,
regarding it not as a treaty, but
only as a project, subject to be
modified by farther negociation,
does not intend to lay it before
the Senate.
The situation in which our
country now stands, is delicate
and alarming. We seem driven
to the alternative of taking part
with one or the otherofthese bel
ligerent powers, or of relinquish
ing all trade with them both, un
til the}'shall return to the princi
ples of justice. In a former num
ber of the Argus, on the suppo
sition that the event might possi
bly happen which is now announ
ced, we signed our reasons for
being of opinion, that the latter
would be the proper* policy to be
pursued by the United States. -
We shall, in a future number, con- 1
sider the subject again; and trust
it can with ease be demonstrated,'-!,
that we ought to ovoid war and
all its calamities, by a strict and
undeviating neutrality ; and that. •
this can be done only, by refus
es to carry on any commerce
with either Great Britain or
France, until both of them shall
solemnly recognize the just rights
of neutral nations.
_. -Argus.
Extract of a letter from a gentle
man in Washington :o his friend
in this city, (Phila.J dated.
Saturday Feb, 21, 180Z.
I have for some time been of
the opinion that a political dicti
onary will soon become necessa
ry in order to explain the many
new terms and phrases that are
daily growing into use indifferent
sections of the country. Some of
these terms are confined to parti
cular districts, and others have,
in different districts, widely diffe
rent meanings. In some states we
hear of federalists and democrats —
in others of federalists and re
publicans ; and in in some of fe
deral republicans and democrati
cal repuDlicans. So again we have
heard of true republicans, genu
ine republicans, con stitutional re
publicans, independent republi
cans, patent republicans, republi
cans of the old school, and! repub
licans of the new school, moderate
republicans, jacobinical republi
cans. In this wilderness of name*
the plain reader is lost and con
founded, and he cannot, without
an interpreter at his elbow, tell
which is the right and which the
wrong sort. The word Quid#
term borrowed from the language
of chymistry, has not long since'
grown into extensive use in J\ew—
York and Pennsylvania, and I
find also the term has found its!
way to Congress, and is here an.
plied to denote a certain class of
members in the house of repre
sentatives. But the term here i»:
not exactly tantamount to its
namesake in the state govern
ments. For a man may be a
leading Quid here and yet not
distinguished as a Quid at home.
In New-York a Quid denotes one’
who believes that the blood of the.
Livingstonians or Lewisites is
more pure, more patriotic, more
approximating to the ichor of the
celestials, than that of the Clinto
nians. In Pennsylvania a Quid
denotes one who taiks loudly for
M’Kean and the constitution, and
pretends to doubt whether youf*
Duane is that all pure and incor
ruptible patriot which he profess
es to be. In congress, the Quid
is a sort of non-descript in poli
tics, whom it is not easy to cha
racterize. There is less difficul
ty in referring to the leading Quid*
byname than in defining their'
characters. They are such men’
as were called the last year gen
tlemen of the back- stairs, inter*.
preteis of executive messages^
and pages of the water closet.
Some of the ancient philosophers,
thought there was a peculiar vir?
tue- iu the number seven. We read
of seven wise men of Greece, se
ven wonders of the world, and wt'
see seven scars in the firmament.
So we have seven prominent lea
ders of the quids, viz : Messrs.*
A****n, B*d***l, G. W. O**
**#1, G***g, S***a, and V**-'
#*m. As one of these men is
only tenant lor a season and is on •
his way to another house, there
will soon be a vacancy. W ho
will succeed is uncertain. Messrs.
Ii#####d and L***s seem the