Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1807-02-23 00:00:00, page 1

•.;; r~r -\'
* -■-,** .
, qs**.> «.
VOL. III.]
MONDAY EVENtNG, FEBRUARY 23, 1807.,,, fNO q* ..
*v'■ '■
STATE PAPERS
relative to the late negotiation between
FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
-No. I.
Downing Street, 20th Feb, 1806.
Mr. Minister,
I think it my duty, as an honest man, to inform
you as soon a3 possible, of a strange circumstance,
come to my knowledge. The shortest manner will ,
be to relate to you the fact as it happened.
Some days since, a certain person wrote to in
form ine that he had just landed at Gravesend with
out a passport; and intreated me to send him one,
because he had justcome from Paris and had tilings
to inform me of, which would give me great plea
sure.
I conversed with him alone in mv closet, where,
after a little unimportant talk, this scvoundrel had
the audacity to tell me, that, in order to tranquilize
every crown, the Chief of the French must lie put
to death, and that for this purpose, a house had
been taken at- Pussy; where this detestable scheme
might undoubtedly and without risk be carried into
execution. I did not clearly comprehend whether
it was to be by means of common muskets, or by
fire arms of a new construction. I am not ashamed
to confess to you, Mr. Minister, who know me,
that my confusion was extreme, to find myself
conversing with a declared assassin. In consequence,
of this confusion, I ordered him to quit me imme
diately, giving at the same time instructions to the
officer of police who had charge of him, to send
liitn out of the kingdom as soon as possible. Af
ter having reflected more maturely on what I have
just related to you, I bethought myself of the er
rbr I hail couimittc<f4h allowing him to depart be
fore you were informed of it, and I ordered him to
be put in confinement.
Apparently all this is nothing, and this misera
ble fellow has no other end in view than to brag,
by promising things which, according to his man
ner of thinking, would give me great pleasure.
At all events, I have thought it necessary to in
form you of what has passed, before I send him
off. Our laws do not permit us to detain him a
long time, but he shall not depart until you have
bad the necessary time to secure ynyrself against
his attempts, on the supposition that he has still
evil designs; and when he sets off, I shall take
tare that he lands only in a port the most distant
from France, lie called himself here Guillot do la
Gevrilliere, but I think it is a false name. He had
not a scrap of paper to shew me, and on his first
appearance, I did him the honour to believe him a
*py
I have the honour to he with the most perfect
•ttachment,
Mr. Minister,
Your very obedient servant,
Signed, C. J. Fox.
No. II.
Si a, 5 th March, 180fr.
I have laid your Excellency’s letter before H. M.
His first words were, after reading it: “ 1 there recog
nize the principles of honour and virtue which laiv,e
always actuated Mr. Fox.” He added, “ Thj|n$|
“ him from me, and tell him that whether the'polji
“ cy of his sovereign makes us remain still ’.hjhmjt'
* at war, or whether a dispute so useless
“ inanity is to be concluded whenever the two
“ tions desire it, I, rejoice at the new character
“ which, by this step, the war has already taken,
“ and which is the presage of what may beexpect
cd from a cabinet whose principles 1 take a plea
s' sura m appreciating after those of Mr* Fox, one
“ of those men the- best calculated to feel in every
u respect what is truly noble and great.”
I shall not take the liberty, sir, to add any thing
to the expressions of II. I. and It. M. I only intreat
you to accept the assurance of my highest consi
deration.
, ^ Signed, C. M. Tai.i.f.yrXvd,
Pynceof lkneveHto.
- -- - No. III. ’ . ,
Downing Street, 2»ith March, 1806.
Sin,
The.information your excellency has transmitted
me of *the pacific dispositions of your government,
has induced me to fix in a more particular manner
the attention of the King to that par t of your ex
cellency’s letter. His majesty has more than once
declared to his parliament, his sincere desire to em
brace the first opportunity of re-establishing peace
ftn such solid basis, as tnay be reconciled with the
interests and permanent Safety of his people. His
dispositions are always pacific; but it is a sure and
durable peace that his majesty desires, and not an
uncertain and hence a restless truce, both for the
contracting parties and for the rest of Europe.
With regard to the stipulations of the treaty of Ami
ens, which might be proposed as the basis of the
negotiations, it has been remarked that the phrase
may be interpreted in three or four dirt ere lit man
ners, and that consequently further explanations
^; would he neocssary, which would not fail to cause
a great d.day, even were there no other objections.
The true,basis. of such a negotiation between two
great powers who equally disdain all idea of chi
cane, ought to be a reciprocal acknowledgment on
both sidfsK of' the following principle, viz. That
it ought to he the object of the two parties that the
peace should be honourable for.lhemsrlves and their
respective allies, and the same tifnebe «f a nature
“ to secure, as muejj as in their power the future re
pose of Europe. ’ *s •
England cannot neglect the |pterest of uny of hei
allies, and she finds herself united to Russia by sud
close ties that she cannot tmit, much less coaejnde
otherwise than in concert with the emperor Alex
ander,
terveiitiou 'of & Rus
to’
j~
sian plenipotentiary, some of the principal points'
may still be discussed, and even provisionally
agreed on. It would appear that Russia, oh account
of her distant position, has less immediate inter
ests than the other powers to discuss with France;
but this court, in every point oF view so respecta
ble, takes, like England, a very warm interest in
what concerns the lot more or less independenty of
the different princes and states of Europe. •; i
You see, sir, how much we are disposed.here to
remove all the difficulties which might, delay the'
discussion in question. Surely it is not with the
resources we possess. that , we have to dread, for
what concerns, the coni^|ifl,tion of the war. The
English nation is<
the one which Suf
fers the least (i
hut we do, uot tit*
less feel for tt
Others. ; • Let US do?
then what we^w
to thenu}mjd.
endeavour, tf;i
^ reconcile t' ' '
interests and
two c<
tranquility of £
the"
man race; ...v'
. . -r . ,
K6. IV. f
' Srtt,
The very moment t-ifi’ ’
26th March, I ^ , a__,„3
self happy to inform you tbithe;|iothc#r5n|fe.me to
make you without delay the following aoswefii^/
The emperor has nothing to wish ofiSfoir
England possesses; peace with
and may be perpetual, when o
intermeddle in her in
will neither wish to i
of her custom-houses,_
incrce, nor make herilag
It is not you, sir, who b
lie debates an exact;'
fairs of Europe wait
of Trance; whom it is
necessary to coavinci {feat,, France has nothing to
wish for but rest,; and a silw^iun which may aljUrw
her to betake her^-fftftgjlHfoy obstaci(^toii||
labours of her industry.'
The emperor does not tbi{|k that
cle of the treaty of. Arnjerra was;
war. lie is convinced thatiiiO tr
refusal to make a treaty of con
hurtful to the manufactures and]
JCCtS. ...
Your predecessors 1
vaile every thin^^n'Ffa^V..
cused. Well! We ask
never ask of yon an acc<B^t^.^of ;^la^'y^ ,
home, provided that in.yoMr’H^Sn yrtine ver;
us an account of w'hat' wijtry7
is a principle of just, reaeo^fe'ltnd respectTvS
advantageous reciprocity, '' vl-: • '•’i
You express a wish it_. ___
end in a peace
interested than any Other pol^nrA
stable. It is not a truce that 1 *
make; for a truce would onl,
losses. You know very well
It nations, *
in this respect to every .....
Usideiedindivi
accustom tlwmselves to a 8ftitethradSfJwar,
nwnoer as to a situation .oihaace. All '
ihich (Vance could - meefsHu._
Hh she has
11 always meet with in ti „
IJIQI
j War. A11histime our eomn—n—Tlr. ...y _
'ixe fallen back upon theiwwlves, ntul hfcye
!«o,%eniselyes to our situatioir ofwar. "jfetiffie
a truce of two of three years would at tlM&'jairi$e
time be every thing most contrary to our commefr
rial interests and to the policy of the emgeror. T
As to the intervention of.a foreign power, Ule ftrrf
perour might accept the mediation of. a' power,
which should have great maritime forc«i'for th#i
her participation in the peace would be regulated Sy
the same Interests as we have to discuss with you }
but the mediation you speak of is not of this nature;
Y ou do not wish to deceive us, and you arc very
sensible that there is on equality between you and
us in the guarantee of a power who has 300,000
men on foot, and who lias no fleet. ’ Y' h -
However, Mr, your communication hfj» a Cba
racter of frankness and precision which We have*
not yet seen in the relations oif your court With us/1
I shall make it my doty to use the same trank ness
and the same clearness in my answers. We are rea
dy to make peace with all the world’/ We do pot
wish to overawe any one ; but we will not be over
awed, and no one has either the power or the means
to do so. _ It is not in the power of any one to
make us change any thing in treaties which are ex
ecuted. The integrity, the entire absolute indepen
dence of the Ottoman empire, is not only the truest
wish of the emperor, hut the most constant aim of
his policy.’
Two nations enlightened and approximate to each
other would be wanting to the opinion which they
ought to have of their own power aud wisdom, if
they called foreign and distant interventions in
to the discussion of the grand interests whirb di
vide them. Thus, Sir, peace may be immediately
treated and concluded, if your court has really a
desire of attaining it. (
Our interests are reconciliable by the very fact of
being distinct. Vou arc the sovereigns of the seas ;
your maritime forces are equal to those of all the
sovereigns of the world united. We are a great con
tinental power; but there are several powers who
have as much strength as we upon land, and your
preponderance upon the seas will always put our
trade at the disposal of your squadrons from the
first declaration of war which you may choose to
make. Do you think it reasonable to expect that
the emperour should ever consent to put himself
also fpr the affairs of the continent, a|eyour dis
cretion? If, masters of the seuhy your own pott
er, you also wish to be So of the land, by a combin
ed po«*l» peace is not possible ; for then you do
not wish to arrive at any results but such as
can never attain. ' ' -V,
The emperor, used as he may ^ to jfuh
chances which present prospects of great®*?
L-lory, wishes for'peace with England; II^Js a^g|n.
After so many fatigues, he is also desirous• «*f • rest. ■
I lie father of his subjects, he wishes as much its it -
mny be compatible with their honour and with
guarantees oflhe future^# procure t|^'the sweets^
of peace, and the advantages of a happy '*and quiet
commerce.
If then*1 Sir, his majesty the king of England
really wishes for peace with France, he will appoint
a pleniporentiary to repair to Lisle. I have the ho
nour to address'to you passports for this purpose;
As soon as his majesty the emperor will have been
** ’ of the arrival of the minister from your
" will appoint and send on without delay,
r is ready to make all: the concessions
the. extent of your naval
*, you itaay be desirous of obtai
yo can refuse to adopt also
OtSking him propositions co
„ ..'ur of ,his crown and'tO the rtgh
of h& states. Ifyriiii Jftire jL
a^^hijcmu-ludeehv
mmm
JLthuSrlude by " 1
iftgtuty^Jth,at his
County ace
ihriple laiddowniiiyour clta^
patch
S^^fs^pthe' negation,'
that the j
i£}t$£* ke b'onoui^is "for'
bothoCtj
>live allies,; c .
tbeMgfcest coasi
r
Mi
Apt$j[m6.
„ yofr despatch
^enptym*^ as
l ans\v€
At tl
ss add nblig
^utmostplea
^loMMHwh
ttW!,
,.^drd#inte
rionr:
:,d&jpfc9i$fc an
!Mr
ot nJ^wfe with
We shaHnot do
1|»dM)r*£i)reig)i
■ong.us, than to
laws 'which you
...your custom-houses
[hts of your commerce, or to
:UiS0it‘
iay ] '
^England thinks ’shy
has no iti'feres
eh for it aity more than other
'nations. -• T
Igy JM^jWj. who 'think thdl;
sucfi
K|$$d Great Britain'
^ IpM tw* contracting*
•wutt
paiti
. per
nnd the nna WhJth reinseiMtdpee not.'of
% • • *«*» ft agy.a^qiidt' givethe uni
ackt
pea^andlh*t^(iti^lit%p<J^apon the presefi
vation of it that t)*a true glory.-oftbose whogovera
the country must he founded. . *■' •*
It is truethat we have mutually accused eath
other; but it is tone purpose, at 'this moment,
to distort: the arguments upon winch these accusa
tions were foimd$d» We wish, Jikeyou, for equality,
tv* ere certainty Wot accountable to one auotiiet for
, what we >fo at homeland the principle of reciproci
ty "»tins respect, which youi excellency has propicH
L sed, appears just ahd reasonable. ^
It cupnot be denied that your arguments, upon
;• the inconvenience which a peace without durati
f on would be of to France, are well founded ; but;
ou-uie other hand, the one we should experience
: would also' he very considerable. It is perhaps
natural that,* In such teases, cuch nation should ex
aggerate iu own dangers, or that it should at least
take a nearer and clearer view of them, than of those
of others. ■ v ’ ''S , - - 1 • .
■ With regard to the intervention of a foreign pow
. er, I must first observe that, for what concerns peace
and war between France and England, Russia can
pot be deemed a foreign power, as she is at preseut
in alliance with England and at war with France,
therefore in my letter, it was as a party, and not as
a mediator, that 1 proposed to make the emperor1
Alexander intervene^.
Your excellency, in the last clause of your dis
patch, acknowledges that, the peace should be ho
nourable both for France and England and for their
respective allies, if so, it appears to us impossible,
considering the close alliance which Subsists be
tween the two governments, for that of England to
commence a negociation, unless provisional, with
out the concurrence or at least the previous consent
of its ally.,
For what concerns the integrity and independence
of the Ottoman empire, no difficulty can present it
self, these objects being equally dear to all the par
- tics interested ia the discussion in question.
It is perhaps true that the power of France upon
land, compared to that of the rest of Europe, is not
equal to the superiority which we possess upon seu,
considered under the saihe point’ of view ; but it
can no longer be denied that the project of com
bining all Europe against France is chimerical to
the last^legree. However, it is indeed carrying the
apprehensions foi the future a little too for, to loqj
upon that alliance bet ween-Russia and — -
two powers of Europe the - -
Slfet ■$!
ne intervention of Russia in the negochttiofi, **1^
i hot bo looked upon as the formation of » cost*
i^ress, either fOr matter or form, as theie will 1m but'
two pu^ijj.Jlussia and England pn the one sidei
rod Kranjfc'on the other. A Congress might-b&
good in i!(hoy respects after the signing of the pre^
iimiiwries in case all the contracting -parties should.
heWthwbpinion; hut this is a project to be discuss-* ~
ed freely and.amicably after the principal affair shall
have heeh settled. V '
I have thus. Sir* stated to you as clearly as
have been able, the sentiments of the British mbs
nistry upon the notion which your excellency has
visiomtlly until Uussia can intervene, and from that,
time, conjointly withcjier, we are ready to com--,
menee, ^ithout deferrjngua single day, the nego
ciation iri such-place uniform as the two par- '*
No. vi. ' V
.. . . . . Paris, 26th April, l$06. #
1 *‘‘‘‘ ' - . . .-. i.
I have just received the orders of bis majesty
the emperor and king,. In-fore whom 1 bad hastened
to lay the dispatch which your excellency did me
JM» honor to write me of the 8th of April.
|* If appeal to his majesty, that m admitting, a*
S*
you do, ^^hkjJMinciple of equality, you persisted,
Jfeoweve^H^ianding a form of negociation which
pth that principle.* When between
...er8> one of them claims the intervene
.doB’orathirfl, it is evident that she tends to break
that equilibrium so favorable to the jtist and free dis
cussion of their interests# 11 is manifest that shs
is not willing to content herself with the advanta*
;«ta»d rights of equality. 1 dare believe, sir, that
.Upon returning for the last time to this discussion I
shall be able to persuade your excellency that upon
ho title and for no motive, should Russia be called
into the negociation proposed between France and
England. ; ; . v- ; ■ ,v< , *> :vr ■ ^
£■>
'{ When war .broke out between the two states, Rus
sia was ttt pciee with France. This war made no
alteration in die‘relations which existed between
her ami us. ’She at first proposed her mediation
and afterwards, from circumstances foreign to the
j war which divides os, a coolness having t^ken place
between the two cabinets of St, Petersburg and the
Thuilleries, the emperor 'Alexander judged proper
to suspend his political relations with France, boi
| at the same time declared in the most positiveman
ner that it was his intention to remain a straiiger
V.
to (he contest subsisting between its and
land...--' ; , • * *t ..
This treaty was a pact of participation in a way
of a different nature, nfcrtr extensive and more ge
neral than the former. It is from this war that
arose the third coalition, in which Austria was the
principal power and Russia an auxiliary. England
participated in this war only iu. projects; we have
never had to fight her foqj^t united to those ^ her
allies. Russia showed beitt&f in it only secondari
ly. No declaration addressed to France came to
inform us that she was at waf withe us*: and it was
only on the field of battle where'lhe third coalition
was destroyed,J that we Were officially informed tlpt
Russia made » part of it. ^
vv hen bis Jiritannic majesty declared war against
France, he had an aim which he made known by
his manifestoes. This constitute! the nature of ths
war, when, eighteen months after,- bis Britannic
majesty allied himself with Austria, Russiajmd
Sweden—he had other objects in view—this was &
new war, the motives of which are to be goUt^ied
from the state papers which were published byNfhd :
different powers. In these motives, there is wnUr
any mention of the direct interests of F.ngland.—
These two wars then have no relation together—
F.ngland did not actually participate in {he one
which is terminated. Russia never took putt either
directly or indirectly in the one which is still going
on. There is then no reason why Englai
not terminate alone the war which the m
with us.
If his majesty the emperor adopted the principle
of negociating now with England, united with her
new allies, he would implicitly admit that tlieihird
coalition still exists, that the war of Germany id
not finished—tliat this war is the same as the oners
which France is supporting against England, he •
would implicitly accept for the basis of the negoei
ation tlie conditions of count XovoziUoff, which
excited the astonishment of Europe, and provoked V
the French character, and from vanquisher of the
coalition, the emperor would willingly place him> \
self in the position of the vanquished. . ' ' * %. •
At this day the emperour has nothing more to ■‘T
contend for with the coalition-—he has a right to >
disavow the relations you have had with it ;• and ia
treating with you, there can be no question but of
the object and the interests‘pf .the war undertaken ' «
previous to your alliances, and which has survived >
them. ■ ^tw„:,4,r "h »• •»-' -fcv.
Although i^Jr but six piontks since tliolteR .p
whjrh ootert#Wi#||gt combinations of tha'IirmV:^^
, it is, howeSfW'e, that the continent ie
peace. Thecbisf af yowallies, Austria, has . -.J
nmde her separate peat*.-<>qssia,
•• • :vX • v ■^rr- A'. ■■ ‘7: