The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-20 00:00:00, page 1

To the Printers ^ the Pennsylvania GAZETTE.'
Gentlemen,
That freedom of the press in which Cato so much rejoices,
swill induce you, and ever, other printer of Cato's letters,
to do the jajlice to Cassandra to publish this, with my piece
on fending Commifoners to treat with' the Congress, in'
your next papers; which will be a' better proof of their
"freedom than' any thing Cato has advanced.
Cassandra.
C A S3A NDRA to C AT O.
SIR,
"T r THOUGHT you had forgotten the fatal 7th of
Nov. 1774, on which all your ambitious projects
£ were blasted by a public vote of your fellow-citi
zens, to divide from the county in their choice of
Committee-men, and to hold all future elections by bal
lot 0 but I find I-was mistaken. While Committees were
cho'fen by holding up of hands, and letters from miners
and p pular harangues could be employed to serve the
purposes of your p^rty, tho' Cato could write, yet no
press teemed with his bicu&ation&. But now that public
business is carried on in t#e only way which can secure
the people from undue influence, ' and the pa %has Of
fered a total < efeat in thei^-cK diotieering 'ftetempt^, his
nr fterly pen i^ c.aiL^ forth into the field of political con
troverfv, and with a few daffies of it he has overfet our
Committee of Infpcdti^n, demotion the whole tribe of pa
triotic ferjbbicrs in news-papers, and laid Common Sense
in the dirt, taken a catalogue of all the whigs and tories
in the province converted 36 Commiilioners, about to be
fiat over to insult us with terms no one can accept, into
rirabhfado^ of peace, and poor Cassandra into an cn
thufiaft, madman, barbarian and drunken independant.
Wretched muff the lot of that whig be, who fills into
the hands of this fiery defender of ministerial ftritagems.
Daniel may be protected from the jaws of the lions, but
alas ! who can protect us when Cato is roofed? The
whole band of us is crushed to atoms with one grasp of
his hand. Why didyou affu're us that no persons need
be alarmed, for that no indecent nor angry expression
should dishonour your pen? Was it that the fudhenntfs
of our detraction" might heighten its terror? Weil has
the fcripturcs assured us, that the tender mercies of the
wicked are cruel.
Your grievous paragraph about restraining the press is
, : f^ T?'octhat I boldl, not you to defence
to point out the foitance. And ^hei: you s ^ *, t u.,-
lie the names of the few who turned the mode of elect
ing Committees out of the clianneb of corruption, and
thereby exelu rid'you and your colleagues, I will under
take to mention the other few, who,, contrary to every
principle of our constitution, by a profthption of the cry
of public neceflitv, are endeavouring to cloak an Uh
bcrondvd htred to,our present cause under an affected
zeal for co^ftitutionai dependance, and who have nearly
effected their malicious purpofcs of destroying their own
liberties to be avenged of their enemies. But let not
Cato too far provoke the Majesty of the People of
Pennsylvania, by the bold flourifhes of a pen which
py s no refpett to truth, left he may find it expedient to
end his days on the principles of dependency.
" Few persons,” fays Cato, “ gave themf^lves any con
" cern ab' ut the eledhn of a Committee of Infpedion,.
“ being well satisfied that any number of refpedable ci
“ tizens, who would take the trouble of such a Com
“ mittee, fhou?d be thankfully indulged with the office,
“ and although it Consists of a hundred members, they
“ had not two hundred votes." 'Caffandra begs leave to
inform* Cato, # hat : our Committed f Infraction, ever
since chosen by ballot, got poffefuon of their office by a
more refp^Vlle number of voters than any Burgess
which fit in the cidufe of Assembly fu re the firft cay in
which a comparifah could be made, as he can make ap
pear by the Rate of the several elections.
“ In carrying on our great controversy with England,
“ Pennfylv mia°(fay you) has no need cither to make the.
“ least facrifice of its constitution, nor yet to yield in
“ zeal to the foYemoft of the colonies." This assertion
might pass for truth on the co a st of Labradore, or in the
Defarts of Siberia; but the People of Peunf,lvanin must
have drunk deep of the waters of oblivion, and laid irfide
all pretentious to. recollection, before they can confider
such assertions in any other light than insults on their un
derstanding. Can Cato inform the^n of the single mea
sure that can be pursued in the line of our charter consti
tution ? I should gladly view the paragraph which gives
our Assembly the. power of legiflating # without the Go
vernor; and Cato is too well acquainted with the King's.
Representative, to believe he would ever give his fandipn
to our opposition. Name the A<ft of Afl'embly, Cato,
which makes legal tender of the money they have so pa
triotically struck, and I will believe you have for once
strayed into the truth. But becanft cur Representatives
can do nothing legal without the Governor, therefore
Cato is fiery hot for confining our opposition to them, and
not to a Convention, which is under no such reftridions.
The intercft cl the Governor, and not of the people, is
plainly Cato's.
“ The great privilege (you add) which we enjoy, cf,
“ giving our free unbiased voice annually. 111 the choice
“ of an Afl'embly, who from that moment, by charter,
“ become a constitutional body, veiled with the autho
“ rity of the people, and can meet when they please, and
" fit/as long as theyjudge necessary." —Here, Sir, you
prudently drop the Gonfideration of their being a consti
tutional body. Had you pointed out the advantages of
constitutionally meeting and fitting, when they can con
stitutionally do no more, you had told us something.—
But this, alas! was out of your power. So much for
your firft letter.
In your second you begin by faying, that you know not
, on what grounds I have faffsfied myfelf teat the foie view
The Pennsylvania
Containing the Frefoeft Ad-
March 20, 1776.
of Administration in this commhher is to amuse and de
ceive, to bribe and corrupt us. It may be so, Sir; tho'
I' hope ' you have not the vanity to ft up your knowledge
as the standard of truth. Did you read the piece, and
attempt to pick to pieces the principles and arguments on
which' my advice is fo.hided? I begin to think you did,
and finding them te'd bird to ove; :uru, you vent your
foleen in railing at the author. But do you recoiled Lord
North's conciliatory plan, and hisr donation of it, viz.
fubfaniial revenue —divide et import &c. Do you re
member the King's speech at the c; cuing of the present
fdtions of Parliament, and the re-: cho of both Houses,
the extensive plan of warlike opera/ is which he means
to carry on against us, and his ap Anting persons who
ihall on the foot dispense mos grace.n o pardons to all such
as shall acknowledge their faults, and plead forgiveneft ?
A new species of dmbtfadors, not heretofore taken notice
of by the writers on the laws of nri.uze and nations. Do
you remember Gen. Gage's plan foft An , ing the people
of Borton, and the faith he obferv^ . — aties, and that
Howe, his successor, pursues the 1J . i l th nd rm' or
h ve you totally forgot what the frt e Minuter said, on
his declaring that he was ready to Art'orc us to the hate
we th c in before the year 1763, for that we did not then
d<ny the right of Parliament to tax America? or do you
( wget that every propofol for reconciliation, made by 'the
friends of America in Parliament, was rejected without a
division ? Had Cato remembered these things, or if he can
be brought to remember them, he will have as much rea
son to fufped the designs of the Commiffi.mers as Caffan*
dra. Perhaps it suits not with Cat s plan to remember
these things, tho' he can recoiled many others of a much
earlier date. C^to may be much better acquainted with
our savage neighbours' than Caflic ha, as &>ubtlefß he
has traveled the uncultivated wo:ds of America more
frequently than he: yet it may net be an easy matter to
convince the people of this province, that the dread of
Idling all hopes : f preferment, if the council of Cassan
dra is taken, has not called forth this champion for an
undefned dependance from that obfeurity into which he has
nearly fallen, it remains a doubt with me, whether the
historic page yell ever transmit yo^ name to posterity as
b the firft American D---t--y, if yer are not permitted to
' ihake hands with the Commiffionem, and allowed the op
portunity of explaining your myi. mis eohd,& I ihall
long ,rn over the volumes which cfcbtfih the principles
baffacors of Peace attended whhAOsof Pariiament to
confifcate, and Royal Proclamations to divide, the pro
perty of fhofe they are to treat with, ;md backed by im
mense armies of Ministerial cut-throats, to enforce their
demands. Cato's great reading, no doubt, can supply
the public with a few instances of untutored lavages re
ceiving Ambassadors thus attended with refpecl and holp'l
- and fmp^ihg the calumet of peace vrith them.
However, until he does, I trust he will grant to Cassandra
the liberty of thinking otherwise. and do him the justice
to' believe that he knows as mu h about the rights of
Ambassadors as Cato. Cassandra confeffes that he is
greatly concerned for our virtue, left we should be ca
joled, deceived and corrupted. Cato i not so. Corrup
tion may be more familiar to Cato, which will fully ac
count for our difference in sentiment. lam so muth of
a chriftian to pray that we may not be led into tempta
tion; this Sir, may form no part of your devotion. But.
if Cato is so easy on the score of this treaty, because it is
to be managed by men delegated for their integrity and
abilities by the voice of their country, why is he enraged
at my attempt to confine thorn to these virtuous Dele
gates ? Cassandra is not afraid of the Delegates; it is to
keep our modern Catos from doing us mifehief that he is
f,mxioufly concerned. And if Gato has read his propo
sal, he know it co be so. But, ~ato, had you adopted
a signature corr fpondent with four designs, my present
reply might be unnecessary ; and if you yet change your
present one tor Syphax, Sempromus or lago, I may spare
the printermych of my intended lucubrations. I believe
the world will readily agree with me, that either of the
three would be truly charadteriftic of your present de
signs, if not of your general character as a man and a
politician.
The cup out of wh ; ch Cassandra has drank, was never
employed to offer libations at the altar of Royal despo
tism, or Proprietary influence. H,e knows no guide but
season and love of mankind, as he neither wishes nor ex
peds to be Prime Minister to any future would be King of
Pennsylvania. He is always ready to defend his rights at
the rifque of his life, and prefers present war to future
slavery, being confeious that a great continent will be
much happier with the one than the other. Britain has
risen triumphant, in a very few years, out of bloodier
wars than ever America has been or will be called to, but
Egypt has not, for thousands of years, recovered from
the yoke of foreign oppression..
Cassandra longs to fee your bold declaration made good;
but why so long about it, Goddess, and about it. Come
to the poiut Sir! The presses are very open for the re
ception of your wonderful productions. But I beseech
you, dear Sir, to lay aside groundless declamation for the
future, and speak a language which fads will support.
The people # of Pennfylv*ria, I trust, wih ever have the
good lenfe to prefer Common Sense to the appeals of
any government tool, which may appear in defence of a
union with thpfe who know no law, human or divine,
but the law of violence and murder, and who have their
Catos in all quarters to delude and deceive, men who fell
their consciences for the profped of future advantages.
Dont be angry Cato. Give yr i r name to the public, and
I will Rand corrected if I have miffed my objed.
You make a great clamour because we have been con
fcantly enlarging our views, and stretching them beyond
the firft bounds. But let me tell you Cato, that nothing
,d^ f&^^^ : ^ 'Ap
^^?,<h^''Vil-: '"^ '^'f
vices. Foreign and Domeflic.
GZ E TTE.
_a omong coyr A „r c .lr.N,gg t , treat with the
C OA GLASS.
TH E man who would penetrate all the designs, and
thoroughly acquaint himfelf with the feverai ma
noeuvres of tire British government, ought carefully to
attend to two objects. The prime minister is always
considered as the central wheel of all government move
ments, ^nd the eyes of every one are fixed upon him, and
bis fictions alone attended to. But in the prefect case,
where he is confefledly oftenhble, the affair is quite other
wise, and he who wishes to diftinguiffi between the mea
sures which proceed from the real minister, and will be
prosecuted, and those which the ofteniible is directed to
hold out, as barrels to a whale, may perhaps find the
true clue to guide through the labyrinth in the following
obferrations.
Great-Britain has steadily and invariably pursued one
course of conduct towards these colonies for the last
twelve years, and yet politicians have constantly charged
', "™h fickleucfs and a want of a regular prim. He
who duceros the true cause of th^ incontinent consist
ency, can point out it's nature, end and use, and Shew
that this ficldenefs dem^nftrates the firmed ftedfaftnefs,
fees into the bottom of the present British policy, and
comprehends all her measures. This knowledge I wish
every member of the Honourable Continental Congefs
possessed of, with virtue and spirit fufficient to withstand
all their efforts to destroy our liberties.
As form as the Parliament is called, the King gives
certain intimations of his designs; and applies for the
approbation and' support of the Commons. 'ricre'we
have a final! opening of the designs of the Cabinet, no
more being communicated than is absolutely nectffa/y
for obtaining a general concurrence and vote of aids
from Parliament. This being once obtr^cd by way of
Ado'refs, a new plan opens, and that spirit, which wag
roused by this difeovery of the real designs of the go
vernments is laid asleep as quickly as possible, and the
real minister now retiring behind the curtain, the osten
sible one succeeds to his place. You may therefore ob
serve, that as foop as the hands of the fccret cabh etare
let loose by loyal addresses, things take a new turn in
Parliament immediately; and the prime mahfer, as if
totally forfaking the high ground he had lately taken
pofieffion of, begins to open new plans of a very different
nature from that held out in the speech from the throne,
and recommended in the addrefibs of both Houses of
Parliament. The King and his cabal go to work with
all the fetrecy and vigour they are matters of, and Lord
North assumes his new character, which is that of the
deceiver of America, and amuser of the nation. And
he has hitherto played his part so well, that all has gone
on to their mind. He last year rendered them inedible,
even to their own party, and had like to lose all by it, so
that he was forced to take off |he mafic and p°r) dis
cover himfelf before he could carry natters in the Hcufe.
Any one, who remembers bis motion, will feel the force
of what is here related, and he who reco leGs that f hi
motion arrived but a few weeks before th: order for
feizirig Messieurs Hancock and Adams, widen opened tue
prefect feene of the War, must perceive that he adted in
the capacity I have aligned him. Even they who enter
tain the most indifferent opinion of the adminifttior
were, by this motion, induced to . elieve, for a time,
that they meant to give up the matter.
[ ^or the keanand. r fc sit Fsuriti Page. ]
can be a greater proof of your iniquitous designs than
your present attempt to confine them. Has not Admini
stration firft passed a Declaratory Ad, then an Ad laying
duties on Paper, Painters Colours, &c. then their Ads
to export their Teas to America, then a Boston Port-Ad,
, f l ^ '( ^e:troy the Charter of Maflachufetts, a Re
iowoxag Ad, Ac. Ac. Ads to confifeate our property,
and levy the most cru^l and unjust war against us? Have
n'"^ oeen constantly enlarging their plans to 'he last
or ail acts qt tyranny, murder and robbery, and ar? we
to remain in sensible all this time, and never enlarge cur
views ? Wncre would be the wisdom of all this, Cato?
sou artfully introduce quotations from the proceedings
ot Congr^fs to lead the people astray, by producing ex
trads which you know neither can nor do speak the feu-
L.ments of Congress on the fubjed. Congreh early spoke
their sentiments on that head, but Cato could not recol
le& the pahage. It did not coincide with his plan of im
pohug on the People of Pennsylvania. " Between
these Colonies and the people of Britain," Oys the Cou
geis, in tneir address to the inhabitants o' the colo
:,^' pLuinued in their refoivcs of September 5, t/74,
" subsists the social band, which we ardently vdf may
never pe dissolved, and which cannot be dissolved, un
tit tneir minds ihall become indifputabl, boftile, or their
inattention fliali permit those who are thus hostile to
I?"'" '? prosecuting with the powers of the return the
“ < eftrudive meaiures already operating agaitft these co
" lonics, and in either case, ihall reduce the latter to
inch a situation, that they shall be compelled to re
," "ounce every regard but that of felf-prefervation."—
This was the opinion of Congress at that time. I
will leave it to Cato to determine, whether both, or ei
ther, of the cases there mentioned have not taken place.
Cato does not class himielf with Cassandra, and the wri
ters on that fide of the question. This does not much
trouble Cassandra, I assure you Sir, in as much as he can
clats his own with the sentiments of the celebrated Dr.
Smith, wno, in his address to the graduates ir May left,
fays, “ The glory of every country is its LIBERTY, its
Independancy, and its Improvements in Commerce,
and Religion;" and I believe the fentinwAs of
this Gentleman are as much esteemed among those of
your party as the sentiments of Cato.
CASSANDRA.
Numb. 2465.