The Pennsylvania gazette — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-24 00:00:00, page 4

(which he foppofes we are going to fend for) ravaging up
and down the country; of their " bloody maflacres, un
relenting persecutions, which would barroiv up (fays he)
the very fouls of protestants and freemen." Were they
Coming, Cato, which no one ever dreamed of but your
fclf (for thank God we want them not) it would be im
possible for them to exceed, or even to equal the cruelties
pradifed by the British army in the East-Indies: The
tying men to the mouths of cannon and “ blowing them
away," was never afted by any but an English General,
or approved by any but a British Court* —read the pro
ceeding of the Select Committee on India affairs.
From temporal fears Cato proceeds to spiritual ones,
and in a hypocritical panic, aiks, “ To whose share
“ will Pennsylvania fall—that of his most Catholic, or
" bis most Christian King? I confefs, continues he, that
“ these questions dagger me." I dont wonder at it,
Cato —I am glad to hear that some kind of remorse hath
overtaken you —that you begin to feel that you are
" heavy laden" —you have had a long run; and the
stoutest heart mud fail at lad.
* Lord Clive, the chief of EaJlern plunderers, received
the thanks of the Parliament for " his honourable conduit
in the Eatt Indies."
± The 'io wing is an infance of Cato's method of con
ducting an argument, " If hereditary succession, fays Com
" mon Sense, (meaning, teceffion of monarchical govern
“ meats) did erfw> a race of good and wife men, it would
" have the 'al of divine authority," thus we find him,"
fays lato, -- with his own hind affixing the seal of hea
“ ven to what he before told us the Devil invented and
“ the Almighty entered his proted against." Cato's 7th
letter.—This is arrange argument indeed, Cato! or rather
,d is no argument at ad, for hereditary succession does not
perjure a race of good and wife men, confequentl, has not
the seal of divine authority.
Cato perceiving that the falfhoods in his fourth letter
passed unreproved, ventured boldly on a fifth, in which
he continues enlarging on the fame convenient bug-bear.
" In my lad," fays he " some notice was taken of the
'' dangerous proposition held up by the author of Com
" mon Sense, for having recourse to foreign assistance."
When will Cato learn to speak the truth ! The affiance
which we hope for from France is not armies (we want
them not) but arms and ammunition. We have already
received into this province only, near t vo hundred tons
of falt-petre and gun-powder, besides muskets. Surely!
we may continue to cultivate a ufeful acquaintance,
without such malevolent beings as Cato railing his barba
rous flan'der thereon. At this time, it is not only illiberal,
but impolitic, and perhaps dangerous, to be pouring forth
such torrents of abuse as his fourth and fifth letters con
tain againd the only power, that, in articles of defence,
hath supplied our hasty wants.
Cato, after expending near two letters in beating down
an idol which himfelf only had set up, proudly congratu
lates himfelf on the defeat, and marches off to new ex
ploits, leaving behind him the following proclamation.
“ Having thus," fays Cato, " ffeatched his^' (the au
thor of Common Ser F^) " main argument for independence,
“ which he founds on the necessity of calling in foreign
" alfJlance, proceed to examine some other parts of
“ his work." Not a syllable, Cato, doth any part of the
pamphlet in question fay of calling in foreign assistance,
or even forming military alliances. The dream is whol
ly your own ; and is dire&iy repugnant both to the let
ter and spirit of every pagein the piece. The idea which
Common Sense constantly holds up is, to have nothing
to do with the political affairs of Europe. “As Europe,
“ fays the pamphlet, is our market for trade, we ought
" to form no political connections with any part of it. It
" is the true intered of America to steer clear of all Eu
" ropean contentions." And where it proposes fending
a manifefto to foreign courts (which it is high time to do)
it recom vends it only for the purpose of announcing to
them the imptfibilitj of our living any longer under the Bri
tish government, and of" afaring such Courts of our peace
“ able dfpoftiem towards them, and of our dejire of enter
" ing into trade with them." Learn to be an honed
man, Cato, and then thou wilt not be thus exposed.—
I have been the more particular in detecting Cato here,
became t is on this bubble that his air built battery against
independence is railed —a poor foundation indeed ! which
tve» the point of a pin, or a pen if you please, can de
molish with a touch, and bury the formidable Cato be
neath the ruins of a vapour.
From this part of his fifth letter to the end of his se
venth, he entirely deserts the fubjed of independence,
and sets up the proud standard of Kings, in preference to
a Republican form of government. My remarks on this
part of the fubjedt will be general and concise.
In this part of the debate, Cato shelters himfelf chief
ly in quotations from other authors, without reasoning
much on the matter himfelf; ± in answer to which, I
present him with a string of maxims and reflections,
drawn from the nature of things, without borrowing
from any one. Cato may observe, that I scarcely ever
quote; the reason is, I always think. But to return.
Government should always be contidered as a matter of
convenience, not of right. The scripture institutes no
particular form of government, but it enters a proted
against the monarchical form; and a negation on one
thing, where t^yo only are offered, and one mud be chosen,
amounts to an affirmative on the other. Monarchical go
vernment was firft set up by the Heathens, and the Al
mighty permitted it to the Jews as a punishment. “ I
gave them a King in mine anger." Hosea xiii. 11. A Re
publican form of government is pointed out by nature —
Kingly g wernments by an inequality of power. In Re
publican governments, the leaders of the people, if im
proper, are removable by vote —Kings only by arms: An
unfuccefsful vote in the firft case leaves the voter fafe ; but
an uufucceCfnl attempt,n the latter is death. Strange!
that that which is our right in the one should be our ruin
in the other —from which reflexion follows this maxim,
That that mode of government, in which our right be
comes our ruin, cannot Be the right one. If all human
nature be corrupt, it is needless to strengthen the corrup
tion by edablilhing a succession of Kings, who, be they
ever so base, are (till to be obeyed ; for the manners of a
Coot will always have an influence over the morals of a
people. A Republican government hath more true gran
deur in it than a Kingly one : On the part of the public,
it is more confident with freemen to appoint their rulers
than to have them born; and on the part of thofc who
preiide, it is far nobler to be a Ruler by the choice of the
people, than a King by the chance of birth. Every ho
ned Delegate is more than a Monarch. Disorders will
unavoidably happen in all dates, but monarchical govern-
Phrt.rf O .ELPHrA.. Printed by HALL a n d SELLER S, at the New PRINTING
-lOffice, near the Market,
ments are the mod fubje& thereto, because the balance
hangs uneven. " Nineteen rebellions and eight civil wars
in England face the conquefl." Whatever commotions
are produced in Republican States are not produced by a
Republican spirit, but by those who seek to extinguish it.
A Republican State cannot produce its own deftrultion,
it can only fuffer it. No nation of people, in their true
senses, when seriously rebelling on the rank which God
hath given them, and the reasoning faculties he hath
blessed them with, would ever, of their ®wn content,
give any one man a negative power over the whole : No
man since the fall hath ever been equal to the trust;
wherefore 'tis infinity in us to entrust them with it ; and
in this sense, all those who have had it have done uz right
by abusing us into reason. Nature fr '/•• sometimes to
laugh at mankind, by giving tiun so mv fools lor
Kings; at other times (lie punishes t eir folly by giving
them tyrants ; but England n^uft have oikahi' dy to
be curft with both in one. Roffeau proposed a plan for
eftablilhing a perpetual European peace; which was, for
every State in Europe to fend Ambassadors to form a Ge
neral Council, and when any difference happened be
tween any two nations, to refer the matter to arbitration
instead of going to arms. This would be forming a kind
of European Republic: But the proud and plundering
spirit of Kings hath not peace for its object. —They look
not at the good of mankind —They set not out on that
plan : And if the history of the Creation, and the history
of Kings be compared together, the result will be this —■
that God hath made a world, and Kings have robbed
him of it.
But that which fufficiently eßabhfhes the Republican
mode of government, in preference to a Kingly one,
even when all other arguments are left out, is this simple
truth, that all men are Republicans by nature and Royal
ids only by falhion. And this is fully proved by that
passionate adoration which all men (hew to that great and
almost only remaining bulwark of natural rights, trial by
juries, which is founded 011 a pure Republican basis.
Here the power of Kings is shut out. No Royal nega
tive can enter this Court. The Jury, which is he^e su
preme, is a Republic, a body of fudges chosen from among
the people.
The charter which secures this freedom in England
was formed, not in the senate, but in the field; and in
lifted on by the people, not granted by the crown; the
crown in that instance granted nothing, but only renounc
ed its former tyrannies, and bound itfelf over to its fu
ture good behaviour.-rlt was the compromise, by which
the wearer of it made his peace with the people, and the
condition on which he was fuffered to reign.
Here ends my reply to all the letters which have at pre
sent appeared under the signature of Cato, being at this
time seven in number. I have made no particular re
marks on his two last, which treats oniy of the mode of
government, but answered to them generally. In one
place I observe he accuses the writer of Common Sense
with inconsistency, in having declared, " That no man
" was a warmer wither for reconciliation than himfelf,
" before the fatal 19th of April, 1775;" " that is (fays
Cato) reconciliation to monarchical government ;" to
which I reply, that war ought to be no man's wifb, nei
ther ought any man to perplex a state, already formed,
with his private opinions; " the mode of government
being a proper consideration for those countries" only,
" which have their governments yet to form." Common
Sense.
On a review of the ground which I have gone over in
Cato's letters (exclusive of what I have omitted) I find the
following material charges against him:
First. He hath accused the Committee with crimes ge
nerally; Rated none, nor proved, nor attempted to prove
any. N. B. The pretence of charging the alls of a body
of men on individuals is too Bender to be admitted. *
Second). He hath falfly complained to the public of the
restraint of the press.
Thirdly. He hath wickedly asserted, that “ gleams of
reconciliation had lately broken in upon us," thereby
grofly deceiving the people.
Fourthly. He hath insinuated as if be wished the public
to believe, that we had received " the utmost assurance
" of having all our grievances redressed, and an ample
“ security against any future violation of our just rights."
Fifthly. He hath Ipread falfe alarms of calling in fo
reign troops.
Sixthly. He hath turned the scripture into ajeft. Ez. 35.
These fallhoods, if uncontradi&ed, might have passed
for truths, and the minds of persons remote from better
intelligence might have been greatly embarrassed thereby.
Let pur opinions be what they will, truth as to falls
fhoußhbe ftrillly adhered to. It was this affelling con
sideration that drew out the Forefler (a perfelt volunteer)
to the painful talk of writing three long letters, and oc
casioned to the public the'trouble of reading them.
Having for the present closed my correspondence with
Cato, I ffiall conclude this letter with a well-meant, af
feltionate addrefs —
T O T lIE PEOPL E.
IT is not a time to'trjfe. Men, who know they de^
serve nothing from their country, and whose hope is on
the arm that hath fought to enslave ye, may hold out to
you, as Cato hath done, the falfe light of reconciliation
—There is no such thing. 'Tis gone ! 'Tis past !—The
grave hath parted us—and death, in the persons of the
slain, hatli cut the thread of life between Britain and
America.
Conquest, and not reconciliation; is the plan of Britain.
But admitting even the last hope of the Tories to happen,
which is, that our enemies after a long succession of
lolfes, wearied and disabled, should despairingly throw
down their arms and propose a re-union; in that case,
what is to be done ? Are defeated and? disappointed ty
rants to - be. considered like mistaken and converted
friends? Or would it be right to receive those for Go
vernors, who, had they been conquerors, would have
bung us up for traitors ? Certainly not. Rejelt the offer
then, and propose another ; which is, we will make
peace with you as with enemies, but we will never re-unite
withyou as friends. This effected, and ye secure to your
felyes the pleasing profpelt of an eternal peace. America,
remote from all the wrangling world, may live at ease.
* Cato and I differ materially in our opinion of Commit
tees ; I consider them as the only constitutional bodies at
present in this province, and that for the following reason;
the, were duly elected by the people, and chearfully and faith
fully do the service for which they were elected. The House
of Affemblj were likewise elected by the people, but do the
business for which they were not elected. Their authority is
truly unconfitutional, being felf created. M, charge is is a
body, and not as individuals.
Bounded by the ocean and backed by the wildernefi,
what hath (he to fear but her God?
Be not deceived. —It is not a little that is at flake. Re
conciliation will not now go down, even ifit were offered.
'Tis a dangerous question ; for the eyes of all men begin
to open. There is now no Secret in the matter; there
ought to be none. It is a case that concerns every man,
and every man ought to lay it tc heart. He that is here
and he that was horn here are alike concerned. It is need
less too to split the bulinefs into a thousand parts, and
perplex it Ith endless and fruitlefs investigations, in the
manner th / a writer signed a Common Man hath done.
This unparalleled contention of nations is not to be
fettled like afchool-boy's talk of pounds, Killings, pence,
and fractions. That writer, though he may mean well,
is strangely below the mark : For the firft and great ques
tion, and that which involves every other in it, and from
which every other will flow, is hapfnej's. Can this con
tinent be happy under the government of Great-Britain
or not ? Secondly, can she be happy under a government
of our own? To live beneath the authority of those
whom we cannot love, is misery, slavery, or what name
you please. In that case, there will never be peace. Se
curity will be a thing unknown, because, a treacherous
friend in power is the most dangerous of enemies. The
answer to the second question, can America be happy
under a government of her own is (bort and simple, viz.
as happy as she please; she hath a blank sheet to write
upon. Put it not off too long. *i
Painful as the talk of speaking truth must sometimes
be, yet I cannot avoid giving the following hint, because
much, nay at nos t every thing, depends upon it ; and that
is, a thorough knowledge of the persons whom we trust. It
is the duty of the public, at this time, to fcrutinizc
closely into the condult^of their Committee Members,
Members of Affembfy, and Delegates in Congress; to
know what they do, and their motives for so doing.
Without knowing this, we shall never know who to con
fide in; but shall constantly mistake friends for enemies,
and enemies for friends, till in the confufiom of persons
we facrifice the cause am led to this reflection by the
following circumstance, that the gentleman to whom the
unwise and arbitrary inftrultions to the' Delegates of this
province owe their being, and who hath bellowed all his
power to support them, is said to be the fame person
who, when the (hips now on the stocks were wanting
timber, refufed to fell it, and thus by preventing our
strength to cry out of our infufliciency.---But his hour
of fame is past---he is hastening to his political exit.
The FORESTER.
* Forget not the haplefi African.
BY virtue of several writs to me directed, and according tc
adjournment, will be fold by public vendue, on Monday, the
6th day of May next, on the premises, between the hours of 12
and 5 in the afternoon, a valuable trail of land, containing 425
acres and a half, be the fame more or less, situate in Upper Penn's
Neck, in the county of Salem, and province of New-Jersey, ad
joining lands of Jacob Wright, Peter Louderback, Obadiah Lloyd,
John Helmes, George Catts and others, being divided into two
trails, the one contains 294 acres and a half, be the fame mere
or less, having thereon ere&ed a two story brick dwelling-house
and brick kitchen, a framed barn, a large apple orchard, and
other improvements, a considerable quantity of cleared land, alfc
a parcel of good meadow the remainder timber land; the other
trail contains 131 acres, be the fame more or less, having there
on a dwelling-house, a good apple orchard, about 30 or 40 acres
of cleared land, a parcel of meadow, the remainder timber land;
and as the above-described trails adjoin each other, they will be
fold together or separate, as may best suit the purchaser, the
whole being late the estate of Samuel Lynch, Esq; deceased ;
seized and taken in execution, and fold by
1 Edmund Wetherby, Sheriff.
BY virtue of a writ to me directed, will be fold by public
vendue, on Monday, the 29th day of April instant, at four
o'clock in the afternoon, on the premises, one undivided fourth
part (the whole into four equal parts to be divided) of and in a
certain lot or piece of ground, situate on the east fide of Second
ftreet, between Walnut and Spruce-streets, coptainingin front in
the whole 40 feet 6 inches, and in depth 165 feet, more or less,
with the appurtenances ; bounded by ground of Isaac Snowden,
and others. Also at the fame time and place aforefaid, the like
undivided one fourth part (the whole into four equal parts to be
divided) of and in a certain lot or piece of meadow ground
situate in Wiccacoa, in the township of Moyamenfing; contain
ing in the whole 2 acres and 102 perches ; bounded by ground
of William Shippen ^ The whole fubjellto annuity of xzl.
per ana. during the life of grand mother of John Snowden,
petter, and to the widow of John Snowden, fadler, deceased.
her dower therein; late the estate of said John Snowden, potter
seized and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
ALL persons having any demands against JOSEPH
WATKINS, senior, late of the city of Philadelphia,
Carpenter, deceased, are desired to bring in their accounts,
properly proved; and those who stand indebted, are desired to
make speedy pay, to Joseph Watkins, junior, James
Watkins, and Samuel Davis, Executors,
BY virtue of a writ to me directed, will be fold by public
vendue, on Saturday, the 27th day of April instant, at 4
o' clock in the afternoon, on the premises, a certain lot or piec^
of ground, situate on the east fide of Eighth-street, in the
square between High and Mulberry-streets, containing in breadth
20 feet, and in depth 100 feet; bounded by ground of Richard
Armitt, and others with the appurtenances ; fubjeft to a
groundrent of 31. 10s. currency, per annum ; late the estate of
George Shoemaker, deceased ; seized and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
BY virtue of a writ to me directed, will be fold by public
vendue, on Monday, the 29th day of April instant, at 4
o'clock in the afternoon, at the house of Anthony Fortune, in
Southwark, a certain meffuage or tenement, and lot or piece of
ground thereunto belonging, with the appurtenances, situate on
the south fide of Shippen-ftreet, near Third-street, in the Di
ftri& of Southwark aforefaid, containing in front 20 feet, and
in depth 100 feet; bounded by ground of Samuel Rhoads, Esq;
and others; fubjeft to a groundrent of £ 3:7:6 currency,
per annum, payable in Spanish dollars; late the estate of An
thony Martin, deceased ; seized and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
To be SOLD by PUBLIC VENDUE, or
the 29th day of April instant, on the premises,
A PLANTATION and TRACT of about 52 Acres of
LAND, situate in the township of Middletown, in the
county of Bucks, having thereon erected a stone house, about
one mile and a half from the Four-lane-ends ; bounded by lands
01 the late Jeremiah Langhorne, deceased, Jonathan Hibbs,
and Garret Vanzant; late the property of Stoffel Vanzant,
deceased, and to be fold by the fubferibers, Trustees appointed
by All of Assembly of the province of Pennsylvania.
William Rodman,
&d 1% 1776- John Brown,
§ Gabriel Vanhorne.