Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-01-03 00:00:00, page 2

. ttys »k*y a»e a»i» «oQT or tbs tikes, *
BIS lOftM ASD FHKSSCar.
WEDNESDAY EVENING. M N. 3. I mo.
—" ..‘ —fr1'*.■»'■- — ■.. ■' ■■ ■■"*
On Fnday lasta resolution was introduced wit
the Home of Delegates of this St:»tif declaring that
in the opiniup of that house, the United Stat
oogfct to drrlare war against Great-Briuin, and to
mall Mr. Armstrong from Kranre. An attempt
era* made to amenJ this resolution by instructing
the senators of this state, and requesting the repre
sentatives to procure the same objects. After a
considerable debate, an adjournment was moved an.'
carried, and the subject was to be taken up again
on Monday.
Congress at present appear to be engaged in no
business of importance, except in the house of re
presentatives, the debate on the rupture with "Mr.
Jaekson still continues. The bill reported by the
committee of foreign relations, has not been acted
Upon, and probably will not be, until the resolution
the senate, approving the conduct of the exe
| in relation to Mr. Jackson, is disposed of.
Bayard and Mr. Van DyHt, of Delaware,
Were to take their seats in a few days, and Mr.
Randolph, we understand, has so far recovered his
health, as to be able to proceed to Washington.
Subscriptions for the Virginia Patriot
received at the Office of the Pul/lick Ledger.
* „ _
^|Th* following communication has Keen made to
H i
ffc'
i Catholic majesty's consuls in the United States,
and transmitted to Mr. Erviug, the American
charge des affair*, at Seville, hv bis excellency don
Martin de Cjarey, secretary of the supreme central
junta of Spain.
That the merchants and owners of American
vestals, trading to Spain and the ports of her domi
nions, regardli ss of a royal order to U>e contrary,
,apd under the pretest of the peace and^food under
standing row existing between Spain and Great
plain, go unprovided with the necessary certifi
Irom the Spanish consuls, to prove the
artaiion nr origin of the proper^ shipped; or
ders Have been transmitted to the respet live
custom houses in the kingdom and ports of
her dominions to demand a cntificatc or certifi
cates to that effect, and that no vessels be admitted
tonn-niry without procuring such a certificate;
the motive for demanding sweb document did not, us
)l supposed, originate in cons-qnence of the late
war between Spain ani^F.ngland, hut for the b-ttei
regulation uf'^Kfommeice at tl e custom houses.
The Royal diner alluded to runs thus :—
The king has been pleaded In order, .is a general
rule, that in all the custom 1 ouses tn tH• s King n> n
and the porti nl hi* dominions, <ennir*i-» mmIi
|>C required that will prove ihe exportation ..r or
gW of ell goods, wares and poerch n Hire ml. ndeo
to be imported into this king< oni aim into the pong
of out a- minions. tve same in i,e given ' v hi* i a
jasty’* consuls, in ihe Tespedive |trm .ores mi d .
partments to which distru t the ait cle of proi.ie e
cr poods so eertih-d shall have l.i-lnoged ; and m
cases where no consul shall le ihere rebul nc, dhen
to be pngrnred ' y tt em .it tbe ports ol -xportfPon,
with the general conoition ih-*t lor each separate
article, and owner, a rvrtitieate most he produced,
api r Mvmg the htiuil er of packages on best iherein
contained; and m every instance of centraletnng
this order, the gauds shall he confiscated.”
We understand, (and the inTorrmtinn gives us
iMlfh pleasure) that Mr. John Randolph intends
Vtry sunn to take his ssat in Congress—his health
being «o much mended as to enable him to dis
charge bit duties as a Representative in this body.
Petersburg Intelligencer.
|W» noticed* few days since, that the Virginia
Gazette, (heretofore conducted by Mr. Dads
at Richmond) would in future be edited by
Samuel Livermore, Esy. Iaf« one of the Editors of
that distinguished Journal the Federal Republi
can of Baltimore. The title of the Virginia Ga
*wtta i» changed, and the paper is now called the
Virginia Patriot, the first number of which
has reached ua, and from which we have selected
an editorial article which follows :]
t. Reflections upon the State of our Country.
• 7 No. I. t
Reflections upon the Hate of our country can,
St (hit time, inspire no sensations of pleasure in
tils’ breast of ■ patriot. To expose our own weak
ness, to dwell upon nor humiliation, and to talk of
•ur disgrace, is a task, frotaflohirh. if our feelings
8W|P'
only were to govern, we ship refrain. But con
viction ftf duty inuyt nveicome our disgust. The
people shouid U* mqigh.pi mml w 11h ‘tSe full ex
tent of their embarw^nnunts, and with the causes
Which hay? produced such calamitous effects, that
they may he enabled justly to appreciate the merit
of their government, and to apply such remedies as
May be in their power.
From the year 1305, ?o the present time, the
congress of the United States have not assembled,
but the'president has communicated n long cata
logue of insults and ’injuries offered to our country
by various power* of Europe; which injuries have
*"*’beeo redressed or avenged. Lat me ask the
' ‘ ©f administration to reconcile this simple
«©* with their admiration of the present or
latelxec stive. Are the wrongs, of which so much
pnmplaint has been bt.rd, ficticious l This gentlf
tneo will not pretend. Why then are w* patient
•o^wanfcrint, and w’mr are not Mfr injuries re
drcfjfd the eptfit of our country sleep in
the Um«i‘ <^\Vashiug|»n and Hamilton 1 Is our
eoudgfv wcaf and jjpnftlessj Are r a.- resources
»*ban,led* Ami AHPSklhaflKo maintain ettu.
righu l The friends of the a3fOTui»tr«tn)n should
'iuusjMf they answer these questions. Jf we
ant weawmd defengflffegi’tf <
I» Wdt- Mnd>m«it .
Ifted m such (lowing colours?
ri« which
gjyMai.
»«»d, lhatwe have oat them
o Tepftftng fggressinrj*; the question will then
rur ; upon «Mb doegto blame of this definenry
reelf And if we havSKiitne), by whain n iv>; om
lesowrcet been SUhanstW? LeLgenllemen extricate
themselves from tine dilemma et they rag. Mr.
Madison and biHriends should either refrmft from
talking of -our rights and of their violation, of our
honour and of its stains, nr they should prepare
with vigour to assert the one, and to purifyatthe o
ther.
The old fashioned mode of redress was war. Rut
that was the agt of statesmen, and tins of philoso
phers. Instead af waq^or preparations for war, we
have now paper resolutions, or, at -the extent, cum
merciaf regulations. If our government is insult
ed, a resolution of congress is the. healing halm ;
and left this application should lad ot its due pow
er and effect, similar resolutions must also be a
dopted l.y the state legislatures. If our neutral
rights are invaded, if our citizens are plundered
and imprisoned, commercial regulations, variously
modified, are to procure an acknowledgment of our
rights the restoration of our property and the re.
lease of oor citizens. Day after day some piteous
tale is transmitted by the president to eur represen
tatives in congress, not as the foundation of hostile
measures against a foreign enemy, hut to furnish a
pretence fur making war upon the industry of our
people.
com me presmpncy 01 »ir. jenerson, no aomi
nistrator of any government has pretended to re
gird the reason and justice of one nation us a suf
ficient security anddelence lor the rights nl another.
They have provided other means of defence, which
lie, for the sake of populullty has neglected. The
rights of a nation are in same degree commensurate
with its power ; and for a government to neglect
providing itscli with the means of maintaining its
rights, is a virtual disclaimer of them. Those who
will not admit this principle in the extent to which
I carry it, will, however, agree with me, that a go
vernment, wIlirh complains without resistance, ex
poses itself to m-rited scorn and contempt.
In February last, the supporter* of administra
tion in congress declared, that war would be inevita
ble, if the injurious decrees of France and Great
Britain were not immediately recalled. And yet
no measures were then, 01 have since been adopted
lor placing the country in a state ol defence. The
'majority did then pledge themselves to declare war
against both or eilhei of loose nations which slihnld
continue to violate the neutral rights of the United
St.lies, and yet no preparations were made for meet
ing such an issue. VVliat is the necessary inference;
That they weia in-nrere in iheit professions, that
their in tent it n was to talk and resnjve, f.ut in no e
tent to tight, or that they were more blind and in
fatuated, than any iiirn whu have ever guided the
drstini 'S of a nation.
It is now I ut little more than a year, since Mr.
Jeilerson represented the Treasury to contain such
tin nbundaii 'e o! surplus revenue, that an alteration
nl the constitution woulu be requisite, to enable the
government t > exp> nd the excess of their wealth.
hat has h-i oma of tl>is “surplus revenue?” Mr.
Galh.ii* r Iiis lust report, represents, that a loan
ol lour nnilions will be required to defray the cur
rent expenses ol the ensuing veal Upon a peace esta
’illslim- ut. Thus, notwithstanding all our blasted
, e< oioimy, we hod toe Treasury, which had been re
' [in n « d by the federal administrations, exhausted
j r.v H.t.r successors. If iheie weie knowledge and
j wisdom in the iinani lal department to restoie what
1 bad been lust, we sln.ald not so much ci niplain.—
but the only expedient winch has been suggesteil, is
an increase oi duties, which, by encouraging smug
gling, will lail ol its untended edect. And in the
event of war, we find that its burthens are to lie
supported rmlv by loans; an expedient devised by
a visionary hwiss,* and which was a pnnciplevcause
of the rum »l the French monarchy.
The foundation ol a naval establishment was laid
vjr n»v i uw«i fi'imiMiauauwu. li utr ^wvrimnrm
had nrl deparied limn the maxims of that ndmmis
tration, if it had duly cultivated the resources ot our
country, and (ottered the gallant spirit nl our sea
men, this inlant navy, whose early exploits cast so
much lustre upon the American name, would now
h tve heen etlirient to the protection ol our maritime
rights. I know the pains which have been token
to render this establishment unpopular, and I am
not ignorant of the erroneous impressions which too
g: nerully prevail, in relation to tlits subject, among
ths people uf the southern and western slates. But
tliis consideration will not prevent trie from urging
the necessity of the species of defensive preparati
ons which the situation of our country suggests. It
cannot he denied, that we have the means of beco
ming a great naval power. All the materials of
ship building are the growth of our territory, while
the seamen of America, for dexterity, hardihood,
enterprise and daring courage, are not surpassed by
ti e seamen ot any other nation, ancient or modern.
But it is objected, that we cannot at once have a na
vy npial to that of Great Britain. Granted. But
docs it follow, therefore, that we shall not have a
force such as the nature of things will permit. The
maritime power of Great Britain had its commence
ment— It was for a long time inferior to the mari
time power of Spain and Holland, and if British
statesmen had reasoned in the manuerof Mr. Jef
ferson’s friends, the nation, which is now enabled
to withstand the united force of continental Europe,
would have been hut a second rate power. The
United Slates are but in their infancy and cannot
be expected to rival the countries which have at
tained their utmost limit of perfection. But this is
no reason why we should not improve our means.—1
ll oui liberty, our honour and our rights are dear to
us, they are worth defending. If our commerce is
valuable, it will pay for its protection. We have
the materials of a navy, and a navy is our natural
defence. But unfortunately the present state of our
•aval establishment does not correspond with the
wants of the country, ot the extent of our re
sources
Let us now consider in what manner the conduct
of administration comports wiil^be intention of
L the constitution,wr with theMutiesof a government
. to the people under its care. It is one of the most
important concetue and sacred duties -of govern
ment, to provide for the national delence, to be at
all limes preparesfio repel ao attack, and tojnain
I|*V »*»e just rights of the people under its charge,—
Pits it u principle recognised by the constitution,
(he f r*M oHjwt of which wei tppiwWefor the mb
M"«a! defence itnd general^ welfare". To ! pre$frve
pure and unsullied the nation's honour, is Mapper
doty. Lft farts be agg|ied to these principles, and
np»n a fair qjad comjjggpiivestigution, it wilt he
f^dNi tb§t the «hninfrfnition have failed . to ’ die
ffljkc the duties incumbent upon them, that bur
rS^Pres have been exhausted, that the countPpi*
now exposed and defenceless, and (mat the nation’s
honour has been tarnished in their hands.
(To be Continued.) *
What will be the impression which foreign go
vernments will receive from the conduct of our own ?
Last year it was declared with one accord, by the
ruling majority, that as we^could not wage war,
with any chance of success, against either of the
great belligerents of Europe, by both of whom onr
essential neutral rights were violated, there remain
ed to us but one alternative ; either to submit tame
ly to national disgrace, by an abandonment of our
rights without an effort, or effectually to enforce a
prohibition of all intercourse with both of the of
fending parties. This, saski Mr. llacon and others,
is our appropriate weapon of warfare, and if the
us» of it he persevered in, U will inevitably cverce
the tyrants of the ocean and of the laud, and com
pel them to respect iur rights. We have perse
vered for nearly three years; and what is the ef
fect ? The same ui n now tell us that injuries and
jusults have continued to accumulate upon us ; that
our strength is reduced ; that our treasury is ex
hausted ; that the whole system must be abandon
ed as worse than ineffectual ; sr.d that we must at
last go to war without resnui res, with one or both
of the most powerful nations in the world ; or else
withdraw our restrictions from commerce, as the
only means of avoiding ruin and national bank
ruptcy.
So rnurh for the wisdom of embargoes, non-im
portation and non-intercourse laws, as means of
coercion ! ! After the country has sustained the
loss of countless millions without attaining, in one
solitary instance, the benefit piomised lor such e
nnrnmus sacrifices ol national wealth and national
honour, the very men who devised the system and
riveted it upon the country by the most oppressive
laws, are compelled to abandon it, in the midst of
their accumulated embarrassments, and to confess
the truth ol what was uigently pressed upon them
Irom tfie beginning, that it would straighten and co
erce ourselves atone. Vet in this exhausted state ol
our country, exhausted by folly (now impliedly con
fessed by the authors) and by a dishonest parti tl.ty
to one ol the belligerents, there are still men a
mong us sufficiently hardy to praise the wisdom and
integrity of our rulers, and to call upon us to place
implicit confidence in them, and to pledge ours, Ives
to support them in whatever visionary schemes they
may next devise. U. S. Gaz.
A letter from Calcutta, of Sept. 21, states, that
in consequence of the A meriean embargo, the go.
vernment had given permission to all rounlry shi| s
to proceed to Lngland with Cotton, Sugar and
Hemp. Light or ten ships were loaded with about
40,000 bales of Cotton lor London, which cost
them on board 8 r ents per pound. The ship Jel
lerson of America, had sailed from Calcutta.
iY. T. Gaz.
From the Boston Palladium.
Messrs. Editors,
The Mlawing speculation was written last July
and shewn tu the writer’s friends. ils conviction
Wrts then sincere that the mission of Mr. Adams
was pail u! a scheme to include us in a general con
federacy against Great Britain —and that Mr. Ers
kine’s arrangement was never intended on the pari
of our government to go into operation.
The subsequent events, the dismissal of Mr.
Jackson, and the article in ttie Pons papers declar
ing that Mr. Adams mission had such an object,
and that the United States were about to adopt the
advice ol f lance, furnish a most extraordinary co
incidence of opinion in the two hemispheres. '1 he
reason why the writer’s friends dissauded him from
the publication at that time, was the undeserved
confidence then reposed in Mr. Madison. Late e
vents, it is hoped, have operated a cure of our poli
tical blindness, and the inclosed ideas may bv deem
ed worthy ol future thought.
Reflections upon the inutility, and the probable
alarming views and objects uj the Mission to
Russia.
I have been astonished that no more attention
has been paid, and no greater alarm excited, by the
very extraordinary mission to Russia. This apa
thy has undoubtedly been occasioned by the jay
which was diflused among the friends ol ptace I y
the supposed adjustment with Great Britain, and
the confidence (in my opinion too hastily) bestowed
on Mr. Madison for his good intentions in that af
fair. There was a sort of generous and magnani
mous sentiment among the federalists, that they
would give their political opponents the most full
und ample credit for their good deeds, without
doubting their sincerity, of suspecting that their
suddeu und unexpected change of temper towards
Great Britain, was, as it proves, all a sham.
If, as asserted by Mr. Erskine, his powers wers
communicated to our cabinet in substance—if the
heads of departments did early communicate to the
leading meui^P's of both branches?1 of their own po
liticks the incornpelency of his powers, and the pro
bability of the rejeciimi of the agreement by Great
Britain—then that adjustment, so far from being a
proof of a disposition to make peace and settle our
differences, is th« strongest evidence ofa hostile tern
per; because Mr. Mudison knew, that the revulsi
on and the disappointment occasioned by it among
our citizens, would excite new clamours, and would
break to pieces that formidable phalanx of men
who, during our embarrassments, had learned to
think and speak more favourably, and of course,
more justly of Great Brituin.
If such had been bis aim, (and perhaps a deeper
politician does not exist) it has been completely u|
lained. His own party are again roused to a war
pitch.jiEven same federalists ure«open in their cen
sure oftSreat Britain for doing her duty to herself,
and exercising a right we have always claimed and
leceived; and other federalists doubt, and are in fa
vour of waiting to hear Mr. Erskine’s explanations,
and ahull propose to place an ili-destrved couii
deuce in Mr. Madison.
For my own part,! am e£opinion, that su
■was
Mr. Madison's object and catfflition; and'
myself on (mr distinct consider,itions,
of
which ItknMata'bkS! the public k to utterm. m
In the firsl|j6ce, Mr, Madison wkiiWh attach*
meni to. French Entities from tie year itT# when
he came into congress, and his equally »«&known
hatred to Great Britain—under tin9 head must also
be r.mjtfd the pai t whii h he had home i^tirrr
mi urmWtssartly oor difficulties with Gr««t*Pii,nn**
io whiw, I believe, he had a much greater share
than auy man in the Cabinet, not excepting Mr.
Jeticfson. ^
Serose-, His conductl^gfe late session of con
gress, liWieglecting to reMpend the fulfiliiicnj.
or (it he was alraid of his popularity) in not injgfefc.
enring privately, as he could have 'done, run|p
to lultill the agreement on our part; but on the con*
trary his singing a bill which was a breach, and a
most gross breach, of the bargain. The bargain,
was predicated wholly on our resistance to the*
French decrees, a part of which resistance was the
exclusion of /tench ships <f' war and a non-inter*
course with Holland—yet congress, with the assent
of Mr. Madison, violated it, and before the disavow
al ot Great Biitain was known.
I he third proof of the insincerity of Mr. Madi
son in this adjustment, is the very offensive lan
t’uypem which the agreement was couched—How
Mr. Liskine could consent to receive so insolent
• and offensive a note, I cannot conceive;' but if no
other reason had existed, if Mr. Lrshine had uot
’"‘k n ins positive orders, ho would have beta re
called for thus degrading his nation. The language
lelrr to is dial in which it is insinuated, that our
resistance lo I- ranee was not from a disposition to
please Gre.it Bri a n, and of course that her rel x
alion must appear to be gratuitous—we were loo
haughty to yield, hut we would accept her peni
tence'— mid another passage, wherein we tell the
king of Great Britain, that though weacc.pt his
S itislartion for the utTai* of the Chesapeake, it
Mul l hurt leen mot e honourable in him to have pu
insued B rkelr^, r
U ho ever heard a friendly settlement rmn hed in
such terms! It soumls more hke a declaration of
Lilt the fourth and last proof of a disposition in
Mr. Madison hostile to Great Britain, is the very
unnecessary, unexpected, and therefore alarming
mission to Russia. °
1 he history, and all the circinnstanres of this
mission, conrrr to exr ite our tears, and our dis
, trust of Mr. Ma' son's views.
1 Ins mission must he considered as the executi
on ol Usenet preject, begun to he executed in an
illirit and suspicious manner by Mr. Jefferson, by
the appointment of Mr. Short. This look pla, a
nr long alter Russia Lr..ke will. Great Bri(*ir, and
lormed a ch.se alliance with France. It took plac®
when we were on the eve of a rupture with England
It took place when a coalition was just forming
to crush the British power by a ‘ low at her trade!
No man can doubt, tb ,t Mr. Short was in.trurled
to agree that we would come into ibis coalition.—*
Ibis sl*p of Mr. Jefferson was so hold and unpre
cedented, that (hr nomination of Mr. Short w.is re
jected unanimously. St.II the piojert was not a
b .udoord. A fitter man for the purpose ofbrmg
al out a quarrel with Great Britain ivas selected—
a man who had proved himsell in the senate reaiy
to draw the sword and throw away the srabbard—
a man who had declared publicly that we ought to
uavr been at war with Grfal Britain seven years a
go—a man who, in a pamphlet published by him
se I in bis own name, has question, d every princi
ple set op by Great lirit .in, in a style and temper
which shows that, in his judgment, no compro
mise ran or ought ever to be made with her, even
upoh points in which she may be right.
1 he senate on the n niina ion of th s man, deri
ded that n* mission to Russia was necessary. This
every school hoy knows. We l ave no polidcal con
cerns with Russia, and our irade dors not require
any she consumes n >ne nt our productions,1 and*
as to h«&, we ought to raise the articles ourselves,"
and twenty year* experience shew.s we ran get along
better without o minister than with one.1
Mill, m spite id the evidence of the inutility of
sm-h a mission- n spite of, and in the lace of all
the professions of Mr. Madison’s party of their be
iiel ot li.e tolly ol foreign connexions, this new a«S8
unprecedented foreign mission must t ike plate.—
1 be game Smate, nhieh two months before bad vo
t"d the measuits inexpedient, not only agree to it,
but consent to the nominnupn of an Adams, a
name lor so many year* detestable to the ears of
1 flu ic.i vhi’i/. m .A - # • •
/ 7/ ri ff/# .
W hy all the cr-.viug m rily<( theiroavi parti] was
overlooked, aud wl,y this m w conCert to dcmorra
i) was prelcrred, remains not only a seciet, but a
suroi is.ng i ircnmstance, unless we consider this of
tiee as a promised stipend, as a soi l of “ premium
predicting ; or unless ibe unexampled butei nessv'f
that gentlemaa against Great Britain muler.d him
a lit objec t to efte, t the purpose ot the late cenvetl
1,0,1 al Ibtfortb, in which it has hrpn insinuated
(we hope falsely) that Mr. Short acted a partfe
l or my own part, when I consider the pride el
literary men and statesmen, who never yield a sen
timent which they have oere broached jna publica
tion, who, in general, would rather sacrifice a na
tion than an opinion, I confess I can see no hope*
ol good front this mission t„ Russia ; hut I tear,
and 1 think I toresee great evils, unless events in -
hurope should lender the projects abortive,
Mr. Madison is pledged in print to maintain
- I ,Tugeu in print to maintali
orevtr all the points in controversy with Groat
l-ritain. Professor Adams is equally'pledged. Doe*
any man who has observed human nature, expert
these gentlemen, or either of them, to yield a mil* .
ol tbnr doynas lor the safety of the state?’ No-,
perish rather the commonwealth, than such great
men be convicted of error, or defeated in their per
sonal projects. For my own part, I trembled
when I saw Professor Adams, then a Senator, who
would soon he called upon soselmtrlv, upon cvida,ct
and argunuiit, to decide the fate ‘of the nation
mourn the rostrum ir: adeinocralick meeting at lha
state-house, and denoifofce (he v:nma,t gmernment
of Great-Britain in the affair of the Cnesapeake —
aH Partits 1 '«b*
GOc LttNMKNl, ol that country, frdfn a knnw
edge and participation in that ... r, end it would
have been disgrarefuFto have Mcepnd the satisfac
tion we^id, it the fault had been <u n,-d.
Pledged, as that gentleman w a, , i.is conduct,
and publrck^ and private «(e.Jau.:
kueiv the hauteur.and pride ni < t
“ 4c rc'juld ojterKanls d.Ui-rr f< . r
^^hidged too, ae he now is, upon ihc moital aues
pose, tkecuarparatitrrnggrtssiou*
mm.