Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-08-10 00:00:00, page 2

V - K. .
THB «*UUUCMfe L'
" -M ' “
■ KftfBAYF.v"
11 does (fc£epp
•y *cw decree of Nano.
t’L
on agahrst'Amerir
fey the late arrival at New
few day s sieve.* tVfe^ln not for our dwn par
reive idgktjaore hftrNh do, than he haa been doing
;fot%:#''wiFWrrv«^ffisn;fh»., Our vessels' site captur
ed wherever the French rruizrr* ran find them; in
hit porta and in those of hi* allies or rather bi*ini
aer.ib!a ,depcftde^5||t^^t'«»peri»1i*senses teredand
aold. We would ask%hat mere rlu be expected frodn
any new (Terr eel • ; v !« *'« .1 §
We invite the attention of onr readers to the let*
ter* wbirh art published from Naples and Hamburg
. ——tire letter, from Gotteilhtrg, which we publish,
f<> a mercantile house in thja town, shews that the
system is extending, whaecverfllTyrant’s aecursed
influence van he vsuendoi. ^tfi ridirulous to press
the sohjecSrfW’Ae^^tfiiiiKt.who pretend to say, that
Frame is not Hsrar'tvith the U. Slates, either sin not
understood what constitutes war, or are the parti
san* of France, who are ready to go any lengths in
support of the Tyrants measures.
Retract of<tt Utter from a gentleman in GoUotlurg,
dated the Jt\ June, to a mercantile house i%,thii
i$j>lace, received by the Caledonian, Capt Nash.
t the Caledonian, who- is under way,
ijtnd gotlhg oof, in oriftr toinle#fji you that air Ame
rican property will be wqrVnwd in Swedish Po
merania, by order of the French government. No
tice hnybeen given at Slralsund that this order
tpcarri
^carried into execution in ten days."
Isafe, upon more occasions than one, had
th|f$i)*aaate of presenting our readers with the pio
^iur!;r*^y»( Mft. (Sas'KOK^Newbem. In our pa
in dt*y will be found an address of that
id tofjle voters of his district,
hi eh np
pdHfr. to he4|'frply to- wirat his opponent had vvjit
ta^fS KftPffOTCTcd. This rirrtrmstanre (without
having what was written before us) will orruston this
address to lose some of jts interest and value ■
neverthrlfUbthe many important political truths
■lrtfeth
m
nWWrai
vt
ins, 'will
r it well worthy the at
pur readers*
iThir4s' tb« <day of sleet inn, andit wifi afford as
jjnit pleasure to announce the acquisition of talents
so litre and splendid, as those of Mr. Gaston to the
Councils of the nation.' We,nri not, however, 9an
guine; the fata! effects of pmjfy spirit, which this
gentleman so admirably describes, is too prevalent
ill our country to rnlrnkite on the preference to su
perinwr talents, Examples are too frequent, not to
Cgctlarfipprehensmas. We mean no disrespect to
the other Candid.de, who we do nobff^sw, but the
talents of Mr. Gaston, ate an honour to his state,
opd his politicalifurirnents so much in unison with
whiit we adniiilf that we cannot help taking a live
ly inUreft ini this electron.
... <i* f- -yf , . ,
**, • BUIIR.*
The following article is taken from the G* nile
man’s Magazine printed in London, the oldest and
must r
ttahla periodical publi
tion now exist
bliuaiioi
l (run
rartpd from the number for
1
Febrwfr
ry
last.—'
fenders will take it for
vhat
it is
-worth
Lionel Bun’s visit to Paris has its object to sub
mit to tbc l1 tench executivea project for disuniting
the American istales, arxHnr other measures of ef
fectual'hostility in the event of a rupture hetwe- n
the’iwo countries. Mr. Burr communicated his
plans to aur governmeA toeether with his view of
tba means ueceasary fur their execution; at the
same lime announcing his determination -of apply
France,on the event uf his proposals here
’• dlffyy h thsqjBpte of our relati
ons witu Auierira,'fljjwitfyiog^Tuid precarious as
they long £nve beonf^Wdly entitled the United
Swes to,that delicate roasideiatiou on our parts
baa beep obsegsed towards them, we think
ministers honestly sustained the character of the
inspire ie^Kegoiug a probable advantage, rather
.tltan-gjnqH|w*ly initiate a system *1 hostility,
wbile kl)*jTpublickly prmess their desira linir; peace.
Buonaparte’s policy u not hampered liy;like consi
derations or honour or consistency—if Burr’s.agen
AJF ran conduce to the advaricem. ul nt bis views
Auseygp, he will doubtless nse it.
$*o* tub *CAKOiiijSjfc'fcnERAt Ru-uiixrt/*!»'.
»T* • r ;•, ’•*
Ta.tie Freemen of the Counties r>jt Johnston, IFayne,
i*m>V Jw«, Cent tret and Crave*.
, * FELtWW ClT12fS8, ••• ' |
R® ®y f*tur» tome from the supreme court at'
I **».. presented with a., ropy of ME
Black lodge* aiiJtoro to yon of iW yStfrinst.—
trespass again- o* yotireiteii
WvpftljtlfM, submit 6> yi5; snme
y*bserfohcas, wliicfi this addiSr serins’to demand;
% thij plupose, t y-izr the (irsf moment ol leisure.
ftvpjesVhting myself to y-mr notice as a r«ndi
's’ttWs^J^hsMliousfy a*tMgp«d linmevcry remark anil
,#t*:C|rf9tpr«s»bit» whirJniltgfi'i fouwtbe fbttamipas.
»K»tt*;o^ patty. Tbi»' fort.ear«»C(t, Vnw«vtr has
. KpWo»f no aeatl. To have mad; -a tender of my
«et«Kcs lit aU,, w iMimistetT to M an fttfrarr that
should enhjeiit me tu the r*i»tfre of all iui«fcftt»
.•eW^M^.wW'kowea its origin tn tht*i»f*mpe^£ee
™ lpint'~Hnw Strange that this
ahtMiid W"biwy *}!»*• forward by Mr. Biurkledge,'^*
*)8S1#’ Sttktti,'’ Ifjjtf'fKs rt
trillion to Wfpse'a had Wa».i) «»’
tlw tiw when itwas wadmumd titdb4p|$id that
to <ptr ftt|nt stprtwrata*
:»n. opp"*^
^iofr-Hitjtf i)>0 yompiaWppof t-lmSe wH»* awaken
u xi> i»t*uiprft«fc of pMljjj'if^tf l?sl®fc«h«drW*
of belts* us&fu! lb his rrajaiffawda'dA^anre tolba
“ press:a£ invitations" of hr* f Minis, Jaatifj jjft'
arimed wtait toojfm. Kt*.-Slaiiley^^^a^gttf.
,• f ^w.m . m
*n?t the nrfn*jpiilivM kffi»r4 to me.a jertificatidn
for a with totwtWii fo®p,ee{Wm«fl, although at
the hazard of tbwartingT>)& (Mr. b's.) views ? Bat
ifo ; it teems that these considerations ought (h
have had no weight with me—because there should
l*e no division in our public councils. The man,
fellow citizens, does not exist, who more sincerely
imprecates the horrid consequences of factious di
flsions of our country, than'raytrelf. Union ie in
deed essential to our welfare, if not to our existence
as a nation—but it is an onion'of honest aud intel
ligent men, on correct principles and with pure
motives, all combining their efforts to promote the
great interests of jiMn, of justice and of publick
good. Is such the nature Of the union which Mr.
IJ. recommends f—Tits union—is an expulsion ol
•ill men from the publick councils who do not belong
to the dominant party—it has in view the monopo
ly of all power and influence into the hand of a par
ticular political sect—it is marked by an illiberal
prosi ription and abuse of every individual—as en
gaged in “ defeating the objects of government.”—
as a “ deserter” from the cause of his country—as
^a friend to “the enemy”—who will not ascribe
perfect wisdom to the conduct of the administrati
on, who will not exclaim against insults which hr
is unable 4o discover, untl exlnll the excellence of
mlasuies which experience proves to have been in
jurious. This spirit of combination is the very es
sence of faction—and to it we owe many, if not
■most of'tbe evils under which we suffer. It is this
factious sentiment which lias filled the walls of con
grass with pirsuns notoriously incompetent lo the
duties of tbcirstuliuij—which in lieu of the questi
on “ what will best advance the interest of the
country” hc.s substituted “’wbat BHLmnst rontri
tute tq the strength of our pa»ty’’-^lliich, in the
selection of men for office, has nearly banished all
enquiries as to moral fitncssnl intellectual capacity,
has given us William Duane for lieut. colonel and
retains James Wilkipsnn ss'a general of our armies.
It is to this factious principle we may attribute the
profusion of the publick treasure among servile de
pcnnem^ann newfy made converts, tor it soon
teaches the members of “ thtf league" to regard not
only the power but the emoluments of government
us th »r exclusive property, of which they may dis
pute not as trustees but as owners. It is iu short
this same spirit of faction which has Liought on
the ruin of every rep'iLhclt with which ancient or
ipodetn history acquaint us, must occasion the des
truction ol our’s.
I’i-How Citizens, Mr. Blarkledge gives you his
decideo opinion as to the wisdom of the embargo,
and declares his “ all but positive conviction,” that
a continuance of it three months longer would have
obtained redress from Britain and prevented the
outrages of France; However strong the claims
of this gentleman are to be respected for bis political
sagacity, it is to be regretted, that on a suiject
where a difference of opinion is known to exist, he
bad not favoured us with something mere thaa a
bare assertion, lie ought to htfve recollected that
tins “ strung measure" had been continued fourteen
months—had impoverished the country, hampered
.11 mechanical industry, destroyed the hopes ol the
farmer, put an end t» commercial enterprise, shut
up our courts of justice—ar.d never produced the
l*<ist symptom of a disposition in the belligerents
| to relax Iryni their injurious decrees and orders.—
Me should have reflected that it had diminished
the revenue ten millions of dollars, that a perstve
rance im it one year longer would have rendered in
evitably a rerouise to direct taxation, and yet the
propositions to repeal it made in the summer of
1308 to France and Britain, had been by both re
jected. He should have remembered that our gov
ernment hail been apprised by onr minister general
Armstrong of the futility of regarding it as a mea
sore of coercion.—In his despatch ol 30th August
ISOS, (which for some reason or other, it was
deemed improper to communicate to the people,)
Mr. B. knows or ought to .have known are contain
ed these remaikable expressions: “We have some
14 what over-rated our means ^ coercion of the
“ two great belligerents to a course of justice.—
“ The embargo is a measure calculated above any
“ other to keep us whole, and keep us in peace,
“ l.ut beyond this you must not count upon it.—
“ Hire (in France) it is not felt, and in England,
“ in the midst of the more recent and interesting
“ events of the day, it is fufgotun/’—He should
have reflected that even the terms on which Mr.
Frskine was authorised to make an arrangement
(terms certainly inconsistent with our rights, but
; with which Mr. Erskine took such a liberty as ren
dered them acceptable) were predicated not upon fhe
embargo, but on the Jett partial, though in many
respects, injudicious measure, a proposed non-in
tercourse.—He should have called to mind that e
very one of his former predictions, such as starv
ing the British by withholding, supplies df provisi
ons, ana ruining tneir munniar luring establishments,
by curtailing ibeir export), has so completely fail
ed, that be is uow willing to forget that they ever
hud been aaade. Had these reflections occurred to
him, sorely be woald have doubted whether his
“ say so” proved the correctness of Ns opt
mere
It seems too a little extraordinary that af
nion«
ter alt
praises of the embargo, he cautions you
uguins
elieving that be would reromineud a not li
lt it be really so exrcll-nt a measure, Ay not
cr.
adopt it again ? is it that be feats it will be un
popular, and he is unwilling to do what he deems
right, if it he opposed by publick clamour ? Oh
no I Circumstances hSHhinks have changed. Our
property and ritizuisare now afloat, and it is too
late hs a precautionary measure. As a measure
uf coercion it will.foil, because Britain will take
i-Hre to provide a snfiirieut supply of navai stores !
Admirable reasoning! Who d-tes >ju>f kuow that
whert the embargo whs iniposrdpwvery sea
whitened with out sails, and every' foreign Dsrl til.
led with our ships? Who cannot percei||s|||t...it
win fiiruierly infmMely easier tor Britain!
naval supplies, when she bad free itcce
ports uf the’Baltick, than now,1 when she!
excluded from them i I'erbaps the whole mS _
considered as »n ilhistratiois of thesuge seatinfeot
' •<if-jiMr* I
*£ *"*'**&!'$•**#*
Retwos t hvh^es'opampq ^
Fake chargpj end insinuations, jmttf*|pfl* bm
been cirruiatcd by - Federal Uadei^«K»» »s the
eipuf" of two millions mt dofUrs to Doonapurte,
M r. Jeffers-n and Mr.-H.stftsojt being Frrnskmtu,
Hod tlis embargo “ beingthe rflec | of freuch i»
Ibwoce.^ I have ho pmiagsidfla to lb* character
<>f a *‘«d»rtl Leader,”^ add vf course will it«t
consider myself an mucked by , this remark*'.* for
far Af misapprcbefcnofY Iwwmr, I feel myself
bound lo say that none a£Mc*e charges have ever
been advanced by me. 'jgfjfjb-.regard ll truth, re*
fa ires me to declare that, L have not hesitated to
fay, when I thought the occasion required it, that j
m the session of 1805—6, (wheq - Mr. B. was a j
member),, two millions of dollars Were placed at
the disposal ofjhe President, and that the object
was to bribe Ffauce to bully Spain to do us justice.
I have said to, because the first part of, the observ
ation is evinced beyond controversy by the art of
congress making the appropriation ; and the latter
part 1 believed, and still Lejieve to be true, upon the
faith of Mr. llandolph’s publirk declaration on the
flour of congress. On a question of fact the man
does not exist to whom I’ would give more undivi
ded credit than to this gentleman.—Hs declared,
that in conversation with Mt^ Madison, then sccre- ;
tary of state, on the subject of our difficulties with
Spain, the secretary told him, “ France will not
permit Spain to do us justice—France wants mo
ney, and we must let her have it”—and soon after-,
wards the two millions of dollars were voted with
closed doors.—That the money was not given to
Buonaparte, I know. Whj ll was not—bow far
the Ocgnrialion proceeded—what finally prevented :
it, are indeed secrets worth knowing, but to me,
and to the put,lick, areas yet, mysteries undivulg
ed. I know that Mr. Jefferson afid Mr. Madison j
are Americans by birth, but 1 also know, that they '
are, or were, Freuch citcztns by adoption.
By a decree of th* convention of France, in the
year 1733, they were declared French citizens—a
privilege of which they accept) d. HoW-far this be
material in a discussion of their claims to our com
fidence the people are qualified to judge—The troth
however they ought to know.—That the embargo
was not conceived in a spirit of impaitiality lo both
belligerents, is a sentiment which I have frequent
ly avowed, ard ol the currectcrns of which t can
not doubt. ' Had I doubts, Mr. B’s address would j
remove them. Do you perceive is it one word of j
(he effects it was designed to produce on France F—
He tells you it was** calculated to Wring at least
one of oor enemies to a sense of justice”-j
He. speaks ol the “ Shock it gave the British nuti• !
on.’' He would not recommend another embargo, |
because “ the British Nation will take care to pro- |
vide and keep on hand a suflirient supply of naval
stores.” Not a syllable uttered as to the coercion
it was to operate on France. Indeed it would b#ve
been nugatory to utter such, for yon have seen that
our government was informed by Armstrong that
in France it was not felt, and it is notorious that the j
French emperor dictated his decided approbation of
it. Fiom France and Britain both has ourconutry !
received jP$fis injustice, but on one side only have
the dominant -parly shewn sensibility. Witness the
embargo and this defence of it.—Witness the non
intercourse, by which Holland (as notoriously de
pendent on France as Ireland on the King of Great !
Britain) was nevertheless left open to our trade, as !
though perfectly a neutral.— Witness the repeated
lefusals oi the majority to permit Champagny’s in
solent letter of liie 15th Jan. 1S03, to come to the
knowledge of the public. Yomtemember its words
—“ War exists in fart betwediScT.nglaud and the
“ United States, and the eruugrnr considers it as
“ decreed from the day on which England publish
“ ed lie/fdecrees. He has ordered that the American
u vessels 3hall remain sequestered until a decision
“ may be had (hereon according to the dispositions
“ which shall have been expressed by the government
“ of the United StatesWitness the concealment
of Armstrong's communication of the 22d Feb.
1808, in whirl] he announces to our government
that “ The French emperoar has declared his de
“ crees should snffer no change—and that the A
“ mericatis should he compelled to take the posi
“ live character of either allies or enemies”— that
“ the sequestered cases amount to One hundred and
“ sixty, which at present prices will yield itpvarus
“ of one jiiutdrcd millions of francs, a sum whose
“ magnitude alone renders hopeless all l^Etempts to
“ save it*—M If i am right m supposing that the
“ einperor has definitively taken his ground, I can
“ nut he wrong in concluding that you will immedi
*** aU ly take yours.” Witness the concealment of
Armstrong’s despatch of the 30lh Aug. 1808, of
which you have already seen extracts—Witness—
but it is unnecessary, it is degrading to American
pride to be more particular. The insensibility the
tameness which is manifested at the late confisca
tions and sales of oor properly, by the aspiring
master of the wn$[d; at the burning of oar ships
and imprisonment of nur citizens for no cause, but
because they are Ameriraus—loo plainly proves in
the emphatical language *>f a gentleman of Greene,
“ the rulers of the party tike a one eyed horse, in
going over a orrage nave seen danger but oi» one
side, and thus rushed into dattifr on the other.— |
And yet you are invited to jolSBh Mr. B*s union”— j
that is to exclude from your confidence every jnan
who doubts of the perfecFwisdjyn of ih,e administra
tion. From an uuioo, mny the all-wise dis
poser of events preserve my country ! *
I wish not longer to detain yourvattenticn. but I
owe it to myself to notice some ejHttoneering mis
representations which 1 Mrve b&jWFmve been
cir
culated to injure me in yur estlttati^i. I will do
it as conrisely and as plainly as possible. It iain
sinuated that { am concerned as counsel in a suit
brought by the devisees of Granville against Mr.
Collins ot Edenton, which is now pending in the Su
preme Federal Court at Washington, and that my
willingness to be elected to congress is connected
with a wish to attend the management of that suit.
1 will not atop to expose the ridiculous folly and
absurdity of the story—hut in direct terms tell you,
that it 1» absolutely and entirely falte. Many years
since when the suit was tried and lost at Raleigh, 1
did appear as one of the counsel in behalf of the
pin I in ids, iu the regular course of my business, and
assist In the argument of it. Since the suit has been
carried out of the stale I have washed my hands of
itr To the management, of it at Washington l ne
jmr tave attended, and never yhall attend, whether
3 radf* be elected or not—Neither as counsel n«r
a >y other way have 1 more^concern with it than ei
ther of you -to whom I address myself.
(It is intimated too that I have given ofle
_r««nt!jr Sippearing as counsel in behalf oFarfj
Upaatebeing, charged witiylbe crime of ini
. end ti ag. you will not believe that f deern it
neeetsnry, a* fvspecls a vast majority of you to say
a word jopon this subject.' ' I ain spre that it is not.
'' But I am told that here and there is found an indi
vidual of upright intentions who, nmlisjjfefcy some
misrepresentation or prejudice, doubts as In the cor
rectness of conduct apd wishes fur e» $pjl«na
tJflB. I»et os therefor* for a. in ament itig
the circumstances of it. A^nuu m t ,ikm, jp, on ,
th« ebargeof murder, and rwounuted to prison. A,'
g«ntml sentimsnt ufindjjgnaliQn be|pg strongly
cited, enuosel is employed to aid life officer of thf
state, in the prosecution against him. lo tbit,situ
ation the priaouer applies to a very uspectalle pro
fessional gentleman and myself t^deiend him. We
move the court upon an affidavit setting forth the
strong prejudices of the people of thecounty, that thp
cause may be removed to the court of-an adjacent
county. This motion is refused, on tms grounde* >
mong others, that proper care will be taken to prf*’''
, vent any person from acting as a juror whose ppujj *
is under the influence of soch prejudices—An at
tempt is then made to procure a jury—-and to ma
ny are declared incompetent by the .court andjit?
count of having made up and declared opinions on
the prisoner's guilt, that a full jury is not procored
and the cause continued to the next t^rin. Such ■*
| "re the facts of the case. On what part of it an ex-,*
plunation is wished 1 am at aloss to conceive. Is
it lor having appeared a* cmntel ids behalf of the s
prisoner ?-*-rtflecke moment befoie this ^ijstiun
is asked. Look at the Bill of Rights annexed 4a'
your state constitution, and see wbatarethe sacred
privileges secured to cveiy individual arraigned for ’
a crime. Can anyone of these be enjoyed byj a,
man uninformed in the law, unless he be Ulowed,
counsel ? Are yon willing tfcat they should he deni
ed *° him, if public clamour says he is guilty ? *1/m
why not go the fuit length of the pnuciple,and,*0- ,
stead of giving him an unequal ttial,
trial, apd punish trim at once upon the sti«iiglb Ibf
rumour f . ..
So horrid are the consequences of ?<^ndef$|ipj’
men capitally where they have not legal assistl®; ,
that o»r courts uniformly order counsel to appear
for such as are unable to procure them. Iliad I re
fused the prisoner’s application, and be had ben
left Undefended, it would have been the bomiden do.
ty of the presiding judge to call on some of tjie bar
to aid him in his trial. It is as probable that I
would have beenriircc^d to perform this office of
humanity as any other gentleman belonging to the „
profession. Il not culpable then for appearing,, as
his counsel, am I liable locensure for exeiting niy«,
self to procure for hirii a jury free from bias t The
suppositron is too monstrous to be entertained for s
moment. The man must deem himself insulted, ,
who is seriously asked if he doubts upon this ques
tion. lellow-Cilizene! The important enquiry be
Inre you is, which of the Candidates that are offer-,'
ed to your notice is, all circumstances considered,
the most proper lo take marge of your momentous
concern in the affairs of the nation. Whoever turns
your itteution from this enquiry attempts to cajole
you. It is a matter of no moment to you whether
the result of the election shall be favourable to fho.
wishes of A or B. But it is matter of vast cqjise?!
quence, whether it shall tend or not, to the security *
of your rights, to the advancement of ynur intp-k
rest9, to the promotion of the general welfare. R*-“
fleet deliberately—decide caimly—and may .that
decision be such as never to afford you causa for fn?*
tura repentanre !-Your Friend, *?
Newbern, S4tb July. Wm.
New York, August 3. ^
Captain Ellis arrived at this port this morning
from Port-au-Prince states, that a few days previ
ous to his sailing, a severe battle was fought bi^;,
tween the forces of Christophe and Pction, at thV
Mob*. The forces of Petion wes commanded by
Lamaire. who permitted the forces of Christophe
to enter the town, when he attacked them and rout
ed them completely, 1100 men being cut to pieces,
and driven into the sea. lie likewise #R|U« that
the fleet of Christophe had blockaded the harbour
which contained the Meet of Petion.
Captain Roe, uf the sch’r John & Mary, from
Antigua, arrived this morning, informs that the
British frigate Thalia had arrived on the 18th July
from England, with Lord Elliot on board, who had
come out in the capacity of Go*ernour of tho
L-eward island va^He was sworn ito office on the
the day awf he arrived. , f 'f
August 4. ■■■■„' j ..1
Since the arrival ol the Tamashmaab, from, Li
verpool, a considerable quantity of flour has f een
bought up fur tbe English market, at ten doliiprs
and three quarters, .and some at eleven dollars. It
is now sgid a letter was received by this vessel, stat
ing that the crops in England were vary unpromis
ing.—Gazette. ~
The pregnancy of Buonaparte’s new empress, says
the London papers, is officially announced !.—Ibid.
jjtjimrom an American gentleman. ,
mP Hamburg, May 30, 1810.
1 am oat of humour with the king of Denmark
—coolly and upoa reflection.—On arriving at tba
entrance of the river Eyder, you find the pilots gp
posing M&«orbitanl rate of pilotage; say from 300
to 70U rnr dollars en^kMssel. for a distance of less
tl^i twenty nulcs^jjHHpvhich is pjost commonly
run t^the same day.^^mriu the same tide ; .where*
■ «» a^jDamsb ship wppd have to pay ftpm Cape4
| Henry to Baltimore™which commonly occopies 3
[or 4 days, a piloltfigpf only 50^ dollars. ’)'he an
swer is, the buoy^Plfe taken epf and ihe ground
difficult. This is true: but the king -|fe^jp|llck
in authority, and jttght fix a reasonujjwrouiptnsa
tion, beyond #hativafpil, but this dues. oo,t suit
lor reasons which Jh
duly foimerly fixed
ly to bean increglisAi
lund, bis majesty'th7(|
threefold, and make ir* per cent, ThetgHbt todw
so shall not be disputed, and the tempfMinn to i|
m the state ofgfi finances .was hardly to he,witb
stood ; but thenperation owe, act was very, unjust.
because it included, withootaj
chandize previously introduced
custom house, without allowiugpka oiler native «f
re-shipping the good*. I shall petty
impositions which arc practised^SApipJ^ th'ka
authorised in se Altai pf hu ports/Ipclyas exacting
tonnage money lur vessels for. enwmg..thAt# ports
and depadfcj w$hniubttakfttghu]k,armakirig a
custom kWe entry, and the'We- • 1 shall ajso pass
over the whole business t*f the sequestration, and
the continnation of the decree.prohioitiag the expor
tation, of those artn-Us that.have paid the t ran lit
duty; a tax enacted merely pstbe pricgof transpor
tation ; because these things. Am doubt, result frees
to imperious and necessary policy; sad ®*ov i®
speak of th^masfer grievance nfajl, of bggre^00*
which many individuals in the.Catted most
let! very forrly.% The captures of last w* ty P1**
.^7 :