Norfolk gazette and publick ledger — Norfolk [Va.], 1810-02-21 00:00:00, page 2

tolipf tfcat (Mr* i* ■ rrM dlf&rmce til lucifinterests
Om nf th»’**pe«ii-nt» of party to ar
pm** *itHiS |><t*rtif*Ur distrirt< i* t«
iniir^ii(tnt ib* opinion* o&e* dis
trict*. Y*>« <• moat shield jmirsrlves too much »
g*mst MLjealuustrs and heart horning* which
sprat |i>/a* mui>pn »< nlatinns ; they lend to
tn •acl*»Mier, those who migm to he
bounMHM'|'>*i‘ tv (r'(final affection. The in
bajj^^PToi Mr country have lately had a use
tlijpHpii nirtffii l.e-id ; they have seen, to the nc
gtitiaw'ii'hy the executive, mid in the unanimous m
h§t at ion by the senate, of the treaty with Spain,
and in'tha Mortal sstisfsrtion st-lhnt event,
thr»w^boot the I'mdMfcl.tiM, •' de l.ive proof, hn*
onfonMut were tbWRpicinnv propagated among
them 4* policy in the general government and in
th« AUttntuk states uaftiendly In ihir interests in
regnrd tu tbs Mississippi; they have hern witnesses
to th# forms tinn of two treaties, that with Great*
Britain am) that wKh Spain, whirh secure to them
#v#ry thiog-lhay entilddestfe, in respect to nnr fo
towards confirming their proven
liHllliAillim wisdom to rely for the nit
tsnHpn o(wHfe*dvatit i|-rf! on the i-rion • v whn h
tbry^rere.pfdPp'd ? Will they not henceforth !«•
denf'to those advisers, if twrh there are, who would
•eyer them from tlieir brethren and unmeet them
ttvjtb alien* f
to toe emrary non permanency ot your union,
» government for the wbulw is indtspi-osat-le. No
alliawcrn, Hdwevef between lb* parls tan he
an adequate suhst.itntc ; they most inevitably exp*
ytenrh the infractions and interruptions which all
alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible
jBthis iftorfifnioM* truth,you have improved upon
yMr tint essay, by the adoption ol a constitution of
government bettor ml ulated than your foitnef lor
l uninn, «ti’J tor the efileacinus m-mnge
|r common concerns. This g<iv*mtn«Mi% 1
of our nwn rboice uninflunved and mi
rtffi adopted-upon f«H mvesligtion arid rriHltirr
completely free in it* principles, in the
distribution of Ms powers uniting security with
•ae*ji;y» and containing within itself « proviso** for
i amendment, h*,* a Just t laun to yuur confi
itnd your suppoi t. H, spirt for its atilhoritv,
thence frith its law*, aCqalesrenre in its men
w ore^ir, mj.ntw.l i,v the fundamental nmx
[IrsSfihtnV. The ha*is of our political sys
|he right of the people to make ind alter
tituiimi* of government — Hut the rmnli
itifh ft any time exists, until changed by
rit and .inlhentuk «ct of the whole people,
icred’y otiilg .ton upon all. The very idea of
|W» power aiid-the right of the people to establish
iffihfbwPftent. p*ft-*np|lo*«f the iiutv of every indivi
dual to *>brv the established government.
AH o*.siritrti«in» to the execution of the laws, all
Comb nations ami assocM lions, under whatever plau
sible cbm ff^r with the real design lodnert, c.in
. trim?, CioiirfeW* f, <*» a we the regular deliberation
and ar I ion .of the commuted .mil unties, arc ocs
tryctive nt this lundamtotal principle, urt.l of i«tal
fefhleb*Vs They s«*rW to organize taction, to gne
it tut artiffi i«l and extraordinary force—to put m
the place nj. the delegated ail! -f the nation, the
will of a party, often a small but artful ami enter
prising minoritv of the roam itr.it y , and a* cording
In the alternate tviumphs id 'diiihreni parties, to
I
mp£»,lbup#lirk*dmwii8it«(inn the'mirror of the
ill concerted nmi 'WiiutruoBi pi ejecta of faction
father thnii the. organ <• I copsMtrW and wholes..nie
ftlftOft Aigefteo by fimnnon councils, and mod tied by
a trisat thtcrestSi "*
"l^wfacr combinations or associations of the ».
Wcription ntny now and then answer popular
they arc likely ip the enurzeof time and things
fume potent engines, by which running, »mbi
•nd unprincipled men writ be enabled u. sub
tyKlwef id lli* people, and to usnrp for them
!( Mhe reins of government ; destiny mg »fur
wkfdi the very eogth** which havf lifted them up
t« mijust dntmmnvr
To war J* (he preservation of your government,
•nd tW -parnumcncy of your present happy state, it
I»«t a*«ly that you steadily discounte
teyel.ir oppositions to its acknowledged au
' it trite that you reiist with care the spirit
inn Upon it* principlea however aperinu*
ta One mrfhod of assault inav be toef
fcrms of the constitutions alterations
I impair the energy of the system, and
tl»me ■‘twhlit cannot he directly over
lh all 'th* changes to which you' n>:»y he
returmUr that lime und habit are at least
to fix Jhe true character of ..
govern
other inktitntione— that experience is
ft*.*.*#, py w$ivl> t« teat the real |rn
#*. existing eoiinuutionnl a country—
cIwb^c* apod tlie credit of nwre hy
W*pM»hm exposes fu ptrf.etuoi change
*»e hypotheei* ftnil dpinions; and re
g^.rialiy, .that for the efficient menage
your rommoe tmetests, in a country so ex
" <oira.« guvernmvnt of as much vigour as
t with the present security «f libel ty is
Nh kfherty itself will find in such ago
with powtu properly vii*tTii «*w ana Htl
•ureat guardian. It ta, mdc-r1, Title else
••here thegoVernnv'nt i* titn feeldy-tn
IWTffpIri*** offirtion, to confine narb
ffocifty *ithin th* limits pr»serii»d
.I to moint-MH ojl in the secure and
i of lb* fights of pfrifA and pro
laied tn yntt, Ux danger of
r»fcr<rn< e to th*
wn"*«-"graj,Jjtr«l rikr rmifhauoii*.
«nd
«<»»t HBrim tn»Hncr aj;«icst tt)«*
«bl« from
rtpaMtoiM.
if
Sr . ,. .
more able or more fortunatethan his co
turn* this disposition to hit oaq elevation t
rows of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this |
kind (which nevertheless ought not to la>.etH»rely
out of sight) the cum.non and continual mischiefs
ty arc BuGkient to make it the
of the spirit of party
interest and duty of
a wise people t» discourage and
restrain it.
It screes always ..
to distract the pnhlirk rewords
and enfeeble the publick amninistrelion. it agitates
the community with ill-louuded jealousies and false
alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against
another, foments occuMonly riot mid insurrection^
It opens the door to foreign influence and corrupt^
on, which find a facilitated access to the gd-vern
meol itself ihrp’ the channel of party passions.
Thus llie policy niJ t.he wifi of one cuontiy me
subjected to the policy nnd will of anmlo-r,
l ucre is an opinion that parties in a free country
•re us* ful chei ks upon the administration of the go
vernment, and serve to keep alne the sp rit oi liber
ty. This wiWuiteeilarn limits is probably true; did
in governments of a uinntrcbial cast, p • inoiism
m. y look wilfi indulgence, if not with lu our on t. e
spirit of party. But in those of the popular eit .r-ir
Ur, in government*. purely rice live it is a sp’rn not
: to be encouraged. I'roin their natural ten Jewry it is
i reitoin ih«i;e will ..Iwcys he enoqgb m ilist spirit
; lor evny salalary purpose. And there being rnn
stant danger of excess, the rfim l otithl io he, by
fires of piibUck opinion, to mitigite and ,issu :ge n.
A fire nnj t» be rpuenrhed; it demands . uoiinrru m
g lanre to prevent its bursting into a Amur, lest i:i
•lead ol warming, it should consume.
It iaiuporUni likewise, that the habits of think
ing iu » live cuntry, should inspire caution, in
those entrusted with its administration, to confine
themselves within their constitution*) spheres,
avoiding in the exercise of the powers af one de
piitn.cnt to encroarh upon another. The spurt ol
encroachment tends to .onsolidute the powers ol all
the departments is one, and thus l» create, whate
ver the larrn of government,^ real despotism. A
just estimate of that love of power, *nd pr<uiei>css
to elms* it. which predominated m :l,e hi’in.ni
heart, is sufficient to sdt)»fy us of the truth of this
position. The necessity of reciprocal rhn ks <n tbe
ex rose of political power, by dividing and disW.ut
iug it into ditfer»i:l depositories, and constituting
each the gusidi.in of the puhlirk weal agam.-t in
vasion* by tha nljicr*, has been evinced by experi
ments ancient and modern ; some of them in our
country and under our own eyes.
To preserve them m*«t he as necessary as to in
stitute them. If in It.e opinion of the peopl-, tin
distribution nr modification of the const,itutjoi al
powers be in any partieul >r wrong, let H br c,,rrect
-ed by an amendment in the wav which the consti
tution designates. Dot let there be no change by
usurpation ; for though this, in »ue instance, may
be the instalment of good, it is the customary wea- i
pun by which Iree governments are destroyed—The
precedent must ahvovs •• really over-balance in per
manent evd any paciid or transient benefit which
the use can at any time yield.
Ol all the dispositions and habits which lead to
political piospentv, religion and morality are m
dispcr.si le supports. In vain would that man claim
'lie trr tite of patriotism, who shctihi labour to sub
vert these gieal pillars of human happiness, thes>
firmest props of the duties of man and citizens —
The mere politician, equally wttii the pious man,
ought to respect and cherish them. A volume
could R.ot truce all their connexions with piivatr
and pebliek felicity—Let it simply »>e asked where
is the secuiity for property, for reputation, for life,
if the sense of religious obligation* (hint the oaths,
whirh are the instruments of in vest!-ration in courts
of justice? and let.us with caution indulge] Uie sup
position, that morality can be maintained without
religion. Whatever may be conceded to the imln
ence of refined ednration on minds of peculiar |
stturlnre ; reason and experience Huh forbid us to
expect that national morality can prevail iu exWu
ji'»n of religions principle.
Tis substantially true, that virtue nr morality is a
ntresaaiy spring of popular gnvciuun-nt. 'I'be lule
indeed extends with more rjr Ks? force,to ever* spe
cie* of free government. Who that is a sincere friend
to it can look with indifference upen atirmpts to
shake the foundation of the fubrirk ?
* riuuoic , n, as an ofjjri'i nr primary import
ance, institutions lor the g.-neral diffusion of know
ledge. In proport ton as the strnrtuie of a govern
ment gives force in puhhck opinion, it is essential
that public k opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source ol strength aod secu
rity, cherish public* rreoit. One method of pre
serving it,to use it ns sparingly as possible; avoid
ing occasions of expense hy cultivating peace, but
remembering uls* that timely disbursements to pre
pare for danger frequently prevent much greater dis
bursements tn repel it ; avoiding likewise the accu
mulation of debt, nut only hy shunning ncrasi
ons of expense, hut by vigorous exertions in time
o! peace todischarge-the debt* which unavoidable
wars may bnve occasioned, not ungenerously throw
ing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves
ought to bear,. Tire execution of these maxims be
lopgs to your representatives, but it is necessary
that pubiirk opinion should co operate. To facili
tate to them the performance of their duty, it is es
sential that yon should practically bear in mind,
that towards the payment of debts there must be
revenue, that to have-revenue there must be taxes;
that no taxes rap be devised which are not more oi
less inconvenient aud unpleasant; that the intriu
sick embarrassment inseparable from the selection
of the proper t>‘ject»(whicb is always * choice of
uilhctUif-s) ought io b# a derisive motive loro can
did con'trueipoi of lire cumluc| s^ the. government
iu maklug it, and for a sprit of acquiescence io tk«
meusurespir obtuimngreveour, wouh the publick
axis-ories toity'Mty
Observe K« 4 vmh and just ic t ^»rds nil w«i‘
opsr|rnipV((te.pe^*t^iiwd,|SiMtKoigjr with *\)f Religiuu
■ '•w Vvyft.'tt **J
. U» it j innut pnmdenr
n« the penn.;n-HtHtirity •< i nii
.on with iti virtue ? Th«^p«wn..m at least, h ft
'ronMhcnfderi.-'by ev#fy semimrtBkhirb ,!«dble* %«•
man nature. Ala*! is it rendered impossible by
'its vices f
In the exarutinn of surba plan, nothing is more
essential than that permanent, inveterate antipa
thic* against piriimiiti n»ti >o« and passionate at
tachments for others. should be exploded; and that
in place of ttiem just and nncsble feelings towards
all shualil be cultivated, Tiie nation which indulges
to*hids another an habitual hatred, or an ha* itual
I fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave
t to it* animosity nr to its affection, either of which
i •» sufficient to lead it astray from its duly and its
I interest. Antipathy lhohe nation against anothn
(disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury
to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be
h.usghty and in ti acta We, when accidental or trifling
occasions o( dispute occur. Hence ftequrni roilisi
ons, oi stinate, envenomed «nd bloody contests. The
nation prompted by ill will and resentment, some
times impels to war the government, contrary to
the best calculations o| policy. The government
somet'ines participates in the national propensity,
and adopts through passion what reason would* re
j-ci; at other times it makes the animosity of the
nation subservient to projects of hostility instigat
ed by pride,'lud ambition und other sinister and per
melons motives. The peace often, sometimes per
haps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.
[ So likewise a passionate attachment »f one n itum
•or notliei piodu. es a --ar ety of e- its. Sv.n|wthy
lor the lavoiirile nation, facilitating the illus.on at
an Miutiinarv t oininon interest, m uses where no
| < oinnion int-rest exist-, and lvsina mt • one the
enmities ol ti e ot r, eirliys n e ho oier into a pa -
to ip..thm in ti e ijii " rel* .,Dfi w rs of the latter,
without aoe(|«nte inducement or j-s' fi. ation. T
lr ,ns uls,i to I'oiicevsums to tb* favourite nation of
privileges arnru/o others, which is apt doubly to
uijore it., n ti.*ii’i.-l,'n, thr concession ; by onnr
< tSS.iriK p-.ri|r>ii with hit out.at to have been re
tained : and y exciunt; jealousy, lib will, ,nd a dis
i position »<• retnh.'ir, m the p--.rti-.-s irom whom
“dual privil yes *r ■ vi11 hibi : arto u gives to am
'iith.us, corruot-tt, or-I Itulci citizens (who devote
i them#.'Ives to the Ihcoi.i tie nation) tacilUy to be
tray, 01 sacrifice the lut-re-its of their own country,
without odium, sometimes ev. o with popnlaritv >
uildtng with appear a lues of a virtuous -ens. ol ob
ligation a eomiro-n l.ilile deference mi publirk opini
on, or a b.u Mole zeal hir po' In k good, the base of
foolish compliances ol ambition, corruption or irt
tutHition.
As avenues to loretgrr influence »n the tnnnmera
Me vruj'5, such attachments aie particularly alarm
inj* to lire truly enlightened and independent patriot.
I low many opportunities do they afford to tamper
with drimestick factions, to practice the arts ol sc
duction, to mislead put,lie opinion, lo inihienre or
awe the public council*! Such an attachment of a
small or weak, towards ft great and powerful nation,
dooms tbe former to be tile satellite of the l. tler.
Against tbe insidious wiles of foreign inrtu-nce (l
conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jea
lousy of a free people ought to he constantly awake;
cilice histniy ami experience prove thpt foreign in
fluence is one ol t!ie moat'baneful lots of republican
government. Bat that jealousy, to be usr’i,i, must
he imparti .1 ; rise, it heroines the instrument ol the
verv influ, nee to be avoided, instead nl a defence a
gainst it. £xcessivt- p.nliahty for rue foreign nati
on, and excessive dislike ol another, cause those
whom they urtijate to s, e danger opiy on ll,e one
Side, -iud serve to vnl and even to second me arts
of influence on the other. Real patriots, who mav
resist the lull 1,/ues ol we favourite, are liable to be
come suspected and odious; while MS tools and
du| es U'i i"n the applause uni • ontidurce ol the peo
ple, tin surrender then niM-iests.
'I he great rnt- oi rortJu, t lor us, in regard to fo
reign Dali us, is in extrniiing ou> lonuurnal rela
tions, to have W’tfi tliein Ilk little political connec
tion ns possible. So laras we have aliearly formed
engapewients, let them be fulfilled with prrlerl good
fatti,. Here let us slop.
RtlTope lias a set of primary interests, which to
us i,«ve noue, nr h very remote relation. Hence
•he n,usl be engaged in trrquent controversies, the
causes of which me essmu-tlly foreign to our rod
cerns. Hence, therefore, ft,.must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordi
nary vicissitudes of her politicks, nr the ordinary
rombmattofts and collision* of her friendships nr
enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and
enables us to pursue a dilferent course. It'we re
main one people, under an efficient gov'erniniql, the
period is not lar oft', when we tuny defy material in
jury from external utinnyance ; when we may taki
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality! we
may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously
reaper led ; when belligerent powers, under the im
possibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not
lightly hazard the giviogiusprovocatn.il ; when we
may choose peace nr war, as our interest, guided by
justice, shall counsel.
Why forego Hie advantages of such a peculiar si
tuation ? Why quit our own, to stand upon Imeign
ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with
that of any part of Europe, entangle, our peace'ami
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rival
ship, interest, humour nr caprire ?
’Til our true policy to steer clear ol' permanent
alliances, with any portion of the lorttgn world ; so
far, I mean, as we are uow at liberty to do it; for
let me not be understood us capible of patronising
in.'idility to existing engagements. I bold the max
ins no less applicable to publick than to private af
faire, that honesty is always the best policy. Ire.
peaf it, therefore, let those engagements he observ
ed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is
unnecessary cad would Le nowise to extend the:*.
Takiug care always to keep ourselves, by suita
ble estauTuhrnents, on a respectable defensive pos
ture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances
far extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, libela) intercourse with all nations,
arc teriumuendad by policy, humanity and mteieei.
But even our commercial policy should Md au
equal an immwiial hand; neither seeking nor gram
SwMSHMot..* prefermrd^eiisultiu;
'enntp orfSafierce,
iog,* with power* set disc
Worder fugue trade a stable entfrie, to de.
Stcrc bants, sad to enable tl«
stntlfTv kopingin view ifowwtiv fwwniw paihrtl; ‘"£
»*°®* WW|<*«« frvojrs from another; ihilf5
>t must pay with a portion of its ioiJ.f «qrl*n«l W;
whatwer it May accept undet that character; * ‘
by sorh acceptance, it may ^laee itself inthe i
iition of having fnni equivalents for nominal
vours, and >#t of being reproached with ingratitS
for not giving more. There can be no greater er
ror than to expert, er calculate upon real faVouc
irom nation to nation. Tir an illusion which ert
p*rience must cure, which a just prat*
discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these rottn
srls of an aid and affectionate friend, I dart not
hope they will make the strong and lasting impm> ^
sion I could wish ; that they will confront the i
current of passions; or prevent our nation fro
running the course which has hitherto marked
destiny of nations, hut if I may even flatter myself,
tiiat they may he productive of some partial benefit,
some occasional good ; that they may now and then
recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn
against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism;
this hope will he a full recnmpence for the sotjviUi
for your welfare by which they, have been dictated?.”;
llow far, in thedisrharge of my official duties, £
have been guided hy the principles which have b#e*'
delineated, the puhlick records and hiher evidences,
of my conduct must witness to you »nd to the voild,’
l’o myself, the assurance of mv own ennteione* i*
myself, the assurance of my own conscience isi
that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided ty
them.
In relation to tlie still subsisting war in Europe,
my proclamation of the 22d April, 1793» is the ii>.
dex to my plant. Sanctioned by your approving
voire, and by that of your repressntativeg in boll*
houses ol congress ; the spirit of that measure con
tinually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts
to deter or divert me from it.
A tor deliberate examination, with the oid of thg ^
bett lights 1 cocld obtain, 1 was -.veil satisfied that jiflfl
our country, tinder all the circumstances of thg '■B
"ase, had a right In take, and was bound, in duty '
and interest, to take a neutral position—Having
taken it. I determined, as far as should depend tip
on me, to maintain it with moderation, prsever
unce, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right t* *
bo id this < undue t, it is n.>t necessarv un this uceta
sion to detail— I will only tihservc that, according
to rny understanding of the matter, that tight, s»
far from being d< nied by any ol the belligerent pue«
ers, has been virtually admitted by till.
The dtoy of holding a neutral conduct may ¥•
inferred, without any thing more, from the obliges
turn which justice and humanity impose on every
nation; in cases in which it is free to art, to main,
tain inviolate ;h» relations of peace andamity to*
waids other nations.
TV inducements of interest for observing that
conduct will best be referred to your own reflections
and experience. With me, a predominant motive
I: been to endeavour to gain lime to our country t»
settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to
orotfess, without interruption, to the.t degree
strength snd consistency which is necessary to giv»
hum inlv speaking, the command of its own fortune*.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminis
triition, I am unconscious of intentional error ; %
am nevertheless ton sensible of iny defrets hot |tT
think it probable that 1 may have committed many
errours. Whatever they may be, 1 fervently be
seech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to
which they may tend. I shall also carry wph ins
the hope that my country will never cease to vie^r
them with indulgence ; pod that, after forty-iiva
years of rny life deilicated to its service, with an p
:s?
right teal, the faults of incompetent abilities
be consigned to oblivion, as myself must toondta tp
th« mansions nf rest.
Relying onits kindness in tbis as mother things,
and actuated by that fervent love towards iij vrmrV
is so natural to a man who views in it the natiy*'
soil of himself and his progenitors for several gtbj*
rations; I anticipate with pleasing expectationtfret
retreat in which I promise myself to realize, with
out alloy, the sweet enjoyment uf partaking, iiTfljli
midst of my fellow citizens, the benign iofluenfe'et
good laws under a free government—the ever f*»
vnurite object of my heart, and the happy rew*
«s I trust, of our mutual carts; labours, andd
ge.s. •' >01 .
o! Washington.
United States, \?th September, 17£)t*.
LOST OR MISL/.ID, ''-W
The following LAW BOOKS?
4th> Volume of Robinson’s Admiralty Report*, '
5th do. Comyn’s Digest; Puwell’Vm Contract. >•> .<*'
ALSO,
The 9d, *th, and 12th Volume* of CARY'S AMERKJAU
MUSEUM; and a fdra edition of Pliny’s Natural History,
printcS in the Old English Black Letter, and in the rii|*
of Elizabeth or James 1.
I will tell very reasonable . i
The following LAW BOOKS: t
ft
VIB.
Bacon's Abridptnent, Gwillim’s Edition, ,
■ft
Yearn on Contingent Reinandej and Executory OcrUeR .
I'onhlane on Equity ; Espin*sscs' Nisi Prhis, '*
.lone’* Law of Bilment; Gilbert's Law of Eeidonctjjr'
'damsons Chancery Practice; Scllon’s Preclico toB. IU?
Mitfnnl’s Pleadings; Liiley’s Entries,
Petit ier on Obligations ; Powell on Let tract. •
These are mostly London, and the latest editions. ■
John Cmpcr^
h'* ». A
Jt—mMmmT
PLANTATION for Safe.
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County of Prlnyw Anne for aale. known by A*
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William M’chnon, containing 2?l \.t acre* :
land ia fertile ami well adapted to the girnv
Wheat, Barley. Indian Corn.; kc. Ate. and
by n one forgond pasturage. '/’3>«rfc« ©n^
JtittjWl evPrv I,ltd,ting necessary, and tbr* wh
fenced in. k j* situoted hr one of the lit-** hei-fti+tr
bo.rfla in \ lOMwa, and lym,. ens a brai.rii i.f.f
vet*,filter,
t (be Ircnt Fidt ;.ftd Oyntciw
bad m a1
A farther dcM-r'rfd'h-ii aHt
Adeemed
$£&&&# ^ ‘'
will parch
February 1*.