The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-01-04 00:00:00, page 2

‘f, - y. . o,.\#v«o *
connexion ; for the British.nation, noaffec
jlion. but such as I Cught to feel for all man
kind
rrnm that nation, wc have ei ‘‘.urcd many
wvougs, and made a^many complaints. But
all the pieuns .which tha wisdom of our go
vemment hashitberto devised, or her power
• executed, for Vedress, have proved ineffc c
tual 16 Jheattainments of that desirable «»b
ject, A different expedient, seems aow to
b«t contemplated- Ail communication, with
that government, through their minister in
this country, is now suspended, and the
way seems fast pi • paring for commencing
open and avowed hostilities with that nation.
How far the nature and magnunde of the
wrongs we have suffered, or the protect of
redress, by having recourse to war, can jus.
tifythe measure, deserves well to be consi
dered by those who are to make the decla
ration.
1 have no hesitancy in saying, that accord
W. to the common notions ot mankind upon
such subjects, (I am uot much fond of war
myself in any case.) the conduct of the
British, towards the people of this coun
try, has, in some instances, if not nanny,
been such as to justify forcible resistance ;
provided, from a due consideration or their
situation, and our own, we could have a ra
tinual prospect, by suuh resistance, of indue
Ing or compelling them to redress our wrongs
and restore our rights. Yet I am not prepai -
ed to say, that any thing has been done or
said by the British Minister to Mr. Secreta
ry Smith, so gross and insulting, so far as
can be discovered in their late correspon
dence, as tnjnstify the hasty, and, as 1 think,
injudicious step taken by our government,
much less to induce me solemnly to pledge
myself and the people whom 1 have the honor
to represent, to engage in so disastrous a
maasure, ns that of war, ns recommended
in these resolutions, if.necessary, to repel it,
however war, in the views of auv, might be j
justified on other grounds. What, sir,
shall we—shall a whole nation go to war?
Shall thousands of lives be lost, and millions
of hard enrntproperty be wasted, because
one man imagines, in which imagination he
may he, as I think in this case he must be,
mistaken, that another has made some re
presentations, or insinuations, that might
seem to affect his honor or character ? Are
you willing, sir, that our sons should thus
tail unpititd victims, at ambition’s shrine f
1 nope not sir.
I cannot admit, that such an insult was of
fcred by Mr Jackson, as has been imagined,
nor could I agree that such should be the
consequence, if it had been a fact.
P After turning over every page, and care
fully reviewing the whole of the correspon
dence between Mr.Smith and Mr. Jackson,
I have really failed to find what others think
they so plainly see,
Mr. Smith, in his letter to Mr. Jackson
of the 9th of October, calls on that minis
ter for a prompt and explicit explanation
of the grounds of refusal on the part of his
government Vo abide by the arrangement
lately made with his predecessor, Mr Ets
kine. Mr. Jackson, in his letter of the 1 ivh
of the same month, replies, that in his ex
amination of the records of Mr. Erskine’s
mission, he found no traces of complaint,
and that he did not hear any express unnun.
ciations of it in the several conferences he
had had with Mr Smith, on the part of the
U. States, of his majesty's having disavowed
the act of his minister in the case al
hided to ; and then candidly supposes, that
this want of cr inplaint by them, might be
owing to a consciousness that it would be un
reasonable to complain of the disavowal of
an act done under such circumstances as
could only lead to the consequences that had
followed. Wlmt were these circumstances,
as stated b) Mr. Jackson? They were
these—that Mr. Etskine had not only not
conformed with, but had acted in direct
contradiction to his instructions, in the ar
rangement he had made ; that these in
stn.ctions were contained in Mr. Canning’s
sivoj/uiv.M v««c x,s*iL oi January, aim
that that despatch contained the only instate
tif-ns Mr. lirskine had received relating to
that subject, and that those instructions had
been made known in substance, though not
ik extenso to the American government._
Now, can the mev jealous eye discover any
thing in these assertions of Mr. Jackson,
that could be offensive to the most squofim
it>h stomach ? Unless it be in 'he last, and
that Mr. Smith confesses to be true; and
yet, some how or other, seems strangely to
imagine, that they contain some inadmissible
insinuations, and premonishes him aga ' st
a repetition. In answer to this, Mr. Jack
son says, that he had been careful to avoid
drawing conclusions that did not necessarily
follow from the premises he had advanced,
and not to utter an insinuation, where he*
was unable to substantiate a fact. Mr. Smith
hsd asserted, that our government had no
knowledge that what was made known of
the despatch of the 23d of January, was the
only authority Mr. l-.rskine had to make (lie
arrangement in question; and yet, by inti
matit g an opinion, that his general autho
rity as minister plenipotentiary was sudici
ent, seems to admit, that he might m>t have
had any other special authority for the [im
pose. Mere it would not be strange, it the
Lmy meddling mind of man shnnld suggest
in enquiry, liow it should come to pass,That
authorities or ins'ructions th t weic inexhi
bited and unknown, should be substituted
a* the basis of an important arrat-getr'-nt
in the place of those that were exhibited
discussed ami rejected? If none had been
* xhlbited, and found to be inadmissible it
would not appear so s'range, if the greet al
authority had been relied on. Mr. J fkson
however, no where asserts, that i can find’
that our government knew, a' the time of
the arrangement with Mr. F.rskine, that
he had no other instructions or authorities
to make it, than such as were exhibited but
simply, that he knew such to have been the
fact, and a fact to which lie felt hintaelf
bound a rcpul. tisly, to adhere, in order to
vindicate the. honor and dignity of his go
vernment, whenever it* good faith might
•e called in question upon that point.
In all this I can see nothing but severe
civility. And vet this Ik made the <,rCmion
tor suuUcul/ breaking off i f a corre-poiul
em.e that might have itd however dubious
•the pro.pect in the beginning (f it tn a„
amicable adjustment < t all the points in dis
pute bet een the t wo count l ies, and we are
now called upon to piopare onr.rlves for
war to avenge the imaginary affmnt Not
to get re.In , for the wrongs w._ have
ed nor to regain ntr ctnimt rvial rights * lor I
v*o not perceive that#.;, oftbeso M.ojc.t’s are
embraced by the. r;->. i r‘ir.ns To u », ,<
fcir, while I feel that 1 r.n Amc . • j
w« old not agree 10 submit to the cr-ii<b • ,
e .ii'Rii,* .) io the d« vp , Cj, to yf. j i- r i
••f the 23-J 11 J emiry. rt, <1 which we Vs .d |
beta vpwjwa uy «^r gwvtrrm.cLt,1
bat Mr. Jaclcsnn Intimates at least, that the ,
object of »he British government might be j
attained by the substitution of some others I
less exceptionable. At any r^te, if we can-!
not, at present, have the offer of terms, that]
can be considered by us as admissible, on
which to form the basis of a treaty with the
British government; if we r.aunot, at pie
sent, make any treaty at till with them, we
ought not to be hasty in going to wav.
It is a plain dictate of reason and to lie
found among the precepts of revelation, that
any nation even under the greatest pres
surie, before they go to war, should count
the cost. We should estimate the losses to
which war with the British may expose, us,
as well as the amount of our probable gain,
hs also the means in our power of gaining
any thing at all. That sentiment contained
in the President’s message to Congress at
the opening of this session perfectly accords
with my own, that in the midst of the wrongs
and vexations experienced from external,
causes, there is much room for congratulati
on on the prosperity and happiness flowing
from our situation at heme, and it may lie
added that since, by the indulgence of our
own government, our citizens have been
permuted to return to that commerce, to
which they have been accustomed, and with
which they ares* much delighted, theiren
terprizes have been rewarded by pretty tud
pie returns of gain from abroad. As an evi
dence of this we need only look into our great
sea-ports, and view the hurry and zeal with
which our merchants are preparing and J
sending their vessels to sea, fearing iigw
restrictions and embarrassments from our
own government, more than any orders or
decr«*s originating in foreign countries_
So that amidst nil our difficulties, our de
sires do not more exceed our enjoyments,
than these exceed those of every othe" peo
ple in the world. To the loss of many, if
not all these advantages and blessings, a war
would expose us. And where would he our
gain? The worst passions of the human
heart tfcould be called into action, and we
should have an increase of nothing but pb
verty and vice. But it may here be worth
[enquiry, what are our means of going to
war? The philosophers of our age and na
tion have taught us to expect that the hap- ]
py time would souii come when the unpro
fitable contest of trying which could do the
other the most harm would yield to the s»u
pei lor rorce oi reason, rlence tne policy ol
<7l»r government has not been to make nnv
considerable preparations for war. Our ex
perienerd warriors, though eminent, are
lew ; the rest retnain to he trained to the
art, and perhaps to be born. Ttic timber
lor rearing up an important navy is yet in
our forests and perhaps in the acorn. And
I wish we might never have occasion to call
for the former or procure th latter. Shall
we then in this situation go to war with a
nation, who, for centuries, have made war
their trade? Shall we undeitake tocapture
the ships cf a nation who have it in their
power efficiently to blockade all our ports
from Georgia to Maine, and in thecourte of
a few months to sweep fiom the ocean eve
ry vessel we may venture from our liar
bors ?
But if we were to go to war with Britain
and could promise ourselves success in hum
bling the pride of that haughty nation,
should we not in hastening her downfall, ac
celcrate the period when we should htcome
the humble vassals of the great master of
the world ; and then the wrongs we should
have to endure would no longer go under the
mild name oftrexfiasaea. YVe should apply
a harsher term, if allowed to give them any
name at all.
It may be enquired what then shall we
do? Shall we become slaves to Britaip for
fear of the shackles of imperial France?_
Shall we voluntarily submit to the unreason
able demands of the one under an apprehen
sion of the severe tyranny of the other?_
The answer must he, no. YVe will never a
gree to he wretched. Wc will give noquit
claim to any thing to which we are entitled.
But not madly refuse to enjoy any because
we cannot at present enjoy all. Because we
eannoc now, wun saiety, traverse trie ocean
every whereat pleasure, shall we abandon
it entirely, and burn all our vessels for :ea>
of losing them? This would be like tbe
felly of the man, who having had some ti es
passes committed cn his plantation, should
magnanimously resohe to fly tothe inoun
'ains and give up the whole. I would not,
in madness, make a voluntary surrender of
my cornfield, merely because my orchard
had been robbed. Let us make the most of
every advantage still in our power. If it be
the policy of foreign governments to lay un
just restrictions on our commerce abroad,
let it he the policy of ours to see that it is not
shackled with too much regulation at home;
leaving our citizens to the quick sighted
guidance of private interest, and tliev will
soon find the path to wealth. The wealth of
individuals will become the wealth of the
community, to ’"hich they belong In this
way we shall grow rich, as a nation. li cit
es will enable us to be richer still, and be
ing richer still, we shall have the power, and
hav'-ngthe power shall not want the disposi
1 <*r to acsert all our l ights ; so shall we be
come a great and flourishing nation, and so
may we continue until old time like Samp
son in his wrath «hail pluck the pillars that
support the world.
It is because I think, and think honestly,
that the adoption of these resolutions would
have a tendency to bring on a cloudy, if not
stormy day, and deprive ua of these delight
ful prospects, that I cannot give them the
sanction of my vote.
(Debu'e to be continued. J
Df.cemb kr 29.
Mr. Holland appeared and tuck his scat.
Mr. Lewis presented the joint petition of
I the levy court anti cot pot ation of Alexandria,
I stating the situation ft the jail of the county,
land praying assistance from the general go
| vern me it to build a new jail—Referred,
j Mr Taylor, from the committee appointed
to enquire Into the circumstances al hided to
• letter of I. A Coles to the Speaker of
this House, made the following report:
The Committee appointed to enquire into
the circumstance attending the orcurrcu
cr*a lulled to in the letter a/ Ml. J. T.
Tales (• the Speaker of this House :
KEI’ORT
I hat according toorderthe) have taken
into consideration the subject referred to
them ; that in making the proposed enquiry
they have taken the depositions of the hon
orable James I urner a Senator of the United
i States, and of Air. S irnuei Spring, which de
pfisttions tlity beg leave to report to the
House,
I rom these depositions it was established
o the vitufactory belief ot your cnnimitiee,
hat A* r. I. A. (,>'es without any immediate
previous ■ llercalit.n nr provocation, did as
•»a,dt and »tr;kc a h,on.ber of .his'louse,
l’♦*** '*ahi wn.go.ihe Ca
pitol; tliat this act was done on Monday the
2Ah ult. abuut 1 •’clock P. M. nnd after this
House had adjourned over to the tallowing
day.
That from the assertions of Mr. Coles and
from the actual admiksion of the member as
saulted. ycur committee were satisfied that
the provocation or supposed provocation
which occasioned the arttack did not arise
from anv thing said or from any act done by
the member of tliis House in the fulfilment
of his duties as a Representative in the Con
gress of the U, S
Your committee are of opinion that this
latter circumstance may be received in ex
ten nation, but cannot be admitted in justifica
tion of the act done by Mr Coles—And from
all the circumstances of the case they are of
opinion that said assault and violence offered
to the member was a breach of the privileges
of this House.
Your committee further report, that they
have considered the letter of Mr. Coles to
the Speaker of this House, together with
another letter from Mr. Coles addressed to
the chairman of your committee (which they
also beg leave to report to the House.) that
these two letters, in the opinion of vonr com
mittee, do contain acknowledgements and
apologies on the occasion, which ought to be
admitted as satisfactory to the House. They
therefore recommend the following resolu
tion .
i Reaolvrd, That any further proceeding
n the above case is unnecessary.
7’o the Hon. John Taylor, Chairman of the
« Committee, U*c. ‘O'o.
Sin,
Understanding that the declaration,
which I had the honor this morning to m&ke
before the Committee, would be more accept
able, if put in the written form, I hasten to
comply with what I believe to be their ‘wish,
in tendering, through them, to the House of
Representatives, the renewed assurance
“.that if 1 could have supposed, that the
circumstance alluded to in my letter to the
Speaker, would have been construed into a
breach of the privilege of the House, it
would not have occurred attha time, and in
the place where it unfortunately happened.”
With sentiments of grtat respect,
I am, your obedient,humble tcev’t,
I. A. COLES.
Dec. 28, 1809.
The Hon. John Taylor, lz?c.
Ordered to lie on the table.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON.
The House resumed the consideration of
the unfinished business, being the resolution
from the Senate. 'The motion for indefinite
post poHement. yet tinder consideration—
Messrs. Pitkin, Quincy and Gardenier
supported it ; and at 4 o’clock Mr. Liver
more commenced a spcec.lt ; when he hav
ing given wav for the purpose,
A motion was made to adjourn, and car
ried, 53 to 51.
December 30.
On motion of Mr. Dawson, the report
yesterday nn*de by ?v1r. Taylor, was order
ed to be primed ; and on utc ir :i ot Mr. Stan
ford, it was referred to a committee of the
whole.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON.
The House resumed the consideration of
! the unfinished business. Mr. Poindexter
and Mr. Rh:a spoke against the motion for
indefinite postponement; and, at 4 o’clock,
a motion was made to adjourn, and carried.
‘©amende.
Bai.timokk, December 30.
Extract of a letter to the Editor, dated
Washington, Dec. 23.
The executive, it is strongly asserted,
i and believed, will very shortly recommend
' measures preparatory to a vindication oi
our rights and honor by the sword. A ca
! binet council has, in all probability, been
j held upon the subject.—American.
THE WATCH WORD.
There is a rumor, that energy will be the
watch-word at Washington the next week.
; Whether it be mere show and sound, 01
, submission to the war hawks, we arc- not
j prepared to say. Put rumor whispers sc
j loud this time, that it becomes our duty tt
i afford the hint..../vrf. (lazette.
Fortune’* Frolic ks—This morning, the
two high prizes in the Baltimore College
Lottei y came out, one*of 20.000 dollars tt
Messrs. Dobbin 8c Mi’rmiy, Printers and
Boook sellers of this city—the other, simu
amount, to the scheme, not having been
sold.
EXTRACT—DATED
London, Oot. IS, 1809.
Yon have the less to regret, in not having heart
so often from me, when you reflect on the gen*
ral concurrence of our opinions, and that wo h vt
for the most part viewed the causes operating ir
Europe through nearly the same inpdium, ant
hare scarcely ever haen disappointed in our t*x
pectaiion of their effects. As it rsspects Europe
the outline I gave you six m tilths ago is filled up
Ansin*! vanquished, at. the mercy of the victor
but instead of annihilation, permitted to sign :
treaty of peace ; the particulars not yet publish
ed, but their tenor and their tendency we arc
no loss to anticip !e. Europe, under the em ir*
control of Francs, will soon have the scene of tin
continent closed, and Spain and Portugal *vil
ore long he at rest, probably under new names
You ask how long will the council* i f this conn
try have the complexion of infatuation and insa
mty ? It is a serious question and diliv ult t'
answer.—Hi* most giscions m ijesiy, Gemgc thi
third, iias reigned now neatly foity-nine year*
*nd how much longer this mercy may he extend
ed to this lavore.d nation, who can presume i«
conjecture f
With respect to the conduct of the minis!n
here, in their negot iations with your represent:*
fives whether on the spot, or more distant, thrj
seem to have exhibited a degree <d CSll^wf ;-*!*• v
You have almost uniformly complained of luhlfM
on, ami because it is presumed you h.tv<.* cxn'oj
diced it; and the last ground of your complaint
the delusion by Mr. Erskine (if it he by him) car
leave you in no doubt, of what you ait: to c.\;»e*
from such ministers m future. The quarrel* o
one or two and their retirement from tn« cabinet
while the principal agents of llm system rein in
or retain their influence, will j roducc* no materia
alteration. There arc several w hose prejudice*
or lather perhaps dimity, having cxi i *g oils
you trmn t:ie birtii ot your empire, anu having »
decided influence in die councils here, msv b«
considered as tlie prime mover* of every arran- e
ment respecting your country. At lb ■ head V
ti'is cl.«*.s you may suppose G'-m ;c Kofle, who i>
I c.oo*ulerc<l, in feet, a* the trade m * i*- ter, alt ho'
he is not the chairman ot that hoitil, and who ii
o;u.* ot th< steady discod's of *• existing circiim
s antes " lie lias hem d.-ycr bed as atw -y* mi
ir<t:i.ig cunning for wisdoir. i on 1 havisig by d.
I »«‘rmer sucreftlcd beyond Ids tion, as t*
*' s own p-.-tmui i. c inccrii i or In*- p-tnlic, ami hi
, ; Ian i« to vii f.uiiisnibc yon, as ficus “oxiditi
| cu e rrr, iiifrs ’ will pei m., w ii bin colonial IiD
it*»a'id nolto tube.you to ruve ;uiy i-.terr'wr*.
with the enemy, but by British licence !—What- ■
aver concession ciicu instances uv>y iixlutc »p«(i
this j/tinciple, you wiillrrmtte to uece** y, n-»t
choice, and this vour Vie. Timothy Pick -ring, 1
S'ljijHise, wiU think perfectly ri<‘>* !—The *•>
point ment of M Jackson is in complete oonsia
(racy. It inspired hut little hope here of amica
ble adjustment, ; <1 tho«e who wish the pence
snd prosperity ol le*th countries, regret that n
Tian, at 1 *ast, less exceptionable, lutd not been se
lected.
We nye waiting in daily expectation of hear.
log what has been the progress ot his mhtfioii_
"ftie conduct of Mr. Erskuie I ins been. I think
•u uniform proof of Sis sincerity, and that he had
complete authority tor all he did ; but he pos
stbly was intended to be a sacrifice to the cun
ning of tbe system 1 What would have been
tlie language and conduct, had the expeditious to
Spain and Flanders suocceued, you can easily
estimate What d:s-sp >o»n;inent, disgrace, ami
humiliation, may nrodace, remains to be seen;
but at no period within the memory of man, was
this country ever under an administration so
weak, and 60 contemptible, in public estimation,
as at present, lam obliged to you firth* Au
rora’s ; 1 have read much in 111 :m with pleasure,
and have sometimes endeavored to communicate
some ol their illumination to the public. Mr
l&rskiue’s application on the subject of this pa
p *r was ill advised; but it \v_h an additional
proof of his conviction, that what he had done
would he confirmed.
There lu*s be**n no communication l>etween
gen. Armstrong and Mr. l*i:iki»ey, for seme
months past i though colonel Washington Mor
ton of New York, has been in Fr »nce under the
name of-• messenger; he is now in France, but
expected soon here What is likely to be the
decision there, we know hot; the return of toe
emperor fiom his northern triumph, may accele
rate it.
Your embargo breakers, who came to this
country, were almost In all respects disappointed
—the markets wcee glutted ; fk thy were perton
alt. neglected andtlenpiaed. The most elevated and
notorious < f them should not return unnoticed hy
your jjovrrnnient! It will give me pleasure to
bear from you, of your health ami prosperity, as
well as tin* prosperity of t’our country, a id which
I have no doubt will be cherished and its inde
pendence supported hy your present administra
tion.—Aurora.
EtlOM THE REPUBLICAN ARGUS.
Mr. Jfuston—I find it so repeatedly de
nied by the friends of Great Britain, that
the Milan and Berlin decrees were provo
ked by the previous misconduct of the Bri
ttsh government, that I am tempted to send
yon h brief statement of the facts in order
of time.
1st. Previous to the actual declaration of
war between France and Great Britain, the
latter country gave orders to capture all vos
sels of whatever nation !ade;i with provisions
and hound to French coa.--.ts ; this was made
o te of the subjects of complaint in the French
declaration of war, February 1st, 1793._
This interdiction of provision vessels wns
again enforced by instructions of June 8th,
1758.
2dly. On the Pth of April, 1806, under the
administration of Charles Fox and Lord
Grenville, Mr. Fox wrote to Mr. Monroe,
that his majesty had judged it expedient to
establish the most rigorous blockade at the
entrance of the Ems, the Weser, the Elbe
and the Trave, tmd to enforce the same in
the strictest manner.
5dly. On the 16th of May, 1806, Mr. Fox
) wrote to Mr. Monroe that his majesty had
thought lit to extend the blockade, to all the
coast, ports and rivers of France from the
Elbe to Brest.
4thly. The French waited patiently for
six months and five days before they reta
liated by the Berlin decree of November 21,
1806.
5thly. On January 7th and March 12th,
1807, the British interdicted the coasting
trade of France and her dependencies to
neutrals. In October of the same year,
she promulgated tiie recalling proclamation
of the 16tii and by consequence the seizure
and impressment of our seamen. On the 11th
of November, issued the first set of ih«: well
known orders in Council; on the 26tii the
rest.
I wiiiiv. \/»i iiur wui wee. Aouf, r.nri not
before, the French were provoked into the
Milan decree.
7lhlv. On the 17th of April, 1808, passed
me lYtvone decree!
8(h!v. On the 26 h of April, 1809,. the
blockade modifications of the British orders
of January and November, '07, wereadop
ted in consequence of the mistake be
tween Mr. Fisk on nod our government!
In the above enumeration, I have noted
the principal, but by no means all the viola
tinns on neutral and belligerent rights
adopted by Great Britain. Mr. Madison’s
message of the 21st December 1808, con
inins many more, particularly relating to
blockade ; for instance, the blockade of all
the ports of Holland, 22d March, 1799, in
structions concerning blockades, coinmuni
| catrdby Mr. Met .y, April 12, 1804, the
’ blockade of Curacoa, Feccamp, &c. all of
.hem paper blockades, some in whole, others
n par*. and all preceding the Milan decree.
But the above is sufficient to shew who was
, the aggressor.
C.
Communication from, the Whig.
Mr. lavine,
Unfounded rumors oi'i«n travel from
jirer.n to pres*., therm.;!ioul the Union ; and none
s Inure so thnn that i upecling (loncr.'l Wilkin
son, published hi a 1* terstiiirg paper A mrrr-a
poiv em at Washington informs me, tti.it lie it
ue<iei -d thither, to » tM: up certain allegations,
’ wi;i h 1 wisli he in.iv he dde to do. Delicacy
voulrl huve. l -i this affair rest—but, error ought
n,*t to be circulated unchvckt
NO nURRITE.
Philadelphia, D"C. 29.
COLONIAL DFFFNDFNCK.
There is a report in circulation thismor
jning, that tlier>» are, at this hour, for sale in
j this city, Bill IT.SH LiGFiNGKS. Towliat
| a depth of degradation are we. fallen? Will
I the people f >ld their arms and cry “ilifTlo
more sleep and a little inure s' tuber,” while
their belt interests and their dearest rights
are sacrificed to the fears of men who love
, (their dollar* m ire than thair country ? Is
itnor time for the people to meet and in
struct t'lrir representatives? La »d vprxu
lators ami Yazoo claimants are occupying the
time of(Jnr.greis, while the nation bleeds at
every pore. Let Penn ;ylv..nm ii struct her
representation, and if her instructions pe not
I faithfully obeyed, let her put away all her
unworthy servants. — Dan. I1 re**.
/Cxtract of a letter from Copenhagen, da
fed, Ocfohrr 16,
The Itm J dm Quincy .ddim* arrived a
few a ay ft ago a’ h.iuincur, on hi* ■n’t tc
Siut^ t: the ,4a: rici/ns detained here hit
mediwctu eorotc him a letter, tnciting (tin
up to (lap. nh/i) n to h ’iir their »i'Uu ’i mu
/a eoTH-t'juert't oj *.tfd Infer, hr cum/ >’i*ri
—I had an interview with him ; he hat
wen Count Berrtst ff, and mg «•.< cur Cau
iul to attend to hi* duty at .drrmr.-n Coti - *
sul in our bcha'f—what effect it will Move* •
time alone will determine. / have tube
(earnedthat the ship Jamet, of Acxv York,
from Sligo in ballast, bound to St. Peters
burg and detained by the Gun Boats, it con
demned. I have not yet seen the sentence,
but it is said to be on account qj a breach
of the A'oti-Intercourse Itrtv, she having
gone into Sligo before the 16rA qf June.
j1 late statistical view of Great Br' ditt
represent* Scotland as divided into third-,
three counties or shires, which arc subdi
vided into 843 parishes, containing 412,7ZS
houses, inhabited bu 849.381 males 'and
879.379 females, a total of 1.629.895 souls,
xvhich together with an estimate of 14000
inhabitants from i parts xvhich have ren
dered no returns, gives 1,943.893 per
sons as the entire population of Aorth
Britain.
Wales is divided into 12 shires, contain
ing 111,501 houses, 257,178 males. 284,367
females, forming a total of 541,546 inhtbi
tants, being about two thirds of the popula
tion of London.
The population of Ireland is estimated aP
4,300,000 inhabitants.
The United Kingdom is calculated to con
tain 16.804.159.
The population bf the Island of Great
liritain in 1700 amounted to 6 523,000 in
habitants, and in 1800. to 11,314,128 per
sons. giving an increase, during the last
century, of 4,791.138 souls. Query How
many of them rnjoy th6 natural rights of
man in society ?
RICHMOND, JANUARY 4. lSio.
•VIE W S
OF THE CORRESPOATDEACE, Wc
No. II.
THE THREE CONDITIONS,
AS
STATED IN THE CORRESPONDENCE, StC?
We have seen in what way these three
conditions sprung from the sophistic inge
nuity or mistakes of Mr Canning. When
these propositions were found to be unac
ceptable to nur government—there was at
least a reasonable presumption, that they
would never he re-urged in any shape whate
ver, on the part of the British government.
The courtesy, due from one nation towards
another, would have dictated this mark of
respect. The sol-- excuse, which was as
signed for the first mention of them, did
not exist to justify their repetition. The
government of the U. S had shown ho*- fil
lacious was the supposition that the proposi
tions were acceptable to them—from their
resolute rejection of these prepositions.
It is admitted, that these three condi-ions
| wero not again proposed through the mouth
| of Mr. Jackson—for as that minister uas
| the modesty to say, “his majesty havi ig
afterwards ascertained, that the sentiments
of the American government were so differ
ent from what they were at first understood
to be, I was not instructed to rer.ew to you
l those projioftalti ; nor to press upon your
acceptance an arrangement which had been
ho recently declined, especially as the ar
rangement itself is less applicable to tit*
state of things now existing.” But does it
thence follow, that these con litiens were tob#
lost sight of by Mr. J —that they were not
to tie him up from the* acceptance of any
arrangement, which might be offered on th*
part of the U. States—that though he was
nor.to come forwa?d with them, yet that he
was to do any thing without them ? On ex
amination of the correspondence., it will, in
reality, appear, that these propositions are
eternally mingling themselves with the views
of the British minister—and like an evil
spirit, intersecting the path of the neg'icia
tioii—blasting and withering up every hope
l of adjustment.
It is not very easy, indeed,to understand
the propositions and view* of the minister.
There is a wantofprcciainn in his language,
which outstrips even the usual forms of di
plomatic phrase.
He has wrapped himself up in a mass of
ve' bage, and indefinite phrases. His term*
are not distinctly developed. And in some
passages, he seems to have resortvd to con
tradictory expressions. This is a serious
charge indeed against the Plenipotentiary cf
his Britannic Majesty—but what are we to
conceive of the following phrases, extracted
from his correspondence with Mr, Smith?
Do they not furnish strong evidences of the
prevaricating and contradictory turn of the
IJritish minister f
“ Such, sir.” says Mr. J. in his letter of the*
11th Oct. “ are the grounds on which it
has appeared to his majesty to be unneces
sary to command me to propose to the go
vernment of the United States any formal
agreement to be substituted for that which,
his majesty has been under the necessity of
disavowing; but I am directed to receive
nnd diacuaa with you any proposal which
voii may be authorized to make to me on
this bead.”
These terms are certainly of a very li
mited meaning—they tie up the minister
from any powers of concl iding an arrange
ment with this government—they empower
him merely to rrreive and diacuai, which
are only preliminary operations—they do
not extend to the rinse of a negotiation—
the silence of Mr. J on on this head, is there
fore calculated to prixlnce an impression,
that hi*powers were preliminary only, like
those ot Hammond in 1791, and by no mean*
of a full and conclusive character.
It is in this light, that these expression*
were viewed by our own government, a*
clearly appears from the reply of Secretary
•Smith of the 19th Oct. “ On the subject
of the Order* in Council, the President per
ceives, with sentiment* of deep regret, that
your instructions comen plate, neither an
explanation ut the refusal of your govern
ment to'ulfil the arrangement of that branch,
of life exis mg d’ff fences, nor the substitu
tion of any other plan of adjustment, nor
any authority to conclude anv a ;ref mrnt on
the subj :ct, bat merely to receive ami discus*
proposals, that urglit be made to you ou
the part of tite U States; nnd these, u ap
pears, must include a s ipulution on the part
,»1 the U S. tori’ inpiish he trail**, with iho
enemies’ co! • lies, even :u branches not hi
therto inter mpte l by , m dt ord i sf*r c.i *•
fine, and also a sane ion to ci lorcmgof uu
ai t of Cong css by 'he li i i*h n..w . ’
In the rauir i. iiiteil li jbf, were lhn f o
*nded iiikitc. i m to the future minister
,ei r.ungly viewed by the 111 it.s i g iwiuincnt
.■'•«)*'—tor wh-u *a)» ,vir, C-moiii , to .Mr.
I’tnkney in his letter of .Via !Z7th f •• fi.ir i
observations wiU bo coin mu meat id .p.oj