The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-03-02 00:00:00, page 3

fences against the stale ; but surely Ame
rica cannot complain, if, in our conduct to
Wards her, we adopt her example ; yet per
haps, nothing will so strikingly exhibit to
the world the falsity of her amicable pro
fessions, as her own complaints of acts, which
are only retaliations upon her fora line of
conduct evidently dictated by a hatred which
she dares not avow.
Chari.kston, February 20.
We learn by a gentleman who left New
% Orleaoson the 2d inst. that two days before
he sailed, intelligence was received by tiie
Spanish Consul at that place, from the Span
ish provinces in South America, stating that
a serious insurrection existed in the Provin
ces of Mexico ami Quito. That the people
were divided into three parties viz. the
Natives, the French party, and the party at- i
Inched to the government of Ferdinand the I
Vllth. The Native party was composed of
all the Creole Spaniards in those Provin
ces together with the Aborigines of the
country, and was by far the most powerful;
the French and Ferdinand 7th parties, were
about equally balanced. Much blood had
already been spilt, and as the animosity of
the parties against each other was excessive,
it was expected that much more would flow.
It was the general opinion, however, that J
the commotion would eventuate in nothing
ghort of the independence of the country.
Courier.
Nenv York, February 23.
' A singular occurrence took place in the senate
to-d 'y. Dewitt Clinton was presented with a chal
lenge- from Gge Clarke, a British subject and
large laud-holder in this state. The senate have
taken the business in hand, and appointed a
committee to investigate it, with full power to
bring the offender to punishment, who will un
doubtedly be committed. The challenge was
occasioned by an expression which dropped from
Mi Clinton,"while on the floor of the house, on
the impropriety of foreigners holding lands in this \
country, and that the said Clarke had been
oppressive to his tenants. Time will not permit
me to give you the particulars. The leds will
defend Clarke—Columbian.
The Fontainbleau decree of October 29th’
which we published a few weeks ago. pro
hibiting under severe penalties the importa
tion or exportation of colonial produce at
Hamburgh, was issued in consequence of the
smuggling practised there. It seems that 5
or 600 women were engaged by the mer
chants of Hamburgh daily toconvey into the
city, coffee and other produce concealed be
neath their garments; An immense quan
tity found its way into the warehouses of the
dealers by this curious expedient.
™ inquirer.
RICHMOND, MARCH 2, 1310.
FEDERAL TRICKS, *cc.
CASE I.
Brown, Collector of Orleans.
The former Collector died, under the last
adruiuisn alien, His family were left in a
state gf indigence and dependence. The
merchants of the City, penetrated by com
passion for the family of the unfortunate, as
well as respect for the character of the bro
ther-in-law, petitioned tor his appointment.
The character of the candidate was without
blemish or suspicion. There was “not a
soul in the community, who doubted his
honesty.”—He was ajifiointcd.
The means of corruption were not left
in his hands—the censure, cast upon the ad
ministration for leaving so large a treasure
in his chest, is unfounded—yet the peculiar
stace of commerce required, that ample re
sources should be placed under his care——
the embargo had accumulated large stocks
of goods at Orleans—to pay off the deben
tures for drawbacks on this merchandize,
which should be exported, after the repeal
of the embargo, it was necessary that«on
siderable funds should be at the command of
the collector—the duties that had been paid,
on the ships Baltic and Eleanor alone, ex
ceeded 100,000 dollars—there was not mo
ney enough in the Orleans chest—the re
mote situation of that City rendered the re
mission ot money, from time to time, as it
was wanted, impossible—there was no other
resource thantogivea draft on the branch
bank of N Orleans.
The draft was accompanied by vigilant
precautions.——It was limited to 100,000
dollars, of which no more was to be drawn
than “ may be necessary in addition to the
monies already in, and which might” subse
quently come into the hands of the Collector.
1 iiese sums were to be replaced by the ve
ry first monies subsequently received.
1 iie sums, drawn for, were to be noted at
the foot of the weekly returns of the of_
fire.—Mr. Saul, cashier of the bank, is put
on bis guard by similar intimations.
Io one (lay, the whole sum of 100,000 dol
lars is drawn from the bank by Brown. On
the very day thi> intelligence reaches the
Secretary of the Treasury, he writes to the
Collector and Cashier—He tells the former
to refund into the bank, whatever sums are
in his hands—lectures him upon his negli
gencr, and uecia’es weakly returns to be
indis/iensable. The Cashier is informed of
the instructions to the Collector, to refund
any part of the sum, not already paid away
lor dcoentures.
Befo’e tiles'* despatches arrive. Brown
lias eloped with the money of the United
States.—A man, who “was looked up to
as a model of honesty and correctness in his
office,” flies lorn his duty—a husband, just
married to an interesting Creole, leaves his
wife behind him—virtue, reputation, all the
tics of blood, affinity and duty, are suddenly
■snapped-who could have expected these
phenomena to happen ? Who would have
dreamt of laying the sins of such adelin.
<|uent at the door of the government? No
thing but personal or political prejudices
could have obliterated these obvious distinc
tions of reason.
M hat did the federalists do? They la
vished their censures upon the government,
who had appointed him —who had left so
much money in Ins hands. But this wasnot
ail: i faith of the government wnspledg
»*d to the bank for re-itnbursement—these
gentlemen wished to break the public kith.
Surely the b.inkwat not toblamr—but they
wished the bank to suffer.——When the Ap
propriation lfitl came before the Senate,
-Mr, Lloyd arose, and was impudent e
noiigh tom*ve to strike out the lOv.OOO dol
I ■ • apj9,-c*pri:i?ed for the reimbursement
/u 'hr ;[;sproposition was support
by federal votes-—Public fuifh was tri
,J up'nant—>1 motion of Mr Lloyd was
io‘ goan i% rejected* Yet these ere tne men
W’.ioc-at aaiucli about public credit and
.national faith.
CASK II.
Baltimore Whig.
The Whig, a firm, intelligent, republican
print, consents to publish two or three pie
ces, under the signature of •• Messenger.”—
| These pieces are peculiarly obnoxious tothe
Republicau tenets- They propose to infuse
more energy into the arm of the Executive—
and to elect an hereditary President.
These heresies should never have been
published—but Mr. livine, much as lie abo
minates the sentiments, thinks it right to
shew to the people the lengths to which some
men in this country are prepared to go, fit
to shew to Congress, the bold 8c extrava
gant projects which may arise out of their in
decision 8c imbecility. The arrow, however,
is divested of its barb. Mr. 1. protests a
gainst the pieces at the time he prints them
—declares that they are not his—and ac
companies them with the severest strictures
which could flow from the indignant pen of
a Republican.
All these precautions, however, are una
vailing—the misrepresentations of federal
ists never sleep—These pieces travelled on
to Albany—here a jemmy sort of a fellow
who conducts the Balance of that city,
pounces upon them with avidity, divests
them of the Editorial head and strictures,
and finally presents them naked to the world
as the sentiments of the Baltimore Whig.—
The trick takes-The whole stye of prin
ters is in an uproar. The thing gruns like
wild fire, through their columns. “ See
here,” they cry, ** the sentiments of the
Whig-see here the spirit of tlie demo
crats, /• / how eager they arc for a mon
archy—these pieces are only put out to
feel the pulses of the people—if they are
calm and unmoved, you will see how ea
gerly the democrats will declare for a king.”
It is in vain, that the Whig exposes these
outrageous lies with success-it is in vain
! that he states that the pieces are not his
own, but those of a pious divine—the stra
tagem is too good a one to be dropped. The
federal prints are not even fair enou gh to
republish the contradiction, and tell their
readers the truth. Yet these arc the prints,
which boast so much of their honorable
candor and regard to truth.
CASE HI.
Minister to Spain.
When the Appropriation bill is laid before
thejH. of It. it embraces n clause providing for
the appropriation of 9000 dollars for a min.
ister to Sptin. In vain does the thing speak
for itself—that Don Onis was not received,
because he was the only minister of one of
the parties, then engaged in a contest for
the throne-because there was no govern
ment in Spain, it was a mere contest for the
governrnent——that as soon as this contest
was settled, whether in favor of Ferdinand
or of Joseph, it was proper to have a minis
ter at Madrid-that wherever the case
can be foreseen, the appropriation ought al
ways to precede the expenditure-and
that the present Congress should make
the appropriation, as it may be requisite
before the meeting of the next. It is in vain
that these truths are avowed in the H. of R.
-that the Republicans declare it is not
the intention of the Executive to send an
immediate mission to Madrid-but to a
wait until the contest is over, and a govern
ment is established in Spain-It is in vain
that the federalists do not deny, in such an
event, that the U. S. ought to have a minis
ter there.
r* In vain.——Federal ingenuity overleaps
these petty obstacles of truth and reason.
This opportunity of swelling the miserable
clamors of French Influence is not to be ne
glected. The cry is set up .that the^minis
teris to be immediately dispatched——that
though we have rejected the Embassador of
the Junta, one is to be sent to the Usurper
Joseph -that this is only a new proof of
the triumph of the Bonapartes, and om base
subservience to the views of Napoleon.- ■ -
Such is the candor and veracity of our oppo
nents !
CASE IV.
Resolution of liarent Gardenier.
A republican print publishes an anony
mous piece, in which the character of the
Secretary of the Treasury is severely han
dled. Charges arc stated, bntnn proofs ad
duced-nor any means pointed out to
obtain them-there is no specification of
time, place or person. The charges on the
very face of them, are extremely impro
bable-the speculation charged upon the
Secretary of the Treasury, is, from its very
nature, highly difficult and liable to control.
Ke is, amonst other things, charged with
remitting specie to Holland, to pay off the in
terest of the Dutch debt, though from the
state of commerce bills were not to he had
on that country, without an enormous premi
um. Such anonymous charges are common
in our public prints-the best and the
worst characters in the country arc involv
ed in this undistinguishing hostility. The
Secretary of State, the President, Congress
itself have not escaped.—If an enquiry is
once begun upon such grounds, its range
would be without end or limitation.
Yet up'.n the face of this anonymous para
graph, does Mr. Gardenier propose to build
a solemn enquiry into the conduct of the Se
cretary of the Treasury.-The time of
Congress is to be dissipated-the dignity
of it is to lie prostituted—and for what? To
clear the Secretary of the Treasury ? No—
for Mr. Gardenier himself does not believe
the imputations! but to set the Secretaries
by the cars, scatter among the people arnbi
ffuas voces, give a further range to impu
tations upon the integrity of one of the heads
of departments.-The design is truly wor
thy of i lie unblushing Vindicator of the Orders
in Council.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO THE PEOPLE,
“ Those who think, must govern those
that toil”—and, the people of the U. States
have too much liberty to last—are favorite
federal axioms.
I am but a plain man, nnd would by no
means arrogate to myself any portion of that
government, which those intellectual beings
would appropriate to their own exclusive
exercise, I am, and from a very early pe
riod of life, have been compelled to labor for
| a support; yet at some moments, in the in
tervals of leisure which even laborers in our
happy country possess, I have, from a natu
: ral suspicion and restlessness of disposition,
| been tempted ho far to cflend against the
sovereignty of this superior order of men,
| s to essay a thought even upon affairs of
Hiate..
“ Tho«-e who think, must govern those
that toil”—and are the people of these Uni
and lettered to the soil —bee mm doomed
to an eternal round of manual labor, to res
cue his wretched family from starvation,
and reluctantly yielding the better part ©f
his gains to the rapacity of royal tax-gather
ers ; and by his situation, measure the pro
; posed advantages. He is completely depriv !
ed of the power of thinking, because he has
no time for thought. As no people posses.,
sing this power can ever consent to become
slaves, so none exercising it, can ever be
;long held in slavery.
Should there be in America one solitary
native, so depraved as to sacrifice at the
shrine of wealth, in preference to that of J
liberty, he must be too contemptible to de- !
serve an effort for his reformation. How'ev-j
cr, if not already convinced, I think it may j
easily be demonstrated even to him, that ‘
our present government is better calculated j
than any other would be, to promote his
wishes. In every government other than a j
government of the people, vast sums are i
annually expended to support, in splendid!
idleness, a very numerous band of •• those »
who think.” Consequently excessive taxes I
roust be imposed, and a considerable portion
i of the citizen’s time and labor must be con
sumed in defraying them. If, therefore,
that portion of his time, which must inevi
tably be thus expended, were devoted to the
cultivation and exercise of the mind, he
would unquestionably be rendered more
virtuous and more happy, would be enabled
to pronounce a correct Voice in the councils
of his country, would save himself the ex
pence of hiring masters, and the pain of
witnessing splendor, of which, if desirable,
he would be prohibited from partaking.
An extended commerce, I have said, is
incompatible with pure republicanism.
Wealth is the sole end of commerce, as at
present regulated; and the natural effect of
great wealth, unequally distributed, is the
introduction of aristocratic manners and
I principles. Commerce uniformly brings in
her train numberless vices, abuses and mean
nesses ; and lastly, though not the least evil,
she throws o \ our shores shoals of the refuse
population of other countries. The bank
rupt in character and estate, of all the old
countries, seek our hospitable shores in
search of wealth ; an enormous mass of
which, in one way or another, they al
most invariably obtain. The young Scotch
man who lands on our shore poverty’s poor
est child, is taken up by some merchant of
his native soil, introduced to our federal fa
milies and circles, and soon learns to say,
“ those who think must govern those that
toil.” He recollects the miserable situati
on of his own countrymen, and supposing
that the American fanner is similarly situ
ated, thinks himself as far above the cul
tivator of the soil here, as he is above that
class of beings in his own country. Thus
furnished with meat, drink, clothing, and
presumption, he is fully prepared to abuse
our government, and sow sedition among
the people.
As the general diffusion of knowledge &
virtue constitutes the strength and vigor of
a democracy, it seems to behove the people
of the United States to cultivate them most
assiduously : public schools should be esta
blished for inculcating into the youthful
minds of all our citizens the purest princi
ples of republicanism, in which the sciences
of ethics am. politics should be most parti
cularly regarded. Under such a disposition
of tilings, with a little less love of wealth
and a little more love of country, the high
■st state of national perfection, to which the
warmest mul most sanguine imagination
'dul l possibly aspire, would scarcely be
deemed an utopian vision. Aud we arc
ted State? now to be told that they are inca
pable of governing themselves ? Are the
exercises of mind and of body so entirely
incompatible ? If so, miserable indeed is
tbe destiny of man—If so,I would arraign high
heaven at the bar of unalterable justice, and
pronounce sentence for the inexpiable crimes
of partiality and oppression. But that such
is not the immutable decree of fate, the ex
perience of these states has sufficiently evin
ced. Convince any advocate for this doctrine,
that in the event of such a revolution, he
must be numbered with the laboring hinds,
anil he wiil instantly apostatize from his
political faith.
I will admit, that great bodily and intel
lectual exertion? cannot be made together ;
and furthermore, I will admit, if desired,
that an excess of wealth and extended com
tnerce, are equally inconsistent with republi
canism. And to what will these admissions
lead us ? To the decision of a question
which was in effect fully decided at the com.
niencement of our political existence, that
individual wealth (or national commerce,
which is in effect the same,) or individual
liberty, must have some limits 1 have
read with pleasure the speech of Mr Gar
nett, lately a student in Richmond, on the
progress and defects of civilization ; but my
political feelings were sensibly wounded by
the splendid appearance of his commerce,
arrayed in all the gaudy decorations of ima
ginary wealth, which he lavished on her with
the munificent hand of paternal bounty- - —
The picture would do well in an English J
gallery, but has no business in the bosom of'
a democracy, unless to show the real value
of commercial baubles This picture ha3
given me the mote pain, because I am con
vinced, that Jllr Garnett is a man whose
manners and principles are built upon the
basis of genuine republicanism
The people ot these states, forsooth, must
render up a part of their liberty in order to
secure tin* rest. Have they not done this
by consenting to be governed by impartial
laws? Still, however, it seems they retain
ton much, they must grant another and a
larger subsidy of liberty ; and “ those who
think” will be graciously pleased to exert
their deified powers to secure the residue.
Most true : They would unquestionably ex
ert themselves to secure it, but it would be
in their own hands. I would ask the people,
my fellow-labourers, one by one, if they are
or ever will be prepared to desert the trust
which their creator reposed in them ; to rid
themselves of the troublesome exercise of
those in-eilec'ual powers which he has soe
qually distributed, by resigning them into the
hands of an aristocracy ? Can they ever con
sentto undergo incessant labor topurchase the
poor privilege of being governed? To pur
chase the pleasure of ducking to a Lord, at
the expence of their freedom ? Is there in
the world a wretch so base, as not to choose
to labor for himself in preference to a mas
ter ? If any, from an inordinate desire of
wealth, should be goaded to the exercise of
incessant, manual labor, and to gratify this
grovelling passion, would consent to barter
their liberty for gold, even these deluded
and miserable beings might, by a very sim
pic calculation, be convinced, that, by the
exchange, they would gain nothing. To
prove this, it is only necessary to point to
(he beggarly state of the English people.
Behold the peasant “yoked with the brutes
invited bf our humane fellow-citizens, the
federalists, who, in consideration of our own
incapacity, are most graciously pleased to
undertake the difficult task ot governing us,
to exchange our present happy situation,
and this most goodly prospect before us, foy
the meanness of slaves, and the happiness ot
brutes.
’Tis for the people of these states to de
termine upon the irut|i or falsehood of the sc
cond member of my text. ’Tis for them to
say, whether they ever will consent to de
molish this stupendous fabric which they
have so gloriously erected on the ruins of
monarchy, and at so great an expence of
men and money. They must decide whether
they will, of their own fruc will and pleasure,
in the face ot God, and to their own eternal
confusion and political damnation, commit
suicide on this greatest wondei of the politi
cal world. YVitliout such their consent,
expressed or implied, their glorious govern
ment must be immortal, but if they should
once consent to lop off the smallest limb from
the tree of liberty, the progress of usurpation
is so gradual and imperceptible, that the
people could promise themselves no further
security from oppression. The Sun of liber
ty, though risen to meridian splendor upon
the immediate support of the American peo
ple, will, whenever deprived of that sup
port, impercep’ibly decline, till he shall en.
tirely sink in the horizon of absolute des
potism.
For my own poor part, sooner than relin
quish one jot of liberty’ substarce, I would
pray for the privilege of expiring amid the
broils of civil war; that
-“ one spirit of the first born Cain
lteign in all bosoms; that, each beatt being
set
On bloody courses, the rude scere may cud,
, And darkness be the buiier of tin* derd ”
LUCIUS.
February 24, 1810.
;T7* Mr. Macon’s bill has been taken up
in the House of Representatives.-The
Alexandria Gazette states, that on Monday
the subject was discussed, when Messrs.
Love, Bibb and Rous expressed their oppn j
sition to the amendments from the Senate I
Mr. Gardenier was for them-Mr. Ross '
moved an indefinite Rost/ionemeni of the a- I
mendinents. Lost-Ayes 39->«oes8t
Mr. Bacon moved as an amendment a new J
section, which provides for the recovery ol
all penalties and forfeitures incurred under
the present restrictive laws. Carried, t>7
voting in the affirmative.-Mr. Ji/ifieu,
after a variety of observations in opposition to
the principles of the bill as amended, offer
ed three new sections, as amendments to
those of the Senate-The lwt provides that
any vessel bound for a port or place not ac
tually invested, nor having any articles of
contraband of war onboard, might be allow
ed to arm in her defence, against capture by
the armed ship3of England-The 2d ex
tends the same legulation as to the armed
ships of France. The 3d authorize* the
President of the United Stales toempioyour
public armed vessels in convoying our mer
chantmen.-These propositions were un
der discussion, wheiuhe Alexandria Gazette
was sent to Press-we have not learnt j
their fate.
iff We understand, that on Tuesday it !
was expected a motion would lie brought
forward to re-coranait the bill to a select
committee.-Thas time will he gained_
and in the mean-while we may hear again
rom England.
The following are extracts of a let.
ter from a member of Congress, to
the Editor of the N Y. Evening Post—from
the style, sentiments and other r.ircumstan
ces, the writer must he B. Gardenier. The
whole of the composition breathes a base !<.
submissive spirit. In his fears of the power
ot France, the writer seems to have lost
sight ol the wrongs of G B. &. the Interests
of the United States. The British navy s
our shield—and on this postulate, •b u <1
and unmanly aa it is, we must submit ami
be slaves.
'I he writer is apologising to his friend for
his voting in favor of Macon’s Bill—the prin
cipal reason which he gives for this;seeruing
npostacy, is, that the Bill will militate a~
gainstthe interests of France. What but the
most slavish British spirit, or (lie blindest
infatuation could give rise to sentiments like
these ? “ Then, why should I vote for it ?
Because it is not so had as the non -inter
course law ; inasmuch as it is in practice
less injurious to ourselves—anil equally in.
different to Great Britain.” Again : “ It
places our relations with Franc* exactly
on the footing Britain would, and America
ought, to desire. It leaves in force the (Jr.,
ders in Council to eajiture the little trade
which may venture to Frence. It forbids
the importation of French products, except
direct, from France. The direct trade,the
British will nt* let us carry on—the indirect
trade we ourselves prohibit. It avoids the
disgrace of permitting the British to enforce 1
our laws ; it leaves them at liberty to act
upon their own ; which amounts to the i
same thing in substance
Here, indeed, is a patriotic Ame
rican for you—“ Sctl terrfiorr mutantur ;
and I am against the Freedom of the seas !
Was there ever such a proposition couched
in such cnptivatjng terms? What does it
mean ? The destruction of the British Na
vy i” It is confessed then that the British
Navy can only exist by the slavery of the
seas, by despotism and plunder ? The use of j
them however, according to the just laws of
nations, is compatible with its safety.
Such are the doctrines of Gardenier 8c Co. I
From them, let the world judge of the de- |
gree of resistance, which ihey will probably |
exert against British injustice of however ,
how far her friends in this country will go,
in her support ? We should not be surprised
if Gardenier were to come openly out and
propose a tax and a subsidy lor the benefit
of her navy ?
(Tj' Napoleon was bom, the 15tli August,
1769.
The Russian Emperor, has two single sisters,
Catharine Faulowa, born 21st May, 1788—and
Anne Faulowa born 18tH January, 1795.
A union with cither of these is a politic step on
the side of France—it more strongly cements the
interests of lsapolcon and the Czar.
J7* It is generally ndmittcd, that
Mr. Canning is appointed First Lord
of the .Admiralty, vice Lord Mulgrave.
It is of no consequence, whether lie knows
how to handle a rofic, or reef a anil—he se
cures a acat in the Cabinet, and a talary.
(T? Several Articles putponed.
COMMUNICATED.
Another Patriot and Vbtkuan of ’76 gone !
Died—On Saturday the. Kith inst at Ins s»at
ir Brunswick county, Virginia, Colonel JOHN
I TXISSOMJTION' OF PARTNERSHIP_,
1J T,ir partnership of Smock and Turner was
i dissolved on the 26di of January Inst : All those
that .ire indebted to the concern will make pay.
i mcnt to Esrnc Smock only, and those who have
accounts against the concern will call on Esme
Smock for payment.
RSME SMOCK,
yriHiV F THICK,
■Agent for Robert furner,
N. B—The Business i,« future will bn conduct.
«“ bv ESMr. &■ VETER SMOCK.
March 2. tf
STOLEN from a store on the Main-Slmet, on
the evening of the IJtli inst. TWO RHtSS
TEAS. belonging to a Patent Ilrhn-c, tl ,«< jdlh,
any person who will detect the thief, or deliver
the peas to the Editor of the Enquirer, shall bn
liberally rewarded.
Feb. ||
TO i'HE KU1TOU or TR! BN<t,UIltER.
Sin,
The absence of Richard Randolph, who left
Town without m\ ici .jiviiig any notic- of the ex
istence of<he»ta>emi:>.t eo slich he h a lent his
name, ft which u» piibi.aii Aid your last paper,will
for a low daysilepii*eice ot toe mean* of shew*
i 'Og.on Mr Raiiilnlph’s own te.-t»mor.\, the mise
rable subterfuges .> « Harry Heth '■ s retorted
to, to u s.-oUr plain mutter* of (act—On Mr.
Randolph** return home, it sindl he estuot sited on
hit* own uv. ’tinea, that w. statement was justly
ami truly nude, from Uci* which 1 derived from
hiouelf; it will at the sum* tune appear, that the
agency which he has hud ui that statement, has
been from charitable but mistaken motives, as a
tucrifce to the justly wotnded “ feelings*’and
reputation of his friend lle’.h.
M. W. HANCOCK.
March 2.
AN I ED, on hire fsr the balance of the
year, 3U or 40 aide bud led Negto Men,
I t whom a lioeral price will be given—they will
be employed in the Coal Mines—Apply to the
Subscribers in Manchester, or to Harry Heth at
the Coal Pitts.
NICOLSON, HETH, ft Co.
March 3. epim
^HAYLOR N0EL,jr. executor &c. ofRich
A ard Noel, deceased. Take notice tiiat we
shall upon the 6th and 12th davs of A
pril next at Lloyds Tavern in the county of Es
sex, and on *1 e ninth day of*the *a:d month r t ilia
Bowling Green Tavern in the county of Caro
line, proceed to take the Depositions of sundry
witnesses to be read in evidence in the. Suit de
pending in the Superior Court of Chancery, for
the Richmond district, wherein you are plaintiffs,
and we aud others ate defendants.
tuoaj is sthpeshlt,
A MB POSE
ELLIS ALMSTBUNG.
March 3. vw-vH
l I Els I ION ' '— flic pens nuvho
* *• Saturday lr»s‘, % thing of value, in the
c.i'c jin room, can !>»vv >; ,1 •'><• in,*’ :‘.-ci^Bl||
uoo I lake the opportunity to testify, ! y
k»v gratitude to the la Hen and ^cr.derf^H
f Richmond, for their kind patronage, Uud <;o^H
'-'••ue t!» exoosition from th« celebrated piece oH
Mediant: 'v for t Jew day* nniy. from nine o'cloen
*® V ' ; " 1 • g till tw<vr?antl Ifrthc general sa- s
! induction, from 4 in the evening till nine, with
| music •r>i addition at 7 o’clock the Heliai)
Sliud«ft. Admittance 374 cents, in the large
i number of Afr. Alien’s i.cittothe post oifi;e.
Your nwat obedient servin',
CHRISTOPHER WINCEELBLECH.
March 2- li«[
FH)R SALE, at ihe Vendue OiUce of the
Subscriber,
2b fabls*' } Muscovada Sugars,
lo hi>.Is l'to.ladelphia Loaf Sugar,
20 hhds Antigua Rum,
4 pipes real Cogniac Brandy.
20 bhls Apple Brandy,
Hare’s Beer in barrels and halfbarrels,
COO sacks Live rpool ground Salt,
Green Coffee in bags, barrels and tierces,
A quantity of Seine Twine,
Imperial. Hyson, Young Hyson, Hyson Skin,
and Souchong l eas,
20 boxes brown Soap,
Raisins in boxes and kegs, and many other
articles.
JAMES BROWN, Jr. Auc'r.
March 2. tf
ANTED bv a Gentleman from five to six
thousand DOE EARS—for which a mort
gftge will be given on 600 acres of Excellent
LANI) as security, and good interest payable
every first of January. This money is wanted for
the term of 8 or 10 years— Application to be made
to the Editor of the Enquirer.
March 2. 3W
GENTLEMEN—You will pler.se to take No
V* lice, that on Friday the 16th day of March
net., oetween the hours of eight in the morning
and six in the evening, at the Washington Ta
vern, in the City of Richmond, 1 shall proceed to
take the depositions of John Clark, R- nj unin
Hailey. John McBride, Wm. Rawleigh & others,
and continue the same from day to <1 «’y un'il they
are tin shed, to hr read n evidenc ■ m a suit now
depending in the superior com t of Chancery for
the Richmond Dstiht, wherein John Hopkins
is plaintiff, and Corbin Griffin, myself and others
are defendants.
Edwin james iiakvie.
Mestrt. Corbin GriJJin, and')
Henry Lee. 3
March 2. 2w
STITH, after a wit spent lift oftlfty.thrrr rear*
the greater part of which had breii de\ott* ta'
the service of his country. At the early !1Rt. of
eighteen years, l.e entered the army ae a lieute
nant, with the first company of regular troop*
furnished !>y ttiis. his native state, in the rv olu
tinnsry war j and in the well fought patties of
Trenton, I'rinretoit, Urandy Wine, Centt:intpwu*
anti Monmouth, distinguished himself aA brave,
active and enterprising officer. H«t i'ftvrw*rd$
marched to the south, anti tl Charleston, in 1780,
became a prisoner with tin army under Lincoln.
WheA exchanged, he returned to his duty, which
was faithfully discharged till the eh.se of the wap
in 1783. He was promoted in the service to the
rank of major.
His private character was not less amiable ami
respected, tijun hi* public life had been useful
| and honorable. We have sr-en him, as a soldier,
Iv Id, active and enterprising, as :• man and pi iv ,te
i citizen, we find him the mere child of nature,
“ overflowing with the tpilk ol hum m kindness,”
and endowed with all the milder virtues which
dignify human nature. Incorruptible integrity,
benevolence, and unbounded generosity of soul,
endeared him to all who knew him
An affectionate wife, and a large family of chil
dren, have to deplore the loss of a fund husband,
and an indulgent parent—an extensive and res
pectable acquaintance, to regret the deprivation
of one ct tneir most esteemed friends_and at a
crisis ’ like the present, when the liberty and ho
nor of our beloved country are assail, d by faction
and intrigue, and its welfare threatened by the
violence and injustice of foreign enemies, the
death of a man ever ready, lik*- col m l S. to de
vote even the remnant of his days, tn the def ocq
of its rights *r.d independence must be lament
ed. by every friend to the country, us a national
calamity,
Petersburg paper.