Virginia Argus — Richmond, Va., 1810-06-15 00:00:00, page 2

jpugima '&i'0U|l.
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RICHMOND,
FRIDAY, June 15, 1810.
We desire the public lo mark, with
particular attention, the conduct of the
federal prints at the present moment.
They' are vehement in their exclamati<
ons against France, whilst, at the sa ne
time they are totally silent in relation
tn Great Britain. We do Dot |dinae
them for thrir reprobation of the con
duct of the emperor of the French ;
but we reproach them for being silent
in relation to the outrages of England,
which they pretend not to see, whilst
they bellow like bulls against those of
Fiance. It is a terrible ihing with a
federal gazette if the French govern
ment imprisons an American citizen,
but it is quite another affair if the lin
gl’sh government imprisons a thou
sand j and Bonaparte, with the same
pnnts, is a m* . ere ant if he reizes our
property by -open force, whilst king J
George is an angel though he should
cause just as large an amount of Ame
rican property to be condemned in
hi^ courts of admiralty. The federal
news-papers could perceive nothing in
the murder of Pitrce, in the attack on
the Ch sapeake, nor in the imperti
nence of Mr. Jackson to raise their
ire ; but, ia the note of M. C-hampag.
uy how furious and boiling is their
rage! Sutcly, this uniform blindness
and silence with regard to the injuries
v.i hnvf* Kitfttainf'd fronr. Gr»*at
and this extreme sensibility to the pro
vocations of France, is sufficient to
convince any man of reflection and
c ndor, that the federal presses in the
United S ates, with some few excepti
ons, are devoted to the cause of Great
Britain. So glaring is the fact, that
in some cases the conductors of fede
ral prints do not think it worth while
to conceal it; bu proclaim aloud that
we ought to unite with the British a
gainst the French.
The republican prints, it is notori- I
ous, pursue a line ol conduct entirely j
diff rent: tl>e\ pvit France and England
on the same ground, artdexpre-s their
.dign;tinn alike at tne wtongs which
we txptrience irom the one or from
the other,
''1 o ti’ke the present occasion for an
example: Where is the republican
print that justifies the conduct of
France? There may be a soli tat v in
dividual or two, who may believe that
submission to the outrages ot Great
Britain affords a plausible pretext for
the seizure of our vessels by the em
peror of the French : but take the muss
of the republicans, aryl you will find
that they consider it a most extcrable
*ct.
It is true, the republicans did not
think it their du>y to clamor again tt
the French government, whilst the lar
trr confined itself to ’he seizure of
British goods in prostituted American
bottoms, with forged pape s ; because
it is no proof of a patiiotic spirit to
raise an outcrv in behalf of commerci
al swindling of any kind, and, lea«t of
;«1‘, in liehall of a system < f swindling
which went to degrade the American
character and to put money, at the ex
p-nee of the citizens of the United
States, into the pockets of the British
merchants. But the instant it was
k w ii muv uwii jirtf ic uau scizca no
nft fide American property, the repub
licans were as ready to condemn him
a a they were to condemn the English j
th ' resent such conduct on the part
of Fiance with equal promptness and
resolution, and are as willing to avenge
the wrong dene as ii it had been done
by our old enemy the British.
But now, (quoth the federal gazettes)
the r pul-beans are beginning to optn
their eyes! Admit tins to he true,
what does it prove? Why, that the re
j iblicans are honest, at least, and that I
there is a point beyond which they
cstmot he deceived : hut the federalists
atop at nothing in the cause of Great
Britain ; they justify her acts ; they are
blind to her injustice ; they supplicate
every human passion in ner favor ; they
appeal to the feelings of avarice, to
f< nr to humanity : at one moment they
represent her as immensely wealthy,
a- d capable of enriching us ; «t ano
ther, ns all-powerful and posse-sing the
means of crushing u * j and, at a third,
as red cetl to the last extremity, strug
gling for existence, and invoking the
forbearance tf the U. Scat< s whilst
she is contending ag linst the power of
ao ui.iv-T'-al conqueror!
The rrpublica s, however, have al
ways had their eyes open to Fern h as
well as to British policy. The embar
go is appealed to for ihe tru h of this
assertion ; tor (and lrt the federalh s
»n-w> r he q e*i\ n,) how could Ame
rican property have been seized in the
ports of trance if it had not been per
mitted to ipo thither l Pray denee has
phkccU between France and A.ner.ca
il a fosse deep and wide,” fas Mr.
Randolph expresses it,) which the re*
publicans, by the embargo, were desi
rous of appropriating to its natural use,
to wit: a barrier against European ag
gression. But the federalists, and Mr
Randolph with them, rendered nuga
tory the means which the Creator of
the Universe put at our disposal for
protection; the federalists and Mr.
Randolph continually excited a rebel
lious temper in the minds of ignorant
meu, clamored off the embargo, and,
loosening the canvass of our ships,
gave our property to the corsairs of
the ocean and the brigands of the land.
France could not cross the Atlantic,
come into our port9, and there seize
our vessels; soothe federalists and.
their n w leader sent our property to
the ports ol continental Europe, where
the French emperor could seize them.
This was not what Mr. Randolph and
the federalists wished; but it was what
the administration and the republican
party in general foresaw, and what
they struggled to prevent.
Almost every body must recollect
those fam >us speeches' of the federal
members of Congress, which exhibit
ed so much wiseacre wis lorn on the
subject of commerce. There were
Timothy Pickering, & Mr. Hillhouse,
and Phillip B. Key, and Mr. Quincey,
and even Jabez Upham, who enume
rated ports without number where they
said the Americans c-»uld trade: there
were St. Sebastians, L» ghorn, Trieste,
the ports ofDenmark, & twenty other
places. These, howevert are the very
marts where our property has been con
fiscated. Could it (the question is re
peated) have been confiscated if it had
been detained in our pores ? Would it
not have been detaiued in our norts if
ths embargo had no been repealed ?
Federalists! these questions ought to
strike you dumb!
Having fairlv justified the republi
can party, we shall conclude this arti
cle by remarking, that it is useless to
mainialh an altercation about who has
doiie us the greatest injury, or who be
gan Jirst ? Since, if wrong from one
nation will at all excuse wrongs from
another / If, because one power has in
suited us another is privileged to insult
us too, then the more we are wronged
and ahust d, the le sare we authorised
to seek redress; the less ought we to
be stimulated to require atisfactioa.
Th* true wav is to consider our affairs
with England as/hey relate to England,
and not as t/ey relate to France ;
and to consider our French relations
l as they regard France, and nor as they
regard Great Britain. Whenever we
mix the two nations there is nothing
bu confusion and squabbling. As to
time m points of honor or points df in
terest, au insult or a piracy is an in
sult ora piraev let it happen when it
wil.; nor dot s one outrage oblit. rate or
extenuate another.
Some of our republican brethren at
the e. stward are promoting division
in the republican ranks at the Very
moment they e: •• laim ag linat it. The
Baltimore Whig, let its personal par
tialities he what they may, is a very
efficient advocate and organ of the re
publican party in Maryland, and its
editor a man of genius and unshaken
fortitude. Wagner, one of the editors
of the Federal Republican, entertains
such an habitual dread of Mr. Irvine’s'1
pen and courage, that his fears very
frequently bring on the most melan
rK aIo liOfrlinn - C a.\_1*
—-J * V^l v/f tl I v II
ver and the spleen, called by physici
ans the hypochondres. The editor of
the Whig shews as much good sense
as he does magnanimity in passing by
with slight notice certain philippics,
whose authors exhibit more passion
than prudence ; more peevishness than
ability; and who are manifesdv une
qual to a controversy with Mr. Irvine.
A writer (“An Observer”) in the
Philadelphia United /States’ Gazette,
of the 31st ulr. admits what federal,
prints have not heretofore been dispos
ed to admit, namely, that “ our flag
has on some occasions been made use
of (by the bnglidi) for improper pur
poses.” f he U. S. Gazette is reput
ed to be under the political controul of
British agents, through the medium of
what are called dumb subscriptions.
Choetham thought the embargo a
mill-stone about the neck of the nati
on : We mean the Cheetham that con
ducts an apostate print at New-York.
What does he think of it now i B it,
it is an useless question j lor such
scribblers aa Ghcetham can find rea
sons for any tiling ; and just such rea
sons, too, as s itUty the consciences of
apostates like himsrlf.
It seems, by the Georgetown Inde*
pendent American, that commodore
Hodgers d es not understand the hu* I
mour of that paper. Or, rather, he
tre its it like Brutus did the Mounte
bank. The writer of the abortion
seems to "he in the^ame predicament
that the wife of the vicar of Wakefield
was iv-th Barchill j no-body would
have taken an awkward conceit for a
joke if the printer had not aaid it was
one.
Colem:*n, who conducts a tory print
in Ncw.York, says *he democrats have
just opened their eyes to French rapa
city. We are much mistaken if the
pubiic have not long since opened their
eyes to Coleman's veuality.
It is a testimony due to « man who
acted a very consistent and dignified
part in the tenth congress, to recall his
name at this interesting moment to
the memory of the nation. We al
lude to George Washington Campbell,
of the state of Tennessee. He voted
for the embargo ; he adhered to it to
the last; and when he found his moni
tory voice no more availing in the
House of Representatives, he relin
quished a situation which he could no
longer occupy with credit to himself
nor with honor to the nation. Such
examples of pflPTitical rectitude are
j rare ; but in proportion to their rure
| nrss the recollection of them ought to
be cherished in a republic.
The Spirit of'76 contains, now and
then, a great deal of gibberish ab 'ut
court and country parties, the reason
ing of which runs thus j Country par
ties are opposed to court parties;
country parties arc more virtuous (be
ing out of power) than court parties,
and therefore more to be trusted. All
this would, perhaps, have done half a
century ago in London; but what have
we to do with distinctions which can
only exi t in a monarchy? If Mn
■i * i • • ri _
»v<tiiuui|>ii means 10 set nimseir up as
the head of a country party—“ vy (as
Monsieur sayg^datisune autre chaese.”
riie thing, in that case, resolvrs itself
into this; that Mr. Randolph whilst
he represents himself as pure a3 an
angel, finds it convenient to his own
reputation to paint the administration
as bLck as the D-.vil. The extreme
modesty of Mr. Randolph and his
friends in drawing such a contrast, is
^ the only thing that i3 remarkable in it.
! various recent publications of
the late President Adams, have amply
accounted for the denunciation of him
by his old friends the federalists. Mr.
Adams would not go all lengths wi:h
them, and so they Pickering d him.
But the tables, are turned ; and the
old worthy wiU go out of life with the
blessings ui his country.
We have asserted, and we maintain
it, that lord Wellesley tacitly admits
that Jackton insulted our government.
I He says, indeed, that the discarded
envoy meant no offence : But this, as
far as it goes, is an apology for, nut a
vindication of, the minister. The cir
cumstance of Jackson’s being recalled,
is proof that the British ministry think
him guilty ; f jr, if his conduct coutu
have been at all openly justified, he
would not havj been ordered Home.
FOR THE*ARGU3.
Mr. Pleiunts,
BEING a constant reader of
your paper, and of course knowing
your sentiment, in the political world,
that no man viciously ambitious passes
unobserved by your “ Argus,” I have
in** n me i oerry or communicating
the f llowing co nic satire, written by
one ol Mr. John Randolph's constitu
ents, dated Charlotte, Va. the inser
tion of which is solicited bv
DIOGENES.
“ It is a Current report, to which
some credit is given in tnis district,
that the Right Hon. John Randolph
has become insane. I forbear to spend
a dogmatic opinh-rti respecting the re
port} I barely admit its possibility,
considering how easy and impercepii.
hie is the transition from a political to
a physic / insanity, I think that the |
report hears the strongest maiks of
| probability. That he has been a poli
tical man ac for some time, I am bold
to imagine, not even the virtuous
sceptic ean doubt—-every impartial ob
server continually asserts it, an l a su
perstitious and hypocritical increduli
ty as readily and as confidently denies
it. Rut as I do not intend at this time
to di-jeuss the subject of his conduct,
I refer all those who are earnestly in I
quest of political truth, to the history j
of his political existence, and particii
larly to his diabolical essays addressed
through the medium of the President
to the people, in order to vitiate and
sw tve their principles—In a word,
for the purpose of arraying them a
gainst the government of their choice.
L t them read his filthy witticisms
and low scurrilities—his frantic rav
ings and his self-degrading, self.pol
luting obloquy, poured out against the
most venerable and spotless charac-!
ters iu the United States* Let them
read hl» unfounded allegations against i
Jefferson—his ranpant and unprovok
ed attacks on Madison—his libellous,
false, and malicious charges against
the Smiths—his imputation on the
character of Giles—Let them reflect
on the base, unfounded charges of
“ French influence”—his assertion of
the existence of a 44 prince regent” —
of the misapplication of our finances,
or in other words, of peculation—of
young Bonaparte, the suggestion of a
fear-engendering fancy—Let them re
collect his insuperable overbearing
ambition—his impatience of oppositi
on—his many disappointments and
luckless rebuffs—and the fell and ruth-1
less malevolence that rankles in his
breast: I say, let them take all these
things into consideration, and if they
do not conscientiously admit that he
is politically mad, I will surrender all
pretence to reason. The prince re
gent of the U. S, A.! The Baltimore
American King! What themes of
pompous declamation !! His un war.
rantable attack on Win. B. Giles ad„
m:ts of an easy solution. He per
ceives that Giles, by the integrity and
patriotism of his public conduct, sub.
serves the public weal, and thereby
monopolizes the public affection—and
it is a very great eye-sore to this poli
tical Hamon to behold Mordccai sit
ti >g ta the King’s gate_John Ran
dolph’i political character is so vari
ous, that it seems to be an epitome of
every flagitious character under Hea
ven. I can say of him as he has said
o' Wilkinsou, 44 he is in the last stage
of putrefaction, touch him and he fails
to pieces.” But nevertheless, he has
friends, zealous friends. He appears
to be a Pandora’s box, from which a
mong other calamities and ills, a fatal
gangrene has flown forth and spread
its baneful influence through the
minds ot many in this district—A
Jack Boot Earister is invited to fish
with him, and is bound in an adaman*
tine chain ot affection to him by this
great and unexpected stoop of conde
scention. Another i3 admitted to a
corresp ndence—.and thence deriving
[copy illegible] -at s fact ion, is bound to
his interest by the [copy illegible] chord
ot love. An ignorant peasant receives
from his liege lord a shake rf the hand
or a few empty, cold, unmeaning com*
pliments, or perhaps a distant b >w,
and swears eternal allegiance—many
are bought—many are inveigled into
the mazes of delusion by the false,
vain-glorious representations cf his
missionaries, who, like their master,
fortify themselves behind professions of
patriotism—many are reluctantly pre3sJ
ed into service, some in oce way aoi
some in another. But thanks to thi
genius of independence, he yet has
some votaries, sooie who still look to]
the glorious tony tain ot republican or-'
] thodoxy with complaisance and exul
ts ion, and view political heresy with
a mixture of pity and indignation—
some inspiied with the spi it of seven
ty ..six— ome ivh advocate with deci
sion, fir on S3 and devotion, Liberty,
that glorious attribute of G >ds! But
p tiring out a fervent ejaculation to
Heaven, that virtue may triumph ov. r
apo&tacy, let me proceed 10 another
topic
jTc7 the Editor of the Argus.
Sir,
A writer in your paper of the 12th
instant, who ->igns himself Paternus has
for the second ri ne been induced, it
would seem, fr;m the circumstances
of the times, to favor thj public with
his sen iments and advice on the sub
ject of r.lav^s, and that temper of in
| surrection which they h;ive manifested
within t ie last ten years.— There are
no doubt a great diversity of opinions
on this subject, which indeed consti
tutes the grand obstacle to the adopti
on and execution of any efficient and
permanent plan of prevention.
Sir, I consider the spirit of conspi
racy which we have unquestionable
r ason to believe pervades the minds
of th^ negr ms in this sta e a subject
tof the greatest importance, requiring
immediate attention, and demanding
the cordial co opera ion of all the white
inhabitants, in some practicable and
efficient measures to extingush a tem
per pregnant with inexpressible evils.
I do not think the plan proposed by
Paternus calculated to answer this end
—it may furnish some valuable hints
to those public bodies whose dti*y c.dta
upon them at this time to provide a
gaijist present danger—but the idea of
establishing a tribunal to settle contro
versies between mas ers and slaves, {
strikes me as the greatest solecism —
But, sir, waving f urther animadversion
on the opinions an l plans of other^l;
permit me to state in as brief a man
ner as possible, wnat are my own idcls
on this interesting subject. fn t*^
first place then, I am decidedlv of 3h
piQion that there should exist in the
state but one condition of negroes,
they should all be free or they should |
all be slave*. If they be emancipated,
tivsv must imme'tH t_uy be inves*r<l
with all ami singular the privi’-g-s i i.l
immunities possessed by the whites;
nothing short of this will ever sat;sly
them ; nay, I am confident in my own
mind that even this would nor, and
the next step would be a contest f >r
pre-eminence, fallowed by civil co u*
motions, until one or the other gained
the mastery. Nature has putan~indel
lible mark upon them, which in a-*
state of equality, they would jealously
endeavour to preserve, and die animo
sities engendered by civil broils, would
p-rpetuate-Now, sir, K m- ask
you, are the citizens of Virginia pre
pared to stake their lives, liberties and
fortunes, in order'to comply with the
lancilul dictum of fanatical philoso
pers and religionists ? For mv own
part, sir, I am not ashamed to avow
my politick creedPin this particular—.
^ bevew^that all men are by
■tfte equ^Rnd equally entitled to
fre£Trom, the contrary from a
long acqaajptance with negroes, and a
close observance of their natural en*
dowmeniT, properties and general
character, I am convinced in my own
mind, that they are au inferior race of
human beings to the whites, and that
nature stamped a mark on them to
distinguish them as such, and that in
a state of servitude or slavery they
are precisely in the station which they
were intended and qualified by nature
to fill.—But, sir, whether this opinion
of the interior nature of negroes be
correct or only convenient, it dees
not a (Feet the present question.—
\Ve!lp then, if we cannot emancipate
2: people without endangering
j-opardizintr, every thing deal
valuable w-hich we now possess,
and if parti d eraancimtion ;<» oio^ __’
ductivectsi nilar consequences,(which
it is our indispensable and imperious
du<.y to ooviate .md iorcvcr expan ’e)
since the plan of colonization
ha* been rejec ed, the only feasible
P‘m which oirers itself to our choice, is
to reduce them all ro a state of slavery
co fining them solely to agricultural
pursuits, and adopting a system of ri
gour compatible with existing circum
stances. Whatever danger, sir, may
have been apprehended from the zeal
|of. hc ,ted religionists, in the execution
Of a system ot rigor as recommended
above, my opinion is that equal danger
it not greater, may reasonably be ant'u
cipated from fantastical Philosophers
and therefore it would be necessary
to muKe provision against the inauence
ol both (hese orders of fanaticks.
But, sir, as an able jurist has very
justly observed, that “ vain and nuga
r u^are^ those laws which are not
i C( ■ Pld>lie opinion,” it folio ws
th3fFin^-der to the success of any
bieaa^s which may be deemed most
cxp.-oient to Iree us from the dangers
and horrors of an insurrection of i! e
negroes at this time arid to secure us
against the possibility and «Ven fear
ot it in furure, it will be lirst necessary
to conciliate that public opinion in
favor ot some specific system, ft ii
therefore that I have used the-medi
um of your press to communicate to
my fellow citizens this immethodical
sketch of a plan for their considerati
on and approbation, trusting that at
least it may lead to something more
systematical and more worthy accep
tation. , *
IMPULSE.
FOREIGN.
New York, Jure 9^
LATEST FROM ENGLAND.
The brig Franklin, Captain Rang,
arrived at Boston on Friday in 31 days
from St. Michael's, with Dublin papers
in ihe 5rii of May, including London dates
i he 2d, and Paris to the 19th of April.
Their contents are said to be unimpor.
<ant. Sir Francis Horded was still in the
Towi.r. and all wus quiet in London on
the first of May. I he King was indispo
red ; occasioned, it w s presumed, by the
all'air of Sir Francis Burdett.' Mr Yorks*
was appointed first lord of the admit nlty j
and Parliament (which would probably
he prorogued immediately after the 4tn
of June) were about laying an additional •
Percent 'on the Valuation Tax, a very
ufpIpulaV inrasti'O in the present crisis
uf affairs. Considerable 'unharkations of
troops were preparing fur Portugal and
Cadis.
No men ion is made of America.
DECLARATION OF INDEPEN
DENCE.
By the Supreme Guvefanmsnt of Carrac*
cas
It has pi rased Almigh y G d to Gr*nt
^t-fery cnnn.iy alike, he ua,ur«i righ’.at
» owmaotereipniv. #
Jorince^ planted by Spain, fas. %
rim A rjJRi o etlnl by her power, h ive,
indofsjghi ought to i.3v0j tti>mi'udto
C-r ffuiggnce aid d-.erd .n tswl;,u ihe
ieni/d o! their infancy, when luuq in»h':, m
ul«f and weakness tiny were iucapa.
be oftbeir own government and protVc.
tun.