The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1808-09-02 00:00:00, page 3

THE EjXQUtRl ft.
RICHMOND, SEl'TliMHI'.R 2, ISOS.
JJiulet'He betxottn a Farmer end Merchant
Fur. You see, sir, wimt we have to expect
from a “discontinuance of the Kmbargo f” A
committee of the House of Commons tells us,
that the moment we raise our Embargo,
we shall be cut off from a trade with the F.
West Indies.—We must use British coffee,
British sugar, and perhaps at last, British
bottoms.
Mer. Why, sir, what would you do? will
you still stick to that miserab’e hum-drum
thing called the Embargo ? will you consent
to see all our ships rotting at the wharves,
your wheat and tobacco depreciated to a
mere v»ow.», our industry stagnated, and our
capital begging for a chap?—
Far. Unfortunately your picture of facts
is not correct ; our vessels arc not all rot
ting; because many of these are continually
going out; i/o«beat know where. Our wheat
is selling at 5 shillings with the benefit of the
rise to January ; our flour is not a great deal
lower than it formerly was. Almost all
the old crop is sold off; and the new crop
is going the same way ; yon best know where.
—But, sir, even if things were as bad as you
represent them, would it have much im
proved them to have taken off the embargo ?
Wetter tor our vessels to nave rotten in our
ports, than to be taken by our enemy. As to
mv wheat and tobacco, would it have mate
rially bettered my situation, if I had sold
them toa merchant, whocould not have subse
quently paid me for them, because his vessel
was unfortunately captured on the seas ? But
even'if this unfortunate accident should not
happen, would the price of my wheat and to
bacco he muck improved by the discontiu
ance of the Embargo? England cannot con
sume all that we make. Our tobacco would
be shut out trom the ports of the continent,
because it had been obliged to touch at
an English port. Even our flour would pro
bably he confined to the British market in
the West Indies, as is now contemplated by
the committee of the House of Commons.—
Recollect too the almost complete certainty
of a war, which this state of things would
produce, with all its train ofexpences, taxes,
and new impositions on the public.—I am
sorry, sir, that the letter of Mr. Gray, a
staunch Federalist, and the richest merchant
and largest shipper and insurer in the Unit
ed States should have made so little impres
sion upon you.—But if the spirit of pecunia
ry interest does not tempt you to prefer the
Embargo, I must call a much more divine and
etherial spirit to my aid.—
Mer. I must confess, that your arguments
do not convince me, that 1 should make as
much money by the continuance as by the
TCvocation of the embargo.
• Far.'Then I must invoke the honor of
your country ; the genius of our indefiend
ence. Would 7/0?/, sir. submit to all the tn
crnachments of the British orders in council ?
Would you consent to pay British taxes', and
purchase British licences? What say you ?
Are you guilty, or not guilty, of abandoning
tiie honor and independence of your country ?
--For what did our forehitheis contend dur
ing the wars of the revolution? Against what
usurpation, principally, did they rise up in
arms ?
AJer. The assumption of Great Britain, to
tax us without m/r oven consent.
Fur. And yet wherfe is the material dif
ference between the two cases? Has she any
more right to lay a tax upon cotton than up
on tea, against our own consent ?
Mer. She has not. But the tax on tea was
to be collected in our ports: that on cotton
is to be collected in her own.
Far. Ingenious distinction indeed ! As an
independent people, .we claim the right of
navigating the high-way of nations, of carry
ing our own productions according to our own
pleasure, unless in the two exceptions ex
pressly laid down in the law of nations. Now,
if Great Britain compels us to abandon this
right, and to visit her ports for orders arid
taxation, we are not completely 11:1 indepen
dent nation. We are only half so. We are inde
pendent on the land, but not on the water We
might as well sti ike that article from thecon
etituticn which gives Congress the “ pow
er to regulate commerce with foreign nati
ons.” It would be as well to transfer that
power to the Emglish board of trade.—How
Great Britain would exercise her present as
sumed powers, is manifest by the uses she
lias already made ot them. The Report
of the House of Commons is a very promis
ing prognostic of the future. One branch of
our trade would go after another. We might
ns well strike our national flag at once,
and transport all our produce unclei the ban
kers of England ?—Would you submit to such
impositions? Would our forefathers have
‘submitted ?—But sir, haw can ) oil distinguish
those taxes from a tribute t
Alcr. Tribute !
/'</. You have too much spirit toconscnt to !
pay the same tribute to Cl. Britain as we pay I
to tlie Barbary state of Algiers? Shame to
tile civilized world ! thutf/ial den of Pirates
should have been so long suffered to exist
and to exact tribute!
Alcr. You are right. Sir, I should con
sider mtch a tribute, as completely de
rogatory to the honor of tlfia country. We
might as well at once surrender our na
‘i'a.ial itidc/inidencc to (ii'cat-ftritiiin ; make
n l>o; -fire of that h.dy covenant whn.li emi
tles us to rank “ among the powers of the
earth ;” and sink into an humble appenngc
of the British empire. No, sir, much as I
admire the genius and the resources of (h
Britain, i will never consent to be dc/ietidcnt
ufton her tor the exercise of those sacred
priviledgt s “ to which the laws of nature £<
«>f nature’s God entitle us.” It is already a
burning blot upon onr national escutcheon,
’"at we have ever consented to offer a fietit/
bribe on the shrine of Algerine rapacity._
M u li better would it be for the belligerent
powers of Europe to realise tlie charming
of tlie philanthropic Kevtial, suspend
hostilities against themseB es, and unite their
forces for tlie desti notion of the common en
emies of all nations! How much more glori
ous would it have been for Bonaparte to have
dossed the straits of Hercules J to have
breathed the light of civilization < n the coasts
ot Africa : than tohave imposed his shackle
on the gallant and generous sons of Spain !
•—But tin scare not the times for these en
chanting visions. Europe items now far
more intent on trampling on the pripcipes
«>f justice, than on extending them to a bnr
btnous region. Thin exertion must be' reser
ved tor other men and other times—For the
p esent. it is regard, d as no sacrifice of na
liutiftl independence, to pay this nnnyal con
tiibution to the States rf Barbary. Custom
i ms to hare sanctioned the practice._
Ve only pursue an example which has
-Iscii st: us by the greatest powers of Eu
rone—Bat to pay tribute to Great-Biitnin,
would be an act of national degradation,
which no custom has sanctioned ; and noex
ampie Could justify.—This tribute might be
ultimately as fatal to our interest a as it would
be to our honor. Algiers receives a small
tribute, b-cause her situation prevents her
from extending a very considerable immuni
ty to our trade. The theatre of Ijer piracy
is confined to a narrow spot. It is only with
in the mouth of the Mediterranean sea, and
at a small distance within the Atlantic,that
her privateers roam in search of their prey.
The number of our vessels, therefore, for
whom our tribute purchases a protection, is
comparatively small. There are but few
ports, which tve pay her for the right isf
privilege of entering.—Mo-.v different is the
maritime power of Grcat-Rritain ’ Her ships
swarm in every part of the Ocean There is
scarcely a port in the whole world, in going
to which, there is not almost an absolute cer
tainty of our meeting with her cruisers or
ships of war. These are not only sometimes
found near ti c ports of our destination, or on
the high seas, but they come even within
the neighborhood of our own ports and har
bors. It, therefore,the quantity of tribute is
to be proportioned to the immunity which
we purchase For our vessels, thif amount
would be seriously oppressive to the trea
sury tint} revenue of this nation. Where we
pay thous mds of dollars to Algiers, we should
be called upon to pay millions of them to (i.
Britain.—But 1 do not exactly perceive, sir,
hy what refinement of reasoning you can ex
tract any thing like an Algerine tribute from
the British Orders of Council?
jui'\ lie not too sanguine, sir. it is not
so difficult to draw some kind of parallel be
tween the two cases.—Let us suppose'that
our government did not actually pay out of
its treasury, the present annual contribution
to the Dev of Algiers; but that every vessel
ol the United States that was bound to the
Mediterranean, well knowing the danger of
capture by Algerine pirates, should consent
to sail by Algiers, ami pay a certain price
for the privilege of a Mediterranean Pass
or License. Let us suppose, that the a
niount thus annually paid by individuals,
should proveto he exactly equal to tile sti
pulated sum, which is now paid by the gov
ernment. Where, then. Sir, is the great
difference between these cases, to the inte
rests and honor of the nation i In the one
case, the government consents to purchase in
one lump the privilege of navigating the
Mediterranean, t» be extended to every A
merican vessel: In the other case, it con
sents to suffer each individual to purchase
the very same privilege for himself. Tome,
sir, there does not appear a very broad slrade
of difference between these two cases. It is
not of very material import to tile honor of a
nation, whether its government should itself
do the one, or suffer its citizens to do tile o
iher ; a government, which has been express
ly instituted to “ provide for the common de
fence, promote the general welfare, and se
cure the blessings of Liberty" to its subjects
As to the pecuniary interests of the nation,
it is nut perhaps of greater importance. In
the one case,the sum isdrawn from the purses
of the people ; in the other,_ it is squeezed
from the same purses through the medium of
the public coffers.—It would perhaps indeed
be somewhat more for the interests of the
nation, if the purchasing of these licences
was left to the government, rather than to in
dividuals. The government would purchase
! in the lump ; in the whole saieoi mercantile
| immunity. Individuals would buy by retail.
| The government might therefore purchase
! on chea/ter terms, titan its individuals could
| sepcrately obtain. T tie tribute besides would
be at least stationary for one year, and pro
bably invariable for a series of year*_
Whereas the price of each seperate licence
! would probably increase with the cupidity of
■ the pirate, and the increasing submission of
; his victim.
filer. But how does this apply to Great
Britain ?
| Lar. Why, reverse this operation, and
{you will easily perceive it. Great Britain
says to us; “ I lio.J the key of all the ports
of the world. My triumphant fleet roin
; mands every sea and nook of the ocean, with
as absolute a sway as the Algerine cos airs
| command the pass 01 the Mediterranean,
j Pursuing the policy of that civilized nation,
I will compel you to pay me for the privi
lege of entering ihese ports. You shall not
| go into Leghorn, or Bordeaux ; you shall not
, sail for France or Italy, without purchasing
! a pass or licence from myself. All your ships
; and cargoes, though they consist of your own
native productions, shall come to my ports,
and the licences which you mayitnere obtain
will protect you against my cruizcrs, and
j carry you safe to ports and through sea*,
j where your right of navigation is as great as
! my own.”—Now, sir, if the government of
: the United Slates acquiesce in this monstrous
: encroachment on our rights, if they suffer
Great Britain to exact the price of this li
cense or pass trom individual vessels; why
hot at once pay her a stipulated sum, from
our treasury, lor suffering our vessels to en
joy this trade, free from the interruption of
her * ruizei s ? Out* government might per
haps make a better bargain hr us by uego
ciating in the lump. Two or three millions
of dollars might for the first year content the
rapacity of Gieat Britain; and all our ves
sels would have a British license without
each man's paying for it. Now, sir, t/ou
must admire this mearcanlile kind of econo
my. You are for the miserable, peddling bu
siness of tacit man's making the be.>t bar
gain for himself at the English custom-house.
Now, why not pay far them ail at once? In
Consideration of r.ur wanting and taking a
good many licence*-, in the year, perhaps
<ireat Britain will let us havfc them, a lit
tle cheaper, i htu, sir, let us at once strip
ott' the vizor, and pay her tribute. Where
the scales of national honor are soniCelv ba
lanced, it is out* duty to try that expedi
ent, which may be the cheapest. For mv
own part, if the embargo is to be disconti
nued, under present circumstances, I would
fii 3t ncgociate with the British government
for the use of the general right of license at
the lowest possible rate of tribute.
Mer. Hut bow will you prevent this prac
tice? Merchants will carry on their trade
amt will insure their vessels by accepting
licenses. 1 °
rur. You are wrong, sir. The hi"h-min*!cd
patriotic merchant will not drive the keel of
his ve . ad over the bleeding.honor of his coun
try. It is the little, sneaking, smuggler, who
docs these things. It is the honest trader
who perjures lumsclf at the custom-honse’
and then sneaks oft' to the West Indies It
is the merchant, who has as little consci
' nee for his own sins, as he lias feeling tor
the rights of his Country—But how would I
[pitMUl this practice ? Though I could rot
.totally d.stmy it, / would try every fair
I in- os for limiting its exuberance. If I could
i9k once lay the a;<t at the root of tke c
i vil, I would rut off as many shoots and $cy
; ot;s as I ct :ld reach. 1 would nut encourage
! this practice l>y sufimirti/tif to tli'e orders in
) Council. The embargo prevents a vast nuni
, ber of these licenses. Hut ns there are \ct
jcorrupt and mercenary nicNchnnts who th.i-*
dii!Minor liieir country, I would prevent this
dishonor by depriving them of their cointrv
Men, who disgrace their birth-right, should
no longer enjoy it. I would immediately a
dopt the proposition made in a report of a
committee of the Senate of the United States,
during the last wiatcr ; a report, which I re
commend to your attention on account of the
ret respective as well as fi rosfiective views
which it embraces. This proposition is in
the following words:
ticsolvedy that the committee lie further
instructed to report a bill, cx/iatriating all
citizens of the United States, who shall be
convicted of voluntarily accepting any license,
or paying any tux, in conformity to the Bri
tish orders of Council, of the 11th of Novem
ber last.
Mcr Rut is our condition never to be im
proved ? Why not reap all the trade we can ?
Is it not infinitely better to suspend our em
bargo as to the ports of Portugal and Spain?
jar 1 will not go into the iHnumerablc
objections, which may lie made to that mea
sure.—one particularly strikes me at this
moment, because it is in unison with our past
conversation. I)o you not see, that it we
take ofF the embargo as to them, we ma. as
well remove it as to Great Britain ? What
should prevent a vessel, that has cleared out
for Cadiz, from going to London ? You say
perhaps, that she lias no regular clearanc e.
But this is no obstacle. I-ook at the British
order, which permits vessels to go to B. is
lands, without papers at all. Look at the ac
counts just received from England, that
“ orders had been given by that government
to the different collectors of customs, to give
every facility to vessels of the United States,
that may arrive without having regular/to
ilers."—What would be the effect? Almost
all our trade thus passing thro’ England,
would come compleatiy under British license.
Would you submit-to this ? Would our fore
fathers have submitted?
A ter. But is the present state of thingsfor
ever to continue? Are we to be etemaliy de
barred from the use of the high seas, and
the benefits of trade ? How long are wc thus
to be cooped up witilth our shell ?
1'ar. The wisdom of Congress must, an
swer that question.— Hut 1 am ronlident,that
they will not decide in favor of submission.
Sooner than submit to the; insolent encroach
ments of the British orders, 1 would declare
war and encounter all its ••.evils and pri-a
tions. it congress rescinds the Embargo, I
am confident they will adopt other restrict
ive regulations in its place. Call to mind
two other resolutions, which were proposed
>> the aide ami excellent report of the com
mittee of the Senate. Our means of com
mercial restriction are not yet exhausted.
1 wo of them are alluded to in the two fol
lowing resolutions, which have not yet been
carried into execution:
“ Resolved, that the committee be instruct
ed to report a bill, prohibiting after the
day of all commercial intercourse with
such of the belligerent nations, whose edicts
against the neutral commerce of the United
States may render such prohibition expedi
ent/
Resolved, That the committee be further
instructed to report a bill, imposing on the
navigation and commerce of foreign nations,
restrictions corresponding with the restric
tions, imposed bv them respectively, on the
commerce and navigation ci the United
States.”
It circumstances should imperiously call
upon us to revoke the embargo, then, sir, let
us adopt these and such other restrictions,
as can be carried into execution. Det us
arm oiir merchantmen ; let us enable them
to for ce a trade to those ports and seas, which
we have a right to enter. Should this sys
tem lead to a war, it is a- war which we have
incurred in the defence of our national rights
and honor. And if the virtue anti greatness
the cause be any guarantee of military
success, we nefctl not despair. It i. a cause
which will nerve the arm of every real citi
zen m this country with irresistible might,
in the mean time, let us wait with patience
and perseverance. I„et us not mar our own
cause by such miserable and abortive efforts,
as have escaped from the Essex Junto. Uet
us stick fast to the embargo, untill the inter
ests of our country shall require Its FeVtH'.v
tion. 1 iie British Ministry are ttrtxiolisly
attempting to contronl our >-ext iJresiden
tial election. They wish Input iii sortie hirttt,
whois more favorable to their views and eh
croachments, than Janm* Madiatm is. They
hope to raise inuil rC-etions, or St team dis*
contents, and BChUrm unionist iit, This is
one grand resUofi of tilth* continuing the or
ders in council. They hop.* to wean the
people from Jefferson ntufMadisotl.—Let us
disappoint ait their calculations. The fede
ralists need not support e. C, Pinkney as
rresident,\tor Bimothy Bickering as Vice~
As to the H-al Uepublicatts, they will consult
the unanimity ami energy of tlieir party at
this trying crisis. They will disappoint C’.nn
nmg & Hawkesbury. They will rally around
that man, who unites in himself the ma
jority of the voices of the people, and who
”,as ™ ;T'.y "'"‘stood the encroachments of
Great Britain.
yi/rr. On that subject* sir. t.vrut
uitut i.
The Federalists have raised much Uie
c.amor about Mr. Canniuj-’s Speech in the
i l-uim. ot Commons. In this speech, the sly
diplomatic minister has ingeniously contrived
to spur on his federal friends in their fuvo
vonte cry of *• French influence in our na
tional councils. 1 he impression, which he
s-. ins anxious to leave on the mind is, that
our administration dares not take a single
step with the British government, until they
have previously consulted the wishes of
r ranee. The Federalists, eager to avail
them selves of this information, have rapidly
tallen into the ideas and \Vishes of their mo
vcr. The whole landscape is now alive with
' chirping ot these noisy grnshnppers.
iNothmg is heard hut the shrill Cry of Fre, h
influence. Mr. Jefferson, it is insinuated,
is afraid to send a messenger to the court of
St. James’s, until he has first dispatched him
to feel the pulse of the court of St. Cloud.—
Cct us review this case.
J he points in this speech, on which the
Federalists must fasten, are those:
1st. That “since the return of Mr. Rose
no communication has been made by
the American government, in the form
of rom/ilaint, or remonstrance or irri
tation or of any description whatever,”
respecting the Orders in Council_Al
though,
2d!y. “ Several sftecial messengers have
reached” England from America ; and.
i Sitll}-. That+hesc uad alw ays ill at " touch
< i at Prune?."
The first point is ridiculous. It Is an es
tablished fact, that remonstrances have been
tnude ag linst the Orders in Council, both in
this country and in London. This is proved
by the extracts which we this day republish
from the National Intelligencer. It is cer
tain, that Mr. Pinkney made a very strong
and animated remonstrance against them to
Mr. Canniug. These were contained in the
very dispatches which the Vice-President
of the L7. S. read through mistake in the Sen
ate ; some of Mr. Itose’s suite being then in
the gallery. It is said too, that the British
government wished to dupe Mr. P. into some
arrangement about the details of these Or
ders; a course, which would have in fact ta
citly admitted their principle, but which
Mr. P. indignantly and promptly rejected. 1
Mr. Madison too was called on to pen are- j
monstrance on the same subject, in reply to ;
the letter of Mr. F.rskine, of Feb. 23. This ]
reply must have reached London after Mr. j
Hose’:; return, and before the delivery of Mr.
Canning’s speech What candor then is there
in the insinuation of this minister, that no J
remonstrance or coni/i/aint has been made !
by the American government on this point ;
since Mr. Hose’s mission. His expression [
mnv lie “ literally correct,” but his “mean- j
ing” is much too “equivolent.”
2.11 such remonstrances were made, why *
rr/ieat them to the British government?---'
Why dispatch “several special messengers”
to remonstrate, and to complain of Orders,
against which the first remonstrance had
proved unavailing ? No doubt, these mes
sengers carried dispaf. lies for our minister
in London ; hut these may have contained
instructions for his own guidance ; and not :
dispatches for the British Government.— ;
Why not then suppose, that the very same .
vessels carried out similar dispatches for i
our minister at Paris ? It is but liberal to
suppose, that our government has treated
I- ranee and G. Britain on the same grounds
of liberality and civility. Is it yet known,
that France has treated our re monstrances
as G. Britain has done ; or having done so,
that our government has not treated France
i in the same way, as Mr. Canning says we
have treated his own nation ? How does it
appear, that Mr. Armstrong has renewed his
remonstrances to the French government f
IIow does it appear that the special messen
gers, who have visited France, have carri
ed out dispatches for the French Govern
ment ? Perha/is if the French minister
were just as communicative as Mr. Canning
has been, he would make precisely the same
declaration .as Mr. C. has done. How then
i can the federalists pretend to say, that we
j have treated France differently from En
gland ? Where is the proof of that great
distinction prevailing between the two cases,
which justifies them in uttering the charge
of French Influence?
3. But they say here “ is that proof! Our
messengers have always touched at France,
before they went to England. This seems too
much like calling for Orders. Why is not
this thing reversed ? Why not first touch
at England, and afterwards go to France?”
It is then, upon such contemptible trifles, as
these, that the Federalists will erect such
serious charges against the administration.
Nothing is easier than to account for this ar
rageiuent. France did not and does not
permit any vessel, though charged with an
official messenger, to enter her ports; after
having touched at those of England. Let
the case of the minister of the Prince of
Hesse he here called to mind. But England
has adopted no such arrangement, with res
pect to such vessels. It is not therefore very
astonishing, that our messengers should have
touched at France, before they proceeded to
England? But if they had first gone to En
gland, it would have been the very coarse to
have debarred them from the ports of France
and prevented Mr. Armstrong from recei
ving his dispatches.
We shall publish in our next paper, the addi
tional documents from the North American res
pecting-gen. Wilkinson.—These documents are
intended to aid Mr. D. Clark’s deposition which
was laid before ihe H. of It.
distinct charges have been brought against.
Gen. W.
1. That he was a'pensioner of Spain,
2. That fie wa3 accessary to the schemes cf A.
Burr.
The essay and documents published in this pa
per sHthe time last fall, under tile signature of A
KtUUUc.klait, contributed to convince us that the
first r.httigc was ur.crlv groundless; that gen.
W-. had been a merchant, not a pensioner; and
that tlie sums received by him from N. Orleans
were hot on account of pension, but of certain
commercial transactions. Nothing has since oc
curred to shake this conviction. The course
pursued by Clark, See. during the last winter
was more stamped by the features of persecution
and l-esentment, than those of a liberal, delibe
rate nnd conscientious prosecution.
As to the second charge, the evidence has not
been sufficiently full and explicit to lead to
a satisfactory state of conviction on either
side.—■—Links are struck out of the chain of
testimony j documents are yet wanting to eluci
date the history of this transaction. The conduct
of gen. W. does not appear in broad and gla
ring sun-shine. There are certain parts of it,
over Which suspicion hovers. After a very care
ful ft unsatisfactory investigation, our ownopiiiion
is, tiiai ti>c original conduct of gen. W. was sus
picious—-that the probability turns in favor of an
original understanding with A. B.—but that G.
V/’r, , lews extended no further than the conquest
of Mexico, and never to the occupation of New
Orleans or the dismemberment of the union.—
The Services which he subsequently rendered in
repressing the intended enterprises of Burr, are
too great to be denied.—Through mt these sub
sequent stages, he has exliibiicil both weakness
and intrigue.
But Whatever he the aspects, which these
circumstances present, one fact accir.s to be con
ceded : that the majority of the people of the U
nitrtd Stales look upon General \V. with a suspi
cious eye. Under such circumstances, it is emi
nently to he desired, that lie would resign his
commission, of Brigadier General.— If General
\V. does not comply with this sentiment, it be
cotn6s then an important ami delicate question
before the executive of the United States, whe
ther general W. should occupy the post of Com
mander in Chief.—It is our own opinion th it he
should not. The ground which we take is ibis ;
That in these tempestuous and perilout times, no
| m in should retain the important cernth.Vul of a
I Commander in Chief, in whom, it has brentsta
blished, that the majority of the people, after a long
amt active deliberation, do not rtpo.se a sufficient
degree tf confidence.
E Ij E C T O R A L T IC K E T.
The following lathe Madisonian Electoral
Ticket, re published for the information
of the Citizens of Virginia.
Joseph Good rum, fit dr. .\ansrmond,
Ilrtijantin Harrison, /‘trace George J
Rdmard /'egrani, Sertr. Dinwiddle,
Richard J'iclJ, Rrumf xcich,
Co!. I'hithzi Read, Chariot »,
J /hi - '*d< • mi,
Jiugh .Yctsvu, Jtibe.naric,
Co/. George Penn, J'alrtck,
Phtlifi JV. Aichotaa, Richmand City,
S'pencer Roahe, hanox rr, m
Jit Jiouuc, King i't tipuui,
Robert Taylor, Orange,
Gustavus R. Horner, Baaquier's
Robert A/elaon, York,
Mann Page, Gloucester,
Richard Barnes, Richmond County,
John T. Brooke, Stafford,
Hugh Hjlmea, Bred crick,
Osborne Sprigg, Hampshire,
James Allen, Shetland. rh,
.ire hi bald Stuart, Augusta,
Andrew Russell, H’ushingtonf
Gen. John Preston, Alontycniemt
William Ah Sit: ley, Ohio.'’
* fr. the place of yjr, G*oB:,-h, deceased,
lu the place "f Alrxr. Snuih, resigned.
NOTICE."
3S* ’THOSE Gentlemen who have been
30 obliging as to receive subscriptions for
j“ The Spirit or * SevehtY-Six,” are re
quested by the Subscriber to Jot -card a list
I of the subscribers’ names, and those of their
/'.luces of residence, or of the Past Offices to
t wiin h ! heir papers must be respectively sent,
so as to reach this by the tenth or eleventh i f
l thin month, as the first number of “ The Spi
■ rit of ’Seventy Six” wilt certainly appear
. on the thirteenth of the /hrevent month. In
some instances it will oc impossible for want
of timely notice to comply with this request,
and in those cuscs it is hoped, a list will be.
forwarded cut early after receiving this no
tification, us opportunity shill permit, or
j convenience dictate. In ez cry iiutunc , they
are solicited to retain in their possession
; somewhat longer the original subscription
1 papers.
EDWARD C. STAA’ARD.
Richmond, Sept. 2nd. 130S.
SEI.EC I’ SCHOOL.—TV's school is now <>
pen for the recepti >n of scholars ; its until
her is limit*<1 to twenty-one : and a fe w are wan
ted to complete it.
The instructions given are in the Greek ami
Latin languages, Matheinaticks,Oratorical com
position, Elocution, &c.
The price of tuition is fifteen dollars a quar
ter, payable in advance ; and no other extra
charge made, either on the scholar’s first entering
or for fuel.
FRANCIS S. O’REILLY.
Sent 2 flawlm}
LAST NIGHT.
Saturday Evening, September 3,
At the Freemason’s- Hall, ROPE- D .1E SIS S with
ami without the Balance Pole, Turn. /. ; and
feats of activity, the Pyramids, C-u &c &c.
The New Double Dance, called the Trumni
ot run 1*.IMG of Mogul, being the second
time it has been exhibited in die United States.
Tbe whole to conclude with a Pantomime called
HARLEQUIN PASTRY COOK.
Clown, Mr. Manfredi,
Columbine, Miss Catharine,
Old Man, Mr. Copene,
Magician, Mr. John,
Harlequin, The Little American.
To commence half past seven o’clock precise*
ly, and price half a dollar per ticket.
Richmond, Sept. 2. (It)
rY',EN DOLLARS REWARD.—Ramaway
A from the subscriber living in the lower end'
I c-f Buckingham on the 19th day of this month,
a Negro Man named JACK GOING ; he is a
: bout 5 feet 9 of 10 inches high, 30 or 35 years of
age i lie is cross-eyed and has a down cast lock
when spoken to. It is very iikely he will forge
himself a free pass, as lie could write and read
previous to Ids elopement; he bought himself a
horse, stole! a saddle which has a plate on thy
pommel. It is highly probable that he is lurking
about ill Po v. lmtuii, where he has relations, ho
took with him u fine black coat, new suwarrow
hoots, and tnnnv other g®od clothes. 1 will give,
the above reward to any person who will ajvpie
bend and sccme him in any jail, and all reasona
ble charges paid for bringing him home.
M. C. HILL, Adm'r.of
Ho. Hilt, dec’j.
September 3._f l.-*rr6rrty )
IT'OR SALK.—Valuable HORSES* COL t's
and BROOD MARES. On Thursdaythft
Pth of September next, will be offered F»i«.
Salk, on the Mansfield Race Ground* in thr:
county of Amelia, near Bevil.’s bridge, about 2d
miles from Petersburg and 30 from Richmond,
nine head ol HORSES, amongst which are some
of as well bred Marcs and Colts aS were ever
raised in the United States ; one of the niarvs is
the dam of the celebrated horse Wonder, and of
most of these Colts : Also, a well bred JACK
ASS, allowed to be the best now in Virginia, be
longing to the estate of the late Francis Eppes oF
Chesterfield. Twelve months credit will be gi
ven and bonds with approved security required
before tlie delivery of the property.
BY THE EXECUTORS.
Sept. 2. [iRti.s]
IDu hereby forewarn all persons from trading
for a Bond ®f mine executed to James Hick
man for twenty-five pounds, dated 12th April last*
as I do not conceive I owe him any part thereof
ROBERT MENDU.Vl.
•Sept. 2._[3wj
L1 OR REN I—1 lie IENEMKNT at present:
L occupied by Mr. Archibald Foster, near the
Market Bridge—Possession may he ba I on the
1st of October next. Also, For Urn■ or Salk,
a two story HOUSE, 5tc. (now finishing off) on
Shook e. Hill—Possession of which may be had
about the 1st of November next.
Wm. McKTM.
Richmond, Sept 2. [3w]
IN CHANCERY.— At a Court continued and
held for Albemarle county, 1st day of Au
gust, lbOH,
Alexander Garrett, Complain,tnt-Against
William Cornelius and J asepli Bishop, Defen
dants.
The defendant"William Cornelius not having
cat red his appearance, Se given sccuritv accor
ding to the act of Assembly, & the rules of this
court, and it appearing to the satisfaction of the
court, that lie is not an inhabitant of this state_
On motion of the plaintiff by h,s council, it is or
dered by the court, tb it the said defendant do
appe tr here on or before the first day of the next
term, and answer th- bill of the plaintiff, and that
a copy of this order be tbrthwilh inserted in soma
news paper published in the city of Uicjinmnd
two months s icccssively and posted at tile front
door of the couil house of said county.
A Copy. Teste,
JOHN NICHOLAS, C. C.
September 2 [lawtJwJ