The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-03-23 00:00:00, page 3

rCije inquirer.
RICHMOND. MARCH 23, 1810.
TOR THE EXQUIRER.
TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY!!
THE CEJYTTXEL_N®. V.
The essay to which I have already referred
as having been generally ascribed to Mr. Ran
dolph, contains a reflection on Mr. Jefferson
which deserves notice. The writer address
ing himself to Mr. Madison, says——** Es
pouse them, (Mr. Jefferson's measures,) and
they become your own. You identify your
self with him, who with a full and perfect
knowledge that he was about to surrender
into your hands a beggared exchequer, and
that the deception could be kept up twelve
months, after his retreat to the mountain,
gravely came forward in his last official ad
dress tc*. Congress, and to the nation, affect
ing to be embarrassed with the surpluses ot
our revenue, and pretending to tax the in
genuity of the Legislature, not with raising
supplies which he well knew to be then wan
ting, but in devising ways and means to rid
the country of the burthen of a redundant
Treasury. A man who died (politically)
with a *** in his mouth. It is on record.
It is deposited in the archives of his coun
try !” This, I suppose is one of those
“ strong facts’' for which Mr. Bronson, and
the other Federal Editors thought those
essays worthy of republicatiou in their pa
pers.
Here again T cannot help asking if it be
possible that Mr. John Randolph penned this
paragraph * Is it possible that a man, pro
fessing the proud and high sense of honor
which he does, can be capable-but I will
not follow the example which has been set
me. I will only say that this writer, whoe
ver he is. wants either the discernment or
the candor which are essential to an in
wi vnu pcujjic. Aviuit*. anxiety aoeui
the truth of his facts, anti less about the el„
oquence of his periods would have given him
the respect of the wise and virtuous, and
might have laid the basis of a lasting repu
tation ; to this, it seems, he has preferred
the transient breath of admiration from the
ignorant and prejudiced. Why did not this
gt-ntieman quote that passage from Mr. Jef
terson's “ last official address,” on which
he founds this charge of deception ? it might,
indeed, have disturbed the harmony of h>«
sentences ; but it would have atoned for this,
by the superior candor of the proceeding,
and by enabling the people to judge for them
selves. But it will be presently seen that
such a quotation would not have answered
the writer’s purpose ; on the contrary, It
would have exactly defeated that purpose,
by shewing to the plainest understanding
that the charge was without a single atom oi
foundation.
Before I proceed to examine this “ last
official address” of Mr Jefferson, I beg per
mission to note that passage in this writer
in which he refers to Mr. Jefferson’s retreat
to the mountains. This is obviously an al
lusion to the old calumny of Mr. Jefferson’s
deserting his post, when Governor of Vir
ginia. on the invasion of Arnold, and taking
refuge in the mountains. I am not about to
enter upon an examination of the truth of
this charge; for I am perfectly convinced
that those who advance it know it to be
false ; they cannot 1 ave forgotten, that ten
years ago when this charge was played off
with so much zeal from the federal batte
ries against the rising popularity of Mr. Jef
Te t son, :t was met by a sentence of the Vir
ginia Legislature ; a sentence, passed upon
a fall -examination of this subject, at a time
■when the facts were all recent, and the evi
deuce all upon the spot ; and a sentence
which went not only to the acquittal of any
censure, but conveyed to Mr Jefferson the
thanks of the Mouse, on behalf of the state,
for tiie zeal and firmness with which he had
watched over the public interests commit
ted to his charge. These men havo not for
g«iten,that in addition to the proof furnish
ed by this ienteHce, several most respecta
ble gentlemen, (and among others, Col. John
Ha rvie, not then of the republican party,)
shocked at a charge so unfounded & shame
ful, came forwaid of their own accord, and,
through the medium of the public press,
from facts which had passed before their
own eyes, furnished the most conclusive e
vidence of the scandalous falsehood of that
charge. New I appeal to your candor, and
ask you what we are to think of men. who,
in tlie teeth of allihis evidence, go on to re
peat this charge just as if no answer had
ever been made to it ; and more especially
I ask you what we are to think of the dig
nity of tlus minority gentleman, who, in or
der to curry favor with his new associates,
descends to the humble office of being the
second hand retailer of their stale and ex
ploded calumnies.
in's niuucniiu anusinn to tnc moun
tain retreat, was a very fit ingredient in the
general charge of deception with which it
js mingled , tor that charge itself is cer
tainly one of the lioldest perversions of tact
that has ever happened even in this age.
The charge, when stripped of its rhetori
cal flourishes, is simply this; that Mr. Jef.
ter son in his Inst message to Congress, re
presented the Treasury as being full when
lie knew it to be empty, and affected to pro
pose vari' us means of getting rid of this re
dundancy, when he knew that there was a
necessity of raising supplies. This is the
M charge; no v what is the fact?
Mr. JefTersoh commences the part of his
message in question, by stating that the re
/ceipts of tin- last year ha'I amounted to near
■eighteen millions of dollars, which with the
eight millions and ahs’f in the Treasury at
the beginning of the year, had enabled him,
nfter meeting the current demands and in
terest incurred, to pay two millions, three
bnnd'CJ thousand dollars of the principal oi
our fuoi'ciWt h *• Of these,” he adds, “fivt
m l;. >ns, thru: hundred and fifty thousand
doll'ii . will accessary to pay what v.illbt
dm on the first day of January next, which
“will coihpltai the reimhursment of the eight
per Cent Stock.” Thus so far from repre
renting the Treasury as overflowing, lie
friirws die amount which would be in the
Treasury «m the first day of January 1809—
town; nbout line millions of dollars. Hr
then proceed'. to:.late that—These pay
Tiicnts. with those made in ike sik years and
a half preceding, will have < xtlnguished
thirty thn ndiliufls, five hundred add eigh
ty thoiittti'.'l dollars t>l the principal of the
iundi d 'k;> , being the whole which Could
he | «• f«i- purchased within ft' limit'
the law, and of our emit rifts, mu
the umount (if p n.oi{ ;.l time discharged
* ill have l.,> hU*.1 the revenue li.nn aboy
t »o r illio i of dollars nf eav, ; ’ cJ.
V- .. ^..r.yuail t' tl»-i 'Vspjy-uic SOI
Slu*” it is to be remembered that Mr
efferson was now writing his farewell ad
dress, and considering nia detertninaiion t<
retire, and hi' time of Itte it was the las
address, which, it c add he expected h<
would ever make to that body as President
In this situation what was more i-aturalihar
to look beyond the present moment, to th<
time when the freedom of our commerce
should be restored ; and judging bv the ex
periencc of the six and a half preceding
years, to anticipate the period when tlier<
would be no public debt to which the annu
al surplus of revenue could be applied ?—
The subject which he was then upon, and
1 the situation in which he stood, led him most
naturally and directly to such a course of
thought; and it is only in the pros|»ect of the
restoration of commerce, and, of course, the
wonted revenues of the country that he con
templates the existence of an annual surplus,
and proposes to Congress the various means
of using it for the public good.
These are his words immediately foliow
, ing the sentence above quoted—“ The firo
bable accumulation of tho surpluses of re
venue, beyond what can be applied to the
payment of the public debt, whenever the
freedom and safety of commerce shall be
j restored, merits the consideration of Con
gress.” Now although he is here, in ex.
press words, speaking of a /trobable accu
mulation of surpluses which may occur,
hereafter, whenever the freedom and safe
ty. of commerce shall be restored, this dis
ingenuous writer represents him as speak
ing of an existing surplus nowon band! —
Mr. Jefferson proceeds thus, in the rtext sen
tence: “Shall it lie unproductive in the
public vaults? Shall the revenue be reduc
ed ? or, shall it not rather be appropriated
to the improvements of roads, canals rivers,
education and other great foundations of
prosperity and union under the powers which
Congress may already possess, or such a
mendment of the Constitution as may be ap
proved by the States? While uncertain of
the course of things, the time may be ad
vantageously employed in ob.aining the
powers necessary for a system of improve
ment, should that be thought best ” This
is the whole passage ; and it is on this pa
triotic anticipation of the future, that Mr.
John Randolph or whoever else is the au
thor of Philo Laos, has given the lie direct
to a man who has grown grey in the faithful
and zealous service of his country. Behold
here, a specimen of federal candor and
*7/ _ lucsc me men wnom you
would invite again into power?
VVill this writer or his federal echoes, ask
me for this promised surplus of revenue ?_
I ask them, “ are the freedom and safe txj of
commerce restored?” Since It is on 'this
event and no other, that Mr. Jefferson bot
toms tbe expectation of any such surplus.
But .as to a present surplus, so far was
Mr. Jefferson from stating the existence
of any such, that after showing the balance
actually in the Treasury, "he communicates
the report of the Secretat y of that depart
ment ; a report founded, not on the pros
pect of commerce being restored, but on
the state of things as it really existed, and
on the prospect of the continuance of that
state; and that report was so far from
promising a surplus of revenue, in case of
the continuance of the obstructions to com
merce, that it proposed a loan or an increase
of duties as rendered unavoidably necessary
b$* those obstructions. And this exposition
of tlm state of the finances, the very same
in substance with that of December, 1809,
on which Fhilo-Laos comments, as taking
the nation by sxirprize, was mad* on the 10th
December, 1808, a year and thtee months
j before Mr. Jefferson’s retreat to the moun
1 tains.
So vanishes the charge of deception against
i the late President of the U. States. But
: what will you say to the disingenuous writer
i who advanced it, and hisequallv disingenu
ous supporters? Who, some of his support
ers are, in the City of Richmond and State
of Virginia, the cause of truth and justice
may, hereafter, make it proper to enquire.
Errata in the Cer.tinel, No IV.
“ To lift the mountain weight from the heart
of the farmer”—for heart read breast.
j In the quotation from the President’s first tries
! s,f7e for “ import*” read imposts—and so, in the
corresponding passages.
In the paragraph before the last—“ exclusive
of loans prior to '05 amounting to near four mills*
I ons, (to wit : 4,900,00:/’)—for “ near font mil
lions” read nearJive millions.
REFLECTIONS
OjY LjITE NEWS, (J}‘a
The tidings from Cl reat Britain and France
are of modi importance.
The British ministry have determined to
recall Mr. Jackson—&to substitute a succes
sor “ of talents and rank.”-Let the fe
deral prints cry up, chat this is a trick of the
administration—let Mr. Jackson himself
dispatch lus pfivate circulars all over the
country amongst his consuls, his friends and
his agents-the fact is, that the Marquis
Wellesley has pledg’d himself to these points.
If there were i.o other proof of this, than the
extract of a lettev which follows these re.
marks, that would be sufficient.—-—It is from
the pen of a man who has too much sense in
be a dupe, and too much honesty to play
the knave. Nor would it be a new thing, in
the British Anna1*, as our able correspon
dent has remarked, if the Marquis Welles
ley, after giving these pledges to Mr. Pink
ney, should have attempted to sooth the
feelings of Mr. Jackson, by secret assuran
ces of approbation and protection. 1c was
the case with Berkley——the same case with
W’hi'by-and is the very hue of the rnis
taken policy of the British cabinet. These
diplomatists have two sorts of language
the one official, and the other peculiarly
confined to the individual. In using it, they
seem to reverse the maxim, which has been
applied to treuson: “ They disapprove of the
insult, but they reward the offender.”
Nor would it he a very 'new case, if they
were to violate these pledges They were,
perhaps, given under the pressure of cir
cuinstances, from which thry may ha**e re
covered. They were given under the persua
sion, that the federal party had desertei
their views, and united in their oppositior
to Jackson——and that, moreover, the ca
binetof France w is about to propitiate th<
U. States by a remission of her decrees.——
When, then, they may come to learn of tlx
subsequent excitement of the federal party
of the open and able harangues which wert
given in their favor by Messrs, Dana ant
others in the House of Representatives, par
ticulatly after the silent and sneaking volt
of Pickering and his band of three in the Se
nate. it will not be astonishing, if they afto-ili
, change their tunc— provided, too, they fun
| that France does not continue to lead th
. wav in iht wi;.j and politic pi an irf concilia
■ | ting Arii&ricu.*
1
' ' % r , •
.{ sfs to France, it is impossible, for us ti
speak with precision of her.movements.—
> The most contradictory accounts clash witl
: each other. On.the one hand, we are told
! j that site has made a total sequestration o
our property in her j»orts,nay, even adecla
ratiou of war against us. We arc cheered
■ or. the other, with far different omens——
that a convention has been formed betweei
us and herself--that at least her decree!
have been modified in our favor, and will
probably, soon die of themselves. As u
war, there is none of it *• but in the news
papers ” Some sequestrations may liavt
h ive taken place in the South, as they have
already done in the North, with the view
of sijting the real American, from fictitious
Britiso property-but we know, through
the English prints, (which on this head can
not be suspected of imposition) that Gen.
j Armstrong ha* already succeeded, in some
cases, in letting loose the sequestrations,
j Some bona JUte American property may
j perhaps suffer by the ordeal—the innocent
may perish with the guilty——the honest
trader may suffer, because there are rogues
--aiul because ol’ “ that collusive prostitu
tion of our Hag by individuals, unworthy of
j the Amerion name, which has so much fa
vored the real or pretended suspicions, un
1 tier which the honest commerce of their fel
low-citizens has suffered.” President Ma
dison's message. But is not this as much
: the fault of cirumstances, as of France ?
j Ljght, however, begins to dawn in upon
us, from France. Her Imperial decisions
'which had forbidden the trade with neu
, tral states, is relaxed. A decree has been
j past, specifying the Imports and Exports,
toe trade in which is to be admissible. In
these exports we do not as yet find To
bacco. Flour, Cotton and Kice, the great
| staples of the Southern States-but we
find fish, oil, lumber See. the great produc
t.ons of the Past. This trade is opened
with Holland. Hopes are entertained, that
France wi"ll consult her wisest policy, by
knocking off the municipal shackles of trade.
Hie Berlin and Milan decrees are not ex
plicitly relinquished-but it seems to be
agreed, that that part of the Milan Decree,
which condemns for a search, is done away
by special instructions of the emperor to l»is
Prize courts.
Such is the sum of the late intelligence
; an(l rumors trom France and England
i One fact, as it relates to the opposition
Party in this country, cannot escape us.
, How cheeringly do the ministerial prints of
j Britain and the “ British party in America,”
J chime in with each other ! — It is a perfect
! political ding dong ! In this “ concord of
i sweet sounds,” every feeling for the interests
i of the United States, seems to be lost sight
——Nothing goes down with the federal
, ists. but what has got the patent tower mark
1 upon it--Their course is shaped, not by
what seems meet for ourselves, but for their
friends on the other side the water.—Mark,
j for instance, how well they chime in with the
| ministerialists, as to
I he Ku/Uure with Mr. Jackson.
" The American government seem to have
; thought they had phyed a most dextrous diplo
matic trick in inducing our minister to sign an
arrangement so contrary to his instructions
they were in haste to execute it, that to secure
the advantage it afforded them : and then finding
the trick of r.o avail, they cry out against us, be
cause we would not be the dupes of if.”_L<,n
dan Print, Jan. 6. f
“ Until, however, they can rote awsy the com
mon sense ef mankind, and the meaning of words,
they can never m ike the world believe that the
government of the U. S did not know Mr. Ers
! kine to lisve full power to do what he did They
tell us they knew it—they confess that Mr. Ers
kine’s instructions were exhibited in substance
to them—they knew that they authorised him on
ly to conclude an arrangement on certain
grounds, ami that the arrangement they d:d con
elude with him was on grounds diametrically op
posite.—Why then we say that Mr.Erskine. har
ing communicated his instructions, the Ameri
can government were bound to regird them as
his whole instructions, and must have done it.”
lb. yaw 11.
“It is not possible, we think, that Minister*
can consider Mr. Jackson’s conduct as blamablo,
nay, that they should not consider it as praise
worthy. Entering upon the perusal of the corres
pondence, without any bias in favor of that gen
tleman, we must say that he appears throughout
to have been actuated by a truly British feeling,
and to have sustained, in a firm, manly, and deci
sive manner, the character of his country, and
the honor and dignity of his government”—lb
It is useless incite any corresponding pas
sages from their brother prints in this
country. These are the very doctrines which
they have maintained. These are the very
arguments which they have furnished to the
British ministerial prints, to insult the ho
nor of America. Mow faithfully they re
flect each other, on these points, must be
rviiwu.1 U/WVIJ "IIW llrtS luurvcu lino 1IIC
federal prints for the last five months
Mark, too, how well they chime as to
The appointment of a Succesior,
" We must say to America, “ These are our
offers—you refuse them—You will m ike none in
return tons. We therefore withdraw, our Am
hassador, and break off all Correspondence with
you. The first step td ncgociation—the first
overtures must in future come from you.*’_
London Print, fan. 3
“ We see by m article in Mr. Lang's paper of
this day, that lie ha* discovered his mistake in a*,
serting that Mr. Jackson lias been recalled, and
Mr. flakier appointed Charge des Affairs near
our govermnen.. Neither of these occurrences
have yet happened ; though we have. -TOO
GOOD AN OPINION OK THE SPIRIT OF
THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT to believe
i that she will allow either Mr. Jackson or afiy o
ther gentlnman with the rank of minister, to re
main here after the outrageously insulting con.
duct to bug pursued in regard to England by the
president and hit secretary, and which appears
j from the account* reteiVed by the Flira Packet,
i to be strongly and justly felt by men of all classes
and parlies throughout the British dominions._
E. Pott.
“ It is stated in the government prints, that
Secretary Wellesley informed Mr. Pmknev,
that Mr. Jackson wat in the wrong and thould 'be
recalled, that for himself, he was pledged to no
set of men or measures, and would do e.verv
thing to accommodate the differences with Ame
rica.
" We have only to remark, in thelfirst place,
that we do not believe Secretary Wellesley ever
made any such observation to Mr. Pinltney, but
thatilisan «nactionkehi no lie trumped up
to be ha tidied :.bo*d in the Eastern .nates.
M If after a careful perusal of the documents
. published, and a fair and impartial consideration
of the inconsistencies, .prevarications and artful
misrepresentations with yvhiclt Mr. Smith’i
I share of it abounds, Secretary Wellesley has
condemned tliw British minister, WE hav«
no confidence in ms judgment, mi
INDEPENDENCE, OR MU HONESTY-—
The Hrituh ministry are unfit for their statu
' ona, ifthey confide in the fai.sk proftuiont of
• tinier it^ made by Ma oison and Smith, or caleu
- late that any negoci.iti »o (hat may be substitute*
will inert with m different reception froiij Mi
^ ackvntV—-Halt. Ted dlrp.
'■ t it • • I • • I,
> Vet, , these hie the leading prints of th;
• federal party., Such are the terms in whicl
i they run doyrn the government of their owi
. country—^otveer the insolence of Britain
f hiul spirit up Iter ministry to resolutions am
- new attacks.,-—These arc the men who cr>
, out. Wellcsiey.wouhl.be unworthy of hi;
. station, if ho should only take the word ol
i ' America-or make hut another effort tc
i i conciliate the two countries. Yes, these arc
, J the men who cant so much about' French
i < influence in our councils !
There are some who would have ui
! lay on our oars, in consequence of the news
from lj ndon.—1 hese have sanguine hopes,
that our differences with Great Britain will
be adjusted before the rising of Congress
j They seem tothir.k, that Wellesley will wish
to give a sort of eclat to his tninif’nr by an
adjustment with us-that lie has already
; stated to our minister, that he was not pledg
] ed to any particular etrtrse or set of opini
ons as to American affairs—that perhaps
tlte new ministry may accept a proposition
| to withdraw their orders, on a supposition,
that our non intercourse will b<* continued
! against the French and their dependencies—
and that Holland might be ranked with the
latter, as she either would be, nr was even
now, probably *• incorporated’* with the
empire of France—These feelings, it is
said, have really crept into the bosom of
Congress, though few can urge anv efficient
i grounds for such an expectation. ' On .these
grounds, Mr. Leib seems to have withdrawn
• his proposition in the Senate.—The Convoy
j Bill sleeps on the table of the House of lie*
i pre.rntatives. ,
We shall not take this plan to pieces. Let
us merely ask, why should we recede from
tile ground which we should otherwise have
I taken i Why should we veer our course?
J “ Because a successor to Mr. J. is to be ap
j pdinted?” Yes, the British ministry have
I given such a pledge—but will they redeem
it? 1 hat promise was given under circum
stances, which had awed and astonished
them. File people of the U. S. hud come,
out, seemingly in one cohort, against the in
sults of Jackson——-the tederal speeches in
Ul" **> 01 nau not then reached them
besides, the. movements of France were a..
larming.sfie seemed willing to conciliate
us, by the extinguishment of her unjust
decrees. Hut a short time will elapse, be
fore the Bi itisb ministry will have seen the
efforts of Dana, and his brethren in the H.
ol K.—before they will have learnt that
their party in this Country is still true to
their text——and, perhaps, that the French
have not taken those immediate and public
steps towards an accommodation, which
were looked for, about the 1st of Jan. Un
der such excitements, it is not too bold to
conjecture that the British ministry may Hy
ofr from the promise which they have made
——conjure up some pretext for the breach
of it ——and refuse to send a new minister to
this country.
But let this he, as it may, are we to «• re
lax the nerve of public measures at eveiy
promise from perfidious Britain >” Has she
not continually' lured U3 from our purposes
by the most artful professions? Have not
her demands uniformly risen, with ourinac
tivity-and fallen, .with the firmness of
our attitude? Let us then assume a bold
and determined stand—submission, on our
ParJ» will but encourage encroachment on
her’s.” As to France, too, we must expect
the happiest 1 suits froiyi our resolution._
*S/te will not tail to /lay a greater respect j
for our rights, in proportion to the resolution
which we display, to ream the wrongs of
Great Britain. It France were previously
determined to suffer her obnoxious decrees
to die of themselves, our own firmness will
have no effect upon her -"-if she were dis
posed to modify them, our own course will
but accelerate their extinction.
file Convoy Bill, the strongest measure
now t . fore Congress, will test the sincerity
j of the teds, “ who have always declared
a willingness to maintain the rights of the
nation by force, not by commercial restric
tion.” .It will test, too, the sincerity cf
those “ who have expressed a willingness
to defend the fair commerce of the Country
but not,the fungus.”
Should this Convoy Bill pass, either the
merchants will take convoy or they will not
—If they' take it, the Belligerents mu-t
either withdraw their iniquitous Edict-, or
it is war. If they refuse to take the C >n
voy, will not the honor of the country ue
saved, and the nation sheltered from the
disgrace of a naked submission ?
. , extract '
1 o the Editor of the Rnquircr, dated
Washington, March 18.
‘ It is difficult to say what impression has
heen produced here by the letter, the sub
stance of which was forwarded to you—The
despatches which were supposed to accom
pany it have not arrived— fhe Federalists
declare that the conduct of Mr. Jackson is
approved by the British Ministry. It is
certain that Mr. Jackson lias written a lettei
to a Federalist here to that effect—The con
duct of Jackson may probably be approved,
sub rosa, by the British ministry ; his dis_
missal, however, Cy the American Govern
ment will produce no new difficulty, as it is
unquestionably a fact that the Marquis
Wellesley declared to Mr. Pinkney that Mr.
Jackson should be recalled, and a minister
of talents 8c rank appointed to succeed him.
It is not uncommon for the British Ministry
to hold the language of official disapprobati
on towards their officers, while in private
they reward and patronize them—The case
ol Admiral Berkley isonein point—his con
duct was not only officially disapproved, but
disavowed—«—He wag however cherished
sub rosa, by his Government and filially
promoted-The case of Whitby is still
stronger——And various instances could be
adduced of Ministers officially recalled in
disgrace, who have been comforted with the
crumbs of a pension. *»*##*
“ I have not time to give you more than an
outline of the principles of the Convoy Bill_
a refusal of the right of search is the pivot
on which the whole turns—resistance on the
part of a Merchant vessel to search, is just
causeofcapture,whatever may be the charac
ter of the cargo; merchant vessels were there
fore excluded from arrriing so «sto place the
resistance exclusively on the National Flag
—Enemie’s property—Encmie’s persons—
contraband of war, arc the pretexts for
search-—These are therefore excluded—
and to prevent even a question as to proper
ty, all but products or manufacture? of tlx
United States are excluded—J he having on
bottl'd articles not of the growth, produce or
manufacture of the United States —although
no cause of forfeiture, would afford a pretext
for search-The principle assumed is that
i Government of the United States shall
. take all the precautionary measures for pt c
Jv ctitini* an uda;r trade and protect th{ ves
0 .i
• sels with the .National Flag—— A National
i vessel is not liable to search, because therq
i cai| be no suspicion of its.being engaged Ini
, unfair trafi.e. By the common consenfof
[ Nation?, it is exempted froth Suspicion, Che
basis of search, in resisting the decrees <3^
, orders,.the refusal of search is essential—*
Suppose a vessel Slept on the high sets for
toe purpose of search, 'l'he first thing shewn
l)y her papers is her destination-^—This
known, tha is forfeited by the decrees and
orders, because the destination is the cause
of forfeiture. The decrees and orders being
manifest violations of the laws of nations,
submission to search being incompatible
j with actual resistance, the principle of
• refusing it in this limited extent n ay possi
bly be defended, whereas the nroad princi
ple cf defending by Convoy our whole coni
j tnerce could not be supported. In the case
;of the Swedish Convoy, the broad principle
was assumed of forcing by Convoy a trade
, even in contraband of war without rt/a**d_
to the character.ol the vessel or car$/>_Or
in o' her words, of carrying on by force of
arms a commerce prohiU.ted by the laws of
Nations-We propose on the contrary to
protect hv force, a trade to which we have
an undoubted right, and to confine that pro
tection, to articles the fair character of which
cannot be cpiestioned——We deptive i!ie
Belligerent of the pretext for sea ch, by per
forming nurse Ives every nr necessary to
(insure a fair commerce and to remo«> every
ground of suspicion or fraud, on which alone
depends the right of seatrb— All the prin
ciple* which exclude the seKirh of a Nati
[o.ial vessel, will extend to vessels sailing ul
der the Convoy and protection of a n.. ional
ship, responsible for the fairness jf ihecarga
and voyage.
“ The Senate adhered to_day to their
amendments to Macon’s bill-The bill
will probably be lost, as l presume the house
of Hepresentaiives will adhere also.”
THE FAIRFIELD RACES,
W ill commence eti the jlr'st Monday in May
FIRST HAY—The^foc.l.y dub Purte, 400,’
four mile heats.
2d L)A\—The Proprietor's Parse, of §200,
time mile heals
3d HAY—’The Annual Sax e^fisl tie, three mile
heats, live subscribers at £ 10'J each, free for all
ages •
4th DA\—A Saver pit al - will he onened for
four year olds, tvu» mile heap , 5<’i dollars en
trance, to he ion fm* ut 1 o.Vi.ork, free ot*ly for
the member* of theeluh—an" on the s itie day,
.another Sweepstake is i p ned for three i our ofrl
colts and fillies, two utile heat.*,-.fifty dollars en».
trance, to be run for at 4 o'clock.— free only lbr
members.
There are several other Sweepstakes opened,
which w ill he shewn ul the judges' stand, on thu
first day’s lace.
E, IWOCK,
'Treasurer wtd Proprietor.
March 23.__ v.tr
BY virtue of two decree! of, the Scmripr
Court of Chancery, for Ihs Richmond d s
tpet, in the cas s of | > d n and Mar:1. .11 anil
t aylor, Guardi- ns of t! c orphans of Wdliaui
Handiidge, dec’d. agunst the heirs and adminis
trators of William Price, dec' -sed ; ~\V ,11 he
9olil, at public auction .n ll:e p'f mi-'s on M :i
d-y, the 9*h clav tjf \rv-il next, the fvdL • • P.O*
PER'TY, to wit ; a JfOUSR v. ••;..* rf «
on tii** M d -Street, m the c .:f Iliehumn.1, on,
Sho.kce-H ", --ib'ciMir- 1 . k house belonging
to Thomas v/huc, called ‘-he, Blue Hums?, suh*
irft to '.he t-' -nl- .i rhiia of d-iwer, of the wilte
of J<•’ n Br-ta-n. and f ur futimproved hair ere
' . • S, ” tiie r. .rric city, 1st* tlic pro; fty of the
i '• ' ■ uli "M 1’i ir/, dic’d, on a credit of two
years, widi foei-es* frrvn.the date The purcha
>er giving bonds wit!* appro veil security, payable
to the re.'tit r.t *e phnt .T«, anil the title to be re
tained until tiie payments are made
JOHN Pl:OSSEN.\ -
Wm. M0NCURE, 3 Comm rt
March 23. tds
1MIE Subscriber respectfully inform; the in
habitants of Manchester am! its vicinity,
that he h«s jus* opened a Retail Mcdir.sl Stoss':,
immediately apposite Johnson's warehouse, in
| t<*es tid tov L’, where will he kept a constant sup*
ply of fresh Medecines, which will he- sold low
tor cash.
N. B. The Copartnership of Watt" * Arch
er was dissolved in June last. The Subscriber
continues la practice Physic, Surgery a d Hd.
vvitery; thos,- who inaychuseto emp! y hmi
may rely on the strictest attention being paid to
their respective cases.
W Hi KINGTON H'A'fTti.
Manchester, March 32. 3vv
; .Jn Liu cil, Afarch 10. 18lit.
i VTpTICE—That the Executive will receive,
f \ f-raposals, until the Uih f April next, fot
furnishing the Prisoners in ihe Penitentiary, w,t!»
rations for One year, commencing the lti.u of he
said rrltmh of April uext.
i Atteit, .
SAMVEL CO LEM AH’, a c. c.
March 23. tliA
VAI.UA/Jl.E PROPERTY A'JJ< J777.13.
In pursuance of a de re« ot the Circuit
Court of the United States, in the Virginia Dis
trict, pronounced at tf.e last session o; tliat court,
in ‘he M'ils there depending bet wen Wm. Kunkall
Sr Co. plaintiffs, against Thomas M. Deane ami
others, defendants, anil between Scriba Scrophal
and Starman, plaintills, ami the same defendants :
Will be exposed to sale, at auction, at Cair*, in
the county of Cumberland, on Thursday the l.ith
of February next, that valuable MERCHANT
MILD usually called the Cairo At His—Tobacco
Warehouse, i'avefft, and other Lots of Ground
at that place—Also, all the Lands at or near Ca
ira, (consisting of 2U00 a ires and upwards)'
which belonged to James Deane, Thomas M.
Deane & Francis B. Deane or to either of llir :n,
on the iOtlt day of March, 1801.—Terms of
sale—Ten per cent on the amount of the pur
chases to he paid in rash ; a credit of one, t wo
and three years for the residue of the purchufte
money, to bear interest from the day sale,'
the purchaser or purchasers giving bonds'wit i,
security, to he pprdvcd by the undersigned com
missioners, or tiie one that may act, and also e.x
eculi.ig a deed of trust upon the property so
purchased, for securing the payment thereof at'
the periods aforesaid.
Pi cvitnts to the day of s da 0.. Land will b«
divided into convenh nt lotsxo suit putr.h.iserv.
C. COPf.AND, } Commissi*
W . O. WILLIAMS, 5 oners.
December JO.
\j The above Property will be sold on tl»o
27th August -hut this advertisement ifter this
will be <1 continued aiul will be itil netted a few'
Weeks before the bald.
W C - WILLIAMS/
C. COTf-Ntf,
March JS'iJ*