The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-04-06 00:00:00, page 3

snl*T, he it peace, u» it war, be it (Iftherc be such
• thing) an intermediate state between these t wo
there is no difference of opinion as to the delete*
rious operation of this unfortunate law—I ought
perhaps to call it fortunate: fur although it was
iutrodu -ed into the House without a singl*. friend,
although mo man was found to lift up his voice in
its defence, it actually passed by a majority of
two to one, and is found nearly as difficult to re
peal as the old sedition law of ♦*?« former majo
rity, even after all its abettors have become con
vinced of its mischievous tendency. 1 hope, sir,
thut wc shall profit of former experience, and not
pertinaciously adhere to s measure which is dai
ly diminishing the resources of the nation, and ve
ry justly impairing the public confidence in the
wisdum and patriotism of the Legislature—hut
I beg pardon—I am entering into a discussion,
when my sole object is to submit a naked propo*
•ion to the House, and if possible, to get the most
speedy decision on it.
I d» not mean to reiterate-because they
must present themselves to every man of common
observation and common sense—the arguments
by which the propriety of a speedy decision of
this question is enforced.
If any member of the House Vfill figure to
htmself the fair and ben a American merchant,
whose ship has been lying at the wharf the great
er part of the whiter laden with a cargo perisha
ble in its nature, say flax-seed, which if not ex
ported now becomes utterly worthless, be will
conceive the situation of those whom I wish to
relieve How our resources are to be enlarged, or
the Vitgerents to be acted on by our produce pe
rishing here I cannot conceive—1 mean the pro
duceof the fair & bonaf.de trader-for the other dcs-1
cription of men we know, all send their produce 1
when and where they please. We have nad offi
cial information near five months ago, that.tlie Uw
is wholly inoperative, except as to men of high
character, for probity and honor, who cannot
gain their own content to violate the law. 1 there
fore move
* That the act interdicting commercial inter
course, See. Sic.—ought to be immediately repeal
The House agreed to consider the resolution—
Yeas 69, Nays 53.
Mr. Montgomery said he had just now voted
for adherence to the disagreement of the House to
the Senate’s amendments, because be did con
ceive that a repeal of the noa-intercoursc, with
out something being substituted, was positive un
equivocal submission to the edicts of France and
Great Britain. He had been gratified at ths re
sult of that vote, as it had still kept open the
question for a repeal of the non-intercourse.
He was one of those opposed to a repeal of
the non-intercourse, without a substitute. He
said, he thought Congress could not separate at
the present session, without repealing the non
intercourse and ilAing something to maintain,
support and defend the rights of our country.
At a former session the House had resolved that
they could not submit to the British or French
decrees without a surrender of the rights, honor
and independence of the nation. Nothing has
ocoured to change the relative situation of the
u. s. as to those decrees. Holding these opind I
ions, Mr. M. said he consiJerd it hi* duty to
move the following amendment to which he said
be hsd no hesitation in saying is his belief that no
gentleman who regarded the rights or honor of
kis country could object
“ And that provision ought to be m^debylaw
to maintain and defend the rights, honor and in
dependence of the United States against the e
dicts of France and G. Britain.”
O* motion of Mr. Smiiie, the House nqw ad
journed—65 to 53.
(From the Alexandria Gasette.)
Monday, April 3.
The hill relative to the Batture waa read a third
time and passed : ayes 89noes 16.
The unfinished business of Saturday_Mr.
Randoph’s resolution to repeal the non-intcrctunc
and Mr. Montgomery's amendment.
Mr. Rhea moved tb postpone the consideration,
until to-morrow.
A long debate ensued. Messrs. Randolph,
Lyon, 1 aylor, Dana and Key spoke against the
fiostponemcnt. Messrs. Smilie and W. Alston in
avor of the postponement.
The question was taken by ayea 8c noca and
negatived—Ayea 57—Noea 59.
The question to consider the resolution was
then taken and determined in the affirmative—55
in tavor—49 against.
Mr. Randolph accepted the amendment offered
by Mr. Montgomery as a modification of his i
motion and asked a division of the question at the j
the place where his resolution ended, so as to take 1
the sense of the house on the two propositions I
*«peratcly as he originally intended.
Mr. MtXim moved to amend the resolution
by inserting at the end of Mr. Randolph’s reso
lution, and before Mr. Montgomery’s addition,
and that provision he made by law to prohibit
all importation from G Britain and France.”
Mr. Rondelph also accepted this as a modifies
t'on and asked a division of the question as
before.
Air. Root moved so to amend the original mo* i
lion and additions as to make it read •• that the 1
non-intercourse he repealed when provision shall I
be made by law to m..*.it>*in, &c.”
. Before any question was taken the house ad*
journed.
; ~—ms-.'-u sawjs 1 . i.. j._m_..j_ jihuhu
Jamks Riven LOW-GROUNDS— For sale
The subscriber intending to leave the state,
will sell, to the (lightest bidder, on the 10tl» day
•f nay next, on the premises, his tract of LAND,
in the county of Amherst, whereon Jesse Spin
ner resides : containing one hundred and fifty a
cres of Z.OU Ground^, and about fout’hundred of
High Land. The low grounds are entirely re
claimed, and in fine order for the culture of corn,
wheat, tobacco, 2ic.. The high land is yet in
wood?., but much of it admirably suited for To
bacco. The improvements are calculated few se
curing a crop : Among many other advantages
of this Land, a ferry and mill seat, m.iy be enu
merated ; and it3 contiguity to the Oxford iron
works tc Lynchburg, rendering com a very aalea
bic article at all times. Temu are two thousand
dollars cash, and two thousand the first of each
succeeding January, till the balance be paid
which must be secured ’.-y a deed of trust on the
. Land.
1 ROBERT MAYO.
April 6. eplM.
AT ^ * ICC—All t|io$e indebted to the cstuie of]
-k'S Gabriel Wright, dec’d late of Buckingham,
are desired to come for wutd and discharge the
game*—and those hatinj; cLlins, to produce them,
propel ly auihenlicatt cl, for settlement.
, UliXKY MAN SOM, Adm'r.
April 6,1810.
>> Y virtue of a deed of trust, made to the
# subscriber by Jncob F. Earh’trt, bearing
date the fust day of .September, one thousand
•’»> »t hundred ruid nine, for purposes thefem
nieMtumed j Will be sold, on Thursday, the 12ih
of Aprill next, to the highest bidder, according
to law, at the l anyard lately occupied by said
Ef.rliurt. the whole of said F.arhuri’s Stock of
LEATHER, OIL, TANNING VTENSILS,
BAHK. &c.and one bay HOUSE. The afore
•aid STOCK, consists of eleven vats of Leather,
aorae of which is nearly tanned ; thirty or forty
cords of bark ; three barrels of oil, fcc. To per
ions concerned in the tanning business the a
bore will be an object worthy of their attention.
ARCHIBALD TAYLOR, I'rutire.
April G. _* tds.
A WATCH f'HUJlD'—A WATCH has been
x v found, and deposited with Capt. William
jicCabe, who will deliver it tothe person giving
n s-'.sf-ciory description of tH: piacc, and paying
Ibecxpencu 9f *dvcrt;»ire.
APa» *• . w4w
! .ngr-rs-TUgs
(<EDe inquirer*
RICHMOND, APRIL 6. 1B10.
FOR THE ENQUIRER.
TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY! •
THE CENtTnEL_No: VI.
The charge of French Influence in our
counsels, is one which it will be salutary to
trace to its origin. The discussion will ne„
cessarily involve the character of a man
who is no more ; and although I admit the
humanity of the maxim, dc rnortuis nil nisi
bonum, yet the good of the living sometimes
makes a breach of it indispensible.
Great talents,combined with the charac
ter of frankness and generosity, have begot
ten a respect, and even an affection for Ge
neral Hamilton's memory in almost everv
bosom. During his life, I for dne, acknow
ledge tha^ I dreaded him ; for I thought
him destined to overturn the republic.—*
But his death banished from my breast, eve
ry hostile sentiment, & l have been since dis
posed to cherish the recollection of the bright
parts of his character only. I believe, that this
feeling is a general one. It is impossible, how
ever, to remount to the source of the charge
which I am examining, without going up to
the first formation of parties; ahd this can
not be done without bringing General Hani
ilton fully into view. Our accusers, there
fore, are the persons who impose upon us
this invidious and painful duty. -
General Hamilton, in common with the
enlightened part of our countrymen, had
witnessed and deplored the feebleness of die
old confederation, and its inellicacy to an
■£?r even the purpose ot‘ general defence,
ltiat some remedy was necessary, was ad
mitted on all hands ; but that which Gen
eral Hamilton, seemed disposed to adminis
lei, was thought rather too potent ; it erred
on the other extreme, by threatening to
brace the patient beyond the tone of health.
In the convention which formed the consti
tution, this gentleman had given the alarm
to the friends of republican government,
by a proposition to convert the Senate into
a sort of Noblts. He seems to have thought,
that no strength short of that which belongs
to a monarchy, would suflice for the safety,
peace and happiness of the people ; and
although there was certainly no immorality
in holding that or any other abstract poli
tical opinion, yet the expression of it whs
enough to put the republicans on the afert,
and possibly to discolor the medium thyo’
which they examined his subsequent prin
ciples and actions.
Tne stress of the opposition to the fed'e
ral constitution, was on its monarchical ten
dencies : “ It has, said Mr. Henry, an aw
ful squinting towards monarchy.” Mr. Ma
dison, however, and its other friends thought
that there was no such danger from a cor
rect construction of the instrument; that to
produce any such perniotous effect, the con
slitution must not only be strained, but
snapped asunder ; and that those who would
go so far tor such a purpose, would not be
stopped by any form of government whate
ver.
1 he constitution began its operation un_
ii c‘rcun)slaBCas of very great suspicion.
It had encountered, every where, the most
torrp triable opposition, and some of the states
had been so much afraid of its apparent gra
vitation towards monarchy, that they had
actually rejected it altogether. Toencrc&se
the apprehension arising from thes® causes,
Alexander Hamilton was appointed to fill
an olhee under the executive, which in the
state ot things, at that time, was the most
important office in its gift: it was, therefore,
with the keenest vigilance, that the first
movements of that^department, and parti
cularly of that officer were watched. In
such a state of public feeling, it was extreme
ly unfortunate, that it was thought necessa
ry to throw around the office of President, a
kind of majesty, too nearly resembling the
Bntish type. The speeches to both Hou
ses, first delivered, in great state, and af
erwards handed to them in writing—and,
t ten, the levees (Vhich, however innocent
in intention, had much fetter have been a
voided at any inconvenience,) were a wide
< eparture from that plainness and simplici
ty, which were thought most becoming in a
iepubhe. lo make the matter worse, the
senate, (themselves considered as the sha
dow of the Br.tish House of Lords,) had pro
posed, and eutered upon their journals, to
address the President by a .tissue of titles,
all of them the genuine growth of Great
Britain. I hen came general Hamilton’s caje
brated report freighted with q national bank,
a funding system, a great national ejebt, and
a heavy system of taxation. The republi
cans thought the admiration of Britain so
great that it was deemed dcsirabfe to re
semble her, even in her misfortunes.
Such a variety of measures, all of them
pointing to the British prototype, and all of
them in strict consonance with those senti
ments which Gen. Hamilton had avowed in'
tne convention.filled the minds of the republi
cans with the most serious alarm.
It was believed that a party of royalists
was forming, whose object it was to sap the
constitution, by degrees, and introduce a
inong us the counterpart of the British gov
ernment. I he more the republicans tho’t
their liberty in danger, the more enthusias
tically did they press the heavenly boon to
their bosom, and the more did they revere it
in whatever quarter of the world it made its
appearance. Such was the state of things
m America, when the revolution began in
r ranee. °
r ranee had been our friend in the time of
greatest need. It wai in a great measure
owing to her, that our resistance to British
tyranny had not incurred the historic brand
ot an unsuccessful rebellion. It was in a
great measure owing to her, that our bodies
were not hanging on gibbets, our blood at
tainted and our estates forfeited. That gen
erous and gallant friend had come to our aid
i.i a moment of the deepest darkness and
distiesa, had helped us to triumph over our
oppressors and buildup the altar of Liberty
in oiu land. Could we have looked on with
iildiffcicncfc, when that friend was, herself,
engaged in a similar struggle for the same
blessing, tjjere h no fate, however disas
turns, which we should rfol have deserved ;
More especially, too, when in addition to the
internal resistance which she had to en
counter, she was beset, without, by an un
principled combination of crowned heads,
who wore bent upon her destruction, and
who m,der the pretext of restoring the
l rencli king, sought only conquer, dismem
ber apd partition out the empire among
themselves, as they had ja.t served Poland.
It was n.. t at all cidcalutrd, either to weak
en ourisympathy wji.h France, of »o all.iv
our ni-igna^jun ajjair/.*. her enemies, ta Qntl
• • . ; * • « •. t ' 4 .
1 in thejist of the latter our own old enemy
C». Britain, the steady foe of liberty and the
lights.
The Chief Justice Marshall, in his life of
Washington, lias made a remark on this
subject, which I i-ead with sorrow, fori have
no pleasure in disapproving any act or
thought of that gentleman. lie admits the
strong feelings in favor of France, which I
have mentioned ; declares that they sverc
universal throughout the United States; yet,
as ifto cast a censure upon thete feelings, he
say*—“The war in which the several po
tentates of Europe were engaged, cHhough
in almost every instance declared by that
/tower, was pronounced to be a war for the
extirpation of human liberty and for the
banishment of free government from the
face of the earth.” If it was the intention of
the Chief Justice to test the correctness of
our-feeliugs, by adjusting the relative mer
its of the parties to that war, .it is impossi
ble but that His analytic mind must h:ivc
seen that the true question was, not who first
declared the wdr, hut who w^is guilty of the
first aggression. The Barbary powers, I be
lieve, never declare war at all but they
make it. And the potentates of Europe!
seem to have thought revolutionary France
unworthy of the civility of a formal declara
tion of war ; but 1 affirm, not on the evi
dence of party histories, but on the public
and authentic acts of these potentates
themselves, that the war came in every in
stance from them, and that it was a war up
on liberty.
i nave new und?r my eye the declaration
under which the King of Prussia marched
his armies into Poland. After the enumera
tion of a few unimportant pretexts, he says—T
“ But what still more requires live serious
attention of the. King, and all the neighbor
ing powers, is the propagation of french
democracy”—with this object in view, he
says, he had thought it proper to concert
measures with the courts of Vienna and Pe
tersburg”—and after slating-that it depend
ed on the Poles to merit their protection “by
a prudent and tranquil conduct, by giving to
the Prussian troops a friendly reception ar.d
treatment, ahd by assisting them with what
ever they may want and facilitating their
subsistence,*’ he concludes with this perfidi
ous sentence—“ The King is fond of cher
ishing the hope that with sentiments so pa -
ci/ic, he may depend on the good will of a
nation, whose prosperity carinot bp indiffer
ent to his majesty ; and to whom Iiis majes
ty \vii.!ies to give real proofs of his affection i
and good wishes.”—With these pacific sen
timents having entered Poland, with his ar
m'le.s\ three several points, he eiives a
decisive proof of hi$ disinterested afection
and good wishes, by seizing into his own
hands, “ after a previous agreement with
the other powers concerned therein,” the
city and whole territory of Dantzig ; alledg
ing as a principal ground of the seizure, the
connection between a powerful democratic
taction which inhabited it find the poisonous
factions of France. This conquest & partiti
on of unoffending Poland, was followed by
an immediate invasion of,Franee ; accompa
nied by a propagation of manifestoes by the
Duke of Brunswick, “which” says Mr.
Grey “ if their principles and menaces had ’
been carried into practice, must have inevi 1
tably produced the return of that ferocity
and barbarism in war which a benificent re
ligion and enlightened manners and true mil
itary honor have for a long time banished
from the Christian world and of which Mr.
Fox, when speaking exclaimed, “ save us ;
from that la&tot infamies, a participation ini
the manifestoes of the Duke of Brunswick !”
—Hence the British lotds Lansdown, Lau
derdale and Derby, in protesting as they did
against the war with France, might well as-1
sertitas “ being notorious, that Prussia has
been tbc aggressor against Fraace.”
As to the emperor of Germany, the suc
cessor ot Leopold, when he was called up
on by M. de Noaillcs, the minister of the
rrench republic, to say what the republic
had to expect of him, he answered “ that
the only terms on which peace could be con
tinued, were, that the French monarchy
should be re-established accoidin^ to the
plan proposed at the Royal session at Ver
sailles, in 1789, which exacted the restora
tion ot the nobility, clergy, church lands,
2cc. ffcc.” 1 his was justly considered by
France, as equivalent to a declaration oft
war, whereupon France declared war in [
regular form. Can it be doubted jn this '
case, who was the aggressor? Or can it;
be doubted, that the war which he waged,
was $ war against the principles of "the
French revolution ?
With regard to Great Britain, the rude i
dismissal of Mr. Chauvelin, the French
ambassador, and the refusal to acknowledge
or correspond farther with the republic,
| constituted a sufficient aggression to throw
[ upon Great Britain the guilt ofthe war which
billowed. But those measures were them
selves of little moment, when compared
with the lixed sentiment# of hostility, from
which they sprung; for the king immediate
ly sent a war-message to Parliament, in
which he called upon them not to resent
any insult or injury which he had received
from the French republic, for he pretended
nonesuch ; but to resist views of conquest j
and aggrandizement, entertained by tha* 1
republic, “ at all times dangerous to the
general interest# of Europe ; but peculiar
ly so, when connected with the propagation
of principles, which lead to the violation
ol the most sacred duties, and are utterly
subversive of the peaeft and order of all ei
v:i society. I lius, as was well urged by
those members of Parliament who Opposed
the war, that cabinet which could slumber
over the progress of the combined arms,
until they had swallowed up Poland and
entered France—who Could see in fill this,
no danger to the balance of ytower, no ter
ror of aggrandizement—arc startled, the ve
ry instant that the republicans beat off their
invaders and chase them beyond their boun
daries. No ; let the declaration of war have
come from which side it may, the crowned
heads of Europe were the actual aggressors,
and most unfortunate has their iuterfc
mice been, both for themselves and the
world! Hid France been let alone to set
tie her^ government, v ijat a different scene
might Europe this day exhibit! They alone,
the combined mnnarchs, are to be blamed
with all tne calamities which have happen
ed ; they me the authors of that series of
wars, which have covered the old world
with blood and carnage for eighteen years;
and which have terminated in the wibversi
ou of FreuCh liberty and the destruction of
Eui ope.
Nor is Judge ?vTnrihall believed to lie cor
rcct in the statement, that the feeling* of
sympathy with Franct, were, m the begin
ning of her revolution, universal throughout
I the United States. On the contrary, the
same party which was suspected of predi
lection for Gieat Britain aim the Biiiislt
, tojm of government, believed tv lc*>
scu uic iouowmg just and beautiful senti
ment on • the occasion:—“If there was no
evident necessity for tl;e proceeding, it was
the more to be lamented, that whilst tve
we-re every whet# sympathising with our
alhcs in their arduous struggles for liberty,
and echoing, from every.part of the Union,
our congratulations and good wishes, the pe
cuniary succours, so critically nece»nory tu
their causo and the most substantial proof
of the sincerity of out* professions, should be
silently withdrawn across the Atlantic, from
the o.btect for which th*y were intended; suc
cours, too, which were mot merely a tribute
of gratitude,of generosity, or of benevolent
zeal for the triumph of liberty ; but a debt,
moreover, of strict and positive obligation
for value received. In contemplating the
subject in this point of view, he felt a pain,
which he could not easitv express; audio!
which, he persuaded himself, the-heart
of no other member, could be h
Upon the back of this, came the prplte
cutinn of John Singleterry and Gideon Ijen_
field, charged with. violating their duty, as
citizens of the U. States, in entering, into the
service of France, against G. Britain.
1 lie sentiment by v/rich these men had Leeu
impelled, was so general jn the U. States,
that it is not to be wondered at, that the
sensation, on their arrest and imprisonment,
was also general and deep; and that the
prosecution ended in their acquittal.
It was in this year, 1T93, mid from these
causes, that the reproach of Frenchman and
Jacobin was first cast on the republican par
ty. 1 he sentiment in favor of France might
in some instances have been excessive ; but
it was amiable even in its excess ; and it
was irritated, perhaps, beyond the point of
discretion, by the belief that the opposite par
ty felt teo little of it : that they felt the re
verse.
But what was the cause, nnd what the
c.mracter of our sentiment i It is but neces
sary to consider this,’ to perceive the ex.,
treme absurdity ot supposing the existence
of such a sentiment at this time. It was a
compound of gratitude for past services and
congeniality of political feeling: our enthu
siasin was for the liberty of France : which
u 1 ^ese can *e't towards the emperor of
t“e Ftench. Did be help us to atehieve our
°.'Tn or ‘s he engaged in establishing
that of France ? I ask,if the sentimsnt would
not bejust as unnatural towards him, as it
was natural towards France in the moment
ot Uer struggle to be free.
i his subject is too extensive for a single
number. I shall resume it in the next.
*T/“ “ The King’s” Speech is before us.—
It is, as we expected, utterly false, that it
“ a/i/iroves of the conduct of Mr. Jackson,
And says that no other minister will be sent
to this country, &c. $cc.”—Bo far from it—it
13 mild and conciliatory. The King regrets
the rupture between his minister and the U.
a,,(l professes his wishes to meet us in a
corresponding disposition for peace.—-There
u;u-r?mai ^ *n subsequent speech wf Mr.
.V hitbread’s, which must strike us all—it is,
that he was “ surprised that Mr. Canning
iiau abstained from explaining why in the
last session he had withheld Ipom the House
a document, which went to the c.omfilete.
justification of our la'e ministry (Air. I'.’s )
in that country—YVc are curious to see
this document. Some of Mr. Erskine’.
friends in Parliament may call for it.
, f *le speech i$ ot' a most melancho
ly . .®T** Poinls out no bright spot in the
ptitish interests, abroad. Xake his own ac
counts—dustria •* compelled to conclude a
disadvantageous peace”—the costly and de>.
stractive expedition to the Scheldt successful
only “ in the demolition of the ciockj and
arsenals at 1-lushing”—Sweden “ purchas
mg peace by considerable sacrifices,” ar.d
‘ without his majesty’s participation”—the
deliverance of S/iain “ trusted” to the con
vention of the National Corits, who, per
haps, rnay not have a foot of ground tu as
semble on—perhaps, not even Cadiz—his
minister cut off from all communication with
the L . S.—-the security cl his dominion!} ex
acting “the utmost efforts of vigilance, for
titude and perseverance”—these aie the
melancholy features, which compose the
picture ot the present slate of England._
1 he only bright trait throughout the whole,
.is “ tire highly satisfactory acts >unts of the
trade uf revenue of the country”-at the
means of which, too, John Bull may blush for
shame—ft trade carried on by smuggling, by
forged papers Sc fictitious flags, by reutral
bottoms under British licenses—or " a.
mounting, without such a special license, in
the eye cf the British law, to high treason.”
Such is the state of the country—-that of
the ministry is not much better. Pressed,
on the one hand, by ilreir own imbecility,
and on the other, by all the talents of Gren
vil e and firry, Whitbread and Petty, and
perhaps the forces ot Canning and Sulmouih,
Miey have banned together in the Hours* of
Commons—a majority ol 96,
We have N. Origan* pnpers to the 9th Msrcb—
they are silrni about Gonnai YVilkinsmiV sibling
lor the Atlantic ports—They have nothing about
bins, but Iheldluwirg ifiiserabieEpigram :
" K>i i HAi.wlrv.
“ \V list a noise about Wilkinson’s Inking a bride !
11 1 here is surely no wonder in thi* .
It but prove* that the General once more has
try’d
” His talent at doing a tuts. S.”
DBf;h(iATE5,
1" leeted to serve in the ensuing General Asumbly.
J Hcitticfi—Natlianiri tivklen, Jo eph SeUlrji
rrtncers-jHH— .►fownrj II. v.oscni, framuis m
•SfotUyl-nnia -■■ Sl?jd'*.on Cru'r.L'i l.T. W.r ert
J S.i.imd,
• * t' . . I
%hh rtpattijr, If n«t wiib aversion, cn the
revolution of France. That revolution act
et! Ji» this country, like a fresh recurrence
to first principles, wliicli was extremely In
auspicious to any design (if any such exist
ed,) of assimilating our own government, to
that of Great Uritain. At the time lam
speaking of, an incident occurred which
Was well calculated to strengthen the suspi
cions against that party of which Genual
Hamilton was counted as the head, and to
destroy the belief, vhat this sympathy with
France was universal. .Congress had pas
sed an net, authorising a loan of money,
part ot which was expressly directed to Lt
applied towards the payment of our debt to
France, General Hamilton was entrusted
by the President wim thy duty of effecting
this loan, and was expressly instructed to
attend to the appropriation of the loan as
directed. Gen. Hamilton made the loan iiiliu
rope ; but instead of applying any part of it to
wards the payment to France, he drew it
over inio .the American Treasury. 'Phis
subject came before Congress in the spring
of 1793, ami in the course vf -*i very able ar*
gument^ marked with ail that candor and
force, which so eminently diitingnished him,
the lenuer of the republican parly, expres"
oincc r*»r. Jon;: Randolph, has takers
pis scat in Congress the Federalists arc loud
in his praise, nut for any thing he has yet
(lone, but for that which they expect he will
do, viz. throw ul{ possible obstacles in the
">W °f business at die close of the Session;
when there is generally much done in u
j '^eck as in the whole preceding part of iu
; . t,,es® jjentlcnirm may have forgotten the
i opinion Air. liamfolph has expressed of them,
j l will relrcsh their oiemories oy civini*- it hi
J hu own . words from his celebrated speech
on the lasoo Claim.
, . hat is that spirit ajsinst which war
I now struggle, which we h;ive vainlv e»dca
, vuretl to stifle f A monster generated bv
fraud, nursed in corruption, tliat in grim
!a‘rnr.riT.eJiH W' h i!i of
I * '■ jE!‘ALISM • - 7 i'.njt spirit which cert’ -
| sides s the many as 'nude only for the few.
which sees in government nothing “ hut a
juf?* * j n&ver so true to Msel^ aswhe-i*
raise to r. nation.'’—Charleston Cjz.
Fatrenat' and Persecution •-The Council of
Appointment of New Yu k, has made 936 new
' appointments, besides a number hi justices, Ac.
—it has smept 190 Republicans f one office_>>*!
soles dripping some hundred; ofotAtis, xu/ioseeotrm
mission* mere unnu.it.
As the feds now call it.
• Mr .Pinkney may now he engaged in a negocia
tum with (lie iirutsn ministry— Ar» arrangement
iTsperungthe Orders in Council,if made at alL
mxj be excluded oy —among other reasons,
to steer Clear oi any future question »n to uatens
pZVlt?4o
SSI:!? __ _
_ Dins, On the 2d instvnt, BathmstJonb*
taqu-.re ; lor some y«.ar3 .a representative f.-. ru
th* to,,"t>' 0< Hanover, in the House of Dele
gates of Virginia.
Ji LIST OF LETTERS,
Pertaining tn the Post-Off.ee, at Pichmer.d, on ths
, day of Harsh, lillO.
Ar-yies. Elizabeth Allen, Martha Armstead,
Auinslcy, WIlson Ailwn, John Adam>,
Richard Adams, Isaac Aden, David Allen, u
nmcl Anthony. , *
„ ^-ArciubJd Hr i ant, C. A. H Bradford, Nan
^',,o ’ Gf°tTK~ Srooks> CaP<- Wm. Bail, Miles
S’ n*» ,0?;uri?' Wn>- J-*sse Bowles,
f"" m tiVaH’ M",decai Sober, jolm Buwr*
Solomon Bitten. Seth Barton, Osman Jloulwaro.
C-Robert Crough^n, Bowler Coeka. Corns
Ims Conner, Richard Cosick, J.,hn Cvampsev,
n . -!!i p,Couri"tty» R Cantor, Wm F. Carter,
L, ‘v c-^lmfc's» Ariel Cooley, Josi-di Chk, J»c.
Cl .rke, Thomas CUbosne, Wni. Critumdcn, Cs
ItoCowrs, David Carrnjr, Knowles Collins, A
1 .el Cooley, I.ouis Canij, David Clop'on. ■
rn Drew, Matthews. Dole. Capt.
Alexander T. Davidson, Nathaniel F Drown,
% Xr,J' I'eiuiui.!, G«orB- u.^y.
m Awards, J«hn 3. Ellis, John Em
Francis Follet, Jam-g F,/>*cr, Thomas F»r
go, Josep.i Frecorer, Alt randor Fontavscn, Wal
"r ' tXW'' H‘ ,,r' ^rral. W ,n ' Fleming.
p£r'y,/ ,V.GC( W!,‘’ Mrs--- Goodwill, ca’.;t,
? S w G ,;r1 R'^-r'Goody, Bcnjair! ..
G;ifEth, Win Granam, Gias. Gibert. Anne Good
Cm,V Cihl,‘? ^ *’ >Ir* Mary Gray, SlafFord
yiwOs, Obadnh tl»u i$*!»t.
R-Wm Hassam, fit.a. Harry Heth, Thomas
Hooper, He nr; G Helb, Jack S. Hard iway, Ro
bcit Hayes, Hudali Hall, Josh .Hutton, Jamas
Hooper, ^Gi.nellurn H Hines, Hezekinh Henly,
baroucl Uiil, Patrick Henderson, Samutl Henry,
Jth V H1,ur,.Cmi“h S‘ II‘•'•Vy. Master Juliil
Heth, l, m. Hu., -Hovey fc Co. William
Hesiren.
-*—iWs. Anne Jrvine,
5?*** William Jones.
*4_— John KunniJay, Lcnry JT.onii.
L—Bcrgnu/m Lawfon, Richard Lattiraere,
J^rtnes Lownes, Jjhl. Lalor, I\ggy L-gan, Lt.
M urn page Lomax, John Lipsco/nbe, Miss Ann
l.utiepagc.
M Sandy Martin, Samuel Moody, Wm.Mc*
Enery.Kichaid Morris, Clciita.it Marlin, Lewis
Mundy, Manson St Minor, Johh Morris, Wm.
Mewhurn Dr. Ceo.ge Martin, Daniel Meads,
John I . Mundm, Thom* s Miller, fohn Maddorf,
Dr. Ihomaj Massie, Unncrt Mol,-Hard, Ik ar
ly Mmley, George AfcInlosb,JoV. .1 u-tm
N—Cupt. Israel Neal, Wm. Netties, Ghar’cs
Norm aid.
0—John Olfyer, Jjtmes Ohlliam
P—Mrs. Miuy Page, M.jnr Patt*. \Jorhy
ulluni, Law son Puckett, Reuben Pu lent. J dm
Pearson, Win F. Pendleton, Thomas Prur.
John Payne, Martin Pate, Nathaniel Perkin*,
Frederick Pishot, Robert Page.
li—Mrs Anne Rose, Richard Ronj, Peyton
Randolph, Mra.Mary Ragland, John Rnmics,
Wm. R Richardson, capt.-—- Robertson,
Mrs. Maria Kamh Ipli, Kebecc . Rajrford, Le«
Rice, Captain Isaac Rose, M iner Radford, John
Kcuward, Wm. liav/Ieigli, major John Robert*;
Mrs. Lucy Rose.
Robe.t Smith, John Staples, Solomon Stod
dard, Frederick Y. Podd y, Robert SteulienMNi,
John Sutterwhite, Tlmnm Stanton, John Shi
clair, Richard Spencer, Robert II Slaytan, m..
csjali Sanderson, Jos. Seldcn, Judith A. Smith,
S. Snow, Jos. C, S'ddon*, Benjamin Sheppard,
Mrs Catharine Short, James Smith, Dr. Daniel
\V. S.*cknder, Gsorge. Wythe Swunney, Hatha
Die' Sejilen
7VC*>yh»r and Stubbs, Dr. Jainc* Trrnan, An,
thony Turner, Henry Turner, captain Samuel
* r,PP» John I'aj’lnr, John Tcrress, m s. Lucy
AUi,Hr’.a Toney, Joseph Thompson,
■ Greed ray lor, Claiborn<* Thomas.
J'/- G-tiers) Thomas White, ms. Basil Wood,
John P. V/iJnsttison,- P*t*ny Wilkinson, Jacob
Wagner, Sana Winchester, John Wade, Willi
am Walton, Pleasant Watkins, W.lliam Wingo,
Cliarlias Wills, George Wlilinmson, Wm. Win
dow, captain Halbert W - Son.
f/—Abel P Lpsnaw, 1 hoinas Underwood.
P- Col. walks Vand-wtll, Wm. II. Vaughan,
Jaftppe Vaughan, Henry Vaughan.
T-—bnsaii * nitr, Janies Young.
Tiie Shentf of Henrico
f.'lLLUU eOUHMRK, Rut
■kt is setd, that Co/. Ji/ntca iiovrjf and
Tucker Calcs, T*<j. arc defied ;.*... Mite*
marie.
;!?•*• It scents th\» the air of Vfrg»ria does
net suit the coii-.ti.u ion of Mr. I.ivet inoic.
VV tints* llse following ;.om t-.c L-*t *• Vir
ginia Patriot.”
“I bate trNti*fuM<?<| my interest hi this p<T«*>r
^ i^v-ucii, Usq. *a {jw»ul(nm*' Vi !io->c iu
i >r!uauou and ub Uy eiauiontlj qualify L*txi lor
*ltC tusk li- liat Ulld. I Uk K|jT
. “SaNVU J.l YtRMOKE.’l
k.?i I aslant, cavio is a Virginia Patriot?
I>o they spring up, like mush moms in- a
night ? As these aJofinoKa are growing
iashionable, it may be as well to enquire in
to their character. Tut want of a OeUt^t,
take th^ following definition ; .
. 1*.A Patriot, is one who has been
in \ irgtnia but mice, perhaps, in his life_
whose very air is that of a foreigner—who
is ignorant ot our laws and manners—and,
who comes as the missionary of truth, tq
convince us how much ve have been mista
ken, .ui -Lis time, in our politic,* and rights.’’
COMMUNICATION.