Virginia Argus — Richmond, Va., 1810-01-19 00:00:00, page 1

VIRGINIA ARGUS
' ■_RICHMOND:-Pk.mtao (o» TUs.oav. a«u Faidati,) bt SAIVtCJKL Ft-EASA.VT3. JPaiarEA to tie C^o^ealt,!. ~
lieu‘it'8 Per Annuity—Puid in Adr-ince* 1 f fi f fl 1 )* *r a kt it e t> *r~ n JO
■ - -- t RID,AT, y AN V ART W, 1810. [12 ,.3 CV*,,
iOK THK*ARGUS.
THE RESOURCES OF THE NA*
T10N.
No. I IE
Much of the power of a nation con
sists in the opinion a hich other nations
entertain of its force ; and the basis of
that opinion is always the statistical
reports which jr e made by the govern
ment; the sohuity ot its financial ar
rangements ; an.d the tone which the
administrators of public affairs give to
_ the body politic by their communica
■ tions# We perceive this truth as it re
late to private men everv day; and
it is wonderFuliy exemplified in cases
where individuals of shattered for
tunes, by the 'mere opinion of their
pecuniary circumstances which their
fellow-citizens have imbibed, are ena
bled to obtain credit to any amount,
when, in truth, they could not, strict
„ly speaking, pay one shilling ia the
pound.
Great Britain and France are both
well atVare of this fact, and lay no
flight stress upon it in their state pi
pers. The following extract from a
letter written by Mr. Canning, to Mr.
Pinkney, dated Sept. 23, 1808, will de
monstrate how highly that minister va
lued the reputation of G. Britain with
respect to her ability to resist the ene
my : ,
‘•The struggle has been viewed by
‘ other powers, not without an appre
* hrnsion that it might be fatal to this
* country- The British frovernm:nt
4 has not disguised from itself, that the
4 trial of such an experiment might be
4 arduous and long; though it has ne
4 ver doubted of the final issue. But
4 if that issue, such as the British go
4ve:nment confidentially anticipated,
4 has providentially arrived much soon
4 cr than could even have been hoped ;
4 it 41 the blockade of the continent,”
4 as it has been triumphantly styled by
f the enemy, is raise'll even before it
4 had been well established; and
* it that system, of which extent and
* continuity were the vital princi
4 pl :a, is broken up into fragments, ut
4 teily harmless and contemptible, it
4 i s, nevertheless, important in the
* HIGHEST DEGREE, to the REPUT ATI
4 ON of this country, (A RE PUTA
* TION WHICH CONSTITUTES
4 GREAT PART OF HER POVV
4 ER,) that this disappointment of the
4 hopes of her enemies should not have
4 been purchased by arty concession;
4 that not a doubt should remain, to dis
4 taut times, of her determination, and
* of her ability to have continued her
‘ resistance,” &c.
Thus we find that Mr. Canningjnst
ly appreci.uinghuman nature, estimates
the reputation of Great Britain for pow
er so highly, that he makes it the sole
reason why he could not annul the
British orders in Council even if wc
did raise the ambargo. He knew that
such a st'.jy would be construed among
the nations of the world into a confes
sion of imbecility, or of inability to
support measures which the English
covcrnment ha l declared necesaarv t.,
its preservation. Although we have
(mordy suffered by it, although wrong!
y**pon wrongs have been heaped upon
# us, and we have borne them with sin
gular patience, Mr. Canning argued
correctly. Why do we trust a man
iu dealing with him ? Because we
confide in his honesty and resources
for payment. Why,’in the time ol
danger, do wc re'/ upon the courage
r ol a soldier? Because v*; believe
, him to be valiant. But once destroy
that idea of honesty and capability for
payment, that impression of bravery,
and wc confide no more. The repu
tations of the men are gone, and our o*
pinions ol their value are gone too.
.»■* J*et us turn to France. The senti
ments which we entertain of her gi
gantic military power have been en
gendered and are maintained by the
build ins of her battles, by her sena
torial decree?;, and the reports of her
svar ministers. What other evidence
have we of the fact that Napoleon Bo
rauare has under his commind on^*
million of armed men, than the state
ments in the French official newspa
^ pers made by authority of the govern
ment? And what evidence exists be
fore the people of America that Great
4 Britain h«3 upwards ol one ihousau
k. of war, Other than the periodical
statements made by the British board
of Admiralty ?v The subjoined ex
tract from the “ Motives of the pro
ject of the Senatus Consn'.tu n,M which
accompanied a report ma le to the em
peror of the French by the Count de
Muneburgh (Gen. Clarke, minister of
war,) elated September 15, 1800, will
evince that France, no less than En
gland, justly appreciates the worth of
national reputation as it regards thei
resources of the emp re. j
‘ 1 he enemies ol France, observing
‘that we. levied the classes pf'1809^
4 and 1810, before the,period in which
‘ they were to be cal Lad into action,
‘ thought, without doubt, that we hid
4 recourse to that mode, because none
‘ of the resources of former years were
‘ left to us. How great was their mis
1 *uke !...; Our moderation had thrown
‘ a veil over our strength, but our mo
4 deration is desirous now of manifei
‘ ting our strength. Let us put an
‘ end to an error so fatal to our ene
* mies, and which may become still
‘ more disastrous to them! When they
4 shall be well acquinied with oun re
4 sources, they will, no doubt, be con*
4 vinced that a frank ani solid peace is
‘ the only part, the only post ip.which
4 they can ftud safety.It ij the duty
4 France to make known to her
4 Iriends and enemies her true situati
on; that situation is such as to in
4 spire the former with more energy,
4 anc* to warn the latter, that, in taking
4 up arms, they must expose themselves
‘ to certain loss.*
Such is the importance which both
I*ranee and .Lnglant), the two greatest
powers of modem days, attach to the
reputation of their resources: the *
perceive in it a great part of their pow
er, and rather thaa subject it to a doubts
they encounter all the miseries and
hardships of a tyrannical conscription
sad a protracted war. What is th
conduct of Albert Gallatin, in relation
to this point? .„His reports shall speak
for him.
In the autumn of 1808, Congress
met, and the country was put upon the
alternative of resisting the encroach
ments of the belligerent* bv a continu
ance of the* embargo, or by'war. Sub
mission, it was conceived, was out of
the question. It therefore became the
duty of the Secretary o/ the treasury,
by’ a broad and ample dcvelopement
of the resources of the country, to ma
nifest, in coincidence with the spirit of
the people, that the U. S. were compe
tent to support their rights by arms, if
that course should be deemed neces.
3ary ; or that there would be no occa
, sion to tax the people for the support
:of their government, if the embar.
| go should be continued j and that if
I ioan3 must be resorted to, the repay
; ment of those loans would not solely
depend upon commerce ; the revenue
| from which was then cut oil, and the
luture proceeds of widqh, from the si
tuation ot the world, were very preca
j rious. Such a manifestation of re
sources \Vould have
tation of the country in the eyes of fo
reign powers, and shewn that the go
vernment of America was not only
j willing, but able to meet the verv worst
j that could happen. Bu>, what does
| Mr. Gallatin ? On the 10d» of Dccem
jber 1808, he reported ; and the follow
ingare lair extracts Jrom his report;
‘It is ascertained that the nett re
venue which accrued during the three
4 first quarters of the year 1808, did
‘ not exceed eight millions of dollars,
‘ and is daily decreasing/
Under existing circumstances, it
is believed that the reimbursement
‘ of the new six per cent stock will be
4 nominal, and must be effected by in
4 earring a new debt to an equal a
4 mount-*
* It is presumed that the receipts a
4 rising from importations and pay..
4 naents for lands subsequent V> the
4 30th Sept. 1808, rvill not be greater
k than the deductions on account of bad
i debts.**
‘Leaving a surplus of only three
4 millions of dollars for defraying alt
4 the expense; for fortifications, mili*
* tary stores, increase of the army and
‘ navy, or otherwise incident to a state
* of actual war, or of preparations lot
* war/
The Secretary then proceeds to state
lour alternatives which Congress car
pursue. The second and ’third oi
which are as foifow <
‘2. Exportations ^uk! corresponding
‘ importations may he permitted ii;
4 foreign, vessels
. 4 \ Either mast accept
‘the portion of commerce allotted to
4 her by the British edicts^ and abandon
''nil that is forbidden; and it is no
‘ materia! whether this be dope by legal
4 provisions limiting the commerce of]
4 the United States to the permitted!
4 P^ces, or by acquiescing in the cap
4 ture of vessels stepping beuond the
4 prescribed bounds'
He then proceeds to say—
4 Of those four alternatives, the se
1 cond and third fas quoted) differ nei
4 in principle nor in their effect
4 upon the revenue. As both plans
* consist in permitting partial exporta
‘ tion3 and importations, it must be1
4 acknowledged, that objectionable as
4 that course may be in other respects,
4 if considered merely in relation to
4 the fiscal concerns of the union, it
4 will for the moment be attended with
4 less difficulties tha t either the present
4 system (e mhargo) or war. For how
4 ever narrow the limits which on that
1 plan, the exoortations an d importati
4 ons of the United States may be re
' duced, yet there will still be some
‘ commerce, and some revefiue arising
‘from commerce. And, as in pursuing
c that humble path, means of defence
* will become unnecessary, as there will
' be no occasion for an army or a navy
‘ *» believed that there would be no
‘difficulty in reducing the public ex
penditure to a rate corresponding with
‘fragments of impost which might still
1 be collxted. Ifthat course be ad ipted,
* no other provision seem neessaru than
•an immediate reduction of expenses'
'* 'Tuc system no.v in torce. (e nbar-1
‘ go,) and war, however dissimilar in
* some respects, are bath considered
' as resistance, tfor is it believed that
1 their effect on national wealth and pub
• lie revenue zuould be materially dif
1 ferentf . „ / '
* Legitimate resources can be derived
‘ only n o m h vis or / t : ‘s'
Here is a picture tor foreign nations
and for our own legislator*. The bel-.
ligerents were told, in plain terms, that
the United States we re in the most
declining situation: , » .
1. Nett revenue daily decreasing.
2. A new debt to.be incurred*.
3. Revenue from lauds and, com
merce only sufficient to make good,
bad debts.
4. And that the paltry sum of three
millions of dollars only existed in the
treasury for all the purposes of defence
or war.
At the same time the idea of taxes
and loans was’ presented to the view of
Congress ; to escape from which the
secretary of the treasury represented |
that there were no other means, than I
1. Submitting to have our com
merce carried on in foreign bottoms ;
or, 2. accepting, under our own flag,
the pittance of trade which the British
orders in council allotted to u«
And, under the latter conduct of gd*
vemment, the difficulties (sa^s Mr.
Gallatin) will be less, we should want
neither defence, army, nor navy! And
wherefore i Because it would be ab
ject submission. Nothing would be
necessary but an immediate reduction
of expenses!. Charming temptation
to tnen who are afraid of their popula
rity.
No course could have been pursued
by the secretary of the-treasury better
calculated to invite the aggressions of
foreign powers, and to alarm the fears
of Congress. It was in vain to talk of
continuing the embargo with such a
horrible picture of distress laid before
:he legislative body. We had Miked
electioneered tm long against loans
Sc taxes, against navies^ armies Sc war
to expect Congress, rutth such a report
before them, to res *lve upon measures
strong nod dignified. The talking
patriots! shrunk from their duty, af
frighted by the barren picture paint
ed by Albert Gallatin, and took shelter
under the miserable non-intercourse
law. I he secretary foresaw the'e
vent^ anti shrouded himself in rov ste
riou*shrugs and insidious inuendoes.
ifis report of December 1808, tn.
loubtedlv ruined the embargo. Noi
i man ofanv influence woul/stand u
tor it after that* The belligerents find
ng the Americans thus feeble ant'
•luctuatmg, hngland conceived hrr
»elf perfectly safe in tricking us inti
vrl out of ao engagement solttn-i'.j
-7--■ T
sanctioned; and France perceived no
danger in adhering to hef decrees,
i What has been .Vlr. Gallatiu’s con
duct during the present session of
Congress? Let his own report speak
for him a jain:
• * Unless thoaggregate of the expen
4 ses for the'military and naval estab
Sts-should be reduced to about
illions of dolls, a loan will.be
y to make up the deficiency. ’
only in the event of revenue
till more aTected by a war
4 than is apprehended, that a resort to
4 internal taxes, either direct or indi*
4 reqty may become necessary.*
Here are two terrifying ideas held
forth to Congress^ namely :
; 1- That unless the military and na
val establishments were reduced, a loan
would be necessary.
2. If war ensued there would pro
bably be a necessity for taxes, either
direct or indirect.
And at what period of time did Mr.
Gallatin hold this language to the na
tion *d legislatu-e ? At the very mo.
ment when the President of the U. S.
had declared that,
4 It is with deep concern I ana now
4 to inform you, th it the favorable pros
4 pect has been overclouded, by a refusal
4 of the British government to abide
4 by the act of its minister plenipo.en
* tiary, and bv its ensuing policy to
4 wards the United States, as seem
4 through the communications of the
4 minister smt to replace him.*
Under these circumstances, the Se
cretary of the treasury exhibits a re
port which suggests a diminution of
the army and navy, and the abhorrent
nf tnr • » . U_
better contrived to increase the inso
lencies and outrages of the belligerents,
i or to palsy the energies of gpveramen
at home?
We look in vain to Mr. Gallatin’s
reports for any thirty like an expositi
on. of the real wealth of the coua'.r-- ;
we search to no purp iso for thoa.
manlv and invigiradnj sen iinents
which, at n period like this, ougnt ttf
characterize the estimates of a secre
tary of the treasury. It is not that h
■ proposes loa'iSy because loans mu-t
be resorted to ; but he presents no prr
manent stamina upon which thev arr
to be bottomed, except the precarious
ones ot commercial revenue and taxa
tion ot the people. The national do
main, the imperishable fund of six
'hundred and forty millions of acre*,
the real and legitimate fund for war,
is left in the back ground. A loan up
on the credit of that ioil; the loan to
be extinguished in the land offices, the
interest to be paid by the fragments of
commercial revenue ; and these follow
ed up by a patriotic glow in the style
of the report, would have abashed our
enemies and animated the natiou ;
would have raised our reputation a
broad, more prec „»us to us than gold
qr silver, and created unbounded * on
|fidence at home. The people, cou
1 viaced that taxes would not bf n»r *«.
sary, even for a war of a century, would
have cheerfully rallied roua l the gov
ernment and influenced it to a formi
dable stand'; rescued the national h-on
or on the threshhol'l of the vilest dis
grace, and the United States would
have made a noble resistance agrinsL
the enemies of the Union.
Instead of acting »<> dutiful a part, Mr.
Gallatin can get no further than loans,
taxes, and b inks ; like a penurious stock,
jobber, he veils himself in the atmosphere
of projectors^ speculators, and artificial
monied institutions. This bent of minclj
so congenial to the financial operations of
Karope, so replete with opportunities of
nuking private fortunes at the expense of
the public, must be banished from our
councils, or we are a corrupted and a rj.1
ined people. Wnen <he pecuniary affairs
of t'ni ♦ country are in t:ie nands of a stock
jobbing secretary of the treasury, in the
presidents and directors of nanka, and m
those of the monopolists wh.ch stock .jo jbmg
occasions, toe liberties of cne peopl - arc
always in jeopar Jy. Our unappropriated
lands, won by tux valor of ojr s>res in the
revolutionary w »r, arc the. ricnes of the
nation ; and no seneme ot loan* not. .a'rlv
and explicitly founded upon thsir ultimate
proceeds can be saiutary njr certain foi
the public.
With so enlightened a man ns Mr.
Madinoj) f»r t* pendent, it Is sickening t*
see an imlividuat in tn; treasury suggest.,
ng a multitude ofpitty expedients; ealeu
Ittmg nur rights by di n.*s s|«»d cents ; pro
> *»mg no sy*t«* n ; dwelling upon lugitiv
ntternatives ; iminu mug the propriety <«
•■ssenmg the n ,tioual force when i
*ught to he increased ; and damping th
/tttn vis ardour of threpublic ny the sty
u wi.ich a: writes, Let rae conclude ih«
"■ » ——- si—ii—|- -r«-ram
number with a quotation from a write?,
ul mired as much tor judgment as for wi t
and candot.
“ A quickness to resent, a readiness to re
derss injuries, or a punctilious regarrf to
national honor, is as necessary to preserve
the independence of republ cs as of moaar.
chies. It is this spirit which constitutes
the cheap defence of nations I', does uoc ' '
reject aif overUJS*«qf pem^Kar^j, re» fk
nothing but just ice£ and it se<f8r,eU jhat, by
being always reftidy to avenge! injustice! It
is not a quarrelsome spirit, which seeks op*
portunities of war y but it keeps in awe
such a spirit in other nations It has no
partialities, no prejudices; bat ,s always
erect, always dignified. It is this Vpint, s >
delicate, yet so firm la its nature, whicla
| wins, gmtories without a combat i ^ /*.
giant always in armor, whom no fchrfeat*^
Cdn terrify, no force subdue. Hut if natl*.
onal honor is made the slave of natiOuaL
wealth, and put into the livery of this o*..
sest and meanest oF masters, it will always
bejknown aud treated as a slave. Therm
is an economy, which makes a nation con
temptible without m iking it riCh. Ta*
moment it scops to reckon the expanse of
vindicating its honor, wn.ch is always its
true interest, it ceases to be free, it at*
terwards liV.-s upon Huifsraoce, and take*
as a favor what it ought to demand a* u.
right **
How just are these reflections ! How ap~
pi cable to our situation! Auove ally hoW
severely do they apply to the cmpible con*
duct of Albert Gallatin l
WASHINGTON.
CJNGHESS.
- -----*-—*-- -*«v
HOUSE OF REP IESENTATIVES. .
Tuesday, January 9.
(Continued from last Tuesday’s Argaf.)
To this it w is-VcpUed by the\>ppo-y
:isnt3 of ttii mot.on for .-.ifikino- <,ui
the 5th section, that the whole bill
night not be perfect, or might n»k
comprehend such a system as in .1 dit
ferent state of the country and of the
world ought to be adopted} that ’ the *
great objection to the first section oF
the bill had been that their proviso is
would probably ie met b\r a counter
vailing policy oh the part of the belli
g'e eats which might be earned into
edact in two wa/s—bv restrictive re
gulations, o. by additional duo s ; thac
this 5th section had li .-en incorporated
in the b-ll lor the express pu'p jjc of
meting the first moi of retaliation,
and of keeping the c image of oarpr -
dace in tile hands of oa - o wn m trenants
excluseyelv ; that if t ic importation of
the manuf ictures of Great Britain was
permitted from any port whatever of
her dependencies, sne, h «ving Canada,
Nova Scotia and her West I alia is
lands, would exclude our vessels from
KnglanJ, sead her manufactures to
those colonies, throw the whole carri
age into the hands of the British mer*
chant, and compel our merchants o
become mere coasters ; that the effect
of this section would be, that she might ‘
send as many of her manufactures as
she pleased to her colonies, but that
they could not be imported here ; thk
if this section could not bs executed,
the United States would be just in the
situation in which they now are wit i
, 1I9C (1IIU LlIC (|UCy*
'tion would thert come Uefjrc tneiu ei«
, ther to declare war or relax even from.
| this measure; that a subsequent >ccti#
on of the bill mado provision for ilia
execution of th- 5th ; that there w .*
no douot however but this law would
oe better executed than the nou«inte>
course law, because it w»uld nqrbe tho
interest of the merchant to violate it*;
that the argu nent for striking out too
section, because it possibly might oe
violated, would be eqiallv strong if
-urgedas a m >live for theaboluion of all
our revenue laws, became they made,
a difference in du:y on articles export
ed from different places ; that, although
so ne articles could not be idcntih .l
with the places of their growth or tn.i •
nuficture, yet nineteen twentieth*
could; that if the section were to be
struck our, the bill itself thouldbe re
jected, for it would tnen b • a milk ik
water measure indeed ; and if the bill
were to pass wi:hou it, all the com
merce ot the United S ates would l> t
'bro wn int i the hati U of Great Britain,
»* well as all the profit derived fro .1
lie transportation of it.
In the debate on 'his motion wera
ningle J many general remarks and wb«
ervatioas oil the principle of uus
mil.
Mr. SeySert made a speech of son> >
•ngth (wnich shall be given here iv
:r) in determined hostility to the oil',
> Imprecating it as a weak measure, and