The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-04-13 00:00:00, page 1

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BRITISH PARLIAMEN T.
HOUSE OK COMMONS.
Tuesday, January 25.
Lord Bernard rose to move the custom
ary address in answer to his majesty’s
speech.
Mr. Peele seconded the motion.
The Speaker then put the question.
Lord Govjer proposed an amendment.
Mr. Bathurst spoke against it.
Mr. Ponsonby said the last speaker (Mr.
Bathurst) had misunderstood the amend,
tnent. It did not go to criminate any particular
person without due enquiry being previous
ly made, but it expressed the deep esneem
and indignation they felt at the disgrace that
had fallen on his majesty’s counsels, and the
disasters to which those counsels had expo
sed our brave armies, and to declare their
resolution of making a rigorous enquiry into
the cause of such unexampled calamities
aed disgrace. Would the hon. Gentleman
any those calamities and that disgrace were
not unexampled ? Would he deny that they
had caused our country to be ilie object of
scorn and derision t Had he read the pa
|>ers published on the subject of our ene
mies? and if he had, could he deny that all
Europe, sympathising in that feeling, view,
ed them with scorn ?—If, notwithstanding
the calamities and disgraces we had suffer
ed, our counsels had been directed by wis
dom, then it became necessary to enquire
into the conduct of the officers to whom the
command of our expeditions had been en
trusted, for it was scarcely possible to sup
pose that it neither the ministers who plan
ned, no*- the officers who had command, were
to blame, that such evils could fall on us —
Justly to appreciate the disappointments that
had befallen us, it would be necessary to take
a view of the state in which Europe was pla
ced at the commencement of the last cam
paign.
When the gallaht but much traduced of
ficer, Sir John Moore, fell in the battle of
Corunna, which he thought to be full as
glorious as that of Talavera, Austria me
ditated a blow against France. On the 27th
of January Bonaparte left Spain, in copse
quence ot the warlike appearance of Aus
tria. Austria’s intention must at that time
have been known to ministers. It was for
them to consider how best to exert the
strength of this country in the cause, and
duly to weigh in what Planner it should he
applied. When Bonaparte quitted Spain,
it was plainly his opinion that war between
I ranee and Austria was inevitable, as it has
ever been his practice to go in person a •
gainst the most formidable enemies, and not
to trust the conduct of the most important
part of the campaign to his generals, how
ever able they might be. Government must
therefore have possessed at least an im
perfect knowledge of the blow meditated by
Austria, and, knowing that, the cause of
Austria nnd England bacame one; and it
♦hen behoved ministers to consider how far
•we could aid in the common cause. In A
pvil. Lf,rd Wellington wnssent to Spain with
a large expedition. On the 20th of that
month the Austrian army having invaded
Bavaria, was defrayed by Bonaparte.——'
W bile these important events weie passing,
what was ihe situation of ministers? In that
srery month, one of our cabinet Minister* was
em>favoring to get another removed from
the vflr department, because he was incom
petent to the discharge of the duties of his
iitnation. Instead of tiring imbed at home,
such was the want of union in the British
cabinet, that ffmse who composed it were
laboring to displace each other. This was
but an unpromising outset. From theSO'h
of April, the dav on which the Austrians
were first defeated, till the 21st of May,
■when the battle of F,ssling was fought, no
thing wa* dine on our part to aid onr allies.
Lord Wellington had in Spain 50.000 men ;
40 000 were af'e'-wards s«at to the Scheldt;
nod Sir J .hn Stuart, in Italy, was at the
I end of an army of 20,000 men, and onr re
f 'nrres were sufficiently great to enable u
' ».nigf' r>' »hwm to 1 < n 000. The Austrian
’ ‘•my, v. •’ ic.b gi>ve Bonaparte the only check
ce;»r'- q i,c» bo h»* ever experienced* ac
cording to the statement of the arch..diike
Charles, amounted to no more than 75,000
men, and according to the French amount
they did not exceed 90,000, If, then, our for
ces had been properly combined, we might
have brought into the field a larger and bet
ter army than that which defeated Bona
parte.
As to the expedition to the Scheldt, did
the honorable gentleman mean to deny the
losses, the disgrace, and the misconduct
which attended the whole of the proceedings,
as well before as after the capture of Wal
cheren ? Had ministers he would ask the
honorable gentleman, displayed much wis
dom in the choice of a commander ^ II:»d
they chosen a general, whose name from his
former exploits would strike terror into the
enemy-- - -a general to whom the soldiers
could look up with confidence from his past
success ?—No, an inauspicious commander
was appointed ; one whose name, as a mi
litary officer, was scarcely known, and one
who, for want of talents, had been set aside
by his own brother. Were not ministers
culpable in appointing such an officer to the
command of so immmense an expedition ?—
This armament was fitted out to make a
diversion in favor of our allies, yet it did not
sail from our ports till some days after it was
known they had lost the battle of Wagram,
a disaster which they could not retrieve.—
On the 10th July the expedition sailed.
On the 15th August Flushing was taken,
and on the 10th September, Lord Chatham
returned, having previously given it as his
opinion that to accomplish the objects of the
expedition was impossible. Two days after
his return, though the plan was abandoned,
on the 18th, an order appeared in the Gil
lette for every officer belonging to the ar
my at W alcheren to join lus regiment im
mediately, as if the ulterior objects of the
expedition were said to be pursued.-Did
the hanorahle gentleman know how long the
Island of Walcheren had been retained, af
j ter the attempt on Antwerp was given up?
Did he not know that it was not evacuated
till December ? That our army had been
kept there three months ? and how were
they employed ? why in perishing and wast
ing daily away. Had our army deserved
this; was it well that our gallant troops were
thus doomed to death in that pestilential Is
land? ought not the causes of such distres
sing calamities to be fully and rigorously
investigated ? There was hardly a man in
the country who was not anxious that an en
quiry into these circumstances should he
forthwith instituted, and he trusted that
house would echo the voice of the people,
and insist upon such an enquiry being made
without delay. With respect to the affairs
of Spain, ministers had displayed as little
wisdom. Lord Wellesley had been appoint
ed ambassador to Spain in April. This
month, of all others, was that in which mi
nisters had indulged most in continental
schemes, and private intrigues at home.—
Lord Wellesley was Gazetted in April,
but did not sail till the 24th of. July. Why
was this unreasonable delay ? Why was the
boasted vigor of that noble lord thus display
ed on that occasion, in hastening to the as
sistance of his brother ? Lord Wellington
in his despatch, dated Placentia, July 15,
complained that he could not pursue the ene
my for the want of means of transport for
his army, and on August 8, in his despatch,
dated Deleytoza, he states himself to be oo
liged to adopt a retrogade movement from
the want of provisions. These circumstan
ces, as connected with the delay of Lord
Wellington, called loudly for an enquiry.—
It was essential that the enquiry should be
rigorous, as examples were now become ne
cessary to check the growing evil. After
some further observations on this subject, he
conc'uded by hoping that the house would
con3:.der the feeling and the burdens of the
people, and having the experience of 1809
added to 1808, do their duty by enforcing
an enquiry, and thus do honor to themselves,
atid gain the confidence of the people.
Mr. Jaathurat explained.
General Tarlton condemned the conduct
pursued towards Spain, 8c despaired of l*or_
tugal ; panegyrized General Moore, and
animadverted upon the conduct of the mar
quis Wellesley, Lord Wellington, and Lord
Chatham, and called for a general enquiry
into the circumstances attending the expe
dition to the Scheldt.
Mr: Canning said, those who resigned
their offices were not to he considered as
exempted from enquiry, which he doubted
not they were prepared to meet; for his
part, he put in his claim for his full part
of the responsibility. Subsequent to the time
when the intimation was given that the ob
jects of the expedition could not be accom
plished, he knew nothing of what passed in
his majesty’s councils. lie knew of the in
timation being given, hut of nothing posteri
or to that circumstance. Could he have
been assured that the expedition would have
accomplished nothing more than the reduc
tion of Walcheren, lie certainly would not
have consented to sending out such a force
with no other object in view. Flushing was
not an object of magnitude to call for such
an exertion. It was intended to strike a
blow at the naval power of France, and this
was an object of the greatest importance,—
It was true that Bonaparte would never be
induced to loose sight of the object# he might
be immedia'ely in pursuit of. whatever ct.
forts might be made to call off his attention,
then it must he obvious that it would have
been equally useless to have sent them, to
the North Of Germany or to Spain, and in
that base it should appear, that the best di.
version it was possible to make, was (as a
great man once observed,) to keep your ar
mies at home, that the enemy tnay Its in
constant apprehension, from not knowing
where the danger Is likely to approach
Had the object of the expedition been fully
accomplished, it would have produced ef
fects the most important. The subjects of
Houapartc would then have found, that while
he was delighting them ith accounts of
conquests abroad, they were not secure from
invasion at home. At that time a disposi
tion had manifested itself, in that part of
his dominions, to shake off the yoke his tv
rainy and usurped m hrul imposed. It should
l e taken into consideration how far it - ight
he politic to encourage such a terling, by
making an effort in thtdr behalf, m6re <r,
pecially as it was believed a military force
from this country would n~.t have been re
ceived with general hostility. It was, per
haps, hardly possible so to commit ourselves,
that in no case we could separate ourselves
frsni those we wished to serve, and provide
for our own safety. It would therefore be
cruel to excite an insurrection, unless we
had the most ample means of insuring suc
i cess to those who entered into our views;
but when insurrection and discontent had
already made their appearance, and the
struggle was about to be made without your
aid, then to assist and enable the oppress
ed more effectually to struggle against ty
ranny was worthy a nation like Britain.—
This was done in Spain. In the north of
Germany, it was true, that there were some
insurrections, bit they were but partial.—
To send an army would have been most un
justifiable, unless such a force could be sent
as we furnished in the 30 years war, which
was almost a nation living within a nation.
But had we been able to do so, that force
must have been entirely detached from our
service for so considerable a period, that it
would almost have been entirely alienated
from us. And if we had been resolved on
sending an army there, we must have done
so, or after stimulating them to useless ex
ertions, abandon them to agony and des
pair.
It appeared tohis majesty’s ministerstobe
a better 8c a more generous line of conduct, to
take such a part as would probably divert
the attention of Bonaparte in some degree
from our allies, while we only committed
ourselves. This was the line of conduct!
England ever had pursued since the revo
ilution broke out, and we began to take so
great an interest in the affairs of the conti
nent. Where a nation has been anxious to
burst the chains of tyranny, England has ten
dered her assistance ; but where it was ob
vious every exertion must prove worse than
nugatory,she has conscientiously avoidad lur
ing a feeble power to provoke the anger of a
stronger, and an unavailing struggle for li
berty. Austria determined on making ano
ther effort for her independence without the
advice of this government ; insead of being
advised to enter the lists with France, the
counsel given was rather of a contrary nature,
as it suggested the propriety of reconsidering
the subject. When war was declared, we
rushed to assist her in the struggle, and
when vanquished,she was compelled to make
peace ; she withdrew from the contest un_
reproached by England. He did not think
Austria thought England had done nothing
for her. He believed her grateful for the sup
port she had received. The honorable gen
tleman who had made so promising a speech,
indeed had drawn, partly from local know
ledge, a sort of picture of Spain, from which
it appeared that an indisposition existed on
I the part of the constituted authorities in
opam to give the people an interest in the
struggle. It had been said why not endea
vor to effect a change internally ? Any con
dition almost might be coupled with a;sis_
tance, almost with less danger than an at
tempt at internal amelioration. Before you
| confer a benefit, you cannot go with the Ko
ji an in one hand anil a sword in the other,
i to change the habits and religion of those
'you would aid. Such attempt never fails to
' excite a jealousy not easily allayed. He was
not nice in the means he made use of to
thwart the views of Bonaparte. He would
gladly press a combination of all nations,
and of all religions into a phalanx to oppose
him. He would unite with the Turk with
out requiring him to lay aside his turban,
and he would march to the field with the
poor bigntted Spaniard, without first insis
ting on his divesting himself of superstition
'He would let every man fight his own way.
(Some were of opinion that no aid should he
I granted till the Cortes were convoked.
But he sho ild he very sorry to have to an
swer tor such conduct, as it would have been
a sure way of creating intestine divisions,
as the clashing interests of the several pro.
vinces might have produced the most fatal
consequences. Thus at the Castilian Cortes
being assembled. Bonaparte, by calling the
Arragonese against them, might have di
vided Spain within herself more completely
than she i divided by tne Ebro. Spain,
with all her faults, deserved assistance of
England, as it was not for ns to be particu
lar about the weapons with which our ene
my was to be assailed. He could give no
opinion for or against an enquiry into the
affairs of Spain. If ministers thought .it
would be proper, he had no objection. He
did not speak against lord Wellington when
he said the march t* Talavera was his »wn
act. He approved of it, and of the honors
bestowed on that gallant officer. We ought
not to undervalue the hero’s laurels even
though they were barren. Had ^alor so
long been admired and at last lost its va
lue ? Had we on a sudden become so en
lightened that we could contemplate it
with philosophical apathy? He knew the
moralist might shudder at the shedding of
j human blood ; he knew
“ 1 hat reason Jrowns at war's Unequal
game,
“ JVhrre thousands bleed to raise a single
name."
Yet still was lord Wellington entitled tn the
if alitndc of Im country, and the glories of
Talavera he could not think purchased so
dearly as to be forever deplored. Before
he sat down ha won Id just say, that hetho’t
it inconsistent with the dignity of that house,
to sneak of a circumstance r.onnected with
the iate differences in the cabinet. What
ever might be said by others, nothing should
induce him to break the resolution he had
formed of never speaking on the subject.
Mr. Whitbread expressed the disappoint
ment wmch hr felt, that the right honora
blc gentleman had not more fully explained
the reason of his allowing bis colleague to
remain So long in his majesty’s councils, he
himself continuing also a member of those
councils, am! Conceiving tlMi colleague unfit
for the situation which ho occvbed. Me
trusted that this would lie made a suhstan
sivo enquiry in that fipnse. /,« to the ey
pedition to the Scheldt, respecting which
The light honorable gentleman had miked s
fluently, s<- far was it from having succeed
Jd in withdrawing any French troops from
;he bankljof tUe U.rnubv, that Bonaparte did
i1 t ’ ' ‘ **•
not even condescend to look at it. The
mighty lion that we had attacked, had
thrown us ofF with one sweep of his tail.
He called upon the right honorable gentle
man opposite (the chancellor of the exchc
quer) to declare what were his intentions
with respect to the conduct which lie should
pursue. To use that right honorable gen
tlcman’s mother tongue, there were many
indictments laid against him, and many
counts in those indictments to which he had
to plead, and yet he had hitherto remained
perversely silent. There were many cir
cumstances, besides the disgraceful expedi
tion to the Scheldt, for which that right
honorable gentleman detply responsi
ble. The first was the delay, at such criti
cal period, in the assembling of parliament.
The next respected America ; and here lie
could not help expressing his surprize, that
the right honorable gentleman who had last
spoken, had abstained from explaining why
in the last session he had withheld from the
house a document, which went to the complete
justification of our late minister in that coun
try. He was glad to hear, bv a passage m his
majesty’s speech, that our affairs with A me.
rica were in a train of accommodation ; but
the right honorablu gentleman opposite him
is deeply responsible for the tardiness with
which that arrangement had been entered
into. He had also to ask the right honorable
gentleman, of whom the existing government
were composed, for of that he was ignorant,
except as far as the writs which had that
day been moved illustrative of the subject.
A right honorable gentleman had objected
to the amendment, because he asserted that
it condemned without enquiry. It did not
do so. He conjured those who wished fox
substantial justice to vote for the amend
inewt. Against ministers there appeared a
jirima facie evidence so strong, that he was
prepared to vote against their criminating
resolutions. The events of the war in Austria
had ualortunatcly justified his predictions.
Great Britain, however, having engaged to
support Austria in the crisis of her tate, the
delay which had taken place in the alTord
ing ol that assistance was highly criminal,
especi. Ilv when it was considered that the
trial ot Monnet, the governor of Flush
ing* proved that the attack npon that place
was anticipated by tile enemy so long ago as
the 2°d of April. He reprobated that para
graph in the speech which mentions the de-1
struction of tho Bason of Flushing as one ob '
jeet that had been gained by the expedition,
l his was to expose us to the ridicule of Eu 1
rope. 1 he destruction of Flushing was a
most unimportant object ; and the moment
that the commander of tnc expedition had :
reported that the main object of it could not j
have been accoriiplished, the troops ought i
immediately to have been ordered home ; ^
but he presumed that all the mischief had
been done while the right honorable gentle
man opposite was running about asking who
wanted a secretary ship ot' state or a presi
dency of a board ot cowtrou!. Alluding to
the battle of Talavera, he contended that it
was a victory only in name, and that our re
putation for courage was not at so low an
ebb as to render it necessary for us to allow i
thousands of our brave soldiers to be cat to!
pieces, merely to shew that G>eat Britain
produced them. The Gladiatorial specta
cles of Alaida and Corunna were of this de
scription. Ho entered into a detail of lord
Wellington’s movements in Spain, and con
tended that, that had not the French attack
ed him at I alavera, the destruction of iiis
army would hava been inevitable. The in
tention of government to lefend Portugal,
was folly sublimed into madness. The delay
in lord Wellington's visit to Spain was a sus
picious circumstance, and would probably
on enquiry, be attributable to the intrigues
of the right honorable gentleman opposite.
It was strange, that so soon after the noble
lord had toasted the health of the Pope, in
Spain, he should flee himself into the ai ms
ot his holiness’s implacable, fne. With res
pect to the other new members of adminis
tration, it w^s no unreasonable supposition
that the right honorable gentleman had re
sorted to his favorite expedient of ballot in
their appointment. Fne two noble lords to
whom that right honorable gentleman had
applied so soon after having boasted that he
had got the lot of office by his cry of no Pope
ry, returned him an answer which became
the dignity of their characters. The right
honorable gentleman had then gone to the
high ways and hedges to fill his places; the
consequence was, that the government were
destitute of power and respectability.. It
was the duty of all honest men to combine to
overturn them, and to shew that court favor
aionc, witfiout the confluence of the people,
was insufficient for tlie support of an admin
istration. Advei ting to the s/nte of our con
test with France, lie confessed that he shw
no prospect of a successful issue to it, espe
cially under the present ministers. The
right honorable gentleman had taken upon
himself alone the load of government—alone,
because the noble marquis who had recently
acceded to the administration would be no
support to it. An individual who had prov
ed himself in India to be an enemy to that
palladium of liberty, the press, was an unfit
minister fora free country. If such a man
formed part of a strong government, the
rights and privileges of the subject might be
in danger ; but fortunately he was introduc
ed into such an inefficient administration,
that the means of doing mischief wouid he
denied him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer began
by observing, that the henofstble gentle
man had asked him, in what he thought
proper to call his mother tongue, why he,
against whom so runny indictments were
preferred, had not sooner fi.;en to reply to
them ? The answer was obvious. It was
natural, that he should wait to hear all the
charges, before he proceeded to rebutt them ;
and with nil due. respect to these gentlemen
opposite, who had taken an earlier part in
the debate, he had waited until the speech,
o* of the honorable gentlemen, and of hit
honorable friend near him, under the con
viction, that thone speeches vw> d contain
' more pointed accusation, than those of iheir
] predecessors He trusted, theremre, that
' the House would acquit him, for showing
luoanxie*. to address the n, until hewa-.ap
, prised of the e xw-ut of die charges to be
1 f made again** him. TJm; w.v> another
y ■ . -■
reason, which induced him to delay addres
sing the House; he was anxious to learn
the precise meaning of the move s of the
amendment, and to ascertain, whether they
intended to. propose another amendment in
the remainder of the address, or to leave it
as it then stood. Did the noble Lord mean,
th-*t that passage alone shoul 1 he omitted
which related to the \Vnlch«*ren expedition,
and that th»* subsequent passages should b<
retained? if a fur*heramendment were in
tended, common candor required that it
should be said so. It was extraordinary,
that one half of the speeches of the noble
mover and honorable seconder of the a
mendment, related to the subjects of Portu
gal end Spain ; but to those subjects, not a
svllable of the amendment was directed —
Entering, as he did, into the feelings of
liis noble and his right honorable friend be
low him, he was either then desirous, or at
any other time, of saying as little as pos
sible of the unfortuna'c occurrences which
had deprived the country of their services,
lie would only* state, that with respect to
the differences to which the honorable g«n_
tie man opposite alluded, he was wholly un
suspicious of their existence, until the end
nt tile last session of Parliament, and not
’till af er the expedition to the Scheldt was
determined upon. He had certainly been
anxious to do every thing in his power, to
reconcile those differences, feeling, as he
did, the highest admiration for his right
honorable friend, but never partaking with,
him in his opinion of the inefficiency of his
noble friend, for whose ability, on the con
trary*, he entertained tae greatest respect,
rinding, however, that alibis efforts tore
store union, were ineffectual, he had re
ceived his majesty’s commands to endeavor
to procure the assistance of two noble lords,
:n the formation of a continued and extend
ed administration. H" could not conceive,
how this application deserved to b« =o un
worthily characterised, as it had been by the
honorable gentleman opposite. The peculi
ar situation of the country required, in his
judgment, as strong and as extensive a go
vernment. ».3 it was possible to frame. He
confessed, that at tile time when the applica
tion was made, he thought, that there were
reasonable grounds for hoping that it might
be successful. If it were his wish, as insi
nuated bv the honorable gentleman, to ho d
the reins of government without a rival,
he should scarcely have made the propositi
on, which he had done. The mode in which
th'jt proposition had been received, prevent
ed him from entering further into the sub.
jec.t,^ Lufc it toe noble lords, to whom he
alluued, had condescended to listen to him
in the first instance, he should immediately
have requested, that they would determine
between themselves, who should be the first
lord of the Treasury. For himself, he was
not covetous of that office, and though ha
certainly could not consent to leave his sove
reign without a minister, yet it must have
been thoroughly understock!, when he made
the proposition to die noble lords, that, ail
the offices of governrhent, without excop
tinn, Would lie at the dispos'd of thos- who
wore V> consider of tiie formation of a new
administration, ah hough that . proposition ‘
was unaccompanied by any formal resigna
tion on hu part. He repeated, that a varie
ty of circumstances induced him to believe
that at the time when that proposition was
made, it • is more likely to 1.2 acceded to,
than at any other. A conddernble period
had elapsed since ths discussion of political
subjects ; and the irritation consequent on
the discussion of sudh subjects, had, he flat
tered himself. considerably abated, ’ At that
period, he conceived that the diffi-renr.es
which had more or ‘er5 exited between
those noble lords attd hirtiwlf, on the mode
of carrying on the war, were much dimi
nished. I he relative situation of Anuria
and France, appeared to he riurnmg t„ a
crisis, which would unit- a opinions Nor
did he conceive, that there would b- much
variety of sentiment, v/ith rr*' \ , tle as
sistancc that it was adyis, lo. afford to
Spam and Portugal.-With teipect to
America, he con-ssed, that he did amici
pate a less cordial agreement, than on anv
other subject. 1 lie prognostications of those
who were opposed to him in poljfics, and
whohad predicted the most fatal effects to’
British commerce from ths orders in com,
cu, not only had remained unverified, but
had, in fact, been completely reversed So
far was the trade of England from he'ing an
nihilated by their operations, th.v they had
placed that trade in a more advantageous
state, than at any former period of o.irhis
tory. He had to state, not only that the cx
fiorf. of that year were greater than those of
the preceding year, but that they consider'
ably exceeded the amount of th- export!
j during any preceding year, even in the most
favorable time of peace. The exports forth#
I year ending in Oct. 1«C9, were greater, by
-.even millions, than during the most abun
dant years of trade, in the most favorable
I time of peace ; and by ten millions, than du
ring any preceding vear of war. He wall
ready to admit, that there were oih*r cir
.cumstances which might have contributed
! v/nh the orders in council, to produce these
1 good effects. Still, however, ft was evident
| that at least those orders had not anv so ru’
mous. as was so confidently predicted by the
gentlemen opposite. On another point al
though it was one which had put an erid to
the late administration, he had cherished »
: strong belief, that the different pi inciples
and opinions which they maintained from
| himself or the subject, would be no real bar
rier totheir union ; because, from the sin
timents of those who took, a share in the
discussion of last year, respecting the Ca
tholtcs, he had inferred, that unless the ve
to should be assented to bv the Catholics
(wh.ch did not ,ecm probable.) those wlm
d'ffcred from him on the subject, would find
no difficulty m concurring with hi< , i„ „pinj.
on, that tho claims of the Catholics should
| not he gran.ed at that time. t/pmi all these
grounds, it did appear to him highly ernba'
blc, that the two noble lords, entert'
sentiments similar to his own, wid*' rr "K
to the expediency of creatinf a
government, would have .ifceVed of I
proposition as the basis of their future ar*
rangemems. He could *-Mire the honors" ;
Ttmtlatnen, that d in* Vd anticipated that
jt !C proposition cos :d luvo been ciootr-ej