The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-02-01 00:00:00, page 2

HB.il ,——'-.IS.* -m —
o have relation to that opinion. Be that,
however, as it may, the committee onto
reign relations hath reported this hill, con
- tabling restrictions which* that committee,
at this time, judged lit, agreeably to existing
circumstances, to be adopted. The provi
sions and restrictions proposed in the bill
correspond, in a certain degree, with those
which a state of war will produce. If the
bill shall become a la w, the provisions there
of will uot be unchangeable ; they will be
subject to future alterations, which the
Congress of the United States may judge
necessary to meet existing circumstances.
It hath been said of a celebrated politician,
that he always adapted his policy to existing
circumstances.
Although this bill may he said to origi
nate front the embargo and non-intercourse
laws, it may, notwithstanding that, be con
sidered as the beginning of u new system ;
if there is reason to believe, that the Unit
ed States shall be engaged in war, this bill
contains provisions which may be consider
ed preparatory to that state of things.
Mr. Rhea observed, he would not con
template what Great Britain would thiukor
do, if this bill became a law ; that power
when about to issue orders in council did
not consult the United States, respecting
the propriety of them as they may have
relation to the United States; that power
has for years |>ast legislated for Its own in
terest, without respect to the welfare of the
United States ; and it is a duty of tho Unit
ed States to legislate for ‘.heir own inter
est.
It is probable, that provisions, other, and
expressive of more energy, than the pro
visions contained in this bill, would have
been more consistent with the opinions of
many ; but it ought to be observed, that the
executive is a part of :the government of
the United States, ami .that, by the Consti
tution, he is vested with certain powers.—
The executive government had, prior to the
meeting of Congress, taken a lead in the
affairs of the United States with Great Bri
tain. In the letter of the Secretary of
State of the 8th of November, 1809, to Mr.
Jackson, he, after being notified that no
further communication would be received
from him—is informed, that, “ in the mean
time, a ready attention will be given to
any communications, affecting the interest
of the two nations, through any other chan
nel that may be substituted,” & the Sec’ry of
State in his letter of the 23d of Nov. 1809,
to Mr. Pinkney, states, “ you are particu
larly instructed, at the same time in making
those communications, to do it in a manner
that will leave no doubt of the undiminished
desire of the United States to unite in all
the means the best calculated to establish
the relations of the two countries on the so
lid foundation of justice, of friendship, and
of mutual interest”—and the President of the
United States in his message of the 29th of
November, 1809, to both Houses of Congress,
uses the following language—“ The British
government will learn at the same time,
that a ready attention will be given to com
munications through any channel which may
be substituted : It will be happy if the
change in this respect should be e.ccompa- ;
nieil by a favorable revision of the unfriendly
policy which has been so long pursued to
wards the United States.” Such is the view
taken by the executive government of this
interesting subject. If Great Britain will
not favorably revise the unfriendly policy
which has been so long pursued towards the
United States, this bill having become a
law, the provisions thereof will be prepara
tory for the approaching event.
The constitution of the United States
gives to Congress the power to declare war_
and to the Executive department of the gov
ernment of the United States, the power to
make treaties, and of course to use every
endeavor which he may deem just and pro
per to preserve peace. Between these two
departments of the government of the U.
StaUs, it is requisite, that on the question
of peace or war there be unanimity of senti
ment and of action.
( Debate to be continued. J
IN SENATE—January 2\.
On motion of Mr. Pope, the further considera
tion of the bill to augment the compensation to
the Judges of the circuit court of the district of
Columbia, was postponed to the first Monday in
December next.
Mr. Heed's motion for an amendment to the
constitution was, on motion of Mr. Leib, referred
to a select ccmmittee. Ordered that Mr. Heed,
Mr. Leib and Mr. Crawford be the committee
January 25.
Tha bill authorizing the President to engage
in the service of the United States for a short
period a corps of volunteers, was, on motion of
Mr. Leib, postponed till Monday next.
HOUSE OF REPRESEMTAT1VES,
January 24.
The following gentlemen compose the com
mittee to whom was r- ferred Mr. Burwell’s re
solution on the subject of convoy. See. Messrs
Burwell, Hickman, J. C. Chamberlin, H. li. Por
ter, Richards, Kennedy and Howard.
On motion of Mr. Nelson, the memorials of the
officers of the late revolutionary army surviving
in different states, prest iled heretofore, wore re
ferred to a select committee. This committee is
composed of Messrs. Nelson, Winn, Wilson,
Desha and liitfly.
Mr. Basset reported a bill to incorporate the
Trustees of the Protestant Episcopal church of
the town of Alexandria.
On mol ion of Mr. Aiorrtnv,
Rtsalved, That the committee of commerce
& manufactures be instructed to enquire into the
propriety of establishing a port of entry at the
river Huron or Sandusky i»i»y, in the state of O
hio, and a port of entry at Oswcgatche in tke
stale of Mew York ; anJ also of changing the
lurne of the District of Lri<* in the stale ol Ohio
to that of Coyahoga, and that they report by bill
or otherwise.
The following letter was received from the Se
cretary of the Treasury :
Treasury Department,
January 20, 1810.
Sir,
I have the honor, in obedience to the. resolu
tion of the House of Representatives of the 8th
inst to transmit copies of the only general instruc
tions to the Collectors of Customs, to he found
in the record* of this department, relative to re
fusing clearances to any private armed vessel of
the l). Stale*.
By the first, bearing date April fcth, 1797, it U
directed, “ that the sailing of armed vesstla, not
ionaf.de destined to the hast Indies, i»»: restrain
ed until otherwise ordained by Congress.” Al
though no instructions of a prior date to that
effect, appear ts have t«« < n given by the Treasury
Department, it J3 undeismod that this regulation
only confirmed what lud bc*n me previous gene
ral practice. And it f'ar e\cv since been conai*
licrid as being i.i fo.xe,except wuon supcrcc ed
f..r * time i.y tim ten pm ,rv in,’.ruction.' oi 21
Marr.li, 1/98, herewith tirr.. -IU| during
the con*m -no.' -f 'he ae.it, -1 Co . -re s of 2.»ib
Julie, i/a'., Sill. VI e>» -Mlaruii, 1 d. j , the t.rsioi ;
which expired on the rHl of May, 1802, and the
last «•»» the 21st of April, 18U6.
1 have the honor to be, Ike.
ALBERT GALLATIN.
The Hon. the Speaker of the H<-uie
oj Jirpteautative*.
The bill from the Senate authorising the fitting
out, oilicering and manning thefrignlvs belonging
to the U States was twice read] and referred to
a committee of toe whole.
Mr. Newton from the committee appointed to
wait on the President of the United Males, with
tnc resolution respecting the army of the United
States, reported, that they had performed that
duty and leceived for answer, that he would at
tend to the request of the House.
Mr. Poindexter from the committee appointed :
to wait on the Prcsid nf with the resolution res- j
peeling the navigation of the Mobile, made a i
similar report.
AMERICAN NAVIGATION BILL.
The house resumed the consideration of the
bill concerning commercial intercourse, kc.
Messrs. Livermore, Desha, Sawyer, Mum ford j
and Milnor spoke against the bill, and Messrs. ,
Boyd and Johnson spoke in favor of it.
And the house adjourned without taking a
question.
January 2J.
On motion of Mr. M'Kim.
Resolved, That liie Sect clary of War he di
rected to report to this house his opinion rela
tive to the sufficiency of the Muskets furnish
ed for the use of the United Slates marked
Springfield.
Mr. I) inn, after a few prefatory observations,
laid on the table the following resolution :
Resolved, That it is proper hy law to estab
lish permanent regulations applicable to cases of
merchant vessels allowed to be armed for de
fence in voyages which may be permitted to ports
of the West-Indies, or coasts of tiie Atlantic O
ccan or the Mediterranean, or Bailie sea, and ac
cordingly to provide fur the furnishing of such
letters of permission or other documentary evi- \
dt lice as may be proper to manifest the defensive
character of the arinunieiu allowed, and at the
same tune, by law, to require securities for the
vessels respectively, that the) shall not proceed
to any port known to be actually blockaded, nor J
carry article? contraband of war to the domini- !
on of a belligerent power, nor violate the laws]
or treaties of the United States or the rules of]
public law by the United Slates acknowledged,
but will observe the instruction which may be
given by the President of the United States, for
preventing any such violation, and that satisfac
tion shall he mude for all damages and injuries if
any should be committed in contravention there
of.
AMERICAN NAVIGATION BILL.
The House resumed the consideration of the
bill “ Concerning commercial intercourse with
l». Britain and France and their dependencies,
and for other purposes.”
Messrs. Anderson and Van D-he spoke against
the bill.
Mr. Troup proposed an amendment going to
authorise the President of the U. States on cer
tain information of the caj ture of a vessel en
gaged in lawful trade, to issue letters of inatque
and reprisal to persons applying for them.
This amendment was opposed by Messrs.
Tallmadge, Fisk, Bibb, Dana and Smilie, and
supported by Mr. Troup, who however, with
drew the motion subsequently.
Mr. Montgomery moved the following as a new
section to the bill :
And ba it further enacted, That the President
be, ar.d he is hereby authorised to give instruc
tions to the commanders of the armed vessels in
toe service of the United States to seize within
the United States or within four leagues of the
coast thereof, any vessel for evasions or violations
of this law, and to bring the same into any port
of the U. S. or territories thereof, for adjudica
tion.
Alter debate, in which Messrs. Key, Macon
and Smilie opposed, and Messrs. Eppes, Rhea
(of T.) and Montgomery supported it, the a
mendment was agreed to by Yeas and Nays_73
to 53.
The question “ shall the bill be engrossed and
read a third time ?” was then decided in the af
firmative by Yeas and Nays as follow :—
TEAS—Messrs. L. J. Alston, W. Alston, Ba
con, Bassett, Bibb, J. Brown, R. Brown, Bur
well, Butler, Calhoun, Cobb, Cochran, Cox,
Crist, Culls, D»\v3oii, Eppes, Findley, Fisk,
Gannett, Gardcnier, Gardner, Gin-land, Ghol
s-.i», Gray, Heister, Helms, Holland, Howard,
Johnson, Jones, Kenan, Kennedy, Key, Lyle,
Macon, Marion, M’Bryde, M’Kee, M’Kim,
Miller, Montgomery, N. R. Moore, T. Moore,
Morrow, Nelson, Newton, Nicholson, Porter,
Rea, (P.) Rhea, (T.) Richards, Roane, Sage,
Seaver, Shaw, Sheffey, Smelt, Smilie, G.
Smith, J. Smith, S. Smith, Southvrd, Stan
ford, Stanley, Swoope, Tracy, Turner, Van Korn,
Whit*-hill, Winn, Witherspoon—72.
NAYS—Messrs. Anderson, Bard, Blaisdel!,
Breckenridgc, J. C Chamberlain, W. Chamber
lin, Champion, Chittenden, Clay^Clopton, Craw
ford, Dana, Davenport, Desha, Ely, Emott,
Goldsborougli, Gold, ^lale, Haven, Hubbard,
Hufty, R. Jackson, Jenkins, Knickerbaeker,
Lewis, Liveimore, Livingston, Matthews, Mil
nor, Moseley, Mumford, Newbold, Pitkin, J
Porter, Potter, Quincy, Root, Sammons, Saw
yer, Seybert, Sledman, Stephenson, Sturges,
Taggart, Tallmadge, Thompson, Troup, Upham,
Van Dyke, Van Rensselaer, Weakley, Wheaton,
Whitman, Wilson—5J.
The bill was ordered to be read a third time on
Saturday ; and the House adjourned.
From Corrett'j Register,
“ Men, at some time, are masters of their fate ;
“ 'Die fault, dear Brutus, is not in ours' ars,
“ But in ourselves, that we are Underlings.”
TO THE CITIZENS Oi LONDON.
Gentlemen,
OPPRESSION, or insult, when
the object is helpless* never fails to excite
against the oppressor, the indignation of the
generous and the just; but, when the object
is so helpless, when he who sufliers oppres
sion, or insult, has within himself, the pow
er of obtaining complete redress, and makes
no use of that power, then, that same justice,
which in the former case, calls forth our
indignation against the oppressor, calls for
our contempt ot the oppressed. In truth, it
wouIu be absurd for a third party to compas
sionate the wretch who should seem fond of
being kicked; and not less absurd to be an
gry with the man who should kick him._
i he parties would, in such case, seem to be
made foi another; and the world ought to
let them alone. When, therefore, wc talk
of oppressions, of a political, nature, when
wc talk of an oppressed and insulted people,
we should be careful to ascertain beforehand,
that the said people do not deserve to be op
pressed and insulted; that they have not
the power of redress in their own hands;
that they have not themselves put the puw
er of oppression into the hands of their op
pressors; and, in short, that they do not by
their actions, shew, that justice makes no
demand of compassion in their favor, but
condeim s them to the contempt of mankind.
It, gentlemen, you absent to the truth ol
these general propositions, uwili, I hope,
suflir ii.e to ask y> u, Whether yiu your
selves are quite tree from liie danger of the
application t 1 beg you to put the question
to yourselves; each of you to ask. himself,
w ..i.Uer lib- ,u ii. a., or in his stars, that iie
is an underling, the degraded instrument In
the hands of greedy aim impudent specula
tors upon the public soil; and nhether it be
not ft»w in his own powyr to obtain com
plete redress, for past, and ay complete sc-1
cutity against future oppiesiiott and in
suit ?,
It is denied by no one, that the situation of
this kingdom is awfully dangerous, Kvcn
the vile wretches (certainly the \crv \dest
of mankind) who are hived to put forth
falsehoods, for the purpose of deluding the
people; even these wretches, who have for
months past amused th<- ignorant with hopes
o? a new war between France and Austria,
and who have talked of the firmness and
dignified tone of the latter power; even these
awkward as well us venal wretches, who
asserted that the i&mperor Napoleon was
insane, and who, as if to prove their own
mental derangement, toid us, that he must
cease to reign if he was mad ; even these
wretches, profligately impudent as they are.
have not the impudence to deny, that this
kingdom is now in greater danger than it
ever before had to contend with. They
talk of its prosperity, and they triumphant
ly compavc its situation with that of other
countries; but still ?,'cy arc compelled to
acknowledge the exisence of the danger;
and, it would be quite impossible for them j
to point out any nation upon the earth, ex-j
posed to such danger.
i ae more wc possess, the more we have]
to lose ; iu number equal to that of our enjoy - |
meats are our wants , nor dots it require!
much reflection to convince ary reasonable i
man, that if this country were tube subdued, 1
those amongst us who live in luxury would
suffer the most. It is not possible for any but
a mad man, ora natural fool, or some one
who is partly one and partly the other, not
to see the danger now banging over us ; r.iul
it is not possible for any one, who is not a
sensual brute thatcares ret what bee unesof
the country, so that lie can gratify his never
satiated appetites ; it is impossible for any
one, except a brute like this, not to feci
great anxiety on account of this danger_
We sec kingdom after kingdom failing at
the feet of the conqucior; we sec him re
turning fromUhe subjugation of ore empire,
to begin, or rather to finish, the subjugation
of anoihed, where even a detachment of his
mighty army has discomfitlcd anil pursued
all that we have been able to raise up against
him ; we see him in possession of all the na
val porta and means of continents Europe;
[we sec him with all the facilities of dou.b
iingiu a year the amount of his navy, aliea
dy large; we see him, in his last act of pa
cification, not forgetting his war with us,
and his means of assailing us; and, what is
ot more consequence than all the rest put
[together, we see, in our government, those
qualities which lie lias met with in govern
ments which he has overturned and annihi
lated, and, moreover, while wu see, in our
rulers, the same pertinacious adherence to
that of which the great mass of the people
complain, we sec amongst ourselves that
coldness, that listlessness, that indifference,
that want of public spirit, which of all symp
toms is the most alarming because it denotes,
that there is wanting the only thing by which
a nation can be finally saved. Much of big
talk have you, Gentlemen, lately heard from
the Curtises and the Dixons, and the Jack
ses ; much about the contrast between this
nation and the fallen nations of the continent
of Europe ; but, I dobeseech you to bear in
inind, that there is not one ; no, not one ; not
any single nation or state amongst them,
which has.not, in its turn, been the (bjoct of
the praises, of the applause, and atlmi vatic n (
of these your city counters; these your |
smoothtongued place -hunters. Every" one |
ot these fallen nations has, fi.it or last, been
the ally of England ; all their rulers have,!
in their turn, been praised for their wisdom
and their piety ; their kings have all been
ardently beloved by their people, and their
queens have all been amiable and virtuous,
their people have all been deto’eJ to their
“ holy altars,” have been full of “ loyalty,”
and have mortally hated the French. Is not
this so? Have you not been told this ? Has
not this been dinned in your ears even to the
danger of stunning? Yet, all these nations
have fallen before the conqueror ; all these
nations with their pious kings, amiable and
virtuous queens, wise governments, and peo
ple happy, contented, religious, loyal, and
hating the French, have all, one after ano
ther, y ielded to those same French, who
have not cnly beaten them in the field, but
have revolutionised their governments, and
in most cases, have furnished them with new
sovereigns. Wed then, what becomes of
this contrast so fashionable with your citv
orators? They tell you, for instance, of
what Holland is novj: but they do not remind
you oi wnai they tola you about Holland be
fore it was subdued by France.
In short, this is the truth of the matter,
such as they describe England to you now,
they have each in its turn described those na
tions to be, which they now bid you look at
as objects of triumphant comparison; where
as if they wished you to derive any benefit
from their observations, they would bid you
beware, for that all those nations, who, but
a little while ago, were, according to their
account, what England now in, have now
bet'\\ subdued by the enemy of England.
Folly and wickedness, which are general
ly, in the end, their own chastisers, do, ne
vertheless, sometimes derive benefit, or, at
least, temporary impunity, from their long
continuance, bo has it happened with re
spect to the folly and the wickedness of those
who, at the end of a seventeen year's con
test lor “security,” have brought us into a
situation, iniwhicli we not only are not secure,
but in which we have not left the smallest
chance of seeing seem ity provided for the
times ol your children. This contest has
Continued so long, uml so numerous have he* •
the lollies and the acts of wickedness, on the
part ot those who have had a principal
share in it, that the public, weary witn at
tempting to preserve a recollection of them,
content themselves with a retrospect of a few
months, the catalogue for which time is,
indeed, *|uite sutlicieat to *KCiipy any ordi
nary mind.
Were it not for this circumstance, it sure
ly would be unnecessary for me to remind the
Citizens of London of the share which they
have had in causing all those measures to be
adopted, which have most powerfully con
tributed towards the bringing of us into our
presentdisg« icctul state, and the still upda
ting effect o. wind) measures will, like that
*>t a fever in itslast stages, press daily upon
the vitals of the nation, witii accelerated
o, ce. There was no folly, no egregious fol
y, nor any vice, m the undertaking or the
Conducting of this contest, in which you did
not eminently share. To you, from long
habit, the other] arts of the kingdom looked
tor example ; ami, instead of giving them an
•xample «>t weariness in listening to tire in
sinuations of an artful minister, or hisiiniii
ooj, }ou £avc them an example oftemit.gi)
wilful cullibiliiy. In short, you became, ec .
continued, ti.e mere puppers in the hands of
the minister of the day. You sanctioned all
he did; you jointd him in ail his underta
kings; you hissed or you clapped us he com
manded. \iu shop tt(l for joy when he bade
you shout; and you wept, or a Heeled to weep,1
when he bade your tears lhnv. No pump,
no anvil, no bit of dough or of dirt, was ever1
more completely at the command of the
possessor, than you weie at the command of
the minister anil his under’ings; and, it was
reserved tor his reign, in honor i f which we
have just witnessed a Jubilee, and for die
“ ble^Hingj' il which tlicie are men to be
found to •* thar.k God,” and appaiemly with
out dreading an) chastisement; this reign,
which will be distinguished in the history of
England, (if England shall hereafter have a
history) by its calamities and its disgraces,
civil as well as military ; it was reserved
for this reign to see the citizens of London,
distinguished in all former limes for their
good sense, and particularly for their firm
ness in icsistmg -cts of oppression ; ves, it
was reserved for this reign to sec the citizens
ot London not only become the dull be siupid
tools ot a minister, in giving cui'icncy to all
his doctrines relative to war and peace, but
to suffer hitn to assault the liberties of the
country, to see, ia silence, the suspension of j
laws made lor the protection ot the people,
and other laws passed creating new political
oilt iices, and, to your evet las'ing shame be it
r«»cordcd, \ ou openly applauded the persecu
tion ot those lew Englishmen, who had the!
courage to make a stand in the cause of that j
irtedom, to preserve which for you, your
iatheis had fough and bled, 'i'oyou this na
tion has a right to look for no small part of
all its losses of eveiy sort. Against your
voice the fatal measures never couid have
been adopted ; nor. indeed, count they have
been adopt -d without your a/i/irobucioti ac
tively given.
10U might nave prevented all those
measures; and, therefore, I repeat, that to
you the nation has a right to look as to the
authors, or, at least, the joint authors, of
all that ii now suffers, anti all that reason
bids it anticipate. If the citizens of Lon
don hail acted with otdy common spirit, is it
to be believed, that things would have come
to this pass * But such has been their tame
ness, nay, their cowardice, that, at lust, (un
til very lately,) they have become an object
of so much contempt, that the minister of
the day appears to have doubted, whether
they were worth using any longer ; and. up
on two or three occasions, the offer of their
service seemed to be scarcely accepted —
I am aware, that it has in your defence, been
urged, that the Ciiy of London is not what
it formerly was; that the merchants and
tradesmen, properly so called, have, in con
sequence ot the increase of the government
debt and Pitt system ot banking, and espe
ctally by the erection of a new power in the
East India Company, been, in a great mea
suie, put aside, and that the persons now
calling ihemocIves “ The City of Condon,"
ate a set of contractors, brokers, jews,job
bers, nabobs and scat dealers, the inteicst of
every wretch of whom it is to cicate and
support pretences lor expending the public
money, and to prevc.it bv all means, and nt
any iisk to the national welfare, every one
guilty of any :.c< of public robbery, gi oat or
small ; that such is the influence and, in
deed, the direct power, of this numerous
swarm of keen and indefatigable enemies
oi the country, that all attempt at resistance
is vain; and that, seeing that it was from
these wretches that proceeded ail the sup
port that was given to tic measures that
Have produced our present danger, the Ci
tizens of London are not, without discrimi
nation, tube blamed.
To this I answer, that, if th.e persons be influ
enced or doiniiitcivd ovei, were few in number,
it would not he, with me, a matter of much sur
prize, that the real voice of the ciiy should be
stifled. But when it is well known, that the!
Livery of Louden consists of, at .lea.-.*, from ten
to twelve thousand, i- not the City of London,1
without ary discrimination, to Lc charged with j
tiie principles of Cmlis, Shaw, lliith and the I
like ! It is in vain to talk ; for ii ten thousand j
of the principal people in the ciiy can be influ
enced, toe ' Line lies upon the ’people of the city j
much more than upon ilsosc by whom they an j
influenced. As if, however, this were not
enough, whereon to convict the citizens of Lon
don of being the cause of their country’s ruin,
there is, annually, an opportunity for them to
express their sentiments, in a manner, which, if
they do not txpuas them with effect, Laves!
them no excuse whatever. I allude to the clco-j
lion of persons to represent the Common Comt-1
cil, and, in which election every citizen home
holder h is a voice. Here, then, wc have every
mail to vole, who, upon any occasion, ought ever
to be permitted to vote. These citizen house
holders amount pe rhaps, to a hundred thousand
in number, and therefore, if influence cun pre
vail here, the mass is too corrupt ever to be*
cured. The fact is, that corrupt influence does
not prevail here; but, there is something, which
in its effects, is full as fatal, that does prevail,
and that is indifference ; which in this case, is
quite inexcusable, because a proper choice is,
.ii a few weeks, perhaps, visible in its good con
siquencss. Mmh h<*s he-it taken away from
><>u ; the ciiy of London, as well as the rest of
the kingdom, lias felt die effects of’th Pitt sys
tem ; Oul, tins right of choosing your repicscn
latives in tne Common Council still remains to
you ; that u not taken away ; you possessed
that before the jubilee-rcigu commenced, and,
oyg.eat good luck, you still possess it j and if
you fad to eXciCiSo it, and that, too, with a view
to die advantage of the nation at large, you act
neither a wise nor an honorable part; and, you
should always bear in mind, that, as you have it
m your power to pul down, by your voice, legal
ly expressed, the combination of contract s, job
bers, jews, nabobs, and seat-dealers, every evil
resulting from the existence of that nefarious
cotnoiuaiion is aseribcuole to you, a.id that gainst
this charge, all y our professions of patriotism
will not weigh a leather.
The moot contemptible ofall characters drawn
by the pen, is the waggoner, praying to Hercu
les to get his waggon out ol the mire. “ Get
up, la) y >ur whip to the horses, clapping your
own snouldcr to the wheel at thessuie time, and
then Hercules will help you ” To be sure j and
it is not proper to give an answer similar to tins
to all those i1u;n liottb ^holders of London, who
oiliier uu not vote at all for members of the Com
mon Council, or who voting, are indi'iurcnl, or
nearly indifferent, as to the objects of their
choice ; is it not just to give them an answer
similar to this, when tln-y are complaining of the
piodigality in the public expenditure, the shame
I ssw-t.m hi all too departments, and ol the
de«th and destruction ol so mtliyofonr country
men, without an) good purpose whatever bring
me re by .iiiswercd ! Wnen Midi penp*» com
plain of the weight of taxes : ol the utmost in<e -
»ant harnessing, tesamg, and ftrineiiling, mat
tiny luidergu Irom the visit.-., and still mole from
| the constantly apprehended visits, of tin lax ga
I tnereisol various si-s; t’pi ions ; of the exaruina
| tioi s and cross examinations of the sccu vatioifs,
! InO reproaches, the brow-be Umg, and ill the end
Ifn vr .cl) i I ■ 11,1 Ills Slid illstiiis, whi il. they un
to ii; pel ed to put up w idi in s.louse, up.,n p .in o*
being hail r ni.ctt ; won such people thy . coin*
plain, is it not j --. to Ltigh .n ti.eu Lee, loliuUt
ana jeer them, and {rest tuem. in short, with • *
very species of contempt f *' What can ( ne man
do ?*’ Olt! silly question. Vet, rot so a lly as
isi insi: cere ; lor who puts such a question t i
himself, when some object of private gain, plea
sure, or convenience ; when an object >.i self-gra*
tiilcation of any sort is pointed out to l: n, if,
deed, such objects did nol,crowd upon him fast
enough of themselves ? “ What can one man
do ?” never seems to occur to those who are g .
itig to a fair market, a ball, a play, or on any r
tl;er pursuit of gain or of pleasure.
This question, so often put, arises, be assured,
not from a want of understanding ; but from a
want of public spirit and public principle. Weru >
the tiling practicable, I should like to put, verb il
ly, to each individual of you, this question_“ 1)^
you believe, that, if the whole of the Common *
Council consisted of men of Mr. Waithmui.'-t
spirit and principles, the abuses of which you
complain, would soon be removed ?—My opinion
•'» mat, il this question were put to every man
ol you, you would, without a moment's hesita
tion, ..nswer in the affirmative. My opinion i-,
that this would be your answer with as thorough
conviction as y»u entertain of your existence ;
w hat excuse, therefore, is there for your a
p-itliy ; for your wilful neglect of so important a
ilu'y ?
ii.c History or cur country'•lievis, that it is
t!ie capital tliat must load the rest of the king
dom. It is m reason and in nature that it should
he ; but, the fart is, that London has always ta
ken the lead ; T! us it will still be ; and t'here
ioie it is not at ail matter of surprise; llit eve
ry minister of the King should endeavor to gain
over the city of London to his side, and especi
ally that a con Mpt minister should do this; that*
Is should bestow places upon some, pensions
upon others, g-w gaw titles upon others, and
that lie should give his supporters in the citv,
contracts, jobs, and patronage. These are lor* » >
mmalde means ; hut even means like those can
nut corrupt a hundred thousand men, and, of
courae, they can have no very great effect in au A
c led ion ,,i the common council, which if well ^
constituted, consisting as it docs of more than
two, hundred'persons, would in a short time,
pio.iuce an cliect, ut the extent of which, few
p. isuns are aware. In short it appears very
cle,.riv to me, liiat without any assistance, from
any quarter whatever, you have it in your pow
er to lay the certain foundation of that reform,
without which it is my thorough conviction,
lh d tliis nation will soon have nothing to boast
ol more than its late allic s upon the Continent.
I have not the vanity to suppose, that with
those who could cliuse men hke the iJixons,
who, by their city oratory, have notoriously gain
t;d places for sons ; or w ith those who could vote
for a man, who makes an open defence ofcorrup
tion, having at liie s-ine time, a contract for
making great co„*ts Tor the army water-proof
nor, indeed, have I the vanity to suppose, that,
any thing to be said by me is capable of inducing *
one i 1 you to do that which you otherwise would
not be disposed to do ; but, ot this I am certain j
tliat unles the Common Council of London bo
composed of men of sound political principles,
there is no ground whatever for your complain- y
iiig of any hardship proceeding from the gov
ernment ; and that, if every farthing ot your earn
ings were taken from you in taxes, to be given
to nabobs, contractors, or to be thrown into the
wells, and down'the mountains of Spain, vott
would not be an oLjc-ct of the compassion of any
rational man. You sin, in such case not only a.
gainst the light and with out temptation; but, a
gJustuie memorable example, llie noble exam
ple, ol your ancestor^, who, in the cause of free
dom, always stood toicn-ust, taught the nation
how to tin.i.. a’ 1 how to act; and wiio, whether
t«e dispute w,.s decide a w} tuc pen ot* the s vvo.'vi,
al was prevailed.
I am, Gentlemen,
x obi »riend.
tVil.LIAM COBUETTx
C m a klest o .'.*, Janusxy 22.
LATEST FROM LIST OX.
Copt. Y/t am ams, anived last evehifcg From
Lis .on, ieit uiat place on the 2G:h Dec. Affairs
,<•' Lc. uigal remained much in the same stale as «
at our 1-at advices. A lew days before capta u
\Vr. s-ili d, intelligence was received irom bpahi
tin t the p ineij/xi Spanish army had been defeat
'd ..i two engagements with the French, about
the last Iiovem. er, near .->*! unaiica. in winch tins
paliiqib suliLrcd a of 12 or 14,».'0G men. It
as s' .ited, that the Spaniards nau pursued the
I*renc i aimy under Soult, over whoui tiiey* iiad
ga.iiffa sonic advantages, iiutil no was reinforced
tv a strong booy cl fresh Hoops near Salamanca,
\vbcii he became the assailant. ; and the Spanisi*
coimnaiidtr, cii'.bul'Ieited b/ recent successes,
determined on meeting him in a gtaerat battle,
•Ol V.ind. p ups*, e !nj bail imprutieii'.ly l.ititin tip
a position oil an extensive plain, where tins supc
liorily of French ta lics triuntplmd over patriotic
valour, and lie was defeat t d v. .t!i the lo^s above
stated. Ftill, however, tin-Fictich were not ad
vancing, ai.d probably would n .1 attempt it until
i c in to i w e.iiCn vs siiobxd ar, a i o i r otix a *k..sc.—tv. —
ru r.
_ >
We are informed by a gentleman who left Ja- '
maica i^bout 2.» d-y s since,tliat iit.ow.v, the late
collector at Kew-Oileans, oil ins aniv.d at Ja
maica, had tinpos* dot 11io specie he fiad carii,'il
oil wan him, li x* bibs on England, and llut !kj
bad lt*lt tliat isiiii'ii with his bnolv, on board a
vessel bound lor England.—lh. ’ ,
Extract of a letter Jr out an English gent le
man at *j». Croix, to his J't lend in */.,*• aty da*
ted,
“ Sr. Cnoix, Dec. 24.
“ We have accounts fiom Murtiim|ue to day,
by which it would appear that the expedition in
tended against Guadaloupe was in a great stale
of forwardness, and it is expected will e vil early
in next month. Willi the tiocps lately arrived,
from home, I suppose we will muster between
eiglit and nine thousand men. Notwithstanding
die vigilance ofour cruiztrs, and owiitglo some
i of thorn being becalmed, two French frigates
with troops, succeeded in getting into a port on
the norm side of Guadaloupe. Tile troops anil
p.n of the crews had n tunic to get onshore i.i
the inmost confusion, before a party of stamen,
lit ded by ilieir officers from our ships, landed
and stormed a strong battery in the most gallant
manner, 'lliey afterwards got possession of the
enemy’s frigates, which they biew up with the
whole of tile baggage and stoies on board. Cap'
tain Cammv-ion of his Majesty's ship Hazard, .
was nntbiiunately killed while in the very act of
j liutil.t g down the French colors. There are two
more i'lci.ch fi igates skulking about these sear.,
and 1 have no doubt we will also soon hear a good
account given of them. Those four ft igates ana
a corvette Hut have been sent into Antigua, fud
of troops, lellin with the Junon frigate, taken
some time ago by his Majesty’s frigate, Horatio.
'File junon did not surrender until after an action
of J hours, and having lost 70 of her mail. Shits
was sucli .11 rnplete wreck when tt.c enemy took
possession ot h.r, that they wore obi ged to sink
ner. 'i lie brave captain of the Junon was killed
j in the eng age merit.**.... Aier. Adv.
Ncvv-Yon k , Jnn. 2d.
Capt D^coven, arrived a few d..ys since fro.it
G mu/., imbi ms us, that tne bpanidi heel at Fen ul,
bad b mii n.t- l ..ut by the L i^li h ;,nd srrived -t
C. Hiz, just !>' fore he allied. , I.. cmined 17 ..an
ol iln-in m G.r.nz Gay.
Philadilphi a, Jan. 22.
Extract of a letter, dated /,'.«•;,*« ./,/ez, .,. A
Oct 12 /
“ We arrived here on ih ii ‘ < ptember. •.
found two Ann i sC-rt . li ps. to 1, i.
more—the Thomas W. . , -r, 4nJ j:
l Shaw, l’vt.vk.n i t-y Ur. U>i , /u will n..,. i
»