The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-02-03 00:00:00, page 1

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_Csngrc&h
IN SENATE.
Substance of the ob&crvatiojis made by Air
GILES on the nutation of jlapsing tht
Ell for feting out, LSfc. the frigates be
longing to the U. S.
Tuesday, Jan. 23.
Mr. G. commenced Hs remarks by obser
vii g, that from the papers presented by the
committee to the Senate, and the cxplana
Rons already given oi them, be had hopec
that the expediency of the measure propo
sed by the bill, would have been so obvious
to every gentleman of the Senate, as tohavt
relieved him from the necessity of making
any further expositions in i s favor. He said
he felt himself perfectly exempt from th*
fashionable rage for debate, which he feared
was” extended so far as to tend at h ast it
impede the necessary operations of tue go
vernment, if not to paraltzc all its energies ;
and lie regretted now to he placed under an
obligation of extending or participating in
its influence. But as gentlemen had called
on him for further expositions of the induce
. meats of the committee for reporting this
bill; he would attempt to‘slate them as
briefly us possible ; and lie begged to be
excused for confining himself lo general ob
nervations without descending to very minute
details.
Mr. G. said the bill under consideration
gre w out of the President’s message of the
Sd instant. In that message the President
recommends r system ol preparatory nitu
sores to meet any exigencies that may await
this country ; of which system, the measure
proposed by the bill forms one essential part
l he President commences by reminding
Congress that the law authorising a detach
Tnent of 100,000 men from the militia, will
expire on the 30th of March- next, and re
commends its continuance for a Ion ,cr peri
od. A bill to that effect would long since
have bet n reported by the committee, but a
committee of tin- II<usc of Representative*
bad anticipated them in the report, and it
was thought unnecessary to bring the same
subject before the Senate at the same time.,
I he President then recommends a military
force of 20,000 men, to bv raised and placed
in a state of readiness to b.: called into ser
vice at the shorten warning. Some differ
nice, of opinion existed as to the particular
deset iptioii ol fore*: intended by the message
—but a majority if the committee thought
that the call ot the president would best be
answered by the bill eported bv th« : onora
ble gentleman from Vermont, (Mr. Bradley]
fk winch was yesterday under consideration
i he president then proceeds in the following
words:
“ ^ " ill rest with them, (Congress) also
to determine how far further p avisinn may
be expedient, for putting into actual service
if necessary, any part of the naval armament
not now emploved.
" At a period presenting features in the
conduct ol foreign powers towards the U
S ates, which impose on them the necessity
«>l precautionary measures involving expense
it is a happy consideration that such is tht
solid state ol the public credit, that reli
aace can be justly placed, on any legal pro
vision that may be made for resorting to it
in a convenient form, and to an adequate a
mount. ”
From this recommendation, ns wt II as fi orr
the papers and other iinfoi mutton obtain, i
from the J\avy L?ei.a: tioent in relation t.
this subject, the mti '.tire was addressed t.
t ue coni : tier by two obvious and powet fu
Consi'.CIicteJiiv
The one, to preserve the frigates, pro
posed to be repaired from entire destruc
tion. i
The other to employ them as instruments
of protection and defence in the event of
war. See.
With respect to the first object, it.is to be
remarked, the Secretary of the Navy in
forms you, and this information, he believed,
founded upon an actual examination of the
vessels ; that they required material repairs,
that they would probably \jc damaged SO
per cent, by delaying the repairs for one
year, and shortly thereafter be totally un
worthy of repair. That the present cos' of
repairs would be about equal to one half of
the original cost ot new vessels; and that
when repaired they would lit better vessels
than could be built of green timber. That
the repairs of the whole of them, could be
completed by next fall, if the work was ali
to be done at this place. Whereas to fell
timber for new frigates; and to complete
them out of timber now to be procured,
would require two or three years, &c. Sic.
Under tl*. se circumstances, the committee
were left to the alternatives either cf giving
up these frigates to entire waste and destruc
tion, or to substitute new ones in their, stead,’
under all the disadvantages of encrensed
• expence, delay in time, and the inconveni
ence of building them of unseasoned timber,
&c. £<c or to provide for repairing the fri
gate* now in being, a* contemplated in the
bill. They preferred the last alternative—
and surely, it is recommended by every con
sideration of economy in expence, economy
in time, and the superior quality of the ves
sel* when completed, &c. &c.
Mr. G. sn:d lie knew there were gentle
men who thought that it would be better
policy to let these frigates go to destruction
altogether—and that the money expended
upon their repair was money thrown away
or worse, as involving.consequential expen
ses, &c See. and that imputations had been
throw a out against those who now favored
naval establishments even to a very limited
extent, and who formerly opposed them lie
had reason to believe also, that these impu
tations however unmerited, had not been al
together without their effect.
He would, therefore, endeavor to put this
Rubjeet in its true paint ot view by bestow
ing a tew observations oh it.
In the first place, lie would call to the re
collection of gentlemen, for they appear to
have forgotten or overlooked the circuni
stance, that the present naval es* iblisli
nient was fixed in the years 1800, 1801,
| under the administration of Mr Jefferson,
with the approbation and consent of himself,
aiid he believed, of every other republican
then in Congress. That at that time, the
establishment was thought a proper and
reasonable one ; and that after completing
the frigates now proposed to be repaired,
the establishment wul then be less by ihree
Irigates, than was thought proper and rea
sonable by the republicans at that time. He
asked, what circumstances had taken place
since 1800, 1801. to justify a furtherexcisi
sioii «'{ the naval establishment, or with what
propriety can those, who then consented to
that establishment, be accused of inconsis
tency of conduct, or change of political prin
ciples, for consenting to an establishment
now, less by three frigates, than they then
thought both reason? ble and proper?
Since that time, the United States have
been blessed with a vast increase of popula
tion, a vast increase of wealth, particularly
mercantile wealth, and increase of revenue,
&c. At the same time, with an unexam
pled diminution of public debt, and withal,
they have, in the mean time, had their
rights, commercial rights particularly, as
sailed by both the great belligerents of Eu
rope without any prospects of relaxation
from either, &c He asked, whether they
could find id any of the e circumstances,
causes to justify, at the present moment,
dismantling their navy, or cutting off orun
nerving the naval arm of their government?
He presumed, the whole of them wouldna
turally produce a contrary tendency. He
*a:d, theso imputations had been thrown out
by some gentlemen, for whom he had thu
highest respect, and fie believed with the
most candid, though mistaken, conviction*
on their minds ; but their errors would be
easily corrected by an attentive review of
the events, which preceded, the causes
which produced and the i vents which fi l
lowed - change of administration in 1800.
During the federal administration, the fe
deral party conceived the erroneous opinion
and acted under the mistaken impression,
that the Constitution of the United States
wanted energy ; and to supply this want,
they undertook to legislate energy into it._
for this purpose, they devised expedients
to jus'ify it, and resorted to physical force,1
armies and navies, to supply this miscon
reived fatal defect in the Constitution, and
to form the essential substitute for energy ;
which was, in their view, the great deside
ratum of the government.
I hese measures required enormous ex
pence:*; taxes were imposed on the people
to dr fray them ; anil when they were inform
ed, tiiat these expenc.es were intended to
procure enevgv, they did not believe that
j they were in want of any such energy_
1 They found their n !ers were acting under
,a mistaken vision ; that they had departed
from the necessary practical objects of the
; j government, and gone in quest of visionary
theories, which existed only in their own
! deluded imaginations, which could lie of no
I practical use to the people, and which cost
i them vast Minis of money, ftc. See. They,
j therefore, took the government out of ftde
|ral hands, and put it into the hands of their
1 opponents—the republican party. The visl
jonary theory of energy, was therefore 'lie
I fatal error of the federal party : and that
jerr..r deprived it of the power of the nation.
I l'lie government being thus placed in the
/hands of tii»* republicans, whilst lieated with
I the /.« al ot op pi i* h i (si to the federal doctrines,
and flushed with their recent triumph, it
: was natural for them, with the hist, Intend
| ons, to run into the opposite extreme; togo
too far iii the relaxations of th»: powers *>t
the government, and to indulge themtelve
’ in the <lc light'nl visions of extending the
range of individual liberty. 'liny were,
i i therefore, in danger of i el.«xlng the powers
iof the government, s>ofar «» t-> deprive it o/
tlir means of its own preservation and exe
cuiioi for domestic objects ; and to impair
or destroy its efficacy in resisting foreign
!,n?». The theory, therefore, of the
republic.v s, as oppased to tiiat or ttie iede
ralibtg, w sifh relaxation of governmental
restraints, or 'ire extension of individual li
berty. It v/ii natural, that in the vibration
of the political pendulum, it should go from
one extreme to another ; and that this has
been too much 'he case with the republican
administration, he rtgretted to fay, he fear
i e<i, would be demon* rated by a very super
j licial rc\ iew of the events of the last two
!' *’ three \ ears. He said it had been his for
I tune to oppose both of these extremes —That
ib - thought the true policy of the United
! States would be found in the medium between
i these two extremes; that lie had steadfastly
j placed his footing upon that ground, and that
I be fhould riot lie driven from it, until lie was
convinced he had assumed an unwise posi
tion. He said, he was equally averse from
incurring expence, or devising expedients,
merely toprncure ideal energy f'irthe govern
ment ; and from an undue re’axation of its
powfcrs, stimulated by a visionary phtlan
ihrophy, in a vain pursuit of the extension of
individual libfcrty beyond the susceptibilitv of
niiman nature, or in other woids, irreconci
labli1 with the imperfections of the human
character. He alwas had been, and still
was willing to call into action the whole
constitutional powers of the government, for
the. purpose of effecting all its practicable,
legitimate and expedient objects, whether of
a foreign or domestic character. And lie
believed the government had powers sufnei
ent for all its objects, it wisely and efficient
ly applied. !!c s*icl, if any example was
wanted to illustrate the tiuth and correct
ness of tht > .* observations, it would be found
in the case under consideration. In the oh
jections to a naval establishmt ni at this time,
ltss by three frigates, than was deemed rea
sonable in 1800 1801 ; and in the intimated
inconsistency 1.1 the conduct of those, who
then approved that establishment, and who
now approve of one of less extent Perhaps
the truth, is, that gentlemen have gone so far
in. t ie pleasing and laudable effort to im
pvovi t:.-happiness of man, by extending
the scope t.f individual I-berty, that they
suppose those who stand still, .ire receding;
from them in an opposite direction, while
they are not sensible of their own motions.
He said, under the view of tips part of the
subject, he would vote for the bill ; audit
circumstances should, in his judgment, here
after render it expedient, he would vote for
a still iuother extension of naval equip
ments. H-'; said there was no jdanger in his
judgment, ot having a navy in this country
beyond a very limited extent ; because the.
agricultural and mechanical interests weie
greatly superior to the commercial; and
they' would always afford a complete sect,,-i
ty against a too great extension of a navy.
Mr G said, the second consideration
which induced the committee to report the
bill, was to employ the frigates as instru
: nifciits ot protection and defence, and even
jot annoyance in the event of wap. Gentle
men have asked whether the whole of the
lrigates are competent to resist the British
fleet, or even a small squadron of it? To
which it is answered, no, they are not.—
But it by no means follows, that because
they are incompetent to atchieve those
splendid exploits, that therefore they can
not be ot any use at all. He conceived they
might be materially useful, in defending a
town in case of a naval attack. They would
form unessential part of a combined force
tor that object. Fortifications on land have
been erected at an immense expence. Gun
boats have been provided for the defence of
tlie sea-port towns, &c. and frigates are in
many respects essential to their combined
operation. I hey are besides important in
tut nishing officers and men for the gun
boats, etc. etc. audit has ahvayB been un
derstood, (hat their opeiutions must be in
complete without the co-operation of vessels
ot war. He therefore Considered it incor
reel to single out this partisular part of the
naval force; and to a>-k, what it can at
chieve singly and ah n * ? It would be more
just anti proper, to c insider it as part of a
combined system of force. In that point of
view, he believed it would be inefficient.—
He believed they might also be occasional
ly employed in harrassing the commerce
of an enemy with considerable i fleet, parti
cularly it Great Britain should be that ene
my.
Mr. G. said, he should avail himself of
that occasion to be explicit in slain,g his
views ot the question of peace or WRt\ He
was induced to do tins because his views up
<>n that question had been misunderstood,
or at least misrepresented to the public, and
p.ctended to be derived iroiu conversations,
anil other sources ot information easily to he
misconceived, and mure easily to be misre
presented ; and for which he did not fee.I
himself at all responsible. He had always
been in the habit of iraukly exposing his
views without reserve in his place on that
floor upon ail subjects, when required by
the duties ni his station; he should now do
so, and for their correctness in that place
he acknowledged himself to be responsible
to the pubt.c.
He said, with respect to peace or war, it
should be Observed— that in a dispute be
tween nations, war was at the option t>l ei
ther party ; peace was not—peace required
• lie consent ot both. V\ hilst, therefore war
may be in our power, peace may be beyond
our control. Great Britain may make w .r
upon us ; and it is our most imperious duty
to life prepared to inevt it. He said, as to the
proba' lity of that event, he had no ceitain
data to guide his judgment, but if it be even
uncertain, preparations ought to be made to
meet it with elfect and advantage. He w..s,
therefore, in favor of every preparation both
by land and by sea to meet war ; but he con
tide-red toe question of making preparations
to meet war, aveiy diflVrent thing, from a
question In declare, or to make war—so
much so, that restating to the one has n 1
ways been considered as the best expedient
o avoid the other alternative; whilst,
• hereInto, he whs against declaring or ma
krug war under present circumstances and
• t this time, lie was in favor of prepara
tioj s to meet it. which might hereal er
tender a xesort to it unnecessary. But he
would at the same time, say explicitly, that
it Great Britain would doiumue her course
ot hostilities against us, he would at a cou
venieht and proper time, be decidedly ia
favor of war, rather than to submit •<> iter
lawless pretensions and aggressions He be
lieved, that rather than submit, tbe United
States ought, must and will g>towar for the
preservation and maintenance of their rights,
etc. lie drew this conclusion with confi
dence and certainty, from the character of
the dispute between the two countries.—
VVliat is the real character of that disputf,
particularly as it respects commercial
rights? Independently of aggressions vital
ly affecting the character and interests of
the United States, continued without atone
inent or relaxation, and which are too well
known to require repetition here, the real
character of the dispute respecting commer- I
cial rights when stripped of all its disguises
and embellishments consists in this :—who
ther the United States or Great .Britain,
shall regulate the commerce of the United
States? Or rather, whether the United
Sta es shall regulate their own commerce
consistently with ihe law of nations? Or,
shall Great Britain regulate it, in contraven
tion of the law of nations? The right to re
gulate commerce is perhaps the most impor
tant right confided to Congress under the
constitution ; and that congress might pos
sess that power was certainly the primary
inducement to the formation of the consti.u
lion.
It is known tint the inefficiency of the
commercial regulations of the'several states,
and the extremely inconvenient influence of
the c inflicting systems of the different t:»tcs
upon each other. fir>t suggested the uecessi
ty <>t a general government, for the purpose
of regulating commerce by o.ie uniform and
efficient system ; ot course tliu pt.vver iore
gulate commerce ui’.y lie considered as ‘fie
foundation of the constitution itself. Thu
people ol the United States have delegated a
Congress charged v blithe sacred trust of
protecting and ex< rcising ‘his great consti
tutional power.. How then can that Congress
abandon it to the exercise of a foreign power,
without an almost treasonable infidelity to
the people, by whom they are del . gated ?—
Great Britain not only claims, hut actually
exercises the power ot regulating, and even
of, restraining and prohibiting your cem
merce .»t pleasure ; and so far has she car
ried the exercise of this power, as to sub
stitute her own illicit commerce in the place
of your lawful, but prohibited commerce 1
\ es, in utter contempt ol your riglvs and au
thority, and in utter disregard cl her own
character, she is now in the daily habit of
granting licences to her own subjects to
commit treason against th_ common law of
the land, by authorising them to carry on
an illicit commerce with her enemv, in sub
stitU'ioii of yonr lawful commerce Hebeltev.
cd it impassible for the U. S. to submit long
to this unexampled state of things ; & there
fore that they ought, must and will ere long
go to war oas-ett and maintain their viola
ted rights, their injured interests, fee. &c.
if no other expedient will answer the ob !
ject.
Mr. G. said that this view of the subject !
was addressed with peculiar force to the conn- j
mercial parts of the United States ; and tnis
stale of tilings if persevered in by Great !
Britain, mur and will awaken them ; in i
spite of all their prejudices, to a sense of i
their own danger and interest; and when*- !
ver that shall be the Cinr, they must and
will unite in measures of protection and
redress.
Mr. G. said it was Rstonishirg to him,
how gentlemen representing the commerci
al parts o! the U. States could ever for a
moment suppose, that himself, or the peo-j
pie in the scene of country from which lie j
came, could desire to enter into an unncces !
sary war with Great Britain. That pa .a .if!
the country, above all others, found n J
tcrest ip an intercourse with G;eat ft w fin, j
particularly ntthe present moment; die ;.r*l
tides it furnished were at this time par i-j
cularly suittd to the British market They
were principally tobacco, fliur and wheat.
^ ne whole of which were now in brisk de
mand for the British market, particularly
the best James river tobacco, which was so
peculiarly suited to that market, as now to
command from 7 to 9 dollars per cwt. where
as Maryland tobacco, which was consumed in
the prohibited markets of the continent,
was in little demand and comparatively low
in price. Indeed from these causes, there
has been a peculiar activity in the commer
cial scene in that part of the country for
some months past; and gentlemen, who
supposed him disposed to plunge into an unne
cessary war with Great Britain, could not
give him credit for even the most superfici
al consideration of his own interest, or the
interest of that part of the country. But not
withstanding these considerations, he was
not willing himself nor were the people of
that part of the country willing to submit to
the abandonment of a single attribute of na
tional sovereignty ; still less were they dis
posed to abandon the great constitutional
right in question.
Mr. (i. said he thought war justifiable
only incase of self-defence That as he had
aften done Indore on that floor, he now so
lemuly protested against war merely for the
acquisition or ter.itory, or any other object
of aggrandisement or ambition ; but what is
a war of self-defence? When any attribute
of national sovereignty whatever, is attack
ed by a foreign power, it then becomes a
case of self defence to the party attacked
in the case between the United Slates und
(i; eat Britain, not only is a national attri
Inite assailed, but the highest national attri
bute sanctioned by the Constitution of the. U.
States; the coiner stone of the Constitution
itself. This then is str»c*ly a case of self
defence, aggravated with all the circum
stances of a continued claim, and enntemp
tuoils insulr. But altim* he deemed a war pure
ly defensive, alone justifiable ; yet lie tho’t
it perfectly correct, to carry on such a war,
when undertaken, offensively. And that it
was perfectly justifiable to seize on territory,
and appropriate it as a just retrihu'ion f.,r
the c-vi s of war unjustly inflicted by the
culpable assailant, or to resort to any other
means of offensive annoyance whatever, etc.
etc. Under every tiew of this subject,
therefore^ h« thought lue measure Conlcin
plated by the bill recommended as one part
ota system of preparations for war.
Mi. C*. said he would now bestow some
0 iser\ations on tue objection of cxpence.—
1 nis point afforded, an argument always pow
erful, and lor some years past irresistible.
It is said, 600.000 dollars, the contemplated
exper.ee lor equipping all the trigates, is
enormous He said it vis so; and no gen
tleman regretted the necessity o. incurring
this an.Tother.simiUr expences. Dime thuii
himself. But the correct and proper questi.
on is not—is this sum nut enormous ? Jt is,
how can it be avoided, and save the rights
and interests of the nation ? The real ob
ject ot this expence, is to save the tJ. S.
against the rapacity and mad ambition of
tile rule i of other nations; utul hence arisen
its indispensibie necessity. It no doubt will
appear wonderful to a speculative philoso
phic mind, to contemplate tli" enormous
expences incurred by nations, for the pur
pose of self-protection against the rapacity
and ambition of the rulers of other nations.
In this respect, h .never, the H. S have
been at all nines peculiarly tori mate, c.»m
pured with any other nati >n with which
they have anv intimate relations. Take
(.1. Britain, for instance, and calculate the
enormous expences she incurs, to protect
herself from the ambition ot her own, and
tlie rulers of other* natio ; i*ud compare
them with those incut ret! bv the fT. S. for
the same object; and tha iau i would b to
the former as a drop in the ocean. 'iJ.is
nouidbe the result in some degree in a com
parison with any other nation But the
quest ion is, whether it is not better tu incur
tnis expence, than to yield to the fata! in
fluence Oi this uyb iund: d rapaciy and am
bition ? Independently of exchanging the
attributes.of freedom and independence for
the degradation of slavery; would not this
submission cost you more in nnvity up n tile
economical calculation ? Could v-a* purchase
ofi'its griping influence for GOt/OGO dollars?
Would not your pi ud conqueror take all
you had, and think he had lutt y ju too much,
as long as you had a com art remaining ?__
The same speculative i Ructions may be ap
plied to the enormous sums expended in the
most porfect political associations for the
protection of society ngaiast the violence
and depravity of individuals. To count up
all the costs expended, to protext the virtu,
mis and the good, against the violence and.
depravity of the vicious and the baa, would
doubtless be a subject of wonder to a philoso
pliic mind. Take the U. S. for cxamule_
aim imagine the co3ts of^ill the courts of
criminal jurisdiction, the grand and petit
juries, witnesses, See. £tc. and add to them,
the costs cf tne dungeons, the jails, th-h. »ts"
the bars, the chains, &c. &c. and the a
mount would be enormous ; and if vrfu should
choose to indulge yourself in the speculation
still turther, count the cosio of all the 1 cks
and keys in the U. S &X. which would be
useless, it there were no such thing us hu
man vice and depravity; and the mind
w oulil be .eft in a state <*f astonishment at
the enorixioUs resnit, at the immense so ms
utroessari* v expend d for the protection of
P°S'ety» ^gainnt the baneful irid desirixtivp
influence of human vices. But d.d ever fthy
doubt ot tne | ropriety of tills > xpiuli
ti.re? Did lie‘over pause and ask hknrclf,
whether these sums were not enormous ?_I
No. He knew they were great in them
selves; but r.othinr . -rep d with the bb
ject to bv ■ brai-eci - Hum 1. „• -com
pared with the ■ c-or vat. .. ofucicx? from
'h- '■ ...active influence :.f human violence
ai.ti depravity. And is this result to be
wondered at, when you reflect fir a moment
at the horrible effects of giving them ,he
triumph ad yielding s ib uis.ion to their
lodv >f I he same observations will ap
p*y w,ii* greater furce to the society of nati
the same injurious consequences weald
lesul’ from submission by on- nation to thj
demands of the rapacious and airibicioi'i rn
hrs i another nation—he was the-cfora
willi-g to resist and repel them when di.
recit’d by another nat'on against the'rights
and interests of the U. S and for that pur
pos. was w.iliug to incur the proposed -x
pence, or any other within the ability ot'iiie
government, rather than to ) ivld submission
to the desmotive inflj.’ ice of these ambiti
ous and rapacious demands.
Mr. G. said, he could not help remindin'
gentlemen here, of the unfortunate conse
qtiences of Hie successful influence of this
argument of economy at no distant period _
He feared that from the want of a timely
expenditure of money to enforce a great and
wise measure of the government, we were
now reduced to our present embarrassed
situation; and to lie relieved from it miglic
probably cost us much more money than
was then necessary for Hie object; and in
addition to this economical waste of treasure,
might also be waste of blood.
Mr. G. then begged to present another
aspect of the proposed measure to the view
of the Senate II.i said that the 'Aggressions
of the belligerents upon our rights 8c interests,
were so universally kn >wn S< felt throughout
the U.5 that the people were almost u.iiver
sally lor-king up to Congress for some mea
sures of preparation for meeting any crisis
which may hefal us. The present measure
goes to put into a state of readiness for ser
vice, all the naval force of the U. S It is
therefore believed, that in this respect the
measure would satisfy the Just expectations
of the people, am! when Combined with other
preparatory measures contemplated for the
«od service, would afford such protection
a t.’ security, as would justifv the confident n
of people in Congress. He said that the
measure of the first important* fnhis judg
ment, for this object, was a provision for
procuring every species of munitions of war,
tobo deposi edin convenient place* of secu
rity near the various part? of the fj.8. most
liable to stiddztt attacks from an enemv,_
This measure would probably shortly be
bro’t forward by the committee on the Pre
ddrnt’s message. And if in addition to this,
20.000 men either volunteers or regular*
c old be placed at the- disposal of Hie’ |»,e
- lent, wit i a power to c ill out 100 000 men
from the militia, he thufght the system
would answer all exiting exigencies, would
place the natio»- tn a respectable a.tiuldey
would do justice to the character of Con
gre-4, and ensure the giirf.tfl skm*deuce rtf
tile pe^plv