The enquirer — Richmond, Va., 1810-01-06 00:00:00, page 1

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SATURDAY, JANUARY G, 1810. No_ ?4
rCT' Published br Thomas Ritchie, nearly op
posite the Globe Tavern, Richmond, Virginia.
<£? CONDITIONS —Five dollars a year, to
be paid annually in advance. Those mho mish to
be considered as annual subscribers, must hereafter
designate it at the time of subscribing, vthervtise
their pa/ters mill be discontinued at the expiration
of the first year.
THIS DAY IS PUBLISHED,
A New Theory,
or
The DIURNAL ROTATION OF THE
- EARTH:
Demonstrated upon Mathematical Principles,
from the properties of the Cycloid and the Epi
cycloid.
WITH
AH APPLICATION OP THK THEORY,
To the explanation of the various Phenomena of
the Winds, Tides and of those Stony and Me
tallic concretions which have fallen from Hca-‘
Yen upon the surface of the Earth.
Rv john ivoon.
Author qf Elements qf Persfiactive, prin
ted in London, in 1799.
December 14.
FOR SALE—Two Carpenters, one Tan
NERandone Brick Moiti.her,
EL IVIN JAMES HARVIE.
January 4_ 3t
NOTICE —All persons indebted to the estate
of Josiali Wright, deceased, are requested
to come forward ami pay their respective ac
counts to the subscriber—Those having claims
against the estate are requested to bring forward
their accounts properly authenticated, to
ABRAHAM DOUGLASS, Adm'r.
January 4. lOt
THE subscriber lias opened bis School Room
in the new' building adjoining the Custom
House. Parei-.s and guardians who have chil
dren to be taught, arid who may wish to become
acquainted w ith his plan of Education, are here
by invited to visit him for the purpose.
CHILES TERRELL.
January 4. 3t^J
TO BE SOLD to the highest bidder, at
Windsor the PLANTATION lately pos
sessed by Carter Braxton,dec’d. about one mile
fYom Tappahannock, on Tuesday the 30th day of j
January next, a tout thirty negro SLAVES be-!
longing to the said dec’d. consisting of men, wo-1
jnen, boys and girls, among them is a very {food ;
House Carpenter about twentjone years old;!
part of them will be t>old for cnsli, and the resi |
due on a credit of six months, the purchasers
giving bonds with approved security. All per
sons having claims against the said dec’d. are re
quested to make them knowrn to
SARAH S. BRAXTON.
JAMES WEB3 Cr •) ,
WILLIAM FLEET. 3 Altm *'
January 4 w3wU
A VALUABLE. W A I LK LOT —Tile sub-|
scriber offers for sale, that valuable water
lot on James River, containing 100 feet in front,
it being the same lot on which Capt. Hall, built
the new brig at Rocketts, and adjoins the Coal
Yard, lately occupied by Messrs. Nicholson anti
Heth i the terms'of sale will be made known by
application to the subscriber, living near Rich
mond, or Richardson Taylor living in the city,
who will shew the property to any one disposed
to purchase.
JOHN S. STUBBS, Scnr.
January 4. w5w
APPLICATION will be made to the Presi
dent and Directors of the Bank of Virgi
nia to renew certificates ot stock Nos. 2809 and
3019 standing in my name on the books of the
Bank.
C. NEWTON.
January 4. 2aw6w4I
LAND FOR SALE.—That valuable Tract of
LAND laying in Amherst county, common
ly known by the name of Gordon’s Quarter, situ
ated near the Tobacco row mountain, containing
eleven hundred aayes, is now offered for sale oij
Hneral terms. The quality of this laud is said to
he equal to any tract in that county.
The terms will he known by making applica
tion to either of the subscribers in Petersburg,
or to Mr. Samuel Irvin of Lynchburgh, who will
shew the plenties or give sucli description of
them as will satisfy any person desirous of pur
chasing.
JOHN WILDER,
JOHN BELL.
Petersburg, January4. w3m
BANK OF VIRGINIA.—The Pr.- lent and
Directors have this day declared a dividend
of .four per cent, on the capital stock, which will
be paid to the stockholders on application at the
Bank, in person, or by attorney, after the 15th
instant.
J- BROCKENBROUGII, Caahier.
January 1. _ w3t
Subscriber wishes to hire for the ensti
h ingyear, five or six NEGRO COOPERS
end's few Bovs—He will also he in the habit of
purchasing To*acco of a good quality, for which
the higl»eat prices will be given.
M. GRANTLAND.
Docvmber 14. w4t>
u a j t jc.k apc.*\ c/trii. n u.ls.-1 iiiihc who
wish to enriHii'^e ths m nnifacturcs of their
own state are informe.il. that they can l*e suppli
ed with Paper Manufactured in Petersburg, in
•ny quantities.
/‘RIC ES Ar FOLLOWS:
Fine Letter Paper Vrliwn,
Do. do. LuiH,
Foals Cap No. 1.
Do. No. '2.
Do. No .1.
Folio Post Veil ini,
Do. Laid,
Fine Printing Medium,
I )o
Free!1» >. W moping Paper, . «»..J
<rjF A liberal discount made to wholesale pur
chasers.
Orders for any of th-» shore qualities, addreas
«d to the sub icribers, executed at the siiorte.st
notice.
BANISTER Cf Co.
August 4. wtf
f p«fc Subscriber cordefnpiating a removal ei
ilur into the City of Iticlimond, or soi.tc o*
tVr phwvj for ttie I£ilocation of hi* younger chil
dren, wit hr to I «se for tbr*e year* 'lie Powha*
t *u «• it •; in mi/*!, part* of the adjoining lands as
lo *v tic agrc'.d on.
V.'m. MAYO.
December ‘id. 3av>3w
ATANNl'.i*— i wi*'r to hiro lot; shove Me
e n»c l!>: ensuingytar(. For terms, apply
o'. »$•! *' '.'j vis, i 'JilpVftd. or t<» nie sut>
*C'.: H mo•c*
.. 'V dll) C,. sY 'm.'f'Jl.
i»-.y ' r ';J
Congre&g.
FROM THE NATIONAL INTELLIGENCER.
HOUSE OF REP KESEJVl'ATlV’FlS.
DEBATE
oy tub Joint resolution
Approving the conduct of the Executive in
relation to the refusal to receive any fur
ther communication from Francis James
Jackson. s
Tuesday, Dec. 20.
In committee of the whole, Mr. Basset
in the chair*
Mr. Johnson. When I consider it mjr
indispensihle duty to address you, I shall a
pologise neither for the man ser, nor the
time—and, however feeble my powers, to
speak the sentiments of those whose coufi- (
deuce and whose affections have placed me
here is a source of happiness which I cannot
describe. To be silent on this occasion,
wouk. do great injustice to the love of nati-.
onal honor and the patriotism of the district
I represent, and in fact of the state in which
I live. . The gentlemen in opposition to the
resolution have given an extent to this dis
cussion .which has involved our foreign rela
tions with all the world. I may be permit
mitt .ed, therefore, without being considered
prolix, to embrace in my remarks the disa
vowed arrangement and the events subse
quent—nor shall I be considered as wander
ing from the subject to review the situation
ot this country at the time of the disavowed
atrangentent, and tt» mention the great e
vents vvhich pressed heavily upon the cve
ot this period. What was this situation and
these pressing and impending events previ
ous to the arrangementl Our embarrass
ments had never been so great since the re
volution, nor our injuries so numerous, so
serious, so aggravated—the political hori
zon was overshadowed with clouds and
darkness—no commercial arrangement ex
isted between Great Britain and the United
Elates ; We were bound together by no con
ventional ties—by no treaty obligation. The
commercial part of Jay’s treaty, which
conceded so much to England and vvhich
has so justly incurred thfe execration of the
ti lends ot our independence, had expired.—
We were, afloat upon the ocean upon the
bioad basis ot the laws of nations, under
which tor a few years we were growing iu
wealth and happiness in a manner that ex
cited the jealousy’ of Great Britain. She
nad tailed to gain the same advantages by
another treaty and she relused to enter into
a reciprocal and liberal one. Failinr in
flue. . I. „ I_ .. .. ,u
— — ia.*a im nations were entire
garded—changed by municipal regulations,
and executed by the British cannon—power
and necessity became her code of maritime
laws, nnd our commerce and our innocent
and independent citizens fell a sacrifice to
this system of iniquity. The subject of im
pressment, the first in the list of injuries,
the colonial trade direct and circuitous, the
subject of blockade by which the civilized
wo: Id has been closed to our commerce by
proclamations on paper, the list of contra
band, tne search of merchant vessels, de
predations in our waters, the attack on ihe
C hesapeake where a number of our citizens
were murdered and some still held in cap
tivity, the British proclamation holding put
farther pretensions upon the subject of im
pressment than have ever been exercised
with all of their nefarious practices, the or
ders in council levying a tribute, a tax, a
contribution upon your soil and your proper
tv ; rl hese were the sul jects of dispute, the
points of controversy Atonement for the in
juries refused and negociation on other points
had failed. The most sanguine among us
gave up all hopes of better times. The cri
sis was awful, which presented to the Ame
ric -" people the alternatives of war, embar
go, or disgrace—our situation was rendered
more perilous by the internal divisions at
home and the opposition which constituti
onal laws met with in many parts of the
United States. In this hour of peril and
danger, the •disavowed arrangement was
announced to the people of the U. States,
by our Chief Executive Magistrate—an ar
rangement which tnnde atonement in part
for the murder of onr countrymen on board
the Chesapeake, offered a prospect of res
toring the men now in captivity and exile_
which rescinded the orders in council as they
respected the U. States—with a promise, of
sending a special minister vested with full
powers to conclude a treaty of peace. I cannot
describe the teclingsof the American people
at this welcome news, when the agreeable
surprize permitted reflection—the prospect
ot peace made their joy immoderate. A
political jubilee was proclaimed. It was
fondly hoped that a pledge had been given
or a disposition manifested to obliviatethe in
sults and wrongs of twenty years in a just
and amicable arang •ment. The effects of
' ——- ... wnc uHirer- |
**'*'« no* confined to one party, nor to one
class ot citizens. 'Phe few vnui doubted the
t »ith of Great Britain worn denounced—
no party or politician dared at that time to
say, and it could not he said, that G. Bri
tain had surrendered any right, that *he had
abandoned nay principle of equity or the
laws of nations; nor that Great Britain had
more than atoned for the injuries in which
reparation was tendered, nor that Mr.
Erskine had been over-reached or that he
had cciuproniitted the honor of his govern
ment. Not aven British emissaries nor the
papers <■ opposed to lie devoted to the British
interest fitted to assert any of these positi
ons. There was a difference of opinion with
respect to the arrangement in this; that one
party conteudedor thought that it contained
the nrv::tmnm of what we ,.ad a light to
n“k. The o*J>er party out ended or thought,
that it was the minim,1:11 of justice, th;K wt
h.ktl a right to demand more. But ad to ,
cui red in acc.epf'ng the iwrangeiTipnt wi<h
great joy._ 'Ph •* arrangement furnished sub.
matter ! ,r a very new and interest!-,g
<l sc ssion as nr x’jectrd as ihc airing#,
man.. v’, hat w s tr»:s contest which
W ;g# J so very w rrn.ly? way, sir, it was
w> «*bvu d cU'iri U'- cnwt.uf tlie arroiigu
t
nient. This was the dispute—forces were
marshalled—the newspapers were engaged
end the orators of this House come forth in
all their strength. I was also anxious to
share a little of the dredit, and therefore I
put in my little mite with the rest. It was
said by some of the opponents to the mea
sures of the administration and the govern
ment, that their opposition had produced the
arrangement with Great Britain; and they
therefore claimed the credit of the happy
change. I could not subscribe to this dor.
trine, because I Could not perceive its rea
sonableness, and it would have taken from
those with whom I acted all the credit for
which they contended. It was bv others as
drilled tjo the good disposhion of Great Bri
tain towards the United States which had
ever existed, svho said that Great Britain
had been prevented from a display of that
good disposition to do us justice on account
of the partiality of Me. Jefferson to France
and his hostility to England. It was with
sorrow, however, sir, that I heard that
great and good man calico a French parti
dan, a man who could not be injured by such
Unfounded charges, and whose name will lie
inscribed in the Temple of renown in indeli
ble letters; hot only for his great abilities,
but his great goodness. To bring other proof
of the good disposition of Great Britain,
Mr. Monroe's Treaty and Mr. Rose’s mis
sion were called up.- It was a great conso
lation tome, however, that it was admitted
by the same persons that Mr. Madison, in
whom 1 have the greatest confidence, wa
impartial towards the two great bellige
tents and therefore entitled to thanks and
approbation. Another party, called there
publicans, ascribed the arrangement with
Mr. Erskine to the wise and patriotic mea
sures of t*e government, and to the events in
Eu>'*pe which were at th'at time disastrous
to English hopes I was of this number.
hut while we were contemplating this
golden age, this new era in our history,-at a
time when the farmer had prepared his
grain for market, and promised his inipa
tient creditor speedy payment, when the
mechanic expected an additional reward for
his labor; when the flag of the honest tra
der floated in the winds of every region, and
the seamen exulted with joy at the return of
better times, and the wife and children ofa
fond husband and affectionate parent cher
ished a hope of meeting again the dearest
object of their affection, detained by British
impressment—At this eventful moment it
was that the disavowal of that arrangement
was announced to blast our hopes, and to
pot down our pretensions to credit. Laying
out of the question past events, we are fur.
nished by this disavowal with subject mat
ter for another long talk equally as impor
tant if not as amusing as the one I have
mentioned—old grievances are done away or
M III Uiwsc UI later UHIC.
What is tliin new subject of discussion ?—
1 he origin and cause of this disavowal. This
involves several questions, viz. whether the
disavowal originated in British perfidy or in
the mistake or misconduct of D. M. Erskine,
esq. the British minister—and also an exa
mination of the unwarrantable charge of
Air. Jackson, the dismissed British minister,
by which he endeavored to shift the odium of
the disavowal from the king of England t»
the Executive of the U. States.
I shall not enter in*o a tedious and disgus
ting detail, but confine myself to the spirit
of the correspondence—nor shall I enter in.
ton construction ot Mr. Jackson’s ve>bage
and phraseology, but of its obviflus and na
tural import. The disavowal could not have
originated in the misconduct of Mr. Erskine,
because no gentleman will impute to him
an unworthy motive; his high character, his
uniform loyalty to his master the king, for
bids such an idea. In addition to this 1 would
call to my aid the doctrine of human nature,
.»nd ask what motive could exNt in Air.
Erskine to deceive his own government or
the U. States. A motive for such conduct
does not exist. But on the other hand every
honorable consideration, as well as every o
ther rational motive, must have impressed
upon his mind the necessity of complying
wita .“is majesty’s wishes. His standing as
a man of iutegrity and intelligence, his con
tinuance as minister in this country, all de
pended upon the faithful execution of the trust
confided to his charge. He. must have known
that a violation of instructions would only
have injured his own country and the Uni
ted States, in producing a disavowal. The
disavowal therefore must have originated in
the innocent misconception of Air. Erskiae,
or in the punic faith of England.
Upon this subject I shall think for mvself.
Leaving out those cve 's which would go
to cast odium on the British cabinet, let me
remind the committee that Mr. Erskine is a
man of understanding, a man of integrity,
and he still asserts that he acted agreeably
to his majesty’s wishes and to the spirit of
the instructions given him. I must refer to
thr declarations of Mr. Erskine in the prin
ted document:
under tnese circumstances, therefore,
finding that I could not obtain the rccogni
tinns specified in Mr. Canning’* despatch of
the 23d January (wn'.ch formed but one part
of his instructions to me) in the format ma»
ner required, I considered that it would be
in vain to lay before the government of the
U. States the despatch in question, which I
was at liberty in have done in e Tier, no had I
thought proper: Hut as I Irrd .suc.ii strong
grounds for believing that ibe object of bis
majesty’s government could be attained, tho’
in h different manner, and the spirit, at
least, of mv several letters of instructions
be fully complied with, 1 Mi a thorcugh con •
victionupon my mind, that 1 »hm4d he ac
ting in conformity with bis maje«u\' * wishes,
and. accordingly, concluded the hue provi’
si- >al agreement on his majes'y’s behalf
with the giivr rninent nl the U. States.”
lie state* with candor and sincerity, that
when he entered into the arrangement*, he
Ht a thorough convic ion upon hi* mind,
ilrir he was acting in conformity to l.ls ma
lt-cr’s wishes, a id up to the spirit of hlase
vernl letters of instructlnns, if not td the let
'rr ol the n. r f( also sta < s rh »r lie greatly
i laments that an act of h’s >■ li jojtl produce a
mv einbat r*s*ni • t between the two conn
i ti ie*. In a different letter M sta'es th.,t he
had no intention to deceive »ha U. S‘.re..
aud regrets the consequences which itavr
resulted from the rejection of the arrange
mem. I will now speak of the conduct of the
Executive, a* to the charge In ought cgaiusl
him, by Mr. Jackson. I will notcoudcxccml
to vindicate the Executive lie stand*
(thank Gall) above suspicion. His talents,
bis veracity, his love of country, are above
suspicion—I will not sper.kof motives as sp.
plying to him, or I would ask what motile
the Exe'-utive could have to enter.into an
arrangement which he knew would be rejec
ted, nirl produce the mischief which h-is
resulted!’ 1st. Mr. Krsklne declares he
did not lav before the Executive or the S3,
cretury of State his instructions. 2d. On
«ur part the engagement now disavowed was
promptly executed by the Executive. All
this was known to Mr. Jack .m, and every
circumstance enumerated should be recol
lected to interpret the intention of the Bri
twh government to insult us through their a'
gent, Mr. Jackson.
From this retrospective summary, let rnv
unprejudiced mind determine whether the
disavowal originated in British perfidy or the
mistake, of Mr. Erskme. To enable us to
judge still more correctly, let us attend to
the mission *>f Mr. Jackson—and I am sorry
here to state, that I understood the gentle
man from Connecticut (Me. Dana) either
by his express words, ortrom the unavoida
ble conclusion drawn from his premises, to
charge the chief Executive ihagis'rate with
the consequences ot the disavowal on the
part ot Croat Britain of ah cqiiitable ar
rangement entered into with gre.it solemni
ty, and which gave no more than our un
doubted right, nor as much. I did not hear
him cast any censure on the conduct of Mr.
Jackson, nor upon the conduct of the Bri
tish government in disavowing the act ot its
minister. He also admitted that the Presi
dent had a right constitutionally to receive
foreign minis.ers and might reject them up
on reasonable ground. lie also stated that
tiie immunity of a public minister did not nl
low him to ciiH!ge our Executive with a
falsehood, or to appeal to the people from
the government. These principles being
admitted, I listened attentively to hear
where the blame was to be placed, onwhoe
shoulders—noil to mv astonishment, the
blame was packed upon the President of the
United States, in failing to comply with an
! incumbent duty, viz. in not demanding the
authority of Mr. Erskine to m ike the ar
rangement. And many authorities were
quoted to prove the failure of duty on the part
of the Executive. The gentlema* has fail
cd in his attempt, admitting every authority
quoted. When u foreign minister enters in
jt'* any engagement with any other govern
| oient, and the stipulations are to be carried
| into iramediaic effect, there the government
I lias a right to demand the power, or if yon
I will,the authority of such foreign minister to
| conclude an arrangements, on the subjects
Hut t'jere isa difference befwe.en thepow
Jer ot a public n...lister, and his special in
Istructions under the power. It never has
been denied that Mr. Er-kinehad power to
make an arrangement on the subject etnbra
ced by the disavowed stipulations. This is
acknowledged by Mr. Jackson in the corres
■ pundence. by Mr. Canning in his letters, and
[by all those, who support Mr. Jackson and
^condemn our F.xecuii\ e government- The
J President therefore demanded and received
; proper evidence of the power of Mr. Ers
kine to make arrangements embracing the
orders in council ar.d the affair of the Ches
apeake. Having done this, the President
discharged his duty.
Secondly—Then how floes the member
! from Connecticut make and prove his charge,
that the President faded in a great and an
incumbent dti'y ? The gentleman has inge
niously blended the power or the authority
of a public minister with his special instruc
tions. I would ask that learned member,
whether the annals of diplomacy, or the laws
of nations, or his treaty of Westphalia can
furnish an instance where a government had
the right or ever did demand a sight of the
special instructions of a foreign minister?
It never has been done of right; it cannot
be done. It would be violating the most sa
cred right of a foreign minister. If, there
fore, special instructions are ever exhibited,
it is from courtesy and from the free will of
the minister instructed. 'Phis doctrine is
proven by the case under consideration. If
we had a right to demand the special in
structions of Mr. Erskine, why did Mr.
Canning authorise Mr. Erskine to shew one
despatch toour government ? This is a case
in point. The principle is absurd and
unreasonable, and cannot bear examina
tion.
V\ hen I have so often, t her *fore, witnessed
the moderatiouof that ^'•ntleman, and been
so often instructed with his remarks upon
the laws of rations, &c. I confess I was
pained to the heart to hear a charge of a
failure in the President to discharge his du
ty to tills nation, made out by blending the
powers of a minister wirh his special in
►tractions. I regretted this still more, when
I recollected that the same member declar
«td, that he would be more unwilling to cen
sure, than to approbate the conduct of the
President. It might have been useful, if, at
that time, the learned member had recollec
tcu his observations as to the worth of cha
racter, made when speaking of that of the
Bri'ish minister, and when we were cuuti
lonetl against its traduction. A failure of
du'y therefore in the President to demand
the instructions of Mr F.rskine at the time
of the arrangement, has led to the dinar nw
al and its consequences by the fair deduct!
ons from the gentleman's premises, if not
from nis express declarations. I would ask,
if the President had demanded the special
instructions of Mr. KrJkir.e, and they had
been produced for inspecti n, what would
have been the consequence? If the Pre-.i
dent had concurred .vim the construction .»f
I Mr Krsk.ue, and a disavowal had taken
place aa it has already, the hue and cry
would have rung throughout the U. S. If
the President had differed from Mr F.r
skinc and had refused the amicable arrange -
me r, denunciations, in the voice of thunder,
wtndtl have been proclaimed to the world.
But the real dispute is. wlirre it ought to
be, with Mr, Rrskine and hi* master tin
king, I lie charge which Mr. J icks o ha*
ma eagnint the government or the excc«i
live, is ini,: that iliv Fre.olent did •nt«r
into an arealignment w»»h Mr. Krskin
tl»e lhitish minister, settling the affair . cf
the Chesapeake, and revoking thv orders in
council as they related to the United States
known gat the time, that Mr. Erskinc viol
lated h's most positive instructions, and that
the king would not bo bound by the arrange
ment. The member from Connecticut (Mr.
Dana,) states, that Mr. Madison failed in
the performance of an incuinbrut duty in
nut demanding the authority of Mr. Krskirr,
thereby including in that expression his ype
jctal instructions at the time of the arrange*
jtnrnt; and that therefore G."Britain whs not
: to blame in disavowing an unauthorized act.
j T am sick o' this subject, and return to
j mission ot Mr. Jtickbou, JIf rtrti vtci
J as the miniver resident and the successor
;of Mr. E*kiue. liis conduct soon induced
the President to require cf him written
communications to prevent his equit ocati,
nns. lie nus vested wiili no extraordinal/
power—by had no propositions to make upon
the subject of a commercial intercour e, in
cluding the orders in council,; but he was
authorized to receive, for consideration, pro
positions troin us. Wc, tlic injured party,
inhst make overtures, aad he would listen
to them and get the final answer from lus
master in.the mean lime!
He stated to our government in addition,
that the,orders in council would not be re
voked, but upon three conditions. I alniout
blusii to state those condition's, which were,
to purchase rights that belonged to us as a
neutral nation.
1. The U. States must abandon their res
trictive system, non intercourse, ike. against,
Great Britain—admit the British navy toour
ports and harbors—and continue this system
against the commerce of France, her allies
and dep tndencies.
2. That tiie IJ. States must abandon the
colonial trade, during the war, direct and
circuitous.
3 The British navy must be called in to
execute the laws of Congress against our
own citizens, viz : the non-intercourse
against France, and to capture our merchant
vc- si;Is g »ing to France, with a declared in
tention. that (bis measure would be uecessa
r\ (o secure the bona fide intention of the
I U. Stales.
And where did these conditions originate > #■
w hose mind, so sickly and feverish at the
| prosperity of the U Slates as to propose
them, particularly the lost, which asks a
formal surrender of one of the attributes of
sovereignty ? It was first attempted to fix
the origin of these propositions on conversa
tions which Mr Erski ie had with Messrs.
Madison, Gallatin and Smith, then heads of
departments. This was denied by Mr.En
title, in positive terms, in answer to the er
quiries of this government. He denies that
any such recessions or conditions were
made or mentioned. It then is attempted to
fix the blame of calling in the British nwv
to execute our laws, upon Mr. Pinkney. To
prove it. we r. .11 tor papers, and how does
it appear? That Canning made the propo
sition to Pinkney, who never sanctioned1, in
any manner, such a degrading proposal;—
The truth is. that these propositions originat
ed and "'ute hatched in the brain of Can
ining. No other mind, 1 hope and trust in
God, would haveb'-cn so corrupt .-ad auda
cious. Lo! we m 'ke a gteat struggle tefix
every blame on our administrate i, and wheti •
that cannot be done, no censure is attached'
to the foreign government; Our adminis
tration has been so unfortunate as never to
be in the t ight with some politicians, and
some foreign governments never to be in the
wrong. We ate thus told, that we are not
able to execute our laws, and (hit British,
cruisers, in all their licentiousness, must be
permitted to.capture our own merchantmen
-and I suppose the next condition would
be. that we should get the British Parlia
ment to make the laws for us, and then the
British navy might better execute them-.
and that we should send our soldiers to the
continent to fight her baules. Omnipotent
Orders in Council !•
i hostile door to negotiation wns close’;
unless, indeed, some should suppose, that
these conditions shoutd be complied with on
our part. These conditions being urged a
second time, after they had been rejected
with indignation by the executive, was goctl
cause to have dismissed the British emissary,
without waiting for personal insult. His of
fer in the case of the Chesapeake, was also
disgraceful and unacceptable. Keeping in
view what has been said. I come to the slan
derous charge made by Jackson, the Britbh
minister, against the President of the United
Stales. The British minister is called cn
repeatedly to give, explanations and reasons
for the disavowal of the arrangement will*
his predecessor. After much equivocation,
he commences his task. Not satisfi l witn
charging the disavowal to the mistake of
Mr. Erskine, in the violation of his instruc
tions, he expressly charges the President
with a complete knowledge, that Mr. l{|j.
k tie at the time violated his instructions,
and’hat the President knew it would not be
binding on the king his master. He nays,
that no distinct Compl int had been made of
the disavowal. 1 hat he attributes m the
candor of the President, to that forbearan-'e
arising from a belief, that such co nplamt
would be unreasonable. Pag * 32, 33 nt'the
printed documents, contain 1 ,e sub -aore of
this charge. I his charge was »y tiir
Secretary of Si.ite with a positive de i I, nml
with a declaration, that the arra »v me,.r
would not have been made, if Mr. R s|;ir(.
had informed the President, that the time
conditions before stated were the only term,
upon which the compact was to be ma !e.
Notwithstanding this denial and de.far*
tion, the charge is again repeated. The Be
cretary of Slate, feeling a just hidignt ior, at
the dishonorable insinuation or ebarre
states it eXpre .sly, in such awav th -,i it c
not be misunderstood, and declares to M-.
J teksnn that Mich language was inud iv s i|>y’
In reply to this admonition, the charge is'
still persisted m. The Executive -.as u.<
alternative left, but either tohave a<l.„hi«.J.
the truth of the charge, tnltave tak a t..*
insult, or t*» dismiss the agent.
If it were no; known to the World what
,s'.en had br«-n taken it would be iiunece* a
rv to proclaim it when the character o' ih*
I Executive and those associated with .im I
the administration known. *lh 1,, ,ir