Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-03-22 00:00:00, page 2

Constitution, and ele&ed the following Os
ficers, to serve until the next meeting,
which is to be near the commencement of
the ensuing session of Congress, when a gen
eral election will take place :
PreJident, James Maddison, Sec. of State.
Fice-Prs. Samuel L. Mitchill,
George Logan.
Secretary, Isaac Briggs,
Treasurer, Joseph Nourse.
Committee of Correspondence !
Abraham Baldwin, David Meriwether, of
Georgia.
Thomas Sumter, Benjamin Huger, of
S. Carolina.
David Stone, Richard Stanford of N. Ca
rolina.
William Cocke, William Dickson, of
Tennessee.
John Breckenridge, Thomas T. Davis, of
Kentucky.
Wilson C. Nicholas, Philip R. Thomson,
John Randolph, of Virginia.
Robert. Wright, Joseph H. Nicholson, of
Maryland.
William H. Wells, Caesar A. Rodney, of
Delaware.
Edward Tiffin, Thomas Worthington, of
Ohio.
Samuel Maclay, Andrew Gregg, of Penn
vania.
Jonathan Dayton, Ebenezer Elmer, of
New-Jersey.
De Witt Clinton, John Smith, of New-
York.
Stephen R. Bradley, Israel Smith, of Ver
mont
James Hillhoufe, John C. Smith, of Con
necticut.
Theodore Foster, Joseph Stanton, jun. of
Rode-Island.
John Q Adams, Joseph B. Varnum, Peleg
Wadsworth, Samuel Dean, of Massachu
setts
Simeon Olcott, Samuel Hunt, of New-
Hampshire.
Meriwether Lewis, of the Territory of Co
lumbia.
Wm. C.C. Claiborne, Mississippi Territory
Edward H. Harrison, of Indiana Territory,
Any citizen, who may have it in his pow
er to communicate information on the fub
jedfs of Agriculture and Domestic Manu
factures, or on the auxiliary Art or Scien
ces, ie refpeafully solicited to forward it to
some member of the Com. of Corre(pond
ence.
Those Editors of Newspapers, who are de
sirous of promoting ufeful frts are requeued to
give this article a place.
CIRCULAR,
Bv the late arrivals we received the fol
lowing Circular, wh° h is inserted for the
information of those concerned : —
American Consulate, London, Nov. 7, 1802.
Sir, —The Awards ofthe Commissioners
aaing under the 7th Article of our Treaty
with this Country, will be made payable to
me, as Agent of the United States, in trust
for the several persons interested therein,
except in cases where Appeals have been en
tered in the Courts and Memorials filed at
the Board by the particular Agents of the
Claimants not being the Agent of the Uni
ted States ; it is necessary therefore that I
should have Powers of Attorney to affirm
over, in conformity to the provisions of the
Treaty, all the demands upon the captors in
case where Decrees have been had against
them and where it is possible that Awards
may be given by the Board ; the powers
formerly granted to my predeceflor not hav
ing been transferred over to me. I request
you to forward, by the earliest conveyances
original and duplicate Power of Attorney,
which, besides the ufnal clauses authorifing
me to receive of and from the Captors, as
well as from the British Government, all
such sum or films of money as may be de
creed or awarded to you, should contain
following :
" Alfa full power and authority to assign in
" my-name ail my right, title, interefl and claim
" in and upon said vessel and cargo : specie,
"frieght, adventures, and all demands that 1
" have upon the captors, whether by fentance
" of refutation or otherwise, or upon any other
" per/on or persons, for or by reason of Jaid
" capture, or in virtue of such sentence unto
"such person or persons as the Commissioners
" acting under the Seventh article of the Trea
'' f y °f Amity and Commerce between the Uni
'' ted States of America and the King of Great
'' Britain may direct at order."
It is proper for roe on this occasion to ob
serve to you, that by the inftruaions given
to the Public Agent, all monies received by
him are to-be paid, for their security, into
the Bank of England, and he is to give im
mediate notice, when the money is so receiv
ed, to the persons interested therein, that
they mav draw bills upon him payable at
fight. Upon this tranfadion he is not en
titled to charge any commission, nor upon
any business relating to theclaims unless au
thorized so to do by the Claimants. After
this explanation, you will determine wheth
er or not to leave in forte those powers
Friends and Fellow-Citizens.
We congratulate you on the progress and
happy effects of rcpublicanifm, in the coun
ty, in the state, and in the union—Freedom
of speech and of the"prefs--a reduced taxa
tion—a full treasury—a decreasing public
debt—a frugal expenditure of the public
treasure—a difeharge of sinecure officers--
peace and prosperity, internal and external
• —Such are the events which mark the reign
of republicanism ; and if republicans a&
wifely, cannot fail to render it perpetual.
The people feeling the happy change in
their situation, will unite in supporting a
government which “ leaves to labour its re
ward," and lightens the burdens, both of the
prefect and future generations.—According
ly at the late election, the few federalifts,
that remain in this county, did not attempt
to set up a county ticket ; perceiving their
cause to be hopeless.
Contrail this with your situation, a few
years back, when your votes counted nothing
and you could not put into place a fingie of
ficer. How was the happy change effect
ed ? With pride and pleasure we reply, that
the appointment of committees to diffufe infor
mation, and unite the votes of honefl men had a
principal effetf. And fuffer us to add, that
it is by a perfeverence in the fame system,
that you will continue your power and influ
ence, and so the happiness of your country.
—Time was in this country, when a few
men met a court, erected themselves into a
committee, and affirmed the power of fornfr
ing a ticket for the county. A few others
constituted in like manner, formed perhaps,
a counter ticket, and left to the citizens at
large, only a choice of two evils. More ra
tional—more confident with the true spirit
of liberty, is the plan adopted by republicans.
Our tickets, are formed agreeably to the re
presentative system ; by men elected and
specially appointed to the service. A few
years ago, when the tickets thus formed,
“ fell still born to the earth ;" the election
of the committee was rightly judged, tube a
matter of small importance, and was ill at
tended. But now that our tickets are inva
riably fandfioned by the votes of people,
the committee may be said to hold in trull
the whole elective powers of the county ;
and consequently the election of the com
mittee itfelt, becomes a matter of high con
cern and should be fully attended. Has
this been the case r It has not ; and hence,
some fymtoms of disunion among the re
publicans at the two last elections. You
have seen republicans marfballed against re
publicans—tederalifts going between ; fo
menting the quarrel ; and finally, by a mas
ter stroke of policy, attempting to avail
themselves ofit. You have heard your op
ponents fay with smiles of approbation,
" give the democrats rope enough and they
will hang themselves : the wheel of fortune
goes round, and presently we Ihall gain our
place on the top of it." Federalists, we
thank you for your timely caution —Your
taunts and premature efforts will induce us
to ftrengtherv the bonds that unite us; to
render our committees refpeaable & to a
bide their decrees.
Friends and fellow-citizens.
We have hinted the reason why some re
publicans have dissented from your tickets,
in one or two instances. These tickets were
formed by committees choJen in such a manner
as to render it doubtful whether they Jpcke the
sense of the majority. The members in some
townships were chosen by a very few votes ;
and these, perhaps, given by a candidate
and his friends. In the following resolu
tions you will find a complete remedy for
the evil, provided you will co-opperate in
carrying them into efFe&. The plan of
election proposed will diminish expence and
trouble at the fame time that it combines
thevotes of a majority of the republicans, in
chufing future committees. Still you will
please to remember, that no committee,
however perfectly constituted can form a
ticket to please you all. They will have
their weaknefles and partialities, and mult
sometimes do wrong— You will have your
which you may have heretofore forwarded
to any persons in this city and which, If not
revoked, may entitle them to receive from
me and charge commission on such firms as
1 may receive from the British Government
or otherwise on vour account.
I am, Sir. Your obedient Servent,
(Signed) GEORGE W. ERVING.
Agent of the United States.
[The following Address, from the Aurora, we
take the liberty of recommending to the seri
ous attention of Republicans, in this as well
as in every other quarter of the Union. It
may serve to diffufe and Jlrengthen a senti
ment which is happily becomming prevalent
among the friends of our republican govern
ment ; and which all true Republicans are
bound to adhere, to, as they regard the JaJety
of the cause to which they all unite in profej-
Jing unfeigned attachment.] Albany Reg.
From the Aurora.
The Republican Committee of Bucks County to
their Corftituents
weakrieffes and partialities, and will think
they do wrong when they do right. When
therefore, a ticket is recommended, which
you do not wholly approve, ask yourselves
the question, " shall 1 support this ticket,
which contains one or two names which I
co not like ; or shall I break the bond of
republican union—fink myfelf and party in
to political infignificance and contempt—
and fee tickets prevail from year to year,
containing not a name that I can approve r"
---An occasional facrifice of private opinion
to public duty, you muff make, or your o
pinion on politics will presently Hand for
nothing. Would you merit the character
of Republicans? Bow to the will of the ma
jority, and support the ticketformed by your re
prefentatives. Would you merit the appel
lation of wife men and good politicians ;
Take the obvious means to extend your power
and influence, and do not madly pull down with
your awn hands, the fabric you ereftrd with so
much care. In fine, would you disappoint
the hopes of your enemies and avoid the ri
dicule which awaits your fall ? Make your
committees ajuji reprejentation of the republi
can interefl---Jupport by your votes, the tickets
they rccommend--and take for a polefar, that
political maxim,
UNITED WE STAND, DIVIDED WE FALL.
Then, I am not under the necessity, of de
claring myfelf by the profpe& of an Em
ployment. And lastly, if all this be not fuf
ficient, I industriously conceal my Name,
vs hich whollyt exempts me from any Hopes
or Fears in delivering my Opinion.
In Consequence of this free Use of my
Reason, I cannot possible think so well or so
ill of either Party, as they would endeavour
to persuade the World of each other, and
of themselves. For instance ; I do not
charge it upon the Body of the Republicans
or the Federalists, that their several Princi
ples lead them to introduce anarchy and ir.
religion or monarchy and arbitrary power.
COMMUNICATION & EXTRACTS
for the Ledger.
In medio tutiJsimus ibis !
WHOEVER has examined the Conduct
and Proceedings of Both Parties lately whe
ther in or out of Power,cannot well conceive
it possible to go far towards the extremes of
either, without offering some violence to his
Integrity or Understanding. A wife and a
good man may indeed be sometimes induced
to comply with a number whofc opinion he
generally approves, though it be perhaps
against his own. But this Liberty should
be made use of upon very few occasions and,
those of small Importance, and then only
with a view of bringing over his own fide
another time to something of greater and
more public Moment. But to facrifice the
Innocency of a Friend, the Good of our
Country, or our own Conscience, to the
Humour, or Passion, or Interest of a Party,
plainly shews, that either our Heads or our
Hearts are not as they should be : Yet this
very praice is the fundamental Law of each
Faaion among us as may be obvious to any
who will impartially, and without Engage
ment, be at the Pains to examine their Ac
tions ; which however is not so easy a Talk ;
For it seems a Principle in human Nature,
to incline one way more than another, even
in matters where we are wholly unconcern
ed. And it is a common observation, that
in reading a Hiflory of Faas done a thous
and years ago, or standing by at Flay among
those who are perfect strangers to us we
are apt to find our Hopes and Wiflies enga
ged on a sudden in favor of one fide more
than another. No wonder then we are all
so ready to interest onrfelves in the course of
Publick Affairs, where the most inconsidera
ble have some real Share, and by the won
derful Importance which every Man is of
to himfelf a very great imaginary one.
And, indeed, when the two Parties, that
divide the whole Common-wealth, come
once to a Rupture, without any hopes left of
forming a Third with better Principles to
balance the others, it seems every Man's du
ty to chufe a Side, though he cannot entirely
approve of either ; and all pretences to Neu
trality are justly exploded by both, being too,
dale and obvious, only intending the Safety
and Ease of a few individuals while the pub
lic is embroiled. This was the Opinion
and Praaice of the latter Cato, whein I es
teem to have been the wisest and best of al!
the Romans. But before things proceed
to open Violence, the truest service a private
Man may hope to do his Country, is by un
biaffing hi^ mind as much as possible, and
then endeavouring to moderate between the
rival Powers, which must needs be owned a
fair proceeding with the World, because it
is of all others, the least consistent with the
common design of making a Fortune by the
Merit of an Opinion.
I have gone as far as I am able in quali
fying mvfelf to be such a Moderator : I be
lieve I am no Bigot in Religion, and I am
sure lam none in Government. I converse
in full Freedom with many Men of both
Parties ; and if not in equal number, it is
purely accidental and personal, as happening
to have made Acquaintance more under one
than another.
For why should any be accused of a princi
ple which they solemnly disown and protest
against ? But to this they have a mutual An
swer ready ; they both assure us, that their
adversaries are not to be believed ; that
they disown their principles out of fear,
which are manifeft enough, when we exam
ine their practices. To prove this, they
will produce infiances, on one fide, either of
avowed Jacobins, or persons of libertine rind
atheiftical tenets ; and on the other, of pro
feffed monarchies or such as are openly in
the interests of the Hamiltonian plan. Now
it is very natural for all subordinate ft&s and
denominations in a State to fide with foroe
general party, and to chufe that which they
find to agree with themselves in some gene
ral principle. Thus, at the Revolution
fe&s did with very good reason, unite and
fodder up their several schemes to join againff
the King, who, without regard to their dif
tinaions, treated them all equal AdverfarCT.
But surely no man whatsoever ought in
Justice or good manners to be charged with
principles he actually disowns, uhlefs Ms
practices do openly, and without the least
room for doubt, contradict his prose ffion:
Not upon small surmises, or because he has
the miffortune to have ill men sometimes a
gree with him in a few general sentiments.
However, though the extremes of Republi
can and Federalist seem with little juflice, to
have drawn Religion into their Controver
sies, wherein they have small concern yet
they both have borroed one leading principle
from the abuse of it, which is, to have built
their ft veral fyffems of political faith, not u
pon enquiries after Truth, but upon Oppo
sition to each other, upon injurious appella
tions, charging their adversaries with horrid
opinions, and then reproaching them for the
want of charity ; Ft neuter falfo.
In order to remove these prejudices, I
have thought nothing could be more effec
tual than to describe the sentiments of a Re
lican with refpe& to Religion and Govern
ment. This I shall endeavour to do in such
a manner, as may not be liable to the least
objection from either party, and which I
am confident would be aflented to by great
numbers in both, if they were not milled to
those mutual mifreprefi rotations, by such mo
ives as they would be ashamed to own.
I shall begin with Religion.
And here, it is necelfary to fay, that who
ever profeffeth himfelf a chriftian ought to
believe a God and Providence, together with
revealed Religion, and the Divintiy of Christ.
For, beside those many Thousands, who (to
speak in the phrase of divines) do praaicalLy
deny all this by the Immorality of their
Lives, there is no small Number, who in
their Conversation and writings direclly, or
by consequence, endeavour to overthrow it:
Yet all these place themselves in the Lift of
Religionists though at the fame time (as it is
highly leafonable) they are great Sticklers
for Liberty of conscience.
To alter our eilablifhed thoughts religion would
be to att like a mat who should pull down and
change the ornuinents of his house, in complyance
to every one that was difpoftd to find fault as he
passed by ; which, befide^ the perpetual trouble
and Expence would very much damage, and per
haps in time destroy the building. Setts in a
State are tolerated vith reason, because they are
already spread; and because it would not be a
greeable with so mild a government, or to pure
a religion as ours, to use violent methods against
great numbers of mifraken people, while they do
not manifestly endanger the Conitinnion of either.
But the greatest advocates for general Liberty of
conscience will allow, it were better for the peace
of the State, that there should be none. But while
the Clergy confider the natural temper of man
kind in general, or of our own country in parti
cular what assurances can they have, that any com
pliances they shall make, will remove the evil of
diffention, while the liberty Kill continues of pro
feffing what new opinions we please.
< Upon these reasons he is for tolerating such dif
ferent forms in religions werfhip as are already
admitted but by no means for leaving it in the
power of those who are tolerated to advance their
own models upon the ruinof what is already es
tablished; which it is natural for all Setts to de
sire, and Which they cannot justify by any confid
ent principles if they do not endeavour ; and yet
which they cannot succeed in without the ntmoft
danger to the public peace. To be continued.
Wafoington.
Feb. 28. —On Thursday, the 24th inst.
the Chief justice declared the opinion of the
Court, on the motion cf C. Lee, for a rule
to shew cause why a Madamus fhnuld not
issue to compel James Maddifon, Secretary
of State of the U. S. to deliver to Wrc.
Marbury, and others, their Cornmiffions of
the Peace, for the district of Columbia. 1 he
questions considered by the Court, in deliver
ing their opinions, were,
iff. Has the applicant a right to the com
mffiion he demands ?—2d, If he has a right,
and that right has been violated, do the laws
of his country afford him a remedy ?—3d, It
they do afford him a remedy, is it by a Man
damus issuing from this Court?
On the firft point, it was the opinion cf
the Court, that such right did exift —2dly,
that he was entitled to a remedy—but on the
third question, it was determined, that the
A& of Congress giving the p° wer ,, e
Supreme Court, to issue a Writ of Manda
mus in such a case, was unconftitytional,
and consequently void. The Rule therefore
was difoilkd. —N ft.