Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-03-16 00:00:00, page 2

Blemifned characters, who by long experience
were enabled, and actually did discharge the du
ties of the office wiih unimpeachable integri
4,—nien who tad grown oldpi that office, and
depended, in great measure, ot the Small emolu
ments for the support of their temilies. It this be
difimerefted benevolence, the Kis ot it in a gover
\nor the better.
WHEREAS the Regency of Tripoli, on the
coast of Barbary, has commenced a predatory war
fare against the United States :
BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre ;
fentatives of the United States of America, in Con
gress afembled, Tikit it shall be lawful fully to e
quip, officer, man, and employ such of the armed
veffeis of the United* States as may be judged re
quisite by the President of the United States, for
protesting effectually the commerce and seamen
thereof on the Atlantic Ocean, the Mediterranean
and adjoining seas.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That it shall
be lawful tor the President of the United States
to inftrutt the commanders of the refpe&ive pub
lic vessels aforefaid, to subdue, seize and make
prize of all veffeis, goods and effects, belonging
to the Bey of Tripoli, or to his fubjeds, and to
bring or fend the fame into port, to be proceeded
against, and ditiributed according to law, and al
so to cause to be done all such other alls of pre-,
caution or hostility as the date of war will jolli
fy, and may, in his opinion, require.
Sec. 3. And be it further enabled, That on the ap
plication of the owners of private armed veffeis of
the United States the President of the United
States may grant to them special coihmiffioos,
in the form which he shall direst, under the
seal of the United States ; and fuch'private arm
ed veffeis, when so commissioned, shall have
the like authority for subduing, seizing, taking
and bringing into port, any Tripolitan vessel,
goods, or effects, as the before mentioned pub
lic armed veffeis may by law have ; and shall
therein be fiibjeft to the inftrmftiors which may
be given by the President of tie United States for
the regulation of their conduct ; and their com
miflions shall be revocable at his pleasure : Pro
vided, That before any commission shall be grant
cd as aforefaid', the owner or owners of the vef
fel'for wltich the fame may be requested, and the
commander thereof, for the time being, shall give
bond to the United States, with at leafttwo re
fnonfible Paretics, mot interested in such vessel, in
tie penal sum of seven thousand dollars ; or, if
such vessel be provided with more that one hun
dred and titty men, in the penal sum of fourteen
thousand dollars, with condition for observing the
treaties and laws of the United States, and the in
flru^tions which may be given, as aforefaid ; and
also for fatisfying all damages and injuries which
shall be done, contrary to the tenor thereof, by
such commissioned vessel ; and for delivering up
the commission, when revoked by the President of
the United States.-
Sec. 4. And be it farther enabled, That any Tri
politan vessel, goods or effects, which shall be so
captured and brought into port by any private
armed vessel of the United States, duly comrnif
fioned, as aforefaid, may be adjudged good prize,
and ihefeuponlhaH accrue to the owners and of
ficers, and men of the capturing vessel, and shall
be distributed according to the agrenment which
fln|i have been made between them, or, in failure
of such agreement, according to the diferetion of
the court having cognizance of the capture.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the sea
men may be engaged to serve in the navy of the
United States for a period not exceeding two
years ; but the President may difebarge the fame
sooner, il in his judgment, their services may be
dif^enfed with.
™ P NATHANIEL MACON,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
AARON BURR,
Vice-President of the United States, and President
of the Senate.
proved , Feb. 6, 1802$
& x TH : JEFFERSON,
President of the United States,
The College at Princeton New-Jersey,
was destroyed by fire, the 6th inst.
Lucius mentions the Portsmouth gentry, and
thinks them too affirming, As the appellation
has never been exclusively claimed but by the
connexions and descendants of the British govern
ment party, now the exclusive federalists, I mult
prefame the charge lies against them ; it is highly
applicable there, and no where else. He speaks
somewhat feelingly of the great expense of “ em
ploying runners through the Slate" —I can easily
conceive it so, but being unacquainted with that
kind of bufmefs myfelf, am willing to rely on his
experience, and set it down to be true.
Lncius feme where expresses a wish to know of
some mercantile gentlemen, how ffiucb rusty old
money remains in the vaults of Amsterdam Since
the French have taken the trouble to keep the key.
I would also aSk in my turn of some gentlemen
round the treasury at Exeter a question of much
greater importance to the citizens of New Hamp
shire, —what proportion of the date's money has
actually been in the treasury for ten years pad,
and where was it when the General court by their
committee requeued, and the Treasurer refufed
THE KEY?
AT THE FIRST SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Washington, in the
Territory of Columbia, on Monday, the Seventh
of December, one thousand eight hundred and
one. 1-
for tbe pretettinu of tbe commerce ana teamen of
tie Uniteh States against t^e Tripolitan
&ruifers.
SEVENTH CONGRESS
[Publi/hed by Authority.]
MnitcD ^tateg,
A CITIZEN OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
AN ACT
OF THE
(CONTINUED.)
SOME further evidence of this treasonable plot,
occasionally transpire in the paragraphs of some
of the auxiliary gazettes of the Palladium. I beg
leave to introduce the following, from the Boston
Columbian Sentinel, of Jan, 23d, 1802, a kind of
bouncing Cracker that flashes along at the tail of
this great Comet of Sedition : —
“ There is a point, perhaps not very distant,
c< beyond which neither policy nor interest, nor
“ oor honor, will permit us to carry our present
" timid, temporising conduct, as members of the
“ Union. New-England noght to be collected
" and watchful ; she may soon find herfelf driven by
"new measures and events, to meet the serious and
" important quellion, whether she will by herfelf
" endeavour to preserve, her independence, and
“ with it her liberty and rights, or submit tamely
“ to wear chains forged on purpose to break dowi
" her Spirits."
To the mind of a than, whose feelings cling to
the interefis of his country, the existence of fudi
iniquity mult be divulged by degrees, of the in
formation would overpower his senses. The btre
idea of a division ofthe Union, without contem
plating its consequences, is enough to make the
blood run cold. It is enough to freeze the life
firings of the heart with horror. While on this
fubjett, I cannot pass by some pertinent remarks,
contained In the Farewel Address of the late Gen.
Washington to his Fellow Citizens of the U
nited States of America. Oue or two extracts
follow:—
" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with ev
ery ligament of your hearts, no recommendation
of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the at
tachment.
" The Unity of government, which conflitutes
you one people, is also now dear to you. It is
jufli, so ; for it is a MAIN PILLAR in the edi
fice of your real independence, the Support of
your tranquility at home, your peace abroad ; of
your Safety ;~of your Prosperity ; of that ve
ry LIBERTY which you so .highly prize. But,
as it is easy to forefee, that from different causes,
and from diff, rent quarters, much pains will be
taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in
your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this
is thepoint in your political fortrefs, 2gainft which
the batteries of internal and external enemies will
be most constantly and actively (though often cov
ertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite niQ
.ment, that you Should properly estimate the im
mense value of your national Union, to your col
lective and individual happiness ; —that you Should
cherifli a cordiM, habitual and immoveable attach
ment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and
speak of it, as of the palladium of your political
fafety and prosperity ; watching for its preserva
tion with* jealous-anxiety ; difeountenancing what
ever may suggest even a+fofpicion that it can, in
ANY event, be abandoned ; and indignantly
frowning on the firft dawning of every attempt
to alienate any portion of our country from the
rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link
together the various parts.
" For this you have every inducement of fym^
pathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice,
of a common country, that country has a right to
concentrate your affections. The name of Amer
ican, which belongs to you, in you national capac
ity, mutt always exalt the just pride of patriotism,
more that any appellation derived from local dis
criminations. With flight Shades of difference,
you have the fame religion, manners, habits and
political principles. You have a common cause,
you fought and triumphed together ; the inde
pendence and liberty you possess, are the work of
joint councils, and joint efforts, of common dan
gers, fufferings and successes.
" But these considerations, however powerful
ly they address themselves to your fenfjbility, are
greatly outweighed by those that apply more im
mediately to your interest. Here every portion
of our country finds the molt commanding mo
tives for carefully guarding and preferring the
UNION of the WHOLE.
" While, then, every part of our country thus
feels an immediate and particular interest in
Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find
in the United Mass of means and efforts, great
er strength, greater resource, proportionate
greater security from external danger ; a less trc^
quent interruption of their peace by foreign na
tions; and, what is of the most inestimable values
they mult derive from UNION an exemption
from those broils and wars between themselves,
which so frequently afflift neighbouring countries^
not tied together by the government ; which their
own rivalship alone would be fadicient to produce,
but which opposite foreign alliances,attachments^
intrigues would Stimulate and. embitter. Hence
likewise they will avoid the necessity of those 0-
vergrown military establishments, which, under
any form of Government, are inaufpjcious to lib
erty, and which are to be regarded as particu
larly hostile to Republican Liberty : In this sense
it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a
main prop of your liberty, and that the love of
the one ought to endear to you the preservation
of the other."
“In contemplating the causes which may dis
turb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious
concern, that any ground Should have been fur
nifhed for characterising parties by Geographical
diferiminations, —such as Northern and southern: —
Atlantic and western-whence designing men niay
endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real
differc^e of local interests and views.—One of
the expedients of party, to acquire influence,
within particular districts, is to misrepresent the
opinions and aims of other districts —You cannot
Shield yourselves too much against the jealousies
and heart-burnings which spring from those mif
reprefentatious ; they tend to render alien to each
other, those who ought-to be bound together by
fraternal affeßion.” Washington's Legacy.
These extracts are not made to cherish an
indignation, that needs no cherishing, against such
horrid devices, but to Shew, from the pressing and
fervid exhortations of that great and good man
to his fellow countrymen, to preserve the Union
entire, and from the zeal with which be depreca
ted any future division of these States, that he
dreaded and expected combinations, and associa
tions, ofthe kind, and for the purposes, that 1
have described.
To the CITIZENS of NEWHAMPSHIRE.
Citizens of New-Ham,/hire!
Shall posterity, from our want of patriotism, iveep
over the mins of the'Conffitution and our Union ?
Shall we while its illustrious founders are dill liv-
The CONSTITUTIONALIST.
From the REPUBLICAN GAZETTE.
Hon. John Langdon,
the present republican candidate tor Governor, is
' not the most probable, if not the only instrument,
by whom we can expect to realize the accom
plishment of those great objects? I would ask,
whether his election to the office of Chief Magis
trate, would not ensure their attainment ?
He that was the firft affertcr of his country's
rights in 1776 —He that affixed in rearing up the
rock of our common Security, and common rights
and interests, the Federal Constitution in 1789 —
cannot be unconfeious of its value in 1802. He
cannot be unconfeious, how dearly those blessings
were earned, (for he aided in earning them him
felf) which this constitution was designed to be
the medium of dispensing to the present and fu
ture generations—Let the State of New-Hamp
shire then, perform their duty, and call that man
who never Shrunk from his duty, to support that
Constitution, in 1802, which he affixed in forming
in 1789.
Are not those principles that were sacred in
1776, and in 1739, good in 1802 ? Is republican
ism changed ? Have these principles changed ?
or alas ! is it not we ourselves who have changed
and fallen from them ? Let us return, then, in
1802, to those principles, immortal and unchange
able, that faveci us in the eventful &ras of 1776 and
1789. Let us confide in that Patriot, who
Served us with so much fidelity and success in
those perilous times. Has not his conduct been
always confident, as a flatefman? Did he ever
veer from the path of political rectitude, either
for the fake of popularity, or from the terror
of incurring the odium and resentment of a late
triumphant party ? In those gloomy days of in
fatnation, when a Standing Army and a Stamp
Aft were popular ; when, oh! humiliating to the
pride of Freemen, the finger of scorn was pointed
at every man, who disapproved of those needless
and burthenfame measures, did he yield his assent
to them ? Has he not been found faithful from
the firft to the last of his public duties? Did the
power of Great-Britain intimidate him in 1775?
or her secret influence corrupt him in 1798 ? In
private life is not his integrity inviolable ? are
not his morals unblemished ? did calumny itfelt
ever dare to impeach either ?—Did poverty and
want ever knock unheeded at his door ? Have not
the sons of charity called him blessed ? Is he not
affable, of easy access, of amiable and conciliatory
manner ? Let Truth and Justice answer these ques
tions.—They will attend to virtues, long tried,
and long proved, and will shew, from the reasons
that 1 have stated, from the motives that ought
to actuate all, at this crisis of our affairs, and from
the inconteftible claims which Mr. LANGDON
has to the attachment and confidence of the in
habitants of this State, a SOLEMN DUTY is en
joined upon all the honest and well informed, to
give him their fuffrages for the office of First Mag
istrate for the year ensuing. And it is presumed,
that their duty and their pleasure will, in this
instance, coincide. But let us enquire, what mo
tive can actuate any one to wifu the re-election
of Governor Gilman : Is it that the adminifira
tion of this State may harmoniJe with that of the
general government ? But the recommendation of
this gentleman to the office of firft magistrate in
in the page of a paper, where three columns of
the fame page are loaded with those invectives,
that tepd to excite Treason and infurreftion a
gainst the government of the Union, does not look
as if those that recommend him either wish or ex
pert, that this happy consequence would result
from his re-election. It is true, that Mr. Gilman
has, heretofore, frequently declared that nothing
but the desire of being in a situation, where he
might the most effectually contribute to the pres
ervation ot that harmony, ever necessary between
the State and Federal Government, has induced
him heretofore to accept of the office of chief
magistrate. Is be not opposed to the present con
stitutional authorities of the Union? Can they
confide in him ? Do not his own words declare
his present incapacity to fill tl;e office of chief
magistrate, as it ought to be filled ? Do not his
past profeffions disqualify him ? If that station
gives its occupier such exalted advantages, to pro
mote harmony between the State over which he
pretides and the, Federal Governmer,, does it not
give him equal weight and effect in promoting
difeord between them, it from principle or will
he may be opposed to that government ? Admit
ting this; ShullN.Hampshire in a manner organize
hoflilities and choose a Leader 7 Is there not at
present opposition enough against the general
government, without hiring it at the rate of
Twelve Hundred Dollars per annum ? But I have
asked for motives— Can any man wish the re-elec
tion of Governor Gilman, from the desire of adher
l ing to the principle of rotation in office ? The af
} firmative, in this question, would be equally as
rational as in that of the other. By the constitu
tion of several of the States, a man cannot be e- &
Attentive to the warning of that friend, who
can warn us no more, let us not fuffer the mad
ness of faftidn to diffract us—let us not fuffer the
will of a party, embittered by its reveries, to
proflrate our dearest interests — -Let us preserve in
the words of the great leader in our military and
political events, “ The unity of that government
which conflitutes us One People." To confirm, to
consolidate this Union, so indispensable tor our
fafety, there should be the molt perfect harmony
between the State and Federal Governments :—
To restore this harmony, it is necessary on our
part, that we elect to the gubernatorial chair of
this State, a Man who confides in, and is confided
in, by the Federal Government—The confidence
mult be mutual, or the object is loll—lmpreffed
with a confeioufnefs of this ueceffity, nearly all the
States have chosen for their First Magistrates, Men
of this description ; and it is hoped, that New-
Hamplhire will not be the last, to mingle her own
in the public Unity. To effect this harmony, to
produce this Union of sentiment, to contribute to
the preservation of a Wife government, to a Free
people, to hush the clamours of parties, to con
ciliate opposing wifhes,to take off the restrictions
that were imposed on the commercial and agri
cultural interests of this State, in the winter of
1799, to connect to unite all hearts, in the love of
foetal order, of liberty and Mie laws, and of the
Gonftitution, I would aik whether the
\RZ, witneft the denrr&cn of that sacred
fabrick, that is the admiration ofthe world ? Shall
its ramparts be Scaled ?—-Shall its Watchmen Sleep?
No ! Let us rally round its banners—Let ns build
a wall around it, with our affections and confi
dence, that no facrilegions band will dare to in
vade—Let us attend to the affectionate admoni
tions of the Great Benefactor of his country, and
Strengthen by per attachments, the Federal Gov
erumeut, and the administration of his friend and
confidant, whose abilities he admitted, and whole
virtues hr loved.
Let the cruel treatment with which the proptl
etors of the N. H. Union Bank have experienced
under his government reply to these quellions.
I now beg leave so be indulged with a few re
marks, that may not seem directly “ in point."
The zealous advocates o( Mr Gilman have always
declared, that they fiipported him from the desire
of upholding federal principles in the slate, This
heretofore (pecions pretence, has teen avowed by
those in 'he secret, in order that a man, floating
on the tide of fafhionable politics, might be pufli
ed through an election, whose private disposition
corresponded to their own private views. The
well meaning people in the country, have thus
been Shockingly deceived ; not merely by the fed
eral misrepresentations refpefting our national
concerns, but by the dissimulation and hypocrisy
of an association of speculators, whole talents at
intrigue are certainly formidable, and who have
been too foccefsful in the application cf them.
The faft is that it was the interelied partialities
and prejudices of the man, and not bis political
principles, to which he is indebted far the very
extraordinary support he has received, in all the
elections for these several years past. Without
doubting Mr. oilman's claims to the character of
a high Federalist. The cause of Federalism, had
this been the prime object of his fnpportcrs, as
well as the peace of tire State, would have been
better maintained by the election of federal other
candidates for the fame office, of Superior abilities
and acquirements, and to whom the people had
generally less personal objections. But every oth
er candidate h^s been decried and reviled by Mr.
G's. devoted advocates, and to firm there has been
an unyielding, tincandid adherence, to use a con
gressional phrase, a “ holding faf," that has ap
peared as it the managers ot the drama,that were
behind the feenes, supposed that nobody but Ids
present excellency, could be led those lengths that
would answer their purposes. These remarks are
not interesting to republicans ; they are opposed
alike to the man and his principles, to bis politi
cal Sentiments and his private prejudices. But
while they in some measure account for the rea
son why bis present excellency has always receiv
ed the largest propration of votes, in these parts
of the Gate where he is lead known, will serve to
correct an error that has been general in those
parts, as to the motives of his superiors, and per
haps afford a clue that may unravel the causes of
the subsequent fads :
Early in the autumn of '99, the N. H. Union
Bank was put in operation. Its institution wa^
necessary from th^ ii,creafed State of commerce,
and from the glaring inadequacy of the old bank
to the public exigencies. Our citizens had been
under the necessity of referring to the banks of
other dates to obtain loans, under peat inconve
niences, and were not unfrequently obliged to
hire the money at a large premnun from those
who were more fortunate in obtaining accommo
dation from the old bank. Tie institution of the
new Bank gave a spring to business ; Portfincuth
became a much better mart for the produce of the
country, and they were enabled to supply the
country on much better terms, with the necessary
articles cf confumptior—while both banks had
full employment, and more than employment for
their respective capitals. At the ensuing meet
ing of the legislature, the proprietors of the N.H,
Union Bank, desirous of rendering their inftitu
rion more public and nfeful, refpe Ctfttlly petition
ed for incorporation. The Legislature not only
rejected the petition, but passed an aft for the ex
press purpose of suppressing and destroying the in
stitution altogether, thereby prohibiting the pro
prietors from loaning bank bills, or gold and Sil
ver money. Two reasons were assigned for this
Severity :—The firft was, that the fleck of the old
Bank was competert to all the banking bufinefe
that the trade ofthe Slate required. Yet rhe Le
gislature in the fame session, affe fled a tax ot twerr
ty-Jeven thousand dollars on the people for the
purpose of augmenting this Slock, that the day be
fore was declared Sufficient. The other, if, it
could be thought of without counefting it nith
the horrid cir<nmftances attending the fuljt&,
would afford much humor and pleafenfry, —This
reason w; s, that t>e proprietors of the N. H. U
nion Bank were Republicans ! From that time
this proscribed company have made repeated ap
plications to the Legislature for an incorporation,
or a repeal of the suppression aft; all ot which
have teen unfnccefsfni, the fame men who vot
ed against the one having voted against rhe other.
Z\t the last trials, both these questions carried in „
the house, by large majorities, but were loft in the
ferare by am jority ot two. Yet if it had puffed
bold houses, it is generally supposed that the Gov
ernor would not have Signed the s&. This trag
edy has an epilogue worthy of it — ; Tbe constitu
tion of this state declares, “ That the fate may be
equally represented in the Senate, the Legislature
SHAU,from time to time, divide the fate into
twelve dylri^s as nearly equal, as may be without
dividing towns and unincorporated places : and in
making this division, they shall govern themselves
by the proportion of direct taxes, paid by the Jaid
diflritts, and timely make known to the inhabitant:
of the slate the limits of each dis rill." From the
encreafe of population the disproportion is so
great in the amount of taxes paid by several of
those diflrift, that some pay twice as rc^ch as
others. A bill has twice passed the house of Rep
resentatives, for the purpose of making a new di
vision of Senatorial DiOri^s, that this proportion!
of taxes might be equalized according to the
plain letter and spirit of the constitution But
this has been twice negatived by s he fame pha
lanx of Senators, who voted aganft the incorpo
ration of the New Bank and the seres, of the #
that suppressed it. Whether this phalanx con-
lefted twice tc this office in succession. The *re*.
men of those Stares fippMe, by thole favors hi
difpoW, an ambitious and intriguing man (it the
constitution,afforded no bars) might perpetuate
himfelt in power, and gain ;. n ^influence GI er the
Legislature incompatible with the pm,|i c weal
The confutation of this state empowers ns to
change our firft magnate every year, fas fram
ers supposed this privilege neceffhry for the fecu<
rity of our rights, or it would not have been re.
tained. Surely after a delinquency of < seven
years, it is time to apply a principle always just
and equitable, and contemplated, if not enjoined,
by our conftnution. If tie f d lary| |of this office
is inadequate to its ferv ices, and if the office is a
burthen, let him that fullaius it, after hatin?
served a proper term, be relieved from its dnr£
|f rhe honor and emoluments, make the p T ffion
)fit a favor, let others of equal merit fliare in its
ithantages.
Can any wish the re-election of Gov. Gilman,
from the expectation that it would heal the divi
sions in the Kate, or that his adminifiration would
promote the prosperity of its commerce and ag
riculture ?