The American herald of liberty — Exeter, N.H., 1795-06-18 00:00:00, page 2

to this refpelt, we ought to enter into the
most serious and detailed account of our
fhuation. That our dangers are many and
considerable, all mutt allow; the House,
therefore, will not do its doty to the coun»
try, if they persist in glvkg « blind confi
dence to the Executive government, and if
they do not ground that confidence on a to
lemn and detailed mveftigation of our real
circutnftances and situation. An inquiry
into the state of the nation has been fre
quently moved- Such an inquiry 1 moved
in the year 1777, a period certainly criti
cal and perilous ; but whoever views the
event of that year, and considers the dan
gers to which the country was then expo
sed, and compares ihofe events and that
danger with the period at which I am (peak
ing, will confidcr them as trifling and in«
figoifieant, and still more so. when they
compare the consequences of misfortunes
at that time with cbnftquences of misfor
tunes at this. In the year's777* I Hated
the grounds of my motion, and (hough f
had not the good fortune to agree with the
majority in general, yet gentlemen did fee
the ends to be such as rendered it unbecom-
not eeprefent th* people. Ido not mean
with refpeft to the namber of the confti*
totients who eleft the Houle, but it does
not virtually reprefent' the people, in as
much as it does not feel for their diftreflca.
If such an opinion, therefore, has gone
farib ; and I have every reason to believe
that it has; I aft, what argument can be
so strong in support of it as this I Can you
believe that the Conftitutkm and the House
of Commons are such as they ought to be,
when, at a time of all others the most un
fortoaate and disastrous, they can fit dill,
without inquiring into the (Ute of the coun
try, and wthpnt calling the Executive gov
ernment to au account for the most marked
^ilure of maa^rca that ever wm known ?
V/.> "s ' <■ > V* V : ' /
[// Spetcb more replete <with incontrover
tible arguments; more various and profound
in its rea/oning ; more comprebenfive in its
rvnge I and more clear and luminous in its
arrangement, never came from ths mouth of
man The reply from M'. Pitt n»as info
’ lent and impudent; haughy, without being
dignified; and dogmatical, without any at
tempt at argument or proofs
MR. FOX
CC TN confeqacnce ot the notice which
1 I gave, 1 now rife to make a motion
for a Committee to inquire into the state
of the nation Such motions Sir, have not
oficn been obje&ed to,and when they have,
they have seldom been objeded to with
success. It has been usual on former occa
sions to state feme grounds so induce the
House to adoptfuch a measure ; the prefect
fitoa ion of the country, however,is inch as
almost to render any statement unnecessary.
In whatever light gentlemen may confider
the war, and however'different their opin
ion may be On that fubjed, in this conctu
lion of the state of the country, 1 am fare
all will agree- —I am furp, that there is no
one who will not allow, that thia, of all
others, is the time in which it ia most ma
. terial aud important that this House ihould
Hand high in the opinion of its Constitu
ents. If, therefore, on this concinfion,
there can be no difference of opinion, and
if I had nothing else to state, tbofe who
are impressed with the convi&ion of the
peculiar importance of our being refpeded
abroad, will certainly notdiffent in opinion
yet 1 cannot deny that there may be, as
there have been at all times, many , with
different views, encouraged in some degree
by the vidories of the French, bat in a
much greater degree by the condud of the
government at home; encouraged, not by
plots, the exiftcace of which have never
been well proved, bat by the general circa*
lation of an opinion, that this Hoafe does
ing ihe dignity of the Hcuie to decline en.
tering into tn icvcfligation of the state of
the country There are many gentlemen
in the House who believe that the spirit
of difl»ffedicn has obtained a wider circu
lation in this country than 1 do—there are
many who are more alarmed at the propa
gation of French principles than I have
ever been ; yet I will neither deceive the
House nor myfeH so far as to fay, that if
there be any danger from difaffedion, or
from the progref* of French principles, the
events of the left year have notleflened the
danger. In my opinion, all the occurences
of the war, and all the meafares that have
been adopted at home, muff have contribu
ted to increase it, and render it more pres
sing.—l am ope who think et this moment
the country is full of loyalty to the Mon
arch, and of attachment to the constitution |
from me, that in order 10 entittle oarfelves
Mr. FOX,
In the British pArHamem, March 24 h in
T H B
CELEBRATED SPEECH OF
Debate on ihe Bate of the Nation*
If it shall appear, that at a moment when the
opinions of the people with rtfpefi to the
war are changed, when the general opinion
is for some mode of conciliation,, when
many of those who were moftdeceided on
the j ail ice and necessity of the war, have
so far altered their fentimenrs as to wilh
that some attempts were made to negotiate,
and when all are ready to allow that a re*
turn ol peace is so defirabk, that they are
willing not to confider, as {tumbling blacks,
many objedions which existed with the
commencement of the contort ; I fay, if at
such a period the people find the House so
blind and so little influenced by the com*
mon opinions as to continue laying bur*
thens without even inquiring for what ob«
jeda the blood oft he country has been Ihed,
and its trealure expended, if, 1 repeat, the
Houle proceed in this career, I with that
those who are mod afraid of French prin*
ciples would furuilh me with an argument
to combat the prejudices 41 the people a
gainst the Houft. I wifli ito know how I
am to maintain that the cynftitution is so
excellent, this House is the! belt support of
that confutation, unless iba^ answer is giv
en to the following question : How that
can be good which produces so bad an ef*
fed ? How that confutation and that gov
ernment can be good which fuffer such
failures to pass without inquiry ? What an
iwer am Ito give? What am Ito tell my
conhicucnts if the House perseveres in Inch
fupmcfß. If no answer is given to me, if
I have nothing to fay, how can I resist this
inference,that the confutation and the gov
ernment are both bad? Sir, the true de
fence of the confutation has always been
drawn, not from idle and fpcculative the
ories, not from the approximation to the
form of government in the time of tne
Saxons—the defence has always been a
practical defence; th<i though theconfti
turion did not square with this or that man's
notions, it has always been Sufficient to af
ford protection, and to produce liberty—ls
it be a good confticution, look to the prac
tice of the prelent miniftert ; an Executive
government has existed which has for three
years proceeded on a plan that has invol
ved in it expences and rifles; that has ihed
blood, and iquandered trealure, beyond the
precedent of all former times. The Exe
cutive government has pursued such a plan;
confidence has been placed in them, and at
the end of three years we find them fur
ther removed fiom the object of their mea
lures than eves : and yet this is the coufti
tution which lam called upon to defend,
as practically good. Would not the defence
of a constitution practically bad be the
the fame ? 1 know that in some countries
that which pleafcs the Prince is not con fid
tied as bad, however detrimental to the
interests of the people ; yet there are contra*
rygovernments,in which eventhe protection
of the Prince has not been powerful enough
to maintains bad Minifler in his place. If
therefore such an adminflration can exist
here, which can fquandcr the blood and
treasures of the country without being cal
led to«n account, then I fay, one of the
justest acculations again ft arbitrary'govern
ments is applicable to this country. lam
fpe&king only of the Executive government
of this country. I think, therefore, that if
1 did nothing but flats that we have now
been nearly two years at war, that al) our
projects have failed, that our objc&s have
been loft, that the enemy have increased in
credit and strength, and chat they have con
quered more than the wildest imagination
ever conceived ; i fay, if f dated nochi a g
more than this, I Ihould have done enough
to have induced the House to concbr in the
inquiry which it is my intension to
propole.
The ftste of the country divides itfelf
into lb many different branches, that if 1
were toexhauft your patience, 1 Ihould still
be forced 10 omit many very material
points. 1 Ihall therefore mention some tew
leading circumstances, which are so flxong,
as to render it impoflible for an inquiry to
be refufed. The state of the country im
plicates our rcfourcea in men and money,
and the possibility of using our men and
money for the purposes in which we are
now engaged. These resources are to be
considered, and the L fourcea from whence
they flow—the trade, manufactories, and
general prosperity of the nation. I am,
then to confider our conn* Clions abroad,
and the dependence that may be placed in
them t the situation of our Allies, and the
probability which exists of their being able
or willing to ad in the common cause.
Another lubjeCt then occurs of equal im
portance, 1 mean the principles of the war,
it is material when we are engaged in a
war on'which so many epithets have been
bestowed, and on which the eyes of ail men
are fixed that we Ihould maintain the char
acter of moderation, humanity, and just ice.
It in also material that wc Ihould maintain
the charades of vigour and exertion, of wis
dom and prddcnce. These form part of
ow resources, for thecbaufter of a nation
.* 1/ . ■ ■ / -
ha resource ; bus, without cohering
in this light, it is of im^rt^eq^MHPcr,
whether we have carried on the war wIA
moderation, with justice, and with wisdom.
. I hope that the contray will be proved ;
for if we have carried it on with wisdom,
justice, and moderation, then indeed must
we be hopelels; then indeed, after exhaust
ing our resources for two yean, we Cannot
look to any oiher inference than, that of
dcfpair! If iuch be the conclusion of the
enquiry, > Ihall be ready to admit that we
ought Hill to place confidence in miniften :
but even then, the enquiry will be ufeful,
in order to fliew the caules of the failure,
and to prove the necessity of changing an
objed which experience has convinced us
cannot be accomplished ; the objed which
experience has proved cannot be accompli th
by human means must be bad, and ought
not to be pursued. The consideration of
our resources in men, necessarily leads me
to the loss of men which we have already
incurred. If the Committe is granted,!
shall certainly with to have a complete ac
count of the number of men loft since the
commencement of the war. Not such an
account has been laid on your table, which
I cannot confider by any means as corrcd
or complete. And firft, with refped to
the loft of the British. There is no perfdn
who reads that account on your table that,
can attach the smallest degree of credit to
it. If even it is compared with other ac
counts perhaps not much more corred, I
mean the Gazette accounts, we Ihall still
Ind a great difference between them. Some
British were left in the garrison at Nieu
port, of whom no mention is made. In
Valenciennes and Conde there must have
been some loss of men, but no loss is ft a ted,
In Bergen op Zoom there were also Britilh
troops. I mention thele circumstances on
ly to (how that those who rely on that pa
per, deceive tbemfelves most grossly. In
* the month of September left a paper was
publilhed, in which the number of Britilh
on the continent was stated at 26 000 men.
Is there any hope when the army re turn,and
happy will it be when it does return, that
the number will be to half that amount ?
But it is not only a lift of the killed, woun
ded, prisoners, and milling, that we ought
|o have, but a lift of the number of men loft
at different periods, and by mortality of all
kinds, not only in Flanders, but in every o
ther part,in the Weft-Indies and in the
East; as well as on the Continent, We
ought to know the number of recruits rais
ed, to compare and collate them; to de
dud the number of men who might have
died within, that period of time, and to
strike the balance. We ihould then find
find that the loss has been such as to con
vince every thinking man of the impoflibi
bility of our lubfticudng frelh armies, and
of oUr railing frelh men. We ought be
sides to know the lols sustained by all the
armies in Britilh pay.—Nor is this all; for
if we are to confider this as a war in which
alliances are necessary, we must take into
our account the loss which our Allies have
incurred. Is itnot true I alk,ihat moie than
sixty thousand men have surrendered to the
Frencch ? 1 will venture to assert that I
speak below the mark, when I fay, that in
the left campaign 60,000 of the Allies
were made prisoners. We all know that
though the population of the country has
increased, it has not been in proportion to
the increase of the wealth, A paper has
been laid before you, in which you have
an account of the number ol the boules
paying taxes,—By this it appears, that the
numbero houses has not materially increa
sed since the year 1777. I know that
there are many who rejed this account, and
and affirm tt to be totally incurred, i
understand, however, by authority, that it
is true; and to those gentlemen who op
pole their obleivations to the account, I
. must suggest the following question, whe
> ther the increase hss not been in houses
paying taxes? I must also make another re
matk on this paper. The greatest increrfe,
I find, has been in the ccunties of Middle
sex and Laucafter. But has not this in
crtale been balanced by a proportionate de
crease in other counties ? Thus, notwiih
ftanding the increase of the wealth of the
eouniry, the population has not increased,
and therefore we do -not, I fay, poffels large
military resources, nor are we able to afford
large military eftablilhmenis* His Msjefty
has other dominions on which 1 Ihall make
some observations by and by: But eve^-
here 1 cannot help faying, that no greater
proof of the importance of Ireland can be
afforded, than the number of men which
she ha? furniihed to the a’my and navy. If
by any misguided and malignant policy,
that kingdom (bould be divided from this
country, or divided ih affeftion, then all
the arguments with rcfpe& to our inability
to afford large armies must receive a con
fiderab’e accession of strength.
U/mtinutd.]
11. Immemorial pofieflion ef
tabh/hes the right of
among nations.
12. A nation has the right of
refufing admission into its territory,
and of expelling foreigners, when
its fafety requires.
13. Foreignersare fubjed to the
laws of the country, in which they
reside, and punifliable by them.
14. Banishment, for crime, is
an indired violation of foreign
territory.
15. An attempt, against the
liberty .of one nation, is an en
croachment on all others.
16. Leagues, which have, for
their objed, an offen five war—
treaties, or alliances, which may
affect the interest of any people
are a crime against all nations.
17. A nation may undertake
war, to defend its sovereignty, its
liberty, its property.
18. Nations which are at war,
ought to leave a free course to
proper negociations for peace.
19. Narional agents are inde
pendent of the laws of the coun
try coWich they arefenr, in every
thing, which concerns the object
of their million.
ao There is no precedency, a
mong the public agents of na
tions.
21. Treaties, between nations,
are iacred and inviolable.
Ordered to be printed. '
French National Convention,
Sitting ofufi dprii V
The following is the letter of
credence of the Ambaflador Ex-
4. It is the duty^of nations, in
peace, to do each other the greatest
good, and in war, the least poflibie
evil. x 1 .
Affairs.
NATIONAL CONVENTION, APRIL 2^.
G GREGOIRE pronounced a
dikourfeonTHE RIGHTS
OF NATIONS, and propoled to
the Convention to make the fol
lowing declaration :
I. Nations are, with refpedl to
Tach other, in the flare of nature 3
they have no other bond, than the
principle of universal morality.
1. Nations are refpedivcly in
dependent and * sovereign, what
ever may be the number of indi
viduals which compole them, and
the extent of the territories, which
they occupy. This sovereignty
is unalienable.
3. It is the duty of one nation
to ad: towards another, as they
would wish that nation to ad to
wards them; —what man owes to
man, nation owes to nation.
6. Every nation Jias the right
of organizing and changing the
forms of its governments.
7. No nation has the right of
interfering in th? government of
other nations.
8. No government is conform
able to the rights of nations, but
that, which is founded on equality
and liberty. •
9. Every thing, which, in its
use, is inexhaustible or innocent,
as the SEA, belongs to all, and
cannot be the particular property
of any nation.
10. Every nation is master of
its own territory.
5. The particular interest of a
nation is subordinate to the general
interest of the great family of
mankind.