Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-10-05 00:00:00, page 2

Text.— " The love of Liberty (fays Samvel Adam<)
is interwove „ in the Juul of man."—" So it is
1 lays fohn Adams) according to La Fontaine, in
that of a wolf; and 1 doubt whether it be much
more rational, generous or social, in one than in
the other, until in man it is enlightened by ex
perience, refleaion, education, and civil and po-
Ihical inflitutiom, which are firft produced, and
condantly Supported and improved by a feW —
that is, by the NOBILITY."
THE epistolatory correspondence between Mr.
John Adams and Mr. Samuel Adams is important,
as it contains political principles which are highly
interesting to the happiness aud profperty ot this
country. The Letters are written with that cor
diality, ^ it relates to the opinion which they en
tertain of each other's integrity, that we are to
view them as the eftabliflied tenets of two old
civilians, who had made up their judgment from
experience and reflection.
The extracts which I have taken, appear to com
prize the essence of the controversy—on the one
lide, Mr. Samuel Adams fays, " the love of Liber
ty is interwoven in the foul of man''—Mr. John
Adams answers, " so it is, according to La Fon
taine, in that of a wolf;" and further declares,
“ that he doubts whether it is milch more rational,
&c, in one than in the other, until in man it is en
lightened by experience, education, and civil and
political institutions, which are at fofl produced,
and conftahtly supported and improved by a few —
that is, by the nobility."
Here, then, these two gentlemen arhat iffue,and
it i$ a quedion of the highest confederation which
of them is the mod accurate. If the love of Liber
ty is not more rationally interwoven in the human
foul, than in a wolf, and if it wholly depends for
exigence on being cherished by a body ot men,
which he is pleated to (file a " Nobility /'dreadful
indeed is the situation of society. Does the hiftory
of mankind exhibit evidence, that a particular
order of me% denominated Nobles, feel those im
pressions, or are endowed with that benevolence,
as to produce, cherish, and constantly support the
Liberties of the People ? Are the People as favdge
@s wolves ?—Are they as ferocious arid deftroftive
in their habits and manners, as this voracious ani
rnal ; or, are they 'their own warfl enemies,' un
less the benign hand of a Nobility is stretched out
for their protection ? In what inflance does this
doftrine apply to the Citizens of America ? Were
J:Z f r ° fettjers of this country thus designated ?
Were our venerao!, forefathers as hoflile as wolves
to each other, when they h"'ded on the American
ffiores ? Was not the love of Liberty interwoven
in their fouls, when they forfouk tl;d luxurious
foil of Britain, and quitted the palaces of Nobles,
to seek an asylum in this desolated territory ? Did
they suppose it neceflary to bring a body of Noble
men, to protest them from devouring each other;
or did they contemplate the establishment of po
litical institutions, with a branch emphatically
denominated a Nobility ? Did this ariilocratical
part of the British government give them any
affiltance, while they were contending against the
arbitrary measures of England, before their em
barkation—or, did they receive consolation from
the House of Lords, after their arrival ? No—the
Jove of Liberty was interwoven in their foul, and
they formed political inflitutions, founded on
principles in every refpecl conformable to such
feelings'. Just emancipated from the thraldom of
a British government, they were led to adopt a
system of political regulation, which gave the fa
culties of tire mind their utmost energies, and ne
ver degraded themselves to contemplate their
little society as wolves, Banding in need of a su
perior order, to check their sovereignty.
The sentiment advanced by Mr. John Adams,
might have been expected from a crown's head in
Europe ; it might have been a sublime paragraph
in the writings of Burke ; but that it should arise
from a person who had been cohverfant in the
hiftory of this country, and had been in our coun
cils during the American Revolution, is rather a
forprifing and alarming consideration. 1 would
alk Mr. John Adams, iu what particular are the
Citizens of America in any degree analogous to
wolves? or, in what instance has it been necessary,
that our political institutions should be improved
and supported by a Nobility ? Did the People fliew
any Savage difpotition in their couteft with Britain ?
Was it not the love of Liberty, interwoven in the
foul, that produced our opposition to British ty
ranny ? Our “ Town-Meetings" were the pure
eflufions of liberty=-our " College" (at that time)
breathed the spirit of freedom and the rights ot
man. The youth of that day, were eager to dis
play the manly Sentiments of freemen ; the ora
tions and exhibitions all tended to rouse the mind
to contemplate political fubjefts on the broadelt
balls of equal fights. Our patriots had the support
of the People ; Fanetiil Hull and the Old-South
often resounded with the acclamations of citizens,
collected to investigate the great principles ot
their free Conftitutron. The Tories, it is true,
considered the town of Boston as a den of wolves ;
they supposed it necessary that a body of Nobility
should be created to check and controul them ;
Hutchinson and Oliver even wrote to the Ministry
for this purpose, and when their Letters were dis
covered, the general dtfguff of the People,convin
ced them in what abhorrence they were held.
Did not Mr. John Adams find that the spirit of
Liberty was interwoven in the foul of the people,
when he was in Cpngrefs, during our Revolution ?
It was this spirit which originated that body#—
The people called for this affemblv of.the States ;
the election of the members was the evidence of
the spirit of Liberty emitting within them. The
people had no idea that a body of Mobility was
necefi'ary tor their security ; they chose honest men
from among them, who were in the fame grades
ol I Ie with Ihemfelves ; they did not vote my Lord
Such a-or^, or Duke Sncha-one ; the candidates
In general were scarcely complimented with the
title of Enquire. When this refpedable body af
fimbf d, whom did they address ? Were not all
J 0 application, made to the People ? Who form
ed the army ? Tradefiuen aud Farmers composed
principalled minority, whilst ruling the peo
ple of his native land ! !---It may in some
measure save the reputation of the country
for moderation : but the least that onght to
be calculated upon, both at home and abroad
would be, that the arms with which more
than one half of the nation were threatened
three years ago, to be driven “ within the
enemies' lines," should now be turned on
the persecuting vaunters.
From the Chronicle.
If a Nobility is alone to preserve us, where, in
the name of common sense are we to find our fa
vinur3 ? Are weio search for them among the
Essex Junto, or are we to look for them among
those who consider the People as wolves? Born in
a land fettled by a fraternity of persecuted Repub
licans ; living under a Connitution and laws
which embrace every citizen on the terms of
Equality, in what corner or hole of this extensive
territory are the People to look for help and assis
tance detached from themselves ? After exper
iencing the blessings of their own protection, from
the firft settlement of the country to the present
hour, is it possible, that they flionld now dittruft
their own competency, irreverently denounce the
guardianship of Heaven, and throw themselves in
totbe arms of a Nobility ? We will not thus af
front Heaven—we will not thus dishonor our fore
fathers—we will not thus entail misery on our
putterny.
OLD-SOUTH.
(The fubjea to be continued.)
° ■^ ^CTPwbc
foreign articles,
By the latefl arrivals.
FRANCE. PARIS, AUG. t.
, THE.Le^iflative Body of the Italian Re
public have just sent an affectionate address
to citizen Bonaparte, First Consul of the
French Republic, and President of the Itali
an Republic ; informing him of their assem—
bly, and intimating their readiness to receive
communications# The First Consul has re
turned the following answer I
“ I have seen, with a lively fatisfaclion,
the union of the Legjflative Body. 'You
must in the firft session form the basis of the
administration. The firft budget which has
been prepared in Italy will be presented to
you. The receipts, the expences, and the
public debt, equally require a liable and uni
form system.
“ An object which you will prove to be
not less important, is the law which will be
presented to yon refpe&ing the military con
scription ; a national army can alone adore
to the Republic internal tranquility and ex
ternal refpe& A neighbouring State, which
pofleffes neither the population, nor the
wealth of the Republic, has already formed
an army which has often acquired glory, and,
the American pkh^nx ? Wild eurrhahdej and
inan'd our Ships of war and privateers—were they
Dukes, Earls, or Lords? No—the People—the
"People—the plain American Citizens, whole fouls
were invigorated with liberty, unawed by a No
bility, and who disdained to consider themselves
under their immediate protection. There Were
the soldiers who fought our battles; these were
rhe Tailors, who, even at that period, rendered the
flag of America refpettable and dreaded.
I cannot but pause, and wonder how the senti
ment could be advanced by Mr. John Adams.
That the People are not more rational in support
of their Liberties than wolves, unless Supported by
a Nobility—^ of all declarations the molt extraor
dinary. In the days of adversity, Mr. John Ad
ams knew the obligation he was under to the Peo
ple ; a sentiment of this kind,coming from a mem
ber of our firft Congress, would have railed the
continent to a flame. . Suppose it had then teen
said, that the People cannot be trnfted ; we muff
have a Nobility to govern ; we must put this No
bility into a "hole," froth this Subterraneous cell
ue muff rely for all our Succor. The British ar
my would have been pleased with such a vifiouary
opposition ; Lord Howe would rather have heard
of 100,000 Noblemen in a “ hole" than 20,000
Yankees in the field. Bunker-Hill was not defend
ed by men thus in covert ; no, the citizens did
not lurk in holes but flood on eminences , Warren
(corned to be hid in a cove, but flood in the front
rank, in defence of that Liberty, which was in
terwovei iin hi^ foul, and in the fouls of his brave
companions. The immortal Wafliington looked
to his comrades ot Citizen-Soldiers ; he did not
enquire whether there vias a body of Nobility to
Secure bis retreat ; he did not view his chosen
band as wolves but considered himfelfat the head
of men, whole fouls were invigorated with the
powerful energies of Liberty.
If the love of liberty (as,is declared by Mr. Sam
uel Adams) was not interwoven in the foul of
man, it would have been impdffible to have effect
ed the Independence of America. What but this
sustained the spirits of an army constantly on fa
tigue ? What but this cheered the warworn sol
dier, when destitute of eloathing and the com
mon necessaries of life ? What but this animated
the American veterans to contend Igainft the for
midable troops of Great Britain with scarce
ly a cartridge for their defence, or a drop of
cheering comfort in their canteens? What spirit
foort of this, rallied the undisciplined troops ot
Starks, to attack and capture the boafling Bur
goyne ? Tb what energy ot the hunan mind are
we Indebted for the forfender ot Cornwallis ?
Was it the refined peculations ,f a Nobility,
groping in a hole, or was it the in/pulfe of free
then, embodied to express those feelings which
were interwoven in every fibre df (heir fouls ?
I would not with to put an tinc^ndid construc
tion on the paragraph feleded from the Lettres,
but if there is any precise idea exprefled by Mr.
John Adams, it appears to be this—that the Peo
ple are as voracious, savage and irrational as
wolves, unless they are enlightened by political in
(fitutions, which are at firfl produced, constantly
supported and improved by a Nobility. If lam
not correct in my conclusions, I shall readily ac
knowledge iny error! but the English language
cannot convey a Wronger idea to my mind of the
real political principles of any individual,however
disagreeable may be the application.
Admitting —-- ——,,, rn be hibHantiated, how
far does Mr, John Adam's declaration conform to
our Bill of Rights, which emphatically Bates,
“ that Government is instituted for the common
good~-that the People alone have an incontelUble
unalienable and indefefible right to institute gov
ernment—that rhe idea of a man born a magist
rate, law-giver or judge, is abfard and unnatural.
IfMr. John Adams is right, the Constitution is
wrong ; for if the People are as untraftable as
wolves, without a Nobility, is it not preposterous
for them to attempt to institute a form of Govern
ment, which in no instance recognizes that essen
tial branch which is to preserve the harmony of
ti?eir social compact.
From the declarations of federalists, per
sons not well acquainted with the political(fate
our country might be induced to believe that
the exigence of the government depended on
them—-that they are the exclusive friends of
law and order—and that General Washington
was one of the leading characters in opposi
tion to republicans, and promoter of their
views. Let us examine this fubje&.--Let
us a^, from what part of the life of Gen.
Washington can it be said he was oppoled
to republicanism ?-- Was it in the nomina
tion of Mr. Munroe as ambassador to France:
Was it in the appointment of Mr. Jeffer
fon as secretary of state ?--In his ardor in
the cause of the French iepublic--Or in his
respeCt for the militia, and his enmity to a
publican debt ?--Can federlifts fay that in
those things, they supported the Washington
system, or that republicans were opposed to it
——ln what instance, therefore, excepting in
the British treaty, was not Washington fup
fiorted by the whigs of 1776, and the repub
ican^ of the present time ? And yet the
3. It gives to the Senate the attributes
which are necessary, in order to invest it pro
perly r'Au the Conservative Power.
Lastly, the fourth end has been attained
by the 9th title, “ Os Jt«ice and the Tribu
nals," which organizes the Hierarch of the
Judiciary Order, of which the influence i<
so neceflary to perfer ve the property and the
happiriefs of citizens.
Rotterdam, Aug. 4.
Gen. Victor, who has commanded the
French troops in this Republic, has repaired
to Paris, having been appointed commander
in chief of the troops defined to Lonifiana.
Several individuals of the French Nation
in official fitnations, have left this place for
Paris, in order to accompany Gen. Vi&or
to Louisiana.
We hear, that the Court of Lisbon pro
poses to raise a loan in Amsterdam.
The BritiSh government has ordered a
considerable diminution ot its naval force in
the Welt-Indies. It is said seven sale of
the line, have touched at Halifax, on their
passage home.
Latest tbe ®ail^
Washington-City , Sept. 22.
The firft number of a Print decidedly re
publican has appeared at Savannah, (Geo.)
under the title of the Georgia Republican and
State Intelligencer, printed by Lyon and
Morse. It is larger than any Paper print'd
in the State, and bids fair to advance interests
of liberty in that part of the Union.
AUG. 6. The Consuls of the Republic;
on the report of the Counfellor of State,
charged with all affairs relating to worship,
with the advice of the Council of State, has
decreed, that the Indultum for the reduction
of holidays, given at ^aris, April 9, 1802,
Shall be published without approbation of the
elaufes, formulae, or expressions it contains.
By this iuduhum, the Fetes, which shall be
celebrated in France, besides Sundays, shall
be, The Nativity of our Saviour Jesus Chrifi
- —Afrerjion day—The Assumption of the Meji
Blefod Virgin —and the Fete of All Saints.—
All others are aboliflitd.
AUG. 8. The Organic Senatus Confulte,
which has been adopted by the Senate; is the
third.
By the firft, dated the 13th of March las,
the Senate determined the manner according
to^which the members of the Legislative Body
should be renewed, and supplied also the
silence of the Constitution in that refpe& ;
this was called a Supplementary Senatus
Confulte.
The second was that of the 26th of April,
by which the Senate explained the 93d Ar
ticle of the Constitution, relative to Emi
grants. Thus, having for its end to conci
liate the letter and the spirit of the Consti
tution, was an interpretation.
That of the 4th inff. combined the nature
of the iff and 2d. It is, in fad, directed
towards four principal and diftind ends.
I. It connects more closely the great au
thorities of the State, and the mass of the
nation, from whence all rational authority
must peceffarily be derived. For this purpose
it substitutes, instead of the system of nation
al and departmental lifts, which could not
fulfil, in any refpea, the obje& proposed by
the Constitution, Assemblies of Cantons, and
Electoral Colleges of Didrict and Depart
ments.
2. It Organized that article of the Con
stitution which places the appointment of the
Consuls in the hands of the Senate.
placed it during a long period in the rank of
considerable powers.
. " The Legislative Body will not forget
that the Republic ought to be the firft power
of Italy.
" The Legislative Body cannot better
reftify the truth of th^ fentirhent which it
expresses than in devoting rill its efforts to
the consolidation of the State, and the prin
ciples which inuft assure its glory ind its
grandeur. BONAPARTE."
Brattleboro' (Per.) Sept. 20.
t For the con folation of the Federalists of
Vermont, we haye a return of 129 members
of the Alterably, 79 of whom are republi
cans. Calculating on an'equal division of
the remaining fifty towns, we may fafelv
boast of a majority of about 30 honest men
in the house.
By Statements of votes from various parts
nf the State, it appears probable that Gov.
Tichenor and Lt. Gov. Brigham arere-e
--le&ed—and, that the Republican Ticket for
Councilors has prevailed. With a Repub
lican Council, a Republican House, and a
ver y polite Executive " as pliant as a reed
to the rude tempest of democracy." what
have we to fear r Thank God ! Vermont
may still evade recapitulation of the Shame
ful and horrid tranfaftions of 1778! ° :
Boston, Sept. 30.
By feve fr al letters from officers or the America
squadron in the Mediterranean, it appears, that the
Bolton frigate,Capt. M'Neil, was oft Tripoli apouc
the. ift of June. The report, therefore, of the en
gagement with the gun-boats, was erroneous.
. Frankford, Sept. 7.
Noah %bfer's paper appears to be ri
unfortunate in politics as Noah is in Natur
al Hiftory :--" It is a foul aspersion that
federalism ever allocate with crimes," Br
federalism here is not intended to be under
stood that refpea far, or attehment to th6
federal goveirmbrn which is the duty of eve
ry citizen. Rhralfr here means party,
spirit which, from ;hc period of the British
treaty ? fought incclfantly to cfeftroy every
thing that is understood in its natural con
ftru&ion of the word Federalism, Let us
now fee whether it was or was not ever as
sociated with crimes. Wasfedera r frc river
associated with Alexander Hamilton? Was
federalifm never associated with Litton and
Porcupine Romayne and Harper r Wa.;
federalism never associated with the Fxcije
and Stamp laws ? Was federalism never as
sociated with a forced construction of the con
stitution, by which the Representatives of
the people were refilled ih-ir right of en
quiry into the iunru&ions of ambaffadors--#
thereby State secrets were constituted in con
tempt of the Sovereign r Was there no crime
in violating the independence of the Judicia
ry in the in/lruaions to Judge Bee ? Was
there no crime in delivering up an American
citizen to be executed for a crime of whicli
another person has been since convicted ?
Was there no crime in Spreading terror and
alarm, and imposing falfe talcs of tub-plot,
and tailerconfpiracies on the people ; Was
there no crime in violating constitution and
law, in the Sedition law, and the Speculation
of the Ship Kingston ; Was there no crime
in Suffering American citizens imprisoned
and confined on board" a British Ship of war
at the Philadelphia wharf to be carried off,
by the contrivance of the Secretary of State
—who was Specially advised of the perlons
being in that Situation ; Way there no crime
in entering Secretly into a treaty with the
fraitor chief Touffaint L'Oveiture ;.-Were
the Federalists who did these things “ capa
ble or honest r" But it is Said Mr. Jefferfon
in difmifling Several persons from office had
to reward those who railed him to 25,000
dollars a year !---What out of 5000 offices
fay he has dismissed about 50—-this is to be
sure admirable, John Adams appointed a
greater number than have been removed, in
one night during the last week of his presi
dential existence ?
. ALBAXr, Cept. CT
A few creaks since, Mr. Darmanus Vaun Style,
jdn. being at his father in law's, about four miles
Irom Schenectady, was informed th#t a Wolf was
in the yard with his sheep , he, with another man
entered the ,ard, where the di,(covered a large
foil grown wolf— They threw fom^thmg at hint
on which he immediately (prang at Mr. Van Slyck
evidently to seize him at the throat—He thrnlt
his hand forward to keep him off, tint which the
Wulf caught in his mouth—he attempted to extri
cate his hand, but finding that impoffible,he seized
the upper jaw of the Wolf with his left hand—a
fcuffie enfoed, in which he brought the Wolf to
the ground, and'with the knee do hrs Shoulder, td
keep him down, called sos affiftauce, immediately
came, and the throat of the Wolf was cut whilst
Mr. Van Slyck's hands were in his mouth. The
next day they brought him to Schenectady. Mr.
Van Slyck's nand was coafiderably hurt, but no'
other injury was sustained.
'committee of Mercer's dare to lay, that the
republicans were inimical to Washington
and his system. The people must difeover
that the sacred name of Washington, has
been made use of by the profane pen of these
committee-men, to deceive the people, and
to promote factious purposes. They must
believes that such men as these, bringing the
name of our late illustrious chief, into an
electioneering handbill, can have no great
refpe& either for his money or his principles
^--but are anxious to make use of it is a
spell, whereby they may induce many to
believe, as Porcupine did before them, that
Washington was a federalist, and opposed to
the principles of republicanism. As repub
licans, and admirers of the tirues and fervie^
we feel contempt at those who would deceive
the people, by disturbing his aihes; tb pro!
mote the base views, an, unworthy designs
of an iritfiguing faction.--'Tree of Liberty.