The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1778-09-01 00:00:00, page 2

f. That individuals of every dafs chara^er and
Ration, would faithfully endeavor to render their
refpe&ive lifts seasonably, fair and correct, full and
cbmplete as the law requires.
2. That the lifters of each town jointly arid fede
rally would exert themselves, with indefatigable
application and patience, to effea their collective
returns early and punauallyj in firiaeft conformity
te law. And,
3. That the important judicature of assessors, lay
ing aside (if possible) every finifler view, and how
ever cOmpofed cfflefh and,lood, or however eon
ne&ed with the jockies of the dry, impartially pro
portioning the public expence of the times agreeable
to the letter and genius of the law, would assess those
uncoufcionabls, nameless money catchers who so
much trouble and threaten the State, enough to
sweep off their ungodly gains for the immediate rife
and bench: of the community, at whose general ex
pence and grievous lofty modern profits have been
so ffiamefully acquired.
And as nothing almost is more plain and evident
than that the public expence ought to be equally
distributed or in the nearest possible proportion to
the wealth and abilities of the people, although a
PERFECT rule is unattainable in this change
able and confuted hate of bein^ ; yet in consequence
of such a particular and accurate return as aow re
quired by law, the ccmpirifon of proportions will
be more obvious at one general view, and any prac
ticable amendments more easily discoverable, whilst
queftionlefs the legislature from time to time will be
ready and willing to embrace the earliest opportuni
ty to give the fandion of law to any alterations that
may be comparatively beneficial to the public, just
to individuals, and therefore acceptable to the peo
ple ft large, who, upon experience and fall view, in
this enlightened age, may be esteemed good, if not
the best judges.
Vet I would query, whether if the laws directing
the civil authority and fele& men, or committee ap
pointed by the town, together with the lifters to
assess all traders, tradesmen, &c. and also empower
ing the civil authority and feled men to abate at
diferetion, a twentieth part of several taxes already
granted, were faithfully and impartially carried into
effectual execution according to their true extent
and meaning, great part of the difficulties 2nd ob
je&ions attending the mode of taxation, would not
be thereby removed ?
And when the proportions are better known, and
thereupon regulated and adjafled, (perhaps by easing
the poll-tax and adding to horses and fine houses,
and including Slaves, wharfs, unimproved lands,
plate, flock in trade, money on hand, and all reco
verable debts, at equal rates of proportion) and uni
formiy reduced to practice, will not the nearest ap
proach to a perfect, just and equal rule, which the
variable feenes and fluctuating circumstances of ha
man affairs will admit.
But if any can make a better proposition; will not
only obtain the exclusive right of confuting the pre
fect plan, but also essentially serve the public; whilst
for myfelf, only regretting its late appearance, I
ffiall not only acquiesce, but heartily rejoice in it.
Interim, lam with all due deference and refpe&
to the affeffers, the lifters and the public, their ve
ry humble Servant, A LISTER.
Camp, White Plains, 22 August, 1,78.
To the Printers of the Connecticut Courant.
I desire you will be pleased, to insert, in your paper,
the following resolution of Congress, respecting
the loss of the posts in the Highlands, the last
campaign, and the conduct of the Commanding
Officers in that department
ALTHOUGH the publication of the fads which
were necessary to be known, for the vindica
tion of my charader with the world, has been post
poned to folate an hour, thro' a variety of circum
stances which concurred to prevent it: Yet I con
ceive the truth, will not, even at this period, under
the fanflion of inch refpeaable authority, appear
less forcible, for the fitisfa&ion of the candid, the
con-vision of the malevolent, or the information of
the ignorant.
An impartial enquiry has now been made. This
ray reputation demanded- This my country had a
ri,.,it to expcl The reLk 01 which is here laid be
fore the pubbe ; of whose approbation and favora
ble cpinion, lam not his affared, from the coafei
cufnels of the recti ude of my own conduct, and
having done all an officer in my situation could do,
than from thejuftice and impartiality, which have
ever chara&erifed the Americans, fi ce they ' have
dared to assert their indep% deice and freedom.
Nar does it afford, to an honefl mind, so much
Satisfaction to triumph over th® scanners and malice
of a few individuals, as to find the difinte^fted opi.
nion of the legislature of the Continent eiirefpond
ing with my own sentiments; and that neither the
disagreeable circumstances in which an officer has
necessarily been placed the misfortunes which en
sued, or the detraction of a contemptible number of
designing man, were able to prejudice the reputati
on of an old soldier, and an honed servant to the
public ; who, while he assumes no merit from his
long services, nor will put his experience or military
knowledge, in competition with those of others, yet
dares to contend with the foremoft in the faithful
performance of his duty, the patriotic love of his
country, and the hazard of his own peifon in de-,
fence of its rights and independence.
I am yours,
ISRAEL PUTNAM
In CONGRESS, August 17, ,778.
THE committee, to whom was referred a letter
from General Washington, of the 28. h of
July last, refpeaing Major General Putnam, and the
report of the Court of Enquiry on the fubjed of the
posts in the Highlands on Hudson's River, taken
lad year, which was transmitted to Congress, rep vt,
'' That upon a careful examination of the fad#
fated by the court of enquiry and consideration of
the evidence taken and transmitted it appears that
those polls were loft not from any fault, mifeon
du&, or negligence of the commanding offi ers;
but solely througli the want of an adequate force
under their command to maintain and defend them."
Resolved, That Congress agree td the said re
port. Extract from the minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON Sechy.
From the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET.
The following is a true copy ofa hand-bill writ
ten by Mr. Mauduit, under the direction of Lord
North, and circulated through England by order
of Administration.
A- L E E.
long as there was any hope of preserving the
O American empire, we could not begin a treaty
with acknowledging the American independence
in the firft article, because they might have broken
off the treaty, as soon as they had gained that firft
article, and made use of the concern to jufiify o
ther nations in trading with them; and we could
not then have taken foreign Ships that came'upon
their coasts.
That precaution is new useless, for France will
treat and trade with them ; and ifFrance will do it,
we can have no iatereft in keeping other nations
from trading with them too ; rather let other nations
come in for a part, than France have the whole.
.I he Americans will now be Applied from France
with all military stores, whether we will or not;
and (if we go to war) with ships and men, and all
they want for their defence, and cur annoyance.
Ail hope of conquest is therefore over. Ame'ri
CA STANDS ON HIGH GROUND; FRANCE AND En.
GLAND MUST NOW COURT HER.
We have no potable chance of making peace with
her, but by an immediate a& of parliament, giving
her perfect independence.
11 we pretend to retain any authority over them,
we immediately throw them into thearms of France,
and oblige them to lock up to France as 'their pro
te&ors and defenders; by whose aid only, they
can gain and secure what they call their liberty. If
this be not done immediately, and an aCt palled and
sent over before they hear of a commencement of
hostilities between France and us. the Americans
will then become associates with France in a com
mon cause and a common war against us ; and after
that alliance, we Shall be at the mercy not only of
the Americans, but of the French.
Now we may treat with America only ; aid ha
ving their independence granted them, they have
no desire to havethe continuance of war with us.
If we drive them to a close alliance with France in a
war against us, our future treaty with America must
be made by the concurrence of France, who will ex
cite them to make the most extravagant claims, in
order to delay the peace, and alienate them so much
the more from us.
Io RETAIN THEM AS SUBJECTS IS NOW IMPOS
SIBLE: The only hepe left is to regain them as
friends. But they never will be friends with us,
so long as they have any thing to fear from us, by
our keeping up any the least claim of authority over
them.
I need not paint the dreadful consequence of our
going to war with both, and hew much they can as
sist each other in all refpe&s against us ; but more
especially in gaining and giving intelligence peculi
ar to such a war.
Instantly declare them independent and you have
no cause ofquarrel with France, We have no tea
son todiffer with France for Laying declared tfe
free Rates, when we have done it ourfelyes.
The Amer cans will then have full liberty to
trade with which nation they plcafe ; they will like
best to trade with both, and we shall have our full
Ihare. Iheir manners, habits and clothing is now
English , if we intently declare their independence;
they will continue so ; but if we continue a long
war with them, and oblige them to receive all things
from France, they will, in time, be totally Galliciz
ed, and edranged from us and prefer French inanu,
Laures of all kinds to ours.
Theirchildren will be sent to France for their
education, to learn the French Language (as Frank
lin has begun already) and to be apprenticed in
Freren houses, and let up French factories, &c.
Couid we be fare of prevailing at last against
France and them-,wecould gain nothing by vf&ory,
at tueend of a long war, that could compensate for
tha L eftrangement of their affe&ions and habits from
the English manners and manufactures, which the
Americans would contract in that period.
lofay noting of the heavy debt we must hav^
incurred, even if our funds should hold cut so long,
which will enhance the price of our labour and ma
nufactures alive that of other nations, and all
THIS EXPENCE OR THE WAR INCURRED TO NO
PURPOSE.
Should hostilities be commenced between France
and us, yet the footer this A& of independence ig
paired and sent them, the better. They may not
then ratify a French treaty er at least be less ready
to alfitt the French, when, having gained what they
Want, they will hand less in need of her help.
Fiance has feat this message on purpose to pro
voke us to go to war, and thereby secure all these good
efteds to themselves, and to bring down and perpe
tuate all these evils to England.
Die menace of it is peculiarly calculated for
that purpose. Politics know no passions or resent
ments, but confider only what is the nations inter
'" '° r ''" very reason, because it is the interest
of Rance to provoke us to a war, it is our interest
to avoid it, 'till we have made up with America.
France may not long refrain. But this makes it
so necessary instantaneously to pass an a& for Ame
rican Independence, and to hasten a peace with
America, before we precipitate ourselves into a war
with France. 'I here can b.e no great hurt in recall
ing our cruizers, and fuffering French ships to pass;
and then France has no pretence to go to war with
us, and the few we should take out of the many that
will fail to America, w^l not compensate for the
evils of precipitating the rupture.
So long as you keep the Americans in fear, by
retaining any, even a latent qlaim of authority over
them, so long will they uni.e together against you,
Q^it that claim, they will then have each to confi
des of fettling a government for themselves. The,
may then d ffer with one another, aad feme of them
may come, in time, to think, that they were better
oft when they were united with England, and offer
to return, which they never will do while we are
IffiVingwith them, so that the only chance we have
of recovering fame, is togive up them all.
CHARLESTOWN, (South Carolina) July 2.
James Moore, well known in this and the neigh
bouring Rates for his daring villainies, lately came
With a party of the East Florida Rangers, to Ogee
chie in Georgia on his way to'our back fettleraents.
His carreer was soon ffept by a party of militia ar.i
feme friendly Creek Indians, who fell in with him
on the 2zf of iaftmonth, killed Moore himfeif, and
took 11 pr finers.
PHILA DEIPHI A, August 13.
Many people who spent the last winter in this ci
ty, have pronounced the horses belonging to Major
Lee's corps, tc be far superior to the imported horses
made use of by the British dragoons.
Some people wait, fays a correspondent, for the
King of Great Britain to acknowledge our Indepen
dence btfire they take the oath of allegiance to the
States. If those political bigots will carefully at
tend to the last speech delivered from thethrone, they
may be fa isfied. The Kio^ pla nly subscribes to
our Independence by not considering us as any part
of his empire,
Another correfpendent Lys, the reifon why the
King does not mention his fnppofed colonies in his
last speech, is because he views them in the fame
light that a fpendtkrift dees an citato which he has
gamed away. --He cannot bear to name i'.
Th: following is thegenuine copy of an A^vertife
merit lately printed and pafied up in New York,
at all the public place* io the citv.
To be SOLD at PRIVATE SALE.
THE British rights in America, confining of,
amongst other articles, the Thirteen Provinces new