The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1782-08-13 00:00:00, page 1

To the federal Cellars of Stale Taxes,
Gentlemen,
IT is a disagreeable circumstance, that the payment of
Taxes is to much delayed: What can be the cause,
but misinformation ? Many of you have this idea, that ex
ecution is not to issue; so far is this from the case, that no
longer than in May lad the General Assembly puffed the fol
lowing resolve. '' Resolved by this Assembly, That the
Treasurer take effectual care to enforce the colle&ion of
taxes according to law." As the fubferiber hath hitherto
endeavoured to comply with Acts of Aflembly, efpccially
those relating to his office, nothing, but the most vigorous
exertions, can prevent him from complying with the above
resolve. That the taxes may so be paid in for the future,
there may be no expence to the Colle&ors, is the wish and
desire of gentlemen. Your most obedient humble fevant,
JOHN LAWRENCE, Treasurer.
State of Connecticut, Treafury-Office,
Hartford, July 22, 1782.
The several Printers in this State are requeued to insert
,e above.
Irish Declaration of Rights.
(Ireland) HOUSE ofCOMMQNS,
Tuesday, April 16."
MR. Grattan opened the business in a
very eloquent speech ; he said lie was not
very old, and yet he remembered Ireland a child.
He had watched her growth ; from infancy she
grew to arms ; from arms to liberty. She was
not now afraid of the French ; she was not now
afraid of the English ; she was not now afraid of
herfelf. Her sons were no longer an arbitary
gentry; a ruined commonalty ; Protestants op
pressing Catholics, Catholics groaning under op
pression—but the was now a united land.
Turn, said he, to the rest of Europe, you will
find the ancient spirit every where expired.
Sweden has loft her liberty, England is decli
ning; the other nations support their consequence
on the remembrance of a mighty name; but ye
are the only people who have recovered your
constitution—who have recovered it by steady
virtue. Ye not only excel modern Europe, but
ye excel whatever die can bolt of old. Whene
ver great revolutions were made in favour of li
berty, they were owing to the quick feeling of
anirrefiftible populace, excited by some strong
object presented to their senses. Such an obje&
was the daughter ofVirinius—facrificed to vir
tue; and such the seven bishops, whose meagre
and haggard looks expressed the rigour of their
fuffering ;but no history can produce an instance
of men like you, riling for years upon opprefli
on, and then, upon a determination of right,
RESCUEING THE LAND. You will find
that the supporters of liberty in, the reign of
Charles the First, mixed their sentiments of con
stitution with principles of gloomy bigotry ; bet
amongst us you fee the delegates of the north
advocates for the Catholics of the south ; the
Presbytery of Bangor mixing the milk of huma
nity with the benignity or the gospel—as Cnri
ftians tolerant—as Iriih united. I his Houle a
greeing with the defircs of the nation, passed the
-Popery bill, and by fodping got morethan it gave;
ye found advantages from generofuy, and grew
rich in the veryaft of charity. Ye gave not, but
ye formed an alliance between the Protestant
and Catholic powers, for the security of Ireland.
Fortunately for us, England did not take the
lead ; her Minister did not take the lead in the
refloration of her rights ; if she had, we would
have funk under the obligation, hnd given back
in sheepish gratitude the whole advantage; but
the virtue,the pride of the p^ple was our refon+ce,
&14 it i§ right that people fhonld h.&Ye a lofty
(x^ ^^^ —%#@^^A -') A
riViTKrrv tattMt TriPxrrrD
HERTFORD : Printed by H UDSO N AND G OODW I N, wear the Great Bridge.
TUESDAY, August 13, 1782.
conception of themselves ; though it is wonder
ful they should preserve their ahtient pride, not
having amongst them any of these outward
and visible signs of glory, those monuments of
their heroic ancestors, such as were wont to ani
mate the antient Greeks and Romans, and rouse
them in their country's cause. But they had
nothing, such as these, to call forth the great
ness of the land, and therefore it is astonishing
they should preserve their pride ; but more asto
nishing that they should proceed with a temper
seldom found amongflthe injured, and a suc
cess never but with the virtuous. They have
no trophies, but the liberty they transmit to
their posterity is more than trophy. What sets
one nation above another, but the feul that
dwells therein ? For itis of no avail that the arm
be strong, if the foul be not great. What fig
nifies it that three hundred men in the House of
Commons—what fighifies it that one hundred
men in the House of Peers assert their country's
liberty, if unfuppprted by the people ? But there
is not a man in Ireland---there is not a grand
jury—there is not an association—there is not a
corps of volunteers—there is not a meeting of
their delegates, which does not maintain the in
dependence of the Irish constitution, and pledge
themselves to support Parliament in fixing that
constitution on its rightful basis. Gentlemen
will perceive, that I allude to the tranfa&ion at
Dungannon. Not long ago, the meeting at
Dungannon, was considered as a very alarming
measure ; but I did think otherwise—l did ap
prove of it, and confider the meeting of Dungan
non as an original tranfaaion. As such only it
was matter of surprise. What more extraordi
nary tranfiaion than the attainment of Magna
Charts ? It was not attained in Parliament, but
by the Barons, armed and in thefeeld. A great
original tranfaAion is not founded in precedent,
it contains in itfelf both reason and precedent ;
—the Revolution had no precedent—the Chris
tian religion had no precedent---tlie Apostles
had no precedent.
In this country every man has a share in the
government ; and i^ order to act or to speak
they must confer. Now, did not neceifity com
pel them to add ?---Di4 not neceffity.compel
them to speak ?---and will not their resolutions
tend to restore the rights of their country ?—
They resolve, " That a claim of any body of
men, other than the King, Lords and Commons
offreland, to make lais to bind this kingdom,
is unconstitutional and a grievance."
Is there any man who will deny it ? For what
were volunteer aiTociatjops formed, but for the
maintenance of law? And, what js the red
power of the British Parliament, but an invasi
on of all law ? Whatis Poymng's law, a±d the
unconftitutibnal power of the Irish or Eighth
Privy Council, but a grievance? What is the
Irish mutiny bill, but a grievance ? Is there any
one who will deny it, or fay, that we have no=
thing to complain of from this execrated sta
tute? And if you feel the injury, thepeople are
ready to Ripport you. I hey protest aga nd an
independent army—against a dependent Legil
latiire—againft the abomination of a foreign
Legislature—against the assumed authority of
Council: they were more constitutional than
more formal affembiies ; they haveproteded on
ly against what Parliament ought to redreb.
And° pray Sir, have not the condiments a right
to inform their representatives ? Let other n%-
tior^ bafa'y suppose that the people were mad#
for government ; we assert the government was
made for the people. Great ana august as they
are, they do but perform their periodical revo
lutions. Even the Crown, that great luminary,
whose brightness they all refle& receives his
cheating fire from the flame of the constitution;
and therefore we may speak the sentiments of a
public meeting. And, when we speak, let us
speak with effect; Let ais speak to the King as
to a man who has feelings like ourselves, and like
ourselves will refpe& the claim of liberty.
Did you ever imagine that the men who used
to be laughed at in your ftfeets---did you ima
gine that they who were the feoff of saucy af
fe&ation, should prove the faviours of their
country ? that they fhoqld proceed with such
moderation as to be dreadful only to the ene
mies of their country, and of their country's
constitution. If England withes well to Ire
land, she has nothing to fear from her strength.
The Volunteers of Ireland, would die in support
of England. This nation is connected with
England, not by allegiance only, but by liberty —
the crown is one great point of union, but Mag
na Charta is a greater. We could get a King
any where, but England is the only country
from which we could get a constitution. We
are not united with England as Judge Blacks
done has foolifhly said, by conquest, but by
charter. Ireland has British privileges, and is
by them connected with Britain—both countries
are united in liberty. This being the decided
sense of the nation, the men who endeavour to'
make our connexion with England quadrate
with this sense, are friends to England. We
are friends to England on perfect political equa
lity. This house of parliament knows no supe
rior ; the men of Ireland acknowledge no supe
riors. They have claimed laws under their con
stitution, and the independence of parliament
under every law of God and man, is now be
come a matter of policy as well as of right.
Will the noblemen, the gentlemen, the armed,
men of Ireland, stoop to any other people ? No,
never. The question is put to us by an aft late
ly made—what is it ? but that America, differ
ing from Ireland in not having a constitution,
in not having a charter; in having less loyalty
than Ireland—in having shed much English
blood—that America shall be free ! And will
Ireland fink in a new point, and be the only
" nation whose liberty England will not ac
" knowledge, and whose affection she cannot
" subdue ?" For acknowledging American li
berty, England has the plea of necessity; for ac
knowledging the liberties of Ireland, she has the
plea of justice. The British nation, if she con
sults with the head or with the heart, will not,
cannet refufe our claims ; or were it possible she
could refufe, I will not submit. The member®
of this house cannot submit. We have received
honours from the people ; can we take the Civic
crown and lay it at the feet of British suprema
cy ? Shall the colonies of America be free, and
the loyal people of Ireland flares ? No—l know
the gentlemen of this country too well. I know
they won't submit. The diftin&ion would go
against their personal estimation as well as their'
public right. They would not submit to the in
falt in the face of Europe.
I have d.ne with the supremacy of England,
and shall now fay a word on the appellant juris
diction of the House of Lords.
I think that, in order to eradicate every cause
ofjea^ufy, the haaJ judicature should reside in
(No, 916.)