The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1778-08-11 00:00:00, page 2

L O N D O N.
LOUS E of LORD S, March g, 1778.
Y ORD ABINGDON opened the debate (on rhe
Li ^rd reading of the conciliatory bills and par
ticularly on that for authorizing his Majeßy to na^
Corumnlioners to treat with America) by declaring
that he had been pleased even with the fhidow of
peace in those bills: That he had preLr^ed. a Ready
silence, not as a mark of his approbation for he was
persuaded no good effed whuld refah from them,
bat left he Should retard the deliberations of the
House. He added that he d;f:pproved of the bills
in every point of view and that he had affirmed
Lis reasons on the journals of the House.
I am also a zealous partizan for peace (Did the
Marquis of Rockingham) I have not ceased to wish
and to urge that peace might be made with America
at any rate but w.ll those bills procure it? It is very
extraordinary that the Ministers ptsfent us these
bills, yet not one of them has undertaken to explain
the riddle of their conduct, the mystery of their sud
den conversion, or the reason on which the necessity
of these bills is founded. Recoiled, my Lord^how
uniformly till now, the servants cf the King have
Spoken only, of the firmnef, and vigour of our coun
cils and military operations: Recoiled the pofrive
assurances they have every day repeated of the
peaceable dispositions of France and Spain; their
pompous and formidable defer.ption of our naval
firength; let us not forget that till this Taft moment
they have p'otefted that they would not make peace
with America until they had conquered it: Let us
\ compare ,nis conduct, these diferturfes with what we
hear this day: That to obtain peace at last we must
make concessions; that our force,by land is weak
that we have no marine, and to fill up the measures
'of our misfortunes that we are now on the point of
entering into a war with one branch of the House of
Bourbon, and perhaps with two branches. Such is
the evil Do you wish to know the remedy? It is
natural to look for it in our finances. Let us then
call our eyes over the Rate of our finances. The re
source cf the moment is an usurious contract, a bor
rowing of fx millions flerling, of which only five
millions and a half goes into public treasury there
raainder is plunder to the lenders. Nay more, for
this five million and half borrowed we must pay at
certain periods, seven millions and 300,000]. Here
is a sketch of this tranfadion my Lords (holding a
pap^ of calculation) you here fee that we pay an in
terest on this loan of nine per cent. Every monied
man has made this calculation as well as I. The
inducement is certainly most tempting. It was na
tural to hope that by offering so great advantages,
money would flow into the public coffer from every
quarter. Far from it. The omnium is already one
per cent, below par. This did not happen during
the lift war. I knew not a more certain proof of
the absolute failure of the public credit, and of the
little confidence which the monied interest have in
the present administration yet this fame administra
tion flatter themselves with regaining the confidence
of America. Alas ! I conceive that those unhappy
provinces, had they a choice to make, would prefer
the alliance of Great Britain td any other, But it is
riot with such agents they will deign to treat; with
men whose incapacity and irresolution have loft their
country whose absurd and cruel Schemes have rain
ed one part of the empire, and desolated another,
and all this in tke name of the King - In one
word, my Lords, the men who present those bills to
us, and promise us peace if we piss them, are the
farce men who have promised submission without
condition on the part of America, a permanent reve
nue and victories. They will be as faithful to their
promises as they have heretofore been.
Lord Cambden Let us examine these conciliate
ry bills, which, with permiffiom of the House I call
tints of recantation. It is certain peace would
be a great rood, it ought to be the firft object of our
wishes. I have often said, and lam so deeply pe
netrated with this truth, that notwithstanding the
little confidence I have in these bills, although I
know perfectly, that they are not such as will affect
the object I am almost disposed to vote for them.
I fay however Ido notapprove them. I must fay
why. In the firft place that which repeals the aft
relative to the government cf Massachusetts Bay does
rot declare all it ought to declare. Thistacit restric
tion more ( #; culated to « eate in America want of
cor fidente than the afl itfe^f ts to persuade of the
sincerity of the intentions of Great Britain. From
this curcumfiance alone, the wound instead of being
hea ed, will perhaps be enlarged and inflamed. If
the Miniver thought fit to repeal the act which de
ftroved the charter of Miffichufetts Bay why not
declare attle fame time once for all, that Great-
Britain would not change for the future any charter
of any colony in America ? In giving the Colonies
Satisfaction in orJ parfenbr inflanc? why not allure
them at tie fama time that they ffiould be fa/nfied
in all, and for tlfe future have nq reason to compkun
anew on this fcbjeß? With refpe& to the fecoad
bill which declares that Great Britain fhakl not exer
crfe the right of taxing America it is equally defi
cient. It prcpofes an oh est which i does not effect.
Tire marker in which it is conceived evinces the re
lu&ancc with which the British government tenoun
ces in part the exercise of tins ^ght. It coe : rot de
clare fully and freely that for the future America
shall not be taxed. Why not then renounce dus
right explicitly. The minivers know the exercise of
the right is imp hTible. Is it more nable torelinquifh it
explicitly ? In general they prop *0 by these b hs to
exceed the defircs of America and this excef? of in
dulgence is accompanied by so bad a grate, fc much
reservation, we fee so clearly how the minifies labor
in doing an aft ofiuftice, that all which is commen
dable injhe purport, is clouded by ths fWjidd&i
ambiguous manner. Is Lt thus that proportions are
made to wh ch theyacknowl d e themselves reduced
by necessity ? What shall I ay of the third bd and
she most important ? That which authorizes his Ma
jefty to name Crmmffioners to treat of peace ? I find
in it a most alarming,claufe, and which is altogether
useless. That which authorizes individuals to sus
pend at discretion national laws Ths power is un
precedented, and whatever may be said of the neceffi
ty which renders this firft infiance indifpenfible, it is
delegating the legislative authority in the merit un
cohfikutional manner. I wish they would tell me
whether before feeding the Commissioners, the Mi
nifier mi^ht not as well began by repealing these
aAs complained of. He ought to doubt whether
America would bend to any kind of negotiation
without making such a repeal one of the express con
d tions of a treaty, and if he knew their determinati
ons on this fubjed, why did he not provide ? Was
it not as easy to repeal before a treaty as after it ?
Since it is certain this must take place what moie fa
vorable moment could offer ? I piss in silence an in
finite number of objections to tbisbill. It gives
power to the Commissioners, to do what ? To treat
with America, then to come back to Europe to con
fult Parliament. There is something like artifice
here; an equal absurdity could not have escaped
without design. The obie& of the mission is to sow
division among the Colonies. Here we muff not
judge of the Ministers by the blunders they have
heretofore committed, Ignorant as they are, they
have had art enough to secure to themselves by the
form of the bills means of disavowing the very in
tentions which they now appear to announce, ano
ther opportunity offers of getting rid of the embar
raftments arising from that necessity which they are
so careful to conceal the nature of. The sass is,
they are reduced to a pause to take breath, to pre
serve their places and wait till the divisions which
they propole to effia shall free them from this curs
ed necessity which now flops their career, and shall
enable th cm aga n to prosecute the fame fyfteni they
have ever had in view. I beg you my Lords. not to
forget what I now openly declare, if an attempt is
again made to delegate to individuals the legislative
authority I will certainly pretest against the abuse.
This day I shall content myfelf with being neuter
as t% the third b 11, and shall give my voice in fa
vor cf the two others.
You told us the courts of France and Spain were
friendly, that they wculd not attack us, and that we
had ample resources for continuing the war: That our
n«Py was in an admirable condition; that our army
was powerful and large. We have made four cam.
paigns, and have derived no considerable advantage.
We have spent 30 000,000 ferhng; we have loft
20 000 men; we have a whole army captive in Ame
rica; we know that the other, being surrounded in
Philadelphia by General Washington is reduced to
the alternative of confirming with hunger, or peril
ing under the edge of the sword. All thetroops we
have in Amer ca live miserably on salt provisions, and
are perilling with chagrin and feknefs. France evin
ces her friendship by arming against us; our marine is
in a state of absolute ruin ; our army cannot be recruit
ed; is dwindling towards nothing every day ; we are
drawing detachments from it from time to time for
the American slaughtering places, inflead of those
great resources you premised; instead of these inex
hanftible finances and that unlimited credit, we now
fee that we cannot raise the aids for the p efent yea:;
we cannot find men who will inlift, and if we could
find them we have not money to pay them. This
is not a 1; you not only ruined us but yen have de
ceived us also. Till this instant your voice has been
for war even in the course of this session you have
breathed only war; you have fpokc only if the su
premacy; you have allured us that you were im
moveable, and would not change year measures. In
one innant yen change year language ; rmtacfof
submission without condition, your lai.gua.c
now is concession unbounded. Monday, 16th
February, it was telulved to curb the pride of Ame
rica, to lay fer at the feet of Great Britain. Tues
day „%h February. Great Britain acknowledged
that her own pride was humbled declared herfelf
disposed to bend her knees bes e America. You
have not told us you had reason to change your in
tentions. On the contrary you assert you have not
changed your principles. What is mine afleniih.
fug than any timing ene, you with us to observe con
fitency in your meafurei; in sass you have changed,
but you are not convened; yop have retraced but
you have not repeated, you fay that America found
referees unexpected, and that on our part the suc
cess has been iefs than you hoped Thus publicly
avowing your ignorance you dare yet to jufify
your effiontry in undertaking to cendud the'affair^
ci this kingdom. In one word, what you confider
as your ufcfi&ion, is p eciftly your crime, and
your defence is your accuhtion.
I hus without doubt those nobfeLords would
fyeak who, having v t^d for many years agreeable
to the confidence they fcd reposed in the Mmiflers,
have now the snort Section to find themselves de
ceiv.d. But let us return to the bills: I repeat it.
although their obfeft in general is commendable, I
observe in them something ambiguous, a bad grace,
confaaint and reserve calculated to alarm America
Who wdl fee at the firft glance, with bow much dif
ficulty Great Britain makes the concessions fcoffers;
nothing more is necessary t, create suspicion of her
Sincerity vzhe 1 it is further considered a; the measure
of the fame men who have aLeady done so much
rtrifchief. America will not give her confidence to
men who have deceived her in deceiving Great Bri
tain. These bills then will be a game of mere loss:
the Commiihoiers will find nothing to do';and
England being under a deception, will find itfelfin
a fixation if not the mol mifeiable, at lec.fi the
most mortifying to which it has ever been reduced.
Be cautious, my Lords, ia examining these bills;'
cenfak your own judgments : You will fee perhaps,
as well as I, that they can effect no other object
than that of fiving us one moment of ina&on. We
shall rest; we shall take breath; and when we shall
have recovered some little strength we fyll avail
ourfelyes of it only to plunge ouftlves with more
vigour into the bofem of ruin, which threatens
to fwallcw up the country. The more I re
flea on the evident inconsistency of the Minif
ers, the left coufifteucy I find in their measures.
I fufpe& if this inftantane oas change arose from 2
knowledge they have of a treaty ofienfive and defen
five having been negociated, perhaps signed drtween
France and America. If so, it is their absolute du
ty expressly to inform the House of what they
know concerning it. They cannot possibly be igno
rant of it. They have been forewarned of it in the
House of Commons three weeks ago; they have had
time enough since to afeertain it. But it is not on
ly said that they have ascertained the fact and are
affuted there is such a treaty, but that they have
feat ern ffaries to Par's to negociate with Doctor
Franklin and Mr. Dean, and to offer them the terms
prepofed in the bills now on the table. It is added
that the proposition w^.s rejected with djfdain. It
is alio further said and affined a fa&, that they
havcapphed immediately to Congress: that they
have made the farce propofitious to them, and that
they were rejected in America as well as at Paris.
A remarkable circumfance at present is, that the
Ministers carrot be reproached w ith amusing by pom
pous accounts. Their silence isfingular and folemn o
Not one of them tells us why ybey have so Bidden
ly changed then sentiments and ^reafures. If you
aik tl eyaniwer necessity. If you are anxious
to learn what kind of necessity and where it presses
them; if it is grounded in motives more or Iff, deci
sive, they will tell you, Rely on us we think
the necessity is PRESSING, THAT OUGHT TO'
suffice- If you urge them, and fay Where is
the necessity! they either make no reply or fay.
We know not. Is it the treaty which France
has concluded with tl e Deputies of Congress ? We
have no knoledge of that treaty. Is it because you
want men or money to continue the war? By no
means: The resources of this country are great: We
have force fuCicient to reduce the Colonies to ac
cept of the terms we fh.il offer to tkern. 13 it that
or pretentions to supremacy and the right of taxing
a-e unjufl ? Not a word on that head. The Mini
flers in changing their measures hive not changed
their principles. You are at a loss perhaps for fol
di~rs and fibers? Not the natic n is animatedwirii
zeal, the War is popular, it was undertaken to efta
bhfh the Ljr Nuccy cf Parliament and the rights cf