Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-11-02 00:00:00, page 2

rance of a wounded, but afniring spirit. No
moderation in the exercise of official power,
no overture to the restoration of social har
mony, no appeal to the eqpal dispensations
of the constitution, has been effectual to
abate the rage of federal ammofity, or to
Silence the arrogant pretention-, to a monopo
ly of public honors and emolument. Still
intolerant, a&ive, and intelligent, your poli
tical opponents move in every direction,
and transform themselves into every Shape ;
so that constant .vigilance can alone enable
you to difeover and avoid their toils. In
the effort to escape from the obloquy of
their own mifeondua, you have heard them
unblulhingly, ascribe to the existing admin
istration, an expensive compromise, under
the Sixth article of the British treaty, for the
liquidation of private antiquated, debts ;
the relinquishment of an indemnity for the
spoliations committed on our commerce by
the French ; the irritation of the Barbarians,
on the coatis of the Mediterranean ; the
imposition pf duties on fait, brown sugar,
coffee, and other commodities, in general
cordunition among the poor ; and an aug
m.ntation of the Salaries of the principal of
ficers of State. So, in the attempt to con
ceal from public observation, the brilliant
contrail between the present, and the past
transactions of the government, the motive
of every measure, legislative, or executive,
has been Stigmatized, its nature has been
perverted, and its operations impeded. The
repeal of the Judiciary ACS of the 13th of
February, 1801, has opened, above all, a
copious Source for declamation and delulion.
The design of the system, which that a& had
introduced, was to ere& a judicial fortrefs,
within which the routed federalists might
fafely repose, and from which the triumph
ant republicans might be fucceßfully annoy
ed. The organization of the system, too,
was marked with all that malevolence could
dictate to provoke resentment, or folly
could exhibit to excite disgust. The consti
tution was either violated, or eluded ; and
the dignity of the chief magistracy, together
with the ordinary maxims of personal deco
rum, lay pro-rate ; while commissions were
issued to transfer judges from one court to
another, without their previous consent, or
privity ; while senators were appointed to
till fuppofititious vacancies in judicial offi
ces, and while the tranquility of the mid
night hour invaded, to rivet the last fetter
upon a rival administration. It was never
expelled, that such conduct Should pass with
out animadversion, or that an encroachment
like this, would meet a prompt and paflive
acquiefeence. Even, however, if the disso
lution of the new judiciary system had not
been a natural concommitant of the circum
stances, that gave it birth ; and even, if
those considerations of local advantage, in
the administration of justice, which inspired
some republicans with a with for its preser
vation, had been more generally diffufed ; yet,
the fate which the system has experienced,
mutt have been rendered inevitable, by the.
very arts that were employed to avert it.
The power of the legislature to repeal the
a& was peremptorily denied. A doctrine
was maintained, which made, in this refpe&
the personal interest of the judges every thing
and the national interests of the people no
thing. In a country, whose popillation is
but in the germ , whose resources of agri
culture, commerce, arts, and manufaaures,
are incalculable ; and whose intercourse with
the distant regions of the world expands at
every gale ; it has been contended, in effect,
that a legislative arrangement of the courts
of juSlice, once made, is immutable ; and
can neither be modified to conform to en
creafing exigencies ;#nor be amended to cor
re& the errors, which experience Shall de
left. In other words, the appointment of
a judge, upon the tenure of good behaviour,
has been represented in a wild, and bound
]efs latitude of interpretation, as a constitu
tional Stipulation, that, under every poilible
circumstance of public inconvenience, the
office Shall be perpetuated, that the judge
may be paid. Combining, therefore, the
result of those positions with the authority
exercised by the courts of law, to determine
the validity of all ads of Congress, and the
federal claim of a common law jurifdi&ion
in criminal cases, it is obvious, thatfome
thing more interesting than the mere repeal
of an obnoxious Statute, was at Stake ; for a
repeal had, at last, become the indifpenfible
medium, to vindicate and preserve the theo
ry and edence of our government. Permit
the whole doarine of the federalists, in re
<lation to the judicial authority, to prevail,
and every trace of a republican compact
vanishes from the constitutional code ; the
sovereignty of the nation passes from the
people, and the immediate representatives of
tie people ; While the judges (though ap
pointed by the president, and Still, as we
have repeatedly witnessed, within the scope
of executive favor and bounty,) will indeed
be the rulers of the land.
Other topics of federal misrepresentation
and clamor, present themselves ip rapid
facceffion. The difeontinnance of the in
tcrnal taxes has been reprobated, not because
I the revenue is wanted at this time, but be
icaufe it is possible, that a future emergency
Imay require a pecuniary Ripply ; —not be
cause the discontinuance affords no releif to
the community, but because the fifeal econ
omy of the administration cannot fafely em
brace a repeal of more faxes, nor conven
iently apply the repeal tq other taxes instead
of these. The provision for the extinguish
ment of the public debt, has been called art
ful and insincere ; yet, all the arts consists
l in fele&ing the bed means for the attain
;ment of the objeft ; and the only fljade of
l infincerity (the power to re-loan) is, simply
Ia precaution to guard the public faith from
;the effects of accidental disappointment. E-
I very display of the attribute of mercy has
been censured, without information on the
fads, without decency in the manner, and
without humanity in the design. Theflow,
but, we trust, certain progress of the execu
tive, to restore the republicans to that Share
in the public patronage, of which they have
been so long, and so unjustly, deprived, fur
nishes an everlasting theme for inventive
and defamation, to the presumptuous, the
idle, and the desperate. The base and pal
try pradices of private scandal, have, like
wise been indulged, at the expence of truth
modesty, and feeling, when the hope of est
ablishing official delinquency, or public er
ror, has been abandoned. In Short it has
been evinced, in the course of the opposition
to the piefent administration, that the sole
object of the federal party is the re-acqtiifi
tion of power ; and, we fear, that this ob
ject fructifies, in their opinion, every mea
sure which can be deviled to accomplish it :
For regardless of the confcquences to the
honor of the nation, or to the peace of the
community, is it not the direct aim of every
federal press, and of every federal orator, to
degrade the government, to deprecate the
talents and virtues of the rulers, and to Scat
ter jealousy and discord among the people ?
The system is, indeed, at once a system of
feduaion and alarm ; but it will impose
only on the weak and can overawe none
but the timid.
These remembraces of past fufferings, of
present enjoyments, and of surrounding dan
gers, have been presented to you, fellow cit
izens, not with a view to awaken in- your
breasts a spirit of retaliation, but to con
firm your zeal and constancy in maintaining
the empire of republicanism. Even at this
moment of your triumph and power, we
know that the republican principle, affords
an undiminished security for the rights of
your political opponents : and as you have
never contended for more than a conßitu
tional equality of proteaion and privilege,
we are confident, that the federalifts will
find you, at all times, ready to embrace
them as brethren, though you disdain at
any time to accept them as mailers. But
in the glorious cause which you have es
poused, let every man now exh/*: an ex
ample of patriotism and firmnefs, that the
republican party may (bine forth, with in
trinsic luftre, the genuine friends of order
and good government ; the patrons of in
dustry ; and the guardians of independence.
Extinguilh, we beseech you, the feuds that
are occasioned by local prejudice, or a colli
sion of personal interests. Refitt every sinist
er attempt to sow diffention among you ; to
generate injurious fulpicions of each other ;
to substitute, in your political difcuffiqps,
denunciation for argument, or intolerance
tor perlualion ; and to undermine the con
fidence of the people in the public agents,
whom they have chosen. And, above all,
let it be deeply impressed upon your minds,
that a supineness, produced by a confidence
in your own Itrength, may be as fatal, at
the periods of election, as an actual indiffer
ence to the obje& of pursuit.
We have addressed you, fellow citizens,
upon the present occasion, rather as citizens,
of the union than as inhabitantsof PennfylVa
nia ; but it will be recollc&ed, that the poli
tics of the confederation, and the politics of
its individual members, have an influence,
which is mutually attractive and aflimilating.
A co-operation of the republican members
(and we venture here to express a solicitude
for its continuance)communicated that light
to the union, which the union now reflects
back upon the Several Rates, It is chiefly,
however, by the care of the individual Hates
that the sacred flame of republicanism ban
be permanently preserved from diminution
or decay ; and the public morals, policy
and manners, Should be afliduoufly moulded
to a performance of the duty ; finch to en
joy or retain, the glorious inheritance of the
revolution, posterity must emulate the valour
and the virtue, which enabled their fathers
to atchieve it. Among a free people, taught
to know, and to estimate, their own rights,
the elective franchife will be forever de^r,
and the representative character for ever hon
ored. No age can pass away, without its
heroes, and its statesman ; and a long line of
patriots (ball succeed to Jefferson and
M'Kean, as they have done to Washing
ton and Franklin.
It only remains, fellow citizens, to elofe
the talk which has been entruffed to us, by
earnestly recommending to you a general at-
To the People of the United States.
WE are aware of the importance of the Subject
in which we have for Some time been engaged.
We have viewed it in all its afpeCts, and con
templated all its probable consequences. Ever
since June, xßoi, we have perceived something in
Mr. Burr, and in hisaCts, that alarmed us. From
the firft moment our suspicions were excited, we
watched him attentively, until those suspicions
ripened'into confirmed belief, that he was pursu
ing projeCts dishonorable to himfelf, and uniale to
his country. Nor was this belief, predicated on
light surmises, or vague reports. We knew that
Mr. Burr possessed sentiments hoffrle to the ex
ecutive , a spirit thirsting for personal aggrandize
ment, and inflamed by improper desires. And
yet, sensible as we were that his conduct was a fit
fubjett for public investigation and disclosure, we
could not but forefee that to do either without
success, would involve us in pecuniary ruin, and
draw upon us public disgrace, Had we consulted
personal interest, we should have beholden in lilent
out forrowful amaze the operation of Schemes,
which, in our opinion, threaten with annihila
tion the freedom of the country,—But unaided
and unsupported, we refolded whatever might be
the issue, to unfold those plans and assail those
aliens which appeared to us alike unjust and dan
gerous. We did not, however, long hand alone;
and we discovered that the more Mr. Burr's con
duct was examined, the more odious it appeared.
We have entered fully into an examination of
his conduCt, and found it uniform only in the
pursuit of whatever had a tendency to ralfe him
felf to power. As a politician, lie has been incon
stant. Nor can itbe affirmed of him, as it may
truly be of many virtuous men, that the versatility
of his actions flows from sincere conviction of
mind, generated by various concurring efreum
ttances at different periods. In all his t/anfitions
from one party to the other, his motives have
been apparent. At one period he has been a
JederahJl, at another, a republican,as bed suited
his aspiring views, or promised to gratify his in
ordinate desires. Ambition has guided all his
Reps ; cunning marked his career—and that laxi
ty of principle and rofleadinefs of mind which dif
tingnifhed the Ctefars, the Cromwells, and the
Bonapartes of the old world, have been apparent
in his walks. In 1789, he left the federalifts and
joined the republicans for a high office, and was
gratified ; and in 1792 he made Jecret overtures to
rejoin the federalifts for a higher office, but was
not gratified, which has been established in a far
mer letter. Is it then surprising that, in 1800, a
third attempt was covertly made by Mr. Burr, to
attach himfelf to the federal party, to compass the
Presidency ? In this we perceive a coufiftency of
character ; an uniformity of conduct.
In a late pamphlet, entitled “ A View," &c.
Mr. Burr is accused with having negociated with a
federal gentleman to place himfelf in the executive
chair at the fate presidential election. After^a
long silence, he has thought proper publicly, and
irithe fillleft and unqualified manner, to deny the
accusation. The fa& is unquestionable ; difficult
as the proof may be of access.—Mr. Burr, however,
and the writer of the “ View" are now fairly at
ffliie : and as we know the charge to be well
founded,we have voluntarily undertaken to prove
it; in doing this, it will be proper firft to lay the
allegation before the reader—and Second, Mr.
Burr's denial.
First then, the accusation which is contained in
the following words : .
“ Mr. Burr, while in the city of New- York, car
“ ried on a negociation with the heads of the federal
“ party at Washington, with a view to his election as
“PreJident of the United States. Aper Jon was au
“ thorijed by them to confer with him on the Jubjett,
<< who accordingly did Jo. Mr. Burr afented to the
# <s proportions of the negotiator, and referred him
« to his confidential friend to complete the negocia
" tion. Mr. Burr Jtated, that after the firfl % o te
“ taken in the House of .Representative/, New- York
When we published the correspondence between
Gov. Bloomfield and the Vice-President of the United
States, [in the Ledger of 12th October] we notified
our readers that Mefyrs. DenniJlon & Cheetham,
Editors of the American Citizen, had commenced the
publication of a series of letters addrefed to the Vice-
President, and had promised, that in the course of
them they would prove his having negociated with
the Jederali/ls to obtain the Prejidency, to the exclu
fton of Mr.Jefferfon. We now lay before our readers
the proofs they have given, byway of fulfilling their
promije as contained in the following letter. It
may be proper to remark, that the preceding letters
of Blears. DenniJlon & Cheetham, are predicated on
things contained in the pamphlet, entitled a View
of the Political Conduct of Aaron Burr, &c.
„ Albany Reg.
From the American Citizen.
LETTER EIGHT.
Proof of the Negociation between a Federal gen
tleman, authorised by the Leading Federalist at
Wethington, and Mr. Burr, to place himfelf in
the Presidency, at the late Election.
" The Minifler who by secret corruption invades
" the freedom of election, and the ruffian who by
" open violence defrays that freedom, are embarked
" in the Jame bottom."—Junius.
tendance, and a cordial unanimity, on the
day of election. A Steady choice of tried
and approved republicans, to fill the depart
ments of government, must effectually frust
rate the schemes of your enemies, and invi
gorate the confidence of your friends ; but
permit us, also, to hope, that your vote, on
the re-election of the present governor, <he
honored and beloved M'Kcan, will serve as
a conspicuous testimonial of public gratitude
for the virtue, wisdom, and independence,
which he has uniformly displayed in the
ferv ; ce of his country. And it for these
important purposes, and further advice or
assistance Should be requisite, you may, at all
times, rely upon the promptitude and fidel
ity of Your Sincere friends,
P. MUHLENBERG,
RICHARD BACHE,
SAMUEL MILES,
A. J. DALLAS,
WILLIAM JONES,
MATTHEW LAWLER,
MICHAEL LEIB,
THOMAS LEIPER.
Philadelphia, Sept. 21, xßc2.
The following communication made to our
selves, is written by a gentleman of unblemished
character ; one who is a member of the Rev. Mr.
Abeel's congregation, and ivho informs us—atd
we place the utmost confidence in his information
—that the ideas and the language of it are preciJe
/y those of the Rev. Mr. Abeeland Dr. Linn. And
although its publication is not fhiflly authorifed
by the Rev. Mr. Abeel and Dr. linn, yet the spirit
and the language of it are emphatically, their own.
Neither of those two gentelmen will contradia,
in public, or in private, the fads fitted in rhe
communication. And though the Reverend Mr/
Abeel and Dr. Linn are not pledged to us to
maintain those fatfs ; although indeed we have
not had a personal interview with either of those
two gentlemen, yet they are bound in honor
and truth to support the veracity of birn who has
been so obliging as to make to us the communica
tion. If it be asked why the communicator does
not avow his name, we answer that there is no
occasion for such an avowal, since the Rev. Mr.
Abeel and Dr. Linn will not, nor cannot con
tradict the fafts it contains. If however, contrary
to our expectation, founded on oar knowledge
of the private integrity of those two gentlemen^
they should contradift, or endeavor to weaken
those f fts, tl en the communicator has pledged
himfelf to us to support them by affidavit. Let it
be rembered that Dr. Linn, the Rev. Mr. Abeel,
and the communicator, reside in this city.
New York, june 25th, 1802.
Gentlemen,
" Dr. Linn and the Rev. Mr. Abeel of this city
“ told me, in a conversation I had with them, that
“ they believed that Aaron Burr, Esq. had correG
“ ponded with federal members of Congress to get
" himfelf ek&ed President of the United States,
“ and that he had agreed to come into their mea=
" fures. Some time after, I saw Mr. Abeel, and
“ he said that it was a mistake that Mr. Burr had
“ correjponded with federal members of Congress,
" but that he bad made a verbal agreement with
“ them, and that if I wanted an mvelligation of
“ the business the person was then in town who
“ would prove the fa&."
" Note. Talked Dr. Linn his reason for believ
“ ing that the correfpondenge took place ? He re
•'plied that it could be proved in a court of jufl^
“ ice, and Mr. Abeel Subjoined that,he would
“ vouch for the truth of it.
June 26.
CC I called on Mr. Abeel this day and told him
“ that 1 was going to make public uhit he and
" Dr. Linn had communicated to me refpefting
“ Mr. Burr, Mr. Abeel laid that although the
" agreement,which Mr. Burr had made w ith the
“ federalifts, was not told to him as a secret, yet
" as the gentleman-who was his authority had the
" character pf Mr. Burr in his hands, he would
"not perhaps wish his name to be given up with--
" out hi^ consent. Mr. Abeel promised to fee
“ him between this day and Monday next."
June 28.
" I called on Mr. Abeel and asked him whether
" he had teen the gentleman above referred to %
" He answered no, but that he had copfidered the?
“ subject and did not think that the person wto
" and Tennefec would give in to the fedtralift."-
[View, p. 57 —8.
Mr. Burr's denial of this serious charge, is
couched in the Proceeding terms :
" You are at liberty to declare from me, that all
" those charges and insinuations which over or in
" timate that I advijed or countenanced the op, •-
'•Jitton made to dlr. fofftrfon pending she late
" elt&ort and balloting for President ; mat l pro
" pojed or agreed to any terms with the federal
" pas ty, or with any individual of either pas ty;
'' that I afleuted th be held up in oppjdicn to hum
" or attempted to withdraw from him the vote or
" Juppor t of any man,whether in or out ofCongieJs;
" THAT ALL SUCH ASSERTIONS AND INTIMA-.
" TIONS ARE FALSE AND GROUNDLESS."
Mr. Burr's letter to Governor
Bloomfield, Sept. 21, 1802.
If Mr. Burr's denial be true, he is innocent, as
far as he is involved in this capital charge, and
ought to receive from his country a full and en
tire acquittal ; but if guilty then ought that guilt
to teal nis political fate, and banilh him forever
from the trust and affeftions of the people ?
few men believe that Mr. Burr is innocent ; —
many, very many indeed, Strongly fufpefl that he
is guilty of the charge exhibited, but almull all are
of opinion that he has managed the negociati@
with so much cannon, dexterity, and art, as to
defy the production of any proof. The latter
opinion is drawn from the known subtlety of his
character, the general secrecy of his movements^
and his scrupulous avoidance to commit to wri
ting any thing which may by pollibility of acci
dent, involve him in serious inconveniences. The
known care and cunning, too, of Mr. Burr, it la
generally and jultly supposed, would be increased
in proportion to the iniquity of the tranihaion,
and the confeqounces which would result from it
to himfelf, in case of a disclosure. All these cou
fiderations, to which Mr. Burr paid suitable atten
tion, and which he no doubt clearly perceived be
fore he embarked in the negociation, render, it is
true, the production of proof flill more difficult.
And this difficulty becomes augmented when we
confider that the negociation took place and was
completed solely between Mr. Burr and the fede
ralists, and that it is equally the interest of both
parties to keep it a profound secret. From the
nature of the tranfaftion and the motives and ob
jefts of the two contracting parties, proof mud be
difficult of access, since this proof, it is fair to infer,
is exclusively in the pofleffion of Mr. Burr and the
federal negotiator. Nor can it be supposed that
Mr. Burr would be a felt-accufer, or that the fe
deralists would be guilty of an a& that would in
evitably injure their party. —They are sensible that
a division exitls among the republicans ; that this
divihon is occasioned by the machinations of Mr.
Burr ; that it is propitious to themselves, and that
to disclose that very teflimony which would com
pose those divisions, by proving Mr. Burr's nego
ciation, would injure the federal party, in as much
as it would unite the republicans not enl, agaiuft
that party, but also agatolt the man u ho has in the
moll alarming manner attempted to betray their
confidence. Mr. Burr, therefore, as wellas the fede
ralills, feels every inducement that can possibly ex
itt, to keep back the proof. That party flill hope
to profit by Mr. Burr's convenient disposition, and
to triumph on our division. All these things con
lidered, it will not be surprising if we should fail
to lay before our country the most full and fatis a
factory proof of Mr. Burr's negociation ; and
although it will not be deemed probable, under
all the circumstances of the case, that more than
prefumptize testimony can be adduced, yet we
shall prove fnbflantially the negotiation, and thaf
it was entered into by Mr. Burr to effect his elec
tion to the Presidential chair.