The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-06-16 00:00:00, page 2

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for the Republican Ledger.
Meffert. Nutting &Whitelock,
By inferring the following Extract you will confer
an obligation on a perjon who has experienced
both its jentiments and effe^s.
from the body's purity, the mind
Receives a fympathetit aid. Scafon; —Summer.
“It has often been remarked, and is held as a
point ot faith by Predeltinarians, that some men
are doomed by fate to disappointment —and that,
when they are so, no wisdom can obviate, no
gilaiice prov ide again!!, nor no resolution rehlt,
her decrees ; but, that, in spite of all the efforts
of reaf&n and industry, a series ot finifler events
shall pursue them through life, and meet them at
every tarn they attempt to take. Such has been
my lot tor the greatest part of my life—but 1 have
neither faith enough in predestination, nor
love enough so far to blind me to my own faults,
as to suppose that lady Fate had any thing at all
to do with it. No, no ; it was often owing to a
temper, warm, impatient, and uncontrolled,
which, in almost all cases of embarra flinent, chaf
ed reason from her office, usurped her place, and
decided as chance directed. Let ever) man ex
amine the grounds of all his Serious disappoint
ments in life with candor, and he will find phyli,
cal causes to which to assign them, without resort
ing to fopernatural. For my part, when I bear
a man fay that lie has been all bis life pursued by
ill fortune, 1 diredly conclude, that either he has
been a blunderer, or those he dealt With, brutes.
,lu the ordinary operation of earthly contingen
cies, mischances will happen; but an uniform
.life of mischance can only arise from mifmanage
ment,or a very extraordinary change of human
injustice.
In the firft stages of melancholy, consolation is
rejected by the mind as premature. The heart,
intent as it were, upon supping full of woe, dis
claims all advances of comfort, and feeds on grief
alone. Hence the truly Ikilful in the human heart
Confider premature consolation as an aggravation
of woe, and comfort only with condolence, well
knowing that the tide of grief must take its course,
and that, until it be firft full, no hopes can be had
of its retiring. The full force of this 1 begin to
feel. The dirquietude of embarrassment—the
bitterness of reparation from all I love—the solita
ry sadness of my fitoation—myfelf unknown and
unfriended—aggravated at length by contending
paflions and the most excruciating reflexions —
without any foul or one circumstance to mitigate
,my furrow, or console me under it ; all tbefe 1
fay, have wound up my feelings to the bigheft
pitch of affliction -
Me. BISHOP'S ORATION.
[The following is an extract from Mr. Bishop's
Oration on the fobjeft of the election of Thom
as Jefferjon, to the presidency, and Aaron Burr.
to the Vice presidency of ,be United States.
If any thing could add to the well earned cele
brity of Mr. Bishop, this production is eminent
ly calculated to do lb. It is an able, ingenious
and candid expedition of that multitude of ar
tifices by which the honest but deluded citizens
of Connecticut are funk beneath clerical domi
nation, and fitted to flat, the vitals of public li
berty. Like Paul he seems to be an instrument
in the hands of God to dispel the turbid cloud
which overshadows the land— to enlighten their
understandings, and to teachihem their duty to
God and-to their country. Like every able
and virtuous reformer, therefore, from the days
of the apostles to the present moment, he may
expert persecution from his enemies even unto
death. And though perhaps he will not be a
ble to reform those innumerable abuses which
he very jutlly depicts, yet by his talents and
perseverance he will effectuate much. Nor is
it itrange that he should bean object of the foul
Handers of the enemies of the true religion, of
God, and of virtue. Paul was accused of mad
ness by his enemies, and Mr. Bishop, whose
. mind is uncommonly vigorous and acute, has
been accused of weakness, even by the vain, the
petulent, and the egotistical Noah Webster.
But no wonder, Noah is friendly to the corrup
lions of Christianity, an humble advocate for
the union of Church and State, and an enemy,
to republicanifm/]
When a Southern Have breaks his fetters
of bondage and declares for liberty, a hue
and cry is raised, the daring culprit is ap
prehended, and death is his portion. When
a Northern Have declares for the emanci
pation of himfelf and his white brethren,
all the matters are in an uproar, the tyfoft
is close, all means are fair, and the daring
wretch is doomed to all the vengeance of
his oppieffors.',;
But a Southern slave has only one matter;
a Northern one has many, yes, he has a'
matter to every power and faculty, to every
thought and opinion, and on every fubje&,
. It is not necessary to the character ofa
slave, that he have a chain about his leg, or
it rope about his neck.—lnvifible flavefry is
mere dreadful, extensive and intolerable,
than visible slavery, because in the firft case
the mailers will often deny its exigence.
Ye Northern masters, fay to the man,
whom you are dragging to unmerited exe
cution, the weather it fine over-head, the'
landscapes are beautiful. Tell the m^n,
whom you are starving, that the country is
fall of wheat JieUs, and that corn meal brings
an high ffrice inforeign markets.—Tell the
man, whom you have chained in a dungeon,
that the, atmofober^ is charming, and that ex
)cafe it conducive to health. Go, prate to
your white slaves at the Northward, that
they arefree. Will any of these men be a
- roofed by you ? Isit not a fa&, thoroughly i
known abroad; that ecclesiastical arid civil
tyranny have formed a jun&ion in New-
England for the express purpose of enflav
iogihe minds of men. on religious and po
litical fubjeas?—Not onerefleaing man
is ignorant of this fad. I have denominat-
ed the members of this jun&ion, tbejelffil- \ i
ed friends of order, and have endeavored to I 1
designate them so clearly, that every man
may be able to distinguish between the mas
ter and the Have.
But why this slavery of the conscience
and the opinions i Is it not enoughthat my
neighbor knows more than Ido ? Let him
bless God for his superiority. His convic
tions are not mine. The Superior light of
his mind may discover to him truths which
I am not capable of difeerning, or the great
torce of his understanding may impel him
further into error, than my moderate powers
can impel me. Os what avail is it to me to
, believe certain propositions without feeing
the truth of them ; but merely because my
powerful neighbor believes them ? perhaps
he believes because another does, and so an
endless chain of faith is formed, like the
philosopher's doftrine of infinite lines, ex
cellent, because no man can conceive the
end of them.
Is not God above us, his works about us,
the volumes of hiftory before us, and intel
lea and conscience within us ? Why all
this slavery of the mind r It is not merely
to get power and money from us; not
merely for the gratification of personal pride;
but because man, left to think and reason
for himfelf, would reason himfelf into a
perception of truth and freedom—Emanci
pated man would abolish that slavery which
can exist only in a noxious atmofehere
charged with falfhood, ignorance and error.
If the white slaves should rife in mass, they
would be too much for their masters. It is
high time that societies for the emancipa
tion ot white slaves were eftablilhed in New
.Eng land.
Our revolutions promised much in favor
of the freedom of mind, consciences and o
pinion ; but no revolution can compass this,
unless the blow is followed : the profitable
use of a victory shews as much generallhip
as the gaining of it. How could we ex
pea freedom, if, like Hannibal's army
in ) Capua, we regaled on luxuries and
reposed on down ; it we committed all the
spoils of our triumphs, our military chelt
and weapons of warfare to that class of
men, who know no treasury nor arsenal,
except their own J We tried the strange ex
periment of employing men of great talents
and wealth to propose and effeduate plans
which would place talents and wealth on a
mediocrity I —to eftablilh peace, economy and
republicanism, when these very things
would annihilate their superiority, and de
prive them of the splendid advantages which
men in power may derive from schemes of
extended 'commerce and national Hreggth
dn d glory. We ought to have Inown that
our men are no better than other men. The
revolution was not, and will never be ac
complilhed, till we adopt and pradife the
maxims which the republican wisdom ot
the world has been treasuring up for ages.
This we shall never be Buffered to do, till
we separate church and date—till our cler
gy can be persuaded to adhere to the gospel,
and our statesmen to the true principles ot
our government, and till the real charader
of the felf-ftiled friends of order shall be dis
closed..
In attempting this talk, I have been o-l
bliged to speak freely of my native state,
and why not? If alikeness is to be taken,
ought not the features to be drawn truly
and without flattery ? If we have serpents
in our country flhall we call them dovesr
Shall our weeds be called flowers, and our
barberry bushes be nnrfed arid cultivated,
left the woild should know there is fume
thing in New England which will blast our
grain ? Shall the canker-worm and Heflian
ny be held facreel because they arc found in
Connecticut ?— All the world Will agree
with me on,thefe fnbje&s: yet as soon as
I frik^ a (ingle feature of hypocrisy, all the
hypocrites cry out religion is in danger !—
Now, as nothing better can be done for a
garden than to extirpate the weeds, io no
thing better can be done for religion than
to,expofe hypocrisy, which is its deadly e
nemy and nothing better for republicanism
than to ex pose that spirit of aristocracy
which aims at its ruin. Church and state
cannot be better served, than by keeping
them-dlftina, and by placing them where
they ought to be, above, jnllead of beneath,
the cgntroul of men; who care for no more
of ei^ier than what they can turn to their
personal benefit; t
In these pages I have sometimes spoken
lightly of human glory, and the reason is
that 1 feel very little iefpe& for it. Men'
affed to know and feel so much more than
they do, and to be'fo much more fenflified
than they are, that great abatement must be
made for their pretensions.—" Surely every
man falketh in a vain Ihow." I have not
attempted to reason much„ the country is
fUkl-ot logicians : it is overstocked with ma
jor, minor and consequence men. It is too
full of reasoning, and is Coffering for want
offgas. Hitherto Grangers have complained
of finding every thingto be in an Qnknowfi
tongue. Correa translations of the looks,
profeffions an^aaious of our people are
wanted,,id if our friends of order should
hot like this translation, they must mend thel
text. If the features of a vain man's por
trait, drawn by a faithful hand, do not pieafe
him, he can always find some obsequious
parifite to finifh one to his mind.
Perhaps the impossibility of giving a true
likeness of the friends of order without of
fending them has hitherto prevented the at
tempt. —In choosing my fubje& I have vo
lunteered in the tafe and should the friends
of order be vehement (as formerly) in their
execrations, I shall confider the execution
of it not wholly unworthy of notice from
those republican friends, to whose patron
age it is refpeafully addrefled.
The reader will find many repetitions.—
These were necessary for the purposes of
observing prejudices and of application on
different parts of the fubje&. As a long
rain is necessary after a long drought, so a
long difeuffion was necessary, in order to
produce even a partial impression. Os this
extensive and hitherto untried fubjea, 1 have
been able, in this compass, to present only,
the elements ; but from its importance we
may expe& that some one will pursue it to
such demonstration, that no rational man
shall be left to doubt the truth of this pro-,
portion, that the jtlf-Jliled friends of order
have, in all countries, been the cauje of all the
convuljions and distresses which have agitated
the sfyorld.
Surely a discovery and general convi&ion,
that a great portion of those who have fill-,
ed the throne of the world andled its armies,
and been mighty men in their spheres of ac
tion have been mortal foes to those rights
which ought to have been held sacred, will
be«highly important. From great men such
a discovery could never have been expe&ed.
It must have comefam weak men, from fools,
in which class the writer of these pages has
the honor tq hold a high rank# by the unan
imous fuffrage of the friends of order.
* If any should doubt my rank, I refer
them to David Dagget, Esq. who is clack
ing about my weakness in every part of the
state, and to Noah Webster, jun. Esq. who
has adually published that I am a fool. —In
their absence, application may be made to
N. H. Esq. an emminent practitioner in
that profeflion ; in which thewriterof these
pages was unable to succeed for want of
Jenje ; or otherwise ; reference may be had
to the retailers in detraction ; who are sup
plied from the wholesale ftoies of the above
named dealers.
The establishment of this rank will be
found important in the course of these pages,
and I refer freely to those gentlemen, who
made up and often exprefled their opinions
on the fubjed, even without my asking the
favor.
[To be Continued.]
[The Jotluwing pertinent Observations, on the late
Appointments of PreJident fefferJon, dre copied
from the Vermont Journal.)
We hear loud declamations in the public papers
again# President Jefferfon, for coffering those
offices constitutionally in his gift, upon men of
Republican principles, to the negleft of those
who have been called Federal, or by the opposite
party Ariltocrats, However this may liave been
the cate, doubt not but real merit hath been re
garded in those appointments, rather than party
politics; and that he has veiled those appoint
ments, in thole men, whose political fentjments,
in his opinion, are most congenial with the true
spirit and genius ot our constitution ; and consi
dering it more fate to the interest of our country
to intruft men in office who have been uniform in
their Republican principles, in the molt trying
periods, and have never facrificed, or belied their
principles, to court popularity. But it is nothing
Strange for the best of men sometimes to mistake
their objeft ; but those deciaimers would do well,
to look back on the late administration, and fee if
they can find Presidential favors conferred on any
but relatives, court favorites, and party politici
ans. In converting with a worthy Senator of this -
State on the fubjea, I observed to him that it was
noted, that President Adams conferred all his offi
ces on men of his political sentiments. He tacitly
acknowledged the fatt, by justifying the princi
ple. <1 readily acknowledged, 1 did not fee the
propriety of excluding men of known ability and
integrity from every office which had nothing to
do Immediately with politics, merely for their
political (entimehts. To which he observed—
Tho' their political sentiments might not inter
fere, immediately, with tlieir judiciary or execu
tive duties, yet by appointing men into office who
disapproved the measures of Administration, it
would, by giving them consequence, increase their
influence, and in its eflefts tend to enervate the
energy of government. If the Senator's reafon-'
jugs were just on the fubjett, they are just in the
present case ; and that it is dangerous to appoint
men into office, that do not coincide in political
opinion with the governing principle of the men
and measures, of Administration ; and if this be
true; and the Senator's reasonings be just, as there
is manifestly a change in political Sentiment, and
a decided Republican majority, as appears in
their clewing the Supreme Officers of Govern
ment, then a correfpoudent change in the Subor
dinate Officers becomes necessary on the fame
principles of policy to Strengthen Administration
and give energy to Government. The malcon
tents of this State,,to Mr. Jefferfan's Administra
tion, would do well to recur to the public con
daft of 1798 and. 1799, Bn d view the political fa
crifices ot men of true patriotism ai)d improved
integrity removed from offices to which they
were nominated by the Representatives of the
people of their vicinity, for no other reason than
their Republican principles, and others palmed in
office,upon them, not ffie men of their choice :
and what Stive public bodies done to screen from
justice the chickens they have hatched and foder
ed in their Aristocratic hot-beds ? When I ffiall
fee a Republican Administration fullering a part
l and ^boring merit, partial in their decisions, re
garding men and not measures, constituting and 4
Ipunishing for crimes unknown by the Comiitu- °
tjon or laws'fouhded thereon,, and Screening their
party favorites from that justice their crimes de
merit, I Shall no longer be their humble Servant.
REPUBLICANUS.
Legifla(ure of Maffacbufetts.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
0 WEDNESDAY, JUNE 3 .
two Homes convened in the Reprefenta-
X tives Chamber, for the purpose of choosing -
Notaries Public. The greater part of the NotL
ries in office were re-elected, and John Avery
Esq. was unanimotifly re-chosen, Secretary of
the State ; and Pkleg Coffin, Esq. was unani
mously re-chosen Treasurer.
THURSDAY, JUNE 4.
Agreeably to assignment, His Excellency the
Governor met the two Hoofes in Convention at
twelve o'clock, this day ; and delivered the tol
lowing.
SPEECH;
Gentlemen of the Senate, and
Gentlemen of the Houje of Referefentafces,
WITH diffidence 1 have again undertaken the
importance office, to which the partial regard of
the people has invited me. I feel a grateful sense
of this renewed testimony of their confidence and
. a "" r examination of my public con
duct will prove that 1 have no other obje&s in
view, than the peace and prosperity of the State.
never it Shall be thought that another will
more effectually promote these objects, 1 Shall
cheerfully return to a private Station. In the
mean time my best endeavours will be continued
to advance the reputation and welfare of my fel
low-citizens ; to preserve their privileges unim
paired, and to select those for public office who
^re most distinguished for abilities and integrity
by whatever name of political dillinftioa they
may be called.'
, -Although in the choice of a President of the
States, the result has not corresponded
with the wishes of many citizens of this Common
wealth ; yet they will reflect, toat in Republics,
the opinion of the major part must prevail; and
that obedience to the Laws, and refpett for con
stitutional Authority, are eflential to the charac
ter good citizens. We are encouraged to ex
pect, that the firft Magistrate will not depart
from the eflential principles of our Government ;
and so long as his administration shall be guided
by those principles, he will be entitled to the con
fidence of the People, and their interest requires
that he fliould poflefs it. But it it shall be thought
hereafter, that these anticipations are not realized
frill a sense of decorum and regard to justice, and
the public welfare fliould exclude asperity and
falfe colouring from every difeuffion of public
measures; for the morals and liberties of the peo
be in danger, ts the free presses in the
United States, are difgracefully prollituted to
faction and falfhood.
The defence o f our country is confided, by the
constitution, to the General Government ; but as
the chief reliance is placed upon a well disciplin
ed militia, and as the appointment of the Officers,
and the authority of training the militia are re
served to the Several States, the frequent attention
of the legislature to these circumstances, will be
necessary to the public Safety.
Among the various fubjefts of State Legislation,
there is none more important to the prefervatioa
ot our free Government, or more imercHlng to
the happiness of Society, than the inftrudion of
the people, and particularly the education of
youth ; —lt is not enough to teach children to
read and write, and understand tire firft rules of
Arithmetic ;it is also of importance to habituate
them to restraint ; to form their temper and maq- *
, ners by the principles of benevolence and justice,
and to awaken the lifefol energies of their under
standings, and cherifli the virtuous propensities of
their hearts. A bad temper isofien made a good
one by education ; and the difference we observe
in the characters of men, is, in a great measure.
owing to the different impreffidns they received
from the examples and precepts of their instruc
tors.—ln the presence of those who are rtfpe&able
they are accustomed to control their paflions, and
learn the important teflon of Self-command. With
such an education they Seldom fail to make useful
and quiet members of society ; but those who are
idle and unrestrained in early life, will be read,
afterwards to oppose lawful g^ver ment, and dis
turb the public peace. Moral qualifications are
of the frfl importance in the office of instructors;
their virtues Should Serve for models in the con
duct of lite. If they are chargeable with vice or
impiety, no attainments in knowledge can com
pensate for the contagion of their bad examples.
The celebrated Legislators ofantiquity, consid
ered the education of children, as the most essen
tial duty, and the mod important exercise of gov- *
ernment : It was regulated by the authority of
the Magistrates, and upon principles of the pub
lic good. Their institutions 'acre calculated to
inspire the youth with refpeft for the lows and
love to their country ; to form than to habits of
temperance and truth, and teach them to honor
their superiors and venerate old age. Our ances
tors were impressed with the importance of this
fubjeft, and manifested an earnest Solicitude, that
their children might be educated in literature and
religious ;%d moral principles. The University
in the neighborhood is an evidence of this. Soon
alter the fettltemeni of the country, they provided
for the aftabliShment of fchoolrdur the children
of the poor as well as the rich ; and if parents
neglected to teach their children to read, and to
bring them up jn some honest employment, the
Seledmen, witl ithe assistance of two Mzgiflran s,
were authorised to take such children from item
and place them with masters to be Slri&ly attend
ed to. The w hole influence of education is ne
cellar, in Republican Governments I ihey depend
tor their Support, upon the enlightened aod ,i«
fe&ronate attachment of the people ; and there is
no ground to expert they will be preferred, un
less the youth are trained to knowledge and vir
tue, and taught, by example and education, to
submit their own to the public will. Our Confli
tutions have liberty for their vital principle ; but
this liberty is reasonable, andrfubordinate to the
■laws, and whenever it Shall become roperipr to
law, it will degenerate thlicentioufnef^ and be
loft- '-
The care which is now employed in the iu
ftrußion of youth, nnrft give pleasure to ever,
friend of the State ; and it the failures iu educa
tion are owing, not to the want of legbl provil),
ons, but to inattention in the people, the influence
of kite individual Members of the Legislature may.
go far to remedy the defers.
As a part of this Subject, permit me to fugpft,