The American herald of liberty — Exeter, N.H., 1795-07-02 00:00:00, page 1

[CONCLUDED FROM OU« LAST.]
c Wk Fox entered into a review of the
Naval part of the campaign. He listed,that
the captures made by the French exceed
ed all that ever were known ; that the re
captures had been few and that there had
bejn great deficiency of naval Protedion.
He after ted, that a strange delay had occur
red io refitting Lord Howe's fleet, after
the adion of the 6rft June. “ I have thus,”
continued Mr. Fox, “ stated some of the
grounds more immediately conceded with
the war. One ground fha 11 remain — I mean
Ireland. The House Will do me the justice
to recoiled, it was much against the incli
nation of the majority of my constituents,
and of the majority of my friends, that at
the very outlet I harrafled and teized the
House, and persevered tanacioufly in urging
the dangers that Were likely to acc-ue.—
Not that 1 was ambitious of imitating an
old author, Dorn Cardanus, Tlunfquam lu
hentius locutut Jum, quam cum aud torribus
dcfplecut t or that fcunt at njohns perje^tre i
but 1 thought it my duty to ring, in theears
of the House, the difficulties and perils of
the country. lam sure it will not escape
the recolledion of the gentleman, that at
the beginning of the war, I laid that the
Allies could neverexped to keep Brabant,
with the routed avertion of the people to
the house of Austria. J presided that no
effedual assistance would be derived either
from Holland or Prussia. I was told that
any speech wish libel on the King’s speech,
and as a libel is no less so for being true,
it has fioce been proved that my Ipeech
was a convided libel, convided of (peaking
truth. I touched on the state of Ireland.
The fubjed, 1 was told, was a dangerous
one and 1 was warned not to touch upon
it-shut, Sir, I could not forget that Ireland
was a material part of this Empire ; that
without Ireland this codntry could never
be secure, even in time of peace, much left
so in time of war. At the period to which
1 allude there were strong prejudices enter
tained against the Catholics; there WaS
something about a Protettant ascendancy,
as if there ought to be * political ascendan
cy in religious tenets. The Minister,
however did get over these prejudices ; feme
privileges were allowed the Catholics, and
the country becaame united. Bat here
were other causes of grievance, and, there
fore. though 1 deplored the coalition that
took place in July last, yet! did think that
the corrupt Gjverment of Ireland would
be reformed. My expectations were near
being realized. Affairs, however, have of
late taken a different turn. The state of
Ireland is such as to give the most serious
alarm to every person and the danger must
be imputable to his M jelly’s Ministers.—
Whether it was owing to the Duke of Port
land,' to Mr. Pitt, or to Earl Fitzwilliam,
I know not J but let them deny the fid if
they can, that the present state of Ireland
has been occationed by them- What was
the state of Ireland ? You sent over a Lord
Lieutenant, popular not only from his per
sonal charader, but from hi* conrredion
with popular men and measures. With all
this popularity, he goes over to Ireland, and
is idolized to fcuh an extreme, as to induce
the people to do thaty which no other per
son could have induced them to do, sup
port the present war. He states in plain
terms, that he means to give emancipation
to the Catholics j it was Io understood in
the Irish Parliament; and the people saw
the most popular men in Ireland riling up
daily in the house in order to propofemea
fares of reformation , they saw too, these
measures conneded with the dismissal of
persons who had been most obnox ous to
the People, and most friendly to the old
abufe< ; and all this, pafles day after day
without any opposition on the part of the
government of Great-Briiain. Great (up
plies are called for, a sum is voted before,
and the irifh evinced a generosity even a
indtmting to imprudence, a fault not un
common with the people of that nation. —
As loon, however, as thiafupply was grant
ed, thedup was dallied from their lips.—
They are told, that their wishes are not to
be complied with. A qnarrel is. picked
with their beloved Lord Lieutenant,- whole
charader has done more in favour of the
no&litioir than the charaders of ail the Oth*
Volume IX.]
Publifbedon Thuifdays, by Samuel Winslow, in Main-Street, Exeter, (New-Hampjhire') at i Doll. &25 Cents perannum.
Mr. F O X s Speech.
American Herald of Liberty.
er Ministers put together, lam told that
Lord Fitzwilliam held out hopes which he
was not authorized to do. But what have
we to do with this ? What have we to do
With thole who brought Ireland into dsn
ger? Js not Ireland in danger? B ame
does exist, and of such a nature that if the
House dotes not institute an enquiry into it,
they may be responsible for the dismember
ment of the Bdtilh Empi e! It may be
luppoled that on this Qjeftion, 1 entertain
strong personal partialities. Sir, I never
Hull divest myfdf of them ; and am sure
that if an enquiry Is instituted, Lord Fi«
william will be found <o have aded faiily
and honourably ; but this is a part of the
fubjed which 1 wish not now to inquire
into. It must firft be shown whence the
dangers proceed. The Catholics of Ireland
are three- ourtbs of the whole people. The
Catholics are no longer a party—the
Protcftants are no longer a party, borne
few persons in erefted in the preservation
of abuses are on the one fide, and the whole
Irish Nation on the other. We have ob
served the ProielLnts take part of the Ca
tholics ; and, indeed they are as much in
terested as the Catholics. They have no
feperate interest. They have a common
interest to prelerve the country from oppres
sion. And this is the party diftindion
which 1 fear, a party confittiug of the whole
Infh Nation, lets attached to the Englilh
nation than formerly, and with hearts alien
ated from us.—Sir, if these are men inim
icai to the welfare of Enlgand they could
have no better period than the preleot for
feperating Ireland from England.—There
arc many wholuppolc hat the Irish resem
bles the Englifti government. It does in
theory, but not in practice There are
many allo so ignorant of the state of Ireland,
as tofuppofe that rhe Catholics since 1793
have been nearly on the lame looting astae
Protcftants. It they do think so—l/ cho
think therearc no exclufion* tor the Catho
lics, they are groMy miltaken. But pm
ting all these ci re u alliances out ot he con-
Cderation of he question, 1 will ask wne
thet tnis mifeonoud and peril have nor
been produced by the King’s Ministers ?—
Let the punilhment fan whereTt will, on
the government in Ireland ifitdeterves it,
on the government ot England it itdeferve^
it, which I think mote probable. If Lord
Fitzwilliam has wildly and wantonly lac
nficed the Peace ot the country for the
purpole of procuring popularity for himUif
let him be punished ; but if it shall 4>e
found, that he has been trifled and flu filed
with j if he has aded with prudence and
patrioiilm, and if the deftrudionot hi& Gov.
ernment threatens the division of the two
kingdoms, then what punishment can be
too great for those by wh«m such conse
quences have been produced ? I fay, here
is a good ground in which it is impossible to
refute inquiry.
1 have now really gone through the sev
eral points to which I called the attention
cf the House, Ik<ow to some such ques
tions as I have »flaed to-day, a general ques
tion hal been returned—Why do I not
move for the removal of his Majesty’s Min
isters ? Sir, because I would firft have an
inquiry on what to ground such a motion.
It the refultof the inquiry be such as I am
sure it will, then it would be proper to
move for their removal 1 hint that we
have no chance for fuccels in the present
war, as long as it is carried on by the feeble
men that now condtd the government. I
thinkeventhat no solid peace could be made
by such men. If the result ot the enquiry
be different from what 1 exped, then let
the Ministers keep their (ea:s; but let uS
hear no more of the argument, that such
uniform want of success could have attended
wife and vigorous exertions. A prudent
man varies his means, but preserves the uni
ty of his eild. The present Minifters,-how
ever, pursuing a different mode of condud,
constantly vary theirend, but still persevere
in the some means. They vary the means
of putting them in execution, for they have
uniformly avoided deciding between two
alternatives—they have animated all France
against them by * fuppofnion that they
meant to attempt the deftrudkm of the
French government, and yet they have not
secured friends on account cf tbeir refuting
to lay that thev fought for Louts XVIL'
' In a committee all these circumstances
will be fully Uveftigatcd. But this of Ire*
THURSDAY, July 2, 1795.
a simple thing, which he conceived
neitheir attached disgrace on his
M jefty’s Ministers advifing.his
Majesty to makethis change, or on
the Noble Personage recalled.—
But if, unfortunately the Noble
Lord persisted in his purpose, he
must fix a day by himfelf.
The Du|ce of Norfolk then
moved, that their Lordships be
summoned for Thursday next, for
the investigation of Earl Fitzwil
liam’s official conduct
' — ■ -■■■■-
uqutre into the Date of the Nation.
Mr Fox’s Motion, after a reply by Mr.
Pitt, and Jerne otoer debates, was negatived
by 219 le 63.
land comes now tb prove, that in no part
otthe empire is the mifeondudof ministers
not to be traced.- It they had spoken out
fairly to the French, they would have been
fucceistu! in France ; if hey had spoken out
Openly <0 Lord Fitzwilliam, hey could have
bren iuccefstul in Ireland. But men cao
» get rid of their natures. When the
Minister ge s into danger by evasive lan
guage to France, he still does not aher his
condud. and he is equ lly ata loss to make
him e funuertload even by his Colleagues
in Ire ana. Has he not the gift of ipeech,
and can any one acrufe him of not having a
cho ce cf *ords ? On the firft day of the
St flion unt of his friends understood his
declaration one way, the fecorder of the
a dress another way, and he himlelf dis?
fe ed from |hem both. All his powers of
language sr^ uled, not for the purpoie of
msikicg tiimlclf understood, but of being
mJunde'ftocd, and even in a room with
only a few persons with him, it is impossible
for him to explain himfelf clearly. To
him might baapplied what was applied to
another great tian, that in rebut pa^iticis hi
hil Jimplex, nihtl aferium, nihil honejium. •
The present it a period that calls for plain
and downright language. Let us go into
a committee of inquiry—let us prove that
we are really affeded by the fittiation of our
Constituents, and let not the House be ftig
matised with the reproach that they know
opportunity for inveliigating our present
fituajon.”
Mr. Fox concluded * Speech of three
houn and a halt, by movihg that the house
(hould resolve itfelf into a Committee to
EARL Fitzwilliam rose to have
a day named for the investi
gation of his official character,
during his government in Ireland.
He could not, he observed, pa
tiently resume his feat as a Peer of
Parliament without refortingto this
trials which should shew whether
the blame lay with him, or with
hiS Majesty’s Ministers—He con-
that they hive no longer any care for any
thing but the forms of the Constitution.-—
Whether the Committee be granted or not,
I fhaJl at least have done this good— I shall
have proved to thi country that there are
not who their Allies arc—that they are ig
norant of the causes of the failures, and
(till some men who have ndt let flip the
cluded by wishing, that the Noble
Lords in office would fix on the
firft open day to bring forward
their charges against him, which
might juftify them in recalling him
at such a crisis as they did not a
gree to this, he muff insist on a
day himfelf on the enquiry.
Lord Grenville was sorry that
the Noble Lord thought thus bad
ly of his recall. A recall from the
Viceroy (hip of Ireland, was he said
HuUSa Ob LORDS.
Foreign Accounts.
LONDON, APRIL 2^
Extraß of a letter from BourdeaUx^
dated April 22, 1795— the
Cheefeman*
“ The people here are perfect
ly tranquil refpefling therranfac
tions of the Convention, or the op
erations of the war, the frame of
either isfeldom mentioned. Some
of the young gentlemen returning
from the army, the firit Jnftant,
were exasperated to find some of
their relations facrificed by the san
guinary measures pursued under
Robespierre, a tumult and riot en
sued, in which one of that party
was killed, and (everal desperately
wounded—the guillotine publick
ly burnt, and some trifling distur
bance at the play house several e
venings, but all is perfectly quiet
at present.
“ Provisions of every kind plen
ty and cheap, except bread and
rice, whicfi really are scarce and
dear.”
a 111 1 i !■
Extraß of a letter from an officer in
the Federal army, to a Gentleman
in Lane aft er.
“ The Indians are here trading
continually ; numbers have fettled
FRANCE.
Si ting of il. 22.
The Committee of Public Safe
ty, presented to the Convention, a
Proclamation they had issued to the
inhabitants of the province of Gui
pufeoa, disowning the horrors
committed by the armies of the
Republic, io the conquered coun
tries in Spain, and particular in the
province of Guipufcoa. The fl
gents of the tyranny which has al
most destroyed France, have been
the cause that the name of the
French people has been tarnished
in some places.
JUNE, 17/
This day was assigned for the
execution of Vogel and Mitchel
the two persons under sentence for
treason, but a respite from the Su
preme Executive of the United
States has suspended the sentence
until Novemberr next.
PHILADELPHIA JUNE l 6«
Dispatches were received
th s day from France, by the
mmifttr of the French Republic,
brought to New-York by a vtffci
from Nantz—We hear they con
tain the important information of
peace with the Kings of Spaing
Sardinia, and the Two Sicilies j
that negociations have been open
ed with Austria and Great-Britain ;
and, in (bort, that there is a fair
profpeft of a general peace.
A letter from Londooj dated
April 30, fays, “ Americans Danes
and Swedes must all effpedt to be
brought into Britilh ports, and to
be paid for their cargoes in the way
and according to a rate to be eftab*
lifhed here; The neutrals who
may feel the effcds of this regula
tion may not fuffer in point of ifr
tereft as individuals—but to the
national flag, it will be an indig
nity hard to be borne.
NEW-YORK, JUNE 15.
[Number 54.