Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-02-15 00:00:00, page 2

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he has been gaining upon the aft'etlions ot
the people ; that both houses of Congress fc
cond his measures ; and that the minorities
in those houses are Handing monuments of
the fafefy, with which error and even obsti
nacy may (land, when reason is left free to
combat them.
That the present administration has not
facriticed our interests to foreign nations ;
that it has not controled men's religious o
,inions, nor warped to its views the relig
ious proteffions of any class of men ; that it
has offered no violence to the alter ; that it
has not availed itfelf of tub-plots or Ocean
massacres, of fedition-acls or falfe alarms ;
tharit has deliberately advanced in relieving
the public burdens ; in diffufmg a know
tedge of its measures, and has reposed itfelf
on the confidence and intelligence of a free
people ; that it has yielded equal and exa&
justice to all men ; has cultivated peace,
commerce and h<meft friendihip with all na
tions, and has avoided entangling alliances ;
has prefeived the States_ Governments in all
their rights, and the general Government in
all its Constitutional vigor ; has refpe&ed
tiie ele&ivc franchife ; has honored the mi
litia as our belt reliance in peace ; has pre
feved the supremacy of the civil over the
military authority ; has pra&ifed a conspic
uous economy ; has faithfully complied
with every public engagement, and advao
ced in estimation the national faith ; that it
has encouraged the indußry of our people,
and has refpeded the freedom of religion,
the freedom of the press, and the rights of
man ; that none of the evils with which
our enemies threatened the people, under
the present administration, have arrived, and
that tar more blessings have been enjoyed,
than were promised or expected.
We will rejoice,
In the reduction of public expenditures ;
in the facilities granted to foreigners fettling
here, in our Hate of peace and prosperity,
and in the full success of every experiment
made on republican principles. We will
rejoice that the amount of our external reve
nue, in the pall year, has been 12,280,000
dollars which is more, by two minions, than
has been colledlef in any one year, from the
fame source ; and more, by 1,200,000 than
the whole amount of the external and inter
nal revenue for any year ; and that in the
pad year, the principal of our national debt
has been diminifhbd „ millions of dollars,
and th t 41 millions more ate in train fora
fur hr reduaion.
Wait such occasions of joy, we will meet to
celebrate the feftival, and to give our public
testimony in favor of a President and admin
iltratiou, whofc princip'es and measures
have uniformly presented fore pledges of
confidence to republicans, and insuperable
arguments against the cavils and mifrepre
tations of the enemies of ,ur r v lution.—
Reported in behalf of the managers.
Samuel B ; fhf, Levi lies,
Pierpont Edwards, Peter Johnfa,
JV n Heyleger, Obediab Hoicbbfs,jr
John R. Throop, \ hijab Munjon,
Unanimously approved for publication and
figged by order.
William Powell, Diref^r.
New-Haven, Jan. 17, 18g.
Federal City, Jan. 22, 1803.
Towards the latter end of last Decem
ber I received a letter from a venerable pat
riot, Samuel Adams, dated Button, Nov.
30. It came 6y a private hand, which I sup
pose was the cause of the delay. 1 wrote
Mr. Adams an answer dated Jan. ill. and
that I might be certain of his receiving it,
and also that 1 might know of that recep
tion, I dehred a friend of mine at Walhing
ton to put it under cover to fume friend of
his at Button, and delire him to present it to
Mr. Adams. The letter was accordingly
put under cover while I was present & given
to one of the clerks of the Poll-office to seal
and put in the mail. The clerk put it in
his pocket-book, and either forgot to put it
in the mail, or luppofe I he had done so a
mong other letters. The poll-matter Gen
eral, on learning this millake, informed me
of it lad Saturday, and as the cover was
then out of date, the letter was put under a
new cover with the fame request and for
warded bv the poll. 1 felt concern at this
accident, "left Mr. Adams should conclude 1
was unmindful of his attention to me ; and
therefore, led any further accident Ihould
prevent erdelay bis receiving it, as well as
10 relieve nyfelf from that concern, I give
the letter the opportunity of reaching him
bv the newspapers. lam the more indue-,
er! to do this, because feme manofcript co
pies have been taken of both lettrs, and
therefore, there is a possibility of imperfe&
copies getting into print ; and besides this, if
some of the federal printers, (for I hope
they are not all base alike) could get hold of
a copy they would make no fcruplc of alter
ing it and publishing it as mine. I there
fore fend you the original letter of Mr. Ad
ams and my own cooy ut the answer.
THOMAS PAINE.
From tae National Intelligencer.
I have frequently with pleasure refl€&ed
on your Cervices to my native,~and your ad
opted country. Your Common Sense, and
your Crisis unquestionably awakened the
public mind, and led the people loudly to
call for a declaration of our national inde
pendence. I therefore esteemed you as a
warm friend to the liberty, and lading wel
fare of the human race. But when I heard,
that you had turned your mind toa defence
of infidelity, I felt myfelf much astonished,
and more grieved, that you had attempted a
measure so injurious to the feelings, and so
repugant to the true interest of so great a
part of the citizens of the United States.
The people of New-England, if you will
allow me to use a Scripture pharfe, are faft
returning to their firft love. Will you ex
cite among them the spirit of angry coutro
verfy, at a time, when they are battening
to unity and peace? Jam told that force
of our newspapers have announced your
intention to publish an addition! pepipblet
upon the principles, of your Age of &irn.
Do you think, that your pen or the pefl of
any other man can unchriftianize the mass
of our citizens, or have you hopes of con
verting a few of them to alhft you in so bad
a cufe. We ought to thjnk ourselves hap
py in the enjoyment of opinion without the
danger of pufecution by civil or ecckfiaili
cal law.
Our friend, the present President of the
United States, has been calumniated for his
liberal sentiments by men, who have attribu
ted that liberality to a latent design to pro
mote the cause of infidelity. This, and all
other flankers have been made without a
Shadow of proof. Neither' religion, nor
liberty can long foblilt in the tumult of
altercation, and amidit the noise and viol
ence of faaion.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Mr. Thomas Paine.
My dear and venerable friend,
I received a ith great pleasure , our friendly and
ifFediouate letter of Nov. goth, and I thank you
also lor the franknefs of it. Between men in pur
luit of truth, and whole object is the happiness of
man both here and hereafter, there ought to be no
reserve. Even error has a claim to indulgence, if
not to refpe^t, when it is believed to be truth. I
111 obliged to you for your affectionate remem
orance of what you Rile my services in awakening
the public mind to a declaration of independence,
and supporting it after it was declared. 1 alto,
like you, have often looked back on those times,
and have thought, that f independence had not
been declared at the time it was, the public mind
could not have been brought up to it afterwards.
It will immediately occur to you who were To in
imately acquainted with the lituation of things at
ihat time, that I allude to the black times of
Seventy-fa'; for though I know, and you my
friend also know, they were no other than the
natural consequences of the military blunders of
that campaign, the country might have viewed
them as proceeding from a natural inability to
flipport its came agairlt the enemy, and have funk
maer the defpoudeucy of that mikouceived idea.
This was the imprThon againit which it w as necef-
Gry the country Should be itrongly animated.
I now come to the second part of your letter,
on which I fliail be as frank wall you as you are
with me. “but (fay you) when 1 heard you had
turned your misri to a deience of infidelity, ) felt
myfeif much altonifhed, &c." What, my good
friend, do you call believing in God infidelity ? ior
that is tle great point maintained in the Age of
Reafm against all divided beliefs and allegorical
divinities. The bishop of Landaff, (Doct. Vvutiun)
not only acknowledges this, but pays me tome
compliments upon it in his answer to the fecund
part of that work. “ There is (fays he) a philoso
phical Sublimity in some of your ideas whenJpeaking
of the Creator of the UniVerJe."
What then, (my much eftcemed friend, for I do
not refpea you the lets because we differ, and that
perhaps not much, in religious sentiments) what,
1 aik, is this thing called infidelity ? If we go back
to your ancestors and mine, three or four hundred
years ago, tor we mull have had fathers and
grand-fathers or we should not be here, we shall
find them praying to faints and virgins, and be-
I eving in pargatory and iranfubHantiation, and
therefore all of us are infidels according to our
forefathei s belief. 11 we go back to times more
antient we shall again ba infidels according to the
belief of some other forefathers. 1
The case, my friend, is, that the world has been
overrun with table and creeds of human invention,
with fett^ries of whole nations, agajafi other
nations, avd feftaries of those sectaries in each of
them agaiidt each other. Every fettary, except
the quakers, has been a persecutor. Tuole who
fled from perfection perfected in their turn, and
it is this confufion of creeds that has filled the
world with perfection and deluged it with blood.
Even the depredation 011 your commerce by the
Barbary powers, sprang from the crusades of the
church against those powers. It was a war of
creed againtt creed, each boafling of God for its
author, and reviling each other with the name of
infidel. It I do not believe as you believe, it proves
that you do not believe as 1 believe, and this is all
that it proves.
There is however one point of union wherein
all religions meet, and that is in the firft article of
every man's creed, and of every nation's creed,
that has any creed at all. I believe in God. Those
who rest here, and there are millions who do, can
not be wrong as far as their creed goes. Those
who chufe to go further may be wrong, for it is
impossible that all can be right fiuce there is so
much contradiction among them. Ihe firft,
therefore, are in my opinion on the fafed fide.
1 presume you are so far acquainted with eccle
fiaftcal hiftory as to know, and the bifliop who
has answered me has been obliged to acknowledge
the tatt, that the books that compose the New
Teftamem were voted by yeas and nays to be the
word of God, as you now vote a law, by the
popish councils of Nice and Laodocia. about ikq
Boston, Nov. stb, 1802.
Sir,
Felix qni caufus. Adieu.
To SAMUEL ADAMS.
years ago. With refp«t to the fad there is no
depute, neither do 1 mention it for the lake of
controversy. This vote may appear authority
enough to fume, and not authority enough to
others. It is proper however that every bony
Should know the taCt.
With refpeft to the Age of Reason, which you
so much condemn, and mat 1 believe without hav
ing read it, for you fay only that you heard of it,
1 will inform you of a circumstance btcaufe you
cannot know it by other means.
I have said in the firft page of the firft part of
that work, that it had long been my intention to
publish my thoughts upon religion, out that 1 had
referred it to a later time of lite. I have now to
inform you why 1 wrote it and published it at the
time I did.
In the firft place, I saw my life in continual
danger. My triends were tailing as tall as the
guillotine could cut their heads off, and as I every
day expected the fame fate, 1 refolded to begin my
work. 1 appeared to myleit to be on my death
bed, for death was on every tide of me, and 1 had
no time to lose. This accounts for my writing at
the time I did, and so nicely did the time and the
intention meet, that 1 had not finifhed the frit part
of that work more than fix hours before 1 was
arielled and taken to prison. JoJ Barlow was
with me and knows the fact.
In u e Second place, the people of France were
running heading into Atheism, and I had the
work translate/! and published in their own lan,
guage, to Hop tham in that career, and fix the^
to the firft article (as I have before said) of every
man's creed, who has any creed at all, / believe in
God. I endangered my own lite, in the firft place,
by opposing in the convention the execution of the
king, and labouring to Shew they were trying the
monarchy, and not the man, and that the crimes
imputed to him were the crimes of the monarchi
cal fyflem ; and 1 endangered it a fecund time by
opposing Atheism, and yet feme of your priests,
(tor 1 do not believe that all are perverse) cry out
in the war whoop of monarchical priest craft,What
an infidel ! What a wicked man is Thomas Paine !
They might as well add, for he believes in God,
and is against shedding blood.
But all this tear whoop of the pulpit has some
concealed object. Religion is not the cause, but
is the (talking horse. They put it forward to con
ceal theipfelves behind it. It is not a secret that
there has been a party composed of the leaders or
the Federalifls, for 1 do not include all Federalists
with their leaders, who have been working by
various means for several years past, to overturn
the Federal Constitution ellablifhed on she repre
sentative fyftero, and place government in the new
world on 'he cefrupt lyttem of the old. To ac
complish this, a large handing army was necessary,
and as a pretence tor filch an army, the danger of
a foreign invasion mud be bellowed forth, from
the pulpit, from the press, and by their public
orators.
I am not of a disposition inclined to suspicion.
It is in its nature a mean and cowardly passion,
and upon the whole, even admitting error into the
case, it is better, I am sure it is more generous, to
be wrong on the fide of confidence, than on the
fide of suspicion. But I know as a fa&, that the
English government distributes annually fifteen
hundred pounds Herling among the Prelbyterian
miniliers in England, and one thousand among
those of Ireland, and when I hear of the Grange
difeourfes of some of your minillers and proteflors
of colleges, 1 cannot, as the quakers fay, find free
dom in my mind to acquit them. Their anti-re
volutionary doctrines invite suspicion even againit
one's will, and in spite of one's charity to believe
well of them.
Asyou have given me one scripture phrase, I
will give you another for those ministers. It is
said in Exodus, chap. 22, 28, “ Thou Jhalt not re
vile the Gods, nor curje the ruler of thy people."
but thole niinifiers, such I mean as Dr. Emmons,
curse ruler and people both, for the majority are,
politically, the people, and it is thole who have
diofen the ruler whom they curse. As to the hrlt
part ofthe verse, that of nut reviling the gods, it
makes no part of my scripture. 1 have but one
God.
Since I began this letter, for I write it by piece
meals as 1 have leisure, I have seen the four letters
that passed between you and John Adams, in
your bril letter you lay, " let divines anu philo
fphers, IDtefinen and patriots, unite their endea
vors to;enolate the age by inculcating 111 the minds
of youth the fear and the love ofthe Deity fluid uni
verbal philanthropy." Why, my dear friend, this
is exact!) my religion, and is the whole of it.
That you may have an idea that the Age of Reason
(tor 1 believe you have not read it) inculcates this
reverential fear and love of the Deity, 1 will give
you a paragraph from it.
" Do we want to contemplate his power ? We
“ fee it in the immeufiiy of the creation. Do we
“ want to contemplate his wisdom ? We fee it in
“ the nncnangable order by which the imcompre
“ hemible whole is governed. Do we want to
<c contemplate his munificence ? We fee it in the
“ abundance with which he fills the earth. Do we
“ want to contemplate his mercy ? We fee it in
" his not 0 ithholdißg that abundance even from
“ the unthankful."
As I am fully with you in your firft part, that
refpe&ing the deity, so am I in your fecoqd, that
of universal philanthropy; by which! do not
mean merely the sentimental benevolence of wiih
ing well, but the practical benevolence of doing
good. We cannot serve the Deity in the manner u e
serve those who cannot dowithout that service. He
needs no service from us. We can add nothing to
eternity. But it is in our power to render a service
acceptable to him, and that is not by praying, but
by endeavouring to make his creatures happy. A
man does not serve God when he prays, for it is him
felf.he is trying to serve, and as to hiring or paying
men to pray, as if Deity needed iuliruclion, it is
in my opinion an abomination. Oue good School
Matter is of more use and of more value than a
load of such persons as Dr. Emmons, and some
others.
- You, my dear and much refpe&d friend, are
now far in the vale of years ; I have yet, I believe,
some years in store ; for 1 have a good state of
health and a happy mind, and 1 take care of both
by nourishing the firft with temperance and the
latter with abundance.
This I believe, you will allow to be the true
philofi phy of life. You will fee by my third let
ter to the citizen s ofthe United States, that I have
been exposed to, and preferred through, many
dangers, but iullead of buffetting the Deity with
prayers as if I difirufled him or must dictate to
him, I reputed myfeif on his protection ; and you,
my friend, will find, even in your fall moments,
more consolation in the silence of resignation than
in the murmuring with of prayer.
In every thing which you fay in your feconc' let
ter to John Adams, resetting our rights as meu
From the (Concord) Gazette.
Mr. Bezaleel Gates, of Plainfield, a relptctahle
Fa imer, milling to tavor the desolate mciropviis
of tins State with onr western commerce, loaded
his team, and himfelf drove it to Porßmoioh, and
found a good market ; —but, having on his way
thither and cn his return, met with many very lin
gular rencounters, he thinks a Sketch ol Rent
would be a public benefit ; and wishes n interr
ed.
The fafticn, now known by the name of feder
alists, finding that be lived near the banks of Con
necticut river, thronged about him, at aimed
I every band which he made to inc icate, wiiac
; they called, solemn truth: ; and willed his noft
Strenuous exertions to propaga e th< m on his re
turn to the river—viz. that all the fenft le men
who have heretofore in the extern part ot inis
Rate advocated the cause of RepubEcauifin were
now fully ashamed of it, and had agreed to crop
the cause, and vote tor Gilman, governor ; and
that all who yet remained so foolhardy as to ad
here to Jeffer fon's newfangled plan of economy,
were ignorant and unprincipled fools, and totally
defpiled—that it was a duty which he owed to
his Country and the cause el truth, to make the
above known in his town, &c. &c. &c. and then
they would groan out in the molt poignant teeming
anguish, and deeply sigh .hi falfhood Should pre
dominate in a Chilean Government —They all
had Strongly depicted on tieir countenances, im
patience, haughtiness, aid a gloomy, fallen unso
ciability : Yet, firauge to tell, would have all the
talk, and often built into the middle of tie fol ject,
without hrlt knowing his opinion—mine fume
extremely that there was no doubt but that Mr.
Gilman would be Governor, but yet wanted that
ail fliould exert tiiemfehes on tile Ri.er for iter
of the worn. Mr. Gates dates, that at Efa.Clarke
in Northwood, lie was much abused, bee ire he
would not own that al Republicans w ere fools,
and that a certain deciaimer there. wh r ni ti e Esq.
called David, was about to Itrike hnifor thefime
reason, but the quick dance of his blood beating
the Freeman's March damped David's ardour, and
Mr. Gates teing thus warmed, obtained a tempo
rary relief from the inclemency of the weaker,
which the inbofoitality of the Lfq'spolitical tavern
refuted to grant him. He was betet in many o r rer
places; especially in Concord and Hopkinton,
where the Feds feeined quite raving. In Hopkin
ton, at the Itore of the bluefin. One of th owners
advanced this as JCemu truth, i\ it ,fferfn war
very free with money that was not hisovn, and
was doing what he could to Slid the rich, and
burden the farmers with unpin burdens—upon
being requested to tell wherein, the deciaimer said
he must attend to his bulinefs. What a pity it is
that he had not attended to bis bufineis before , it
might have saved him from being guilty &. rn,^
villainous uhacker ; however one deducted oni < f
one thonfand dady ottered, could make bir little
odds. At Concord, a man in the cause of Elrftim
eertng FederaliJm, furious as a Shark, de gped Mr.
Gates for miles to Engage him, as he l.i<l, in favor
of truth and Gilman ; and endeavoured to make
him propagate the afohefaid truths about about
Republicanism. Mr. Gates faysthar the continual
clangor o; federal politics on his a ay, was so in.
Jupportable, tl a he would a'mofNs soon run the
g outlet as attempt an<ter journey. The com
merce of Portfinouth must furelf feel the effects
of this FederaliJm— not a man will trade there —
Devoted to•n! th ! mutt thou fuffer More
from the rage of faftion than from fire f !
SEVENTH CONGRESS .Second Session.
The Houle again resolved ilfeif into a commit
tee of the whole, Mr. John C. Smith in the chair
—on Mr. Rutledge's resolution, as follows :
" Refolded, That any of the ftatt s importing pie
ces of ordnance, fire or fide arms, for the use of
their militia, refpe&ively, be permitted to re
ceive the fame free from duty."
After some debate the question was taken on
the refoliation by yeas and nays, as follows: Year
45— Nays 45.
The speaker declaring himfclfin the affirmative
the resolution palled ; and a committee of three
were appointed to bring in a bill.
Mr. S. Smith gave notice that lie would on
Wednesday call up the report of the Committee
of Commerce and Manufactures on so much of
the President's MeiTage as related to Countervail
ing Duties.
Mr. Davis called up the report of tire-Commit
tee of Elections on the case of John P. Van Nefs.
The House went into a committee of the whole
Mr. Farnum in the chair on the report, as fol
lows :
“ That from the free concessions, and agree
ment obthe laid member, it appears to your com
mittee, that he has accepted and exercised the off
ice of a major of rhe militia, tyider the authority
of the United States, within tie territory of Co
lumbia ; and that a paragraph in the sixth fedion
of the firtt article of the constitution, which ex
pressly provides, that, " No person, holding an,
office under the United States, shall be a member
of either house, during his continuance in office."
does, in the opinion of your committee render
the acceptance and exercise of the office afore said,
incompatible with the holtlihg at the fame time,
of a feat in the house.
" Your committee, therefore a£k leave to fob
mit to the house the following resolution, to wit.
" Rejoined That John P. V^n Nefs, cue of the
members of this house, having accepted and exer
ci fed the office of Qiajor of militia, under the au
thority of the United States, within the territory
of Columbia, hath thereby forfeited his right to a
feat as a member of this house.
The question was taken 011 the report of the
committee of electors, which was agreed to with
out a division.
Ite committee rose—The House immdiatel,
took up their report.
and citizens in this world, I am perfectly with
you. On other points we bare to mower to our
creator and not to each other. The key of heaven
is not in the keeping of any fed, not ought the
read to it to be obstructed by any. Our relation
to each other in this world is as men, and the
man whois a friend to man and tc bis rights, let
his religious opinions tye what they mav, isa &o<d
citizen, to whom I can give, as I ought to do,
and as every other ou.hr, the right hand ol fel
lowship, and to none w ith more heart) good w ill,
my dear friend, than to vou.
THOMAS PAtNP.
Federal City, fan. t,tPo?
National Legislature.
HOUSE— Wednesday, Jan. 17.
^KEAI) Eli Id !