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Hamilton on Education.
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A Dam Wanted.
—tit-
THE Directors of the Portsmouth Salt Works, 1
wish to contract with some Person or Persons,
to build a Dam across S/riimey's Creek, ending near
the Works on Peck's Point, with two tier of Tim
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clining to build said Dam by the job, will please to
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' Regularly educated Phyfcian and Sur
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HAS lately arrived in this town from Eu
rope, and tenders his services to the pub-
z ~ lie in theline of his profeffion—he cures Billions
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out Mercury ; Old Wounds.
His charges will be proportioned to the abil
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RAYNE's, vValhington street.
<,^.,,..;.,, 4^.-K- II , 1 4+4+44.44.4+4+ 4+++4++t4+4++t++ t
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1 Illi»».
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, IZA Specimen of his work may be seen by|
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t WILLIAM JENNYS.
I Portsmouth, August, 11, 1804.
Tickets & Quarters
'IN
PJSC ITAQUA BRIDGE LOTTERY,
For Sale by
Aug.ll. NATHANIEL WHITE.
20 Dollars Reward.
WHEREAS feme evil minded person or
persons, did on Saturday night last, for
cibly break the Lock, and burst open the Gates
on the Wharf of the subscriber. This is to give
notice, that Twenty Dollars Reward will be giv
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The Public in general die also informed, that
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Particularly desired not to takeaway any of the
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tinaion. WILLIAM BOYD.
August it.
Rockingham, IT.
THE fubferibers being appointed
by the hon. Judge of Probate, Commis
sioners to receive, examine and adjust all the
I claims of the creditors to the estate of HENRY
TILTON, late of Newmarket, gentleman, de
ceased, represented insolvent, under the admin
istration of John Shute,jun.
The creditors to said estate are hereby noti
fied, that we (hall attend that service at the
Poll-Office in said Newmarket, on the firft Mon
day of this# and the five following months, from
3 to 6 of the clock P. M of each of said days.
JOSIAH ADAMS,
DUDLEY WATSON.
Newmarket, August 3, 1804.
Vol. XIV.]
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^ WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERII
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1 Political Miscellany.'
From the CENTINEL.
REVIEW OF
JEFFERSONS ADMINISTRY TIQN.
HUME. —~ No. I.
THE present administration in the commence
ment of their political career with exultation at the
victory, they had obtained over their predecessors,
often repeated, “ let our actions be displayed at the
tribunal of public opinion. We are conn tent, they
will be as honorable to us, as they are pleasing to the
people. We never will defend ourselves with any
other aid, than the brilliancy of our virtue." Like
a rash, inexperienced, and boastful youth sanguine in
his own strength, they must by this time have learn
ed, that there is no cunning, which may pot be inves
: Heated ;mo secret .wickedness and corruption which
may not he discovered. Had they known themselves,
or designed to practice, as they professed, they never
would have challenged the virtue and judgment of
the nation to an investigation of their conduct. Indeed
they seem to have soon repented of their folly, since
for three years no direct unequivocal challenge for
an exhibition of their actions before the public has
been given. It is perhaps true, that for the purpose
of deception they may have made pretention to such
an exhibition ; but even this has constantly been
with a proviso, which would frustrate the end, they
desire the people to believe they have in view, a
discovery of the utility, or destructive tendency of
their measures. No person is to comment on these,
but their own parasites and retainers. The v~cc
of the impartial, of the wise, of the virtuous, and of;
the true friend to his country is to be hushed into ;
an everlasting silence. But this voice cannot bej
silenced. The malice of hearts, disposed to tyranny
without power necessary to its existence, is as little
an object of fear, or regard, as are the “ spasms of
infuriate" pride & wickedness, smarting Under the
lash oftruth. The nation cannot have forgotten,
how confident were their present governors in their
own strength, or in the moment of their elevation,
how ardently they pretended to desire an investiga
tion of their acts during and at the close of their
administration. In conformity therefore with what
were their apparent wishes, though passive obedi
ence and an implicit belief in the perfection of the
measures of the government have long since been
as openly avowed and inculcated by its sycophants,
as they dared, without so grossly insulting the un
derstanding of the people, as to be perceived, we
shall attempt to exhibit these measures at the bar of
public reason.
However unwilling the government may be to
pass their actions in review before their constituents
in the reign of democracy, with which we have
been blessed by their efforts, it is what they must
submit to, though the issue of this review should load
them with infamy. In a government where a man's
elevation ought to depend on his personal character
and merit, such an iniquity is necessary. When he
has once possessed national confidence, and again
claims the suffrages of a free people, it is but just
to examine past actions, and ascertain, whether his
political career have been marked for prosperity &
happiness to individuals, or have exhibited only per
secution and intolerance for difference in sentiment ;
whether the empire under his direction have acquir
ed glory and consideration among foreign nations or
excised only their disrespect and contempt.
These are some of the reasons which induce us
to review the administration of Mr. Jefferson. As
he is a candidate for the office the second time, his
pretentions and merit ought to be examined. His
conduct ought to be fairly stated, that the nation may
judge, whether he have been really governed by the
interest of the community, or, being unprincipled
and intolerant, have directed his efforts exclusively
to Iris own aggrandizement even with attempts to
destroy the characters of men, in competition with
tiie virtues of whom his own would be totally eclips
ed.
To render ourselves perspicuous, as possible, we
shall sketch the plan, according to which we design
to proceed in pursuing this inquiry.
Under former presidencies perhaps much of the
uneasiness excited in the mind of the public was
created by misrepresentations concerning the fiscal
arrangements of the government. We were repeat
edly told,that the administration were guilty of dissi
pating the treasure of the nation in gratuities & ex
travagant salaries to their particular friends ; and
in consequence of this criminal and wicked conduct
this violation of their oath of office, we were on the
crisis of national bankruptcy. That the only act,
which could save us from inevitable ruin, was to
place Mr. Jefferson in the chair of state. If he
could obtain the first office in the power of the coun
try to bestow, we must have the strongest assuran
ces, that the finances would be managed with the
strictest economy. Notwithstanding provision would
be made to discharge a national debt, which it was
falsely asserted had increased, the coffers of the trea
sury were constantly to remain full. To determine
whether the causes for these strains of eulogy exist,
we need only make a statement of facts, But this
alone will not be a criterion for ascertaining the
relative inert: ofthe different administrations. We
shall threfore concisely exhibit the situation of the
country at the close of the Washingt n and Ad
ams administration, principally as it respects finan
ce, and compare it with its fiscal state. Hence in
addition to the discovery of their respective merit,
in relation to this object we may trace the reasons
for dissatisfaction against the government during
frrmer presidencies, and the purity of inten
tion in those, who abetted it. Such a comparison,
drawn from facts as they really existed in periods
of time, when the government was administered on
different principles, and maxims, will enable us to
form a just judgment toncernining the truth of them,
their fitness of application to the moral state of so-;
ciety, and the benefits, or evils, which it respective-i
ly experiences from such application.—But before 1
this comparison can be made, we shall review all }
the trahsactions of Mr. Jefferson's administration,|
in any way necessary to illustrate his merit, or de
merit. We shall generally confine ourselves to the
order of time, in which they existed, varying only
wl?ere the connexion of particular acts make it ne
quisite. A true and faithful relation of them will be
constantly our object. Originality therefore is not
tube expected. The only merit we can claim is
TUESDAYqAugust 21, 1804.
FY, REL/GfO.V AND MORALITY are INI
*^ lß *^" MlM> * l ***>MMs*itlltti.<MaaMaiMAAM^^%«M MjlwL«<|i|siiiMlM
"'"Siting in one connected view, facts,which
at different times have already been presented to
the public. From these facts however, as premis
ses, we shall make our own conclusions, never de
signmg to deduce any, which do not irresistibly fol
low from them. Whatever these conclusions may
be w " e ‘" they display the conduct ofa man of dig
nified and elevated virtue, whose only aim is the
happiness of his country, or that of a conspirator a
gainst the sacred right of private reputation, whose
ambition can be gratified only by the wontonness of
tyranny ; no shade in his character shall be know
ingly heightened by too much, or appear too dimly
by a want of coloring. HU ME.
—t^m ,
HUME. No. 11.
The Cause, which operates most powerfully in
^displacing an administration in elective govern
ments, is generally the charge of mismanaging the
national finances. Thus it happened to the Wash
iNGTj^^nd Adams administrations. So often did
-} .A the present rulers exclaim against
the federal direction of the revenue ; so often did
tliey repeat the cry of venality, corruption, and pro
digality in those, who controuled it, that in defiance
of truth, they at last electrified the public mind, and
produced a change. An examination however of
the state of finance at the commencement, and dur
ing the former government, will once more, in
almost innumerable times, discover the only
reason for such achange, conscious falsehood.
It will show the fiscal operations of the federal ad
ministration, to have been highly conducive to the
prosperity of the nation ; and consequently the con
duct of their successors toward them, to have been
unprincipled and disgraceful. It will point to the 1
cause of the consideration and respect, which we
enjoyed among foreign nations ; and enable us by
I co uparison, in the conclusion of these numbers, to
§ ascertain the merit of the respective administra
itions.
From a report of a Committee of Congress, ap
pointed, March 20, 1800, to examine the accounts
; of the United States, relating to the public debt, and
a report of Mr. Gallatin, dated December IS, 1801,
with the documents, to whicli in these reports there
is reference, it appears that the federal administra
tion received from the confederation a debt of
76,781,953 dollars. The property of the United
States, which they p sessed, when their fiscal ar
rangements began to operate, and which was ap-|
plied to the extinguishment of the public debt, a
mounted to little more than two millions and an
half.— The debt, therefore, for which the federal
ists had to provide, was 74,185,596 dollars. This
sum was to be paid by the proceeds of a revenue, as
yet scarcely systematized. On the first day of Jan
uary 1798, when the conduct of France had forced
us to arm our vessels, after drinking the cup ofhu
miliation to th# dregs, the amount of the debt was
67,627,338 dollars. At this time therefore the gov
ernment had discharged more, than six millions and
an half. On the first of January 1800, the debt a
mounted to 70,212,718 dollars. From 1798 to 1800
it had consequently increased upwards of two and
an half millions. This increase arose from extra
ordinary expenditures, in consequence of the wanton
and unprovoked aggression of France.—But the na
tional debt, which the federalists had to pay, was
74,185,595 dollars. They had therefore in the year
1800 diminished it almost four millions of dollars.
" Mr. Gallatin in his report states the public
debt on the first of January 1801, to have been a
fraction more, than eighty millions. But in this
statement he makes no allowance for upward of two
millions of Dollars then in the treasury, cash in the
hands of collectors, the amount of bonds at the cus
tom-houses, and bank stock, all which must have a
mounted to more than ten millions. On the first of
January in the preceding year these items amounted
to this sum, and the revenue then was not so great,
as in 1800. According to Mr. Gallatin's own state
ment then, the debt was little less in the beginning of
1801, than the committee of Congress made it in
1800."
But this was not all the federalists performed
while in office. According to an authentic com
munication, from a former member of Congress,'
they paid for interest ou the public debt between the
years 1790 and 1800 “ upwards of twenty-three and
an half millions of dollars. In addition to this sum,
which public faith and credit obliged them to pay,
they were under the necessity of paying more than
five hundred thousand dollars for incidental claims,
arising undet the old government, but not included
in the amount of the liquidated debt; 164,000 for
debts, due to foreign officers, who served with us in
the war; 169,000 for certain parts of the old debt,
which were not funded, and not included in the above
amount ; 908,000 for pensions to invalid soldiers, who
served in the war ; 347,000 for the erection of light
houses for the security of trade ; 546,009 for the
protection of our coasts and cities by the fortification
of ports and harbours ; 196,000 for making and pre
serving peace with the Indian tribes ; 1,250,000 for
suppressing two insurrections in Pennsylvania," in
one of which Mr. Gallatin was a principal actor ;
" 1,682,000 for redeeming our citizens in captivity
among the Algerines, and for making and preserv-1
ing peace with them, and the other Barbary pow-'
ers ; 239,000 for establishing the boundary lines be
tween us and Spain, and Britain, and can, ing into
effect our treaties with those nations ; 134,000 for
the census taken pursuant to the constitution ;
4,265,000 for the, support of the civil government
in all its. various departments ; 5,000,000 for the
Indian war, which the federal governmont had been
compelled to maintain on the frontiers ; for the mil
itary establishment, including the sum of 5,000,000
the purchase of arms and military stores, and all the
additional expence of our preparations against
France, 13,830,000 ; for our negociations and inter
course with foreign nations, including the missions to
France, which from her tyrannical and imperious
conduct were unusually expensive, the extraordina
ry mission to England, and the maintenance of all
our ministers abroad, 759,000 dollars, and less ex
penditures for a variety of incidental objects had
been necessarily incurred." These expenses to
gether amount, to more, than forty-seven millions of
dollars.
The particulars of this statement, presented in
one view, will discover, how faithful were the feder
al administration to the interest of the nation. In
the year 1790, little after the unanimous voice of a
then grateful people had edited the father of his
country to administer their untried government,they
became bound by national faith without any funds,
revenue, or national property, to discharge a debt
DISPENSABLE SUPPORTS;—Washington.
of more than 74 millions. During the twelve years
of their adminisiration they paid in various necessa
ry expenditures more than 47 millions. In the be
ginning of the year iBOI they left to their successors
a debt of little more, than 70 millions, with a per
manent revenue and productive funds. But with
such a revenue and funds which according to Mr.
Gallatin's own statement will defray every demand
of government, and entirely liquidate the public
debts in fifteen years and an half, the presort ad
ministration have received from their predecessors,
national property, consisting in navy-yards, a pro
portion of the materials for building six 74 gun-ships,
buildings for the reception and preservation of arms,
and our navy, See. amounting at least to ft ur mil
lions. As the Federalists, when they first assu vied
the national debt, deducted from it the amount of
national property, they received, considering the re
mainder,as the actual debt of the U. S. so it is but
just tlie amount of property, transmitted to their
successors, should be credited on the debt, they re
ceived. This will reduce it to sixty-six millions of
dollars.
The fiscal concerns ,f the nation did not solely en
gross the attention of the federal administration.
To estimate their merit, it is requisite to advert to
other parts of their system, alike conducive in them
selves, to the lasting benefit of the community, as
well, as concisely to display the powerful obstruc
tions purposely created to defeat their opera
tions.
It can constitute no small part of the federal ac
count in the mind of a people, uninfluenced by pre
judice, that they were able to form a constitution,
and procure its adoption, notwithstanding the agita
tion of the public mind, and a variety of saving in
terests, and in opposition to the unceasing exertions
of the party, who are now in possession of power by
; this very constitution ; that, when public cre
dit, faith, and confidence were annihilated, they
could plan and carry into effect a system of finance,
whicli has restored them to full vigor and actually
discharged a considerable part of the national debt.
Almost as soon as the government was organized,and
the plan of revenue in operation, we beheld an in
surrection to resist its authority. Immediately on the
suppression of this, England without any justifiable
pretence committed depredations on cur defenceless
commerce. When peace was again restored by ne
gociation, the pirates of the French revolution were
sent forth to seize our vessels, and deprive us of the
fruit of our industry. After repeated expostulation
with France on the injustice of her conduct, our in-
I fant navy convinced her, that though she disregard
ed the principles of morality, and the law of nations,
from inclination ; she yet was obliged in some
degree to obey them from necessity. During tliis
period another insurrection was excited, which how
ever was soon suppressed by the decision and ener
gy of the Executive. Notwithstanding all these ob
stacles, and the unjust clamour, frequently raised a
gainst its measures, the federal administration pur
sued asteady and undeviating course. It demanded,
and obtained redress from Britain for capturing our
property. It preserved our national honor by build
ing, and sending a navy to resist the piracies of the
terrible republic. It guarded every -maul habita
tion by pure and impartial justice. It protected the
sacred right of reputation by subjecting the calumni
ator to infamous punishment. It prevented the im
igration of aliens, who have since, by an impetuous
terrent, inundated our once happy shores, covered
with crime & vice without the appearance of one
solitary virtue. It has a second time rescued
us from degradation and ruin, by carrying us safely
through the tempest of conflicting passions and opin
ions, bursting from the French revolution, that vol
cano of destruction, which buried nations in its ru
ins. HUME
M=^=^^^^^B^e===reßß^=!™i=rererare^,
Congressional Election.
From the Concord Courier.
, To the Freemen of Xra-Hamftshire,
On the last Monday in August, you will exercise
the privuege of freemen, in voting for five persons
to represent you in the Congress of the United States.
To impress upon a people the importance of attend
ing to the choice of their Rulers, is recommending no
more than is at all times requisite in an elective Gov
ernment, if they would preserve its principles from
vioiation. It is also the duty ol the people, as far as
in their power, to be well informed respecting men
and measures before they invest them with power :
it is peculiarly so when party-spirit stalks throuch
the land, attended by its legitimate issue, slan
der, deception, and falsehood.—it is a melar.chol
ly consideration, that these republican disorders have
so early fixed upon our political Constitution ; that
the disease nas progressed to that stage, when the
expectation of death almost induces an abandon
ment of the means to preserve life. Never did a
people rise to eminence with equal rapidity ; it
may emphatically be said of the United States,' that
a nation was not only born, but came to maturity, in
I a day. Blessed with many men of singular virtue,
I whose aim was the happiness of their country, they
* united with one heart and one mind, to promote its
prosperity ; to form for it a Government the best
calculated to make a virtuous nation happy ; to rive
them a system the most pure and free, whose dura
tion, however, must be bounded by the existence of
virtue, religion, and morality, among the people. In
the attainment of our independence, Heaven gave us
a Washington to lead us to victory ; in the establish
ment of the Federal Government, his talents were
employed for our happiness ; and for eight successive
years his hours were devoted to the faithful admin
istration of that Government, over a people then ac
ting under the impression of true republican princi
ples. The federation of Wa^hihgton was then tie
political creed of every friend ofhis country : it w ts
equally opposed to the present democracy of Ameri
ca, as to tire then jacobinism of France ; forth y
are nearly allied. It was apparent, that the secret
poison of the one would eventually prove as destr ac
tive to order, religion and liberty, as the rpen viole ice
of the other. It cannot be denied, that our Govern
ment is now in the hands of those who were orig n
aUy opposed to the Constitution, and w! 0 were in a
riably enemies to the administration of Wasting n:
the friends of the Constitution can only seek r ief
from this calamity by constitutional n ea r s : hose
who revere the federalism of Washingten, will con
sequently in their elections support men of ike r 0-
ciples. The present unhappy state of our co aery
was feared and dreaded by that man, who united a
world in his praise ; he bequeathed his countrymen
*JI INI 1 1. a. ■ !I..__J„^
[No. 45.