The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1779-03-30 00:00:00, page 2

The Bifho, of Peterborough said, the indulgence so
often granted him by that House would render it un
pardonable in him to be silent on the present occasion,
nor could he reconcile it to himfelf as a minister of
that church which the wisdom of our conflitution
had made to share in its legislature, and had called
to that dignity which gave him the power of speak
ing his sentiments in that place. He should there
fore address their Lordships, not as flatefmen but as
chriftia's, and intreat them to support the motion of
the noble Marquis, in order to put a step to a merci
less measure, which menaced fruitlefs deftruftion
to enemies we cannot conquer, and to friends we
-cannot preteA. He was further called upon to urge
this request, by observing, that in the account of the
extraordinaries of the army for the last year, charges
were made for the tomahawk and scalping knife, that
is; for the Indians in our feivice exerc sing those
horrid bntcher : es, and he supposed from the procla
mation such expences would be continued. The
Americans had been denied an audience, their peti
tions had been rejected ; they had appealed to Hea
ven ; and who'e scale would preponderate in this
conflict, that fapreme Power, who holds the uner
ring balance alone can tell. Yet it is our duty to a&
as chriftians, to (often the horrors of war, by offer
ingevery ccnfolation in our power to the unhappy
objeOs of it, and to refle& we ourselves may stand
in need of that mercy, which we are called upon by
this motion to shew to others.
The Duke cf Grafton, in support of the motion,
obfetved that he could not reconcile it to his consci
ence 'o return to his home from that House, without
expressing his disapprobation of the mifehievous and
fatal tendency cf the fy flem cf politics adopted by the
present minivers, who had fh%Wn themselves incapa
ble cf conducting the affairs of this once flourifhing
country: He would not speak in the language cf
despondency ; there were hopes of recovering our
former power and reparation ; but be muff confefs be
had none while the prefect set cf men we=e continued
L 0 N D 6 N, Dumber ^
^y r ESTERDAYa very curious and ime'eftitTg
& debase commenced h. the House cf Lords ata
h de after three o'clock intheafternoon cn a motion
of some length mide by th, Marquis of Rockingham,
to the following purport:
'' That an bubble Address be presented to his Ma
" jefty expafling the extreme displeasure of the
" Huufo at certain paffares in a man fcfto or procla
'' mation published by his Majedy's Commiffiomers at
New xork, and rec ring the obnoxious pillages.''
Tne n? cMarquis, in an introductory fpsech, ex
plated on the horrors which mud enfae from pursu
ing the cruel fy 9em of deflation and savage cruelty
popofed and menaced in the proclamation and flawed
the inability of this country,in our prelent debilitated
situation, to guard again ft thufe dreadful a&s of retail
^on which' France might make on the naked and de
fencelet's towns on the Britiffi and Irish eoafts. He ad
ded, that nothing but a full conviAiop of the alarming
tendency of this proclamation, as well as of the ne-
K.lfey cf enquiring who were the advisers of such per
niciouspeamres, could have induced him to trouble
the House upon tkis fubjeA.
Lord Suffolk refe to oppose the motion, and de
blared, that nothing less that a design to wrest the
words in the proclamation, to a meaning they would
not bear, could induce any person to apprehend that
any fivage cruelties, any barbarities, or any desolati
on, contrary to the usual rules of war among the ci
vihzed nations of Europe, were menaced. The A
mcricans had hitherto been treated with the greatest
lenity in the condu& cf a war they had brought up
on themselves; every proportion that had been made
for reconciling and reuniting them to Great-Dritain
had been tried in vain, and now having allied them
Lives tc France they must be confidejed as the na
tural enemies cf this country. France had but one
finale obje& in view which placed this kingdom in
a very singular situation not known in any former
war with that power. She turned all her thoughts
to augmenting her marine, instead of large armies by
land. She is now attempting to dispute our long
acknowledged empire of the seas ; and if, with the
affiance of the Americans, fc can gain the ascen
dancy by sea, to what a low limited state must the
monarchy of Britain be reduced. Is it not then found
policy to render the accession of America as useless to
France as pcffible, that America may not furnifh
France with Whipping, naval fores, and teamen, toena
ble her the better to carry into execution herfchemes
for the ruin of the maritime power of Great-Britain ?
His Lordship desired the House to confider that their
all was at flake, and that every thing was justifiable
which would weaken the power of our ambitious
and perfidious enemy; but he denied that the words
cf the proclamation could be interpreted to convey
an idea of burning the private habitations of peacea
ble persons, or of putting the innocent, defencelefs
inhabitants to the sword.
They were told in the House at the beginning of
the laftfeffion by a noble Lord, ende the glory of
this nation, now no more, and by himfelf and other
Lords on that 'fide of the House, that France medita
ted a sudden blow against this country, and after
wards, that she had signed a treaty with the revolted
American colonies. Miniflry were called upon to
know if they had any such intelligence ; they deni
ed all knowledge of it officially, yet i. soon proved
true; be therefore hoped the noble Lord, who was
Ambassador in France at that time, and whom he
now saw in his place, would explain that matter to
the fatisfaftion of the House.
in tfficL who had betrayed there ignorance t,on
many occasions, bat he should only instance one.
the total want of early intelligence of the designs of
France, though they bad an Ambassador at Verfaile*,
whose duty it was to have given them the earliest aid
the best information.
Lord Stormont replied, and rem.irke 1 that the no
ble Dike mutt be fcnfible, having himf^f held the
high office ofMmifler cf this country, that one of the
firft duties of an Ambassador was secrecy : also that
it was with propriety to answer the interrogatories of
any individual in or out of that House. From the
line of his duty no confederation should draw him.
He had the happiness to meet with the approbation
of his Sovereign, in a flation which he had not soli
cited, but to which he had been appointed by the
express command of his Majefly. Having said thus
much, from the refpe& he owed the House, he was
willing to give all the fatisfa&ion in his power, con
sistent with the character he lately held.
He defined to remind their Lordships, that having
been employed abroad from the commencement of the
difpute# with America, he had not voted for the flamp,
nor yet for the repeal of it, nor for the declaratory
a&, nor for the coercive measures ; he, therefore, came
to Parliament unbiaffed, unprejudiced, and would
in a few words deliver his sentiments.
With refpe& to the treaty between France and
America, he knew of it very early, and communi
cated it to the Secretary ofState ; but he was sorry to
observe, that the noble Duke, who called upon him
to rife, which he should not otherwise "have done,
compelled him to few the ignorance of him and his
noble friends on that fide of the House, who, not
withstanding all the pains and expence they were at
for the best and earliest intelligence from France, did
not konw that the commercial treaty between France
and America was only the ostensible treaty held out
to amuse the world, while the secret treaty was an
hostile, offenfive league against Great-Britain. Of
this he was easily convinced, and had informed ad
ministration that he had not a doubt about it. Ame
rica he therefore considered as a part of France, not
to be treated as a feperate but as a combined enemy,
meditating the deftru&ion of this country ; for wheh
reason he should not hesitate to vote against the moti
on, because it was heceffary to take every measure
which the law of felf preservation dictated to weaken
the power of the united enemies of this kingdom.
The Duke of Richmond argued warmly in behalf
of the motion • but we shall only notice what appear
ed to be new in the present debate; for all the old
ground of the American dispute, and the mifconduft
of adminiftratlon, was trodden over again upon this
occasion. His Grace maintained that the Commissi
oners had exceeded the powers in the A& by which
they were appointed; that they must have been au
tkorized by the miniflry at home, who had reduced
their country to such a crisis, that a general reform,
and nothing bat a general reform, could save it.
Commanders, who would not complain of their em
ployers, and from just causes return heme in disgust.
Admirals, who would agree to underfland one ano
ther. Ministers, who would be confident and honest
in their condud; clear and resolute in their orders.
But above all, ceconomy and reformation in our fi
nances was heceffary.
His Grace then read the preamble to an edi& for
railing four million# of livres in France, to shew the
comparative difference between th# French finances
and our own. The French King therein declares,
" that tho' he has thought it necessary, for the dig
nity of his crewn, and the maintenance cf his just
rights, to raise the naval force of his kingdom to the
bigheft pitch it has attained in this country, yet by
a prudent management of his revenues, by the abo
lition of several useless offices, and burthenfome ex
pences, he is enabled to support this addition to his
navy, and the other burthens of a war, and to assure
the contributors to the present loan, by life annuities,
that ample prev fion is made from the ordinary reve
nues of the State, for the payment of their refyeAive
annuities."
H s Grace remarked, that the loan was on very
low terms pfintereft, and a 1! this owing to Mr. Neck
e% a foreigner cf ^reatab lilies, and very disinterest
ed who had under taken the management of the
French finances, on the plan recommend'd here by
financier cf Fiance, he had not added a berfe'to'h $
chariot, or a d.fh to hits table on that accent but
lived in the fame ' private manner at Pan<, b.^ he
had done before he was a Mnifter.
He the i diew a mott diLdvantagecua port,ait cf
the firft Loid <fihe Treafcry, I, e 'P' n g emolument
upon emolument; the Wardenih p of the Cirque
Ports, and reverfens lor his children, such o Comp
troller of the port of Londonaftet the derate of th^
Duke of Newcaflie. in the very hour of puplic c-,
lamity. And asked how it could be expend a (ar.
cegor could be found who would not think himfetf
equally or better intitled to similar reward#, if he for
measures so fatal, so unfortunate to his country, v^
to be loaded with honour and places. Tn sh ?rt,fcuue•
retired on pensions. feme fnarebed one thing, fofie
another, but all contributed to flip th country o>j
ked; agd therefore nothing but difinterefkd men,
who would ferv^ the Ciown on moderate terms with
fidelity, Could rtfcue ns from impending ru n.
Lord Abingdon said a few words in support cf.l^
motion, but so low as not to be heard beyond the bar,|
Lord Lyttelton made an eloquent speech in defence"
cf adminfttrahon, but did not seem to advance any
firiking argument; He w shed a general union of all
ranks cf men, especially of Church and State and
was rather fevete on the Bishop of Peterborough, as
the only Prelate on th, berach who had discovered the
unchristian principles of the proclamation.
Lord Gower confined himfelf principally to vindi
cating hi# noble relation, Lord Carlifle, whohad sign-,
ed the proclamation ; as to the wording of it, he feeme'd
to think any particular expressions of Mr. Adam Fer
guson, the Secretary (a Scot) ought not to be tooli*
terally interpreted. At all events, the proclamation
was not to be underftocd in the sense it was taken by
the noble Lords who supported the motion.
Lord Shelburne desired the Lords in Administration
to exculpate themselves by explaining away the clear
sense of the words. He said theword Valedictory
was criminal, it was taking a farewell of Thirteen
Colonies with cool indifference, and Parliament had
given no such authority to the Commissioners. It
was shutting the door against all reconciliation, which
before this he had not despaired of. He then main
tained this proposition, that England without a re^
union with the Colonies could not exist as an inde
pendent State. He severally arraigned the Miniflry,
and observed, that we were reduced to a miserable
state indeed, when a firft Lord of the Treasury dared
to tell an honest Member of Parliament he was only
a fly upon the wheel of his chariot: A chariot which
that minister raised and supported by trampling on
his country.
When a great Commander in Chief should openly
tell another Minister to his face (in the House of
Commons) that the war cannot succeed while you
have the direction of it ; and an Ambassador fh%ld
write home to the Secretary cf his department that
France, in his opinion, had entered into a secret of-;
fenfive treaty with America for the detraction of
this country; yet this Minister (Lord Weymouth)
now tells the House it was not his opinion, and as he
was not on the spot to be convinced of it himfelf, be
was not obliged to believe it, for men differ in opini
ons. To conclude, he recommended a detachment
of America from France by any means, and a disa
vowal of this proclamation, as the most essential.
The Lord Chancellor wished the noble Lord,
would all confine therefe'ves to the question before
them, and not run into digression, for the fake of re
viling and defaming Minifiers, whose innocence he
thought was confirmed by such declamations. He
considered the proclamation in the nature of a private
letter of the Comm ffioners. who by the very A& of
Parliament appointing them had no public authority
after the firft of last June: They could not therefore
have any inftruAions from home for this proclamati
on: which, however, he considered as innocent in
itfelf, and not holding forth to wiew the raw head,
and bloody bones feme Lords apprehended, nor the
deftruaion of women and children mentioned by a
noble Prelate. He was sure no grammatical nor critical
exposition of the words complained of would jufiify
such a meaning: But it was not merely averting it;
before the House could pass such a severe censure on
the Commissioners, it was incumbent on the noble
Lords who supported the motion to prove it.
Lord Cambden undertook this proof, and afcd
what other sense could be put upon the words ? What
did the desolation of war mean, but deftruflion es the
houses, and massacring the people in an enemy'#
country ? The declatation in his opinion, held forth
a war of revenge, such as Moloch, in the Pendemc
nium of Hell, advised, And here bequoted hi, speech
from Miltcn. This was a retort on the Chancellor,
who had observed, that the words would not beat
the interpretation which the flowery imagery of po
etry might givethem.
His Lo^dfh'p added, That the Proclamation oughti