The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1800-02-19 00:00:00, page 2

In our laji we published the Addrejs uftHe Senate
of Pennsylvania, to Gov. M'Kean>—the follow,
* ing is
THE GOVERNOR'S REPLY.
GENTLEMEN,^ '
THEextraordinary nature of your firft commu
nication to me, as an executive magistrate, the
flight-reference it contains to the address whjch it
pretends to answer, and the distant period at which
'it is prefeuted, are indications ts premeditated
iiifult, that affect me infinitely more on account of
the apparent departure from the dignity of a le
gislative body, than on the injustice done to my
political principles, or of the outrage offered to
my personal feelings. Regarding you, indeed,
only in your reprtfentative character, I have tho't
it, in some degree; aft official duty to faffer you to
speak to me in terms which, asa private gentle
man, I would not condescended to employ.
Thus, areaddress, clofiug the solemn att of my
introduction into office, with a declaration' of my
solicitude to promote tbe happiuefs of out confli
tuents, and to preserve an harmonious Intercourse
between the departments of tbe government, you
have been pleased to convert into an opportunity
_ to assume a censorship, which the confutation
does not recognize : to exhibit accusations which
lay conduct has not deferred ;,pud to indulge a
Spirit of animosity which prefects much to com
passionate and deplore,but nothing to convince or
to terrify.
It is obvious, I must repeat, gentlemen, that
your proceedings on this occasion, are not founded
on any legislative duty, and cannot, 1 think, pro
duce any public advantage. As'the Senate is the
tribunal established to decide upon any charge of
official mifeondutt, it,would feeminfuch cases to
\ be peculiarly incumbent on that body to abflain
from effulions of passion, from asperity of animad
vertion, from the bias of prejudication. Even,
therefore, if the tranfaCtions Which you have an
nounced were of a criminal nature, you, who
would eventually be the judges, oughtnot to be
come the accusers ; and if they were not of a cri-,
minal nature it will be difficult to trace the polit
ical, moral or intellectual pre-eminence that au
•;e you to arraign and condemn them.
us, with this view, for a moment confider
pics of your complaint. In a reply to the
atulations of my republican friends upon the
of the late election, 1 candidly Rated an o
1, that a combination was employed in fop
port of theadverfe candidate, confiding of the en
emies of the principles of the American revolu
tion; the emissaries of foreign governments, and
the dependents, or expectants of office, under the
Federal ministration. Whether I review the cir
cumftanc& to which I then, referred, or contem
plate the many proofs of the exigence of such a
combination,in relation to eboreimportant objects,
I find no reason to change, or to retraft, the opinl
- ion xhat was then delivered. „Yet, let me not a
be misrepresented, Tho' my election was
opposed by all thdfe descriptions of persons, I ne
ver said, Iriever thought that there was hot like
wise a numerous description of opponents, whole
conduct,had been equally decorous and independ
ent.' Free, .therefore, from the perversion of par
ty (a perveffion which I did not expert the en-%
-lightened fi& of Petinfilvania would counte.
nance or adopt)'wliat is therein my fentimeins,
or language, that your, generolity Should be exer
cised (o forgive, or that my lenfe ptjuQice Ihould
be anxious to obliterate? ,
Befits, if will be recollected, that the tranfac
tlon, Particularly alluded to", occured before! was
in office, and waspnconnetted with any object of
the executve orlegiflafive trust. If then the cen
sorship of the Senate is waitable, as applied to
I aken and decided, and therefore was not in or
der.
Mr. Harper then moved an amendment which
in his obfervatioas of yesterday he gave notice of,
in these wdrds: Between the wore that and fuf-
Jicient to insert although the conduct of Captain
MKnight and Lieut. Reynolds was mdifcreet and
imprudent yet fatiicient cause, &c. ^
Some couverfation now ensued on the point of
order. Mr. Nicholas appealed from the decision
of the chair. The Houle determined the decilion
Tight—Ayes 67.
The motion,of Mr. Harper was then before the
House,& debated. Gen. Lee on a fnggertron of Mt^
Dana moved to insert the word further before
'' ihterpofition of this House," &c. The debate
continued.'
Mr. Randolph having heard the different ftate
merits of the evidence, and conceiving some of the
evidence not perfectly underHbod,wifned to know
whether the merabei s present who were witnefles
could be permitted to give evidence dtefore the
House. He pointed out wherein the deference of
Hatements existed. On which Mr. Nicholas mov
ed a recommitment of the report ; not on the
broad ground of the former motion, but tor the
purpose of procuring evidence—He conceived that
motion always in order.
The Speaker determined that it could not be
recommitted. The resolution with the proposed
amendments was now the order.
After some more conversation, Mr. Nicholas'
moved to amend the amendment of Mr. Harper
by inserting between the words " imprudent" and;
66 yet" rhe following, and deserves reprehenfton.
The debate continued. —Mr. Jackson wifned to
kiidw whether it was in order to admit new evi
dence in the House. Mr. Speaker—That has al
ready been determined to be out of order.
' The Yeas and Nays were agreed to be taken on
incorporating the words new moved by Mr. Ni
cholas.
YEAS, 42—NAYS, 56.
The question was then taken on the amendment
proposed by Mr. Harper as amended by Mr. Lee.
YEAS, 61—NAYS, 36.
The question was then taken on the whole reso
lution as amended which was negatived.
=YEAS, 49—NAYS, 51.
Mr. Nebulas then moved a resolution in the
following words, in the place of the one negativ
ed.
r Refolded, That this House do highly disapprove
es the condua of Capt. M'Knight and Lfeut. Rey
nolds towards John Randolph, jr. a member of
this House, on tne evening of Friday the 10th inst.
but considering it as an indiscretion of youth, they
are unwilling to exerpife their coriftitutional au
thority of punilhmpnt, under an hope inttances of
similar mifconduft will not occur .in? .future.
The Speaker declared this motion out of order,
it being a fubHitute and not a material alteration
from the one just now negatived.
, Mi. Nicholas wished the resolution to be inferr
ed orr the Journals of the Houfe,and therefore ap
pealed from the decision of the chair to a vote of
the Hbufe by Yeas and Nays.
The question put by the Speaker was—" Is the
decision of the chair on that appeal right ?"
YEAS, 59 —NAYS, 4a. Adjourned.
an officer lor his particular Hation, would bejrea
fopaple ground for the exercise of executivedif
, cretion ; and much as I venerate the misery
;merirof the revolution, I may be allowed tore-
Imark, tharfuch merit does not necessarily ifyy
a fuperiorcapacity for civil office.
The deportment of officers not in the exerife
of the rights of freemen, but in the proHituttyn
of official influence to party purposes ; not in ue
maintenance of their own independence, but 10
Idefamation of the Executive Magistrate , may &
so afford a proper cause of removal ; for the Ga.
:fideuce and conHality which ought to lUbfift %
tween the principal and subordinate officers of tie
Hate, being thus deltroyed, the public irtterett 1-
lone would demand Preparation. In short, gei
tlemen, let my appointments be judged by an in
partial tell, and 1 flattber myfelf, that I am rathir
entitled to the approbation with which the House
of Representatives has honored me in an anfw/r
to thefame address, than to the denunciation ofa
final! majority of the Senate. You would then
perceive, that many of the commiffiona issued py
my predecessor, have been renewed ; that if aiy
veteran of the American war has been displaced,
after a long enjoyment of office, others, of at leffl
equal patriotism and talents, have been brought
from retirement into the public service ; that so
far from anting on the impulse of an indifcriml
nate refehtment, many of my most decilive anti
^nd influential opponents have been re-appointed;
and that without regard to any personal feeling,
l have felefted, and ihril always deem it a duty to
feleft, for public Hations, men who are tried and
faithful friends to the genuine principles of our
republican inflitutious.
Having, now gentlemen, endeavoured to pvinee
the impropriety and ityuHice ofthe afperfi<rfs with
which I have been assailed, permit me agail to in
vite your co-operation in establishing the himony
ofthe government. To the honor of the Hite, to
the interest of our constituents, and to ou ; own
hapinefs, it is effenffift that the spirit of pditical
ditkruH and party tend, should be effectually fub-*
dued. Fora purpose so important and beneficent,
an example may juttly be expetted from those
who are elevated to public Hations ; and I repeat,
thatwith the prosperity of the people as otr sole
objeft, with the constitution and laws as otr con
tfant guide, we may reasonably hope for success.
For my part, be assured, that (notwitiiltanding
every pall unpleasant occurrence) I fliall .embrace
every opportunity to manifeft a profound respect
for the Legislature, and to reciprocate marks of
confidence and etteem with the individuals who
compose it. THOMAS M'KEAN.I
Lancajier, Jan. 28. 1800. t 1
DISSENT of the MINORITY.
Dissentient.
Because we confider the answer to the address
of the governor, as an useless interference on the
part of the senate, uncalled for by the contents of
the address, and untanftioued by former preced
e At.
Because the answer of the senate is not in fad
an answer to the address of the governor,but con
lifts of observations p^rfettly extraneous and irre
levant.
Because the answer of the senate unwarrantably
and, unconstitutionally arraigns the governor, for
conduft pursued, and language made use of (if at
, all) before he became the chief magistrate of this
state, and completely without the cognizance and
jurifdiaien of the senate ;•
Because the answer of the senate is, in our opin
ion, a gross and unjuftifiable interference with the
discretionary powers veiled ip the govenor by the
^tanftitution, and calculated to infringe in his per
son on &be right' of the people at large, it being
notorious that m the govenor, and in him only, in
Conformity with the powers confided to him by
tbe rffele, retts the right of appreciating and ap r
poirarcthe officers alluded to in the answer of the
senate?"° :
Because the address of the governor, mild and
conciliating in its sentiments, and exprefled id
every other aft of my life ; and if Senate may
publish Hriftures upon the private idutt of the
Executive Magistrate, what claim f priviledge
can shelter the members of that bo from retort
and recrimination, but the claim (v ch 1 shall al
ways promptly anticipate and allo to pardon
and oblivion.
You have chosen, however, gentfaen, another
topic for censure ; and pursuing tl very course
which you have yourselves reprobatl, you lament
that the fame spirit, which diftatethe answer to
my Republican friends has markedly official con
daft ; you bellow the mott opproftous epithets
on my arrangement of the fubordLte offices of
the hate ; and you ascribe to me th mott wicked
designs. But the constitution has }onferre| on
the Governor the exclusive power ofippointitg or
removing public officers ; and although it is ad
mitted that, for the legal eyercife of t^t p(wer
he is responsible to his constituents through theme-/
dium of impeachment, as for the dlfcreet exfcife
of the power he is responsible to his conftilepts
through the medium of election ; 1 can no here
discover the authority of the Senate in the pfent
form to controul, regulate or interpole. 1 : ra
dical principle ot the conlhrutipn, indeed pro
vides for the separation and independence < the
principal departments of government '; anc can
be of little importance whether that princie is
subverted by direct ufurpation,or by forceful es-.
forts of one department to overawe and infence
another. If likewise, the Senate may, c any
pretence, by an extra judicial procels, inveSgate
and arraign, disapprove and censure the tinner
of difcltergmg the executive functions : ina not
the executive magistrate, with as muchrig^ and
propriety, invade the fanftuary of the Sen/r, de-1
precate the rage and acrimony of its partiJ, de-A
nounce the personal mifeondud of its members,
quellion their title to their feats, and brand then/
with corruption or imbecility ? No, gentleman,/
will never encroach upon your jurddiaion, bit
I ihall deem it equally a duty, with firmriefssnd r
cency, to refill any attempts to encroach u^
mine.[
But it is not on this ground alone that yourfo'
ceedings appear to be erroneous ; yuu haveplfo
erred in the unqualified affection, that “ a great
number ofrefpe(table characters have been rfoov
ed from office, against whom no other blam|reHs
than the exercise of their right, as freemens op
position to my wilhes." —Before so gross an repu
tation was cast upon my conduct, you Should Pure
ly poflefs (what you cannot have pofleffed) per
fect knowledge of the information and priiiples
by which it is regulated.—ft is true that vious
changes in public offices have been made, ar that
othersare contemplated ; but was it not 1 thin
the Scope of candid conftrtiaion, to assign lets
odious cause lor the measure 1 have pursued
111 a popular government, the principles < ro
tation in offices of honor and profit fairly lave
been fuggeded.—A convfaion of the unfitnd of
language becoming the dignity of the Situation he
has been called upon to'fill, does not contain one
Single expression that could directly or incfre&ly
provoke the acrimonious reply which the Senate
has thought fit to adopt.
Becaule " we entertained a momentary hope,
that by " a manly and noble policy" (so laudably
in our opinion held forth in the address of the go
vernor)" the spirit of party and political discon
tent, which now divides our Hate, and threatens
its peace, would be removed," by a cordial ac
ceptance on the part of the senate of the govenor's
invitation.-'
we lament, as members of this body, that the
answer in question has annihilated the hopes we
hid thus fondly cherilhed, and hoisted the signal of
Zifeord in return lor proffers of conciliation and
/peace. We rejoice in this opportunity of exprefl
ing our profound dissent from the spirit which
dictated the answer of the senate.
Because we think the language of that answer is
as insulting to the people in the person of their
governor, as it is degrading to the dignity of the
senate ; nor can we help remarking the Grange
inconfiliency of that answer which complains of
opprobions language, in language the mott oppro
brious. We refpett the Sovereignty of the people
in their constituted authorities.
We personally respect the Govenor, to whom
this answer is addrefled —we refined: the decorum
of our Nations as Senators to Peimfylvania—and
we refpeCh ourselves as citizens. On all these ac
counts we cannot but dissent from the language
lasI as well as the matter of the answer in question.
I Because we did not hear in the course of the de
-Ibate any proof whatever of the accusations and in
sinuations contained in the answer, and we con
ceive it to have been adopted rather from the in
fluence of difappointmeut and irritation, than from
that decilive evidence peculiarly required when
the interference itfelf w as voluntary, unprecedent
ed, and unnecessary.
Because we are individually persuaded in our
own minds that the charges in that answer con
tained, against the Govenor of Pennsylvania, are
not Supported by fads.
William Findley, John Hamilton,
Samuel Dale, Thomas Mewhorter,
Chrijiian Lowet, Samuel Maclay
John Kean,
EXTRACT.
On the terms Democrat, Jacobin, Antifederalifl,
&c. with a diScription of the parties in this
Country;
The author of a letter in your last week's paper
complains of certain nicknames, Whose meaning
he does not understand : and no wonder, for in
this case as in many others, the original import ot
the words is loft, and they have derived from ig
norance and design, new and different Significa
tions. Every body must have noticed foinething
of this in the familiar phrases of common lan
guage ; when some damned honefl fellow, swears
that the Madeira is devilish good, or the girl mon
tlrods pretty, or when a young lady admires a
lapdog for being so vaHly small, and declares him
prodigious handsome, it is evident that these are
incongruities of expreflion which nothing but the
licence of colloquial familiarity could tolerate.
But these perversions of meaning are innocent ;
intended for no harm, they produce none ; while
the instances your correspondent complains or,
aro more fa-iou* Three of the Words he fpern
fies are now in common use by the adherents of
the prevailing party jn this Country, as terms of
the molt virulent and contemptuous reproach ;
Democrat, Jacobill, arid Anti- Federalist. The two
former we have borrowed wi 'h their modern lig
nifications from the ©tyfrument party of Eng
land ; the last we have found in our own country,
and eloathed it with the meaning fit for the use
to which we put it.
Democracy ; the Government of the people:
Democrat, a friend to the government of the peo
ple; in opposition to Monarchy, wherein one man
claims the government by hereditary right ; and
to Ariflocracy, where a few persons arrogate the
fame privilege, to the exclusion of the people at
large.
Mr. Pitt has lately declared in the House of Com
mons in England, that “ the man who holds forth
the doctrine “ of the sovereignty of the people is
an enemy to manltnd." In this country the pre
vailing party seem to be of the fame opinion, for
a term more opprobrious in their acceptation of
it, can hardly be applied than Democrat. But I
Should be glad to know what Mr. Pitt and these
gentlemen must think of tlie Government of Ame
rica, and the founders of its constitution ? A con
Hitution, built upon the principle of the Sovereign
ty of the people, and whose Rulers are chosen for
limited periods, by and at the will of the people ?
If such a government be not Democratic, 1 know
not whatjt is ; nor can any citizen use the term
democrat in this country as a term of reproach,
without indirectly abusing the Constitution under
which he lives, and which he has sworn to support.
Let the tools of Mr. Pitt, and the ignorant admir
ers of the British Monarchy, (the molt corrupt and
corrupting government of Europe) abuse Demo
cracy ; but surely it ill becomes an American to
follow the example. r ,
Jacobin. At the commencement of the French
revolution, many of the moll active inhabitants ot
Paris, finding the politics of the day become gra
dually so interesting, formed themselves into clubs
to difeufs the important questions that perpetual
ly arose between the court and the people. Some
of them hired for this purpose the room formerly
occupied by the religious society of the Jacobins.
Others of the hall of the Cordeliers, others (as the
Feuillam) met in other places, taking then deno
minations chiefly from the place of their meeting.
The,jacobin, were originally composed of the
earlidt, the roost difinterehed, the molt learned of
the leaders of the Revolution : of Briffot, Con
dorcet and Guadet, of Petion, Vergmaud, Gen
fopne, &c. La Fayette originally belonged to
them ; he ftceded in coufequence of some reflec
tions on his public conduft ; he repented, and
again applied for admittance, but was rejected.
Such men would naturally attratt the lovers of
liberty and of learning, and those who without
bring such delired to be thought so. Ihe popular
eloquence, the cruelty and violence, and the art
ful Intrigues of Roberfpierre and a p^rty who
joined him, unfortunately drove off in disgust the
more refpeftable persons above mentioned, and
by degrees they and the liberties of the country
fell victims to the low cunning of Roberfpierre
by means of that society. _
Hence the term Jacobin may imply a member
of a society so called when it was the mod refpett
able in Europe for talentsand integrity, or a mem
ber of therfame society when it becan©be molt
depraved and obsequious inftrnment of a diaboli
cal leader. Yet, by the prevailing party in ",
country, the term is indilcnmmately applied as
fynonimonfly reproachful with Democrat, to all
persons who prefer the principles ot the American
government, and rejoice in the exienhon ot those
principles. It is indeed generally used against I
those persons who are supposed to wioiuell to
the French cause in Europe ; as every friend to
the principles of the. American Government ought
te do ; for the principles ot the French Govern
ment itfelf, and of those it establishes elsewhere
are precisely the fame with our own. | fey the
French.caufe in Europe ; I know that there is said
to be a party in favour of the French in this coun
try against this country ; but 1 know too that the
slightest proof has never been adduced of this ; I
have never had in private of in public the lead
reason to believe this, and I set it down amoifa
the many impudent, unblushing calumnies so plen.
tifully propagated by the obsequious adherents o£
the powers 0 t be. Those who could so impu
dently invent the tale of the Tub, the tale of the
Incendiaries, the tale of the Ihip Oceaii, the tale
of the Taylors, &c. within one half year, are fully
equal to the difeovery of a French partizan, in
every one who opposes the opinion of themfelves^
or those whom they think it their interetl to fw<ar
by.
Antifederalift. At the formation of the present
Federal Constitution, there were (as may well be
supposed) differences of opinion as to the princi
ples of Union. The minority were termed Anti
'ederalilts on that occasion ; the majority with Mr.
Hamilton took the name of Federalists. But
among the persons now termed Antifederal I have
never heard an opinion, 1 have seen no publica
tion, I know of no fact, which can authorize any
man to believe, much lets to-aflert, that they are
opposed to the Union whether as a party or indi
vidually. Ido pretend to know as much of them
in private life as any reader of this paper, and I
folemniv declare I know no proof ot ibis accusa
tion. They are fdd to oppose the measures of
Government, and this is given as a proof of difaf
fe&ion to the Union ; but may not a man be well
affeaed to the Union who disapproves of the Brit
ish treaty, a French war, or a Handing army ? On
the contrary there is probable evidence that the
party called Federal are hostile to the Union ; that
they despise and'calumriiate the State goverument%
and that they wid ithem merged in a government
like the French, One and Indivilible. The senti
ments in language the mott opprobrious to the
State Governments, hare been publicly advocated
by Fenno and Cobbett.
There certainly are Violent men on both sides:
there certainly are in this country some men even
of confquence who are favourers of monarchy; l
there may be others, too apt to think that the '''
French Directory like the King of Great -Britain
can do no wrong. I hope such persons are few
on either fide.—Putting them therefore out of the
quellion, 1 think the two parties in this country
molt improperly termed Federal and Antifederal,
may be clefcribed as follows.
Those who think the power of the Executive
ought rather to be encreafed than diminished —1
who are fearful left liberty mould run into licen
cioufnefs, and would rather abridge than extend
the rights of the people—who doubt about the
praftical expediency of a Republican Govern#
ment, and begin to think a limited monarchy more
tolerable than was heretofore supposed—who
would strengthen the General at the expence of
the State Governments, and stretch the @epi%
ot the Federal Couftitutiob to extend the powers
of the President and Congress—who laugh at the
efficiency of a militia—who are advocates for a
Handing army, not only to repel aggressions from
abroad, but to quell infurreaions at home—who
make (the executive officers of Government who
have jobs and places to bellow) fynonimous with
the constitution, and condemn as enemies of the
one, all who may disapprove the measures of the
other—who think it dangerous to investigate the
characters and opinions of the public servants uarf
less under the Hrong controul of sedition laws4ty,
who regard aliens, particularly republican aliens,
with diHruH, and are apprehensive that the belt
constitution in the world is in perpetual danger
from a handful of foreigners who come hither
purposely 10 adopt it—such persons for the molt
part call themselves Federalists. Grades of
difference there may be, but such are the Leading;
features of the party so called.
Others thereare, who are cautious ofentrufling
or extending power unless evidently necessary to
the happint fs of the people—who are jealous ^
reposing unlimited confidence in persons of fope
rior Itation—who think, the public character of
every public man a fair object of difeuffion, of
praise or of censure—that reflraint upon investi
gation, like the late sedition laws, implies a dread
of it—that " men love darkness rather than light,
because their deedrare evil," that a sincere
friend to the constitution and the country may
sometimes disapprove the opinions and measures
of the officers of government,—that temporary
depredations upon our vessels of trade by either
of the contending powers, js not a fufficieut re#
son for plunging our nation into the evils of a for
eign war, oe the domeflic dangers and expence of
a Handing army at a period of acknowledged
poverty—who regard an alien flying from the
tyranny of Europe as a friend, and rejoice in the
accession of wealth and industry, from whatever
quarter it may come—who believe the belt way to
make a man a good citizen is to give him an inter
est in the country—who love the principles of our }
own Constitutions and rejoice at the downfal of
political superstition in Europe—who neither a
dopt nor use political nicknames for party pur- ',
poses but glory in the appellation of REPUBLI
CANS, These persons however are ulually call
ed Antifederalifls.
Such in my sincere opinion is not an unfair de
scription of the general characters of each party:
but so Hrangely are these denominations applied,
and so vague are party accusations, that I pretend
not to be accurate myfelf when my authorities
are so inaccurate in the use of the words'. But I
have attended pretty dofely to parties here and 1
know not where to find a better account than I
have given.—Your readers must judge tor rheui
felves? A CITIZEN.
From the Philadelphia Aurora, of Feb. 5.
We have given our readers the most ample de
tails, of the interesting events which have recently
taken place in France, and those who have been
habituated to retied on the issues ot human chang-;
es, will have formed-their opinions on the charact
ers ot the persons and the tendency ot the late
.mbit extraordinary occurrences.
It is obvious that the /ideas &hich we firft form
ed on the receipt of authentic advices of these
men's actions, are now verified. A counter-revo
lutionary plot appears to have been deeply laid,
and threatened as great a change by the confpir
atdrs, ashas been actually produced by their oppo
neats.-
1•. V» -Vtf.t- 3 •