Oracle post — Portsmouth, N.H., 1804-08-07 00:00:00, page 2

FROM THE FARMER'S MUSEUM.
AT the adoption of our constitution, the state of
the union was different from what it is at present.,
The southern division, though larger, had fewer I
white inhabitants than the northern. It therefore
seemed proper to grant some extra privilege to the
southern states, in order to place them upon an equal
footing with the northern in the national legislature.
Three fifths of the number of their slaves were add 4
ed to the number of white inhabitants, and their
representation regulated accordingly. Astheir slaves
were at least three eighths of the population, this
gave them considerable influence in Congress, to
which, otherwise, they wonld not be intitled.
Since the year 1788,the population of the southern
states has increased in a greater degree than the nor
them; and their influencehas increased in proportion.
In order to place both divisions again upon an equal
footing it has become necessary to take from the
southern states the privilege they derive from the
possession of slaves. Mr. Ely has accordingly made
amotion to that effect in the Legislature of Massas
thusetts. The motion has been published, and the
nature of it generally understood. This proceeding ;
has roused all the energies of democracy. As by;
much the greatest portion of the holders of slaves|
belong to that party, they are sensible that the con.
sequences of the adoption of the amendment of the
constitution, which is the object of the motion, will
be a diminution of their influence in the national 1
Legislature : It has, therefore, met with their unre
served condemnation.—lnstead of attempting to re
fute the arguments of its advocates in its justification
or advancing any of their own to prove its ruinous
tendency, they have declared, without assigning any
reason, that it is destructive of the principles of lib
erty and equal representation ; that it is a " nefari
ous design to stir up civil discord and war, and ef
fect a separation of the states," and many other things
equally false and absurd. Most of the democratic
editors have thought it unsafe to let their readers
know even the nature or object of the motion ; and
have declined inserting, it in their papers :—at the
same time they have declaimed against it with all the
fury of party spirit, inflamed by interested motives,
have branded the mover of it with the epithet of
" conspirator," and declared the Legislature that a
dopted it " infatuated." —ls this moderation i is this
candor ?
A man of reflection will be convinced, that this
privilege was not granted to the southern states by
the framers of the constitution, because they thought
it of riglit belonging to them. Their negroes
are considered but as common property, and have
no more to do with society of government than so
many cattle. Their population was at that time
smaller, in proportion to the extent of their territory
than that of the northern states ; —which placed
them rather upon an unequal footing. As long as this
inequality subsisted, the northern states contentedly
acquiesced in their enjoyment of the privilege. This
inequality no longer exists. The southern states have
increased in population in a greater degree than in
riches, in comparison with the noithern, and their
representatives have been increased in proportion.
This has given them a greater influence than they
ought to possess ; it is but just, therefore, that they
should no longer enjoy it.
Can there exist a citizen of the northern states
who will calmly and contentedly submit to be ruled
by the negroes of the south ! Is that spirit which o
riginated and which obtained our independence no
longer an inmate of their breasts? Has the flame of
'76 been entirely extinguished? Because they have
not felt the danger nor perceived the indignity, they
have suffered both to increase and grow u^n them
unresisted. This apathy, it is true, is but partial.
Massachusetts has evinced her love of independence,
and a regard for her dignity ; and it is to be hoped
that her example will be followed by a sufficient num
ber of states to accomplish the end proposed. If self
ishness and party views do not operate against it,
there is no doubt of its being obtained ; but we have
reason to fear, from what has heretofore taken place,
that they will. It behoves the citizens of New-En
gland to reflect seriously upon this affair : To cal
culate the advantages, that will accrue to them and
to the Union, on its being obtained, and to act accord
ingly. If they have justice done, then their influence
in Congress, will, in some measure, be restored,
and their respectability and happiness promoted ;
the aristocratical designs of Virginia will be defeat
ed ; and the danger of the separation of the States,
instead of being increased, will be diminished.
A WHITE.
_^ AC
From the REPERTORY.
The fate of France has, for many years, been an
interesting topick of speculation in America. Parties
among us have warmly justified and decidedly con
demned the bloody process, which has been called a
revolution in favour of liiierty and happiness. The
friends and admirers of that revolution have pretend
ed to admire it from principle ; believing that the
doctrines of its agents were salutary, that their mo
tives were pure, and that the cause of republican
France was the cause of human happiness and glory.
The powers of Europe, in succession, abandoned
the contest which was first commenced with the
passions of distracted but still unconquerable nation.
They left them to complete the fatal experiment
which neither reason nor arms could avert. The
experiment is finished ; France has waded in blood
through fifteen years of democracy ; and where is
she now ?—Where democracy ever did and ever
-will place its votaries, under the tyranny of an usur
per.
To the candid among otir opponents we now ad
dress ourselves. You have all been witnesses to the
opposite opinions entertained in America, respecting
the nature, principles and tendency of this revolution.
You must remember that the doctrines advocated by
French revolutionists were not only considered by
their partisans here as salutary and correct, when
applied to that country, but such as every American
Republican should hug to his bosom ; as the policy
of his own—of the whole human ,ace A Was^ot your
late worthy Resident Adams denounced as an apos
tate, a monarchist, an agent of the British cabinet,
for expressing his early views of this revolutionary
madness, this blind rage of democracy ? Have not
all the Federalists explicitly predicated and impreca
ted the wretched consequences of this spirit 1 Now
reflect on the language of our different parties, arid
look at the facts which France now exhibits;
Should it novibe pretended as a palliation for the
principles, that we errour exists in the people com
posing the mighty Republic^ then let it be remem
bered, that the people of France have been the glory
©four democrats, one and all, as superlatively en
lightened. We could recapitulate Volumes of the
±widence oftyld to prove the assertion. Mr. Jes-
Ihfrson hirim!f r with his multiform followers, has
■WQJmtained that free and intelligent people so
yfitted froni their chains, a
sUf-government, now
tyttruth, to duly- appreciate their
■ ^qcou a no neve be deluded
'ronii^di.e^rerli-
Brat shouted Amen. Americans
ted Stance tb outstrip them hi the science and prac
tice of promulgating equal fights.
But France has won the face—she has reached
the gaol at which the race of democracy ever ends :
while we dull pupils of the ragged goddess have on
ly placed Mr. Jefferson in the chair of good men, &
banished our old school patriots into private life.
Since with every struggle of which our natures
seemed capable we could do no more, as all were not
yet mad, it may not be improper to pause a little
and take one calm survey.
The creed of the French Republicans was the
creed which the democrats of America believe--they
have declared it—they have justified it—they have
exerted all their powers to convince us that we must
adopt it. Their conspiracies, plunders, devastation,
proscription, murder and war were all but the "con
vulsive throes" of freedom giving birth to an " en
lightened government !" While the faction in pow
er still adhered to the same destructive systems of
policy our democrats still approved, and still hailed
the sister Republic with sympathetick exultation.
The democrats were but a minority here—they
could not act themselves ; but they were anxious
spectators. France was their Representative, and
France acted for them.
Plunging onwards with the sister Republic full in
view, we have seen her fate ; would to God it might
be soon enough to teach us wisdom. It is in vain,
it is foolish to regret the situation of France without
abhorring the causes of that situation. Smith, Duane
Cheetham, Bently and Austin have or will all ex-1
claim, France is ruined !—and how is she ruined 1
By practising those very doctrines which thes&A
postles of democracy are preaching in America, un
til they evolved in despotism.
Now shall we fall down and worship Mr. Jeffer
son and recieve his ruinous theories as divine ; shrill
we commit our destinies to the distracted, superfi
cial or treacherous politicians of Virginia : or shall
we, like a sober reflecting people, learn to abhor
these tenets which are of late boldly broached a
mong us, and support, with firmness and sincerity
those wise political institutions, which guard, " the
love of Liberty against its enemies.
rare o©l —
FROM THE PALLADIUM.
Messrs. Editors,
I have no disposition to contend with the writer
in the Aegis, for the palm of scurrility ; it belongs
exclusively to the Democrats. With them it has
supplied the place of argument, and is their only re
source, when attacked. Nor is it my intention to
enter into a newspaper war. I shall notice one or
two of the observations of that writer, and then quit
him forever.
Notwithstanding he persists in the assertion, that
Governor Gilman was elected by a minority of suf
frages, the falsity of the position has been repeatedly
proved in the pul>lic prints, and is evident from his
own statement. He says, "the whole nu fiber of
votes for Governor through the State is 21,452 of
which 12,227 is a majority."---He confesses, "that
the whole number through the state for Mr, Gil
man is 12,264." Now, if 12,264 is a greater num
ber than 12,227, then Mr. G. had a majority of
votes, or there is no certainty in numbers. How
shameless, then, must that writer be, who persists
in a falsehood, of which his own confessions convict
him !
If, therefore, it be proved, that Mr. G. had a ma
jority of votes, all the assertions of this writer,
founded upon the reverse of this position, are not
true, and he stands convicted of wilful falsehood.
Nor has that writer been more successful in re
sisting the charge, that the TEgis of the 27th of June
contains a most wicked and daring threat.—No one,
who has read that paper, has doubted it. The
writer, however, has since endeavoured to explain
it away ; and it seems, that, though he had the
wickedness to write it, lie has not the depravity to
avow his intention. The language of threats is of
ten dark and ambiguous ; and guilt seldom dares to
unveil fully its frightful face.—But he appears in
some degree, to have expected that his iniquitv
would be notice I, and, like other culprits, while
conscious ofcicing wrong, was careful to provide, in
case fneed, a means of evasion or defence. But
he has not succeeded.
The threat he used is unequalled in this part of
the country, and was net, and could not be miscon
strued. "Should the Governor," says he, "continue
his insulting aggressions, it is possible, that his "lit
tle brief authority," which will inevitably die a na
tural death in @ne short year, may be curtailed even
to a shorter term." Now of what "insulting ag
gressions" has Mr. Gilman been guilty ? He has ex
ercised a constitutional right. The Democrats of
New-Hampshire do not accuse him of exceeding
his authority, or of any "high crimes and misde
meanors." What then is the language of this wri
ter ? Should the Governor, says he continue to exer
cise a constitutional right in a manner displeasing
to the Democrats, it is possible that his authority
may be curtailed to a term shorter than the consti
tutional period of his office. This is a fair construc
tion of the passage. Now, if the Governor arts
constitutionally, how is it possible he can be removed
from office? In no wise, but by Death. This can
be the only meaning of the writer. If it were not,
why did he declare that he would not be explicit ?
Menaces are frequently mysterious ; but where is
the need of mystery to tell us, what every school
boy knows, that jf a magistrate acts unconstitution
ally he is liable to 'impeachment ? —What too could
be the meaning of that pompous and triumphant
"hint" to Mr. Gilman, founded in falsehood, that
"the People of New-Hampshire are Republicans,
(that is, as this author means. Democrats,) qnd that
Republicans, (Democrats) will not be insulted ?
Does it not imply, that the constitutional acts of the
Governor were insulting to, the Democrats, and
that they would put an unconstitutional^ and an un
natural stop to them ?
It is indeed impossible to mistake the language of this
writer. His publication' contained a tricked and
daring threat to an upright and patriotic Magis
trate in the conscientious discharge of his duty ; and
it was proper that the public should be informed of
it. It was time for us to be alarmed and on our
Stard ; and that writer may be assured, that his
ctious and revolutionary procedures will not be
unnoticed.
It is an easy matter to become scurrilous, when
One is unable to resist a charge, & seems to afford
some satisfaction, when one is angry at detection.
The writer in the Aegis, has availed himself of this
circumstance, and he is welcome to all the advanta
ge he derives from it- His billingsgate language is
beneath my notice, ft was the only relief of a de
tected' criminal,'smarting tinder the sense of his
guilt. He stands convicted of falsehood, and of hav
ing used a threat of a most flagitious nature, and of
the most dangerous tendency, to a public officer of
;the strictest integrity, and of undoubted patriotism.
If he repents of his political iniquity, I hope this in
stance of his indiscretion will be of future service
to him; but he will remember, that he has justly
incurred the imputation *bf a daring revolutionist,
and as such, the public abhorrence will mark and
I regard him. Xhave done with him, EXONIENSIS.
Latest Foreign News.
—
FRANCE. PARIS, June 9, 1804.
YESTERDAY the Court of Criminal Justice, de
clared their pleadings at an end, and at half past
eight in the morning, the Judges retired to deliber*
ate; They have condemned todeath
Georges Cadoual, (the Royalsst Chief,) Bouvet
(of Lazier) Adjutant-General of the Royalist ar
my, Ruzillon\ Rochelle, Polignac (the elder) d'Ho
zier, Deriviere, Ducorps, Picot, Lajolais, General
Officer, Roger, Herve, Lenoble, Coster, St. Victor
Lagrimaudiere, Joyaux, Durban, Lemenier, Can
dal—2o.
They have condemned to two years imprisonment
and costs, General Moreau, Jules Polignac,Ler
iden, Coucherry, Rolland, David, Deville, Armand
Guillard, Noel, Ducorps, Dairy, Denant, and his
wife;
Thirteen were set at liberty ; and the trial of
others were postponed.
On the 18th Pfiairial, His Imperial Highness
Prince Louis, Constable of the Empire, presented
to the oaths to be taken to his Imperial Majesty.
Messieurs Beguinot., General of Division ; Delesme
&c. &c. At the same time his Imperial Highness,
as proxy for the Grand Admiral, presented M.
Molouet, Commissary-General of the Marine, to the
oaths which he took from the hands of the Emperor.
_4& a»
Criminal Tribunal, June 10.
Gen. Moreau's Speech.
At the opening of the Court this day, General
Moreau, asked, and obtained leave to speak—
when he addressed the Court as follows :
GENTLEMEN,
I present myself before you with a request to be
heard one moment in defense of myself. My con
fidence in the Council I have chosen, is unlimited,
—have reposed to them without reserve the care
of defending my innocence. It is by their voice a
lone, I would appeal to Justice" ; but feel the neces
sity of speaking myself, to you, gentlemen, and to
the nation.
Unfortunate circumstances,the production of chance
or the fabrication of hatred may obscure for some
moments, the life of the most correct man. By fi
nesse, a criminal may sometimes succeed in remov
ing from himself both the proofs and the suspicion of
his crimes ; but the testimony of the whole life is
the best evidence for or against an accused person.
It is then my whole life, which I oppose to the In
formers who persue me—lt has been sufficiently
public to be known—l shall only recal some of its
epochas ; —and the witness I shall summon, are the
French people ; and the Nations which France has
conquered.
The commencement of that Revolution, which
promised to establish the liberty of the French peo
ple, found me devoted to the study of the law.—lt
changed the destiny of my life :—I devoted it to
arms. I was not led by ambition to place myself
amongst the soldiers of liberty.—l embraced the
military profession from respect to the rights of the
nation.—l became a soldier because I was a citizen.
I carried this character to the camp ; —I have al
ways preserved it there. The more I loved liberty,
the more I was submissive to discipline. I advan
ced rapidly, but by regular promotion ; always by
serving my country, never by flattering the Commit
tees. Arrived at the Chief Command, rfhen vic
tory led us to advance in the midst of hostile na
tions, I applied myself as much to make the chara
cter of the French people respected, as to cause
their bravery to be feared. War under my orders
was only a scourge on the field of battle. Amidst
countries laid waste, more than once our enemies
have rendered this testimony in my favor. This
conduct I thought as necessary as our victories to
give success to France. In those times when con
trary maxims seemed to prevail in the committees
of government this conduct did not excite against
me either calumny or persecution. No cloud ob
scured that portion of military glory which I ac
quired before the too famous day of the 18th Fru
ctidore. Those who directed the events of this day
with so much ardour, reproach me with having been
too slow in denouncing a man in whom I could on
ly see a brother in arms [Pichegru) until the mo
ment when the evidence of facts convinced me, that
he was accused with truth and not with unjust sus
picions. The Directory, who alone knew the cir
cumstances of my conduct well enough to judge of
it and who as the world well knows, could not be
disposed to judge me with any indulgence, declared
publickly how irreproachable it found me. It gave
me employment.—The post was not a brilliant one ;
but it soon became so.
II feel confident, the nation has not forgotten
how I rendered myself worthy of it. She has not
forgotten with what zeal I devoted myself in Italy
in a subaltern situation. She has not forgotten how
I was brought forward a second time by the defeats
of our armies to the command in chief and renamed
General, in seme degree by our misfortunes. She
remembers I twice composed an arm, from the
wrecks of those which had been dispersed ; and
how, after having resigned the command of two ar
mies when in a state to oppose the united force of
Russia and Austria, I twice took one of more respon
sibility. I was not more Republican at this epoch
of my life than at all others. I appeared more so.
I saw the confidence of those who were in possession
of the power of giving new movements and new di
rections to the Republic, turned to me in the most
particular manner. It is well known that they pro
posed to me to put myself at the head of a revolution
like that of the 18th Brumaire. My ambition, if I
„ ,had had much, could easily have glossed it with ap
pearances,and decorated itself with all the sentiments
of patriotism. This proposition was made to me
by men celebrated in the revolution by their love of
country, aud in our National Assemblies by their
talents. I refused it. I thought myself formed to
command armies and would not command the Re
public. This to me was a sufficient proof that if I
were ambitious, it was not of authority or power.
Soon after, I gave a still stronger proof of it. The
18th Brumaire [the revolution which put Bonaparte
at the head of government] arrived, and I was in
Paris. The revolution, excited by others and not
by myself, could not alarm my conscience.—Direct
fed by a Man, surrounded by the greatest glory, it
lead me to expect the most happy results.—l enter
ed into it to promote it, whilst other parties pressed
me to put myself at their head to combat it.—l re
ceived in Paris the orders of General Bonoparte.—
In executing them I assisted in raising him to that
high degree of power which eicumstances render
ed necessary^
Some time after when he offered me the command
of the army of the Rhine, I accepted it from him
with as much alacrity and zeal as from the Repub
lic itself. Never were my military ™ successes
more rapid, more numerous, more decisive than at
this epoch, when their splendor extended to the
Government which now accuses me. Returned
from such successes, of which the greatest ensured
in the most efficacious manner the peace of the con
tinent, the S idler heard every where the loudest ap
plcusos of Rational gratitude. What a moment this
to conspire, if such a design tould ever have entered
into my heart ! The etc Diment of the armies to
these chiefs whom they lex e, and who have led them
from victory, to victory, is well known. Would an
ambitious man—a conspirator-have suffered such
an opportunity to escape him ; when at the head of
an army of an hundred thousand men, so many times ;
victorious, he was about entering amidst a nation
yet agitated, and always anxious for its principles,
and their duration ? I only thought of disbanding the
army, and of returning to the repose of civil life,
in this repose, which was not without glory, I en
joyed without doubt, the honors I had acquired.
Those honors which it is not in human power to
deprive me of the remembrance of my actions, the
testimony of my conscience the esteem of my coun
trymen, and of foreigners ; and if I may be allowed
to say, the flattering presentiment of posterity.
I enjoyed a fortune, which was not large because
my desires were not immoderate and which did not
reproach my conscience. I received a pension
(halfpay) in my retreat.—Surely, I was contented
with my fate ; Ihav^ever envied the lot of any man.
My family and friends so much the more precious as
having nothing to expect from my credit and fortune,
they could only be attached to myself. These bles
sings, the only ones which I could highly value, I
left no place in my mind for any other desires.l
Could it then open itself to criminal projects ? This I
situation of my mind was so well known, it was so -
well established by the distance in which I kept my-|
self from all the paths of ambition, that from the I
victory of Hobenlinden to the day of my arrest my:
enemies have never been able to find any other charge '
against me, than the freedom of my conversation.
It has often been favorable to the government ; and
if sometimes it has not been so, could I then believe
that freedom was a crime, with a people who had
so many times decreed the freedom of thought, of
speech, and of the press ; and who had ever enjoy
ed a large share under their Kings. I confess it ;
born with a great openness of character, I have not
been able to lose that attribute of the part of France
where I was born [Britanny ;] niether in the camp
where every thing strengthens it ; nor in the Revo
lution which has always declared it to be one of the
duties of a man, and the rights of a citizen. But do
those who conspire, blame so openly what they do
not esteem ? So much frankness can scarcely be re
conciled with the mysteries and the crimes of poli
tics. If I had been willing to connect myself with
plots and conspiracies, I should have dissembled my
sentiments, and solicited those employments which
would have replaced me amidst the forces of the
nation. To trace out the line of conduct which
I should have pursued—unexperienced as I am in
political intrigues, there were examples enough
known to all the world, and rendered imposing by
success, I well knew that Monk did not leave the
army when he wished to intrigue ; and that Cassias
and Brutus # approached the heart of Caesar, ta
pierce it.
Magistsates ! I have no more to urge. Such has
been my character ; such has been my whole life.
I protest before Heaven and the world, the inno
cence 8c purity ofmy conduct. You know your duty
France listens to you ; Europe contemplates, and
Posterity ,will Judge you.
BYTHE Ta TESIMAILS.
PHILADELPHIA, JURY ¥.
From Capt. Clark, of the Louisa, atoned
" During my stay at St. Domingo there came off
the harbour three British frigates at different peri
ods with flags of truce, viz, the Blanche,Capt. Mude,
the Pique Capt. Ross, and the Franchise Capt Mur
ray.—All of these officers were on shore. Some of
them three days. They said they had further idea,
of blockading St. Domingo. There was a division
between the two black Generals, Christophe and
Dessalines, which may prove fatal to the Blacks.
" Gyn Ferrand, at Santo Domingo, was under
no apprehension from the blacks, there being nond
nearer than 40 leagues. The garrison was nine
months provisons ; and the troops healthy.
" Spoke in the Mona Passage, the British frigate
Mermaid, informed they were eruizing for the
French Troops expected from Havanna to reinforce
St. Domingo, and that they almost daily recaptur
ed American vessels. The Captain of the frigate
very modestly asked whether the Americans inten
ded sending force to protect their Commerce ; that
most of the French privateers were without Com
missions, and took every thing they met with. He
had recaptured 3 or 4 with lumber bound to Jamai
ca, their crews out by the Frenchmen-
NEW-YORK, JULY 28.
As we are often asked "what has become of Mr.
Burr since the perpetration of his crime," we pre
, sume the following information will in some degree
satisfy the curiosity of cur readers:
He has, for the present, and we trust forever,
fied'from the city and the State. Late on Saturday
evening, he, together with his servants and baggage,
embarked in a barge, and arrived at Amboy the
following morning. He called on a respectable gen
tleman of that place, requested that a carriage
might be immediately provided, and asked for a
dish of coffee, and afterwards for a bed. He ap
peared extremely restless and in a few minutes a
rose. He then introduced the subject of the cruel
deed. The gentleman thus put a stop to the dread
ful narrative ; "Sir, in the death of General Hama
ilton, my country has lost its brightest ornament,
and Imy most intimate and valued friend. Whiles
you are under my roof you are undoubtedly entitled
to my hospitality ; but I must beg of you to discon
tinue the afflicting subject." Soon after this, the
carriage drove to the Aoor, and Mr. Burr took his
departure for the Southward, prabably for South-
Carolina.
Every fact, in the least degree connected with, or
resulting from, the death of Gen. Hamilton, must
necessarily be interesting to his bereaved countrv.
We state therefore, for the information of our di -
tant readers who are daily and anxiously lookiig,
' for the proceedings of the jury of inquest, that sev
eral circumstances have concurred to procrasti
nate.
Wilson, one of the boatmen who took Mr. Burr to
Hoboken, was, on Tuesday last, committed to Bride
well, by the coroner for refusing to be sworn as a
witness. "Wilson," says the Citizen," is but the
tool of insidious knaves. —His refusing to be sworn
shews that he could a tale unfold that would, indeed
harrow up the soul."
Mr. L. Davis, who boast of his intimacy with,
Mr. Burr, and who pretends to know much about
the business, was also committed to Bridewell, for
refusing (after he had taken the noth) to answer the
questions put to him by the coroner.
The following is taken from the Citizen of thia
morning. If the circumstance be true, it must, in
deed, fill with horror the most abandoned heart;
It is to be understood that Davis expressed him
self the morning after the fatal wound was given, in
the following words. He was highly elevated anti
spoke in an air of triumph.
"Yesterday 'afternoon, says Davis, (meaning the
afternoon, of the day on which the duel was fought)