The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-01-20 00:00:00, page 2

But it was necessary to proceed with cau
tion in this great undertaking, and to take
every previous, necessary step to secure its
success—With this view, and the more ef
fe&ually to conceal their design, they as
sumed the diftinXion of federalists, or friends
to the constitution, tho' their real design was
to overturn and destroy it.
\They endeavored to involve this country
in^ ruinous war with France, which they
doubtless expected would throw her into the
arnis of Britain for protection, who would
thet|be ready to aid them in carrying their
favorite plan into effect —ln order to pre
pare the minds of people to juftify the con
templated war, they indullrioufly spread
through the country such a representation
of the refillt of the million of our envoys to
France as was calculated to excite a general
resentment against that government, and
further to encteafe this resentment they pub
liihed the depredations of the French cruis
ers on our commerce, with exaggerated cir
cumftanccs.
They engaged the printers, in general,
throughout the Union, in their interest, to
print nothing but what should be deemed
federal by their infpe&Qrs.
They did not forget the ministers of the
Prince of peace, but engaged them also, a
few excepted, to forward their design, and
to found the alarm, by the old artifice, the
church is in danger—religion is in danger—
by which fume worthy men, in their warm
zeal, have imprudently published unfounded
affertivns which have given occasion for dis
honorable reflexions on themselves, and on
the clergy in general.
Tofiance the real frends of their country,
who penetrated their plan, and were endea
voring to develops their dark designs, and
open the eyes of the people to their danger,
before they should be taken in the snare,
they had influence to get the alien and sedi
tion laws ena&ed.
,And further, to destroy their influence, and
to excite against them a public odium, they
have fligmatized them with the party name
of jacobins ; a word, which has been so
often repeated, even by boys in the Greets,
just outof their leading firings, that it is
wore quite thread-bare.
These are not groundless assertions but
substantial fads, if we may give credit to
the public declaration of some principal lea
ders in the anti-federal alfociation. -
IN all ages designing men have taken ad
vantage of the weakness of human nature,
the imperfedion of language, and the easy
credulity of the multitude, to possess their
minds with falfe notions; and groundless
prejudices, arid to make them the instru
ments of their own slavery and ruin, con
trary to their intention, and their native love
of liberty and desire of happiness : too late
they have been convinced of their fatal mis
take, under the intolerable weight of the
galling chains of slavery, which they have
ignorantly aflifted their imperious matters to
rivet upon them. These little tyrants, de
void of every principle that would retrain
them from doing wrong, and prompted on
ly by lawless ambition, have found that the
arts of deception ; boldly asserting things to
be true, which they know are falfe, misre
presenting the true state of fads, and stigma
tizing those who dared to think differently
from them, or flood in the way of their pro
motion, with opprobrious names, to make
an unfavorable impression on the public
mind, are means much more effectual with
many to promote their designs, than fair
argument. These party unmeaning names,
in both divinity and politics, have had a
greater effect on the multitude than, all the
powers of reason.
We have a striking instance of this at the'
present day in the names of federal and ja
cobin, which have been played off with no;
small success ; though, perhaps, not one in a
hundred who make free life of the words
have any determinate idea affixed to them ;
but the more unintelligible the greater the
eff&. It is a short way of reasoning,
which saves all the labor of thinking, and'
deducing consequences from fads. It is
comprehended in these few words, >'
■ A Jacobin is a bad man.
A. B. is a jacobin,
Therefore A. B. is a bad man ; and must
be hunted down to destroy his influence.
The occasion of the unfair means which
have been used to divide and alienate from
one another the good people of the United
States was this—A strong combination of
persons, devoted to the British interest, had
formed a secret design to subvert our repub
lican form of government, and to substitute
in its room a form similar to that of the
British, in which the power and honor of
the Executive should be hereditary, and the
Senate to hold their office for life.
From a pretended, though groundless, ap
prehension of an invasion of this country by
the French they had the address to procure
the raising of an army, and thereby, to load
the country with a heavy debt, when there
were no exiting circumstances to juftify the
measure.
For the REPUBLICAN LEDGER^
What thanks does our country owe % t&
that good providence which has hitherto, in
a remarkable manner, watched over her li
berties, and in this instance disclosed the
secret designs of her domeflic enemies by
fending division into their councils, in time
to escape the snare they had laid for her !
Had it not been for this she would, proba
bly, soon have been either fubje&ed to the
fangs of arbitrary power, or involved in all
the miseries of a civil war in defence of her
rights and liberties. But thanks be to God
the snare is broken and we have escaped.
I do not write from personal resentment
against any man living. lamof no party,
nor have any private interest to influence my
sentiments, or bias my judgment.
My ardent wiffi and daily prayer to God
is, that the liberty and independence my
country enjoys, by the smiles of propitious
heaven on her arduous efforts at a time
which tried men's fouls, may be guarded
with a jealous care against the ambitious,
designs of both external and internal ene
mies, and may be transmitted to posterity
as an invaluable inheritance ; sensible that
without this, the most ample circumflances/
and even life itfelf under the caprice of a;
despot, would be a curse instead of a bless
ing, and posterity would have just reason to"
remember their ancefters, by whose negli
gence and supineness their best inheritance
had been loft, as only the instruments of
their being and the authors oftheir slavery.
In the following Federal and Jacobin
Creeds, it is not my design to cherish or
perpetuate that hostile spirit which these
party names have created, but on the con
trary, to undeceive the well-meaning, by
exposing to view the arbitrary principles of
a few designing men, who under the deceit
ful mask of pretended federalifm are en
deavoring to subvert our happy civil consti
tution, and to introduce an hereditary, des
potic government ; thus aSing on that po
litical maxim, to retain the name while they
destroy the principle—l fay a few—for I
am fully persuaded, on fatista&ory evidence,
that a great majority of those who bear the
name of federalifts are in principle what
the word imports, real friends to the consti
tution and to the government founded in it,
and could they be undeceived would turn
their resentment upon their deceivers, and
were they acquainted with the principles of
those they have been led to stigmatize as
jacobins, would he clearly convinced that
they harmonize with them in all things that
are essential, so that laying aside party pre
judices, and opprobrious names they would
unite in all such measures as are calculated
to defend the constitution and the liberty and
happiness of their country, and with them
would glory in the honorable appellajon of
American Patriots.
FEDERAL CREED.
I. I believe, that all
men are not by nature
equal, being formed by
the author of nature
with different measures
of capacity, and that
they have no greater
right to life, liberty,
property and the means
of pursuing their private
interest and happinefe
than they have a natur
al capacity to defend the
one and acquire the 6-
ther.
2. relieve, that hr
perior bodily flrength
& mental abilities give
men a right to pre-emi
nence and dominion o
ver rhofe who in these
reflects are inferior, the
author of their being
having shewn it to be his
design in the different
capacities with which
they are formed, that
some are made to com
mand, others to obey ;
some to be makers, o
thers to be servants.
- 3. I believe that when
men enter into the Rate
of civil society, they sur
render into the hands of
their rulers some of their
natural rights for the fe
enrity of the rest, and
that the design of the so
cial compact is not
.merely to secure to them
the rights ,ey have not
surrender ro, but princi
pally, to defend the op
ulent and powerful in
the undisturbed poflef
fion of their riches and
honors against the tur
bulent spirit of the sedi
tious multitude.
4. I believe that civil
rulers derive their pow
er from God, and are re
sponsible to him alone
for the exercise of their
power,—that as God's
vicegerents on earth they
have a divine claini to
the passive obedience of
their fubjefts, who, if.
they (hall dare to blame,
censure or oppose them
in any of their ads and
measures, will deserve
exemplary puniihment
JACOBIN CREED.
I. I believe, that all
men are by nature e
qual, and have the fame
right to life, liberty,
property and the means
of pursuing their own
private interest & hap
piness,
2. I believe, that su
perior bodily or mental
abilities do not give
men a right to domin
ion over those who are
inferior in these re
fpefts.
3. I believe that when
men enter into the Date
of civil society they do
not surrender to their
rulers any of their natu
ral rights, these rights
being in their own na
ture unalienable ; but
the object of social com
patt,is to secure to them
the full enjoyment of all
their rights as men, a
gainst the wealthy and
powerful ; the Nimrods
of the earth, who taking
advantage of their supe
rior ability, would, if
unreftrained,trample on
the rights of the weak,
and subjugate them t,o
their arbitrary power.
4. I believe, that the
people are the fountain
of power, and that rul
ers in a free republican
government derive all
their power and autho
rity from the free fuf
frages of their fellow
citizens, & are acconnt
„ able to them for the use
they make of it ; and
the people have an un
doubted right to judge
whethertheir rulershave
acted constitutionally in
1
- FEDERAL.
for refitting the ordi
nance of God. ~
9. I believe that rul
ers liave full right and
authority to govern the
people fubjeft to them
by .the laws, according
to the sense in which
they understand them,
and that they are not a
menable to any human
tribunal for' the alls of
their administration.
to. I believe that the
great end of govern
ment is the honor and
aggrandizement of rul
ers, and their families
and particular connex
ions, and that the peo
ple leaving, the construc
tion of the laws, & the
affairs of government to
those whose business it is
mould be quiet & mind
their own business; the
hulbandman his plough
and hoe ; the merchant
his commit ce, and the
mechanic his tools, that
they may get money to
pay their taxes, & fop.
port their rulers in a
(tile of splendor & mag
nificence, equal to their
elevated Rations; ever
bearing in mind that
they were made for
their filers, and not
their rulers for them,
5. I believe that rul
ers are not the servants,
but the mailers of, the
people, and that they
ought not to be fubjeft
to any human laws, be
ing accountable to him
alone from whom they
have receiv'd their pow
er.
8. I believe that it is
made the iodifpenfible
duty of the people to
support, with their lives
and fortunes, their rul
ers in all their afts and
measures, and that he
who refifteth, refifteth
the ordinance of .God,
and shall receive fp him
felf damnation.' _
7. I believe that.rul
ers have authority to
make such innovations
in the constitution as
they in their wisdom
fliall judge to be calcu
lated to promote the
general good ; that the
constitution & the gov
ernment mean one and
the fame thing. The
constitution is the gov
ernment and the gov
ernmen the constitution,
and yet they are not two
but one, so that he who
opposes the government
in any of their ads or
measures, is an anti-fed
eralift, a jacobin, and
enemy to the constitu
tion, & should be treat
ed accordingly. And
whosoever in all things
is obedient to the laws
and orders of govern
ment, is a friend to the
constitution, and fliall
receive praise from the
ruler.
6. I believe that the
constitution is made up
of words on paper which
have no meaning but on
ly that which the admi
nistrators of it affix to
them —that the judges
appointed in the consti
tution are the sole au 6
thorifed interpreters of™
the laws, and that their
exposition is to be re
ceived as the true mean
ing, altho' to a vulgar
eye, it may appear to
contradia the literal
sense. And it is the
bounder, duty of the
people to obey the laws
in the sense in which
they are confirmed by
the judges, though their
own private opinion
may be iri contradiflion
to it. And I believe
that the authority of ru
lers is unlimited, & that
tn refill them in any of
their ads or doings is
disobedience to God :
this was, and dill is my
principle with regard to
the refiflance of this
country to the authori
ty the Britifli king and
Parliament.
mourn and to conclude
that the affairs of gov
ernment are not man
aged with wildom and
oeconomy,
io. 1 believe that the
end of government is
the general good & hap
piness of the people; to
encourage indufir, ,arts
and sciences ; to secure
to individuals the fruit
of their labour from the
hand of violence & op
preffion, and to promote
pißlic peace, ?nc mutu
as confidence ; & when
people are biefled with
such good, wife and up
right rulers, who ap
prove themselves minis
ters of God for gwd,
they have reason to re
joice and are under pe
culiar obligations to be
obedient to the (alntary
laws of the government
—as on the other hand,
when industry is dif
cotiraged and the peo
ple are finking into ab
ject misery under the
accumulated weight of
public burdens, they
have no left reason to
6. I believe that in a
free republican govern
ment both the authority
of the rulers, and the o
bedience of the citizens
are limited by the prin
ciplesof the constitution
— and therefore if rulers
in any of their aRs and
measures transgress the
bounds by which their
authority is limited in
the constitution, the
people are not bound to
obey them, but' have a
constitutional right to
remonfiraie & petition
for a redress of griev
ances ; and if this peace
able mode should prove
unfuccefsfnl, they have
then a right to proceed
to open feliltance in de
fence of their violated
rights and liberties. —
This is allowed to be
juftifiable both by the
courtly Dr. Blackstone
and Dr. Moore, and is
the only principle on
which our late contest
with Great Britain can
be justified.
JACOBIN,
the exercise ot the pow
er thus delegated to
them, equally as the
owner of a (hip &"rhrgo
has a right to judge
whether the command
er has proceeded ac
cording to his written
orders.
7. I believe that rul
ers have no authority to
makeany innovations in
the constitution, it be
ing the sole right and
prerogative of the peo
ple—and I believe that
there is an essential dif
tinftion between the
constitution & the gov
ernment—the former
meaning the general
permanent principles,
exprefled in the written
form of the constitution
—according to which
the people have agreed
to be governed, and the
latter, the limited, au
thority of the rulers,
chosen & appointed by
the people to administer
the Constitution. So
that they shew them
selves friends to the eon
ftitution and to confli
tutional government,
who condemn and op
pose any afts of rulers,
the tendency of which
is to subvert the consti
tution, and in the drift
sense of the word, are
true federaHfls.
8. I believe that it is
made by the highest au
thority the indifpenfible
duty of the people to
support, with their lives
and fortunes, the consti
tution they have adopt
ed, and the rulers they
have chosen, and that
refinance to them, in
theirexercife of lawful
authority, is a flagrant
violation of their fol
emn engagements, and
disobedience to God.
g. I believe that a re
publican government in
its very constitution, is
a government of laws,
and pot of men, and
that rulers in such a go
vernment are fubjett to
the laws, equally witn
the people, and amena
ble to the public for.
mal-adminiftration.
5. 1 believe that rul
ers are hot the matters
but the servants of the
people, ordained to be
ministers ofGod for their
good, and equally with
them fubjeft to the laws.
Orders are feut to Lord Keith to detain all ^
Ran veflels in the Mediterranean,
The Marlborough, of 74 guns, has been lofl on
the coast of France.—Grain (till continues very
high in England.
Ale has risen in London from fifty (hillings to
three guineas per barrel.
Ig. I believe that an
alliance between the
church and tie state is
neceflary to support &
aid each other in the eg
ercife of their authority
and that the eftubliffi
ment ot some public
form of religion to im
press the minds of the
ignorant vulgar with
the future puni fhmeut
which awaits those who
are disobedient to their
rulers, has in all ages, in
both pagan & chrillian
governments been found
a ufeful engine to pre
vent tumults and iufur
rettion, and to make
people peaceable obedi
ent fubjefts. And tho'
in my opinion, such
fears are visionary, and
religion an idle supersti
tion, yet I believe that
experience will soon
ihew the necessity of
some religious eftablilh
ment in this country to
aid and serve the designs
of civil government.
FEDERAL.
11. 1 believe that the
common herd, or, in the
more figmticant lan
guage of an eloq ent
orator in a great afTem-'
hly, the jwinijh multi
tude, are incapable of
feeling the force of ab
(tract reasoning, & apt
to be carried away by
the declamatory har
angues of popular de
magogues, so that other
means, besides fair ar
guments, meansadapted
to their paflious & pre- 1
judices,whether right or
wrong are necessary to
deceive them into a
compliance with mea
sures calculated to pro
mote their own happi
ness, and that in such
case the good end at
tained willjollify the use
of meafis which in other
circumfiances would be
wrong and finfiil.
12. I beliethat'the
doctrine of passive obe
dience & non-refiflance
naturally follows from
the divine hereditary
right of the foprelhe
magillrate to his power
and honors ; for as he
derive his power frem
God, he is to be impli
citly obeyed as his vice
gerent on earth, and
therefore refinance to
his acts and mandates is
disobedience to God.
These are the articles
of my political creed ;
at the fame time I grant
that others have the
fame right to think and
judge tor themfelves—
provided they think &
believe as 1 do ; if not,
they are political here
tics, and ought to be
Itigmatlzed jacobins,
diforganizers, demo
crats, and enemies to
government.
12. I believe that the
doctrine of passive obe
dience & non refinances
hatched in the disorder
ed brains oft) rants, and
propagated by their
dupes and satellites, to
fupport.them in their
law less domination, is a
doctrine tit only for
slaves, as it robs men of
'll the natural rights of
free agents, and reduces
them to the condition
of brutes or mere pas
sive machines.
13. I believe that the
authority of the civil
magistrate is in i's very
natnreconfined to things
that are Injurious to 0-
thers, & does not ex tend
to religious matters ;
that he has no authority
to prescribe articles of
faith, to appoint days
of public worthip. or to
eftabl sh a public form
of religion, and compel
people so the observ
ance of ft, by the terror
of penal laws, tines, con
fifeation of goods, irh
prifonment,fire&fword
—Such methods to pro
pagate and support reli
gion, are an m/pious in
vasion of his preroga
tive who is the sole !j~.v
giver and king of Ws
church, contrary to hiel
express prohibition, &!
a violation of liberty cf
conscience which is a
sacred unalienable right,
and for which we are
accountable to him a
lone who is lord cl the
conscience.
And I believe that if
the line of diflinrtion,
drawn by that upright
judge, Gallio, between
civil & ecclesiastical au
thority, and the things
which properly belong
to the cognizance & ju
rifdicbon of the one and
the other, had been ob
served by the kings and
rulers of the earth, there
never would have b on
any persecution for reli
gion fake, but the s
ceans of human bl<od
which have been (bed
by blind furious bigots,
instigated by proud, do
mineering etcledaftics,
to compel people to a
uniformity in religion
would have bet n (pared.
Had they like that
wife and upright magis
trate driven away from
their presence those fiery
zealots, and granted e
qual protection to all
religious fe&s and de
nominations, while tliey
demeaned themfehes ,
leal fubjefts they could
not have perfected ow*
another, but would have
dwelt together in unity
and enjoyed peace and
prosperity, of which we
have a convincing proof
in a long experiment
made in federal of tire
United States.
This is my political
creed ; at the fame time
I allow that others have
an equal right with me
to judge for themfelvCT
and if they happen to
differ from me in either
their religions dr politi
cal opinions, I think it
wonks be criminal to
treat them with railing
accusations or opprobri
ous names ; on the con
trary if they appear fit
be honedand conscien
tious, good citizens and
obedient to the laws, (
revere, their character
not withflanding the dif
ference in our senti
ments.
JACOBIN.
IT-1 believe that mo
ral good and evil are in
their very nature eter
nally the fame, & there
fore that ho possible cir
cumftancts can make it
lawful to prosecute a
good end Ky deception,
lying, defamation, or 3.
ny other means which
in their nature are mor
ally evil, and that the
damnation of them,
whose piratical lag!
gnage is, let us do evil
that good may come of
it, is just.