Oracle post — Portsmouth, N.H., 1804-04-24 00:00:00, page 2

Tedrious temper had manilefted itfelf in the state
of Delaware, among a certain elafs of people'
particularly in New-Castle county, and more'
especially in the town of Wilmington, where
Jived a molt seditious printer, unrestrained by
any principle of virtue, and regardless of facial
order, —that the name of this printer was" —
but checking himfelf, as if sensible of the inde
corum which he was committing, added —“
that it might be affirming too much to mention
4 the name of this person, but it becomes your
duty, gentlemen to inquire diligently into this
mater;" and that with intention to procure the
prosecution of the printer in question, the said
Samuel Chafe did moreover, authoritively,enjoin
on the diftrift attorney of the United States th&
'neceffity of procuring a file of the papers to
which he alluded, (and which were understood
to be those published under the title of" Mirror
of the times and General Advertiser") and by
a ftrid: examination of them to find some passage
which might furnifh the ground-work of a prof-,
ecution against the printer ofthe said paper there
by degrading his high judicial functions, and
tending to impart the public confidence in, and
respect for, the tribunals of justice, so essential
to the general welfare.
ARTICLE VIL
And whereas mutal refpeA and confidence
between the government of the United States &
those of the individual States, and between the
people and these governments refpedively, are
highly conducive to that public harmony, with
out which there can be no public happiness, yet
the said Samuel Chafe, disregarding the duties
and dignity ofhis judicial character, did, at a
circuit court for the diftri& of Maryland, held
at Baltimore, in the month of May,one thonfand
eight hundred and three pervert his official right
and duty to address the grand jury then and
there assembled, on the matters coming within
the province of the said jury for the purpose of
delivering to the said grand jury an intemperate
and inflamatory political harrangue, with intent
to excite the fears and resentment |of 'the said
Agrand jury, and of the good people of Maryland
against their date government, and constitution,
a conduct highly censurable in any, but pecu
liarly indecent and unbecoming in a judge of
the supreme court of the United States : and
moreover that the said Samuel Chafe, then and
there, under pretence of exercising his judicial
right to address the said grandjury, as afore
faid, did, in a manner, highly unwarrantable,
endeavour to exeite the odium of the said grand
jury, and of the good people bf Maryland a
gainst the government of the United States, by
delivering opinions, which even if the judicial
authority were competent to their expression
on a suitable occasion, and in a proper man
ner, were at that time, and as delivered by him ,
highly indecent, extra-judicial and tending to
prostitute the high judical character with which
he' was invested to the low purpose of an el
e&ioneering partizan.
And the House of Representatives, by pro
testation, laving to thcmfelves the liberty of ex
hibiting at any time hereafter, any farther arti
cles or other accusation or impeachment against
the said Samuel Chafe, and also of replying to
his answers which he shall make unto laid arti
cles, or any of them, and offering proof to all
and every the aforefaid articles, and to all and
every other articles, impeachment, or accusa
tion, whch shall be exhibited by them, as the
case shall require, do demand that the said Sam
uel Chafe may be put to answer the crimes nod
mifdemeanours and that such proceedings, ex
aminations, trials and judgrrtents may be there
upon had and given, as are agreeable to law and
justice.
Sandy Hook affair.
From the New York Evening Post.
The following Letter® were banded to Mr. John Mur
kaY, President of the Chamber of Commerce, upon the
31st of March, for the purpose of being laid before
that body at their monthly meeting on Tuefday last,
but in consequence of there not being a fufficient num
ber of members present to form a Chamber, the Let
ters were not presented : —
Sir, New-York, March 31.
The lights in the two beacons at Sandy-
Hook having been lately discontinued, whereby
the navigation of this port is said to be exposed
to increased risques, I understand the cause of it
has been attributed to the proprietors of sandy-
Hook, of which lam one. -As this imputation
i^ altogether groundlefs,ljudge it proper to state
to you, for the information of the merchants of
this city, a brief account of the transaction, and
the heps that led to the result. _
The proprietors deeming themselves justly
entitled to some compensation for the use of their
land at sandy-Hook, for the erection of beacons,
gave notice to the Colleger of Newyork, in April
1801, who was then about to ereft one, not to
proceed without their consent for which they in
formed him a compensation would be required,
and in November following, they informed the
collector, they thought two thousand dollars a
reasonable ium to demand for the ground neces
sary for the purpose. 'No answer was received
to this proposal, but in December a bacon was
eroded without further communication. Con
sidering this proceeding as irregular, and an in
fringement of their rights, they commenced a
suit, offering at the fame time to submit to indif
ferent and intelligent persons in New-York, mu
tually chosen to fix the compensation, and that
each party should be bound to submit to their de
termination. This offer being constantly declin
ed, the suit proceeded, and in August 1802,
judgment was obtained for one hundred dollars
damages for the trespass. The fame offer of a
submission to indifferent persons to fix the price
being renewed, and not accepted, another suit
was commenced for the continuation of it : In
stead of accepting the mode proposed, the sec
retary of the Treasury made an application to the
legislature of New-jersey 1802, to compel the
proprietors to fell to the United s as much ground
is they might require for a beacon, and a bill
palled one branch of the legislature, authoring
them to take the fame for such price as the fher
iff'sjury might fay was the real and intrinsic val
ue of the foil, but the proprietors having attend
ed, and given more accurate information, the bill
did n<.: pass.
The fame offer of submission to indifferent persons was
again repeated directly to the Secretary of the Treafutyjt,
was not only declined, but another beacon was created and
lighted in a different place on Sandy Hook
It is unnecessary, and might be deemed improper, at this
time, to detail the whole correspondence on this fubje&.
It is fufficient to observe, that the cause was postponed for
the avowed purpose bf giving time for an amicable adjust
ment. In December last a fpecific offer was made of two
hundred and fifty dollars for two acres of ground for the
beacons. This offer the proprietors did not hesitate in
stantly to rejed. In 1762 the colony of New-York a
greed to pay one thousand pounds for the ground on which
the tyght house ftahds, including four acres, on certain
terms. The beacon was proved on the trial in August
1802, to be nearly, if not quite as necessary for the fafety
of vtffds as the Light- House, that the tonnage had in
creased four fold and more, and that the ground now want
ed was equal in every rcfpe& to the four acres purchased
in 1762. The proprietors therefore proceeded to try their
cause in January last, and after a lengthy investigation
the jury gave damages for the unlawful continuation of the
beacons, leven hundred and fifty dollars. The proprietors
anxiously desirous of avoiding farther litigation immediate
ly renewed their former offers, and after waking a consid
erable time without an answer, renewed their suit a^Feb
ru^ry term for the farther continuation of the ttefyafa Xs
well as for creating the second beacon.
Another application was then made by the Secretary of
the Treasury, to the Legislature of New-Jersey, similar
to the former, and he ordered the lights at the fame time
to be difeootinued. 1 inclofe a copy of the Collector's
note announcing this, and my answer—an ad of the Le.
giflature, puffed 011 the firft of this month somewhat dif
ferent from the former on this fubjeft, but it has not yet
been acted upon. The proprietors were well aware that
they had the legal right of removing the beacons thus
created on their ground, without their consent ; but sup
posing it might possibly be injurious co individuals, they
preferred the alternative of pursuing a course lead likely to
produce private injury for redress. They hope their con
duct will be found to have been temperate in the mode
pursued, and jud in its principle. It is certain, however,
that if 1 effels are deprived of the benefit of these lights, it
cannot be justly attributed to the proprietors. They re
quest you will have the goodness to communicate this
flatement co the merchants of this city, in such away as
you mvy judge mod proper.
i am, very refpeftfully your friend,
Richard Harlfarne.
John Murray, Esq.
[COPY,]
CuJkm-Hcufi dew- Fork, Feb. 18, 1804.
Sir,
I now inform you, that I have this day given orders, to
difeontinue the lights in rhe two beacons at Sandy Hook ;
and I also inform you, that if you require it, the two bea
cons shall be immediately removed. You will be pleased
to let mckrow your wiffi.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
David Geifton, Collector.
Mr Richard Hartfhorue.
[COPY]
New-York, 3d March, 1804.
SIR>.
Cn my return home this day, after several days absence
your favour of the 25th ult. was put into my hands, ac
knowledging the receipt of mine of the 14th January last.
I therefore immediately proceed co answer yours of the
18th nit. in which you inform me you have given orders
for the difcoiitirruance of the lights in the two beacons at
Sandy Hook, and that they shall be removed if I require it.
The proprietors had formed an opinion that the utility of
a beacon at that place, for the fafety of the navigation of
the poirt of New-York, would have rendered it an obje&
worthy the attention of government to have paid them a
reasonable compensation for as much ground as would
have been nectffary for that purpose, and they trust it will
be found that in the negotiation for it, they have mani
fefted every difpofftion to have accepted a reasonable price,
they have constantly offered and again repeat the offer, to
submit it to impartial and disinterested persons to deter
mine what the compensation ought to be, to which they
think, no well grounded obje&iqn can be made.
If the government shall think„tywever, th & the utility
to the public will not be equivalent to the etpenfe of e
reding and maintaining thole beacons, the proprietors can
have no objection co their removal, in which case they will
be left at liberty to make such use of their property at
Sandy Hook as may be most for their own inrereft.
I beg, however, it may be explicitly übderftdod that if
any injury should result to individuals, ot the public from
the removal of those lights, it may dot be attributed to the
proprietors, who have always been, and are still willing to
fell the property to the public for a reasonable price.
I am, fir, your obedient servant,
Richard Hartfarne.
David Gelfton, Esq.
From the Cinneticut Co urant.
City of Wethington,loth Feb. 1804.
To The Public.
SINCE I have been at the feat of government,
the Rev. Stanley Griswold and Gen. timothy
Skinner have publiflted in the Mercury, two con
versations upon political futjeas, which they fay
I had with them refpe&ively, some years ago.
As lam ading in a public and political capac
ity and the manifeft intention ofthe two gentlemen
is to injure my political reputation; I have thought
it relpcdtful to the public to address them ma ftw
words, byway of answer to those publications.
The conversation with Mr Griswold was in
the spring or beginning of the summer of 'gg; & al
though many years ago, yet I havea clear rccolled
ion of the substance of it. And after a careful per
usal of his several statements, as published in the
Mercury, I must declare the whple to be a Mis
representation ; and that his statements Con
tain nothing, in substance but the most dire& and
palpable untruths. I am happy in the circum
ftantes, that Dr. Daniel Sheldon, of Litchfield in
Conneaicut, whose integrity and correaneG, of
understanding cannot be impeached was present at
this conversation, and I know, was attentive to the
whole. And altho' I have not seen him nor heard
a syllable from him on this fubjeft since the pub
lication ; yet I cheerfully appeal to him for the
truth of my declaration, and the^otal untruth of
Mr. Gritwold's statements.
The conv rfation with Gen. Skinner was in
Nov. 1799: and lam confident, that the whole
was in the presence and hearing of jlohn Alien, Aaron
Smith and fames Gould, Efq'rs. and I believed the
Rev. Mr. Huntington was present, during a part,
if not the whole, ofthe con verfation.— My recol
le&ion ofthe fentimeots, expressed to General Skin
ner, is, that I told him the Spirit of jacohinifm was
such that I feared the constitution of our repub
lican form bf government must fall before it ; and
expressed my appretofa of anarchy, out of which
tauft arise a despotism & not my with for any such f
thing. I did not express to Gen. S, as my senti
ment or wish that we ought to have a Chief Magis
trate similar to a king with his thousands to buy
men to his interest, not tiiM the Senate ought to be
hereditary. Th: gent! nirn present at our conver
sation, can certainly enrrett Gn. S. or me which
ever may be incorrect ; ,na to them we must ap
peal. -
# As to faying, the constitution ought to have pro
vided for a refiout test, and that I hid converted
with frne body, who w^oiar fam- opinion; and
the converlution alv-ut th- arity and n mob, which
General S. mentions in the close of hi, certificate
I must fay, that I have not the l<afl reecolleaion of
any such thing. URIAH TRACY.
Dr. Sheldon's Certificate.
" I now lay before the public what I generally remcm
be r of the conversation that took place between Mr Tra
cy Xthe Rev Stanly Griswold, at the Rrvmr.Chvnfon's.
I again declare that I went to Mr. Champion', tome time
before Mr Tracy came in, and that I &id and went away
With Mr Tracy, I remember with clearness that we
heard the clock ftrlke,we looked at our watches and found
that it was twelve ; we were surprised that it was so late
and immediately took our hats, and after a few minutes
went away together. 1 also rettmber, that after we left
Mr Champion's, and before Mr Tracy parted with me to
go home, we flood some time and made remark on the ex
traordinary complexion of Mr Grifwold'sfentiments as ex-
P r fafeMhat evening.
boon after Mr. Tracy came in, 'he began to converse
about Mr. Griswold's sermons which he had preached
that day. He said, that his forenoon sermon hg "liked
well, that it was good, and remarkably well adapted to
the present day, as mankind were attempting to get loose
from all religious and moral ties. The afternoon sermon
(he said) he did not like ; that it appeared to him deiffi
cal, or favored too much of universalism." Mr. Gris
wold did not deny but that the afternoon sermon was as
Mr. Tracy had dated; but said, "you like the forenoon's
exercise, and perhaps a minister can Scarcely expert to
please each one more than half the time." Mr. Tracy
observed, "that he imagined ministers were mistaken, who
apprehended the people in Litchfield were generally delfts,
he believed that few of the refpedable and informed part
of them were so, or that they would much relish his after
noon fermon,''To this I do not remember that Mr.
Griswold made any reply. Soon after, they fell into ccn
verfation on the last preceeding session of Congress. This
conversation was in the spring following the weftern in
furredlion.and the debates in Congress on Gen. Washing
ton's speech, in which he had suggested whether the de
mocratic societies had not contributed to the infurredlion.
Mr. Hillhoufe, I understood, had made a speech against
such societies, in which he had condemned the licentious
ness they had exercised under the specious names of liberty
and the rights of man. Mr. Griswold, after some prelim
inary observations, in which he very severely animadverted
upon Mr. Hillhotife's sentiments as published in the news
papers, said, "I was almost tempted to join a mob, and go
down to Philadelphia and mob Hillhoufe for his abomina
ble principles." This declaration of Mr, Griswold, gave
a lead to the greatest part of the evening's difeourfe. Mr.
Tracy defended government against democratic societies,
and what I call democracy ; and Mr. Griswold the. So
cieties and democracy against government.
Mr. Griswold, in the course of the evening's
conversation, expressed himfelf pointedly against
the constitution, he cofifidered it as too touch re
sembled the British form of government. That
the executive had too much power,and was elected
for too long a time, as was the Senate : he should
have liked it better, if the representative had been
, chosen but for one year. That it was dangerous
'to continue men long in office, though thev were
good and great men ; that they thereby obtained
habits inimical to liberty, and that they insensibly
grew tyrannical. He confideted the present 'as a
vaft!y improved age, and that virtue and patriotifin
kept pace with information & Science. He d.fl ked
a government of force and energy and said, " there
was pstriotifm enough,in 'the United States, to have
a government like a Company of Merchants ; that
as they appointed agents and fadors, to tranfaa
their business, and if not well done they discharged
them and appointed othttsin their room, so rulers
might be appointed, and diftniffed if they did not
please their conftituerits." He disliked all difiin
°aions in society they bad dene infinite mifcbief,and
he wished them all done away ; and laid," he will
ed even the name of Chrifiian abolished ;'' on be
ing alked what name he would ufein its ffead ? be
replied," Citizen." He highly approved of de
mocratic Societies; he thought them right and prop
er ; that they were calculated to do much good,
that they would watch over government, ant pre
vent the libertiesof the people from being delhoy
ed ; that they had been of incalculable Service in
establishing the liberties of France. He Stoke in
terms of Strong dilapprobation of Gen. Wfingtons
Speech, and more especially Severely cenlured that
part that alluded to the democratic societies. He
also Spoke highly of the French revolution, and the
then government of France, said " they had made
greater proficiency in policy, and the knowledge of
the rights of man, than any other nation." He in
the most pointed and strong terms reprobated the
British government, but highly approved of the
designs of the constitutional and other democratic
societies distributed over that kingdom. He men
tioned Robert Lindet (I think that was bis name)
who printed, during the firfl part of the French rev
olution; a newspaper <or magzine in Hamburgh,
and fail, “le agreed with him in political princi
ples."
My Tracy observed that such societies were
not calcUla ed to build up, but to destroy gov
ernments arid were only ufeful for revolutionary
purposes ; that they were deftrudive df good
order and government. That the constitution
and laws of this country had clearly designated
the mode in which the people were to be govern
ed, and that there was no authority given by
them for any number of persons to form private
clubs andfocieties, to establish a test for the ad
minftration ofthe government. He said,“ Soci
eties of this kind had overturned the government
of France^were attempting to overturn the gov
ernment of England, and indeed of all Europe,
and if not timely prevented would deflroy this
government. They were imposing upon the
people, by their pretending that they were the
people, and the only guardians of the people's
rights, and the friends of liberty ; and that they
who differed from them were monarchists, the
friends of tyrants and haters of liberty. That
theyhad been attempting to excite an aversion
among the people to the administration, and to
those members of Congress who were for support
ing the administration, an aversion to all kinds of
taxes, and to almost the whole system of laws,
and indeed that they were attempting to excite
a jealousy and ah aver fieri to all those who were
unwilling to embark with them in their pursuit
of visionary and impracticable projects.
Mr. Tracy said, the French would neve" es
tablish a government of liberty and equal rights,
such as they pretended and fat out upon ; that
their education, habits, biases, &c- were not
calculated for such a* government ; th it he did
not believe them to be as happy now as under
their former one, is bad as that was unless con
fufion and murder made them happy ; that for
one tyrant they now had hundreds, and, they
much more Sanguinary and cruel ; and that the
nation had already Suffered more under their
.new matter than they had done for centuries be
fore ; and that after all they had, and would
have to fuffer, their government would end in a
much more despotic one, than they might have
had under their last King ; or even than they had
ever had. He then obferved^ that the British
government Was as well calcula'ed for that peo
ple, or better than any that the societies of re
form had pointed out ; that the greater part of
the people were Satisfied with it ; and that
though there were many abuses of power in it,
which required reform, yet the spirit of the times
was such; that it now much was attempted, they
would be in danger of running into all the ex
tremes that France had done ; that anarchy
ind confufion would ensue, and a much more de
.fpotic government than they ever had, would be
the final result. He then observed of the Amer
ican government, that we were as yet but in a
state of experiment, and had not time to deter
mine its effects. He considered the constitution
as possessing and Securing all the principles of
rational and practical liberty which were neces
sary for us or that we ought to with or expert,
When we considered the contrariety of interefla
existing in the U. States, and said, that the con
stitution ought to be the pole star of all American
legislators. He disliked the alterations and ad
ditions made since its adoption, and remarked
that the object of its oppofers was, to fritter it a
way until they had got such a thing as they lik
ed. The liberty poles of France and Holland
and I th nk of the weftern infurreftion, were
spoken of by Mr. Griswold with approbation.
Mr. Tracy anfweftd him, and mentioned the
poles of the weftern insurrection, and those of
France and Holland and laid they were Signals
for rebellion, & I think he said they had their or
igin from hell—not a word about liberty poles
generally,norabout thofeat the beginning of our
revolution was uttered by mr. Tracy in my hear
ing that evening,for he always described them by
particularizing whifky poles, and France and
Holland.—He conftantly,in the course of conver
sation resorted to the conftitution,as our security
against democracy,democratic focieties,and whif
ky pole mobs. The words to plow and to hoe
as the proper employment of the common peo
ple! am confident were not mentioned by Mr.
y Tracy that evening ; I remember his mention
ing the weftern reserve and faying that he wished
the avai's bad been appropriated to the support:
of the clergy of all denominations, forhe thought
it better than to haveitappropriated for Schooling
but he dated his particular reasons therefor. He
said the people would more cheerfully pay a tax
for Schooling their children, as the pride of all
were concerned in giving them a good educa
tion, than for the support of clergymen ; and
though the interest might not furnifh them with
a full support, it would so nearly do it, that it:
would take from the wicked &quarrelsome a prin
cipal part of their weapons, against the clergy.-
Mr. Trticy asked him if the reverence for government
for magistrates and clergymen in Connecticut was not
founded in propriety ? and whether good government
and happiness be not resulted from that very reference be
tulcated upon our youth r He [Mr Grifwold] condemned
it, and said, "he was sorry for every Species of reverence
he had received as clergyman ; that it was destructive of
liberty," &c. &c. —Mr. Tracy told him a v,rong idea had
been adopted about taxes under the new constitution ;
that government was like all other good things, it must be
paid for, as it certainly would cost Something, and that if
the people expected the protection es government, and
that the government would cost nothing, it was an idU
and childish idea, &c. But he said nothing about obliging
the people to toil hard ; or that there should be drains to
take off that spare money, or any thing of the kind.
I am confident that not one word was said by Mr
Tracy, in my hearing that evening, in favour of an estab
lished religion, and not a name mentioned, as being in fa
vour of monarchy himfelf.
Immediately after we heard the clock strike 12, we
took our hats and flood with them in our hands to come
away ; Mr. Tracy then said, if he dared he should call
him, (Mr. G)a little democratic, and rather more so
than he thought the constitution would juftify —Mr.
Griswold answered, that he feared Mr. Tracy was a little
too aristocratic for democracy or democratic societies, and
for general liberty ; but did not k„w, but that the con--
ftitution would juftify his fentimenh We then went a
way together, &c. as I observed before.
I have endeavored to state correctly the leading senti
ments of the conversation alluded to: And though I may
not have used the words exa&ly, that they used, yet 1 have
endeavored net to vary them. Much more was said than
I have pretended to detail, but nothing I am perfectly con
fident? like what David has published as the contents of
Mr, Grifwold'smemoir. And also I am confident that
mr. Griswold at haft is miflaken in all the leading sentiments
ascribed by him to mr. Tracr.
'DANIEL SHELDON
Litchfield, February 6th, 1804
Mr. Jefferfon's friends are very careful to tell us
that this new tax of two and a half per cent, on
Merchandize, &c. is to create a "Mediterranean
Fund." This is really ingenious. With all the
Jubilee rant of Duane and his phalanx about Loui
siana, they teem to think a lax for a Mediterranean
Fund," will be better reliflied than a tax so pay for
that charming country; The truth is, the money
in the Treasury, is Mr. Jc fferlon's pin money ;it an
swers very well to buy Indian lands, and provide
eftabli (limen's for his friends ; or to pay his Sav
ants, for their pedestrian excursion through the
Weftern wilderness to the Pacifick; but in the ex
igencies of the nation require funds, increase the
impofts—lt is ?rne, it is a little unequal in its ope
ration, and bears a little harder on one part of the
community than another. Some of it might as well
• be railed from whiskey—but there is one impor
tant consideration. People who contribute to the
National Revenue by a tax on a decent coat, are
not so likely to make a noise about Uss the Wins,
key Tipler. Tax the most patient ail.-»or there
, will be more GALLATINS..