The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1800-04-16 00:00:00, page 2

Aurora Office, March 25, 1800.
A similar letter was addreflfed to Thomas Coo
per, Esquire. ,' |
(Mr. DALLAS'S Answer.)
° SIR,|
As it is my general rule to render profeffional
services whenever they are required, 1 think it I
proper to state, explicitly,, the reason of a depar-1
tore from that rule, in the case now depending I
before the Senate of the United States.
The Senate having, as I underhand, charged 1
you with the publication of a libel, proceeded, 1
without hearing you, or notifying you of thel
charge, to decide that you were the Editor of thel
publication, that the publication was falfe, ma-1
licious, &c. and that it amounted to a breach of
the legislative privileges of the body. Before, I
however, any punilhment shall be inflitted, or a-I
" ny fentenee pronounced, the Senate has been plea-I
I fed to Common you to the bar: and, upon yonrl
application, to allow you the assistance of counsel, I
who may be heard in denial of any fads charged I
again, you, or in excuse, or in extenuation of I
your offence.|
Though I mean not to question the wifdoml
#ndjultice of the Senate, in any part of the pro,-I
ceeding, I cannot confen. to aft as counsel under 1
so limited an authority.l
For you will, at once, perceive, that it ex-
, eludes any enquiry into the jurifdigion of the
, Senate to take cognizance of offences of the na-<
ture imputed to you, as well as any jollification
of the obnoxious publication, by proving the ,
truth of the fafts which it contains. As to the
rest, I cannot suppose that either you or yourl
counsel, would find it practicable to deny the ex
igence of any fad, which the Senate have already
(doubtless upon fu fficient evidences) examined and
eftabliflied ; and the language of excuse, or exten
uation, mutt always proceed with better grace,
? and more advantage from the penitent offender,
than from a profeffional advocate. x f ^
Under tbefe circumstances 1 do not think that
1 could render you any service by accompanying
you to the bar of the Senate ; while 1 confefs that;
Should feel the situation degrading to the pro
fellion, as well as to myfelf.
lam Sir, Your mod obedient, fy^ # a^-i
Humble Servant, ^
A. J. DALLAS.
Philadelphia, March 25, 1800. ,
statical tannr form of government to the free
dom of the people is well known—The following
extract is taken from a paper printed in this city
on the 24th of this month.
“ It will excite matter of less surprise to the
hittorian, that experiments should hill continue
' to be made bn the nature of man, after the uni
formly truitlefs ifiue of all past attempts, than
that men should have followed in the beaten track
of former time, and facrificed their comfort and
their peace in projects to have discarded which,
they needed only to have opened the page of the
past. The foiereignty of the people is an useless
and impracticable delujiort, which almost, once in
every age, (hoots like a baleful meteor athwart
the earth, leaving in its track wretchedness and
ruin, exaggerated by the cruel reproaches of con
feious folly and more than brutal blindness and
infatuation." I°. .
If there were any evidence wanting to (hew the
exigence of such a party, this article would be
fufficient. Who are the patrons of this printer?
Mr. Tracy is his relation, and he is printer of the
Senate.
As this office of printer is not given by a vote
of the Senate, that body cannot be charged, as a
body, with countenancing these mondrous doc
trines, hoftiie to the letter and spirit of our con
flitution, and to the oaths of every man bound by
oath to support the federal conflitntion. It is
enough then that there is a fecra^, operating par
ty, of some men in public fitwations, and numbers
in private—-to the movements and views of this
secret party may, in a principal degree, attribute
the primary movements in the present case.
But there is another ground—the approaching
presidential election. A meeting was some time,
ago held in this city of persons principally belong
ing to thiscity, and state, wherein an opinion was
given, that the deftruttion of "'the Aurora" or
removal of its editor, was necessary to the suc
cess of the federal party at the presidential elec
tion..
This opinion was adopted, and it was deter
mined to employ every means to break down the
paper, and dismay or ruin the editor. Every
itep taken hitherto has only tended to thwart the
views of that party. But it may not be improper
to apprize the public, that among other means,
suits at law have been instituted, which now a
mount to no less than NINE ! some of them upon
fads which the editor is willing to perish if he
does not prove.
Some of those who deviled the sedition bill
looked forward to the present period. It was
hoped by that measure the danger of enquiry in
to the merits of public characters would be so
great as to deter any man from difeuffion. Suits
have been instituted in various parts of the union
to terrify printers into fijence or fertility.* Juries
have been packed to condemn individuals where
the truth was not allowed to be proved. But
men are still found who dare speak truth.
The firft pretext for this prosecution was the
publication of a bill which had palled the Senate
two readings, involving the eleftive rights of this
state. It was soon found that 'this was not ten
able ground. Advantage was then taken of an
error ,vhich the editor himfelf discovered and vol
untarily rectified. The exposition of certain se
cret meetings of a party (which was the most im
portant ground' because it was provable by ^the
evidence of several members of Congress) was next
Seized on.
The rest is before the public. We have now
but to add the correspondence of the editor with
two gentlemen of the bar, to wMbm he has been
compelled to resort for adyfee.
To A. J. DALLAS, Empire. , , *
Tenclofe you a copy of the resolution of the
Senate passed yeflerday, and must request you
would favor me, by appearing, with Mr^ooper,
as my counsel to-morrow at 12 o'clock. You
kno\v' that it was not from a conviction of their
pofleffing constitutional authority to order my
attendance that I appeared yeflerday, but from a
sense of delicacy towards this branch of the leg
islature, which wquld not permit me to carry an
appearance of difrifpeft towards them, even when
they were anting under error.
I fear the resolution inclofed will prevent me
from deriving all the benefit from your assistance
which I had aright to expert, from your acknow
ledged abilities, and the jullice of my cause.
Jam, Sir, &c.
WM. DUANE.
IN SENATE. :
The following report was made by the cortimit
[tee of privileges, on Toefday.
The committee ofpfivileges, who were order
led to prepare and lay before the Senate, a form of
I proceedings in the case of William Duane.
REPORT, (in part)'
The following resolutions :
Iltt. Refolded, That fill testimony shall be taken
by a committee, to W authorifed by the Senate
for that purpose, with powers to fend for persons,
papers and records, and compel the attendance of
witnesses, which may became requisite for the ex
ecution of their commission. - '
2d. Resolved, That William Doane on applica
tion to the chairman of said committee ; shall be
furnished with procelb, to call before said commit
tee his witnesses, Specifying the time and place of
|tak ing the tellimony, which shall be committed to
| writing and subscribed by the witnesses refpe&-
l ively.
3 d. Resolved, That said Committee shall pro-
Icure all testimony against said Duane, winch in
I their opinion may be proper ; notifying feid Du-
I aae, who may attend by himfelf or attorney, to
I hear and cross examine ; which testimony shall be
I in writing and subscribed 'by the witnesses refpeft
l ively#••
4th. Resolved, That all testimony taken by said
| committee, shall be reported to the Senate, and
| kept on file by the secretary.
I sth. Resolved, That . -.
l be the committee to perform the services men
[tinned in the foregoing resolutions, and they are
I hereby authorifed and empowered to fend for
I persons papers and records, and to compel the
| attendance of witnesses, which may become requi-
Ifite for the execution of their commission.
I Yesterday the difeuffion of the above report
I was resumed. The firft resolution was warmly
|oppofed, while under difeuffion the above letters
I to the President were received, and read.
I Mr; Dayton offered a resolution to the follow-
| ing effect: ' °
I Whereas William Duane has not appeared at
| the bar of this house, agreeably to the notification
lof the 24th inst. and having presented to. the sen
|ate a letter read this morning, stating fate intent
I tion of not appearing. .^ 3 ,
I Resolved, That the said letter be referred th
I the committee of privileges, tb report th&&mo *
I The Senate being equally divided on thi&qoef
’I tion, it was decided in the affirmative by the caf
'l ting vote of the Vice- President.
;' From the Aurora, of March ^.
til , Mr. Dayton from the committee of privileges,
- I yesterday reported that the editor Ihould be s&,'
1 into custody of the Sergeant at Arms, on away-
I rant to be signed by the President pf.the Senate j
I this report was agreed to. Mr. Marshall of Ken
tucky in a speech of some length having proved
I the proceeding to be unconlUtution^T and illegal,
SIR, ‘ „
4 I beg of you to lay before the Seriate this ac
knowledgement of my having received an authen
ticated copy of their resolutions ou Monday last in'
my case. Copies of those resolutions I transmit
ted to Messrs. Dallas and Cooper„roy intended
counsel, soliciting their profeffional aid; a^copy
of my tetter is inclofed marked A. Their anfwer§
I have also the pleasure toteiofe, marked^ \and
l find myfelf in consequence of these bribers
deprived of all profeffibnal assistance, utide^ the re
ftri&ions which the Senate have thought fit <o a
dopt ; i therefore think myfelf bound by the'moft
sacred duties to decline any further voluntary, at
tendance upon that body, and leave them tq ,pnr
fue such measures in this case as in their wiraam
(Mr. Cooler's anftuer.)
Philadelphia, March 25th, iso&
SIR,/
I have every inclination to render service to you
ana to your cause, but I will not, degrade myfelf
by submitting to appear before the Senate with
their gag in my mouth. The revolution you have
!tranfinitted to me precludes all hopes of my doing
any good to you or to the public, or any credit to
inyfelf by complying,with your request. ;/ft''
I heard fufficient of the debate yeflerday to un
derstand (before 1 taw your letter) that the intent
and meaning of the resolution, is to preclude all
argument on the jurigliaion of the Senate, and all
proof that might be offered in jollification sos the
assertions complained of.' Indeed 1 do not 'much
, wonder at the latter precaution ; for I cannot
help thinking from the evidences you dated rd me
that had we been allowed t&Tiave given proof of
the fafts in justification, the public would have
been well instructed in the doctrine and practice
of ca^cuffes, from the very best and moll unexcep
tionable authority. /
But, to appear before a tribunal, which in a new
and moll important case has prejudged the mate
rial questions between you—which in the capaci
ty of accuser has claimed a right to dictate the
mdde of defence to the person accused—which has
forbidden us to enter upon what I cannot but re
gard as the unanswerable part of your vindication
and left you no ground to take worth contending
for—which, as a tribunal in this country of un
known unprecedented, and undefinged authority,
will bear no testimony to its jurisdiction, and ad
mit no proof of the faffs it controverts—under
such circumstances to attend at the bar of that tri
bunal, an advocate interdicted from defence, a
tame and manacled assistant, might serve indeed to
excite a malignant smile among the enemies of lib-,
erty, but would certainly tend to disgrace your 1
cause and my charader.
. I cannot think you will be able to procure any
profeffional assistance upon such grange and unu
sual terms ; nor can I fee what use any profeffion
al assistance could be to you, under the .reftriftions
which the Senate have thought fit to impose ; nor
do I fee (if you appear before them unattended by
legal friends) with what prudence or propriety
yon can reply one word to any question they may
chufe to put.,
Where rights are undefined, and power unlimit
ed—where the freedom of the press is actually at
tacked, under whatever intention of curbing its
licentioufhefs, the melancholy person cannot be
far-diftant, when the citizen will be converted in
to a fubjeft.
I am Sir, your friend and Servant,
THOMAS COOPER.
they may deem meet." -•
lam Sir, ^ :
'With perfe&tefyea:, ^ 1
'WILLIAM DUANE.
The originals of these letters were delivered
yeflerday to the President of the Senate, enclosed
in a letter of which the following is a copy ;
To the President of the Senate.
You are too just, Citizens Confiris, and, we are assured, inca
pable of imputing it to us as a crime, tlMt we have delivered up
two men who inconteftibly belong to another nation, and were
absolutely foreigners to the republic.
It is only as to the fads whilh regard the arreftof Napper
Tandy and Blackwell, that we need to apply ourselves.
Allow us, in this-place, to refer to the precautions which the
wisdom of citizen Gourville, Minister of the Republic at the
Court of Copenhagen, judged necessary, with regard to them ;—
a precaution which, had it been adopted by the French Legation
here, would have Spared us all the troubles and all the evils which
passion, error and prejudice have excited against us on their ac
count. That enlightened minister, who doubtless too highly re
fpeded the government of Copenhagen to apprehend the least
violence, thought it necessary to their fafety, precariously fituat--
ed as they were, and to avoid the well founded and legitimate
demands of the British government, and to withdraw them from
the search and requisition of tpe minifter,of that court, to afford
them an afylnm in his own heufe:
They arrived here, and by the most inconceiv able fpecieb of
folly, made use of a stratagem, by which they must have been
sensible they were fare to expose themselves.—They knew, they
perceived, that all French republicans enjoyed not only the most
perfed fafety in our city, but that they were even diftinguilhed
and treated with the most marked friendship; they were, howe
ver, regardless of what they owed to thcmfelves, to then fafety,
to their situation, and to their honor, and Skulked into our city
fccretly, and like malefactors, under falfe names and falfe char
aacre. Napper Tandy took the name of Jones, and called him
felf a merchant of Philadelphia; Blackwell affirmed the name of
Barthelemy Blackfurft, and also described himfelf as an American
merchant.
The Britannic minister officially demanded the arrest and deli
vering up of the two men,fubjeas of the King of Great Britain,
and named Jones and Barthelemy:'
It to pretty generally known, that in Germany they do not ea
fite refufe the ministerial demands of Foreign Courts, requiring
the fubjeds of their nation. Citizen Reinhard, Minister of the re
public, would have experienced the fame acquiefeence on our
part.' '
The officer of Police firit presented himfelf at the house of the
person named Jones, and demanded his name ; he said his name
was Jones. Upon this acknowledgment, his arrest, as a fubjed of
the King of Great-Britain, upon the requisition of the English
minister, was announced to him. He did not even then declare
himfelf, but still preferring his disguise, submitted without a mur
mur, and without any explanation or protest whatsoever, to the
requisition of the British government.
. His sword, with the arms of Ireland, was found upon his person.
Mow could we doubt, after that, of the truth of the affections of
the British government f How could we suppose that an officer in
the service of the Republic would wear a fWdrd with the British
arms engraved upon it. & _
It is thus that this man by his own confeffion named Jones, by
- inconteftible fads a fubjed ofthe King of Great -Britain; delivered
himfelf up, upon the requisitions of the minister of that Sovereign,
and remained his prifoner.'
The arreft'was announced in the fame manner, and with the
fame precaution to the person named Barthelemy Blaekfurft.
It was not till kfter the arrest had been announced, and when he
was in fad the prisoner of the minister demanding him, that he
: fibwire, offthffe and ^CT^^TO for a French
% almtf%fe to observe that if, by explanation fb tardy
t and insufficient, then may efc.pe ar %% ch ,^%,°!.^
aud qualities, they may at any time avoid those Him which are
of the moftjuft and legitimate nature.
- The French Legation immediately claimed them as bre< fr ated
Officers of the Republic. The Minister never thought proper to
entrust p with the brevets themfclves, but only gave , copies of
' them It would however, have been of the greaceft utility to
have furnished us with the means of ascertaining and verifying
to the BritiSh government their adual Situation with refped to
: toe French Republic. Perhaps the minister regarded it , a pre
1 rotative of his post of power to claim Implicit belief to his official
I affirmations ; but if he did so, lie ought to recoiled that he jufli
-1 the fame pretensions on the part the British minister.
However, to the minds of just and equitable men, fatts alone
ftiould speak; it is in order that you may make them known,
we take the liberty of transmitting to you the most oiaft de
tails upon the fubjed.
* Among the four men, named Napper Tandy; Blackwell, Mor
ris and Peters, there are only the two former who can merit
vour attention. Morris and Fetera were constantly regarded Qy
the Le gfotion of the Republic as the undoubted fubje&s of Great
Britain.
In no _ whatever or by any declaration official or not official,
has it been said that the two, persons named Morris and Peters
were in the service of the Republic, or belonged to it either in
civil or military capacities, Tire Minister has not even demand
ed their liberty, either nominally or individually. All the acts
and mirilfterial notes are confined to demanding explicitly the
liberty of the ,wo individuals named Napper Tandy and Black
) well.• '•
Hiftory offers no example of a belligerent power's being autho
rised totproteft, in a neutral state, the avowed fubjeAs of its
'enemy. To confer such a right, it has hitherto been necessary
that the individual should belong to such a belligerent power, ci
ther in a civil or military capacity.
A fatal concatenation of circumstances does not, it is true,
permit us fatisfaftorily to account to it for what we have done;
but still every one of those circumstances proves that it was in
spite of our efforts to the contrary ; and that if, during a feriss
of years, we have given the itrongeft proofs of attachment to the
Republic, it is at least not at )unpardonable fault, in having, in a
critical and difficult case, reposed our confidence in its generosity
and moderation.
You.are too enlightened and too just not to be convinced of the
sincerity of our sentiments In this refpea, or to doubt for a mo
ment that we are ever impressed with the most sensible interest
in what relate to the prosperity of the French nation.
' The unfortunate event of the arrest and delivery up of four
Irishmen, the fatal source of a Variety of misunderstanding s and
unjust persecutions, seem to have irritated the Directory to such
a degree that it would not even perceive how irreproachable
has been the conduct we have adopted, arid how chara&efized by
the most fcrupuloui regard and deference for the government of
the Republic.
tailed upbn the advocates of the measure to few
him whence they derived the authority which
they were about to assume ; but not a tingle mem
ber rose to reply,/ the preemption is they could
not'do it with effect—Yet although they dare not
confide their cause to argument—they were con
>Ghent in their numbers, and loudly calling the
question,! the question! the Senate proceeded to
the decision—Ayes 18—Noes 11.
The warrant for his apprehension Bated, tliat
for the editor's contempt in not obeying the order
of the House, which required his attendance at
the bar Salt Wednesday, he be taken into the cus
tody of the Serjeant at Arms, and then proceeded,
" these are therefore to require you james Ma
thers, Serjeant at Arms to the Senate of the United
States, forthwith to take into your custody the
body of Win. Duane, and him fafely keep until
further orders of the Senate; and all Marshals,
deputy marshals, and all other civil officers of the
United States, and every other person, are hereby
required to be aiding and assisting to you in the
execution thereof.
For which this Shall be your fufficient warrant,
given under my hand, &c."
We join Mr. Marshall ip calling upon the Sen
ate to (hew where they derive the power of issuing
such process ; the posse comitatus is never called
upon to aft, until a process for apprehending a
person has been refilled —but here the power of
preying our fellow citizens into service is attempt
ed to be reSiSled'in the firSt instance !
Foreign Intelligence.
_«Q<HHHHQfc
London, 3an 4 26.
LETTER
From the Burgomallers of the Free and Imperial
city of Hamburgh, to the Consuls of the
French Republic,
Citizens Confuls,'
Whatever may be the prejudices you entertain sgalnft the
magistrates of the city of Hamburgh, they; however, cannot a
void congratulating you on the late events which have taken
place at Faris. In beholding the whole nation entitled to the
fair est and most condolatory hopes, we may at least be allowed
to dure in them, and offer up out vows for their accomplish
ment..
—.<<-<
The latter had officially declared them to be fuWr& of fy
king of Gtat-Britain. He not only declared so in tiie firft in.
fiance, but afterwards proved it. He had officially Minted them
out by the names under which they submitted to be artefted
on Jones was found a sword with the Britiih arms.
Could 0c have been justified, after circumflances of so Strong a
nature, in rfufing our entire belief to the official declarations of
the British Minister, and of denying it to those of the minister of
the Republic I
The Minister of England, informed of the opposition of that of
the Republic, demanded their being delivered up with greater
vehemence, and , joining to his demand the most violent menaces,
gave us every reason to apprehend the utmost resentment on the
part of his government.
Diplomatic characters of the highest refped and esteem main,
tained that all pefe fads, and many examples in hiftory,ftrongly
militated; in favor of the demands of the British Government.
> Among the examples which were cited, they chiefly relied up
on the arrest of the famous Trenck, who, aitho' in the service of
Russia, was arrested at Dantzic at tire desire of the Prussian Minis
ter, and sent to that power as a. Prussian fabjea.
Regardless at the fame time of the menaces of England, and the
force of these plausible arguments, we tho't we could not con
dud ourselves in a more fatisfaaory manner, than by entrurting
.the decision of this delicate affair to a prince, who, united to
the Republic by a treaty of peace and alliance, had, as well as
ourselves, a powerful interest in observing and maintaining the
principles of a ftrid neutrality.
These motives induced 11s to refer the affair to '
the decision of the King of Prussia, in his quality
of firft Prince Director of the Circle of Lower
Saxony, and guarantee of the neutrality of the
North of Germany, and to the Prince Co-Director
of the Circle.
ltdoes not belong to us to analize the motives
which prevented the King from deciding. You
know that notwithstanding your pressing felicita
tions, the king remained always undetermined.
The Emperor of Russia at lad interfered ; he
did not confine himfelf to vain menaces. During
many months, in which our useless refinance con
tinued, we were obliged to support the weight of
the most severe hostility on the part of Russia.
His squadrons commanded the north seas, and,
blocking up the mouth of the Elbe, took possession
of our Ships. From information as alarming as/
well founded, we apprehend, if not effective oc
cupation on the part of the Ruffian troops, at least
their certain debarkation in our environs, & their -
appearance before our gates as enemies. *
in the mean time, in the midst of these inquie.
trides, which made us regard our resistance as ab
solutely useless ; and apprehending that by expos
ing ourselves we ftould not succeed in facing the
prisoners, we did all in our power to fatisfy the
French government, and nothing was omitted for
obtaining the privilege of detaining the prisoners
till peace. We implored the intervention of ai
moil every power ; but all our efforts were in
vain.
The King of Prussia at last declared that he
would not decide on so important an affair. The
unexpected refufal of fo^reat and powerful a go
vernment, aftpr so long and profound a silence, &:
at such a period too, was fufficient to augment and
juftify our alarms, and open our eyes to the dan
ger of a longer re finance.
The Emperor, the Chief of the Empire, at the
fame time joined his demand to those of his allies,
and did not oiffemble, that he expected our re
finance would no longer continue, chiefs we wish
ed to be forced to yield in the name of the consti
tutional laws of the Empire.
Notwithstanding all these threatening insinua
tions, we, however, xeforted to a last attempt,
and offered to solicit the government of the Re
public that the prisoners should be exchanged for
some other prisoners of rank taken from the Coal
efeed Powers ; but this had no better success than
any of our former endeavors.'
We, however, at that time made, and hanr ,
since renewed, our most prefling Solicitations to
the British government, to mitigate the fate of the
prisoners. ,^,
Such arethe real fads of this unfortunate events
If, Citizens Consuls, yon confider without preju
dice, and reflect equitably, upon the line of. con,, 7
daft which our delicate and greatly exposed
situation obliged us to adopt, you will be eafily ^
convinced that it was abfoltitely impossible, after,
a year's fruitless efforts, tor us to perlift in any
longer refinance.%
Our ruin^nd entire annihilation, would have
been the inevitable consequence, and even with
out answering any putyoie, as we have fnewn —
The only means we had of preferring ouriejuea
was that df trailing to the generosity of the
French. We dare flatter ourselves, Citizens Con-#
fuls, that you will justify, by the return of your
friendship and benevolence, that confidence which
the unmerited severity of the Directory has not
entirely effaced from our fouls; and we trust, that
after having by your wisdom. weighed every cir-,
cumflance, you will not hesitate in putting a flop
to the severe meaflires which the Directory has
taken, and decreed against this city.
Receive, at the fame time, the homage of our
profound refpeft. ^ '
Given under the common seal of our city, this,
16th of December 1799.
By the Burgomasters and Senate of the free and
Imperial city of Hamburgh. . ✓,
F.A.WAGNER.-
Licentiate and firft President.
Buonaparte, Fjrfl Consul of the Republic, to the
Burgomaflers and Senate of the Free and Impe
rial City of Hamburgh. '•
Paris, 9 Nivofe, 8 year, Dec. 30, 99.
S' R S, , .
We have received yor letter ; it does not juflify
your cenduß.
Courage and virtue preserve dates; cowardice
and vice destroy them.
You have Violated the laws of hospitality.
Such an event could not have happened amongg
the most barbarous hordes of the desert. Your
fellow citizens most forever reproach you.%
The two unfortunate men whom yon have de
livered up trill die illustrious ; but their blood
(hall work more evil on the heads of their perse
cutors than a whole army could have done. \ + r
(Signed) BUONAPARTE.
HUGHES B. MARCT
The Secretary of State.
'. ' •Paris, fan.,,
A journal announces that the uitimation of the. !,,&
King of Prussia has reached the Consulate, and
that that Prince had declared to the Belligerent ~ , 1
Powers, that if in less than two months,
not receipt the conditions proposed, he will join
his forces to those of the French Repose. t , t
Peace was (igned between Buouapaioe *,^™ ff
Chiefs of the Choate at % s >, on ‘
Dec. Their Bishops and their Curaraare to be.. ^
restored to them : that of St. Brieux ^ mtoe nim + .
ber of those who will b, ^e,, £% , ^ 4
the Rayalifts are to cease from all hostility, and ,-
to furnifh forty hostage, &c. „, &7,
The Grand Naval Council at the Hague has
pronqunced fenteuce of death upon ,apt. Connto.
He had (truck without making the least refinance