The American herald of liberty — Exeter, N.H., 1793-07-09 00:00:00, page 1

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BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE of COMMONS.
• Jl * 11
LONDON, MAY 6.
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parliamentary reform.
( Concluded from our la fl.)
ERE the People to be sensible that the
Parliament derived from them all their power
—were they roconGder them as the merecrea
tures of their lands, would they be content to
leave them in full pofleffion of that authority
of deliberation which they had once delegated
to them ; or would they not rather be tempt
ed to influence, their. proceedings ? Hence
would arise the fame effefts which had taken
place in France, with relpeft to an Aflembly
profeffing immediately to derive their power
■from the People, and to be falely the organs of
the national will. The nation would be op
posed co the nation, the People, after having
exercised their elective Capacity, would be for
continuing to exert their authority,in influenc
ing the conduct,and interfering with the func
tions of their Repretentatives. Why then
hazard the necefiity of such confequences,when
there existed at present what might be deemed
the happy medium—a Parliament neither to
tally independent, nor wholly dependent upon
the People I Why resort the theory, when an
Afleuibly io happily tempered was to be
found in praftic* ? It was unnecefiary for him
at , ( to fay, that what was least dependent upon hu
ia ‘ man reason, was the effedof any alteration in
government. Every such alteration was to be
made with the greatest caution, as it was im
poflible to eitimaie the danger with which it
might#e attended. And in return for this
hazard, he - would ask, have we any thing to
gun by a Parliamentary Reform ? What ben
thc could we reap from it, which we did not
at present enjoy, or which should induce us
to rifle our present Rate of prosperity ? Besides,
even were the alteration which m ; ght now
be proposed to take place, could he rest upon
that alteration ? Could he pretend to set bounds
to its progress, or hope that it would not be
Carried.further ? Nothing was more difficult
than to stop any change in government which
had once begun. It was impossible in the
outset to forefee the consequences to which it
might lead in the event. To ronfent then
to any alteration would be to open a door tor
endless innovation. He did not fee the pro
bability of any good which could arise from a
Parliamentary Reform, while he was sensible
that it might be attended with much mif
chief. .
Mr Efikine at the dote of a lengthy speech,
observes, That, by the corruption which the
increase of Revenue had introduced, that
the Houle had been led to perievere in not re.
pealing those Afts, the Stamp and Tea Ads.
Had thole Ads been repealed, America would
either have remained the child ol this country,
or, constituted as fbe was Gmilar to this, when
the period arrived wheq ihe mull have natur.
ally been her own mi it refs, would inevitably
have preferred the Monarchical form under
which she had been lo happy. But when in
the contest the French interfered in their fav.
our, the troops naturally brought back with
them those Republican fentimems which they
had been defending, and thus gave rife to those
troubles which, he was convinced, originated
in the corruption of that House. The Houle
had before them one or two advices—either
to receive the Petition, and by attending to
the contents of it, revive the public confidence
in them ; or, on the other hand, to rejed it
altogether.; but did they suppose that such a
meafurewould tend to confirm or increase the
fatisfadion of the People with them ? For hie
pars, be did not wiflf to live to fee the day
when the people i4ould come to besiege them
inßead of petitioning them. It had been ob
jedad to the present meaiure, that it did not
point out any fpecific plan of Reform that
every circuroftance was to him the strongest ar
goment possible in its favour. But the perioef
mulTform a cpnfiderable ground of objection
-to all meddling with Reform. He Was, of a
contrary opinion, an,d thought the present the
futeft time for Reform, when men, inflead of
being eager, were rather timid with refped to
any^keration. He concluded with recom
mending attention to the Petition, ana depre
cating "the consequences of a contrary condu^
' Mr. Stanley, adverting to the lata.hour
of the night, (past one) and the. importance of
the Stfcuffibn, moved, That the Debate be
adjourned,” * .
* Mr, Pit t coincided in this opinion..
; The Houfedivided, when the Queftionof
A^^journment was carried. .•
Ayes 181 Noes 109
' Adjourned. A «
A' '• 5
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Volume VIII.]
The American Herald, of liberty.
1 — —-4 *r / —: ———*———Y'*"' —~ — r —— 1 —* — 4 —■
EXETER (lltvu-Hampjhlre) Printed *and Publilhed by Henry Ranlet, in Main-Street^ at fix Jhillings and eight pence per annum. ’ " '
: ^-1 — —
New Constitution of France.
national convention.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 17.
J^ERTRAND entered into a diflertation
on the Rights of Man, and proposed a
new Declaration.
Salles said, that the Convention ihould
confine tbemfelves to the Declaration of
Rights, drawn up in 1789, by the Confticu
ent Aflembly.
Isnard supported this proposition, and
added, that it was of the utmost importance
that the difeuflion of abftradl principles
should be abridged , in order that the Govern
ment might be organized as soon aspoffible.
D.ucoj said, that the difeuflion ought not
to be checked, and that the Declaration pf
1789 should not be taken for the grounds of
it, as it was not free from errors. He ob*?
served, that it was an error to suppose that a
division of powers is a condition neceflary
to liberty, though this might be true in re-s
gard to the feperationof the Legislative from
the Judicial Power. ,
Barre re was also again ft adopting the
Declaration of 1789. He moved that the
Declaration drawn up by the Committee,
after a cartful revision of that of 1789, and
in which the errors of the latter had been a
voided, should have the prefemice. This
proposition was adopted, and the Conven
tion, after a short debate, decreed the firft
article of the Declaration of the Rights of
Man, in the following words:
“ The natural Rights of Man, in society,
are equality, liberty, fafety, property,
the social guarantee and resistance to oppres
sion. - : .
FRIDAY, APRIL 19,
The difeuflion of the Declaration of Rights
being resumed, the following articles were
decreed :
Art. 11. Equality con fl Ils in this, that
every one may enjoy his rights.,
HI. The law ought to be equal to all,
whether it rewards or punishes ; whether it
prq:e&s or reprefles.
IV. All citizens are admiffi^le to all pla
ces, employments, and public functions.
Fiee people know no other motives of
preference in their choice thaq talents and
virtues.
V. Liberty consists in doing every thing
that does not hurt another. It rests upon this
maxim, ** Do not to another what you
Would not with done to yourfelf.”
VI. Every man is free to manifeft his
though'* and opinions.
Vlf. The liberty of the Press, and evpry
other means of publishing one’s thoughts,
cannot be interdicted, suspended or limit
[The Committee proposed as an VHlth
Article, to declare every man free in the
exercise of his religious worfhip^
On this article Vergniaud called for
the previous question, as it ranked among the
facial duties, an objeCt entirely foreign to it.
Dan-Con supported this motion,and said,
let us at length prove to the world that we
are cured of the ma^ia of Priests.
This observation was applauded, and the
difeuffion of the article was adjourned.]
IX. Safety, consists in the protection
granted by the faeiety to each citizen for
the preser vation of perfans, property, and
rights,
X. Noone cart be prosecuted, accused,
arrested, or detained, in the cases deter
mined by the lay,and according to the forms
it prescribes. Every citizen prosecuted or
seized by authority of the law, must immed
iately obey : By resistance he renders him*
felf criminal,
XI. Every aft exercised against a man
contrary to ihe terms prescribed by the law
is arbitrary and null, and he against whom
it is exercised has a fight to appel farce by
force. ;
Xlf. Those who may ifTue, publiih, sign,
’execute, or caule to be executed, such arbi
trary afts, are criminal and ought to be pun
ilhed. .
XIII. Every man being presumed to be
innocent until helias been declared guilty,
if it be declared indifpenfibly necessary to
arreft^him, all rigour notrequifite to fe^ure,. .
his person ought to be severely repressed b/
the law. . • , . ■„>
XIV. No one ciught to bf’•punifhed
in virpe of an eftablilhed hut/prcrftulgaited
previous to the crime/apd/jegally appjiej ’
the laWwhich should-punish erimes commit-^
^ed before its exiHencej Would‘be an arbitra
ry aft. . • . ’. f(
XV. The retroaftivc effeft givtn tq -a’law
v^ouid be a crimS. .* < .
XVI. The law ought not to decree pdhKh- ,
naeate but ftriftly and evidentj/i aeccCary./*
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9
TUESDAY, July. 9
runjfhmerits ought to be proportioned to
crimes, ;and uWfulho society.
XVII. The right of property con fills in this,
that every man is mailer to dispose, accord-.,
ing to his own will, pA|s property, capital,
revenues, and induftr^;
XVIIf. No kind of labour^commerce, or
agriculture can be forbidden ab him ; he
may manufacture, /ell and transport eviry
kind of produdtion.
XIX. Every man may engage his services
and his time, but he cannot tell himfeif :
His person is not alienable property.
be continued. J
[^rom Port-au-Prince Papers
ADDRESS
Os the Merchants of the town of Pjrf-au^
Prince, to the National Civil Comm fiorr
ers, on board the America, a French 74 gun
Jhip in the road of Port-au-Prince, dated the
Sth of April, 1793—[/ our days before the
Jevere cannonade took place, of which the
particulars have appeared in former papers.]
long as we had any hopes remaining
that an accommodation would prevent the
misfortunes rha: are ready to burst upon
Port au Prince, we did not think it our duty
to trouble you in relation to the private con*
cerns of our commerce. At present every
thing reminds us that we have every thing to
fear ; we should be blame-worthy then if we
did not exert ourfplves, in the name of that
national commerce whole confidence we pos
sess, to make inch representations as will
serve to the advancement of its interest.
We shall not here undertake the defence of
an unfortunate town, now for thiee years patl .
the viftim of perfidious conduct ; we will
beg leave to observe, however, that it is pain
ful for its inhabitants to be accused of crimes
without being /offered to exculpate them*
selves ; to fee themselves menaced with pu
nishment without being informed what crimes 1
are laid to their charge. Wil) the delegates
of t.ie nation condemn them without a heart
ing ; will they indiscriminately involve in
their proscription the friends of lawful gov
ernment, the faithful children of the par
ent .country, and those who are accused 1
of being declared enemies of both ?—No ; it
is impossible the breads of the commissioners
can harbor fe cruel a thought. But, citizen
commissioners, if we should for a moment
flatter ourselves with a ray of hope, how can
we otherwise than despair when we refleft
tbat by your proclamation of the 2 ill of la ft
March you involved us all in an indtfcrifei
nate sentence of suspicion, and held as certain
truths the slanderous assertions of our enemies^
carrying despair into every heart by your
threats of a deplorable tranlportation of the
merchants of Port-au- Prince from theirhomes
and properties. What citizen would, not
tremble, however innocent he might be, to
fee his name on the lift of the prolcribed ; to
be separated from his wife, his children, his
property,from those various, great and sacred
concerns which are entrufied 10 him, and to
be dragged like a criminal to the terrible
tribunal of the National Convention of
France ! In our hands remain the fortunes,
and perhaps the last resources of thole valua
ble men, to whom the republic of France
owes its prosperity. In defending their inter
ests, we defend those of the mother country,
who will find.in their generous and inexhaust
ible patriotism the means of refilling the ene
mies of liberty ;; and yet for fifteen • days
past all our business is suspended. An em
bargo has been pot upon our droguing veflels,
that keep up a commercial connexion with
all parts of the colony, fup^ly those with
provisions which cannot be referred to by
veflels for the commodities with which our
foreign ihips are Jaden. And how shall we
anjwer the private engagements, we have
mace ; how supply the demands of our cor
reippndents in Europe, if all our abilities are
thus, fettered f ,
> The armament in our, harbor wears a me*
racing atpeft, and the land forces collected
from the weltern quarters, are brought hith
er to annihilate the last hopes of national,
commerce- in (lead of aiding the citizens ot
Port^au-Ryncc aqd Croix des Bouquets to
feppSrt thetp. At this instant the revolfers
axe wafting and burning the rich possessions
in Cui de Sac ; infteac^ of haftening* to de
stroy the villains, you arm agrtnftia wwq»
•Jhat iS aftfially.at war-with-them, avt wh’ich
bigs, yoo-for peace. You refufe' allpnter
courfe with us, rejhft the deputations we
have sent jo you, ^nd shew every hostile dis- ’
posit-ion. , Ala« I do.you perceive how much
future mifebief is-the conffquence of fech
steps. Dq«you knoH th^t we have on shore
here our papers and precious effefts, and
merchandize fee value Os which is meftima- *
ble Pchat neither these papers nor t^efe arct M
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des of merchandize are our own, but that w*“, •
are merely the iruilees of the greater part ?
that their deftruftion- would bccafion num
. berlefs failures, which faiiiyes would bring
on the ruin of national commerce, already
/hocked by the misfortunes it has feftained ;
and, finally, do you know, Messrs. Commis
sioners, that you will be responsible fo^^hefe
losses, and that 6 mi'lions of unfortunate peo
ple, who are fepporttd, by commerce, will
withcriesof despair demand vengeance oa
the National Convention.
Can it be your inten ion to set at defiance
this awful responsibility, and thereby reduce
us to despair ? we can no longer doubt it,
since the orders you have given to the Cap
tains of tire merchant veflgls to anchor out
side of the Ihips of war. What can be your
designs ; will you proceed to the last extre
mities against a town whole petitions you
have reruled to hear ? we now declare to you
in form that the order you have given co tbte
mercantile Captains cannot be executed
without effentialiy injuring the concerns
trade. Indeed, only cast your eyes on the
situation of the veflels in the road, few of
them are loaded or even ballasted ; it would
be next to impdflibie that they can go out of
the harbor, or be conduced in o the ground
without being exposed ;o confidera.ble da
mage, and probably to a^total loss. Belides,
moll of ihe Captains have^their cargoes oa
shore, which they are obliged to guard care
fully ; and how can they attend to this duty,
if you order them away to the grand road, at
so considerable a distance from their proper
ty. Will you answer for it, that on your
attacking the town thA commercial maga
zines will be refpedled ; and would you not
be held responsible for the losses that might
happen through plunder or conflagration ?
It is impossible to calculate the evils at 4
tendant upon civil war ; and not one of them
but is a mortal flab u>the intereils of trade.?
Citizen commiflioners, before you proceed to
extremities, reflcft that peace is for the ad
vantage of this colony, and that Franco
Hands in need of her commerce, . and thac
you yourselves will be held seriously reipon
fible for the loss of either. W hat is the
meaning of that general embargo laid felely
on this port, which .puts a flop to al] our
business and cccafions immense losses to com
merce. ; What means that obstinate silence
you keep notwithstanding our pressing and
repeat,^ felicitations to you to explain your-?,
feives—’What; mean those. threatening flepa
,ou are taking against a town on whose fate
a ver> large fha’re of the national commerce
depends ? —ln fine, what conftrudion are wc
to put upon the orders you have given to the
C i’^ins. of the trading vessels to retire out
side ot the ihips of war ?—ls it really your,
design to cannonade the town, and to.deftrojr
in Oue instant the merchandize and debt*
cue to the national trade ; for such will be
tne consequence of the least aft of hostility
on Our part.
Wc repeat to you, is it a time when the
revoker^ay waste and burn the rich pof
fefiions on the plain, when .they are ruining^
the feurces of national commerce, that you
think it your duty to excite a civil war in '
the wellem province by arming fourteen
parifties against one. Is it not rather your
duty to dellroy ihe tevoiters before ydu think
of reeftabiilhing order in a place where all
is quiet—and do you suppose you will noc
have to answer for the conflagrations and de
vallations which are daily committing in the
plains, for want of the stipulated relief*
which yoar proclamation has prevented the
neighboring parishes from lending.
Citizen commissioners, we now declare to.,
you that this address is to be printed and to
be transmit ed to all the commercial settle
ments of the republic, that we transfer to
yourfelvesall the refponfibiliry we lay under
to our constituents, and that we will, notify
to them, that if they luffer losses, w« have
uled every argument with you to prevent
them. You are ruining theediony instead of
faxing it, and under pretence of avenging
affronts which F^acce has never receiveo^you,
will feon plungeficrinto mourning, misery &
conftemaiion. Renounce then your intended
attack, give peace to the citizens of Port
au-Prince, aqd be convinced that they are
worthy of the French republic, and do
merit flanderor abuse. Suffer truth to Jhine
into you, and (urn not away from the mjrror
ive hpld up to you^ Jji a Ihort time you will
•no longer be .able to look al it; the miifor- t t
tunes we predift will fall upon your owp bAde < * •
prefendy, ano you will then regret.*that you'
* had not prevented them. Ye depositaries Os
national confidence, «he voice of commerce*
ought, to have feme influence .on yyoa. She V
has feme right to a special protection, and
ypa cyan notwithe $ t afting a criminal
towards your country,expofe her belt inc^rsM
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