Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-12-01 00:00:00, page 2

This remark is a just comment on Mr.
Jay's Treaty, and I will defy any man to
point out one commercial benefit arising to
the U. S. from its adoption. Ibe Mer
chants were in expectation of receiving their
depredation money, and " The People" at
large flattered themselves, that our com
merce would hereafter be more refpe&ed.
But in every particular we find the fallacy
of our reafonj'ng, as the merchant continues
in Ilatu quo as it relates to his claims, other
wise than an augmentation of imposition,
by the expenecs incurred in furnifhing do
cuments to English Lawyers. The citizens
in general, in their commercial concerns,
experience the fame violations on their pro
perty ; and in no instance can it be proved,
that the treaty has been favorable in any de
cision in a British Court of Admiralty.—
Even our latest papers furnifh documents of
the capture of. 8 or 9 fail of veflels from the
Weft-Indies, within soundings, and one in
light of the light house !
It is expelled that Mr. Gallatin, in his
report to Congress on the state of the Trea
sury, will give a fpecific flatement of the ex
peaces attending the British treaty ; how
ranch money has been appropriated and
Low much expended. We should be glad
to hear particularly the issue of Mr. Gore's
embaffv ; he went to England at the earli
est period of the Treaty, and under the molt
sanguine expectations of success ; he return
ed to America and has made a second voyage
on this important business. To know the
real blessings of this instrument, which was
so strongly advocated by certain individuals,
it would be a gratification to state the Debt
and Credit on this whole tranfaaion. If
there has been any benefit we should with
to know it ; if the balance is in favor of the
United States, or if the Merchants have re
ceived any compensation adequate to the
advances of government, we shall readily
phy the most profound refpedl to the judg-$
ment'of those gentlemen. Till this is done,
every citizen has a right to judge for him
felf, and a few anonimons publications, sup
posed to be written bv Englishmen, will ne
ver persuade the people, that the Treaty is
not, precisely, what the venerable Samuel
Adams declared it to be, i. e. " pregnant
with evil." The political forefight of this
aged'Patriot will excite the plaudit of the
hiftmian ; while the contrasted, dcfpicable,
policy of its advocates will equally rouse his
indignation.
As a proof of its deficiency, (as it refpe&s
the anticipations of the Merchants) we need
only to refer to the unsettled state of their
claims, and the innumerable captures made
of their property since its adoption. At the
Old South Meeting-House, the friends of
the Treaty urged its adoption as the imme
diate remedy for their grievances ; give us
the Treaty, (said they) and you give us our
money. They placed the question, not as
it related to a national concern, but as a
controversy between the Merchants of A
merica and the British Government ; the
the Treaty and their demands were so con
nected, that they considered the opposition
to one, as equally a denunciation of the o
ther. When they had obtained the vote,
thev viewed it a 'complete check on the bank
of England for the full amount of their de
predations, and the huzzas attending the
decision was nearly equivalent to "golden
guineas" from the Exchequer.
This is not an exaggerated statement of
the expectations of the Treaty advocates, as
I accompanied on that day many of them to
the Exchange ; and their mutual congratu
lations on their success, were proofs fuffi
cient to juftify my observations. Nay,
fame of them condejeended to speak to me on
the fubjeCt, and wondered that I should be
so opposed to their intereJi; that I should be
so cruel as to wish to deprive them of so ma
ny thousands of dollars, which they should
now certainly obtain. I could not, even at
this zenith of exultation, but pity their fol
ly and finile at their credulity.
But the most curious part of this farce,
was xheJubUme speech of Mr. Ames, in con
gref<. He rose in that august assembly, ap
parently under all the infirmities of a man
in the last flages of diflulution ; he intro
duced his observations as ,he dying legacy
of a departing patriot ; fatigued and almost
expiring under the weight of his observa
tions, he was obliged to flop at proper peri
ods and renew his strength by the afidtance
of a smelling-bottle. Under these impres
sions he ran through the horrid detail of
" Indian fcalpng knives ;" he portrayed with
•' 'Tis from experience that we reason befl."
AFTER the British Treaty was read in
the Boflon Town Meeting, a refpe&able
and venerable citizen enquired of the Mod
erator, “ whether that was the whole ofitr"
on being answered in the affirmative, he
made this Ihrewd reply, that " what he had
heard was altogether in favor of the British,
and he was in hopes of finding something in
favor of America.*
©id ^out%
From the CHRONICLE
Ipathetic energy, the desolation of cur fields,
I the conflagrated cities, the cries of frantic
!mothers and belplefs orphans. lie aimed
4 ihook the fun in its flationary pofnion, and
nearly arretted the moon and stars in their
career ; after exhaufling his poetic fire, he
at length vented his pathos on the Rainbow,
whose thousand tints were to expire under
the agonizing expulsion of the British trea
ty. Such a complication of natural disor
ders to arise from a political cause, were
unparalleled in the pages of hiftory. No
wonder that the citizens were alarmed ; if
the British treaty convulsed the fyflem of
nature, we cannot be surprised that the in
habitants of the globe were interefled in its
adoption. If the fun was to be darkened
and the moon and stars were not to died their
light ; if the rainbow (the auspicious har
binger of Supreme Benevolence) was to lose
its radiency, the consequences were too
fatal to be sported with. If a weak, infirm
man, just tottering over the grave, thus prog
nosticated such direful events from the re
je&ion of the Treaty ; or, like a second
Noah, prepared it as the only alternative for
the salvation of his fellow-citizens, the folly
of our decision can be no otherwise apologiz
ed for, than the credulity attached to his in
fallibility.
But, fellow-citizens, at this age of reason,
do we suppose the luminaries of Heaven
would have strayed from their orbits ? Do
we apprehend that the planetary fyflem
would have been deranged in their revolu
tion r Do we think that the milky way would
have confounded its brilliant pavement into
chaos ? Or can we suppose, that the rain
bow would have turned into a cloud of finoke
and all the variety of its magnificent tex
ture be reduced to a huge mass of opaque
atoms ?
This portrait may be considered as a
strong coloring : but if we revert to the pe
riod of the Treaty, we shall find it perfectly
within the original. As a proof of which
read Mr. Ames' famous speech ; read the
debates in the Old South Meeting-house ;
recur to the documents of that day in the
Centinel and other federal papers ; and tho'
we may now laugh at the idea then fuggefled,
yet you will find them portrayed in all the
publications which advocated the adoption
of the Treaty. Our judgment was not then
the criterion of decision, but our fears, and a
strange frenzy and political fanaticifm per
vaded every part of the community. If a
man talked about the moon's being turned
into blood, or the rainbow perverted into an
omen of terror, we were led to adopt the
wildness and extravagance of his fancy.—
The Treaty, the Treaty, was all the cry,
and none were even Christians, but such as
admitted its efficacy ; the pulpit on many oc
casions, was the ecclesiastical drum, to rally
defciples, apofiles, and adherents. In short
the ratification was so interesting, that Cir
cular letters were forwarded to be read af
ter Divine Service.
The treaty, federal gentlemen, you have
obtained ; the Republicans opposed it ; and
now, firs, it is your duty to point out its u
tility. You said that compensation would
be more refpe&ed ; please to tell us where
. in. Have not Anrerican veflels been taken
and condemned since, and upon as unrea
sonable pleas as before ? Have not our sail
ors been impressed ? Has not every imposi
tion been equally pra&ifed in the British
Courts of Admiralty r Tell us, federal gen
tlemen, what remittances Mr. Gore has'
made you, and what account he gives of his
embassy ; whether he is now in away to
liquidate your claims, and whether you loon
expe£ lhim, with Bills of exchange, for the
detention of your property. Let us know
what advice you have received from Mr.
King, and whether Pitt and Grenville are
obliged to Mr. Ames, for securing the luf
tre of the Rainbow, by our adopting the
Treaty.
If such favorable events have taken place,
we are desirous to know them, and we arc
willing to participate in your good fortune,
by reciprocating our congratulations. But
believe me, federal gentlemen, when I tell
you that the whole is a delusion, and that
you will find a faction has deceived
you. Time will convince you, that the op
pofers of the Treaty have been, and now are,
your only friends. Mr. Jefferfon and Mr.
Madison's political principles would have
helped you, but a British junto led you to
spurn their proffered friendship. If you do
not get compensation,. you must blame the
|aft administration.
I did propose in this nmnber to point out
the impositions on our Neutrality by Mr.
Jay's Treaty, but finding them so innumer
able, I have thought bed to call on its ad
vocates to declare the commercial benefits
they so confidently contemplated, and even
pledged themselves would arise. Ifthey are
silent on this head, we are to presume they
have never realized their expectations, that
the whole was a series of fraud and decep
tion, and solely calculated to root out, by
means of Agents and Fadlors, every advan
tage of Commerce, heretofore enjoyed by
our citizens. The United States have been
at a vall expence to fulfill their engagements,
'while we hue reason to think that the mo-
I ney expended has been abferbed in parade
and diplomatic ceremonies.
A few observations on the late Treaty
between Russia and England will exhibit
our folly still further, which will be reserv
ed for the next number.
WE are now prepared to solve the ques
tion of inquiring Federalists, to continue
our remarks on principles measures and go
vernment, and on parties in their pad and
present state. Republicans wish not to
clamor against the old administration, nor
to examine its measures for the purposes of
censure. In it, from their understanding
of things, is seen much to approve & much
to lament. Their talk is less invidious,
their objects more pleasing : ? It is to jollify
themselves, and to (hew that the principles
and the measures of the present administra
tion, are founded in principle, on the con
stitution, in utility, a love of country and 2
love of peace ; in a refpecl for the rights of
the people, their interest and happiness.—
Federalists fay there can be no change for
the better ; that the old adminifiration found
the government in disgrace, and left it in
fafety and honor. Surely Federalists do not
mean to fay, that there was either fafety or
honor in the state of our public affairs—of
the public mind, at the time, when the old
adminiflration left the government ; in that
prevalence and spread of Jacobinical prin
ciples, which led to and made the change
necessary ; in that recurrence to, and adop
tion of, firft principles, which introduced the
new administration. They forget, they
mean to be confident. Republicans then
saw no danger or dishonor, to our country,
in this change of opinions and principles ;
no horror or dismay ; no cause of alarm and
anxiety : But they were hurrying down a
precipice, that calamity was gathering a
round ; that the jaws of dedrudtion were
open ; that ruin had overtaken them ; and
that every thing great, good, and ennobling
had been, or would be prollrated. We
have been since told, that this work of
w retchednefs was progressing and nearly
completed.
Federalists would, perhaps, be as near
trath, if they were to fay, that the late ad
ministration found the government and
the country united, and left them divided :
found them in peace, and left them clos
ing an unfortunate, and if not unne
neceffary, an inglorious war ; found them
in debt, and left them more so ; found them
Republican, and were obliged to leave them
so ; as opposed to modern Federalism.—But
the dreaded evil is the danger of economy,
the bondaging fear, the fear of a reform ;
of being reformed out of a peace, composed
of the materials of war, of immense expen
diture, of fleets, and armies, and actual fight
ings. A peace, " passing all understanding."
The danger is real. It is probable we shall
be reformed out of an expensive patronage,
into economy in the expenditures of monies ;
out of the appropriations of an abandoned
army system, into a lessening of the burdens
of the people ; out of a blind or a forced
confidence, into a knowledge of our rights ;
out of Federal darkness, into Republican
light ; and it is to be hoped, out of a spirit
of clamor, distrust, disunion, detraaion, mis
representation, irreligious contraaednefs &
real jacobinifm, which the Washington sys
tem and address every where reprobate, into
that regard for truth, love for the constitu
tion, attachments for filler States, and re
fpe& for the constituted authorities, which
they, on all occasions inculcate. It would
amuse, to be particular and nice, in compar
ing the pratlice of some Washington Fede
ralists, with his principles and condua ; in
comparing their assumptions, their com
plaints, and their writings, with the lenti
ments of his address, iu comparing them
with themselves, their sense and application
of these sentiments in 1800 to government,
then Federal, and to the fame government,
now Republican. The address invites to
union and to a forgetfulnefs of all local dif
tinaions, by the meft powerful perfuafives ;
the Federalists urge to division, from a re
presentation of a northern and a southern
interest, and the most illiberal reproaches.
That advises " to frown indignantly on the
firft dawning of every attempt to alienate
one portion of our country from the rest ;"
these are endeavoring to " enfeeble the fac
cred ties which now link together the vari
ous parts ;" that cautions against the in
trigues of designing men, who may " en
deavor to excite a belief, that there is a real
difference of local interest and views;" these
are a£lually praaifing these intrigues ; that
warns against 66 all combinations and asso
ciations, under whatever plauhbe character,
with the real design to dire&, control, coun
teract or awe the regular deliberation and
The following excellent ExtraH, is taken from
the Seh number of the FARMER, publifo
ed in the Massachusetts Spy —and recom
mended to the earful peruJal of the dijinte
refled.
LET HIM THAT READETH UNDERSTAND.
OLD-SOUTH.
.action <,f the cm (Touted authorities' 'as &-
lltuclive ; these labor c< n.bincdly ar.d foc
- Irally to r<b tie cxecutiie of cne of its rreft
darling attributes, the cxcrcife of its cot fti
tutional uiferetien, in re morals and app ( la
ments to < ffice, and to “ cotniterafl, di:c&
control and awe" that diferetien into a com
pliance with the views of an " organized
faction „ that exhorts us “ to cherilh pub
lic credit, by using it as sparingly as poflible,
by avoiding the occasions of cxpen fe, aid
by cultivating peace," and to avoid debt, by
Running the occasions of cxpenfe :" these
have endeavored to commit the credit
of our country to the uncertain c
vents of a controversy, with the conquerors
of a world, and have found the occasions of
accumulating the public debt, by paying an
interest of eight per cent, in the support of
a war. In fine, that reposes its hopes, its
confidence and its liability, on republican
ism, the constitution as it is, and the virtue,
difeernment, patriotism and affections of the
great body of the people ; those lean too
much on force, on influence, on patronage,
on themselves, on delusions, on the banks,
funds and their monied wealth, to the ne
glect of the solid, consolidating and sover
eign powers of agriculture.
The Federalists have often asserted that
they possess all the talents, property, virtue
and religion in our country. They tell us
their opponents are Jacobins, Fhihffdfs,
bankrupts, knaves and fools. These after
tions are very easily made. It requires no
great talents to call one's opponent rafeak
A very low breed man, with very little un
derstanding, on any emergency, might make
use of such a federal argument against his
opponent. Aifertions do not create facts.
When we hear a man continually boaftirg
of his own probity, honor and religion, v 3
begin to Gifped, that he is deficient in those
traits of character which he claims as pe
culiarly his own. Often have we obferv
cd, that he who is continually boafling of
his courage and bravery, is, on the appear
ance of danger, the greatest coward. A
truly religious man does not proclaim bis
piety on the house top. A man of honor
and virtue docs not proclaim to every one
he meets, 'Jam a man of honor.' He
•rather performs those duties which his con
science dictates to be right, and receives the
approbation of his own reason.
How have the fame party conduced since
the commencement of the Few Adminis
tration. Scarcely a federal paper efeapes
the press without violent invectives agaffl
the Prtfdent. Publication after publica
tion dirtied to him personally, full fraught
with abuje, mifatements of fcas, and un
fair reprejentations. Repeatedly has it been
alleged, that, the Proficient interfered in the
profecuticn against Mr. Duane, on behalf
of the Senate, and that he ordered a voile
profequi —when the fret is well knoun that
the Bill prejented by Mr. Ingersol, at the
request of the Senate of the United States, a
gainji Mr. Duane, has been returned by the
Grand Jury Ignoramus.—All further pro
secution ceased of courle. This is one of
many infiances of unfair reprefentatians
which have been made ot the President's of
ficial conduct. The fame men, who, a
few months since, were preaching the doc
trine that the 6 Clif Magfrate can do no
wrong,' that the President's official charac
ter should be held sacred, that his pow ers
should be enhanced, are the very men who
traduce and vilify almost every meafttre of
Administration. And were we to judge
from Newspaper productions, we Ihonld
fay, that they are endeavoring, by every means
in their power, to create difiord and divfon,
and thereby to obtain a separation of the Nor
thern from the Southern States, and in that
way defray the Federal Government. Eve
ry honest man will do well to examine the
views and designs of the parties, without
being deceived by names or pretentions.
Look well to the tendency of the actions of
men.— Sun.
Let us then look to the actions of men as
the best criterion by which to determine
their charaaer. By this rule let us exam
ine the Federulfs. Is it not a fast, that
during the hit Administration, they were
continually preaching the old explored
doarine of paffve obedience and non reli
ance ? Is it not zjafl, that their Idol was
by them, Shielded by a Sedition Law ?—.
Were there not many Republicans thrown
into Gaols for publishing ftri&ures on the
measures and doings of the then President ?
Did they not set up the old hue and cry of
Church and State ? Did they not enlist on
their fide the meanest passions of the human
mind, bigotry and foperflition ? Was not
the system by them puifued calculated to
defiroy the freedom of enquiry, and that
manly independence peculiar to a free Gov
ernment r We appeal to the recollection
of every man for the truth of these inquir
ies.
Tzco lads wanted us apprentices t.
Actions speak loudertban Words.
the Printing Business.
A FARMER.