The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1783-09-02 00:00:00, page 4

We have likewise read the Sth article of cor
federation adopted by the States, the plain and
obvious meaning of which we take to be this,
that each State pay their proper quota of the
charges of the war, into the common treasury,
which quota (hall be aligned by Congress, ac
cording to the value ofthe lands in each State
granted, or surveyed to any particular person,
and the buildings and improvements thereon.
The 9th article circumscribing and limiting the powers of
Congress, we have considered with the greatest care and
attention, being fully and clearly of opinion, if we have de
legated to Co 'grefs expressly, or by a fair and just implica
ting the power of establishing annuities or penfons on the
officers of our army, either for life, or term of years, the
States are bound in honor, justice and equity, to fulfill,
what by the articles of our foederal union, we have solemn
ly engaged to perform—by which article it is expressly
clear and evident, we have delegated to Congress power to
nominate and appoint the general officers of our army, and
of consequence to affix and afeertain their wages or pay,
and that it is as expressly clear, the States have referred to
themselves, the right of appointing all regimental officers,
and by consequence the right of affixing their wages and
pay, and that by railing our quota of men aligned by Con
gress, we in that regard pay our quota of expence. Accor
dingly by that article, we have bound ourselves to raise,
cloath, arm, and equip the men, in a Soldierlike manner,
and by consequence to encourage the officers by affixing
their wages, and the soldiers by granting their bounty and
pay, both which the legislature have repeatedly done by
their proclamations, by that right expressly reserved in their
own hands, by the 9th article under consideration, and this
State accordingly by their own authority, have made good
the depreciation of the bills, secured the payment of
both principal and interest in specie, and provided for the
families both ofthe officers and men while in service, and
in raising our last recruits, the several clafles were obliged
to add on an average throughout the State, at least 20s. per
month to the wages ofthe soldier, all which has been done
by the power and authority ofthe State, without the inter
ference or authority of Congress, or any additional expence
to our lifter States-— and in this sense, doubtlcfs the State of
Penfylvania conduced,when they granted a half-pay to their
officers during life, before they could be prevailed upon to
enter into the service ofthe States, without affeding this,
or any other of their lifter States, unless by creating an un
cafinefs among the officers ofthe army ; —and as the pow
er of granting half-pay for life, or full pay for five years to
regimental officers, was not expressly delegated to Congress,
or even by implication, the.States are not holden to pay, and
on consideration of their incessant and injurious miirepre
fentations, ofthe state of their families, to his Excellency
the commander in chief, and the honorable Continental
Congress, has rendered it even dishonorable for the States
do fulfill. Which report was read and accepted and there
upon the town came into the following refolutibns, viz :
1. That as we have formally and solemnly adopted the
articles of our foederal union, we will chearfully and wil
lingly submit to be governed by them, and to be taxed, to
difeharge our full proportion ofthe quota of the public debt,
contrasted during the war, by the honorable Continental
Congress, both at home and abroad, agreeable to the ar
ticles of confederation, in such way and manner, as the ho
norable legislature of this State shall think best, and to be
colleded by such officers as they shall appoint.
2. That it is a duty we owe to ourselves, and to the seve
ral States included in the union, ftedfaftly to oppose every
departure from, and extension of power beyond, the arti
cles of our foederal union, as having a natural tendency to
sap the foundation of the freedom, Sovereignty, and inde
pendence ofthe States, and to introduce tyranny and op
pression ; and will at the rifque of our lives, ftri&ly adhere
to the articles of our present union, until in some constitu
tional manner they shall be altered, and adopted by the
States.
Voted, That Col. Aaron Elliot, Capt. Samuel Gale, and
Capt. Aaron Keley, be a committee to correspond with
any towns who may adopt similar measures ; and that the
town-clerk transmit a copy ofthe report of the committee,
and the resolves of this town to be inserted in the next COl
- Courant. A true Copy, certified,
AARON RLLIOT, Town-Clerk.
Messieurs PRINTERS,
lObferve a piece in your paper ofthe 19th inst, addressed
to the inhabitants ofthe town of Farm.ngton, who voted
in their late meeting, which, asit contains several gross mis
representations of the views and sentiments of that town,
tending to place them in a disadvantageous point of light
tc the public eye, seem to merit some animadversion, the
writer charges the town in the following particulars, viz :
That they labour to plunge the States into anarchy and
confufion, and attempt to destroy our constitutions, and to
throw us back into an original state of nature.
That the town acknowledge, there is no other way to
^void the payment of the commutation, but by roofing the
great body ofthe people to an open and violent opposition
to the supreme authority.
That they are ready to ruin their country upon a doubt,
and rush headlong into riot, anarchy, and infurre&ion,
while they own themselves ignorant whether they are right
or wrong. And,
That the meeting itfelf was created by the adjournment
of a mob to the meeting-house.
These are high charges, and had the writer evidence of
the truth of them, he would have been juftified in declaring
the people Seized with a paroxifm of voluntary madness, he
might have gone further, and pronounced them in a state
©factual rebellion against the government, but a moments
attention will shew the most material ofthefe charges to be
without foundation— what fay the meeting in their address ?
that the commutation is unjust, oppressive and dangerous in
its nature and tendency ; —that they doubt the powers of
Congress were incompetent to such a purpose ; that the
great body of the people have a right to judge, and will
judge of this matter ; that the people of the states, as far as
sheir information extended, were determined to oppose the
welfare j that an open and violent eppontien to the fa-
preme authority w^ exceeding!, dangerous, and therefore
to be avoided, except in a desperate case; that the people
Were in eminent danger of plunging into anarchy and
confufion ;---and therefore that the interaction ofthe legiJU
tures, and the united wisdom ofthe people, was most important
to save them from that wretched state. These are the sentiments
ofthe town in miniature, so far therefore were the town
from labouring to plunge the States into anarchy and con
fufion, to destroy the conftitution r and to throw the com
munity back in o an original state of nature, that the very
design of the meeting, so far as appears from their proceed
ings, was to prevent it ; and actually proposed the most
efficacious and constitutional remedy for the impending e
vil ; the firft charge therefore is not only without founda
tion, but is built upon a palpable mistake of the main de
sign and tendency of their proceedings.
But the writer proceeds, with surprising confidence to fay,
the town acknowledge, there is no other way to avoid the
payment of the commutation, but by rousing the great bo
dy ofthe people to an open and violent opposition to the
supreme authority, when, at the fame time, he must have
known they had, of set purpole, proposed a method to
avoid the payment, calculated to prevent any irregular and
tumultuous proceedings of the people, by expressing their
wish, thatthe legislature would remonfirate to Congress on the
fubjeff, and except the commutation out of provifans made for
funding the national debt.
But he proceeds to fay that the town are ready to ruin
their country upon a doubt, and to rush headlong into riot,
anarchy and infurredion, while they own themselves ig
norant whether they are right or wrong. It must be owned,
that, not only the people of Farmingtou, but of this and
the ne ghbouring Stares, are in danger of running into
measures that may be exceedingly hurtful in their conie
quences, if they fail of obtaining relief in a regular and
constitutional way, but that the people of Farmington
are ready to do this, upon a doubt, is not true; for though
they may doubt whether Congress have not power to make
grants in the nature of the commutation, so long as they
are confined within the bounds of justice and moderation,
and conducive to the public emolument, yet, of the grant
in question, they can entertain no doubt, because, in their
opinion, it is oppressive to the people, and fubverfiye of the
principles of a republican government; whether this is such
an attack upon the fundamentalprinciples of the constitution,
as will juftify the people, ingan open and violent opposition
to the supreme authority, is no where laid in the proceed
ings ofthe town, they have said indeed, that they (mean
ing the people in general) were upon the point of plung
ing into such a dismal feene of wretchedness and confufion,
which imports no more, than that they were in a state of
fufpence, and it is to be hoped they will preponderate
in favour of order and law, and feel it to be their duty to
raise, support and sustain, that weak and trembling con
stitution which has been purchased with the price of bloody
and which is the dearest and most invaluable birthright of
every citizen.
The last charge that merits consideration is, that the
meeting itfelf was created by the adjournment of a mob to
the meeting house ; the truth is, that Capt. Judd's return
from Philadelphia was the immediate occasion of the
colle&ion on Monday, some collected, probably, with in
tentions of violence to his person, were to obtain the secu
rities for the deranged officers, said to be in his hands, to
prevent their circulation; and many, among whom were
some of the authority, and other refpedable people, to
check and controul irregular proceedings.---A meeting was
warned to be heldpn Thursday then next,and it was the una
nimous voice ofthe people to proceed in the business of said
meeting, and urged, for reasons, that the people were ge
nerally colleded; that it was a busy season and unnecessary
to spend another day in the matter; and that the circum
stance of a legal warning was not neteffary for the purpose
ofthe meeting, being only to colled the sense of the peo
ple, upon the fubjed of commutation —and in fad, many
attended the meeting, who were not present at the firft co -
;lection, nor had any previous knowledge of it, in this
view of the case, however unjustifiable some might be in
their views and intentions, it is neither just nor generous to
speak ofthe meeting under the general appellation of a
mob, and on that ground, to throw their proceedings into
disrepute, wh ch ought to stand or fall according to their
intrinsic merit, in the public estimation.
Thus having said what seemed necessary to vindicate the
town of Farmington, from the chief afpertlons cast upon
them, by the abovementioned writer, it is not to my pre
sent purpose to pursue him through the remainder of his
observations, several of which are very exceptionable, but
shall conclude with this remark, that it is much to be re
gretted that a person who undertakes to entertain and in
ftru& the public, should either through inattention, or ma
levolence, attempt to ftigmat'ze a large and refpedable
body of people, as rebels and traitors against the govern
ment, without the least foundation in truth, and in direct
opposition to the clearest evidence ; such a writer however
supplies a remedy for the mifehief intended, by convincing
the world he is not to be regarded, and the reproach at
tempted to be cast on others, would, by a kind of natural
justice, recoil on him Self, had he the fortitude to appear
in his proper character, to the public view.
To John Treadwell, Efg; Col. Noadiah Hook
er, Mr. Hezekiah Wadsworth, Mr. Timo
thy Root, Col. Gad Stanly, Capt. John Al
len, Col. Isaac Lee, Mr. Joseph Byington,
and Simeon Hart, Esq; and to Solomon
Whitman, Town-Clerk, of Farmington.
TH E spirit which appears to have di&ated a publication
in the Connedicut Courant of the 12th instant purport
ing to the votes of the inhabitants ofthe town of Farm
ington, leaves me no room to doubt the correspondence of a
private person will be acceptable to you, as well as com
mittees specially appointed on this very interesting fubje&.
Without further introduction, I shall take the liberty of
remarking that when any person is held up to public view
as unfriendly to the liberties of the people, and dangerous
to society ; a candid mind will expe& some fa&s by which
the world is to judge of his good or ill conduct : but this
toilsome research we are happily delivered from in this in
stance j as th; opinions of ^h; renurable committee of Far
mingtsn ought vaqueftienabl, te command the implicit
assent of the less enlightened part of the community ; there
fore I give my hearty assent to the position, “ That Capt.
Judd's condud tends to the subversion of the rights of
the people, and deserves the Severest reprehensi
on." It is true, Ido not know a single ad he has done,
or opinion he has entertained, which should forfeit the
good esteem any man may have entertained of him : but
he must be a fceptic indeed who can doubt of his villiany,
when he has the authority ofthe civil, mili ary, and ecle
fiaftical characters of that antient and venerable town, to
found his opinion on. And ean a man be so blind as to
fufpe& that Esquire Treadwell, Colonel Lee, Colonel Sian
ly, or rhat very exemplary Mr. Wadsworth, can entertain
opinions ill founded—of the private character of any man :
or that the administration of all civil and eclefiaftical mat
ters are not perfectly Life in their hands ? It is true —as I
am informed—there was no other meeting ofthe inhabi
tants of Farmington, than a voluntary colle&ion of a num
ber of individuals to mob, tar and feather Mr. Judd, who
the better to put off their doings to their neighbours, resol
ved themselves into a town-meeting ; and then refolded
themselves back again into a mob. What tfen? they who
created themselves have certainly a right to annihilate
themselves again ! And though there was no town-meeting
yet you know the pious purposes of those gentlemen could
not as well be answered, unless they had induced the peo
ple to believe they had legally assembled : and you know
truth and falshood in the hand of a wife man, and a good
man is to be used only to serve good purposes ; and the end
will always juftify the means.
The sentiments, unanimous sentiments of that most ref
pedable town, are truly enchanting. The propriety, no
velty, as well as utility of them, is beyond a parrallel, and
appear to have been reserved in providential dispensations
to the discovery of that people, to perpetuate their remem
brance to the latest posterity. They believe the measures
of Congress are “ unjust, impolitic, oppressive to the peo
ple, subversive of republican government, and exceedingly
dangerous when drawn into precedent, and retaining a
proper refpe& for Congress profess their belief that to their
wife and prudent management, we are indebted for the
present enjoyment of independence and peace ; and that the
union ofthe Stares under this band and cement has been—in
the hand of Prov dence—the principal mean of preferring
us from slavery and ruin."
I own I had (before I was thoroughly convinced by Esq;
Treadwell's contrary opinion) my doubts whether provi
dence ever encouraged villainy to help out the ends and de
signs of the Deity ; and had some little smattering of be
lief that God Almighty could answer the best purposes by
laudable, moral and juftifiable measures ; and that no ho
nour was due to a rafeal, even when his villainy was made
subservient to a general good. However, lam now reliev
ed because I find that unjust, impolitic, and oppressive mea
sures, those which are fubvernye of republican govern
ment and exceedingly dangerous, are the measures which
providence makes ule of to effe& the no! left purposes, and
which command honor, great deference and refpe& to the
authors of them : A discovery which will make glad the
heart of every villain upon the great scale, while it in no
measure just fies the pitiful scoundrel who fins by grains and
scruples.
Another discovery as inrerefting to our purses as the last
is to our confidences, exhibits itfelf to consideration, viz 3
that honor, justice and gratitude, require us to make pro
vision for the payment of the debts contracted by Congress,
and at the fame time " is it the indifpenfible duty ofthe
States to remonstrate and decidedly determine against the
payment of them." Well done Esquire, you shall havemy
vote as long as we both live. I now find all that is necessary
for me to do is to acknowledge the justice of the debt, but
duty to myfelf requires I should never pay a farthing, nay
that it is perfectly honorable and just to protest I never will
pay my debts.
The services of the officers in the field—you fay— cc are
meritorious," this I was a little alarmed at 'till I found the
expression to be meant ironically, and I wonder too I should
have mistaken it when you before had asserted the securi
ties referred to, " if never paid, were just adequate to their
services, and would remain perpetual evidences of their
folly in attempting to invade the rights of the people."
The conduct ofthe officers in demanding of the people
a fulfilment of their premises, I am fully of opinion with
you—-is impudent beyond example, and favours so much of
intolerable injustice and oppreflion, as ought not to be in
dured, and I most heartily concur in the measures pursuing
to deprive them of that State of free citizenship, which
they have secured to us.
Are we not by their exertions become a free, independent
and sovereign power, and whoever heard of a free people,
who had not a right to do what they pleased, or a sovereign
power of whom a debt could be demanded ?
Congress you seem to agree “ have a power to reward
merit by pecuniary gratuities, and that a right of judging
of this merit is lodged with them" yet you fay this never
ought to be regarded when contrary to the opinion of the
people. There again! think you are right, for no man can
doubt but a debtor will allways be willing to pay when the
demand ofhis creditor is just.
And though powers are necessary for our good—dela^
gated to part of the community, to be exercised for the ge
neral weal of the whole, yet it is as manifeftly true that
they who gave the powers, have a right in every instance
to controul them when they dislike the purpose to which
they are used, and resume the exercise of them according
to their own pleasure. In this view of the matter I per
ceive we have secured to ourselves the liberties we desired
and ought to have pursued—a liberty of doing what we
please, and of obeying any law we approve, and opposing
any law we dislike. lam happy to find my opinions jufti
fied so ful y by your most refpe&able body ; and should you
on the fame principles throw some light on the right of op
posing the excise a& ; the mode of taxation, and man,
other municipal laws of this Stateas well as more general
concerns of the confederated States, you will render your ser
vices more conspicuously meritorious to the very numerous
body who wish to preserve their importance, by keeping
up and encreafing the ferment so necessary to effecting the
late revolution.
A REPUBLICAN,,
Torrington, Awguft, 1783.