Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-10-18 00:00:00, page 2

KaucrcßfletzßTCTf'^t^^'—^rfrr^r!!^—
Whoever in such a government doth act
so vicious a part as to feck to build up him
felf or his friends at the expence of the
rights of the people, does so far wage war
agdinft this free and virtnons government ;
and if a large body of people are under the
influence of such, then tie cor,dilution and
rights of the people are in great conger.
Such apoflate republicans, acting trem
base and snifter motives, having bat fight
of the public good, and of all that is truly
noble in government, will of course now
be plotting the overthrow of this virtuous
government, and are prepared to promote a
vicious government, foiled to their present
flute and disposition; which being of course
opposed to. free and virtuous republic, is
vicious. The foundation of the virtue of
the former confiding in this that the feve
reignty or supreme power lies in the hands
of the body of the people ; but the vicious
ness of the monarchical so m lies in this,
that the foyer ignty being in the hands of
one ora few, the experience of nations
compels us to expect, that the gravitation
will tend towards themselves and their
friends, to the prejudice of the public good ;
such being the feltifhnefs and love of power
which is found in the human breast.
The judicious and candid Montesquieu
gives a fad catalogue of the vices which
reign in the courts of monarchs, which he
dec ares to be found in the experience of all
rations. Yes ! and he molt pointedly lays
it down (though doubilefs a virtuous man
himself that occording to the nature of a
delpotic monarchical government ; vice is
a nee ary atiribnte, without which it can
not be properly conducted' Look at the
virtue glory, and happiness of the Greeks
and R uians, under their republican govern
ments ; and fee the reverie under their
arb trary monarchs.
When we hear the high federalifis de
nouncing he friends of our democratic con
flituticns as enemies to chr Hianny,it excites
in us emotions of pity for the weakness of
human nature, as well as abhorrence for its
vices. What !to be friends to chriftianity
mult we denounce and fly from the virtuous
government which its author has instituted,
and embrace the vicious kind which he
has forbidden !
To suppose that Christ would institute a
free and virtuous gorvernment for his people
as chriftians, and a Ravish and vicious form
for them as citizens, is holding up a molt
Shocking idea of Christ and his government.
On which file of the question, then are we
to look for the friends, the confident friends
of ch ißianity and of the rights of the
people ?
Chriftianus.
* “ Democracy, a form of government, where
the supreme or legislative poser is lodged in the
common people, or persons chosen out from
amoog them" Bailey's Dictionary.
Are we not then all democrats, unless opposed
to our federal and flare constitutions ?
f One writer, calling himfelf federal, and who
flair's high in th? prailes of his federal printer,
(Jenks Gi Portland) is :n the habit of c ll,ng the
irtenls of a free and equal government " the
republican feet," and denounces tnofe who, (in
the words of our excellent date cenftitmion) tell
the people that they are “ all free and equal."
Let such remember, that not only Franklin and
Washington, but even Christ himfelf, were
republican.
— OTK/&:fr «£^J&l
From the Chronicle.
A
BIOGRAPHIC SKETCH
OF THE LATE
Governor ADAMS.
EV JAMES sullivan.
X« r&« .<.&<%,„>..>.,.&.,, >..,. ~
THE virtues and patriotism of past ages
oguht to be celebrated for the benefit of
mankind ; and examples of good and great
men, rhuft be handed down to their children,
for the promotion of social happiness. Thus
the antient nations paid divine honors to
their heroes and patriots, whilst a people,
inlightned by divine infpira,ion, consecrat
ed the precepts and examples of pious
anceßors, as the laws of their pofteri-
In a country replete with feience, where
every nerve is on the Itretch, aid every
muscle in exertion for the public weal,where
industry and enterprize accumulate public
and private wealth ; where civil security,
and political felicity seem attached to the
foil as its natural atmofpher, it is not easy
to find characters, so perminent in the feat
ures of public virtue, as to bear the stronger
touches of the painters hand. But our na
tion, having been but lately brought into ex
igence ; and having in its birth, been attend
ed with circtunftances aftoniffiing to the
•world,we find in its progress to sovereignty &
independence, a constellation of characters,
which will be revered as long as the rights
of mankind shall be refpeCted. Among
these, the patriotic vritues <„ the man,
whole funeral obsequies, were, on last
Thursday, solemnly performed by thou
- finds of his fellow citizens, gave him an el
t evated, and deftinguifhed tank.
SAMUEL ADAMS,
was born in Bolton, from an antient, and
refreshable parentrage of the firft settlers ot
New-England, on the 27th day of Septem-
I her 1722, Having palled through the pre
vious preparations at the school in Be ften,
he entered as a Undent at Harvard College,
in Cambridge in the year 1736. The four
years there allowed, to lay the foundation ot
a future uftfolncfs, were not loft to him, or
tohiscountry ; he obtained the honors of
the university, not becauf* he had been there
the usual jerm, but because his assiduous at
tention to literary acquirements had render
ed him worthy of them.
After he retired from the university, he
attempted a concern in the business, in
which his Father had been connected ; but
it was easily seen, that the pr penuries of
his nervous and elevated mind, were not
turned to the accumulation of property, or
the charms of wealth. He was, very foon^
invited to public avocations by his native
town. Long before the dawnipgs of the
American revolution, he waseleCied, by the
town of Bolton, a representative in the gen
eral court, and was continued there by re
peated elections, until he was defignat
cd as a member of Congress in the year
'774'
The filtration of his country had opened a I
wide, and important field for tie difylay
of his lingular genius, and extensive cap
acity. The claim ot Great Britain to leg
iftute for the colonies in all cases whatever,
crew in its train, confcquenccs of vail im
portanceto both countries. Without such
an authority, it would be difficuh to main
tain the connection of a parent state with
provinces ; with the exercise of it, the co
lonies were depressed below the grade of
British fubjeCts, and reduced to a Hate of
slavery.
There were but very few, whose minds
could comprehend the important dtllii 61
ions which were then agitated, or whole
reasoning could difeern the approaching
events of the the controversy.
There have been at all times, in all coun
tries,men prepared for national exigenences.
Mr. Adams fcems to have been peculiarly
formed for the evehtful period of his life.
His mind was fingulaily powerful in trac
ing the result of political principles ; and
the firmnefs of his heart never failed to flip
port his efforts, whenever he was convinc
ed of the rectitude, and propriety of the ob
jeCl he prefixed. He prefled his measures
with ardor, because they were founded on
calculations, drawn from principles tending
to the glory and independence of his coun
try. His courage derided the bars throwr
in the way of his carreer, while the fagachy
ofhis mind pierced the clouds in which
fophißry involved the fubjeft before him
By this, he was enabled to explain, in the
mull convincing, and imphtfive manner,
the depletion of the colonies, unless a firn
and noble Hand was then made agaiult the
claim of the King and parliament. He me;
oppositions, and threatnings, with an intrepid
firmnefs, peculiar to himfelf ; and with an
eye of careless, indifference looked upon dan
gers as mere incidents in the progiefs of
gr< at events.
In the ailemhlies, where the foundation
of the American revolution was formed,
where the principles, and fyflems of govern
ment, on which the security and felicity of
mankind depend, were drawn into difeuffi
on, his manly eloquence was never refilled
with Iticcefs ; his opponents were obliged
to yield in silence, only hoping fora change
by the means of an army, more favorable
to their views. His rhetoric was not a tor
rent of figurative language, but an impres
sive, sedate drain of reasoning, which could
never fail to awaken the int-rested, or to
convince the unprjudiced hearer. His pen
was no less powerful than his tongue. Aj
mind, well flocked with the sentiments of a|
Sidney, a Locke, and other great men who
had contended against monarchical, and ec
clefiaftical tyranny ; with an education,
which had given it the entire possession of all
, the principal fyffems, and abufcs of the an
tient Grecian, and Roman repu lies, as well
as of the defpotifins, of the world, was ca
pable of carrying conviction to the hearts of
all who had not been bribed against their
iown freedom, or who had not differed them
selves to be betrayed by the allurements of
, avarice and ambition, or by the impression
: of fear.
’ A memorable period of Mr. Adams's
life, was that, in which the Britilh ministry
proscribed him and Mr. Hancock. A par
. don was freely offered to all in the oppfition
. excepting John Hancock and Samuel Ad
- ams. Justly deeming this, as the token of
; despair in a deceived and weak administration
: he held the measure in contempt, and con
, tinned his exertions to prepare his country
; forthe last and molt solemn appeal, which
; he saw near at hand.
, In the year 1776, he was, before had been,
and ong after continued to be, an influ
ential member of Congress. With Frank
lin, John Adams, J<bn Hancock, Thomas
Jefferfon, and other gr,eat men, he termed,
and frgned the ad, which gave United States
a handing, with the nations ot the
earth, on the floor of independent sovereign-
There 'was yet a feene to be palled
through, which was intended by the good
genius of America, to exhibit the lic! est
beauties of the tree of liberty.
'I he declaration of independence was ex.
peeled but by a tew ; new in idea to a great
many, and confidereef by numbers in every
state, as a ralh and daring measure. The
American,army was then poorly fed, badly
armed, wretchedly clothed, and miserably
paid. Ihe paper currency, our only re
lourcc, was in a rapid depreciation, & there
appeared to be nothirg eife to depend on,
but the magrimimity of the people and the
goodness of their cause.
At this crisis Lord Howe Lord Carlile,
and Mr. Eden landed as commiflioners from
I the King of England with < ffers of peace and
, reconciliation. They were furronnded by a
I well commanded, and well disciplined army
Supported by a numerous fleet, and filled
Vrh tlie anticipation ct conquers over the
" arch rehie 1% efbingten," and that "traitorous
" band of tfurfcrs called the Congress." But a
general pardon was offeree, wither an
exception of even Haceck and Adams. The
Congress with a dignity well worthy of the
I rulers ot an older, and more powerful nation
delegated to Dr. Franklin, John Adams,
and John Rutledge, the authority of a con
ference with the English ccirmilhorcis.—
Within the camp of the invading, and feem
mpy irre^liable army. The delegates of
Ciogrels livened to tie < vertures of the
royal c< nmiflioners, while thei leafoned
upon the neceflity of a reerflion fre m the
ground of independence ; and then gravely
rep ied accor ing to iheir itflit.Aliens, that
the United States had become an independ
ent nation that they had no voice but that of
an independent fovciign power and thtie
could be no dilcuflion of any preposition,
which did not acknewledge the irdpendence
of the American nation : these iidlro&ions
were illued on the mo ion ot Samuel Adams,
a^ the members there have aflerted.
At this important moment, General
Wafhiugton was retreating bet< re the En
glish army in every part < I the country ; and
Congress was obliged to fly In m Philadel
phia, and find a place, where, cut of reach
of the Britilh army they could mature their
counfcls, and issue their orders. Under theft
exigencies Mr. Adams appeared cheerful am
undismayed. No cloud was spread over his
countenance, w itb ease znd firmnefs he com
mitted his peifonal fate to the fame barque
where the liberty and destiny of his country
were < or, tided.
I he state of Massachusetts, was then ton
fidered as th.' m< ft tfft&ive and important
Hate in the Union. To keep the peo| le
here, firm and co lie&ed under increasing and
multiplied misfortunes was an (!,& ct
magnitude. Tothis Mi. Adams cciliantly
and affi'duoufly attended. His letters ex
plained the reasons of every retreat and the
causes of each defeat ; they unveiled the
hopes, and profpeas of the country in such a
manner that the friends of independence were
exceedingly multiplied by his exertions.
There is however, a circun fiance, that
has been used as an objection to his char
after, which must be noticed in this
place.
While he catiticufly concealed the com
parative weakness of his country, and anx
iou fly fought fora foreign alliacc, he felt
the force of foreign objections, to such a
measure resulting from cur troops having
constantly fled before the English army
France, the natural, and habitual enemy of
England, and with whom we therefore
courted an alliance, concluded, that we
were not united in out 'declaration of inde
pendence, or that there was a native cow
ardice in our character, which we could not
purge away by the force of political enthu
fiaftn. Mr. Adams was therefore, impa
tient for a general action to wipe away these
injurious alptrfuns, and to obviate these
fatal objections. He confided inthe Amer
ican army, more than in the efficiency of
difciplire ; Gen. Washington was unwill
ing to risk too much on one action ; and
while he was disciplining his troops, at an
easy change, the enemy were wafting theirs
at a'great expence.
The battle of Bennington, and the glory
of Saratoga Plains, fully supported the opin
ion of Mr. Adams. Burgoyne's army fur°
rendered on the 17th of October 1777, and
the King of France signed a treaty of alli-1
ance with the United States, which had been 1
long desired, on the sixth of Febury 1778.|
The conduct of Gen. Washington as com-;
mander of the army, throughout the whole;
war, was prudent, cautious and Valiant.|
There can be no difficulty in foppofing,|
that both these great men were light and I
correct in their opinions, but the enemiesl
of Adams, and the enemies of Washington, I
conspired with the enemies of the revolution,:
Ito sow the feeds of jealousy and difeord be
tween them.l
6
The treaty of peace w th England, i n
1783, acknowledging the independence of
the United States, aceomphtbed the withes
of Mr. Adams. He *as then in a fou^iem
to contemplate bis own pJt co duel in
review: with inexprdbblc Uti.rt..C;i< n , his
penetrating eye haddung difceined, md hi s
patriotic foul had long anticipated th ad n# e
of glory, to which his country would arise.
There is no doubt among" tj s intimal
friends, and indeed is well khown to bis con
fidential compatriots, that he tins th e p^f
man in America, who contemplated the idea
of a separation of the colonies hi hi the mo
ther country. He was convinced, ^@l ;h e
ce nnrairn could not be continued open 3
plan, which would secure to the colonize
what was then called die rights of Engi th:
men. His exertions, therefore, all ithded
to a ftpaiation. By bis speeches, and ga
zette produaions, a large majority was pro
cured and maintained in maflachofetts, in
oppofrion to ti e-claims of tie ninifiry. It
has been said, that he was the man w ho or
iginated a Congress of the colenies ;he cer
tainly was the fiif lman who proposed it id •
this fttate, though Governor B< wdoin and
De dor Franklin were with him in the mca
fure. Ihe cause had long been the com
mon cause of all but there was an absolute
necefiry, to render their eppefitien as con
solidated as their intertfl was. In the year
1774, alter the parliment had pafed an act
to repeal A part of the charter of this then
province, General Gege catried the Genual
Court from Be fton, which he was taught by
ta^ royalifls to call tha hot bed of (edition,
to the toweof Sclent, There the heufe <f
redrefentatives, and concil, the none branch
of the legislature, appointed a c< n mince of
revehteen, to confider and report on the date of
the piovince. Adams was cte of course. In
this .committee there happeiietito be four mem
bers, who were tor Udmittirg to the mother
country in all her claims. Wlten they had wea
ried themfclves with hypothetical ar^imei ts in
this way, they adjourned trem time to time to
nitet again. The 13 vho were oppeftd to the
tour met by themfehes and formed and imported
a Ibn 'er a general Cengrefs, ti/sieport was in-"
(reduced by Mr. Ad?ms,to the great aPoLiftmenc
ot the four of t..e ccn mince in m w! uni it had
been kt pi fcciet,as well as to the rrcazement of
their adherents. This feutfy was ircthaiy, be
cause the Governor vovic have difohed the
legislative, if he had a hnt ot whittle trajoiiiy
of the cennittee intruded. The doors were
clokd, the.r<port acepted, ard the nenters
chosen bef< re a oiffolution of the legiflatute was
eftlfd by the Governor.
Ulan ile Cci gfefs of the colonies tflcmbled,
they unamhioufly petitioned the King for a redress
°f grievances, this petition was founded pietty
much in the principles which had been advanced
b) Mr. Dickeufon, in bis letters under the signa
ture of the Peunfylvania Fainter. When Mr. A
dams returned IrumCongrefe in the fall of the year
he gave but little encouragement that the petition
would be attended to, and therefore l e urged the
provimial Congress, by elk Llfiling magazines, to
be prepared tor tie lall refott. The parhfrixpt
could, not confidently with the InglAh couftitu
tion, relinquiffi its authority over tl e colonies, per
could the colonies, c< nfflently with their rights
as freemen, ft,Emit to a legiflaiure in w hose elec
tion they bad no ftiffrage. This was not con
cealed from Mr. Ad; ms ; but an open acoval of
bis principles and plans w ould have difccncerted
lie Whig hilcied, and dclhoyed the force cf the
oppcfiiion.
The petition of cengrefs was rejected and
Lexington battle, fron after announced what
was to be done. The solemn issue was join
ed,and arms must decide on the fate of mill
ions.
The termination cf the war, gave cur pa
triot an opportunity to retire from thearduons
business of congress. He saw the infuffi
ciency of the inchoate irdhument called the
confederation, but relied secure in the intel
ligence of his fellow citizens. Mr. Adams
never yielded to the now faffiionable idea,
that there is no such thing as public virtue or
that the people of America cannot be the fate
keepers of their own public interest. Such
an dea g es, radically to the defliu&ion of
republicanism, and he therefore abhorred it.
When the federal cor dilution was produced
he in the covention of this ft<tc as a member
fiom Boflon to examine and atify it ; but
feme parts of it were not agreeable to him.
The rendering the several Rates ameniabie to
etl) courts of the nation reduced them as he
supposed to mere corporations and by a disso
lution of the sovereignty of each it confolr
dated government over such avast extent of
country and such a variety of charaaers and
such infinitely modified propity would call
for an army and for a more coercive power,
than was compatible with the principtesof a /
republic. There were four other fe&iors ]
or provisions in that fyflem, which were ob
je&ions in his opinion, and four cut of the
whole number, including the molt material
one, the inability of the dates, have Rnce
i been altered to his wishes. The peculiar 1
I fituation of ihe Rates at the time, rendered
; a national government indifpenfible; & this
I gave some men a hope, that more than a /
! mere republic would be procured, and at(
I the fame time, gave the voices of Triplings,
I a triumph over the grave experience of a
'learned patriot'.
In the year 1794, on the death of Governor
I Hancok ? Mr. Adonis was, by a genaral vote re
|moved from Ilie office of Lieutenant Gorvernor of 4
lihe.commonwealth, to that of governor. In that 1
office he bad a critical, and cautious regard to the 1
couftirntion of the slate, tor rhe principles of it ■
* were perfectly congenial to Ins fentimentsof Q. ■