The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1783-07-01 00:00:00, page 1

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LORD Shelburne rose, and the House was all atten-
The lateness of the hour, my Lords, said he, will not fuf
fer me to take the liberty of trespassing so f* r on 7° ur Pa
tience, as my feelings would therein prompt me to on the
present occasion. I shall not address your paHirns- that
candid province I willleave to thole who have shewn such
ability for its government to night. As ray condu^ has
been founded upon integrity, fads and plain reasoning will
form its best support.—l shall neceffirily wave the confe
deration of the critical moment at which I stepped into the
administration of the affairs of this country —a moment
when, if there be any credit due to the solemn, public de
clarations of men, who seemed then, and feera now to have
the welfare of the State nearest to their hearts —ever, hope
of renovated luftre was gone, and nothing but dreary de
pendency remained to the well-wishers of Great Britain.
I am now speaking within memory, and consequently with
in proof. Itis not for, me to boaftof my motives for Hand
ing forward at a period so alarming. My circumstances
are not so obfeure as to render my condu& a matter of dubi
ety, and my own explanation of my feelings would, I flat
ter myfelf, fall far short of that credit which sympathy would
give me in the minds of men, whose patriotism is not that
of words. I make no merit ofmy hardiness ; and when I
fpcak of mine,! wish your Lordships to understand me, as
speaking of the generous enterprize of my noble and ho
norable colleagues in administration. It was our duty as
good citizens : When the State is in danger, all fclfish ap
prehenfiiohs should be banished. I shall not, therefore, ex
patiate on reasons f®r coming into office, but openly and
candidly tell your Lordships how I have conduced myfelf
in it. A peace was the declared wi'h of the nation at that
time. How was that to be procured belt for the advantage
of my country ? Certainly by gaining the most accurate
knowledge of the relative condition of the powers at war.
Here a field of knowldege was required to be beaten, which
no one man (vast and profound as it is poffiblc to picture
human capacity) would, by any means, be suppose edqual
co. Then, if one man was unequal to the whole task, the
next question naturally is, whatfett of men are belt quali
fied as auxiliaries in it? What is the skill required ? A
knowledge of trade and commerce, with all its relations,
and an intimate acquaintance with military affairs, and all
its concomitants.— Were men of this difeription consulted,
previous to and during the progress of the treaty now be
fore your Lordships? I answer, they were. And, with this
fan&ion, administration need assume no falfe brow of bra
very, in combating glittering assertions withoutedge, and
inflated {peculations without itamina. Let us examine
them, my Lords.---Ministry, in the fiift place, is blamed
for drawing the boundary they have done between the terri
tories of the United States, and those of the Sovereign in
Canada. Suppose the entire furr-trade funk into the sea,
where is the detriment to this country ? Is 50 0001. a year,
imported in that article, any obi. a for G.dt-Britain to
continue a war which the people of England, by their repre
sentatives, have declared their abhorrence of? Surely itis
not. But much less mult this appear in our fight, when I
tell Parliament, and the whole kingdom, that, for many
years pall, one year with another, the preservation of this
annual impost of 5® 0001. has 101 l this country, on an ave
nge 800 0001. I have the vouchers in my pocket, should
y ( ,ur lordships be inclined to examine the fad. Butthe
trade is not g ven up ; it is only divided, and divided for
our benefit. I appeal to all men conversant with the na
ture of that trade, whether its best resources in Canada do
notlieto the northward. What then is the result ofthis
ofthe treaty, so wifely, and with so much sincere love
jfnoor Old-England, clamoured against by noble Lords?
Why this---you have generoufir given America, with whom
every call under Heaven urges you to Hand on the footing
0 b'e-hren, a share in a trade, the monopoly of which you
fo-di fly preferred to yourfclves, at the loss of the cnormus
fim of 7so o°° L Monopolies, some way or other, arc ever
hftiv punished. They forbil rivihy. and rivalry is of the
J yri efface ofrhe well being of trade. This seems tube
,h~e w^ of Proteftantifin in trade. All Europe appear en
liEhtened, and eager to throw off the vile shackles ofqp
ignorant monopoly. It is a principal on which
; re have h^d the wisdom to ad zith refpc& to our brethren
ri Ireland ; and, if conciliation be our view, why should
not reach it out also to America ? Our generosity is not
much • *bur. little as it is, let us give it with a grace. In
d—d' to freak properly, it is not generality to them, but
rion^ 1 Selves. And now that I am freaking GR
From theLIVERPOOL ADVERTISER.
LORD SHELBURNE'S SPEECH, in the Debate on Monday
the 17th of February concerning the ^ddrefs on the Peace.
[After Lord King had spoken, there wasaloud cry from all
sides for “ the question ;'' but before it was put.]
H O R D- Printed by HUDSON and GOO DW I N, near the Great Bruge
T U E S D A Y, July I, 1783.
But there remains somewhat in these provisional articles
Hill to be considered, which I have never reflexed on with
out feelings as pungent as any which the warmest admirers
of the virtues of the loyalists can possibly have experienced.
I mean the unhappy ncccflity of our affairs, which induced
the extremity of submitting the fate of the property of these
brave and worthy men to the diferetion of their enemies.---
I have but one answer to give the House in that particular ;
it is the answer I gave my own bleeding heart. Apart
mutt be wounded, that the whole of the empire may not pe
rish. If better terms could be had, think you, my Lords,
that I would not have embraced them ? You all know my
creed. You all know my ftcadinefs. If it were poflible to
put aside the bitter cup, the adversities ofthis country pre
sented to me, you know I would have done it ; butyou cal
led for peace. To make it, in the circumstances which
your Lordships all know Ifteod in, was molt arduous. In
this point nothing could be more grevious to me. Neither
in public, or in private life, is it my character to defect my
friends.—l had but the alternative, either accept the
terms, said Congress, of our recommendation to the States,
in favour of the Colonists, or continue the war. It is in
our power to do no more than recommend. Is there any
mah who hears me, who will clap his hand on his heart,
and Hep forward and fay, I ought to have broken off the
treaty ?If there be, lam sure he neither knows the ftace of
his country, nor yet has he paid any attention to the wishes
of it. But still Ido not despond with refpc& to the loyal
ists.— I rely upon the wisdom, the honor, and the temper
of the Congress. They were cautious in wordingtheir trea
ty, left they should possibly gi*e offence tothe new States,
whose constitutions had not advanced to thole habits of ap
pearance and Rrength, that banish all fufpiciors. And,
believe me, thy do the loyalilts the offices not of friends
who surmise doubts on this ocerfion. But fay the worst ;
and that, after all, this cftimable sett of men are notreceiv
ed- and cherished in the bosom of their own country. Is
Englandfr loft in gratitude, and all the feelings of humani
ty, as not to afford them an asylum ? Who can be so Safe as
to think she will refufe it to them ? Surely it cannot bethat
noble-minded man, who would plunge his country again
knee- deep in blood, and saddle it with an expence of twenty
annual millions, for the purpose of restoring them. With
out one drop of blood fpilt, and without one-fifth expence
of one year's campaign, happiness and case can be given
the loyalists, in as ample a manner as these blefli igs were
ever in their injoyment ; therefore let the outcry ccafe on
chis head.
We will now, my Lords, confider the articles with France;
and firft, let us look to Europe. lam asked, why overlook
all the treaties refpeaing Dunkirk? Why, let me ask the
question in return, why were not these treaties ever informed
during all the administrations which have pass d away since
the demolition of that harbour was fi ft stipulated? This
negligence is prima facie evidence of the little account in
which the fulfilling of that treaty has hitherto been held ;
fur were it otherwise, we tad often the power to infarcc it.
the provisional articles with America, I shall dismiss that
fubjed, though it is blended with others, before I proceed
to the investigation of the rest of the objeds to the treaties
of pacification. Why have you given America the free
dom of fishing in all your creeks andharbeurs, andefpecial
ly on the banks of Newfoundland ? Say the noble objte
turs to this article. Why ? Because, in the firft place, they
could, from their locality, have exercised a fishery in that
quarter for thefirft season (for there are two) without our
consent, and in despite of all our efforts to repel them. In
February the firftfeafon commences, and that is entirely at
their devotion ; for our people have never, and can never
take their Rations there so soon. With regard to the other
season, let us again revert to what 1 have already said ref
peding the furr-trade ; though we have not a monopoly,
we have got such superior advantage in the article of dry
ing, curing, and preparing our fish for market, from the
exclusive command of the nieft contiguous shores, that a ri
valry can only whet our industry to reap thole benefits, our
preferable situation in this refped presents to us. But why
have we not stipulated a reciprocity of fishing in the Ame
rican harbours and creeks ? I'll tell your Lordships ; —be
cauie wehave abundant employment in our own. Would
not an American think it sordid in the extreme, nay, consi
der itbordering on madness, to covet the privilege of fatten
ing our cattle on some of their fteril wilds, when we had
our own fertile favannahs to repair to ? Such would be the
opinion entertained of Ministry, if it had childishly and
avaritioufly made a stipulation of the nature the objedors
think they ought to have. As to the masts, a noble Lord
said, we were to have in such abundance at Penobfeot; I
will oppose a fad to his bare aiTertion. I have in my pock
et a certificate from one of the ablest furveyorsin ourlervice,
toat there is not a tree there capable of being made a
mast.
The noble Lord near me (Lord Keppel) then at the head
of the Admiralty, referred me to three officers in his Majes
ty's service, whose judgment and integrity he could rely on,
and your Lordships, on the bare naming of them, will rely
on too. (Here Lord Shelburne named Admiral Edwards,
Capt. Livifon Gower, and Lieut. Lane, who had served un
der and possessed the confidence of the famous circumnavi
gator, Capt. Cooke.) The officers all declared, that the
best fishing was to the southward, which was entirely in the
possession of the English ; so that we must doubt the nation
al spirit, and the national industry of this country, before
we can pronounce, said his Lordship, this so much talked
of exclusive seven leagues fishery an injury to Great-Bri
tain. As to the ceflion of St. Pierre and Miquelon, where
is the proof that these places can be fortified so as to annoy
us ? I call on the noble objedors for their proofs--! call in
vain, I know I do. I have here in my hand that which
will fatisfy your Lordships how idle all surmises are on that
head. Here are certificates from the most skilful and ex
perienced engineers (his Lordship named the engineers,
but we do not remember them) that neither St. Pierre or
Miquelon would admit the conltru&inn of a fortrefs which
could stand the attack ofthe smallest ofyour frigates. Per
mit me, my Lords, to impress upon your minds, that the
foundation of all the parts of the refpe&iye treaties before
you was, as I Rated in the beginning, not (peculation or idle
conjt&ure, but practice and'folid experience. My language
does not mock your understanding with affertiom—it ft eds
it with fad. With this constantly in my eye. I court, for
myfelf and my colleagues, your Lordships decision on our
condud. And we will now, if your Lordships please, take
a view of our affairs in the Weft-Indies. All the ifland^
there are reitmed to us, and in return, we cede St. Lucia and
Tobago. St. Lucia, held in so much' estimation now, ma,
be tried more fairly by the value set upon it at the last
peace. As I said before, on all hands it is allowed that
was not an humiliating, but a high and mighty peace, for
this country. Why, therefore, ifthis iflind was, as the ob
jedions pretend, the key-itone that Supported and connect
ed the aich ofall our power in the Leeward islands a Why,
I fay, was not this iflard then retained ? But I can produce
the opinions of your molt experienced seamen on this head,
my Lords, which vindicate that Ministry as well as the pre
fect. And Ido therefore claim the indulgence (until my
petition is controverted by superior eviderce) to be believ
ed, when I assert that St. Lucia is not of that vast conse
quence some noble Lords would poffels this House with th^
opinion of, in order to depreciate the merits of the treaty.
Withrefpe&to Tobago, it is said the ct ffion of that island
will ruin our cotton manufidure. Pray let me ask noble
L^rds, was our cotton manutadure a poor one before we
poffefled that island ? As no noble Lord riles to assert the
affirmative, I may be allowed to state it in the negative.
It was not poor then. Why should it be poor now ? We
have been long in poffefiion of that great branch of trade,
consequently we can . fford to give a greater price for cot
ton than any cf our neighbours. Cotten therefore, be itirt
hands of friend or foe, will always, your Lordships may be
allured, fi d its way to our door in preference to that of
those who cannot meet it with such a purse. But I know a
few ever-grown monopolizers of that article, or some felf
isb proprietors, would fee the nation fteepcd in blood soon
er than they would forfeit, by the pe^ce, one farthing of
[F&r the remainder fee the last Page.]
And I have heard that able Teamen, the late Lord Hawke,
declare, that all the art and cost that France could bettow
on the bafon of Dunkirk, would not render it in any degree
formidable or noxious to Great-Britain. But, as was well
observed by a noble friend near me (Lord Grantham) France
Wished to havethe feathers she formerly strutted with reflat
ed to her ; and lurely no sober man would continue the war
to thwart a fancy so little detrimental to us. However, if
lam raiftaken, if Lord Hawke be mistaken, if former Mi
nisters be mistaken, let the proof be produced. Till then,
I cruft your Lordships, if you do not now approve of the
condud of my administration, in this particular you will at
least suspend your judgments. We will now, if your Lord
ships please, advert to the objections refpeding the ceflion
to France on the coast of Newfoundland. What is it? Se
ven degrees of latitude. These are founding words; but
the, are no more. By this part of the treaty future quart els
are guarded against. The concurrent fishery formerly cx
ercifed was a source of endless Urife—the French are now
confined to a certain spot---it is nothing compared to the
extent we possess, and it is besides situate in the least pro
dudive part of the coatt. But I would not have your Lord
ships pay greater attention to my bare affection, than I trust
you will to the assertions of those who take upon themselves
to pronounce this part of the treaty wrong. I have here
ready for your infpedion the opinions of the ablest men on
thatfubjed. lapply to the person best qualified to point
them out to me.
(No. 962.]