The Phoenix — Dover [N.H.], 1794-06-14 00:00:00, page 2

tain and France furnishes no legiti
mate right either to flop or interrupt
the agriculture of the United States
or the peaceable exchange of its pro
luxe with all nations, the exercise of
it will be as lawful hereafter as now,
in peace as in war ; for no ground
acknowledged by the common reason
of mankind authorizing the e& now,
unacknowledged ground may be taken
nt any timn, and a praflice is hereby
begun to which no time, no circum
faaces prescribe any limits,and which
Strikes at the root of the agriculture
cf the United States, tnat branch of
indufiry which gives food, cleeih'ng
zrd comfort to the bulk of their inha*
tiran'a.
This /& tends dkca!y to draw the
Unite I Stales from that ff(te of peace
in which they with to remain, for it
is ao cffential charter of neutrality
to fornifh no aids (net ftfpuhted by
previous treaty) to one party which
are not furnifhed with eqns! reads#
refs to the tther. If the U. States
permit corn to be sent to Great Bria
tain and her friends, they are equally
bound to permit it to France, to re.
, flrain it would lead to war with France
—and between reftrainitg it them
selves and acquiescing in the reflraint
by her enemies is no difference—She
might confider this acquiefeence as a
pretext, and the United States would
fee them selves plunged by this mea
sure into a war with which they med.
die not and which they with to avoid,
ifjoftice to all parties and from all
parties will enable them to avoid it.
In the case where they found them
selves obliged by the treaty to with"
hold from the enemies of France the
right of arming in their ports, they
thought themselves in justice bound to
withhold the fame right from France
also, and they did it; were they to
withhold supplies of provisions they
would by the fame principle of impar.
tial neutrality be bound to withhold
them from her enemies also, and thus
either (hut to themselves all the ports
of Europe where corn is in demand,
or make themselves parties in the war
—This is a dilemma t 6 which the Pre.
fident trusts the justice and friendly
disposition of his Majesty will not per
mit him to reduce the United States,
especially as he is confeious that they
bavergiven no cause for it by any of
their past conduct, he therefore doubts
not that on this exposition of theinje
ry refusing to the United States, a
measure so detrimental to them will be
discontinued and compensation made
to fach cf their citizens as may have
fuffered thereby.
In thus unfolding to his Majesty's
government the objections to this mea
sure the undersigned is particularly
feftrufled to declare, that the United
States food their expectation of jus
tice from his Majesty's governmUnton
a ftrift observance of it on their part,
to offer the most explicit affuran.
of their earnest desire/ to live on
terms of the belt friendship with this
^"''THOMAS PINCKNEY.
True Copy,
GEQ. TAYLOR, Jun.
to pursue the fame measures whereby
\he fame confrquence would ensue. —
But for a nation to have its peaceable
industry suspended and its citizens
reduced to idlenefa and want by the ad
cf another is a reftri&ion which rea-
son and jadice do not authorize.—
Neither can it be deemed Sufficient
for.the belligerent powers to fay, 'we
and car friends will purchase your
produce ;' because it is obvious that
this effectually defiroys the rights all
people have of judging for thcrclelves
what market best fairs them,and pre
clades them from the enjoyment ofthe
necessaries and comforts which might
be obtained in return from any other
independent country.
It being evident therefore, that the
slate of war exiting between G. Bii
ofthe Houle ofß^prefentatives.
I LAY before you certain informa
tion, whereby it would appear
that some encroachment was about
to be made on our territory by an of:
ficer and party of British troops—
Proceeding upon a supposition ofthe
authenticity ofthis information, altho
of a private nature. I have caused the
representation to be made to the Bri
tish minister, a copy of which accom
panies this message.
It cannot be necessary to com
ment upon the very serious nature of
such an encroachment, nor to urge
that this new Rate of things suggests
the propriety of placing the United
States in a posture of effe&ual prepa
ration for an events which notwith
(landing the endeavours making to a
verts it may by circumflances beyond
our confront be forced upon us.
G. WASHINGTON.
In Senate, May the 23d, 1794.
Ordered, That the message
from the President of the United
States of this day with the communi
cations referred to therein, together
with the communications referred to
in the message of the President of the
United States, of the lift instant, be
printed for the use of the Senate.
Attest,
SAMUEL A. OTlS,Secretary.
No. I.
Philadelphia, May 2d, 1794.
Sir,
It cannot be unknown to you,
that a speech, said to be adtyeffed, on
the loth of February 1'794, to several
Indian nations, and ascribed to the
governor general of his Brkanniek
majesty at Quebeck, has appeared in
mod of the public prints in the Uni
ted States. With so many circum
fiances of authenticity alter remain
ing so long without contradi&ion, it
might have jollified us in inquiring
from you, whether it was really de
livered under British authority. Our
forbearance thus to enquire is confor
mable with the moderation which
directed the conduct of our Govern
ment towards Great Britain ;and in
dicates, at the fame time, our hope,
from the declarations of your's, that
its views would prove ultimately pa
cific, and that it would discountenance
every measure of its officers having a
contrary tendency.
Even now, fir, while I entertain
a firm persuasion, that in affirming
this speech to be genuine, I cannot
well err, I (hall be ready to retraa the
comments, which I am about to
make, if you (hall think proper to de
ny its authenticity.
At the very moment when the
British minister forwarding assuran
ces of good will, does lord Dorches
ter foder and encourage in the Indi
ans, hostile dispositions towards the
United States? If it was a part of
the American charader to indulge
suspicion, what might not be conjec
tured as to the influence by which
our treaty was defeated in the lad
year, from the assembling of deputies
from almost all the nations who were
at the late general council on the Mi
ami, and whose enmity against us
cannot be doubtful? How nearly
would that suspicion approach to
proof were we to recoiled, that so
high an officer as himfelf would not
House of Representatives.
May 20.
United States, May 21, 1794.
Gentlemen of the Senate and
IMPORTANI PAPER.
peace.
A late mission of the United
States to Great- Britain, is an unequi
vocal proof, after all that has happen
ed, of the sincere wish of our govern
ment to preserve peace, and a good
understanding with your nation. But
our honor and fafety require that an
invasion (hall be repelled.
Let me therefore inform you,
Sir, that I have it in charge from
the President of the United States, to
request and urge you to take immedi
ate and effectual measures, as far,as
in you lies, to suppress these hostile
movements ; to call to mind, that
the army of the United Stales, in
their march against the enemy, will
not be able to distinguish between
them, and any other people associated
in the war; to compare these en
croachmenfs with the candour of our
condua, and the doarines which you
have maintained ; and to admonish
those who (hall throw obflacles in the
way of negociation, and tranquility,
that they will be responsible for all
the unhappy consequences.
I have the honour 10 be, &c, &c.
(Signed)EDM. RANDOLPH.
Mr. Hammond, Minister &c.
ratify hazard this expre ssion : “ I
should not be furpiized, if we were
at war with the United States in the
course of the present year ; and if we
are, a line must then be drawn by the
warriors."
But this speech only fotbodes
hostility ; the intelligence which has
been received this morning is if true,
hostility itfelf. The President ofthe
United States has understood, through
channels of real confidence, that go
vernor Simcoe has gone to the foot of
the rapids of the Miami, followed by
three companies of a British regi
ment in order to build a fort there.
Permit me then to ask whe
ther these things be so ( It has been
usual, for each party to a negociation,
to pay such a deference to the pre
tentions ofthe other, as to keep their
affairs in the fame posture, until the
negociation was concluded. On
this principal you complained, in your
letter of the sth July, 1792, of the
jurifdiaion attempted to be exercised
under the (fate of Vermont, within
the difiria occupied by <he troops of
your king ; and demanded that our
government should suppress it, from
refpe& to the dfeuffion which was
pending. On this principle, you
were assured, that proper measures
should be adopted. On the fame
principle you renew on the 10th of
March, 1794, a similar application ;
and are answered, that the measures
of the government should correspond
with its assurances. Accordingly,
although the forts, garr sons and dif
trias to which your letter relates, are
confeffedly within the limits of the
United States, yet have our citizens
been forbidden to interrupt you in the
occupancy of them. What return
then have we a right to expe& ?
But you will not suppose that I
put the impropriety of the present ag
gression, upon the pendency of the
negociation. I quote this only to
shew the contrast between the tem
per observed on your part towards us
and on our part towards you. This
possession of our acknowledged terii
to/yhas no pretext cf ftatu qou on its
fide; it has no pretext at all. It is
an ad the hostility of which
cannot be PALLIATED by any
conne&ion with that negociation.
It is calculated to support an enemy
whom we are seeking to bring to
'' What friends have weon earth
but the people, as long they are free,
and ; f ever they should cease to be so,
our only comfort and friend.,will be
the poison of •' Hemlock" I announce
to you a conspiracy fomented by for
eigners who have been preparing for
the people famine and fetters. A great
number of perfon ft were concerned in
this conspiracy—They intercepted pro
visions and buried them, they endea
voured to agitate the citizens by sedi
tious fpeecbes —All the passions were
summoned co the assistance of the con
spirators. The anger of some, and
the great ambition of others rouse&
cherilhed, foflered—pefpeir even was
to produce a powerful operation, and
all ehofe who were known to be re
duced to such a fitoation as to be des
titute of hope, were combined into
one black and horrible mass.,
'' The knowledge of ihj, c n nfpirn/
cv has natburft upon as op a/adden.
We bav,,faced it to-iu source, tya
6 We kno^of one way only to check
the progress of fucfi a fchcme,and this
is, to intud^e into the civil govern
ment, that rigorous revolutionary tri
bunal. and to declare w .r egainft eve
ry project tending to sap tie founda
tion and to enervate the rperrrion of
our republican corflitutioQo in&ge
no temporizing with re,cdto ^ofe
who attack the present slate of rffm s ,
and to immolate without pity upon the
tyrant's tomb, and cl! those who h.
ment the fall of tyranny—&ho endea.
veur to revenge her fall, and who feck
to revive her influence. The inten.
tions of the foreign was not alone to
corrupt the Republic, and afterwards
to vbredon it to these long cenvuHi.
ons which the operation of fach a poi
fan as corruption would occafon—ro
I (hall have no occasion .o inform you,
that a plot was formed to tumble in
the dust bv a sudden attack, the sim
ple and unadorned column cf the Rew
publican Confutation, and to raise on
its ruins the proud pile of royalty.
" Corruption walked firft in the pro
cession, hlafiing and pciibning every
healthful- principle, and behind her
marched the combined powers, uniting
their energies, and with uplifted arms
prepared to strike end in an instant to
annihilate the democracy.
" We do rot on this occasion de
ceive the people, when we answer for
their fafety. Who are mere inte^efud
than we in their Gf^,; who are more
interefled than we are in their happi
refs ?
''ln the bosom of the republic aeon,
(piracy had been formed, whose obje&
w 33 to prevent the cfteb!i!hment of our
liberties. This conspiracy, as might
be expe&ed,was foßfred by the foreign
potentates, who c'lle&ing and corob:-
nirg HI the malcontents,lavished their
wealth in endeavouring to deftrov §be
Ampacity of car inhabitants, and to
involve the people to gluttony, debau.
chery and rein.
" As every decree which confiscated
the property of the enemies of the re
volution, was a dreadful blow to their
machinations, their principal attempt
-was to excite diffcntioDv, and to diffe
minaic difcord,for the pu~pofe of wea^
kening energies, and cf loosening the
reirs of government.
PARIS, March 19.
REPORT cf the Co^ftiracy, presented to
the National Con^ntion, from the
Committee cf public Safety——B, St.
'JUST, cm the 2,/ Pintrfe.
" I AM COME Legflators, in the
name of the Commiitee of public fafety
to dif-harge that severe duty which
patriotism demands,and to disclose the
truths that have hitherto been con 9
celled.
French Internal Affairs.
Foreign Intelligence.