The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1778-12-08 00:00:00, page 3

bit to Be quiet. Hal you bee^ true politicians you
Would have feeri all this, and continued to draw
from the magic of a name, the force and authority
'of a nation.
Unwise as you were in breaking the charrh, ydu
weie Rill more unwise in the manner of doing it.
^ampfon only told the secret, but you have per.
formed the operation; you hive fhiven your own
head, and wantonly thrown away the locks. Ame
rica was the hair from which the charm was drawn
that infa ua^d the A^rid You ought to havequar
relled with nd power , but with her upon no ac
count. You had nothing to fear from any conde
scension you might make. You might have hu
moured her, even if there had been nojuftice in her
claims, without any rill: to your reputation ; fofc
Europe fafemated by your fame, would have ascri
bed it to your beneficence, and America, intoxicated
by the grant would have Numbered in her fetters.
But this method of studying the progress of the
passions, in order to ascertain the probable conduct
of mankind, is a philofopby in politics, which tha fe
Who preside at St. James's have no conception of.
They know no other 'influence than corruption, and
reckon all their probabilities from precedent. A
hew case is to them a new world and While they
are feeding for a parallel they get loft. The talents
of Lord Man^fi:ld can be estimated at best no higher
than those of a Sophist. He understands the Subtle
ties but not the elegance of nature; and by conti
nually viewing mankind through the cold medium
Of the law,never thinks of penetrating into the war
inter region of the mind. As for Lord North, it is
his happiness to have in him more philosophy than
sentiment, for he bears flogging like a top and flee,
the better for it. His punishment becomes his flip
port, for whde he fuffers the lash for his fins, he
keeps himfelf up by twirling about. In politics, he
is a good arithmetician, and in every thing else no
thing at all.
There is one circumflance which comes so much
within Lord North's province as a finanter that I
am surprised it ffiould escape him, which is the dif
ferent abilities of the two countries in supporting
the expence ; for flrange as it may seem, England
is not a match for America in this partit lar. By
a curious kind of revolution in accounts, the peo
ple of England seem to mistake their poverty for
their riches, that is, they reckon their national d?bt
as a part of their national weal h. They make rhe
time kind of error which a man would do who at
ter mortgaging his estate, should add the money bor
rowed, to the fall value of the eflate in order to count
up his worth, and in this case he would conceit
that he got rich by running into debt. Just thus it
is With England. The government owed at the be
ginning of this war one hundred and thirty-five
millions sterling, and though the individuals to
whom it was due; had a right to reckon their shares
as so much private property, yet to the nation col
feftively " was so much poverty. There is as ef
fe&ual limits to public debts as to private ones, for
when once the money borrowed is so great as to ic
quire the whole yearly revenue to difeharge the in
terest thereon, there is an end to a farther borrow
ing; in the fame manner as when the interest of a
man's debts amounts to the yearly income of his
eflale, there is an end to his credit. This is nearly
the case with England, the interest of her prefeat
debt being at least equal to one half of her yearly
revenue, so that out of ten millions annually col
kfted by taxes, she has but five ffie can call her
own.
The very reverf&f this was the case with Ameri
ca; the began the war without any debt upon her,
and in order to carry it oa, she neither raised money
by taxes, nor borrowed it upon interest, but created
it; and her fituaticri. at this time, continues so much
the reverse of yours that taxing Would make her
rich whereas it would make you poor. When w?
Ihall have funk the fam which we have created, we
1 flhall then be dut of debt, be just as rich as when we
began and all the while we are doing-it, shall feel no
difference, beCaufe the value will rife as the quantity
decreases.•
There was not a country in the world so capable
$f bearing the expence of a War as America; not
bnly because she was not in debt when she began,
but because the country is young' and capable of in
finite improvement,and has an almost boundless trad
of new lands in flora, whereas England has got to
mer extent of age and growth, and has no unoccu
pied land or property in reserve. The one is like a
young heir coming to a large improveable estate; the
bther like an old man whose chances are over, and
his estate mortgaged for half its worths
In the second number of the Crisis, which I find
has been re-published in England, I endeavoured to
set forth theimpracticability ofconquering America;
1 Bated ev#y case, that 1 conceived could possibly
happen, and ventured to predict its consequence.
As my conclusions were drawn not artfully but
naturally, they have all proved to be true. I was
upon the spot ; knew the politics of America, her
flrength and resources, and by a train of Services,
the heft in my power to render, was honored with
the friendffi pof the Congress, the army and the
people. I considered the cause a just one. I know
and feel it a just one, and under that confidence never
made my own profit or loss an object. My endea
vour was to have the matter well underwood on both
sides, and I conceived myfelf rendering a general
service, by setting forth to the one the impossibility
of being conquered, and to the other the impossibility
of conquering. Most of the arguments made use of
by the Minittry for fapporting the war. are the very
arguments that oughtto have been used against sup
porting it ; and the plans, by which they thought
to conquer are the very plans in which they were
fare tube defeated, They have taken every thing
up at the wrong end. Their ignorance is afronifh
ing, and ware you in thy situation you would feeit.
They may perhaps have your confidence, but I ahi
prefaaded they whould make very indifferent Mem
bers cf Congress. 1 know what England is, and
what America is, and from this compound of know
ledge, am. better enabled to judge of the issue, than
what the King or any of his Ministers can be.
In this number I have endeavoured to stew the
ill policy and disadvantages of the war. 1 believe
many of my remarks are new. Those which are
not io, I have fludied to improve and place in a
manner that may be clear and flriking. Your fai
lure is, lam persuaded, as certain as fate. Ameri
ca is above your reach. She is at lead your equal
in the world, and her Independence neither rests up
on your consent, or can be prevented by your arms.
In short, you spend your substance in vain, and im
poverish yourselves without a hope.
But suppose you had conquered America, what
advantage collectively or individually,as merchants,
manufacturers, or conquerors, could you have look
ed for. This is an object you seem never to have
attended to; Liftenihg for the found of victory, and
led away by the phrenzy of arms you negleAed to
reckon either the cost or the consequences. You
mud all pay towards the expence; the poorest amo%g
• u hiuit bearhis share and it is both your right
and your duty to weigh ferio&fly the matter. Had
America been conquered, she might have been par
celled out in grants to the favourites at court, but
no (hire of it would have fallen to you. Your taxes
would not have been Icffened, because she would
have been in no condition to have paid any towards
year relief; We are rich by a contrivance of our
own which would have ceased as soon as you be
came makers. Our paper motley will be of no use
in England, and filter a ^d gold we have none. Iq
the last war you made many conquers but were any
of your taxes lessened thereby ? On the contrary,
were you not taxed to pay for the charge of making
them, and have not the fame been the case in every
war?
Tothe Parliament I beg to address myfelf in a
particular manner, They appear to have supposed
themselves partners in the chace, and to have hunt
ed with the lion from an expectation of a right in
the booty; but ia this it is most probable they
would, as legislators, have been difapnointed. The
case is q lite a new one, and many unforefeen diffi
culties would have arisen thereon. The Parliament
claimed a legislative right over America, and the
war originated from that pretence. But the army is
supposed to belong to the crown, and if Amertca
had been conquered through their means, the claim
of the legiflatu r e would have been fuffocated in the
conquest. Ceded or conquered countries are fup
p.fed to be out of the authority of Parliament. Tax'
ation is exercifcd over them by prerogative and not
by law It was attempted to bedonein the Grenades
a few years ago; and the only reason why it was not
done was because the crown had made a prior re
linqufhment of its claim; Therefore, Parliament
haVe been all this while supporting measures for the
establish ment of their authority, in the issue of which,
they would have been triumphed over by the pre
rogative. This might hafe opened a new and in
teresting opposition between the Parliament and the
drown. The Crown would have (aid that it con
quered for itfelf, and that to conquer for Parliament
was an unknown case. The Parliament might have
replied that America not being a foreign country,
but a Country in rebellion, could not be Lid to be
conquered; but reduced; and thus continued their
claim by difownirig t^e term. Tr.e Crown might
have rejoined that however America might be con
sidered at firft, she became foreign at last by a de
claration of Independence and a treaty with France;
lEighthly, Whether a Congress constituted like
that of America, is not the most happy and consis
tent form of government in the world ?---With a
numbe T f others of the fame import.
In Qiprt the contention aboutthe dividend might
have Tilraaed the nation ; for nothing is more
common than to agree in the Conquest and .carrel
for the prize ; therefore it is, perfr.p , a h ppy cir
cumstance, that our successes hav prevented the
dispute.
If the Parliament had been thrown out in theifc
claim, which it is most probable they would,,the
nation likewise would have been thrown out in their
expectation ; for as the taxes would have been laid
on by the Crown without the Parliament, the reve
nue arising therefrom, if any could have arose, would
not have gone into the Exchequer, but irito'the pri
vy purse, and so far from leffenirig their taxes, would
not even have been added to them, but served only
as pocket money to the Crown. Tae more I r-fleA
on this matter the more I am adonifhed at the blind
ness and ill policy of my countrymen, whose wis
dom seem to operate without difeernment, and their
fbenpth without an chh^.
To the great bulwaH'uf the nation, 1 mean the
mercantile and ma ufa& Ju: dart there C I like
wise present my addrefi. I is your uit'ul to fee
America an indep Tent court y and tot a on
qu^red one; If co queed she is rubied; ad if
ruined; pour; co fmueify t^e radew ibex fle,
and her credit doubtful It ind,pu.d?nt she fl n
rifh, and from her flonr-fhfy mutt your p ifits arise.
It matters nothing to yen woo govern: America, if
your manufi& ires find a confumpbo it: e. Seme
articles will coniequently be obtained frem other
places, and right they should; but the demand of
others will increase by the great c flux of inhabi
tants which a state of independence a id peace will
occasion, and on the final cvemt you may be enrich
ed. The commerce of America is perfectly free,
and ever will be so. She will consign away no part
of it to any nation. Sue has not to her friends, and
certainly will not to her enemies, though it is pro-,
bable that your narrow minded politicians think-'
ing to please you thereby, may feme time or other
make such an unneceftiry prnpofil. Trade flour ; fhes
bed when it is free, and it is weak policy to attempt
to fetter it. Her treaty with France is on he mod
liberal and generous principles, and the French in
their conduct towards her have proved themfclves
to be philosophers, politicians and gentlemen.
To the Mtniftry 1 likewise address myfelf. You,
Gentlemen, have Studied the ruin df your country,
from which it is not within your abilities to refeue
her. Your attempts to recover are as ridiculous as
your plans which involved her are detestable. The
Commissioners being about to depart, will probably
bring you this, and with it ray fix : h number rd
them; and in so doing they rarry back more Com
mon Sense than they brought, and you likewise
will have more than when you sent them.
Hiving thus addre(Ted you severally I conclude
by addressing you collectively. It is a longlane that
his no turning. A period of sixteen years cf mif
condu& and misfortune, is certainly long enough
for any we nation to fuffbr under; and upona fap
p ?fitioa that war is nut declared between France
rnd that her case being, by that treaty, put WU ,
the law of nations, was out of he law of Parliame
The Parliament might have maintained, tha 4 as the r
cliim over America Lad never been (^rendered, 1)
neither could it be taken away. The Crown might
have inched; th,t though the claim of Parliament:
could not be taken sway, yet being an inferior it
might be fuperceded ; and that whether the claim
was withdrawn from he. ob eA, or the obje& taken
from theclaim the fame reparation ensued; and that
America being fabdued aber a treaty With France,
was to all inreritsgnd pu^ofes a regal coogaed, and
ofcourfe he foie property of the King. The Par
liament, as the legal delegates -of the people. mi,ht
have contended against the term i f--or" and
refled the case upon the antiquity of power, and
this would have brought ona set of very intefeftirig
and rational queftion^.
First, What is the original fountain of power and
honor in a ?y country ?
Secondly, Whether the prerogative does not be
long to the people ?
Thirdly Whether there is any fu'ch thing as the
EnglHh conibtuuon ?
Fourthly O w iat use is theC own to the people ?
Fifthly Whether he who invented a crown was
not an enemy to mankind ?
Six .iy Whether it is not a llLrrie for a min to
spend, a million d year and do no ^ood for it, and
whether the mo ^y might not be better applied ?
Seventhly Whether such a man is not better dead
than alive ?