The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1783-09-23 00:00:00, page 1

Messrs. PRINTERS,
HAVING in a former paper, made fitch observations as
seemed neceflary to vindicate my charader from the as
persions cast upon it, by a writer under the signature of a Repub
faan, and to shew the consistency of the sentiments of the town
of Farmington, against the exceptions of the said writer, with
out approving orcondemning the measures propefed for relief
in the cafe—^and finding myfelf through the concurrence of
uncontroulable events, held up to public view, as a supporter of
measures that may be hurtful in their tendency ; I am conftratn
cd by the irrefutable impulse of painful sensations, and the de
termination, at whatever risk, of supporting the character of a
friend to my country and an honest man, to beg the candor of
the public, while I offer a few thoughts on the general fubjed
of commutation. —This indulgence I request, not becaufc I sup
pose myfelf entitled to inftru& the public, but, in addition to
the reasons just suggested, that those, with whom I am immedi
ately connected, may know what they have a rightto expe& from
me in this matter as a tpember of society; and to free myfelf
from unnecessary and impertinent follicitations, to countenance
measures which my heart condemns.
I have not a doubt, but at the several periods, when Congrels
granted to the officers of the army the half pay for seven years
and for life, that honorable body supposed they were veiled with
complete powers for those grants, and that they were fully justi
fied in the measures by the critical circumstances of the army,
and the deranged state of the public finances ; and indeed, it is
most evident, there was danger of a dissolution of the army at
those periods, on account of the frequent resignations of the of
ficers, or, at least, that their operations would become languid
and undecifive, unless something effe&ual should be done to
quiet the uneasiness and difeontent that generally prevailed.
That therefore there was something neceflary to be done by
Congress in those critical circumstances, no one can reasona
bly doubt: The fafety of the United States, Struggling with a
potent enemy for the liberties and rights of human nature, cer
tainly required it: In the exhausted state ofthe treafury,nothing
could be done, but to pledge the faith of the United States, to
secure to the officers a future reward, in case they continued in
service to the end of the war ; thus far therefore, Congress from
the nature of their Situation, as guardians of the rights of the
United States, whose business it was to take care that the common
wealth should receive no detriment were vested with Efficient pow
ers : It will not however follow as a consequence of this, that
Congress, under such circumstances, have an unlimitted power
to grant unnecessary and exorbitant ,&ms. bfc^ this would
toe oppiellion upon tne peofle, lux v^uh, nc chei Congrels no.
any other public body, can be supposed to have the least au
thority. The question therefore, relative to the powers of Con
gress in this matter, as it appears to me, is simply this, whether
Congress made a larger grant to the officers of the army,than was
neceffarv to give Stability to the army, to establish a Stria and re
gular discipline, or, in the words of the Sth article of confedera
tion than was conducive to " the common defenceand general wel
fare." This is a question I confefs of too delicate a nature
for me positively to determine, Congress were doubtless incom
parably better judges of this matter than I am.--Whether
the officers, as a body, by their faithful services have merited so
ample a reward, may be made a question ; but be this as it may,
it is I conceive, nothing to the purpose, for suppose them to pe
ever so unjust and unreasonable in their claims upon the public,
the question still remains, was it, under all circumstances for
the general good ofthe United States, for Congress to comply
with those claims ? The common discourse of the day, that
many of the officers were indigent when they entered the ser
vice that they all return in affluence, and are placedin enviable
circumstances, difguftful to their equals and neighbours, is, as
it relates to the argument, totally nugatory and impertinent;
for admit the fad, it will not follow, but that the general inter
est ofthe union compelled Congress to place them in thole cir
cumstances. They have certainly been inftru mental of our
political salvation, and however unjust and iniquitous they may
be supposed to have been in the matter, yet, as they were necel
fary instruments, Congress were perfedly jufttfied in using them,
and upon their own terms.---The purposes intended by Con
gress were completely answered, a proper subordination and
discipline were established in the army, they fought, they con
quered, and obtained a glorious peace : Whether this event
would have taken place at all, or at so early a period if this
measure had not been adopted, is uncertain; but it appears
probable it would, at least, have been reared ; and io, the
measure may have been founded in the most perfe& economy.
But still, was not the grant more liberal than was necessary to
accomplish this important purpose ? I may be permitted 10 give
it as my opinion, that the officers of the New-England States,
and perhaps of New York and New-Jerf,, might have been
contented with a less sum, having been habituated to confider
themselves more upon a level with their fellow citizens, u
the officers ofthe southern States, having been generally accus
tomed to affluence, and to confider themselves far above the
peasantry in those States, probably would not have been so eah
ly fatisfied : Was it therefore the duty of Congress to make a
diferimination between officers upon the fame establishment,
in the fame army and of equal merit? Certainly not. But when
we view the officers colledively as a body, it seems that t e
half-pay for seven years firft granted them, had but a tempora
ry effe& in preventing disquietude and uneasiness ; an
pay for life which was afterwards granted them, 1 wee imate
its value from the fubfequenc commutation , being an ad
dition of a year and a half's pay only, it should kem that no
thing very far short of what was ultimately granted, would have
answered the salutary pupofes intended. " But are the exorbitant
demands ofthe officers ofthe arm) at all events to be complied with.
If the fate of the present generation, and of unborn millions, is
probab v suspended on such compliance, most certainly they are,
upon every principle of national polity. And whatever the
petulance of the present day may suggest to the contrary, it
would have been hazardous to an extream, at a time of emmi
nent danger, when the enemy was in the heart ofthe country,
to have loft the services of a large proportion of officers or rank
and merit. , . ~ ,
But though Congress anting upon a great and national lea e,
may be capable of the ftri&eft vindication in this matter, yet in
TUESD AY, S eftember 23, 1783. E Number 974.
Connecticut Courant,
AND
WEEKLY INTELLIGENCE R.
HERTFORD : .Printed by H UDSON and G OODWI N, near the Great Bridge.
a partial view the commutation, it js-gta ted, is manifeftly un,
just, whether we compare the officers under different circum
stances with each other, or with the soldier or citizen, in par
ticular inftafices at least : But it is folly to require of Congress,
who a& upon the great theatre ; empire, to defeend to distribute
justice to each individual : Partial evils may be necessary to
general good, and when they are so, they must be bom with pa
tience. The fervid rays of the fun may put the labourerto pain,
and at the fame time ripen h.s harvest : The tumbling ofthe
ocean may swallow up the mariner, but when we confider it as
necessary to the health and happiness of mankind, shall we
blame the hand that raises the billows ? If an individual loles
his life by the fall of a maty objed, shall we find fault with the
laws of gravitation,which are neceflary the preserve the harmony
ofthe material world? Certainly not.
But the commutation is said b, many to be a more opprefive mea
sure, than an, that was ever claimed to be exercised by Great-Bri
tain, and that opposition in the prtfent case, is more necessary than it
was against the usurpations of thet haughty power. Such a senti
ment is certainly founded either in gross ignorance or willful
perverseness ; the cases are as totally different as perfed liberty
is different from complete Slavery.—The King and Parliament
of Great-Britain, claimed to be lovereign lords of the colonies,
to tax us at pleasure, and in a word to bind us by law in all cases
whatever, these claims were made by a body, not of our own
appointing, in which we were not represented, over whom we
had not the least controul,nbt fubjeded to the burdens they should
lay upon us, but inriched in thetame proportion we should be
impoverished ; these claims, iffupported, would, ipso fa&o, di
ved us of all property in a moment, though we might be permit
ted to hold and improve at the will of our lords : But Congrels
are appointed by the freemen of these States, for a year only ;
the members are liable to be recalled at pleasure ; the fame per
son may not be a member more than three years in any terra of
fix years, they return and mix with the citizens at the end ofthe
term, and are fubjed to the fame burdens they lay upon others,
that, consequently, in the firft case, power was bounded by insa
tiable avarice and left of domination only ; in the latter, by
every check which the wit of man can suggest.
But it is urged, that notwithstanding Congress are laid under every
reasonable restraint b, the constitution, yet the, have, in faft, latd up
on the people an almost insupportable burden, tysich is as hard to
be born as if laid upon them by a foreign power.^But it ought to be
considered, that if, on the whole, it was necessary, and for the
general good, there is an eflential difference in the cases, for
the one is the burden of a free man and the other of a Have :
But, ff^fouH be ^e^d a., ft ^aty, and not for the pub
lic good, then we ought to confider whether it was founded in
a designed and wanton abuse of power, or in meer mistake and
tnifapprehenfion ofthe true interests of the union ; if the for
mer, it is indeed fufficient to awaken the jealousy of the people,
and to animate them to make a stand against such a flagrant
ufurpatioh, but if the latter, it is to be viewed as a calamity
which the best governments are liable to; and in case it is irre
vocable in its nature, it should be born with patience, as an evil
infinitely less terrible than an open and violent opposition to
the supreme authority. But when we confider the firm and
unadulterated fidelity of Congress, and their Steady attachment
to the interest of the United States ever since their firft exigence,
amidst the most enchanting temptations ; when we confider the
wisdom of their measures, in providing ways and means for the
common defence—in forming alliances with foreign powers,
and conducing the general concerns of the union surrounded
with embarraSTments, and prefled with difficulties on every flde,
(though there may befome spots in their adminiftation)it would
be the basest ingratitude in the people, once to suggest, that the
measure under consideration orignated from a designed and
wanton abuse of power..
But suppose it was founded in mistake and inadvertence, it is
not at all extraordinary, amidst that farrago of business ofthe
greatest consequence, that has been continually before Congre s,
that they should be chargeable with some inadvertences ; the
conduct of a perilous war in the heart of the country, with a
formidable power, was a new and great undertaking ; but they
marked out the path to independence and empire, which, by
the blessing of Heaven upon our united exertions, we have ac
quired : They have in the course of eight years raised a monu
ment of glory, which attr: &s the admiration of ail nations, and
have provided an asylum for liberty, well nigh banished fiom
the eastern world; an event that promiies a happy revolution
in the state of things, favorable to society in general, and of the
sweetest influence upon the human k.nd---ar event which fills
every benevolent mind with supreme delight, and if properly
viewed, would be the happy occasion of uniyerfal joy. How
unhappy is it therefore, that the , copie should so generally have
loft fight of to glorious an objed, which fill the mind, and
totally exclude every gloomy idea, and should, out of all season,
manifeft a disposition jealous, rancourous, carping and ungrate-
Time has been, when Congress were held in the highest ref
ped and veneration ; and the wretch that dared to utter a sylla
ble receding dishonor upon them or their proceedings, was
branded with infamy, and made to feel the keenest resentments
ofthe people. By what strange inversion of the order of na
ture is it, that we now so frequently hear that honorable body
treated with contempt, and loaded' with the most opprobrious
epithets, at which every tory will grin horribly a gaftly smile, be
traying the infernal joy of his heart.—Can we willingly verify
the declarations of our enemies, who have ever told us we are
a factious and rebellious people, defpifers of law, haters of go
vernment, incapal le of supporting the union, when a sense of
common danger should be removed, and tending by a kind of
fatallity to anarchy and infurredion ? Shall we not rather con
vince them and the world, that we are able t> support with dig
nity and honor, what we have acquired by the power of the
sword? 1•
These States have lately taken their rank among the nations ;
Our armies, under the command of a genera 1 , who will ever be
esteemed an ornament of human l<ina, and not inferior in rnilta
rv virtue to the great heroes of antiquity, have acquired immor
tal fame, and drawn the attention of mankind upon us. It is
therefore of the highest importance, that we show ourselves just
as well as brave —that we have a sense of honor and national
chara&er that we are determined to pay our dftts, and ob-
serve inviolate the faith of treaties; and should wgpurfue a differ
ent line of condud—should we, harping upon gKevances, neg
led to make provision to discharge the national debt, and, by a
factious condud, endanger a dissolution of the confederacy ;.
we should, by the united voice of all nations be condemned to
perpetual infamy.
The less considerate part of the people, elate with pride at
their success in bringing down the haughtiness of Britain, and
having acquired the knack of pulling down empires, by a pre
ftifterous inversion of their ideas, seem to think it would be
glorious to commence felons of themselves, by levelling with
the dust their own constitutions.
The United States, affiited with the power and oppulence of
France, in the course of eight years, have ereded a fabric con
secrate to liberty, shining in youthful beauty like the rising
morning, the, pride of America, and admiration of the
world, which it becomes us with the greatest care to strengthen,
support and adorn ; and should we attempt with facriligious
hands to pluck down the pillars of this edifice, or even to de
face its ornaments —the blood of our fellow citizens, shed R
throughout this continent in the cause of liberty, from the w
ground would cry vengeances, and call down the indignation of
incensed Heaven, to infli& on us plagues and torments unfelc
before.
IShould we, in the pride of vi&ory over a foreign power, pur
sue such measures as should throw us into a state of war with
each other; our policy and probably our success, would be much
the fame as that of Athens, who, having for a succession of years
held at Bay the great Persian empire, and established their do
minions in Greece and upon the Asian coast ; by a mad sys
tem of policy, engaged in a war with their brethren of Sicily,
and by a just retribution, were compelled to fink all their pride
and glory in the harbour of Syracuse.
Butit is said there is no danger. The truth is, our danger is the
more imminent for want of a sense of it---should we a little
longer negle& to make provision to fund the public debt, and
consequently, by the basest ingratitude make France our ene-
Imy---should we alarm the fears of every creditor of the United
: States, or of the refpedive States—should we, by unworthy
treatment, imbitrer the minds ofthe officers and their connec
tions, should we increase the prejudices of the southern
I States—-should we treat with scorn and contempt every one
. who appears on the fide of government and law, and set our
'felves at defiance with the world, we may be sensible of danger
I when it is too late, and may feel the want of an army for our
(defence, when it is out of our power to raise one. The heart:
lofI of Britain, notwithstanding the preliminary treaty, is hostile,
! and probably they will not fail of taking advantage of interline
'divisions to renew the war, for which, it will not be difficult for
I them to find a co ourable pretext, and though illfounded, may
' be fufficient to excite them to make an attempt to recover their
I loft empire, and regain their former splendor : But if we should
not be attacked by any foreign power, if France, after their un-
I paralleled generosity to these States, should tamely submit to
I be gulled out of their monies, which they have either lent or
, guarranteed for our benefit ; are not internal convulsions,
[which must shake to the foundations our federal government,
to be dreaded ? And if they are permitted to rage to a high de
gree, will they not compel a miserable people to seek refuge in
the bosom of monarchy ? Hard fate indeed ! but infinitely pre
ferable to anarchy.
“ But, fa, many, we will not pay the commutation, be the confe
' 'quences what the, may, because it is unjust, and amounts to a tax
'' of eighteen- pence on the pound." If this sum of money is of
greater consequence than the tranquility and happiness of the
United States, including the present and future generations ; if
it is of such moment, as to juftify us in spurning at indepen
dence and empire, which is offered to us by the hand of indul
gent Heaven, continue firm and inflexible in this determina
tion. But after all how is it to be avoided ? A majority of the
States will not apply to Congress to rescind the measure, and
if they should, it would be contrary to every principle of e gif
lation for them to do it ; they view it as part of the contrad
with the officers of the army for future services, to inure to
their benefit upon certain conditions —that the officers have
performed the conditions on their part-- that a property is ac
tually vested in them by such performance —that it would be
in the highest degree tyrannical to divest them of it without
t eir conlent---and that such an unprecidented step would stab
the vitals of public credit, and hold Congress up to view as a
body unworthy of the least trust or confidence ; remonstrating
to Congress on the fubjed therefore, can have no effe& in the
present case, and whether it be expedient to do it, to prevent
measures of the like kind in future, may be worthy the consider
ation of the legislature.
But the refpe&ive States ought to make no provision for the pay
ment of this part of the debt. Let us confider this matter a mo
ment : Congress have recomended to the several S ates, to grant
to the United States, an impost upon foreign importations.
And this measure appears to be exceedingly well calculated for
the general emolument, whether we view the United States as
conne&ed with foreign commercial nations, or as related to
each other, or confider the particular interest of this State, or
the circumstances of individuals therein ? that have hitherto born
the principal weight of taxation, and will, if they please, be es
sentially relieved by this measure ; but it is recommended as a
measure entire and indivisible for funding the national debt ge
nerally, and liable to complete approbation or total rejection :
If the States unite in the measure, it has a binding force for five
and twenty years, and will be a fund continually increasing, in
proportion to the increase of trade ; but if the States do not all
unite in the measure, or if some adopt it fully and others par
tially, it will not be b ndihg upon the S ates, and consequently,
being liable at any time to be defeated, it will not be a fund on
which the least confidence can be placed ; and after all, if it
should be rejeded by a single State, Congress will be necessitat
ed to recommend a different provision, which, however, if
they aft uniformly, will be liable to the most material olje& on
that lies against the present. A noncompliance therefore with
the measure recommended, will expole the States to a national
bankruptcy ; and it is worthy of serious consideration, whether
such an event is not an evil of more dangerous consequence
than the payment of the commutation.
It is agreed, that the commutation, when viewed upon the