The Newhampshire gazetteer — Exeter, N.H., 1792-09-21 00:00:00, page 1

Newhampfhire
BY JONATHAN RAWSON, esq.
Late Aid de Camp to Gen,Sullivan.
To which will be added, the Militia
Laws of the United State.
CO NDITIONS.
I. It shall be printed beautiful with a
type— -and on good demy paper.
11. It will contain between three and
four hundred pages—and be afforded
to subscribers at the low price oftyS.
111. Those who fubferibe for twelve
copies (hall be entitled to i thir
teenth gratis.
If fufficient encouragement offer the
book will be embelilhed with eight
copperplate cutts.
This being the firft book of the kind
ever published in America—although
universally wished for, it will undoubt
edly meet with the encouragement
juft], due to the undertaking.—A lift
of the names of the subscribers will be
added.
EXETER, (New- Hampshire) Printed and Published by&HENRY RANLET, at Nine Shillings per annum.
All persons who have ac
counts open are desired to fettle with
him immediately, as he experts Shortly
to remove from Exeter.
In Three Par s containing
Part First.—The duty of Soldiers in
general—Non- Commiffioned,Com
niiffioned, Field and General Offi
cers : with inftrudioos for the con
du& of each, both in the Militia,and
in actual service.
N.B. Cash given by said Ladd
for FLAX-SEED, TALLOW and
POTT and PEARL ASHES
g 3 Wanted a few Large
White Oak KNEES for which Calh
will be given.,
Exeter, September 6tb, 1792.
Military Duty
Two FARMS in Bakerf
town, near Nortbyarmouth, and about
800 Acres in Proteawortb.
Printing-Office, Dover, Jul, z, 1792.
PROPOSALS
For Printing by Subscription,
a COMPENDIUMof
Adapted for the Militia of the
United States.
A very commodious House
Lot near the Court House, and a few
Acres on the Plains -Likewise—
Part Second.—ThG Manoeuvres and
Evolutions of the infantry, Artille
ry and Cavalry, upon the plan laid
down for the Army of the United
Stares, upon the Prussian system.
Part Third. —Some particular ioftruc
tions to officers of partizan corps,
interspersed with historical fads,
anecdotes, &c. together with the
manoeuvres of armies.
The whole carefully collated from the
Count Saxe,the Chevalier de Val
iere, M. Lamont, the Baron
Steuben and other eminent cha
raders.
THE HOUSE where he
now lives Alfo —
Eliphalet Ladd,
TO BE SOLD,
Or Lett on reasonable terms b,
FRIDAY, September 21, 1792.]
tfo Americans, who have wit
nessed thepatriotifm, di/interffl
ednefs, and valour of a La Fay
ette, the following frefo instance
of his attachment to Constitu
tional Principles, must be high
ly acceptable.—His Jentiments
emanate from the heart —they
are the sentiments of virtue, or
der and truth.)
Letter from M. La Fayette,
TO THE
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.
Entrenched Cam, ofMaubeugeJune 16,
1792.
Fourth Year of Liberty.
" GENTLEMEN,
'‘ A T the moment, too long de
layed perhaps, at which I
am going to call your attention to
great publick: interests, and point out
among our dangers, the condud of a
Ministry, which my correspondence
has long since accufed,l am informed,
that, unmasked by its divilions, it has
funk under its own intrigues ; for,
undoubtedly, it is not by facrificing
three colleagues, from their own in
significance the mere creatures of his
power, that the least excusable, the
most noted of these Ministers will have
cemented in the King's Council his
equivocal and scandalous existence.
" It is not enough, however, that
this branch of the Government should
be delivered from a baneful influence.
The publick weal is in danger ; the
fate of France depends chiefly on her
Representatives ; of them the Nation
expels her salvation. But, when she
gave herfelf a Constitution, she pre.
scribed to them the only course by
which they can save her.
" Perfoaded, Gentlemen, that as
the Rights of Man are the law of eve
ry Constituting Assembly, a Constitu
tion once formed, becomes the law to
the Legislators appointed under it, it
is to you that I am bound to denounce
the too powerful efforts now making
to carry you beyond the rule which
you have promised to follow.
" Nothing shall hinder me from
exercising this right of a free man,
from fulfiling this 'duty of a Citizen ;
neither the momentary errors of op
inion— (for what are the opinions,
when they deviate from principles ?)
nor my refped for the Representatives
of the People ; for I refped still more
the people themselves, of whom the
Constitution is the supreme will ; nor
the favour you have constantly Shown
to me, for that I wish to preserve, as
I obtained it, by an inflexible love of
liberty.
61 Your circumstances are difficult ;
France is menaced from without, and
agitated within. While foreign Courts
announce the intolerable project of at
tacking our National Sovereignty,and
thus declare themselves the enemies of
France, internal foes, intoxicated with
fahaticifm and pride, entertain chi
merical hopes, and weary us still more
With their insolent malignity.
'' You 'ought, gentlemen, to fop
prefs them ; and you cannot have the
power to do so, without being your
selves constitutional and just.
" You desire to be fo,without doubt;
Foreign Advices.
THE
but cast your eyes on what passes in
your own body, and all around you.
" Can you dissemble, that a faction
(and to avoid vague denominations)
that the Jacobite fadion has occasioned
all the disorders ? It is that la&ion to
which I loudly impute them. Organ
ized like a separate empire in its me
tropolis and its affiliations, blindly
diteded by certain ambitious chiefs,
this fed forms a diflind corporation in
the midst of the French people, whose
power it usurps by subjugating their
Representatives and their mandato
ries.
'' ft is there that,in publick fittings,
love of the laws is denominated Aristo
cracy, and their infraction patriotism.
There the Assassins of Defiles receive
triumphs ; the crimes of Jourdan find
panegyrifts : There the recital of the
assassination that disgraced the city of
Metz, excited infernal acclamations of
j°y-.
" Can it be believed that they will
escape reproaches by sheltering them
selves under an Austrian Manifefto, in
which these fedaries are named ? Are
they become sacred, because Leopold
has pronounced their name ? And be
cause we have to fight with foreigners,
who presume to meddle in our quar
rels, are we absolved from the duty of
delivering our country from domestic
tyranny /
" What has this duty to do, either
with the projects of foreigners,or their
connivance with counter-revolutionists,
or their influence on the lukewarm
friends of liberty ? It is 1 who de
nounce this fed ? I who, without speak
ing of my past life, can answer those
who reign fufpici u of me—'' Come
forth in this critical moment, in which
ever, man's charaaer will fan be known ;
and let us Jee which of us, mos inflexible
in his principles, most firm in his refin
ance, will best brave the obfacles and
the dangers which traitors wife to hide
from their Country, and which true Ci
tizens know bow to rate, and to encoun
ter, for her fake.
“ And how could I delay to fulfil
this duty, when every day weakens the
constituted authorities ; and substitutes
the spirit of a party for the will of the
people ; when the audacity of agitators
imposes silence on peaceable citizens,
and supplants ufeful men ; when de
votion to a fed is made the sub ftitute
of all publick and private virtues,
which in a free country ought to be
the only means of arriving at the firft
functions of government ?
" It is, after having opposed to all
obstacles and all fnarcs the courageous
and persevering patriotism of an army,
facrificed perhaps to combinations a
gainst its leader, that I can now op
pose to this faction the correspondence
of a Minister the worthy production
of its club—a correfpondence,of which
all the calculations are falfe, the pro
mises vain, the information fraudulent
or frivolous, the councils perfidious or
contradictory ; where, after haring
pressed me to advance without precau
tion, and to attack without means, they
began to tell me that refinance would
loon be impossible, when my indigna
tion repelled the dastardly assertion.
“ What remarkable conformity of
language, Gentlemen, between those
factious men who avow their Ariftocra
tick spirit, and those who usurp the
name of patriots ! Both wilh to subvert
our laws, rejoice in disorders, rife op
against the authority conferred by the
Gazetteer.
[Numb. 12 of Volume 7.
people, detest the National Guard,
preach indiscipline to the army, and
produce fomeiimc i distrust, sometimes
depression.
" As for me, Gentlemen, who es
poused the American cause at the very
moment when its Ambassadors declar
ed to me that it was loft ; who thence
forward devoted myfelf to a persever
ing defence of liberty, and the for
ereignty of the people ; who, on the
nth of July, 1789, on presenting to
my Country a declaration of rights,
dared to tell her— For a nation to be
free, it is Efficient that Jbe wills it ; I
come now, full of confidence in the
justice of our cause, of contempt for
the cowards who defers it, and of in
dignation against the traitors who
would fully it, —I come to declare,
that the French Nation, if she is not
the most vile in the universe, may and
ought to resist the conspiracy of Kings
formed against her.
" It is not, undoubtedly, in the
midst of my brave army, that senti
ments of fear find admission, energy,
discipline, patience,muteal confidence,
all the civil and military virtues, £
have found in it. In it the principles
of Libert, and equality are cherished,
the laws refpeded, property sacred ;
in it neither calumnies nor fadions
are known ; and when I recoiled that
France has several millions capable
of becomeing such soldiers, I aft my
felf to what pitch of debasement
would an immense people be reduced
(still stronger in their natural resour
ces than in the defence of art, oppo
sing to a monstrous Confederation the
advantage of combinations directed to
a tingle objed) to let the base idea of
facrificing their sovereignty, of coven
anting for their liberty, of Submitting
their Declaration of Rights to nego
ciation, appear one of the possibilities
of the issue that is rapidly advancing
upon us ?
" But in order that we, soldiers of
Liberty, may fight with effed, or die
with profit to our cause, it is necessary
that the number of the defenders of
our Country be speedily proportioned
to that of their adversaries ; that
(lores of all forts be multiplied, and
facilitate all our motions ; that the
com fort of the troops, their equipage,
their pay, the provitons for their
health be no longer exposed to fatal
delays, or pretended savings, which
always turn out the dired reverse of
their objea.
" Rejed not this advice : it is that
of the sincere wilh of the friends of
your legitimate authority. Assured
that no unjust consequence can flow
from a pure principle, that nb tyranni
cal measures can serve a cause which
owes its strength and its glory to the
lacred balls of liberty and equality,—
make criminal justice relume its consti
tutional course— make civil equality,
and religious liberty, enjoy the entire
application of their principles.
'' Let the royal power be untouch
ed,<for it is guaranteed by the Consti
tution ; let it be independent, for its
independence is one of the sources of
our liberty ; let the King be revered,
for he is inyefted with the national
majesty ; let him have the power of,
'' Above all, it is necessary that the
citizens rallied around the Constituti
on, be assured that the rights which it
guarantees will be refpeded with a re
ligious fidelity, that shall drive its en
emies, concealed or public, to de
spair.