Oracle post — Portsmouth, N.H., 1805-03-12 00:00:00, page 1

I BEG leave to communicate an examination of
■ some of the principal topics used b; die partisans
■ of Me. Langdon, and in the 'newqfoers devoted to
,leered Governor in preference to the person who
has for a long time obtained their suffrages.—Among
■ others the hackneyed subject of Banks is again
brought forward, though at this time rather unfor
■ - tunately for Mr. Langdon.—ln 1799, the Legislature
of this State passed the act to restrain unincorpora
ted Banking Associations, and refused to grant the
petition of Mr. Langdon and others for the Incorpo
ration of the Union Bank. Whether the incorpo
ration of a new Bank at that time was for the pub
lic benefit or not, and whether the restraining act
■ was just or not, I do not pretend to determine. That
Mr. Langdon and his associates had any peculiar
right in preference to others, to be incorporated, or to
■ be exempt from the provisions of the restraining act,
I think no person of common candor and understand
■ ' ing will pretend.—Mr. Langdon however and his
friends have made loud complaints of the violation
of their constitutional rights by these measures.
The basest and most sinister motives have been at
■ tributed to Gov. Gilman for expressing his opinion,
■ and using his influence at that time against the ex
tension of the banking business, and his having since
approved of the incorporation of the Union Bank and
■ five others, is adduced as a proof of his guilt ; (tho'
in charity to Gov. Gilman this reformation ought
■ rather to be considered as an atonement for his for
■ , mor error, if it was one.) But how does Mr. Lang
don stand in relation to this business ? After his
first rebuff, he still continued his exertions, made
large professions of patriotism, and of respect for the
people's rights, and much complaint about persecu
tion, until he obtained the establishment of his bank.
Yet the present year, though his party boast of a ma
jority in both branches of the legislature, and he is
himself a member, a number of petitions have been
preferred for incorporating Dunking associations,
■ they have rejected them, and not a soul of them
■ says any thing about repealing the restraining act.
By the acquiescence of Mr. Langdon and his friends
) in this act, when it Was at their option to repeal it,
they have made it their own. If Gov. Gilman de
fy served so much censure for passing this law, what
■ must be thought of those who have been most lib
gralta him in ceusu.^on ILL account, and yet them
selves adopt it ? What credit for patriotism is due
to those who complain loudly of the violation of their
, ' own rights, and yet deny the same frights to others?
Let it be remembered that Mr. Langdon- has ef
fected the establishment of his Bank—that he is as
much interested in it as Gov. Gilman ever was in
tiie old Bank, that Mr. Langdon and his party have
since obtained majorities In the legislature, and have
refused the petitions of those for Banks who had as
good a right as himself, that the restraining act is
still in force and not one of them has moved his
tongue for its repeal, and by this conduct they have
adopted it as their own-^that they were very clam-
I orous at the refusal to incorporate their bank, and at
the passing of the restraining act—that fcey then
did and still do represent those proceedings of the
former legislature as manifestly corrupt and oppres
sive ; then let the old and just rule be applied of
I judging men as they themselves judge others, and a
fair estimate will be made cf Mr. Langdon's pa
trictism, whether he has in truth so much more dis
interested friendship for the people and their rights
than Gov. Gilman, as is pretended, or whether it is
■ ' a; mere hypocritical pretence for the purpose of ob
taining promotion.
The Walpole Observatory has alledged another
atrocious offence in the Governor, in recommending
to the legislature, about five years ago, to raise a tax
when there was a considerable sum in the treasu
ry,and as a proof that his views were corrupt, it is
there said he has since neglected tor recommend a
tax when there was less money in the treasury—He
is also accused of vesting the public money in stock
of the Old Bank, at a great sacrafice to the State.—
I That a tax was raised, and a considerable sum of
I• public money vested in Bank Stock, and that these
measures had the approbation of the Governor is ad
mitted ; but the assertion there made that the State
' gave any premium of advance more than their pro
portion of the existing capital of the Bank, is whoHy
unfounded.—As to the great sacrifice in vesting mo
ney in this Bank it is sufficient to reply the clamor
made by Mr. Gilman's enemies about the extrava
gant'profits of the Stockholders, and the eagerness
these clamorers to engage in theßanking business.
—That new taxes have in some years since been
found unnecessary, although no great sum wasrin the
treasury, is no reasonable objection to Gov. Gilman,
but reflects the highest Credit on his prudence and
foresight/ At the time that the funding system and
, the assumption of the State debts took place, by the
advice and' agency of Mr. Gilman, who was-then
Treasurer, a very considerable revenue was secured
to the State. This, added to the dividends, oh Bank
Shares,has almost superceded the necessity of resort
ing to taxes—And no man in the State would believe,
[hat he had been injured or burdened by these mea
fores, had he not been told so by the apostate cler-
Sman from Connecticut. The subject of taxes has
frays been a fruitful theme for Demagogues. The
worst motives have often bceir imputed by the satel
lites ofMr. Langdon, to th» Federalists under the ad
ministrations of Washington and Adams, for pro -
viding.for the public debt and the support of govern
ment'by raising taxes. Particularly the raising a
>direct tax by the late Congress has been attributed
.3 to a design to favor Monarchy and Aristocracy, to
''overawe the free born minds of the people" and to
drain them into perpetual subjections ° Yet it is a
f - notorious tog, that" the raising of this tax ,^@ nr
at their Book and Stationary shop, opposite the
Court House, Portsmouth, JVewhamfahire.
Terms 150 cents per annum, 50 cents paid in ad
vance—Punctually forwarded to all parts of this
State and the District of Maine.
THE PORTSMO UTH ORACLE,
is published every Saturday morning for the town
and vicinity, and
THE ORACLE POST
Oefy Tuesday morning for the Country by
William and Daniel Treadwell,
Vol. XVI.]
Plain Matter of Fact.
MISCELLANY.
OF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPBR ITY, R ELIGIO# AND MORAffTV
°MORALITY ARE INDISPENSABLE SUPPORTS. —WASHINGTON
For the ORACLE.
O1? # ACTr DnQT
— — ^to^-^^^^^^ _
party measure, but resulted from a general belief
that it was necessary. Mr. Langdon was himself
in favor of this tax, and on the final passage of the
act for appointing commissionersand assessors, and
the valuation ofhouses and lands, in order to appor
tion this tax, all the Members of the Senate then
Present, (of whom IMivLangdon was one) voted in
favor of it. If any one doubts the fact, let him recur
to the journal of the Federal Senate for the second
of July 1798, where he may find it on record. It is
also notoriously true that the present Congress have
laid a heavy additional tax on imported articles,
and that a large debt has been voh^^rily incurred
for the purchase of Louisiana, whiJ,must be pro
vided for by the continuance of the\>ld or raising
new taxes. Yet much credit is claimed for Mr.
Langdon for his adherence to the political sect now
in power. Is it then Mr." Langdon's object to op
press # the people and reduce them to servitude by
taxation ? If not, what right has his party to impute
the metres that he has approved and adopted to
such notives in his political opponents f This sure
ly must be another electioneering trick to impose o
t auL.uskug. QC x trust the good citizens 01 this
State have too much sense to be thus gulled.
A writer in Mr. Jefferson's paper at Walpole has
discovered another offence of Gov. Gilman which
in his opinion wholly disqualifies him for the chair.
The substance of it is this ; that when Mr. Lang
don's Bank was under the consideration of the Le
gislature, Governor Gilman had conversation with
a number of the members and others, in which he
freely expressed his opinion on the measure. This
charge is dressed up in hideous colours in the Ob
servatory, and appears in a hue still more horrible
in the New-Hampshire Gazette of February 26th.
A writer in the last mentioned paper who stiles him
self“Qne of the People,"! "as a Republican and as
a Man" expresses strong "sentiments of indignation
and horror" that "a Governor of New-Hampshire,
a servant of the sovereign people, of no hereditary
rank, no power, no greatness but what are tempora
rily derived from the people, chosen" (as the wri
ter says) "by ourselves, by a small and feeble ma
jority cf infatuated deluded men," should presume
to exercise his influence and speak his opinions re
specting the public measures. The writer is wel
come to the share of credit which he claims as one
of the deluded idiots (as his expression means in
plain English, which I suppose to be his vernacular
tongue*) a small & feeble majority of whom elected
Gov. Gilman. Nobody will contest his claim. But
I think neither the "small and feeble majority" nor
indeed the large an t powerful minority of those he
is pleased to call infatuated and deluded, will thank
him for the compliment. That rulers^are in some
sense to be considered public servants is admitted.
They ought to administer the government confor
mably to the constitutional laws that the people
have adopted, and with a view to the public benefit.
But they are not slaves. It is not only justifiable
blit commendable for them frankly to express their
opinions, and to exercise their influence, in common
with other citizens, against such measures as they
judge detrimental to the public, and in favor of those
that are salutary : and whatever sentiments of in_
dignation and horror this one of the sovereign peo
ple may feel towards his humble servant, the Gover
mi:,on account cf hi^excrwiring a propcrizHuence,l
or his expressing his opinions respecting public mea
sures, they are rather the feelings of a tyrant than
of a mild andgracious sovereign. —lt is, however,
insinuated in this, as well as in many other publica
tions of Mr. Langdon's friends, that valuable offices
have been giveh to several members of the Legis
lature, merely on account of their votes against the
Union Bank. The insinuation I beltevelp be ground
less and malicious. It is naturally to be expected
and could not be well avoided, that Some who were
members of the General Court should recieve ap
pointments from the Executive. It would indeed
be an ill and undeserved compliment to the people,
to Bay that the most proper selectioh even for the
first offices might not in some cases be made from
among their representatives.—But on recollecting
the principal appointments since that time, it will be
found that most of them have been given to those
who were not members. There have been appoints
ed two or three Judges of the Superior Court, two
Attorney Generals; three Judges of. the Common
Pleas, two Judges of Probate, one Register of Pro
bate, and three Solicitors, neither of whom were
members of the Legislature. These, I believe are
all the civil appointments more valuable than
commissions of the peace, made by the Executive
since the dispute about the Banks arose, excepting
of a Judge of Probate in Cheshire, a sheriff in Straf
ford, an Inspector of Beef, and some few made dur
ing the present winter. From those that have been
mentioned, surely no candid person would infer, that
Gov. Gilman, five years ago corrupted the General
Court by the sale of offices.
Probably a good niany rtiembers have had their
commissions as Justices of Peace renewed, and some
perhaps been newly appointed. Is it then intended
that the Governor bribed the Legislature to suppress
the Union Bank by the sale of Commissions of the
Peace ? This office does not add much to the per
sonal consequence of members of the Legislature,
many of them were before in commission, and when
any of them accept the office, they generally tf@k
they rather confer a favor than owe an acknow
ledgment to the Governor. The purchase is too
cheap at this price. There is still one class of very
lucrative offices whigh possibly the Governor with
advice of Council(if wecarv believe them so wick
ed) may have disposed of as bribes—l mean in the
""'",• /" must however ^e considered that the
militia were organized before his first election to thd
chair, and that he has not the power of removal, Jew
of the old officers di. b and the business is found so
profitable, that none resign, or if there happens a
vacancy, the next in rank claims his place, and so
tenacious are they of their turns, that the executive
can seldom break the regular order of succession to
,bribe the General Court, without being sure of a hor
nets nest about their ears. Yet they may have ven- #
tured it for they liave ihe power" in "theory, though
the fact is of such a natureTas to require strpnger ev
idence, rth^n yet appears. -Notwithstanding all
the noise made by Mr. Langdon's party about. Ex
ecutive influence in the administrations &'Wash
ington and Adams, and the gi-eat horror and indjg
nation at Gov. Gilman's presuffling to use bis in
fluence or express his opinions relating to public af
fairs, rauch merit is claimed for Mr. Langdon cn
account of his attachment to Mr. Jefferson. Me.
/Langdon, his friends say, if elected-will co-operate
with the President in bis measura ^nd promote the ,
TUESDAY, MARCH 12, 1805.
After it was known that the choice of Presiml
at the election in 1801, would devolve on the Housed
of Representatives, it was well understood that those
in general who had opposed the election of either
of the two candidates, as well as many who had
supported them, had a preference for Mr. Burr.
Others appeared neuter. Mr. Edward Livingston
of New-York was an important person in this af
fair ; he had powerful connexions in that State, and
the vote of their delegation at least was supposed
to depend on his influence; besides, he was Mr.
Burr's confidential friend, on whose exertions he de
pended. To gain him was an important point with
'Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Livingston was gained, and to re
ward hint, Mr. Harrison, a man who had rendered
long and faithful services to his country, was remov
ed from the office of Attorney of the District of
New-York, and he was appointed. Mr. Living
ston's pecuniary circumstances were before known
to be embarrassed, and he has since absconded with
a large sum of Republic money in his hands. Mr.
Livingston's brother was*iso appointed a minister
to France. Os the New-Jersey delegation, two were
known to be fob Mr. Jefferson, and two for Mr. Burr.
Mr. Linn was,the fifth member, and on his voice de
pended the suffrage of that State. Mr. Linn it was
publicly said was to be appointed Supervisor of the
District of New-Jersey, or collector of the port of
Amboy, in cape of-Mr. Jefferson's election. He voted
for Mr. Jefferson, and the office of Supervisor was
taken from tie former incumbent and given to him.
Mr. Lyon yas one of the two members from Ver
mont :on hfa it depended whether Mr. Burr should
receive th^ vote of that State. He had publicly de
clared he Mould vote for Mr. Burr.. To neutralize
Vermont, ft was necessary to gain Mr. Lyon. He
had harbored an implacable hatred against the At
torney and Marshall of that District, for their as
sistance in bringing him to deserved punishment.
He too voted for Mr. Jefferson—the obnoxious of
-1 ficers were removed, and his friends appointed, and
I his son obtained an office under Government. Mr.
I Davis was one of the two Representatives from Ken'
I tucker, aud Mr. Claiborne the sole Representative
from Tennessee.. They both had expressed a pref
erence for Mr. Burr. Mr. Claiborne said before
the election, that he should be Governorof the Mis
sissippi territory. Mr. Davis, also, it was said ex
pected the appointment; Both gave their votes for
Mr: Jefferson ; Gov. Sargent was removed, and Mr.
Claiborne appointed Governor of the Missisippi
territory. Mr. Davis was much offended at the dis
appointment, though he should have considered that
Mr. Claiborne was by one half the highest bidder.
But to make him amends, Mr. Davis has been ap
pointed a Judge in the Northwestern Territory. My;
Claiborne has since ^ ^tW’Go^iwr oi
Louisiana. Mr. Daw i member from Vir
ginia, who voted for rson. Mr. Dawson
was a man of fa*i; ~ : abtless wished.to see
Paris; he was re-cie ember of Congress,
and in the recess, ln.h s o n sent him in a
national vessel, as a 4 < with a treaty to
France. Mr. Gallai renette had labored
most abundantly to embarrass the Government, un
der the former admistrations. He had fomented an
insurrection in Pennsylvania against Generar.Wash
ington's administration, which cost the U. S. a mil
lion of Dollars, and by which many citizens lost
their lives. After being pardoned by Washing
ton, he had used, his utnlost efforts to defeat every
scheme of raising a revenue for payment of
the public debt, or for national defence. He
too was a Representative from Pennsylvania, had
promoted Mr. Jefferson's election, and voted for him
in the house of representatives. Though Mr. Gal
latin was a foreigner, and could hardly speak the
language of this country so as to be Understood,"
yet his faithful services were rewarded by Mr.
Jefferson with nothing less than ah appointment to
the head of the treasury of the United States.—Mr.
Gallatin by his report to Congress at their session
the last year; was chargeable with the sum of 114000
dollars of public money, of which no account is given;
but the business is artfully attempted to be covered
up bythe legerdemain of complicated accounts. Mr
. Gallatin however still holds his plate. It seems no
native citizen of this country of equal ability or
integrity can yet be found, for that office. Mr.Cha's.
Pinckney of South-Carolina was a man of influence in
that State. 'The vote of their Electors was for a
long time doubtful. Mr. Pinckney was a kinsnran
of Gen. Pinckney one of the rivals of Mr. Jefferson
for the Presidency. Mt. Charles Pinckney howev
er exerted h's influence for Mr. Jefferson, the Elec
tors of . South-Carolina were obtained, and Mr.
Charles Pinckney was appointed Minister to Spain.
To make room for this appointment Col.Humphries,
who was a companion of Washington in our Revo
lution, and had received his appointment from him,
was recalled; If Mr. Jefferson's first message to
Congress may be credited, Um Spanish Government
L at the time of Mr. Humphries recall was on friend
ly terms wjth the United States; Mr. Humphries
had long been resident there, was acquainted With
their Court, and was a character well suited to pro
' mote the friendly intercourse; Mr. Pinckney ' Was
the reverse—haughty in his manners, possessing no
command of his passions, and inspiring little confi
dence in his integrity, he was supposed to be whblly
unqualified for a Minister at the Spanish Court—
The misunderstandings between the two govern
ments and die insults we have received, from Spain
have since justified that belief. Thus has Mr.
, harmony of the State and Federal governments : tho'
Ph r ""' '.° se s w ! lßt concurrence of measures
°~ Executives is necessary, unless it may be in
cad i ig out the militia in cases of insurrection or in
vasion, nor do I know what authority the President
has^ control or intermeddle in the executive ad
ministration of this State. Their spheres appear
to be perfectly distinct. The President may, how
r e favorite projects which require the aid
ct the Governor ; and as our attention is now drawn
to i subject of executive influence barter of offi
ces, tc. &c. and as Mr. Langdon is held up as the
riend of freedom and the people, and is un
@>,dly intitled to the credit of intimacy with th^
e ', ent \ an , °f approving his measures, and as
'"* ^^gdon s advocates attempt to console us un
tie afflictions we suffer from the tyranny of our
,tate cutive, with the cheering thought that "we
#' 2d a President that is a friend of freedom,
I most generously and most candidly per
7 as I suppose invites) "eveiy inquiry into
h stratire conduct" I will accept the invi
mqyt4 ivh„ conclusions eve to be drawn„
'r Iministrative conduct in the followiimj
P^^
[LV COJNf LVUATIOffi
AS to the second specific charge adduced in supa
port of the first article of impeachment, which ac
cuses this respondent " of restricting the counsel fefe
the said Fries, from recurring to such English au
thorities as they believed apposite; or from citing
certain statutes of the U. States, which they deemed
illustrative of the positions, upon which they intends
ed to rest the defence of their client, this respon
dent admits that he did, on the above' mentioned
trial, express it as his opinion to the aforesaid coun
sel for the prisoner, 'that the decisions in England;
in cases of indictment for treason at common law,
against the person of the king, ought not to be read
to the jury, oh trials for treason under the constitu
tion and statutes of the United Stated ; because sucli
opinion could not inform,,but might mislead and de
ceive the Jury : that any decisions on cases of trea^
son, in the courts of England, before the revolution
of 1688, ought to have very little influence in the
courts of the United States ; that he would permit
decisions in the courts of England or of Great^Bri
tain, since the said revolution, to be read to the cbtrt
oejury, for the purpose of shewing what acts have
been considered by those courts, as a constructive
levying of war against the king of that country, in
his regal capacity, but,not against his person ; be
'cause levying war against his government, was of
the same nature as levying war against the gov
ernment of the United States ; but that such d&
Pinckney been rewarded.—To bring the subject
nearer home, Mr. Langdpn.also deserved tokens of
Presidential favour for his zealous attachment to
Mr. Jefferson's party ; he it was said had the offer of
being made Secretary of the Navy. But Mr. Lang
don's ambition had another object. He prefered
being Governor of New-Hampshire. By 3 unsuc
cessful trials it was found that a large majority of the
citizens remained averse to innnovation. To remove
this difficulty foreign aid was needed, and towards a
year and a half since,the President employed a cer
tain Stanley Griswold, an apostate clergyman from
Connecticut to manage a newspaper for the purpose
of leadingfhe politics and influencing the elections
of this State. I have a right to say that Griswold
Was employed by the President for that purpose :
for in his proposals, before his paper was established
he held up these as its objects,and at the same time
advertised that he should print the Laws of the U
nited States by authority from Government.' He
has accordingly in fact had the printing of the laws,
which is a source of no trifling emolument.
He has also, with a spirit and acrimony for a lon^
before unknown in this State, attacked and at-
B^ted to revolutionize the State Government: he
interfered with no less zeal irt'the election of
ratembers of Congress, and of Electors of President.
And tl^ servile adulation, bestowed bv him on Mr.
Jefferson, is without a parallel. With Griswold, one
Seth Hunt was associated in the management of the
press. From that press, just before 'the choice of
Electors the last fall, a pamphlet issued abounding
with unqualified praise of Mr. Jefferson, and with
scurrility and abuse of Mr. Adams and his admin--
istration. The Courts of the United States estab
lished, after a long and deliberate consideration, for
the more effectual administration of justice, and fill
ed with some of the first characters in our country,
are there stiled, "a batch of midnight judges, got up
by Mr. Adams"—and Ml. Adams is abused for
hastily and indecorously exercising the duties of his
office, in appointing such judges as Governor Bas
set, Oliver Wolcott, Egbert Benson, John Lowell,
and Jeremiah Smith,without even consulting wheth
er they would be the men of Mr. Jefferson's choice;
or would make the administration of ju dice subser
vient to his interest, or his views of policy. About
the time of tliis publication, the same Seth Hunt re
ceived an important civil and military appointment
in the new Dominion of Louisiana. (No executive
influence surely in all this.) The same press is now
teeming with eulogies on Mr. Langdon. Old and
refuted calumnies against Governor'Gilman are re
peated; All his speeches to the General Court, and
proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings are ran
sacked to find something which may be tortured in
to proof of corruption, and no means which the in
genuity of the editor can devise; are left unessayed
to make the people believe that Governor Gilman,
and the men in whom they formerly placed confi
dence, are their enemies, that they are endeavor
ing to betray the people's rights, and reduce them to
slavery, but that Mr. Langdon is their greatest
friend and benefactor, and that the State can no oth
erwise be saved from ruin, than by electing him and
his partizans to office; In the pursuit of these ob
jects, the whole force of the faction is exerted. The
State is cantoned out into divisions, and sub-divisi.msi
to be managed by an organized and well disciplined
corps of Grand Committees, County-Committees
and sub-agents. Whether a majority of the citizens
will submit to such discipline, they will soon have
an opportunity to determine. The time approaches
when they are called on to exerch.,their rights of
suffrage. It is hoped they will be governed in their
choice of officers, by a cool, impartial and inde
pendent consideration of facts, and a just estimate
of characters; not by the declamations of the noisy
and turbulent, whose aim is to excite their passions,
or by the hypocritical pretensions of office seekers.
Not every one who takes most pains to get into of
fice is best qualified for it ; nor are the people's in
terests less secure in the hands of those whom they
tr,fide in in sober and peaceable times, when no
pains are taken to mislead them, than in the hands
of men who rise to promotiofi by exciting passion
and party-spirit. „ AMERICANUS.
,*His publication bears strong marks of coming
from the same pen with an Electioneering Pamfote
let ; entitled, "A letter to a Federalist ;" written
by an English gentleman, who is a son in law of
"our present worthy Republican Speaker ; as he
calls him. Perhaps the Patriot may sympathise
with this writer in his feelings of indignation and
horror, and may have authorised his advm rising
him, as "a staunch friend of freedom and the peo-
HIGH COURT OF IMPE^CHMEAT.
— FEB. 4, 1805.
Judge Chase's Answer.
National Legislature.
IN SENATE.
ASA
[No. 26.