The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1800-08-05 00:00:00, page 1

_ The Republican Ledger.
IN our enquiries hitherto,we have been oc
cupied in exposing the weakness of the rea
sons urged for the. eftablifliment or flipport
of religion by the civil powers. In doing this
several considerations have naturally occur
red and have been iruerfperfed, tending to
Ihew, frotiohe nature of the thing, that the
rulers of ajtate as such can possess no legit
imate power, to fuppprt religion. If re
mains to enquire a little further into the
origin of civil power, that we may difeern
to what fubjecls it extends : And let it be
remembered here that the burden of proof
lies on the other fide of the question. For
all derived power, some grant or commission
niuft be produced ; and until this be done,
denial without argument may well be op
posed to the claim.
States and Kingdoms have been consider
ed as associations for felf defence. And such
defence seems to be referred to & allowed, by
the words of Him who said, "It my kingdom
were of this world, then would my servants
fight." A civil society is to be guarded and
defended by the public force, against inju
ries arising from external violence ; and the
individuals co mpofing it, from internal vio
lation of their rights and privileges. Among
these the rights of conscience are justly con
sidered as very valuable ones. Such is their
nature that they cannot be given up of del
egated ; even as no man can surrender or
transfer his accountableness. No man can
depute another tp believe for him ; or im
power one or many, to regulate his religious
faith or practice.
If the governing powers, by some means
or cause operating quite out of fight, are
intruded with the power of choosing a reli
gion for the people, and then arc to support
it as a necessary public good, it would fol
low that the strong arm of government,
xnuft be (tretched forth to coerce those who
oppose it, as enemies to the public weal,
and so to the State itfelf. And it would not
be easy to assign the limits of this coercion.
Oppofers must be coerced, until the end be
attained, the supposed fafety of the society.
How this progress towards uniformity is to
be carried on without perfecution,and in con
liftency with guarding to every man,the un
alienable rights of conscience, has embarraf
ed the systems of wife men in times pad,
and remains a problem yet to be solved by
the advocates for a State-religion. The
edge of the sword has at varibus times been
used to cut this knot, which could never be
untied. , a
We have lately been pressed with argu
ments to this effe& : He who propagates
corrupt principles injures the community,
and he who labors to subvert my mind with
such, does me a personal wrong. Such a
wrong doer ought therefore to be effectual
ly teftrained. Licentious opinions necessa
rily beget, wicked practices. Oppose evil
then in its beginnings. When the princi
ples have taken root, and are (hooting forth
bv means of the dissemination of them far
.and wide, it is too late to meet the evil.
The mifchief is done. Prevent it therefore
by oopofing it in embryo.
'Thus men reasoned long ago ; and though
the effitas of such a system have been seen,
and felt, and feelingly described, thus men
tefon Kill !—Strike again then at the root ;
xeftrain opinions ; persuade legislators to en
a& laws to purge the minds of men from
corrupt opinions. Make it a high crime
for a man to etettain bad principles in his
heart. Establish truth and extirpate error
by dint of legal power !—No fay you —This
is not the thing for which we are pleading
--The foul, the thinking principle is not
the fubjed of coercion. Conviction of
truth, and abjuration of error are produced
by argument not violence. But we can re
train the anions of bad men ; we can com
pel them to keep to themselves their perni
cious doCtrines,and thus guard the commu
nity' from peing poisoned by a diffufion of
them". We underhand you. The gov
erning powers, or if you please the majority
of the society (hall fit in solemn judgment, 1
and this High court having decided and de
creed what is trnth, alf who oppose it by
speech or writing are of course wicked men
holding baneful errors, and on conviction as
heretics muff fuffer such pains as may be
deemed Diffident to prevent such affornts to
cftablilhed opinion in future—What is this
but to c&blifh evil by law, as a defences-
NUMBER go.—VOL. I.]
^tc inquirer, J2O. 6,
For the REPUBLICAN LEDGER.
" WHEN YOU SHALL THESE DEEDS RELATE, SPEAK OF THEM AS THEY ARE ; NOTHING EXTENUATE NOR SET DOWN OUGHT IN MALICE."
PRINTED AT PORTSMOUTH, (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) NEXT DOOR TO ROUSSELETs MUSEUM, MULBERRY LANE.,
The plea tor leftraining heresies by the
civil power, has always been varnished o
ver with this pretence ; we would retrain
nothing but a power to injure ; no opinions
but such as are manifeftly falfe, impious,and
dedruaive. Specious pretence ! Under it,
how often have proteffints fuffered / how
often have they been charged with holding
and teaching doarines manifeftly falfe, op
posite to plain scripture, and so utterly
subversive of the public good, that for the
fake of that good, and under an idea of do
ing God service, such profeffors have been
burnt to death ! ! And all this while it has
been said ; yea in our own country, and by
renowned religious leaders too, many years
ago, it has been said; " No man is to be
persecuted at all, much less for conscience
fake" —" none is to be punished for con
science fake, tho' erroneous, unless his er
rors be fundamental, or seditiously or tur<
bulently promoted, and that afar due con
viaion of conscience, that it may appear,
he is not punished for bis conscience, but for
finning against conscience. Thus the plea of
conscience can always be turned into the,
crime of obstinacy, when heretics are to be
hunted down—Obitinata tides, ohJlinatefaith
was charged as the great crime of the firft
Chriftians.'
In regard to bad principles breaking out
into adions injurious to others, the question
has been asked ; what if men's worship and
conscience incite them to civil offences ?
And the answer was well given to this ef
fe& ; " that in such case the conscience of
the magistrate must incite him to civil pun
ishment. Even as to a man who once plead
ed that he was born to be a-thief- -A Lord
Mayor of London answered that he was
born to he a judge to condemn and punish
thieves."
In enquiring into the origin of civil pow
er, we can find no earlier traces of its in
stitution than those words of the Most High
to the second Father of mankind, “ whoso
ffieddeth man's blood, by man ffiall his blood
be shed ; for in the image of God made he
man." These words have been considered
as an institution of magistracy. And may
we not think of Paul as alluding to this or
dinance of God, this grant of power over
life, when he speaks of the sword inihe hand
of the magistrate, and fays ; “ there is no
power but that of God — The powers that be
are ordained of God !" Now as every great
er includes in it the lesser, a grant of power
to punish the highest injury which man can
do to man, and by the greatest evil which
human power can inflia, must include the
power of suitably punishing smaller injuries.
The sword is to be a terror to those who do
evil. All this seems so reftri&ive, that a
plain man would confider the very grant of
the power as a limitation of it ; to the cog
nizance and animadversion of injuries done
by man to man. And unbilled in logic the
fame man would wonder by what process
of reafening learned men could extract
from these premises, a power to punish he
resies.
According to the New Testament here
sies exclude tren from the kingdom of God,
and they who hold them are, after admoni
tion, to be rejected ; according to establish
ments, heresies exclude the holders of them
from a place in the kingdoms of men, and
after conviction they are to be delivered over
to the Secular arm for punishment or extir
pation. In the place where Paul treats on
the fubje& of human governments he speaks
only of the duties of man to man. The
violators of these are the evil doers, as to
whom the evil power is a revenger ; he fays
nothing of evil thinkers. To the fame pur
pose speaks the Apollle Peter. But in nei
ther place do we find a hint, that any ma
gistrate, supreme or subordinate is ordained
or sent, for the punishment of heretics,
and for the praise of the orthodox. And
we may observe that they who would thus
aim the magistrate with an excess of power,
have often been no less ready to abridge or
oppose bis legitimate power, 'when not cxer
cifed to their liking.,
gainft corruption ! The corrupt principle
that men are ,to be retrained by penal laws,
by force and terror, from profefiing, plead
ing for and teaching, what they believe, has
had a long reign. It has oppressed men
from age to age ; and among the many ten
thousands whom it has (lain, the patient
followers of Christ, who honored and obey
ed magistrates, and fought mere toleration,
have been much the meft numerous band.
TUESDAY, AUGUST S , 1800.
MESSRS. ADAMS & RHOADES,
WHETHER John Adams, the en
lightened politician of America, Shall be
again elected President, or not, depends in
a great measure, if not entirely on the votes
of his native State. The association which
has falfely and fraudulently assumed the ap
pellation of the federal party, are using ev
ery art to prevent his eleaion. Some of
them more incautious than the others, open
ly declare him to be unfit lor the office.
When Ulis is heard from men, who were
vehemently opposed to the American revo
lution, and who have even the audacity to
call it a premature and raft measure, we are
not aflonifhed ; but we may well be afton
ithed at the apparent influence those men
have gained on the public opinion.
Adams is a Republican —he does not
wish for a Standing army to maintain a gov
ernment in the fears of the people—he does
not fee the necessity pf having the fleel in the
hand of the executive to maintain the do
minion of the laws. He does not believe that
the people bate government 2 but he believes
that they love government from the bene
fits resulting from it. In Short, he does
not believe in the falfe maxims and falla
cious principles of a set of men, who under
the malk of federalifm, are attempting to
prostrate all the old American patriots, to
exalt the man who is to be the Cataline of
America, and who to enroll his friends, and
try his strength of interest, has lately pa
raded from weft to eafl, weakly exposing
his views and intentions.
The cunning of their plan rests in this,
they are urging for votes for Adams, but at
the fame time wish as many in this State
for Pinckney. If this is obtained, Pinck
ney w ill have more than Adams in the gen
eral eleaion, and will be eleaed. To qui
et the apprehensions of those who have dis
covered the plot, they fay that Adams en
gages to serve as Vict-Prefident under Pinck
ney ; but this is one of the many lies which
are made subservient to their base purposes.
They have no authority to fay this. They
with Adams and Jefferfon out of the way,
to bring Hamilton forward. They care but
little about Pinckney, otherwise than as his
eleaion may serve to bring forward a man,
whose aim, with theirs, is to assimilate the
government of the United States to that of
Great Britain : and to maintain its energy
by a Standing , army, and an hereditary gov
ernment. Could they involve the United
S'ates in the European war, as an ally with
Great Britain, they might exped ,id from
that monarchy, to extinguish the sparks of
Republicanism, and to maintain, what they
call energetic government.'
What has Adams done to render him un
fit for the office of Chief Magistrate ? he
has, and with the consent of the Senate, ap
pointed Envoys to France, with a deSign to
avoid a war : this is a fin never to be for
given. Was there no probability of these
commissioners having success, it might be
passed over as a piece of weakness. It is
curious to observe some young gentlemen of
the Clergy, pursuing this great man, even
with the impudence of an hiss on public oc
casions, because he obeys the pacific di&ates
of the gospel, with Sincerity, which they
would at once turn their backs with con
tempt upon, if they could gain as idle a liv
ing any other way. Verily these Shall have
their reward. -ROLLAND.
We have some pme past promised the ac
count of the bank of the United States.
We publish it this day, and annex thereto
the recent publication of the secretary of the
treasury for 3,500,000 dollars.
In extracting this account from the books
of the treasury, which is numbered 11,086
the editor was felicitous to be as particular
in the details as poflible. There appear two
accounts, the firft dated 4, Dec. 1799> ai "
the other a settlement from that date down
to the 19th of March, )800.
The firft account we shall give in detail
merely to ihew the mihutenefs and accuracy
with which the accounts of the bank are
kept —and thereby to shew that if the secre
tary difeharged his duty he must know how
considerable the sum was lying in the Bank
belonging to the public, but which by some
unaccounted for reasons appears to be ap
priated only to the use of a few.
From the Aurora of July 15.
PUBLIC MONEI' vs. PUBLIC LOANS.
From the Chronicle.
[1 DOL. 50 CTS. PER ANNUM.
The bank of the United States for the
payment of interest & principal, from April
1, 1796, till Nov. 19, 1799, on the funded
flock Standing in the books of the Trcafnry,
for the year 1796.
Dr. Dl. Ci.
To balance due on fettlementofac
countfer payment for the year
1795, per report, No. 1063 P. 341,05—99
To Treaftfry warrants for amount
of the following
No. 59i0dated March 31, 1796 319 73 ff —66
J r ne 30, 325,764—72
-—6705 Dec. 31, 544,673—95
To tins turn paid the Prefid nt, Di
rectors & Co. by the Treasurer,
per report, No. $512 99,433 — 95
To Treasury warrants for amount
of the following :
No. 7031, dated March 31, 1797 326,924 —„
3 —lB
To this film paid the President, Di
rectors and Co. by Treafiirer per
Report, No. 10,048, ] 95,0°4 — 55
To Treasury warrants, per amount
of the following:
No. 8109, dated March 31, 1798 331,420 —,r
- 328,251 — 2
Dec. 29, 396,339—97
To this film paid the President Di
rectors & Co. by the treasurers, % ' & ,
per report, No. 11064 252,938—5,
Tothe trea fury warrants for amount
of the following:
No. 9478 dated March 30, 1799 335-334 —2r
Sept. 27, - 336,709—72
To the bank of North America for
this sum received from said bank,
being a balance due on settlement
of accounts for the payment of
interest for the year 1791, per re
port No. 10579 *94 f — 74
Amounting in the whole to 5,915,850 —23
We also find that the said bank isen
titled to the following credits, be
ing tor pay meats on funded debt,
viz.
On 6,3, 5 12 per cent flocks to
Marell 31, 17,6. - - 3'74^2 —34
On do. June 30, - - 323,767—53
Ondo. Sept. 30 - - 322 455—52
Ondo. Dec. 31 •/ - 639,021 —43
1,602.726 —7,
Leaving a balance of Four Millions
three hundred and thirteen thou
sand one hundred & twenty-three
dollars and fifty-four cents, to be
accounted for by the said bank, at
a Juture Jettlement. 4,313,123 —44
5,915,85c— 33
The several abflrafh of interest and
principal due on the flock credit
on the books of the Register, to
Dec. 31, 1796 which remained un
paid, together with the dividends
for the year 1797, and 1798, and
for the firft and second quarters
of the year 1799, amount as parti
cularized in tue statement, to dol
lars . . . 4 069,556 —46
The 2d account dated 19th March,
1880, is fettled up to that date,
and the balance due and to be ac
counted for, is 3 346,331 — 65
THE COMMENTARY.
Whereas, by an a& of Congress passed
on the 7th day of May, in the year of our
Lord 180 c, the President of the U. States is
authcrifed to borrow, on behalf of the U. S.
from the Bank of the U. S. or from any o
ther body or bodies politic or corporate, or
from any person or persons, and upon such
terms and conditions as he shall judge most
advantageous for the United States a funi
not exceeding Three Millions Five Hundred
Thousand Dollars, so however, that no con
tra& or engagement be made, which shall
preclude the U. States from reimbursing any
furnor sums borrowed, at any time after
the expiration of fifteen years from the date
of such toan. And Whereas, it is declared
by said a&, that so much as may be necessa
ry of the surplus of the duties on imports &
tonnage, beyond the permament appropria
tions heretofore charged upon them by law, *
mail be pledged and appropriated for paying
the interest ; and also for paying and dis
charging the principle sum or sums of all
the monies which may be borrowed accord
ing to the term or terms which may be fix
ed pursuant to the authority aforefaid.—And
Whereas by the said aft the faith of the U.
States is pledged to establish fufficient per
manent revenues, for making up any defi
ciency that may hereafter appear in the pro
visions before mentioned for paying the in
terest and principal sums or either of them,
or any monies which may be borrowed pur
foant to the said a&. And Whereas the
TREASURY DEPARTMENT.