The Newhampshire gazetteer — Exeter, N.H., 1791-12-31 00:00:00, page 1

CHAPTER.
[ln Continuation.]
WHEN Mr. Burke fayg that " Hit
• " Majesty's heirs and fuccef- 1
" fors, each in their time and order,
" will come to the crown with thefai
" contempt of their! choice with which
'' his Majesty has succeeded to that he
" wears," it is faying too much even
to the humblest individual in the coun
try ; part of whose daily labours goes to
wards making u P 'he million ftetling a
year, which the country gives the per
son it Riles aKing. Government with
insolence, is despotism ; but when con
tempt is added, it becomes worse ; and
IQ pay for contempt, is the excels of
slavery. This species of government
comes from Germany ; and reminds,me
of what one of the Braufwick soldiers
told me, who was taken prisoner by the
Americans in the late war ; " Ah!"
said he, "America is a fine free country,
it is worth the people's fighting for ; 1
know the difference by knowing my own;
• in my country, if the prince fay, eat
flaw,,tye eat ftcaw." God' help that
'country, thought I, be it England, or
elsewhere, whose liberties are to be pro
tested by German principles of govern
ment and princes of Bruafwick.
As Mr. Burke foretimes [peaks of
England, fomepmes of France, and
sometimes of the world, and of govern
ment in generabitis difficult to anfwtf
his book without apparently meeting
him on the fame ground.< Although
principles of government are general
febjeft, it is next to impoflible in ma
ny cases to feparare them from the idea
of place and circumftaace ; arid the more
to when circumstances jare put for argu
ments, which is frequently the case
with Mr., Burke.
In the former part of his book, ad
drefling himfelf to the people ofFrance,
he fays, " No experience has taught us
(meaning the Englilh) that in any other
course or method than that of an heredi
tary crown, can oar liberties be regular
ly perpetuated and preserved sacred as
our hereditary right." I arte Mr.' Burke
who is to take them away ?M. de/la
Fayette, in freaking to France, fays,
" For a nation to be free,: it is Efficient
that /he "wills it." But Mr. Burke repre
fents England as wanting, capacity to
take care of itfelf; and that its liberties
must be taken care of by a King, Fold
ing it in " contempt.'' If England is
funk to this,it is preparing, to eat straw,
as in Hanover or in Brunswick. But
besides the Folly of the declaration, it
happens that the fads are all against
Mr. Burke. It was by the government
being beredita,, that the liberties of
the people were endangered. Charles
the firft, and James the second, are in
stances of this' truth ; yet neither of
them went so far as to hold the Nation
in contempt. / ;'
,As it is sometimes of advantage to
the people of one country, to hear what
ih,fe of other countries have to fay re
fpefting it, it is possible that the people
of France may learn something from
Mr. Burke's book,and that the people of
England may also learn something from
the answers it will occasion. When Na
tions fall out about freedom, a wide
field of debate is opened. The args
ment commences with the rights of war,
without its evils ; and as knowledge is
the object contended for, the party that
• fuhains the defeat obtains the prize.
Mr. Burke talks about what he calls
an hereditary crown,as if it were ferae
Newhampfhire
RIGHTS of MAN,&c.
MISCELLANEOUS
EXETER, ( New-Hampfoire) Printed and Published by HENRY RANLET, at M^ Sbi/% per annum.
SATURDAY, December 31, 1791.]
production of mature ; or as if, like
time it had a power to operate not only
independent, but in spite of man ; or as
if it were a thing or a fubjed universal
ly coofented to. „ Alas ! it has nonh of
those properties, but is the reverse of
them all. It is a thing in imagination,
the propriety of which is doubled, and
the legality of which in a few years will
be denied. >I .'<'
But to arrange this matter in a clear
view than what general expressions can
convey, it will be necessary to fla§e the
diftind heads under which (what is cal
led) an hereditary crown, or, more pro
perly speaking, an hereditary facceffion
to the government of a nation, can be
coafidered ; which arc, ,
First, the right of a particular fami
ly to eftablifli itfelf. &
Secondly, The right of a ^nation to
eftiblilh a particular family.
With refpea to th? firft of these
heads, that of a family eltablilhing it
felf with hereditary powers on its own
authority, and independent of the con
sent of a Nation, all men will concur in
calling ifdefpotifm ; and it would be
trespassing on their understanding to at
tempi to prov^ it.
B^t th, second head, that of a Nation
eftihlilhing a particular family with he
reditary powers, does not present itfelf
as defpotibn on the firft reflection ; hut
if men will permit a second reflection
to take place, and carry that reflexion
forward but one remove out of their own
periods' to that of their offspring, they
will then fee that hereditary succession
become in its cenfeqaences the fame'
defyotifa to others, which they repro
bated for themselves. It operates to
preclude the coafeat of the succeeding
generation, and the preclusion of con
tent is deffiotifm. When the person
who at any time shall be in poffemon of
a government, or those who 'ftand in
succession to him, shall fay to a nation,
I hold this power in " contempt" of
you, it fignifies not on what authority
he pretends to fay it. It is no relief,
but an aggravation to a person in slave
ry, to reflect that he was fold by his
parent ; and as that: which heightens
the criminality of an aft cannot be pro
duced to prove the legality of it, here
ditary succession cannot be established
as, a legal thing.
' hi order to arrive at a more perfe&
decision on this head, it will be pro
per to confider the generation which
undertakes to eftablilh a family with
hereditary powers, apart and separate
from the generations which are to fol
low ; and also te l confider the character
in which the firft generation a&s with
refped to succeeding generations, r.
The generation, which firft fele&s a
person, and puis him at the head of its
government, either with the title of
King, or any other diQip3ion, ails its
own choice , be if wife or foolifh, as a
free agent for itfelf, The person so fer
up is not hereditary,, but feleded and
appointed ; and the generation who fas
him up, does net live under an heredi
tary government, but under 4 I govern
meat of its own choice and ettablifh
mept. Were the generation who feta
him up, and the person so set up, to live
forever, it neyer,could become heredi
tary succession 1 and of consequence, he
.re<|itary facceffiop can only follow on
the death of the firft parties. . ; •
As therefore hereditary facceffiop is
Qutpf the question with refpea to th,
firft generation, w, have now to confi
der the charafter in which that , genera
tion afts with refpeft to the cQmmenc
i^g generation, arid to all succeeding
ones. ,'h
It affumfi * ch/w&r. ty whi^h it
has flditbff righl,or t^ . I^haages
ufdf from a Legfa/or to a Tefapr, and
* 1&fl ™ ▼
THE
affedbro make its Will, which is to
have operation after the demise of the
makers, to bequeath the government ;
and it not only attemps to bequeath,but
to egablifh onthe succeeding generati
on, 4 new and different form of govern,
mentunder which itfelf lived.- Itfelf,
as is abeady cbferved, lived not under
an hereditary government, but under
a government of yiu own choice and
eßablilhment ; and it now attempts, by
virtue of a will and testament, (and
which it has net-authority to make) to
take froith, commencing generation,
and all future ones, the rights and free
agency by which itfelf afted. ,%
But exclusive of the right which any
generation has no ad collectively as a
teftatator, the object to which it ap
plies itfelfin this case, are not within
the compels of any law, or of any will
or testament. # : ,
B The Rights of men in society, are
neither oevifeable,nor transferable, r.or
annihilable, but are dependable only;
and it is not in the power of any gene
ration to intercept finally; and cut off
the defeent. If the prefect generation,
or any other, are disposed to be slaves,
it does not leflen the right of the suc
ceeding generation to Be free: wrongs
cannot have a legal defeent. - When M[
Burke attempts to maintain, that the
Englijh Nation did at the Reisolution^f
1638 rtrf fclemnly renounce and abdicate
their rights for ybesxfehm and their pofe
rhy forever, he (peaks a language that
merits not reply, and which can only
excite contempt- for his proftitete prin
ciples, or pity for his ignorance. ^^
Jp whatever light hereditary succes
sion, as growing our of the will and tef
tamerit of some former generation, pre
sents itfelf, it is an absurdity. , A can
not make a ^ill to to take from B the,
property of B, and give jt to C; y^t
this is the manner in which (what is
called) hereditary succession by law,o
perates. A certain former generation
made a will to take away.the rights of
the commencing generation and all fu
ture ones, and convey those rights to
a third person, who afterwards comes
forward, and tells them in Mr. Burke's
language, that they have no rights,that
their rights are already bequeathed to
him, and that he will govern in contempt
of them. From such principles, and
such ignorance, Good Lord deliver the
world !
But, after all, what is this metaphor
called a crown, or rather, what is mo
narchy ? Is it a thing, or is it a name,
or is it a fraud ? Is it '' a contrivance
of human wisdom," or human craft, to
obtain money from a nation under spe
cious pretences r Is it a thing neceffaTy
to a nation? If it i, in ^°Q
that necessity confiff,
decs it perform, what is its business
and what are its merits ? Doth the
virtue consist in the metaphor, of in
the man? Doth the gbldfmith that
make* the crown,make the virtue alfoj
Doth it operatcTik.e Fortunattis's wish
ing cap, or Harlequin's tybod^n fwerd?
Dothit make a man a conjuror ? In
fine fr what is h ? It appears to be a
some-thing going much out of 'faffiion,
felling into ridicule, and rejeded it
some countries both 3s unnecefrary and
expensive. In America it is considered
as an abfardity, and in France it has so
fer declined, th^t the goodpefs of the
man and the raty& fort his personal
character, are the'onl, things that pre
serve t,e appearance of its exiftence.^
If government be what Mr. Burke
defcritaty " a contrivance of ham@#
wifdom/' I might a& him, if wifdoin
was at tuctia ldw ebb in England, that
it was become necessary to import it
from Holland and from Hangy^ ? But
£ will do the country the jafttee to fay,
Gazetteer.
that was not the case ; and, even if it
was, it mifook the cargo. The wisdom
of every country, when properly exert
ed, is (efficient for all its purposes ; and
there could could exist no more real oc
cation in England tb have sent for a
Dutch Smallholder, or a GermanEUaor,
than there was in America to have
done a fimila; thing. If a country does
not understand its own affairs, bow is a
foreigner to understand them, who
knows number its laws, its manners, nor
its language ? If there existed a man so
tranfendently wife above all others,.that
his wifdem was neteffary to inftr^ft a
nation, some reason might be offered
for monarchy ; but when we cast ocr
eyes aboot>a country, and observe how
every part underftaffds its own affairs ;
and when we look around the world,arid
fee that of all men in it the race of
Kings are the most irifignificant in ca
pacity ; our reason cannot fail to aft us
—What are those men kept for ?
;;If there is, any thing in monarchy
which we people cfAmerica do not under- *
Rand, ! wish Mr. Burke would be so
kind as to inform us*. I fee in Ameri
ca, a government extending over a coun
try ten times as large as England, and
conducted with regularity for a fortieth
part of the expense which government;
costs in England. If I aik a man in
America, if he wants a King the re
torts, and afcs me if I take him for an
ideot ? How hit that this difference
happens ? are we more or less wife than
others ? Ifee in America, the generali.
ty of people living, in a ffile of plen
ty, unknown in monarchial countries ;
and I fee that the principles of 'ft' sgo
vernment, which is that of equal Rights
of Man, is making a rapid piogtefs in
the worlds ^
'lT'mbnarchy is, a^nfelefs thing, why is
it ktyt uj)^ny Rh&t e 1^ if a necessary
thing, 'fibwean i^be difpenced with ?
That civil government ib:.ntcefTary, all
civilized nations will agree In ; but ci
vil government is republican govern
ment. All part of the government of
England which begins with the office of
constable, and proceeds through the de
partment of magistrate, quarter session
and general assize, including trial by ju
ry, is republican government. Nothing
of monarchy appears in an, part of it,
except the name which William the
Conqueror imposed upon the English,
that of obliging them to call him
" Their Sovereign Lord the King."
' It is easy to conceive, that a band of
igterefted men, such as place-men, pen-,
fioners, Lords of the bed chamber,Lords,
of the kitchen,Ords of the necessary
-house, #nd theLofrd knows what befideQ
can fad as many persons for monarchy
as their falhries, paid at the expense of
the count/,, /mount to ; but if I alk the
'Firmer, the manufaftrc&the merchant,
the tridrfman,' and dofen jh/o' all the
^peupatfotf Dt.MQg the common la.,
bonify What fcvj'ce apparel), is to
him ? he can give me no aaltoer. Jf[
afe him what monarchy is*, he believes
it is fdinethifig like a sinecure.
;.Notwithftafflng ^fixespf England
amount to almost Teveiitceh milllona
year, said to be for the expenfe# of gd +
vfernment, it so g#<| .evident that the
sense of the nation is lefno govern it
'fell, and does govern itfelf by magis
trates and jurio'n, almost at its own
charge, on republican ppgcjples, ex-.
Relative of the expire of taxes. The -
f^aries of the Judges are almefl the on
ly charge that is paid out pf the, reve-;
nue. Corifideriog that qll the internal
'government ty exceed by the people,,
the ta/e,bf tirigtinl ought to be the
lighted of any nation in Europe ; in-
Read of which, they are the contrary, ,
As this canpot be ^counted for on th,
[core of civil government, the fubjea
[Numb. 26 of Volume 6—•