The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1778-12-08 00:00:00, page 2

t iere information is with held, ignorance bo
corn^a realoadlile excuse; and one * uld charita
bly hope taa r .the people of England do not encou
rage cruelty from choice but from mistake. Tueir
reel de iitnaron, furroinHed by the sea, preserves
them from the calamities of war, and keeps them in
the dark as to the coa&a of their ownlrm:es.
Tuey fee not, therefore they feel nos. They tell the
tale that is told them and believe it, and accullom
ed to no other n^ws than their own, they receive it,
ftript of its horrors and prepared for the palate of the
nation; through the channel of the London Gazette,.
They are made to believe- th^t their Generals and
armies d ffer from those of ether nations and have
nothin, of r^d meis or barbarity in them. They
fup ? ofe them &hat they wfh them to be. They feel
a disgrace in thinking ohorwife, and natural y en
courage the belief from a partiality to themselves.
T ere was a time when I elt the fame prejudices,
and reasoned from the fame errors; but experience;
fad and painful experience has taught me better.
What the conduct of former armies was I know not,
but what the conduct of the present is I well know.
It is low, cruel, indolent, and profligate; and had
the people of America no other cause for fepar^ioa
than what the aifhy has octiafione'd, that alone is
ciufe enough. , / +
The field of politics in England s far more ex
tenfivethan that of news. Men have a right to
reason for then 4 selves and though thby cannot con
trad & the intelligence in the London Gazette, they
may frame upon it what sentiments they please. But
the misfortune is, that a general ignorance has pre
vailed ov'er the whole nation refpeifting America.
The Ministry and Minority hath both been wrong.
The former was always so; this latter only lately
so. Politics to be executively right, must have a
unity of means arid tirhe, and a defect in either 0,
verthrows the whole. The Ministry rejected the
plans of the M nority 'while tiiey were p amicable,
and joined in them when they became iffipmaicable.
From wrong measures they got id o wrong time,
and have now completed the circle of absurdity by
chfing it upon themfebves.
It was my fate to come th America a few months
before the breaking out of hoflijities. I found the
difyofi ion of the people such, that they mght have
been led by a thread and .overned by a reed. Their
suspicion Was quick and penetrating, but their at
tachment to Britain was obflinae and it was at that
tim^ 1 kind of treason to (peak against it; They dis
liked he Ministry, but they e ermed the nation.
Their ideas of grievance operated without resentment,
and their Angle object was reconciliation; Bad as I
believed the Ministry to be, I never conceived them
capable of a Welfare so rash arid wicked as the com
mencing of hoffilities ; much left did 1 imagine the
nation would encourage it. 1 viewed the dispute aS
a kind oflaw fruit, in which I supposed the parties
would find a way either to decide or fettle it. I had
no thoughts of independence or of arms, The world
#ould not then have persuaded me that I should be
either a folder or an author; If I had any talents
for either they were buried in me, and might ever
have continued so, had not the necessity of the times
dragged and driveri them into a&;on, I had formed
my plan of life and conceiving myfelf happy, wiffi -
ed every body else so. But when the country, into
Which I had but just put my foot, was set on fire a
bout my ears, it was time to Air. It was time for
every man to stir. Those who had been long fettled
had something to defend; those who had just come
had something to pursue ; and the call and the con
cern was -equal and universal. For in a country
where all men were once adventurers, the difference
of a few years in their arrival could make none irt
their right.
The breaking out of hoftilitibs Opened a fieri fui
fiicion in the politics of America, whieh though at
that time very rare, has been since proved io be ve
ry right; What I allude to is,'" A secret and fixt
determination in rhe British cabinet to annex Ameri
ca to tbeCio r n of R igfand as a conquered country."
If this be taken as the obeA, then the whole line of
conduct pursued by the Ministry though rash m its
origin and u nous in its conferences is never he
lefs uniform and ronfiftent in its parts. r applies to
every case and refo'ves every d faculty But if tax
ation or any thing else be taken in its room ; then
is there no proportion between the object and the
charge. Nothing but,e Whole foil and property
of the country can be placed as a ponib'e eq ovalent
against the millions which the Murthy expended.
No taxes raised in America could p ffibly repav it.
A revenue of two millions Perlins a year would not
difeharge the fam and inured accumulated thereon,
in twenty year.
Reconciliation never appear to have been the w'lh
br the object of admi ft Hon they looked on con
'fo#fl as certain and infallible, and under that per
fudfion, fought to drive the Americans into t : at
tl ey might Mile a general rebellion, and then cr ril
ing them with arms in their Lands, reap the rch bar
ved of a general confiscation and silence theta forever.
The dependents at Court were too numerous to be
provided for in England: The market for plur.d r
in the Eift Indies was over; and the pmft gacy of
government required that a new mine lho Jd be
opened,and that minecould bh no other than America
conquered and forfeited: They had no where else
to go. Every other channel was drained; and ex
travagance, With the thi'rft of a drunkard, was gaping
for (applies.
If the Ministry deny this to have been they fan,
jt becomes them to explain what was their plan.
For either they have abused us in coveting pi perty
they never laboured for, or they have abused you in
expending an amazing sum upon an incompetent
dbje&. Taxation, as I mentioned before, could ne
ver be worth the charge of obtaining it by arms;
and any kind of formal obedience which America
could have made, would haVe weighed wuh the
lightness of a laugh aga nfl such a load of expence. It
is therefore mod probable, that the Ministry will at
last juftify their policy by their dishonesty, and o
penly declare, that their original design was con
quest : And in this case, it Well becomes the people
of England to confider how far the nation would
hive been benefited by the success;
In a general view there are few conquests that re
pay the charge of making them and ma kjnd are
pretty well convinced that it can never be wor f k their
while to go to war for profit fake. If they are made
war upon, their country invaded er their exiflen^e
at flake, it is their duty to defend and preserve
themselves, but in every other light and from every
other cause is war injurious and detectable. But t 9
return to the case in question---
Wheii conquers are made of foreign countries, it
is supposed that the commerce and Dominion of
the country which made them are extended. But this
could neither be the object nor the conference of
the prelent war. You enjoyed the wholecommerce
before. It could receive no possible addition by a
conquest, but on the contrary, must diminish as the
inhabitants were reduced in numbers and wealth.
You had the fame dominion over the country which
you used to have, and had no complaint to make a
gainst her for breach of any part of the compact between
you and her, or contending agairift any eftablifh'd
cuftem, Commercial, political, or territorial. The
country and commerce were both your own when
you BEGUN to Conquer, in the fame manner and
form as they had been yotir own an hundred years
before. Nations have sometimes been induced to
make conquests for the fake only of reduci g the
power of their enemies or bringing it to a balance
with their own. But this could be no part of your
plan. No foreign authority Was claimed here, nei
ther was any such authority fufpe&ed by you, or
acknowledged or imagined by us; What then, in
the name of Heaven coald you go to War for ? or
Whit chance could you possible have in the event,
but either to hold the fame country which you held
before, and that in a much WOrfe cpnaition, Or to
lose with an amazing expence what you might have!
retained without a farthing charges ?
War never can be the interest ofa trading nation,
any more then quarreling can be profitable to a man
in business. But to make war with those who trade
wrh us, is like fitting a bull-dog upon a customer
at the ffiop door. The least degree of common sense
shews the madness of the latter, and it will apply
with the fame force ofconvi&ion to the former. Pi
ratical nations, having neither commerce or com
modities of their own to lose, may make war upon
all the world and lucratively find their account in
it. But it isquite otherwise with Britain. For be
tides the ftoppagi of trade in time of war, she exposes
more of her oWn property to be loft, than ffie has the
chance of taking from others; Some ministerial gen
tlemen in Parliament have mentioned the greatness
of her trade as an apology for the greatness of her loss.
This is miserable politics indeed ! because it ought
to have been given as a reason for her not engaging
in a war at firft. The coast of America- ,commands
the Weft India trade alraoft as effectually as the coast
of Africa dees that of the Streights, and England can
no more carry on the former without the tonfent cf
America, than ike can the latter without a Mediter
ranean pads.
In whatever light the war with America is confi
dtred upon commercial principles, it is evidently
the interest of the people of England not to support
bt; a^d why it has been supported so long against
the clearest demonstrations of truth and national ad
vantage. is to me, and must be to all the reafona'^e
world a matter of attonifhment. Perhaps it may be
said that I live in America, and write this from in
terclt Tothis I reply, that my principles are uni
veiLa!'.My^tacba^nt is to ail the World, in^ riot
to any particular pare, and if What I advance is l^ht,
no matter wheie or who it entries from. We have
given the proclamation cf your Commissioner, a cur
frency in our news-papers, and I have no doubt but
you will give this a-place in yours. To oblige and
be obliged is fair,
Before 1 difmifg this part of my addreft, I foil
mention one more circuinfiance in wnich I think the
people of England have been equally miftakeri ; arid
then proceed to other matter;
There is such an idea existing in the World, al
that of national honour, and this, faifely und^K
flood, is oftentimes the cause of war. In a Chrifli&rt
and philosophical sense, mankind seem to have flood
(till at individual civilization, and to retain as nati
ons all the original rudeness of nature; Peace by
treaty is only a ceffatten of violence not a refer
motion of sentiment: It is a substitute for a princi
ple that is wanting, and ever will be wanting til!
the idea of national honour be rightly.under
flood. As individuals we profefs ourfeives Chrrfti
ans, but as nations we ate heathens, Romans, and
what not. I remember the late Admiral Sanden
declaring in the House of Commons, and that in the
time of peace, " That the city cf Madrid laid in
aiks was not a Efficient atonement for the Spani
ards taking eff the rudder of an English iloop of
war." Ido not aik whether thii is Christianity or
morality, I aft whether it is decency ? whether it is
prope, language for a nariorrto u(e ? In paVate life
we ffiould call it by he plain name of bullying and
the elevation of rank cannot alter its character. It i#
I hin.k exceedingly easy to define what ought to Ie
understood by National Honour, for that which is
the be ' character for an individual is the best charac>
ter for a nation; and whenever the latter exceeds of
falls beneath the former, there is a departure from th,
line of true greatness.
I have thrown out this o^fervlHon with a design
of applying it to Grea'-Britain. 'Her idea of nati
onal honour feemS devoid of that benevolence of
heart, that universal txpanfion of philanthropy, and
that triumph over the rage of vulgar prejudice, With
out w ich man is inferior to himfelf, arid a compa
nion of common animals. To know whom she Ihall
regard or a flike she aiks what country they are of,
what religion they profefs and what property they
enjoy. Her idea of national honour feeins to ten
fid in national ii.fult, and that to be a great people, is
to be neither a Christian, a piilofopher, or a gentle
man, but to threaten with the tilde efs of a bear, and
to devour with the ferocity ofa lion. This per
haps my ound Laiffi and uncourJy, but it is too
true, and the more is the pity,
I mention this only as her general charaAm But
towa d> America she has observed mo character at
all, and aedroyed by her condu& what ffie assumed
in her title. S e set out w,th the title of Parent or
M <her C< n ^y. The association of ideas Which n^
tvrally accompany th s expression are filled With
cv y thing that is fond tender and forbearing.
1 y have a energy particular to tbemfelves, and
over! yoking tie accidental attachment of common
affections apply with peculiar foftnefs to the firft
feelings of the heart. It is a political mnrwhich
Cvery mother can feel the force of, and every child
can judge of. I needs no painting of mine to fct it
off, for nature only can do it juliice.
B it has any part of your conduct to America cor
responded with the title you set up ? If in your g^
neral national character you are unpolished and ft
vere, in this you are inconfirtent and unnatural and
you must have exceeding falls notions of na iond
honour, to suppose that the world can admire a want
of humanity, or that national honour depends on
the violence of resentment the ii flexibility of tem
per, or the vengeance of execution.
I would willingly convince you, and that with
as much temper as the times will fuffer me 0 doa
that as you opposed your own interest by qume'ing
With us, so like^fe your national honour, rights
conceived and underwood, Was no ways called uprfl
to enter into a war with America. Had you ftuded
true greatness of heart, the firft and fairef ornameh^
of mankind, you would have aßed directly contrary
to all that you have done, and the world voW^
hive ascribed it to a generous cause, sefidesAvHchs
you had (though with the rfhfance of this oevn
try) secured a powerful name by l.e lift war. You
were known and dreaded abroad; and it wo^Hbavd
been wife in you to have feffered the world to have
slept undfturbed under that idea. It was to vets, *
force exiting without expe ic^ It produced toye^
all the advantages of real power ; and you were
stronger through th^ un:vefab.y cf that tlme%
than any future fleets and armies may preWbly
make you. Your greatness was so secured ®md in
terwoven with your silence, that you ought never
to have awakened mankind, and had ^oth^ ^ <•