The Republican ledger — Portsmouth, N.H., 1799-12-18 00:00:00, page 1

For the Republican Ledger,
Cbe Grammer. ^o< 3.
IF the Porcupine Association, had nothing
more for their object, than to procure
paces an,d pensions, for their friends and
families, their con sequence wbuld be too in
&)nfideral\le'lo deserve this notice, but their
object is of vast magnitude, and threatens
the very exigence of our Republic.
As soon as these papers are seen, it may
of course be expected; that the usual bel
lowing will be heard. 'The outcry of De
mocrat and Jacobin, will be reiterated from
Gazette to Gazette, in oppofitidr ito the ex
iftance of fatls within the peoples' own
knowledges and to the fatal Consequences,
.which are daily resulting from them. But
the people of America can no longer be mis,
led, and deceived by those base and ground
.]efs vociferations. They now feel the fatal
effcasof this clan's policy, and cannot be any
longer held under the delusion. There have
been times, when the words Arian, Socinian,
Armenian, Calvinif, &c. have had the fame
aftohilhing force as Democrat, and Jacobin,
have lately had in America : when an argu
ment 'appeared irrefiftable; or a fad prefent
cd its own proof in its front, one or more of
a party would deal out the word of charm,
the others would echo it from corner to cor
ner, until by the opinion of an enraged, but
inconsiderate party; the victim was deliver
ed over to the rack or the flames. Perhaps
soon after, an hour of reflection would ar
rive, when it might be said, in the language
of'the Poet, " The calm sea wohders at the
u wrecks it made."
Ifthe fads we have given, are not sup
ported, let the club come forward; and ex
pose the errors. If all the patriot, who led
the people of America to glory and inde
pendence, excepting a few, have not been
calumniated and abused, let this party obvi
ate the evidence we have offered to prove the
fa&. If nearly all those illustrious charac
ters have-deserved the infamy; and Handers,
whicb.bave .be^n eheaped upon them, let* it
be shewn.
But there is- something, yet of more im
portance to claim the public attention. Let
this club -now appear before the great, and
ajuguft tribunal of the public, and obviate
the charge which we exhibit against them of'
a systematical attempt to change the nature
of our Republic, to advance the principles of
monarchy upon the people, and to extirpate,
^ odious and detestable, the principles of re
publicanism, from the face of the earth.
This is an high, and important charge.—
The paffidns are ready to kindle at the bare
suggestion of it ; but justice and reason de
mand a deliberate inve(iigati,n, and candor
calls for proof before judgment shall be ren
dered.
Perhaps there will be no evidence ; and
should that be the case, the charge is done
with of course. But if the public are fatis
fied, that it is founded in truth, then the men
who are involved in it, will be marked out ;
the public confidence will be withdrawn
from them ; and their influence will be at
an end. All uproar, tumult, and sedition,
will be most carefully guarded against ; be
cause these will at all times endanger the
public liberty. The people are miserable
without a firm and regular government, and
all oppofitipn to the laws, ail anarchy and
confufion, which happen under a Republic,
are improved with great address against such
a form of government. The remedy is plain
and simple ; let the people attend to their
Own interest. Let them examine the con
du& of those, who claim a right to lead in
public concerns : and let them give their
fuffrages in all cases, to ttofe only, who are
attached to" the national and Rate govern
ments, as to eledive republics. Let not the
name or charader of any man, supply the
place of fair inquiry, but let every measure
be fairly and candidly examined.
There never was, or perhaps ever can be,
a system of government, more favorable to
the essential rights of mankind, than the fed
eral and state governments, taken together
are. The men therefore, who delight in
their preservation, in their due, and regular
administration, /are the true friepds of the
people —But those who wish gradually to
change them for any other are the enemies
of the nation.
The word Monarchy, is an expression too
strong for the club to use. They dilate co
piously on the weakness, and imbecility of
a republican government, but do not daieto
be open and fair, by avowing the important
truth, that thett is no mean, or middleway,
Number 17.— vol: 1.)
PORTSMOUTH, (NEW-HAMPSHIRE) PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY GEORGE JERRY OSBORNE, jun. MULBERRY LANE, NEXT DOOR TO ROUSSELETs MUSEUM.
" WHEN YOU SHALL THESE DEEDS RELATE, SPEAK OF THEM AS THEY ARE ; NOTHING EXTENUATE NOR SET DOWN OUGHT IN MALICE."
The Republican Ledger.
between that and a monarchy. The deli
cate, adroit and cunning language they use,
is well exhibited in the following quotation.
Hannah Adams,who, we underhand, lives
in or near Dedham, in the vicinity of Boston,
has written abook, which she calls " A sum
mary hiftory of New-England, &c." In
this, produ&ion she has a chapter, beginning
page 492, upon the federal constitution-.—
The whole of this work appears to be a ve
ry imperfect and incompleat summary of the
hiftory of the northern part of the Union.—
It has this merit, however, that it was writ
ten by a woman, whose necessity, rather
than her genius prompted her to undertake
the labour of it. Perhaps its best recom
mendation is its being an extravagant eulo
gium upon a few diaraders ; and its con
taining fehtiments, which are dear to a late
ly prevailing, and ambitious party : but it is
not all her own work. , .
Many compliments are thrown upon
the, President; Mr. Adams, as if he was
the only man in America, that possesses any
considerable share of intelligence. The
world is witness to his ability, but is not
ready to ascribe every thing to his wisdom
and exertions.
We copy from her book this extraa. It
begins in page 495, and is given there as a
quotation. The public will soon be appriz
ed, that this paragraph is the production of
one of our club, whose zeal for federalifm,
has carried him far beyond the limits of the
national constitution, and landed him on the
shore of the British mixed monarchy. The
ostensible display seems to be an eulogy on a
book written by President Adams !
" In this excellent book, the President
expresses his approbation of the principles,
on which the constitution is founded. The
singleness of the executive power, its repara
tion from the legislative and judicial depart
ments ; the division of the legislature into
two branches instead of one, as M. Turgot
and the French theorist had propared, could
not fail to attract the approbation of that
great statesman. His work will descend to
posterity, who will compare the profound
principles it developes, with the actual op
eration of our constitution, and will enjoy
the previous advantages of knowing experi
mentally, whether we have proceeded as far
as we ought in the path he has pointed out. —
; The withholding a compleat negative, from the
PreJident, the interference of the Senate in ap
pointments to office, the mode of their election by
the ref,eHive states, the want of permanency
in that body, fufficient for their felf-preferva
tion againji the paroxijin of sudden democratic
intemperance, which have generally denied to
republics the enjoyment of both tranquility and
longevity, and above all, the dijcordant and
seemingly anarchical confix of national and
fate Jovereignties the IMPERIUM IN impe-
RIO, are yet conjidered by many, as deviations
from a correct political theory. Those, who
hold these opinions, are WILLING nevertheless,
to wAit quietly for the lights, that time and
experience will throw on the fubje&."
The author of the book,-in an original
note, observes, that " the above remarks are
made by a gentleman of distinguished politi
cal talents and experience." By this, no
ddubt she means one of the club as it is gen
erally supposed. We do by no means dis
pute his being a man of talents : but we are
led to believe, that the wanderings of his im
agination, the desultory mode of his argu
ments, and the warmth of his temper, de
prives the public of a great share of the ufe
fulnefs which might otherwise be the result
of his capacity. As to his political experi
ence, it is very probable that he came firft
forward in the convention of the state of
Massachusetts, on the question of adopting
general government : took his fide there,
and has since, like a young candidate for the
pulpit, exerted all his powers to countenance
principles, which he at firft adopted. He
may have examined as he attempted to support
his creed, the principles on which he raised
it. But this may be, because he had owned it,
and because it was for his interest to endea
vour to urge others into'it.
We will now give ouf readers an analy
sis of this extraordinary, and exceedingly
comprehehfive paragraph,. It contains, in
fad all the ideas of the system, which the
Porcupine affotiation has in view, and in the
railing of which they have made too great a
progtefs.
When we shall have accomplished this,
we shall compare it with the obvious move
ments of the Club, and shall demonstrate the
dangerous coincidence between them and
that deep and dangerous plot. •
WEDNESDAY DECEMBER 18, 1799.
One error natural in our national govern
ment, is, that it has not a " singleness of
Executive power." And again it is remark
ed, that " the interference of the senate in
the appointment of offices" is deemed a de
fed, as operating against that singleness
which the writer conliders as necessary to a
good executive..,
The singleness of the executive power, is
plainly, the whole executive of the constitu
tion, uncontrollably in the hands of one
man. This officer would then have the au
thority of declaring war, and making peace,
of making treaties, alliances, and foreign
leagues, and of breaking the fame at plea
sure. This delegation of these authorities
to one man, would in fad give him the fame
powers, which are veiled in the King of
England, and in the other monarchs of Eu
rope. The interference of the Senate in.
the appointment of officers, is to be taken
away ; so that this Jingle executive officer,
this monarchical President, is to a& his plea
sure in the beftowment of every place of
honor and emolument. How long would
such a being feel a dependence on his fel
low-citizens ? or how long would it be, be
fore such an interest, would create, by its
dreadful influence, an overbearing party,
which would govern the government itfelf,
and grasp the fovercignty of the supreme au
thority.
A plan so pregnant with dangerous con
sequences, to a free state, and so completely
subversive of an ele&ive republic, could not
fail, finally, to rouse the jealousy, and pro.
voke the resentment of a nation, who had so
lately boafled of the advantages of a free
government. The common sense of the
citizens, would lead them to'a remedy by
the eledion of a senate, and houle of re
presentatives, who would by enabling laws,
overturn the monster of despotism in its in
fancy. But here this experienced compiler,
whose talents are so very brilliant, aware of
the exertion of such a body, fixes his advance
port against it. He fays, that this single ex
ecutive, oughf to have a complete negative
on all the laws passed by the senate and re
presentatives. When he complains of the
defeats of the constitution, he fays that one
of them is, " The withholding a complete
negative from the President."
Let every one, now candidly examine, the
powers htre proposed for a President, and
fee how far,below the King of Great-Britain
in point of sovereignty, he would be—ln
deed the lines of authority, are accurately
taken from the eftablilhed powers of the Brit
ifli Monarch.
This President is to have the authority of
conducing, without check, control or re
ftridion, all our concerns with foreign pow
ers. He is to have the appointment of all
officers and place men, civil and ahilitary, by
land and sea, without the interference of a
senate Jr council. The power of control
ing the legislature itfelf, by a complete ne
gative on all their ads ; and this on princi
ples of compromise, understood by him, and
his minillers, privy council, and favorites,
on the one fide, and their party in the legis
lature onthe other, the opposing party, tho'
a majority, would be compelled to come to
his terms, and yield up one privilege after
another, until his power should become ab
solutely despotic, and the democratic rights,
the privileges reserved by the people would
exist in form only.
The power of appointing officers would
ameliorate the opposition, and men from am
bitious and mercenary motives, would fepk
elections to ,he legislature. Then the pith
to appoiltments, would be through an un
principled oppofitiod, that they might be
bribed into silence, or through a fawning
flattery, introductory to a sale of votes in or
der to support a declining majority.
Thereis not any thing said by this experi--
enced politician in regard to the duration of
his President's office ; but it is eafi)y seen,
that if he was thus eloathed in the robes of
majesty; he Would very soon, by an irrefifla
ble influence, gain a permanent landing, on
the fame rank with the other sovereigns of
the world.
This experienced politician who cbmpiled
this chapter, seems to know more than all
the wife men of United America, for in e
very constitution throughout the whole na
tion, the powers of the supreme magistrate,
are circumferibey iin the fame manner, as
they are in the national government : but all
are wrong, and we are told that we shall
fee the fatal effects of it. What an unhap
py thing it is, that this had not been known
before we had „wafted so much blood and
[1 Dot. 50 CTS. Ptri ANNtJM.
The House next ek&ed their Clerk, and
J.W. Condy, Esq. had a majority of 8 votes.
A message was sent to the Senate, with in
formation of the organizations of the House.
The Senate informed the House, that they N
had appointed on their part, Messrs. Read
and Bingham, to wait on the President, to in
form him the Legiflatare were ready to re
ceive any communications he might plcafe
to make ; and requeued that the House would
concur.
The .House concurred, and appointed, on
their part, Messrs. Marshall, Rutlege and
Sewall, to join those gentlemen appointed by
the Senate for the above purpose. ^
The memorial of Wm. Godffy, stating
that he had been impressed on board an, En
glish man of war, and had made app|i<fypn
toghe American, minifler in London, wffli
but effea, was referred to th' Secretary of
State.\•
HOUSE— Monday, Dec. 2.
A fufficient number of members appear
ing to conllitute a quorum, the House pro
ceeded to business. Mr. D. Foster moved
that the balloting for a Speaker should take
place ; which being agreed to, Messrs. Rut
ledge and Livingston were appointed to re
ceive and count the vqtes ; on the termina
tion of the firft balloting, the votes appeared
to be thus divided : For Mr. Sedgwick, 42 ;
Mr. Macon, 27 ; Mr. Dent, 13 ; Mr. Rut
lege, 2 ; Mr. Sumpter, 2 ; and there being
no choice, the Hosfe proceeded to a second
trial ; and the result was, for Mr. Sedgwick,
44, Mr. M. 38, Mr. D. 3, Mr. R. I.—Oil
Mr. Sedgwick s being conduced to the chair,
he thus addressed the House :
q Although lam confeimus of a deficiency of the talent* which
are detirable to discharge with ufefulneß and dignity, the impor
tant duties of the hi;,h^jtion to which 1 am raised by the gen
erous regard of the enlightened & virtuous Reprefcntativcs of my
country, yet rcpoGng myfelf on she energy of their candid (up
port, I will not shrink from the attempt.
Accept, I pray you, gentlemen, my grateful acknowledg
ment of the honor you are pleased to confer ; and, with it, an as
surance, that no contiJeration thall seduce me to deviate, in the
lead degree, from a direct line of impartial integrity.
treafiire, for that which appears now to be
but % a fpndametyal error in politics!
Another unfortunate defeat discovered b,
our experienced politician in the national
constitution, is, the mode of the election of
this senate, which ought not to interfere in
appointments.' He has not told us wherein
this defed consists, but considers their being
appointed by the fevcral states, as being in
itfelf the defc&. He does not point out a
nother mode of appointment, but confiders
it as a defed, that they are appointed at all.
There is another expreflich which gives the
lie to his meaning, and shews beyond a ques
tion, that he does not intend that they shall
be appointed by the people, in any mode.—
" The want of permanency in that body,
fufficient for their felf-prefervation against
the paroxifms of sudden democratic intem
perance."
. We take a view of this executive then,
as he would create it. The Prp(id^nt he
wishes for, has been described, 'rtfefenate
are to be a permanent body, appointed.by
the President or some other power, than that
of the states or people ; and to render the
matter still more completely permanent ;
and to raise them higher from the reach of
the sudden paroxifms of democratic intem
perance, their power shall descend to their
heirs. This is to be the' onflitution of one
branch of the legislature ; and the third is
a President with a complete negative on the
other two. Can there be a shadow of a
doubt, that these sentiments lead diredly to
a monarchy, and that the model is taken,
from the Englilh government r If these are
the sentiments of a leading member of the
Porcupine Club, and are deliberately com
mitted to the press, as forming an appendix
to the hiftory of New-England, will any one
doubt for a moment, that the intention of
this clan, is to aflimilate our national gov
ernment to that of Great-Britain..
The Senate by Message acquainted the
House, that they had formed, and the Vice-
President, not having arrived, they had chos
en the Hon. S. Livermore, President, pro.
tern.
This compilation is a lull developement
of the system of mixed monarchy, which has
been in {peculation under the clouds of ad
dress, and the darkness of hypocrisy, for sev
eral years. The reasons given for wishing
for such a change, and the various ways in
which attempts have been made to give it
a reputation mull be the fubjeft of subse
quent numbers.
Congrefg of the United ^tate&
GENTLEMEN,