The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1779-02-02 00:00:00, page 2

^IRICTURES on the Address of Common
Sense to Mr. Deane.
(Continued from our last.)
THE writer of the address hath laboured to
prove that Mr. Deane attempts to deceive the
public, by making them believe, that when he was
feat for, it was only to inform Congress of the state
of their foreign affairs, and that he had full confi
tfe^ce, that he should not be long detained. It Is true,
that neither the resolution of Congress of December
the B<h, 1777, recalling Mr. Deane, Sor thb letter
transmitting this refofution. 6xpreffed any other in
tention ; but the enlightened author of the address
has discovered that it was meant to confute and dis
grace him and that he ought to have been so much
of the courtier, as to know that this Simple /evoluti
on and the letter wh ch accompanied it, meant to
inform him that he had assumed authority and en
tered into engagements, for which he had neither
commission nor inftru&ion, that Dis own official af
fairs were intricated and that he was to undergo a
firia Scrutiny and to come prepared with papers find
vouchers to all the public accounts in Europe.---
What a happiness it is to 1 ve and converse with
great men ! to have an office at court ! and to under
hand the courtly language! Were the author merely
endued with the gift of common sense, ( which is the
Appellation he delights in ) he certainly could never
have made such a pro ,efs tn that occult language.
I have been informed by gentlemen who were mem
bers of Congress at the time when this tranfa&ion
took place and whose honor and veracity cm be de
pended on. that no other reason was ever assigned in
that AfTembTy, as a motive of Mr. Deane's recall, but
the impracticability of complying at (he opening of
a campaign, and against the representations of several
cffi err, with the agreement made with Monsieur
Dj Coadray, ,nd the officers who accompanied him ;
and consequently a supposed necessity of not exposing
Mr. Deane on the return of these officers to France, to
a situation distressing to himfelf, and perhaps injuri
ous to the welfare and honor ofthefe fates, the pecu
liar embarrassments he was under in that kingdom,
and his talents, a&ivity and teal were at that time
generally acknowledged ; even the gentlemen who
were not of Mr. Deane's intimate acquaintance, either
in political or private life declared, they lamented
the disagreeable necessity they were under, and some
of them expressed their doubts, whether his recall
would not be more injurious to the public than any
Circumstance whatever, which might happen, should
he even flay in France after his contrast was dis
avowed by Congress. -- On converting with Mr. Deane
on this fubjea, he communicated to me a letter, writ
ten by an honorable Member of Congress, in answer
to one from Defter Franklin on the fubje& of his re
tail, in which that venerable patriot explains the em
barrassment ofMr. Deane's situation, bears testimony
to his services, and expresses his apprehensions that
he has enemies. The letter is as follows,
York Town, May 10, 1778.
SIR,
VOU R favours ofDecember lift I read in Con
gress, that it might have the operation which you be
nevolently genercufly and honourably intended ;
but really Sir, when you fay you perceive that he
(Mr. Deane) has enemies lam not inclined to de
termine, that you form your opinion from the pro
ceedings of Congress alone, to which you refer in the
beginning of your letter.
You can have no adequate idea of the bold claims,
and even threats, which were made against Congress,
inducing the necessity of disavowing Mr, Deane's
Agreement, and the consequent more disagreeable ne
cessity of recalling him. - You will have seen by past
letters of the committee how formidable some have
thought the enmity of difappeinted foreign-officers-
Would prove both to Mr. Deane and to these States ;
that gentleman's embarrassments have always been
considered as opologies for his compliances, and you
may rely upon it that imagined, if not real, necessity
alone has governed the decisions of Congress with
refpea to him and that he will find he commands
general regard for the manner in which he has con
dueled our affairs abroad : he is exceedingly wanted
here to explain some things, especially the connection
with Mr. Beaumarchais ; and in my opinon he may
return with renewed honor in commission to Hol
land : Folger is to be dismissed with his expences;
Iwith some explanation may procure him a gratuity.
I am, Sir, your most humble servant,
J. L.
The Hon. Do&or Franklin.
This letter needs to comment; it must ffafh con
viftion on the minds of the public, not only on the
motive which induced Mr Deane's recall ; but even
with refpe& to the sentiments entertained ofhis pub
lic charader, so late as the tenth of May last, and what
gives it a greater weight, is, that it was written by
a gentleman of the Committee of foreign affairs, who
aAing as Chairmin to it transmitted to Mr. Deane
the order for his rt.irn, and who, the' I brieve him
too honefl a man to be an enemy to Mr. Deane, is
not amongst the class of those, who are generally Ail
ed his friends.
The writer of the address may indeed fay that
this letter too is courtly, the' it is a private, not a
public letter : That persons of Dr. Franklin's and
Mr. Deane's knowledge of the world ought to have
construed it cabaliftically, and considered it as a
censure, net as an acknowledgment of Mr. Deane's
service and that it was the fixt determination of
Congress, never to think of employing him again in a
public character § but I have as yet too favourable
an opinion, not only of the writer, but of those with
whom he is most intimately connected in political
and private life, to think that they could have aAcd
with such consummate hypocrisy, not only in their
frequent public declarations, but even in a private
letter and if any thing could possibly erase this idea,
it would be the representations of the Writer of the
address, who affeßs to write under the fan&ion of
the committee of foreign affairs, and ^3 if he bad
been thoroughly initiated into the arcana of our pub
lic affairs. To suppose what this writer asserts to
be true, would prove, that we had in our infant state
a system of political corruption and deceit unparall
eled even in governments long eftabliffied; I will
not, even for a moment, entertain an idea so debating
to the charafteft of our legislatures; and the public
ot.ght to confider, all Which the writer of the address
has said of the motives of Mr. Deane's recall, as the
meer effufions of his own fertile imagination. I shall
make but one more remark on this part of the ad
dress, which is rendered necessary, because the wri
ter endeavours to throw cut a suggestion that Mr.
Deane is considered by the Congress as a defaulter
of public money. He fays, " Mr. Deane has not
" yet accounted for his expenditure of public mo
" ney, which, as it might have been done by a writ
" ten state of accounts, might for that reason have
" been done at any time and was a part of the bu
" fiaefs, which required no audience." As neither
the resolution directing Mr. Deane's return, nor any
letter whatsoever to him public or private, informed
him, previous to his quitting France, that it was ex
pected, that he should fettle his own and the joint
account of the Commissioners, can it be supposed
that an Assembly so wife and so conversant with the
forms of business as Congress would let their intenti
ons on so important a point be guessed at by implica
tion. Notwithflanding which, the public may be
assured it is a fa& that Mr. Deane, not long after his
arrival laid before Congress a general state of the re
ceipts and expenditures of the monies which passed
thro' his hands, and those of the Commissioners joint
ly. It is true, it was not accompanied with all the
vouchers for the particular expenditure# ; neither
was it praaicable, for the only notification, which
Mr. Deane received us his recall, was on the fourth
of March, and by it he was directed to embrace the
firft opportunity of returning to America ; he left
Paris for Toulon on the 31st day of March, and
the whole of the period of time between the notice of
his recalled his actual departure, was taken up by
objects of the most important political concern ; ex
clusive of this confederation, a vast proportion of the
money expended was veiled in articles, which, at
the time of Mr. Deane's failing from Toulon, were
but just fhipt for America and even some vessels fail
ed after his departure. Any person in the least con
verfant with business, knows the time, which is re
quisite for calling in manufacturer's and tradefmen's
bills, and to prepare accounts and vouchers for a fi
nal settlement. These surely are conclusive reasons,
for his immediate compliance with the orders of
Congress, especially when it is considered, (which is
a notorious fa&) that the Court of Veifailles were
anxious to have Mr. Deane's presence and councils on
board that fleet, which was generously fenc over to
our affiliance : And yet what should have been his
praise, is maliciously perverted to his prejudice ! I
am assured by gentlemen of character, that Mr. Deane
fully explained this matter in his audience before
Congress, and has by repeated letters expressed his
anxiety, that Congress would bear and finally deter
mine on his Condu&, in order that he might return
to France, to adjust and fettle the public accounts,
in which he had been concerned.
(See the last page.)
Meffi'rs Watson & Goodwin,
Please to insert the following in your paper, and you
will oblige the people of the State of Vermont.
A Proclamation from his Excellency George
Clinton, Esq; Governor of the State of New-
York, having appeared in the Conne&icut Courant,
occasions the movement of my quill in answer there
to; not only for the information and further esta
blishment of the fubje&s of the State of Vermont, but
for the fatisfafhon of the curious reader, who may
be desirous to know the faffs of the most essential
part ofa controversy, which hath so long fubfifled
between the government of New York, and the
Green Mountain Boys, alias, the? state of Vermont.
Ahho' the i^haMOT^ ,of'V^ have formed
their conflitution, chosen their governor council
and house of representatives, and are in full potfef
fion of government, by which they manage their in
ternal police, and defend their extensive frontier
againfl foreign invasions, and are as independent of
the government of New York asany of the United
States of America, and of right Ought to be so, aS
those inhabitants humbly conceive, and have sub
mitted it to the wisdom and impartial justice of the
grand congress of the United States Nevertheief^
I ffiall answer the proclamation, not in a governmen
tal stile, but as a private gentl hian ; leaving it to
his excellency the governor, and the hen. council of
the state of Vermont, to take what notice of the said
proclamation they please.
Those who are not acquainted with the granting
and fettling the lands in controversy, can have but
an unintelligible id^a ofhis excellency's proclamati
on : The fads are as follows : The lands were ori
ginally granted and fettled princ pally by the go
vernment of New Hampshire ; tho a small part wa§
previously granted and fettled byMagachufetts Bay;
but in fettling the boundary line between the two
governments in 1739, the lands thus granted by
Massachusetts Bay, fell within the limits of New-
Hampshire, and was confirmed to the original gran
tees by the latter. This very land, with most of the
other lands, comprehended in Vermont, was n>anv
years afterwards granted in large patents by the
government of New York, in prejudice to the ori
ginal grantees under New Hampshire. This re
granting the lands laid the foundation of this long and
spirited controversy. The reader is now invited to
compare these faAs with the overtures in the procla
mation inserted as follows,
" Resolved that with refpe& to all such lands
f'which have heretofore been granted by the govern
" ments of New Hampshire or Massachusetts Bayj
" and have not since been granted by the govern
" ment of New-York. That all such grants under
'' New Hampshire or Massachusetts Bay, ffiall be _
" confirmed and be declared good, valid and effec
" tual to all intents and purposes, as if the fame had
" been made by the government of New York;"
Thus the legislative authority of the Bate of New-
York pompously confirm to the original grantees un
der New Hampshire and Maffachufet^ Bay, all
those lands in the disputed premises which have not
since been granted by New York, (thank you for
nothing) at the fame time the legislature could not
but know, that in a manner, all these lands have been
re granted by New York. This proposal is rather
childish than manlike; it is an overture which con
tains nothing, and nothing from nothing and there
remains nothing ; and I have heard fay that three
times nought is stark nought : The New York pa
tents cover the good land, but not the mountains
and useless morasses.
The claimants under New York about fix years
ago brought writs of eje&ment again!! the claimants
and fetters under New Hampshire. In their Su
preme court I was agent for those under New Hamp
shire, to manage their suit ; but when I produced
the New Hampshire grants which my clients held
under, they were not permitted to be so much as
read, and judgment without mercy, went against
them, and writs of peffeffion issued in form of law#
some of which were executed ; but the Green Moun
tain Boys re entered and took possession, and pre
vented the execution of any others. In these times
the patentees under New York claimed not only the
lands but the labours and houses of the settlers un
der New Hampshire ; but I expert in future those
land tryals will be determined in the state of Ver
mont, where the laud lyeth ; this may make a mate
rial odds in the consequence of such trials.
The legislature of the state of New York, have in
his excellency's late proclamation proposed a very
extraordinary arbitration, and submit it to congress
to appoint the arbitrators. Their proposal is as fol
lows; “ Resolved therefore, that in all cases of dis
putes arising between persons claiming under New-
Hampshire or Massachusetts Bay on the one, and
New York on the other part, for the fame lands, be
sides confirming possessions as were made under N.
Hampshire or Maffachofetts-Bay, prior to any grants
for the fame under New-York, the legislature will
submit the determination thereof to such persons as
the congress of the United States ffiall cleft, or ap
point for that purpose."
To this proposal I answer, that on supposition the
legislature of New-York had a just right to grant the
land in contest, then the property passed to their ref
pe&ive grantees, and they and they only, have a
right of tryal for their property, either at common
laW or arbitration, as they fee fit, for they have a la
gal claim, tho° their title on tryal may be found in.
Efficient ; nor have the legislature of New York or
congress, or both together, any right to intermeddle
with it; for the dispute lies wholly between the
grantees of the three governments which granted the
land, or more properly between New Harapffiire and