The American herald of liberty — Exeter, N.H., 1794-03-18 00:00:00, page 1

committee of the‘whole on Mr. Madi
son*/ rejolationt»
Mr. Foster spoke as follows.*
UPON the firft statement of the pro
polinons which have been so long
nnaer the consideration of the committee,
t was one of the individuals who had to
examine the fubjeft in the various lights
under which it ought to be viewed, in or
der to form an opinion upon the neceflity,
the expediency, and the probable conse
quences of the adoption of the system
which the resolutions contemplate. I have
listened with unremitted attention to the
debates, and have endeavoured that a An
gle observation of importance .should not
escape unnoticed. The resolutions, at firft
View, appeared important—on a critical
and attentive examination they do not ap
pear less so—they confefledly involve a
great variety of interests—-interests of the
highest magnitude, and, if adopted* will
eflentially alter the circdrhftances, the
views,the commercial proipefts, and the ci
vil policy of the National government.
The candor and ingenuity with which
the fubjeft has been discussed, have given
me great fatisfaftion. The arguments a
gainst and in Support of the resolutions,
nave beeh displayed in a manner highly
gratifying to an enquiring mind. The
variety of views in which the fubjeft has
been examined—its relative connexion
wirh our agriculture, our manufactures,
and the whole civil policy of the United
States—the influence ^rhich the system
Would have upon our intercourse with for
tign nations, ahd the probable hffefta re
lulting to them, more especially to France
Mnd Great Britain, have afforded much in
formation $ and I am happy ih acknow
ledging my obligations to the gentlemen,
who havei with so mubh ability and preci
lion, favored us With their Sentiments.
Much time, Mr. Chairman, has been
already spent in the difcuflion. The fub
jeft is momentous and required it. The
affirmative and the negative of the question
have been ably advocated and ably fup
poned.
A general review of tne arguments may
hot perhaps be without its use.
In support of the refold vans it has been
Urged.
That measures of the tendency hereby
contemplated have been long expelled by
the citizens of the Ur.’ted States.
That the regulation of oiir commerce
Was the principle which firft induced the
formation and cftablilhment of our pr^fent
tonftitution.
That the adoption of the resolutions will
probably excite a competition in foreign
countries, as well as among our own citi-!
£ens, operating to produce fupp|iesof such
articles as we may with, from other na
tions than thofe.who now furnifli us, and i
as an eneourageofent to the domtftick'
in an u failure of ^he fame irtielcs.
That they will tend in the inprHfe ; pf 1
our navigation, enable us to- obtain -our I
proper share of.the carrying trade and en-I
joy those benefits and advantages to which ’
from our relative situation and existing
circumstances we are entitled.
That, by a pursuit of this system, we ,
may injure the individuals, particularly the
manufactures, and consequently the gov
ernments of other countries, and make our
enemies feel the extent of our power, our
abilities to injure them, and then induce a
proper refpeft for our rights and interests,
and our government.
That the probable diminution of our
it venues, from the pofhble diminution of
bur imports, would, in some degree, be
Counter-balanced by the increase of the
duties contemplated by the resolutions.
That we are bound to obtain repara
tion for the injustice done to individuals
of our own country, by regulations con
travening the laws of nations, made by.
- feme of the belligercht powers; or, in de
American Herald of Liberty.
CONGRESS.
^ufe of Representatives, fan. 19.
[Volume VIII.
EXETER ( New-Hampshire) Printed and Publilhed by Sterns and Winslow, in Main-Street, at per annum.
ThAt the system contemplated by these
refol uti on s will induce France to confer on
us additional favour*: And finally that by
withholding our commerce from Great-
Britain, we fliall aid the cause of the French
who are at war ag4nft despotism, ftrug
glrng for liberty, and rhe rights of free*
men.
In opposition to the reiolutioos it is said,
Th?t though rheafures fimil.tr to those
now contemplated, may have been hereto
fore expelled, a necessity for their adop
tion does not now exist.
The regulations have already, been made,
which have had a happy influence in in
creating our comniefce, Our thanufaflures
and our navigation. ,
_ That oiir coinmerclal advantages* our
fifheries, our seamen. and our (hips have
been progreflively increating since the A
doption of ourprefent happy constitution ;
that their,numbers and grbuth are Hill in
creasing, And, under the influence of the
existing system, Will continue to do so as
rapidly as will be beneficial to the com
munity.
That Although additional duties on for
eign tonnage might encourage our naviga
tion, yet the increase ought to be made
with Caution ; a very great or undue propor
tion of American capital being veiled in nav
igation would be hazardous, and in case of
a War theiofs would djflrefs us extrrmly.
That an incr^afemeht p1 out (tripping
beyoftd What is neceflarjr for our importa
tions; would be injurious; the surplus ne
ceflatily deducts from a capital &hich is
wanted for other purposes, and may be
mote beneficially improved in the increase
of our manufactures and agriculture. An
excels of zeal to promote our commerce
and navigation, is more dangerous than a
deficiency; ’
That it is for Che ihtereft as the land
^dldeMhat our trade should te free, and
That We have all the neceflaries of life
produced in our own country, and conse
quently have greater advantages in estab
lishing such regulations, beyond v hat are
enjoyed by a populous and manufacturing
nation.
That Ihould the proposed system be a
dbpted, and carried into effelt, there is no
probability of retaliation on the part of
Great-Britain ; Ihould she be disposed she
cannot efl'eft it. If the ifTue require felf
denial, we can endure the evil with the
greater ad vantage,and may fafely calcu'ate
upon a complete triumph.
That Britain is now at toar against re
publican principles, and our commerce
enables her to prolecute that war.
That the balance of our trade with
France has always been in bur favour.
That friendfhip and difir.terefled benevo;
lenee have ever marked her conduit to
wards the United States.
That gratitude to the French nation re
quires us to turn the current of bur trade
froth Britain to 'hem.
That provision it hereby proposed to be
made, for railing monies to compensate,
in the firft instance, the individuals thus
injured.
That having our trade to regulate itfelf,
is, in fad, leaving it to be regulated by
foreign nations.
That jealousy and ill-will have always
marked the line of conduit of Great-Bri
tain towards America. She has never
executed the treaty of peace, she carried a
way our negroes, Ihe detains our weftem
pofts,Jhe excited and encourages the In
dian war, she has let loose the A'gerines,
Ihe has violated our neutrality and com
mitted fpoilation on our fllips at sea.
That the balance of our trade with
Great Britain is now much against us—
this has produced on her parr an ex^enfive
credit, operating as a grievance, creating a
foreign influence, which pervades the
mercantile and trading part of the commu
nity, may extend into our public councils,
and have an undue effefl on our govern
ment.
fault of obtaining such reparation, we are
bound to compensate the damages which
such individuals have sustained.
TUESDAY, Maith 18, 1794.
That the goodness of a market, is to be
determined by the relative proportion of
the dearness or cheapness, of the a tides’
fold or purchased ; and that on a compara
tive view, the commercial fyftemof Great-
Britain is more favourable to us, than that
of any foreign nation. With refped to
our exports she is, and ever has been a
better cuftonier than France, in the ratio
of two to one.
That she reftri&ions complained of,
were in itiftence previous- to our becom
ing an independent nation ; tjiev are in
fad, a part of her cbloniel eftabliftiment,
and still operate only as they refped her
colonial dependencies.
That the industry of obr Citizens has
been, and is nourished by the aid of a for
eign capital j sot which credit is an excel
leot. fubftitiite, ,so far from being injuri
ous it is highly beneficial, and, in the pre
sent situation of our country, has a happy
effed in the promotion of ship building,
manufadures and agriculture ; admitting
it was an evil, it is iherely a municipal re
gulation, and altogether beyond the con
troul of Congress.
That Great-Britain is able to fupj>ly us
with such articles as we Want, in greater
abundance, and on better terms than shy
other nation ; she has it ih her power, and
is willing to give ns credit: The French
cannot, or will not do it.
That the influence of Britilh cred if oh
obr public councils is chimerical J the fal
fity of the idea is apparent* by the part ta
ken ahd fb ably supported by the refpeda
bie gentlemen, who represent a part of the
United States, which has received the
most extensive credit.
That should we be deprived of this ad
vantage, merchants of great capital only
could trade.
That the expediency of forming any
commercial treaties may well be question
ed, they necefTarily conned.Us in the po
litics of Europe, a connexion which can
never be salutary for America; but if com
mercial treaties are formed, fnutuai intereJi
Jh^uld be considered as the fundamental
principle.
That the resolutions before us contain
only an afediation of aiding our naviga
tion, commerce, and manufadures; they
will in fad, prove detrimental to each of
them, by producing a temporary itagna
tion at least, of the one and unavoidable
embarraflments upon the other.
That should additional duties be impos
ed, diferimination would be impolitic and
unjust ; The commerce of one nation ought
not to be encouraged to the detriment of
another * If there is no friendihip in trade,
it does not follow there must be enmity.
That in eftablilhing a commercial sys
tem and forming a decifibn on the fubjeft
nqw under the consideration of the com
mittee, we ftiould divest ourselves of po
litical views, we .ought not to fufter our
refentmeht to influence us; the feelings
excited by the consideration of the Indian
war, the depredations of the'Algerines, or
the inexecution of the treaty of peace, have
nothing ro do with a fubjeft which refpefts
the regulation of our commerce only. To
obtain fedrefs for any political injuries we
may have fuftsined, rtcourfe in the firft
instance should be had to peaceable nego
tiarions which would probably prove es«
feftual.
That high duties, by augmenting the
prices of such goods as might be imported,
would only bperate as taxes and burthens
against our own citizens, who are the con
fumerß, at the fame time answering no val
uable purposes to us With the government
of Great-Britain, against which they are
profrfledly pointed, nor offeiicg any par
ticular encouragement to our own thanu
fadures.
That the object of the present refold?
tions appears to be a commercial warfare
which in all probability would be produc
tive of one far more fetious.
that foreign, as well as domestic veflels,
should be admitted to our wharves, and
permitted to receive our produce, for ex
portation without restraint.
* _£ >
On Sunday, the 18 h inflant, the Su
preme Judicial Ccurt finifhed its session
for the County of Rutland*—At this
Court.came to trial an adion brought by
Col. Matthew Lyon, a^aihft Joel Hatoil
ton, for charging Col. Lyon of being void
of all political honesty, and violating hit
trust as a Seled-man for the town of Pair
haven, ih enticing and permitting Citizeria
of the State of New-York, to be qualified,
and to vote for a Reprefenta’ive to Con- .
grefs, at the late eledion,—Hamilton con
fefled the charge, and rested his defence
upon the* truth of the aflertion.— After a
trial of fourteen hours, the Chief Justice
gave a most impartial charge to the Jury,
in which hereminded them of the import
tance of protedihg every citizen in his
good nam&and reputation j and of making
examples of those, who,' without founda
tion maliciously attempt to blast the repuA
tation of others--and at the fame timal
he held up to vifew, the ill grace with
which a perfoh, in a Court of joftice, pros
ecutes his neighbor for averting the truth
refpeding him —He then submitted it to
the determinatitn of the jury, whether
Hamilton had adduced proof of the^rurh
of his aflertion ?—After a few inamenta
confideraf do, the, j^y found a verdid a-,
gainfl Col. Lyon.”
This, Mr. Chairman, is a fumthary
view of the principal arguments which
have been adduced on the one fide andon
the other of the impoitant question before
the comittee. -Many ingenious calcula
tions, observations, companions and docu
ments,frsught with information, and tend
ing to elucidate the fubjed, have been of
fered * I have listened with attention co
the whole of them, and, on a careful re
view it appears to me that this is not the
proper time fcr sis to introduce very eflen
tial alterations in our commercial fyftehi
— that, be our wishes what they may ref
pelting the ifTue of the present war in Eu
rope, neither duty or good policy will pet*
mit us to become parties. The drift
principles of neutrality ought to influtate
our conduft, that the measures will pro
duce great inconvenience to our propbfed
revenues—a temporary stagnation to our
commerce* a sure augmentation of the
(hackles under which it now labours—de
prive our fellow citizens of enjoyments
which they have a right to poflefs, turn ih
duftry from its natural channel, induce a
neceflity of land tsxes for the exigencies
and support Os governmen;, prove injuri
ous to public credit, be ruinous to our
agriculture, and in the prefentctifis, might
piocipitate us into a war * evils which jus
tice, humanity, true principles of pa ibti
ism, the duties of morality and the best
interest of our country require us to depre
cate ; and if poilible, avoid.
J have endeavoured to examine ahd
confider the fubjeft with candor. I have
formed my opinion upon serious delibera
tion, and feel an impression of duty when
the q eftion shall be taken,to vote against
the propefitions.
A monopoly by the wealthy* would in
crease the prices of the articles consumed,
and the enurprize, and industry of young
men who have need of credit, would be
checked and difeouraged.
That the faith of the United States has
been heretofore pledged, appropriating the
monies raised by certain existing duties, to
the difeharge of the public debt. A sys
tem, like the one proposed, tending to the
diminution of the amount of those duties*
would be a breach of faith difgraceful M
well as unjuftifiabje.
That rhe conduit of France, as refpe&s
our commerce, oor navigation and our
fifheries, has uniformly evidenced, a felfilh
policy j and chat wt have no privileges to
boast of. ip consequence ts our present ex
isting commercial treaty with that nation.
Fsofa a Correspondent.
WI NDSOR, JAN. ij.
[Number 37.