The American herald of liberty — Exeter, N.H., 1793-09-03 00:00:00, page 1

Ik War Department.
AUGUST I, ’793*
|k JnFORMATION is hereby given to all
the Military Invalids of the United States,
j that the fams to which they are intitled for
J fix months of their annual pension, from the
4th day of March last, and which will become
due on the sth of September next, will be
paid on thefaid day by the Commissioners of
the Loans, within the States refpedively un
der the usual regulations.
By Command of the
1 President of the United States,
H. KNOX, Suretarj at War.
A L _ ■
^0 be [old cheap, a good
\ Cyder-Mill and Press,
with the apparatus.
Squire of the Printer. Aug. i 793.
“ In a philosophic view,” (ays one, "Ag
riculture is great and extensive. In a poli
tical view, it is important, and perhaps the
only firm and (table foundation of greatness.
As a profeflion, it strengthens the mind,
without enervating the body. In morals, it
tends to increase virtue, without introducing
vice. In religion,it naturally inspires piety,
devotion, and a dependence on providence,
without a tindure of infidelity. It is a ra
tional and agreeable amusement to the man
of leisure, and a boundless source of contem
plation and activity to the industrious.”
Agriculture is juftiy thought
to be the most ancient art; and it
is certainly by far the most ufefol.
The fubfiflence and welfare of
mankind depend mote on it than
on any, or all others. And all other arts
would soon be ufelefs,were the culture of the
furface of the earth ncglefted. No art there
fore ought to be held in higher estimation.
The ancients valued it highly ; and no good
reason can be given why the modern ihould
lightly esteem ir, The Egyptians, Greeks
and Romans, ascribed the invention of this
art to their Gods ; but Jews and Christians
rather trace it up to Noah and Cain, the for
mer of whom planted a vineyard, and the
latter, long before him was a tiller of the
ground. Even Adam in paradife praftifed
one branch of this arc ; he was put into the
garden of Eden to dress it-
The immortal poet Virgil did not think
agriculture a fubjeft unworthy of his genius ;
and his Georgicks are esteemed as the most
excellent of his works. Agriculture has
drawn the attention of some of the greatest
men in all nations, many of whom have had
their hands, as well as their heads employed
in ir. Gyrus the younger planted and cul
tivate^ his garden partly with bis own hands;
and it is well known that the Romans took
some of their greatest generals from the
plough. Cincinnatus, whole fame is great in
America, was ploughing in the field, when
the Roman army was besieged in its trenches
by the /Equi and Volfci. Being sent for, he
went to the army, routed the enemy, entered
tie city in triumph, and then returned to his
plough. Agriculture has been so great an
objed in Britain, as to employ the pens of a
multitude of its geniufe» ; and the English
books that have been written upon it are fur
prizingly numerous. In that country, if I
mistake hot, husbandry has been brought as
near to perfeftion,as in any part of the worlds
And it is owing to this that the island sup
ports so great a number of inhabitants ; and
that the English cation has been so opulent
and powerful-
Though other employments are oftentimes
more lucrative to individuals than husbandry,
none can be so advantageous to the world.—
If it is a flower way of gaining wealth than
some others it is perhaps the least hazardous
of any. The farmer depends not on winds
and'waves, like the mariner ; nor on the
good will of his neighbours and the public,
for emp oyment and bread, like the mechan
ick. The business is highlyadapted to promote
the heahh of the body, and the cheerfulnefs
and content of the mind. And if it were
better understood in this country, and more
Spiritedly pursued, both the pleasure and the
profit attending it would be greater than we
have yet experienced. It is an employment
which affords a variety of entertaining (pecu
lations to an inquisitive mind ; and is adapt
ed to lead us into a considerable acqaintance
with the works of nature.
& < '^^<>^<>&c>a/>Q< >&<>^ < ><^<
Volume VIII.]
/ **
The American Herald of Liberty.
Ok AGRICULTURE.
EXETER (New-Hampjhire) Printed and Publiihed by Henry Ranlet, in Main-Street, at fix {hillings and eight pence per annum.
The FARMER.
Humanity has wept at tragic excefles
which have been aded in France. Fhilofophy
ha compaflionated follies that have milled
the Gallic councils. The equitable spirit of
republicanism has observed, with mingled
regret and indignation, that the principle of
liberty has been outraged by its profefied
friends. Legislative decrees, like the laws
of Draco, have been written in blood. The
fandity of justice has been profaned by ar
bitrary tribunals. Themajefty of the French
sovereignty has been required to bow before
fedarian demagogues. Yes I Yielding the
national glory to the clamours of fanataciim,
guilty of continuing its deliberations even
while ochlocratic tyrants outraged the liber
ty of debate, your National' Convention has
presented the fpedacle of a complex despot;
claiming, at once, the powers of sovereignty,
and of adual administration ; trampling on
the forms that guard the rights of humanity ;
'RE cause of Liberty, in which ye are
engaged, is the common cause of man. It
is, therefore, mine, and as a patriot of the
world, I demand an audience.
The eventful crisis is tooferious for the in
anity of compliment. Perifli, then, the co
ward baseness that would flatter and betray
you in this solemn moment of danger ! Pe
rish, too, every idea of deferring the post of
glorious duty !
To fpcak to all mankind, is the right of
Philosophy. Then listen to her voice, and
confider your own (ituation I
Ye present the interesting fpedacle of a
great nation, the peculiar exigence of whose
affairs demand, at once, temperatenefsof de
liberation,and forceful promptitude ofaftion.
In this exigence, a recurrence to the past,
nuly assist in estimating the present, and in
pointing forward to the future.
To convince the votaries of wisdom, that
we touch the critical moment of avast revo
lution in human affairs, I (hall not here par
ticularize the various progress of the uni
verse, or recount the beneficent labours of
philosophy. That the crisis of empire has
seized mankind, is a profound truth,} which
most be clearly seen by the difeerning eye of
wisdom. The firft born sons ofrepublicanifm,
the citizens of the new world, have already
fought through their revolutionary conflift.
Their French allies are now combating for
the fovereigney of society against the rebellion
of monarchy. The rest of the globe are un
der orders for the revolutionary march.
Frenchmen! In the cause of liberty, ye
are advanced in front of the old world. Ye
have stood, and yet (land alone, in Europe,
against a ftygian conspiracy of despots—-des
pots whose zeal in the cause of iniquity has
suspended their rival hoftiliries, and coalesced
them for a general war against the principles
of universal humanization and beneficence.
The tyrants of Europe have confpirated— not
against the French name, or the French na.
tion, as such—but against the principles of
universal liberty, which have been proclaim
ed in France. On the French, therefore,
humanity, and philosophy, now, fix an ar
dent eye. Attend, then, to their diftates,
and impartially estimate their sentiments of
friendfhip !
Ye have dared to meet the combined force
of the monarchies of Europe. Dare ye yet
more ? Dare ye meet yourselves ? If ye dare,
then hear the frank sentiments of a republic
an ! Yes ! Hear me. Franks, while I speak
unflattering truths, which profoundly con
cern your bappinefs,and your glory!—truths,
which concern the liberty of the universal
fraternity of mankind !
THE following address was origi
nally written by the anther of the wort from
whi.h 1 have already sent you federal feleQions.
Tbit tran/tript is now forwarded you, to be
for the firft time publickly communicated
Should it be inquired, cwhy your paper has been
cho fen as the medium of communication, allow
me, in jujiice to its Ei it or, to observe, that this
choice has been guided by the ch ar afler of the
Columbian Centinel, and not by any particu
lar attachment to you as a private gentleman.
For be assured, Sir, that you have not the leaf!
personal acquaintance with your ccrn/pcndent.
Augufi, 1793. A CITIZEN.
A PATRIOT of the WORLD, to
MR. RUSSELL,
From the COLUMBIAN CENTINEL.
FRENCHMEN '
the FRENCH.
MISCELLANY.
TUESDAY, September 3, 1793.
and exhibiting a terrible example of anri-re
publican imbecility and violence. Profcrip,
lions, confiscation?, attainders, sanguinary
decrees, arbitrary executions, have sullied the
glory of the French name, and rebelled a>
gainft philosophy and liberty. The despot
ism of public bodies has contemned the em
pire of prescribed law, has disobeyed the
voice of indulgent humanity, and aided the
adversaries of univcrial republicanism. Sec
tarian animosities have diftrafted the affairs
of France. Patriot Soldiers have fallen vic
tims to the folly, the prejudices, the mad ig
norance, or the profligacy of political schis
matics. Riotous ferocities, affafiinations,
mafiacres, have multiplied the calamities of
„lhe revolution-
Such are some of the evils that have tarn
ished the large honours of a gallant nation.—
I have pointed to them, not from the with to
reproach you, but to call your attention to
their cause and their cure.
The ghosts of your embattled enemies,
could they ar once speak from rheir graves,
would proclaim to the world, the glory of
your arms. The cause, then, of the calami
ties ofF ance, is—not that her citizens want
valour, but that her councils wart nvifdom and
confidence.
The radical vice of the Gallic state is the
difeompofure, the disorganization of the so
cial body. Tothe want of a liberal, equated,
effeftive system of social union—to the want
of an organized system of republican policy,
may be, primarily, ascribed the disorders
and vices th At have too long har railed France,
and tyrannized over the principles of social
liberty. As a republican, 1 claim the right
to denounce these disorders and vices. But
let not the adherents to monarchy presume
to arraign them ! No 1 Let royalists remem
ber the iyftematic wickedness of titled prero
gative, and be dumb ! Let none mi flake me
for the friend of hereditary despotism 1 For,
although I condemn enormities that have ta
ken place in the course of the Gallic Revolu.
tion, I abhor the homicide system of monar
chy. In my zeal for its annihilation, I find
additional reasons against the anti«republic
an outrages perpetrated in France ; and, as
a friend to genuine republicanism, as an en
emy to every species of despotism, I de
nounce these outrages in the face of the world.
In vain, Frenchmen, may it be urged, that
the mad proceedings of some of your author
ities have been neceflary. Can it be neces
sary to be tyrannical and unjust ? In vain
may members of the National Convention
pretend, that despotic measures were requi
file to prevent yet greater evils. Does the
cause of freedom depend on despotism ? If
they had not the wisdom and magnanimity
to provide for the fafety of France, with
out afting the defpot,they must have been in
competent to the majestic feene in which they
have undertaken to aft. Indeed, their in
competence, as a body, to the grand con.
cerns before them, scarcely appears to admit
a rational doubt. Chosen in the moment of
public agitation, the illiberal zealot has been
honored with an appointment of which philo
sophy pronounces him unworthy. The phi
losophical merit, the talents, and virtues, of
some of the Convention are, houever, ac
knowledged and honoured. But the number
of such members has been less than your hap
pinefs,and your glory required. In point of
political capacity, the National Convention,
as viewed in the mass, has appeared incom
petent to the great affairs of a great empire
—incompetent to ordinate the grand propor
tions of your public policy—incompetent to
sustain the majesty of the French nation. Po
litical fanatacifm has insulted philosophy.—
Prejudice has violated principle. The mo#
mentous fubjeft of ^Conjiitution has been mad
ly neglefted. The plan of government,
which has been at length produced, although
in some refpefts commendable, yet, as an
whole, wants some essential charafteriflics
of the true republic ; is notoriously inade
quate to your public exigencies ; and, ar the
present vivid moment,deferves more contempt
than admiration.
Too often flattered by pretended patriots,
do ye demand, Who it is thar now denoun
ces the excesses of public bodies in France ?
Know, then, that it is a man ’ and unless ye
are more, or less, than men, bear me for mine
honour ’.—hear me for your own glory 1 Do
ye demand, Why I denounce such excesses ?
know, then, that 1 denounce them, because
they are hostile to the principles of conflicu
tional liberty !—I denounce them, becapfe
thfg are hostile to the principles of right, de
cM^by the French. I denounce them, be
cWHSey are unwise and unjust; Is your
hign^^it offended, that I do not fear to
speak thus freely of the affairs of a great na
tion I Then hear, in the language of one of
- your own poets, a reply that comports with
- republican magnanimity I— *• fe crams Dieu,
< •***««•**, g( p olnt auire crainte. f
! Franks ! If ye delight in the ferviluy of
. cowardice, condemn, then, the franknefs,
■ with which I dare to addreis you ! Yes 1, If
• ye deserve the chains which ye have broken
- —“-then worship the scoundrel who fl a leers
your faults, and curse the man whose coura
geous friendfhip tells you the truth I—th< n
go 1 receive the stripes of (laves, and live in
infamy !—go !—live I—the pity of the wife
—the scorn of rhe brave, the jest of tyrants I
But, if ye are men, if ye are worthy the name
of Franks, if ye have the soldier’s sense of
glory, yet dare to hear the truth !
The calamities of France are chargeable
to the errors of past measures. Let this re
flection be a (ource of auspicious consola
tion and hope 1 Reform but those errors ! and
happier dayswill, most afluredly, smile upon
your country. Then wifely improve the
present moment ! Correct the evils of past
folly, by calling wisdom to your councils,
and impartially estimate the consequences of
your pub ic measures !
In your political state, ftiould ye search for
the germe of the public evils which ye have
fuffe ed. Let us, then, note some of the sea«
tures that distinguish the prominent exterior of
your policy,and point to that order of things
which is diftated by the principle of repab
licanifm !
Although the territorial distribution of
France, as delineated by the Conftituenr Na
tional Afiembly, marked sublimity of talent ;
yet the system of government, which they
framed, was in some refpeds, viciously hos
tile to the republican principle. It was no
more hostile to this principle, in admitting
an hereditary, inflead of an eleftive Chief,
than it was in the plan of the deliberative
authority.
The principle of universal republicanism,
of universal right, liberty, and fraternity —
the principle of ethical, and of physical or
der—the commanding law of the fociai, and
the solar systems—is reciprocity. Applicable
to the imprefcriptible rights of humanity,and
to the mutual intercomfe of citizens—appli
cable to the {impleft form of fecial union,and
to the various intervolutions of human focie
ty—(weeping through the vast series of aflb
ciated exiflence, as progrefling, in regular
gradation, from domestic society, through
various intermediary aflbeiations, to the
community of the globe——regulating, with
perfed exaditude, the concentrated revolu
tions of the mundane system and demonft-a*
ting the art of perfedionating universal fecie
ty—the principle of reciprocity is the timple and
sublime lavs of universal order. This necessa
ry principle of fociai juftice,intelligible to all
mankind, and perfedly defining the rule of
mutual intercourse in the various aft'airs of
the world, is the (ingle and universal prin
ciple of equitable policy, of fociai order, li
berty, peace : It is the principle of univer
sal humanization, and perfect civil govern*
ment.
It is this perfed principle which, in the
affairs of Jurifditiion, requires the reciprocal
fuiidions of the judge and the juror. it is
this,which, in the concerns of Legiflation,&t
mands the reciprocal voice of two co~equ«te
chambers. It is this, which likewise de
mands that the executive power, reciprocally
controuled and controuling, (hould be capa
citated, by its preventive energy, to check
the march of legislative despotism. It is this,
which, denouncing hereditary magistracy
and every species of prerogative, requires an
equitable conftitudon to be permanently
eftablidled, by the sovereign wilt if fociety *
and in virtue of the reciprocal lights of hu
manity. It is, in fine, this universal princi
ple of fociai perfedion, which, for the pur
pose of universal .equity, requires a republi
can constitution to be ordinated by focietv,
so as to enable the conflitured depositories if
power, by their reciprocal energies, to main
tain their refpedive anthorities, and by the
mutual performance of their related offices,
. to permanently proted the conflitutional or
der, the virtuous harmony, the reciprocal fe
licity, of the associated pans of the whole re*
publick.
This pure* and purifying, principle of the
true republic, being the law of perfed justice,
(hould preside in every political system
throughout the universe. Presiding with per
fed equity, beneath rhe torrid fun, in te n
perate climates, and amidst the polar fno^,
this universal principle claims, as its right,
the sovereign empire of the globe.
This just principle denounces the proper
std, as well as the past plan of your deliber
ative authority: It decidedly condemns
+ I fegr God, and nothing besides,
<XJXX+X>
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