Oracle post — Portsmouth, N.H., 1804-02-07 00:00:00, page 1

*~ "" ""-- £ SB '- tr-'-yj.• . :
OF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS
WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY,
RELIGION and MORALITY ARE INDISPENSA
BLE SUPPORTS. -Washington's Legacy.
(MORALIST:
INGRATITUDE.
" Freeze, freeze thou bitter fey,
Tbou defl net bite so nigb,
As benefits forgot ,
Tbo thou tbe mates mra,,
Tbyfting is net foJbarp,
1 c Afriend remraerdnet, SHAKESPEARE.
PRIDE has always been considered the par
ent of vice ; and, if we search into the origin of
llngratitude,!llngratitude,! cannot but think that it will be found
to Spring from his poluted source. To those whose.
1 fouls are naturally mean, there cannot be a greater
1* mortification than to receive a favor,& incur an ob•
ligation; hence arises falfe Pride, which they
'v palliate with the name offpirit. In order to evince
'they,are' not indebted to the hand that has
k s ? ,ffc^ren them,they return al! the generous efforts
O, " friendship with indifference & ingratitude: &
such are the effects of this temper 'in human na
ture, that we moftiy find it is much eafierto, con
fer than receive a favor. I hope there needs lir
'l ,^rgument, to difluade the reader from yielding
&to so infamous a crime ! which must ever excite
[ the abhorrence of every worthy mind : for in
I all the catalogue of human imperfedions, there
1 is not one of a more execrable and diabolical hue
I than Ingratitude ; nor is there any character
who merits universal contempt more than the
ungrateful Man!
I ™P^TRT. —
I From the Nightingale.
L THE TWINS OF LATONrt.
(firHE twins of Latona, so kind to my boon,
■Arise to partake of the chacc;
■ And Sol lend a ray to chaste Dian's fair moon,
And a smile to tbe smiles on her face.
For the sport I delight in the bright Qieen of Love
m With myrtles my brows ffiall adorn,
While Pan breaks his chanter, and skulks in the grove,
Enell'd by the found of the horn.
Excel!'d by tbe found of the horn.
■, The dogs are uncoupled, and sweet is their cry,
Yet fleeter the notes of sweet echo's reply.
■ Sweet echo—Sweet echo,
■ Haik forward, hark forward, the game is in view,
But love is the game that I with to pursue.
Bat love is the game that I with to pursue.
& , The flag from his chamber of woodbine peeps out,
,His sentence he hears in the gale,
Yet flics till entangled in fear and in doubt,
His courage and constancy fail.
Surrounded by foes, he prepares for the fray,
Despair taking place of his fear.
■ With antler,erected, awhile Hands at bay,
Th,,fyur<eHders bis life with a tear.
,J&ls^±^B=^^ ^fr^±2± -i=2*s=^=
E MISCELLANY.
m / From the Port Folio.
/ Character of Colonel Burr.
I/ iNaucwvolumeof Travels intheUßrted States
we find a well drawn character of the Vice Preli
■ I cent. Os the talentsand urbanity of Col. Burr nd
doubt isentenained even by his political adversaries.
, Toa g eniu s of lingular perspicacity, Mr. Burr
jo ns the most bland and conciliating manners,
t With a versatility of powers of which, perhaps,
■ America furni files no other example, he is capable
I of yielding an undivided attention to a single objed
[, of pursuit. Hence, we find him at the dole of the
[A I revolutionary war, in which he took a very honor
able part, and in the fatigues of which he bore no
common (hare, praising the law wiqh unrivalled
I, brilliancy and success. Indeed his distinguished
I abilities atiraaed so decided a leaning of the judges
in his favor, a deference for his opinions so strong
ly marked as to excite, in no small degree, the jea
■ lousy of the bar. So Rrong was the imprellion
made by the general relpe& for his opinions that ex
r clamations of defpafr were frequently heard to es
■ I cape the lipsid thecouofel whose fortune it was to
be opposed by the eloquence of Mr. Burr. lam
1 aware that this language wears the colouring of
■panegyric; out the recoßeaion which the fads
must excite in the breasts of his candid rivals will
■ I corroborate its accuracy.
" For a fliort period, Mr. Burr a&ed as Attorney
-1 general to tbe State; but his profeffional reputation,
I already at the acme of Splendor, could derive no new
, luftre from the office. Ir, however, should be re
membered that in Bate prosecutions a disposition
r to aggravate the enormities of the accused was ne
, ver attributed to him.
■ At length, Mr. Burr was removed by the Legif.
lature of the state to the Senate of the United States.
I The deliberations of that body being conducted in\
fee ret, the public possesses but (lender means of
■ knowing and appreciating the merits of individu
■ al members. But itis certain from the lead he took'
■ in fame of its most important mnfaaions, and from
I the deference (hewn his opinion by his senatorial
, colleagues, that the charade, for ability which he
had previously acquired must have been well fuf
■ tained. It was indeed, universally acknowledged,
■ that no other Rate was so refpe&bly represented
as the flare of New-York, in the combined talents
of Mr. Burr and Mr. King.
} " is " me ° f ' erv ' ce expiring, Mr. Burr again re
* Burned to the exerciSe of his profeffion with a facil.
ity which would induce a belief that his legal pur.
faits had never been interrupted.
Sfach are the outlines of tbe charader of the man,
who cultivating literature himfelf, loved to encour
are it in others; and who with a condefednfion lit.?
tie known to patrons, fought out my obfeure lodg.
ings in a populous city, and invited meto his house.
I found Mr. Burr at brakfaft, reading my trans.
Vol. XIV.]
lation over his coffee. He received me with that
urbanity, which while it precludes familiarity, ban.
ifhes restraint; and difcov^red by hi> conversation
that he was not less (killed inelegant literature, than
in the feience of gracioufnels and attraction.
Mr. Burr introduced me to his daughter, whom
he has educated with uncommon care, for foe is el
egant without ostentation, and elegant without pe
dantry. At the time that the dances with more
grace than any young lady of New-York. Mils
Theodosia Burr (peaks French and Italian with fa
cility, is perfcaiy conversant with the writers of the
Augustan age, and not unacquainted with the lan
guage of tbe Father of Poetry. Martel, a French
man, has dedicated a volume pfsis productions to
Miss Burr, with the Horatian epithet of dulce decus.
Fortune had glow opened to me les entrees of the
house of Mr. Burr, to whose table and libra
ry I had the molt unrestrained access, But Mr.
Burr did not flop here ; he propoled to me the flu
dy of the law, which I imprudently declined, ana
thus negleQed to take that feoL in the
fairs wh<h led immediately t, fortune."
===—== -======== —^^
Mr. Tracy's Speech
In the Senate of the United States,
In Debate on tbe motion for altering tbe clause of tbe
Confutation, defgnating the mode of chofrg the
Prelident and Vice-Ptefident.
T/ [Concluded.]
HE letter of the condition will certainly jufti
fy this idea of its spirit. When two-thirds of the
Senate are requisite to consent and advise to a treaty
the words are " two-thirds of the Senators present."
To convia on impeachment,," two-thirds of the
members prefent."Yeas & nays are to beentered on the
journal, " at the desire of one-fifth of those present.”
In the two firft cases it is requisite to aft immediate
ly, whether two-thirds of the whole are present or
not ; then we lee the expressions are clear, "two
thirds" refers to the numbers present. Why so ?
Because, without these expressions, the reference
would have been understood to the whole number of
members. In the last case why add the word 'pfot'
to the one-fifth ? Because, without that word one
fifth of the whole would have been its mean
ed, the spirit of the constitution certainly is, and
the words leem to carry the meaning, "two thirds"
ing. In all other cases, when two-thirds are requir
ofthe whole numbers. It is said, "that a majority
of each house (hall constitute a quorn# to do buG
nefs." House, must in thiscafe mean all the mem
bers. Two-thirds of both houses muft,on the fame
principles, mean two thirds of all the members of
both. There is, I acknowledge, foroe obfcurity,in
the constitutional use of the word house, when eith
er of the two branches of congress is defended by
it ; but if the intention, and sense as well as words
are attended to, I am forcibly led to a belief that two
thirds of all the members of both houses are requir
ed to fandion proportions for amendments, 'and
that this conftruaion is most coPaiftent with the
wisdom and political skill of tbe Conventions The
conitruaion for which I contend is anala^ous to
the caution manifeft in other parts of the constitution
It was well known to the convention, that amend
ments, if recommended or proposed by congrels,
would have an imposing influence with the flare
legislatures ; and that in no possible instance, could
more evil arise from indigested measures, than in
case of amendments, owing tothe impoffibilfty of
clearly foreseeing their operation and effeds on the
general constitutional iyftem. It was made requi
site therefore to wait for the uninfluenced movement
oftwo-thirds of the popular & federative representa
tions of the nation. Whatever may be oaropinion
on the point now difeuffed, the state legislatures
have a constitutional right tojudge of it for themselves
& to determine whether a proposition for an amebd
nient.is presented to* them, with the fandion requir
ed,&if,intheir opiniorTthe requisite numbershave not
agreed to the proposition they will guard the conftifu<
lion, by refuting to ratify such amendment. My
honorable friend from New-Hampshire (Mr. Plum
er) has done such ample jufiice to this part of the
fubjed, as to place it out of the reach of my affif.
tance and beyond the need of any.
I am convinced, Mr. President, that the amend
ment now under consideration chid not in the Sen
ate, obtain a constitutional mafyity, of two-thirds,
nor even a Simple majority, were it not for the in
fluence of inftruaions. Some gentlemen have in
genuously said, that until they gave this amendment
the prelent particular examination, tbev had not
contemplated the extent of its probable effe&s, and
although they entertained doubts, yet they were in.
duced by the inftruffions given them, to make the
proportion to the legislatures, and let them decide
for them Selves.
Whatever may or can be said in favor of in-
Riunions generally, cannot be applicable to this
case. For the purpose of obtaining amendments
to the constitution, congress can only propose, &
the state legislatures ratify. The duties are ap
propriate and diftiwa, and the uninfluenced in
dependent a& of both,requifite. The legislatures
cannot ratify, till a proposal is made. This fab
jed can be elucidated and enforced by familiar
examples. The house of representatives alone,
can originate a bill for raffing revenue, but it
cannot became a law without a concurrence of
the Senate. Would not the advice and instruc
tion of the Senate to the house intimating, our
desire that they would originate and fend to us
for concurrence, a revenue bill, be thought im
proper, indelicate and even unconstitutional?
The President and the Senate can appoint certain
officers, but they have distinct and appropriate
agencies in the appointment. The President can
nominate, but cannot appoint without the advice
and consent of the Senate.
But the Senate cannot nominate, nor cou'd their
advice to the President, to make a nomination, be
either binding or proper. The character of thefev
eral independent branches of our government,
forming constitutional checks upon each other,
cannotbe exemplified more fully,than in the mode
of producing amendments. A^d u interference
ORACLE POST.
re— =—== =^^
TUESDAY, February 7, 18%
body, upon tbe appropriate
and diknia of another, can in no instance have a
more prejudicial effeft. Can it be thought then
either p.%, or constitutional f or the state legis
latures tjaffume the powerof inftmeting congress
to proper to them, a measure, when the power 1
of proposing is not only not given to them, but
given exclusively to congress ? As well and with
as much propriety might congress make a law,
attempting to bind the date legislatures to ratify;
ps the legislatures, by inttraftions, bind congress
r to propole, In either case the check, which for
obviouby ^!e puipofes, was introduced into the
, conititut^ is totully JHroyed. And we have
• not as lurch fccurity againftimproper amend-
Imentfyulmentfy u . e Should have, if the power were ex-
Aicd . in the ft&e legislatures, and for
this 1, re tfon, that in this modeof operation
the reSp^ woity, for the adoption of an impro
per %Y jooent, is divided and destroyed. Is
6 cr.rea^fir. &a.w:,^ b^^^
ble mU% g forth tlus proportion to be consid
ered bv br&ate legitimates, if we better it
ought not to be ratified ?
What would be thought of the Senate ifthey Should
pass a bill, and lend it to the house of representa
tives for concurrence,the provisions of which they
disliked entirely, and wished not to be established ?
And can any found diftinftion be made between
such a. measure )and the one now before lis ? In
either case, the Single a& of the other body would
be final ; and in either case the people at large
would be fafer to have but one body in exigence
to legislate, or make amendments; fob all our
agency in both cases would only tend to deceive
and mislead, and in addition, to diminiffi, if not
destroy a&has just been observed, the responsibil
ity of the ether body.
It has been said hr, that the house of represen
tatives have twice given a fanciion to this measure
and that their condud, in this particular, adds
weight to it. I wish totreat that honorable body
with the,higheft refpeft ; but I mult deviate from the
truth, were I to acknowledge that their conduft
upon this amendment, has a tendency to convince
me that thgy have a full understanding of the
fubjed. Twice have they sent us a resolution,
similar in its leading feature to that on your ta
ble, and made no provision that the person to be
vice-president, Should be qualified for the highly
responsible office, either in age, or citizenihip.
And for aught that they had guarded against,
we might have had a man in rhe chief magistra
cy, from Morocco, a foreigner, who bid not been
in the country a mouth.
Mr. Prelident, it was fuggeffed, in a former
part of the debate, by a gentleman from Soath-
Carolioa, (Mr. Butler,) that the great Rates, or
ruling party of the day, had brought forward
this amendment, for the purpose of preventing
the choice of a federal vice-President at the next
election, rt^d we are now put beyond the pow
er x'/hflCtta/d¥^&& iealt, one motive, by
the obler fetioas of several of the majority, but
efpeciallyby those of the gentleman from Vir
ginia. H informs us, and I appreciate his frank
nefs, tha"if the friends of this measure do not
seize theprefent opportunity to pass it, the op
portunitywill never occur.
He tell; us plainly, that a minor fadion ought
to be diluuraged, that all hopes or profped of
rising inn cenfequence, much more ofrifing into
office, sh aid be cruShed, & that this amendment
is toprod cea partof these beneficial effeds; which
amendment he compares to the bill which was
introduced into the British parliament, to exclude
a popiSh ijeceffor to the crown, commonly called
the excision bill. Have the minority then, no
tight left but the fight to be trampled upon by
the majority ? This is identically the conduct,
which is mentioned inthe quotation which I have
had the honor to make from the Secretary of Rate
to which ! alk leave to recur- " The majority
by trampling on the rights of the minority,have
produced factions and commotions which in the
republics, have more frequently than any other
cause produced defpotifm?'
What avails it then, that this country has tri
umphed over the invasion & violence of one op
pressor, if they must now be victims to the violence
of thousands ? Political death is denounced now ;
what denunciation will follow > It would be a use.
less affectation in us, to pretend to elofe our eyes
upon either the cause or consequences of this mea
sure.
The spirit of party has risen so h'gh, at the
present day, that it dares to attempt, what in milder
times would be beyond the reach of calculation.
To this overwhelming torrent every consideration
mud give way.
'. The gentleman is perfectly correa, in foppof
ing that now is the only time to pass this resolution ;
there is a tide in the affairs of party most emphati
cally, and unless its height is taken, its acme im
proved, the Shallows toon appear, and the present
demon of party give place to a fucccffor. A hope
is undoubtedly now indulged that one great and
and dominant passion, will, like Aaron's rod, swal
low up every other, and that the favourable moment
can now be Seized to crush the Small states,& to ob
tain their own agency in the tranfaaion. And when
we recur to the hiftory of former confederacies, and
find the small states arrayed in Confii&againft each
other, to fight, to fuffer, and to die for the transient
gratification of the great states ; have we not some
reason to fear the success of this measure?
Inthe Senate is the Security of the small Rates ;
their feeble voice in the house of representative is
loft in the. potent magic of numbers ah) wealth.
Never until now has the force of the small Rates,
which was provided by the constitution, and lod
ged inihis federative body, as a weapon of felf-de
fence, been able to bear upon this queflion. And
will the small states, instead of defending their own
interest, their existence, facrifice them to a gust of
momentary passion? to the fiiort lived gratification
of party prejudice 1
This resolution, if circumstances rii^ll unequivo-
cally demand it, can pass at the next or any future
session of congress. But once passed, and its pa ss.
age will operate like the grave; the Sacrificed rights
of the small Rates will be gone forever. Is it
possible, fir, that any small Rate can Submit to be
, a satellite in the state system, and revolve in a se
condary orbit around, great Rate? A& in humite .
devotion to her will till her purposes are gratified
and then content herfelf to be thrown aside like a
caff garment an objed of her own uncrating re
gret, and fit only for the hand of Scorn to point its
flow and moving finger at ? Can the members of
this Senate who represent the small Rates, quietly
Cfofs their hands and r c qj e ft the great Rates to -
bind them faft and to draw tight the ligature ?
I am aware, fir, that I Shall be accused of an at
tempt to excite the jealoutv of the small Rates. Mr.
President, I represent a small flare, I feel the danger,
& clinthe constitutional right to Sound the alarm.
From the lame alter on which the small Rates Shall
be immolated, will rife the imoke of facrificed
liberty t and delpo'ifm must be the dreadful tuc
ceffot.,
It is the CAifle of m, country and of humanity
*bch r plead, itad when cn< van, oveftte
ming passion is in exercise, full well I know, w,
that no warning voice, no excitement but jealousy;
has been found fufficiently a&ive and energetic in
its operation to dissolve the wizard fp,ll,and force
mankind to listen to argument. Jealuufy, hateful
in private life, has perhaps done more in the pre
fervationt of political rights than all the vfftues uni
ted.
I have made the stand, fir, in the Senate, which
I thought the importance of the fubjeft demand
ed, If I fail here, there is hope of success with tbe
Rate leg,fi gures. If nothing can withfland the tor
rent there. I Shall experience the fatisfaaion which
is derved from a consciousness of having railed my
feeble voice in defence of that constitution, which
is not only the Security of tbe Imall Rates, but the
palladium of my country's right ; and Shall console
myfelf withther/fkaion that I have done my du y
^^+^».Q>> to .»Q > fo<-+>+ > .-»fo.fcfy.
Latest Foreign Articles.
Sy an arrival at Boston from Liverpool—London dates t<
November 28,
o——0 ——
n. LONDON, NOV. 22.
±f%s Brittanic Majefys Sp e e£b to both Houses of
Parliament.
About three o'clock, bis Majefly proceeded, in
hytrai state, to the House of Lords, t^pen the
Session, and being Seated on the Throne a Message
was dispatched to the House of Commons, to in.
titrate his Majefty'sprefence in the House of Peers,
and ro require their immediate attendance at the bar
!^ h ""' e ° The Commons being come his
''" "'"owing most gracious Speech:
'My Loras and Gentlemen,
",° ce I ' a ^ mer you in Parliament it has been
ipy chief objeft to carry into effed those measures
which your wifoom had adopted for the defense of
the United Kingdom, and for the vigorous profecu.
tion of the war. In these preparations I have been
Seconded by the voluntary exertions of all ranks of
my people in a manner that has if possible, Strength,
ened their claims to my confidence and affedion :—•
they have proved that the menaces of the enemy
have only Served to route their native and heredi
tary fpirii; and that all other considerations are
loft in a general disposition to make those efforts
and Sacrifices which the honor and Safety of the
kingdom demand at this important and critical con
jundure..
“ Though my attention has principally been di.
rented to the great object of internal Security, no op
portunity has been loft of making an impression 011
th^ forcing possessions of the enemy, Theiflands of
St. Lucia, of Tobago, of St. Pierre and Miquelon,
and the Settlements of Demarara and Eflequibo,
have Surrendered to the British arms. In the con
dud of the operations, by which those valuable aca
quifitions have been made, tbe utmoß promptitude
& zeal have been, di(played by the officers employed
on those Services, and by my forces afling under
their command, by sea and land.
" In Ireland, the leaders, and federal inferior a.
gents, in the late traitorous and atrocious conspiracy,
have oeen brought to justice;& the public tranquil,
ity has experienced no further interruption. I in
dulge tbe hope that such of my deluded Subjects as
have Swerved from their allegiance are now convin.
ced of their error ; and that having compared the
advantages they derive from the protection of a
free constitution with the condition of those coun
tries which are under the dominion of the French
Government, they will cordially and zealously con
°"f '" refilling any attempt that may be made a-'
gainft the Security and independence of my United
Kingdom.
66 Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
"I have a perfect reliance on your public Spirit
for making such provisions as many be neceffar,
for .he Service of the year. The progressive im,
provement of the revenue cannot fail to encourage
you to perfeverve in the system w hich has been adop.
S'°g the expenses of the war, with as
little addition as possible to the publit debt, and to
the permanent burthens of ihe state,
'I lament the heavy preflute, which, under th^
present circup&nces, must unavoidably be exper
ienced by my people; but I am purfuaded that
they will meq it with the good sense and fortitude
which so eminently diflingu sh their charter, un.
der the conviction of the jn^fpeofable importance
of upholding the dignity, and of providing effect
tually for the (afet, , the Empire.
" My Lords and Gentlemen,
,c have concluded a Convention w°th the King
of Sweden, for the purpose of adjuftiog all the dist
ferences whch have arisen on rile Subject of the ex
leveuth article oj Jb, treaty of 1661. I have di«
re " e ' '''" a copy of this Convention should ba
laid befoN yin ; atid you will, I trust, be ofppiow
'he. arrangement, whilst it upholds our at
ritime rights, is founded up those principles of reciw
pfocal advantage whicS are best calculated to main^
ztamwid improve the good uhd'erftanding which
happily fablifts between &ft coyrnfo
[No. 17.