The Newhampshire gazetteer — Exeter, N.H., 1791-12-17 00:00:00, page 1

certed, sent an invitation to the two
- chambers, to unite with them in a na
tional character,and proceed to business.
A majority of the clergy chiefly of the
chiefly of bishops and high beneficed
clergy; and these men were determin
ed to put every thing to iffae, as well
by strength as by stratagem. They had
no objeft.cn to a confutation ;'but it
must be fetch an one as theirifelves
should dictate, and suited to their own
views and particular filiations. On the
other hand, the Nation disowned know
ing any thing of them but as citizen's,
and was determined to glut out all fach
upHart pretentions. The more aristo
cracy appeared, the more it was despi
sed ; there was a visible imbecility
and want ofiatelleds in the majority,
a fort ofje ne fait quoi, that while it
affeded to be more than citizens, was
less than man. ft loft ground from con
tempt more than from hatred ; and was
rather jeered at as an ass, than dread
ed as a lion. This is the general cha
racter of aristocracy, or what are cal
led Nobles or Nobility,or ra<her No-a
bility, in all countries.
The plan of the malcontents consisted
now of two things ; either to deliber
ate and vote by chambers, (or orders)
more especially on all questions refpeft
ing a conffitutioh', (by which the afiffo
cratical chamber would have hid a ne
gative on any article of the cenftituuba)
or, in case they could not accomplish
this objeft, to overthrow the National
Assembly entirely.
. To effect one or other of thefcobj eCts,
they bega, now to cultivate a friend
ship with the despotism they had hither
to attempted to rival, arid the Count
D'Artois became their chief. The
King (who has since declared himfelf
deceived into their measures) held ac
Newhampfhire
Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congress
in the American War, and Author of
the Work entitled Common Sense.
pirilh priests, withdrew from the cleri
cal chamber and joined the naion ; and
forty five from the other chamber join
ed in like manner. There is a fort of
secret history belonging to this lad cir
cumflance, which is necessary to its ex
planation : R was not judged prudent
that all th p patriotic members of the
chamber, filling itfelf the Nobles, should
quit it at once ; and in consequence fit
this arrangement they drew off by de
grees, always leaving some, as well to
reason the case, as to watch the feped
ed., In alittle time, the numbers in
creased from forty five to eighty, and
soon after to a greater number ; which
with a majority of the clergy, and the
whole of the national representatives,
put the malcoritents in a very diminu
tive condition.
, The King, who, very different to the
general class called by that name, is a
man of a good heart, ffiewed himfelf
disposed to recommend a union of three
chambers, bn the ground the National
Assembly had taken ; bat the malcon
tents exerted themselves to prevent it,
and began no vto have another project
in view. Their numbers confined of a
majority of the ariftocratical chamber,
and a minority of the clerical chamber,
ONcarrying this motion,he national
representatives, as had been cori-
Being an ANSWER to Mr.
Burke's ATTACK on th e
FRENCH REVOLUTION
BY Thomas Paine,
RIGHTS or MAN:
SATURDAY, December 17, 1791.]
EXETER, (New-Hamp/hire) Printed and Published by HENRY RANLET, at Nine Shillings per annum.
[ln continuation.]
cording to the old form, a Bed of ,uf
tice, in which he accorded to the deli
beration of vote par tete (by head) upon
several objects ; but reserved the deli
beration and vote upon all questions
refpe&ing a constitution to the three
chambers Separately. This declarati
on of Th? King was made against the.
advice of M. Nicker, who now began
to perceive that he was growing out of
falhion at Court, and that another Mi
nister was in contemplation..
As the form of fitting in separate
chambers was yet apparently kept up,
though affentially destroyed, the nation
al reprefenrativec, immediately after
this declaration of the Kin?, resorted to
their own chambers to consult on a pro
refl agaioft it ; and the minority of the
chamber (calling itfelf the Nobles)
who had joined the national cause, reti
red to a private house to consult in like
manner. The malcontents had by this
time concerted their meaforee with the
Court, which Count D'Artois undertook
to conduct ; and as they saw, from the
difeontent which the , declaration
exited, and the oppofcicn making a
gainst it, that they could not obtain a
control ever the in ended conftittyion
by a separate vote, they prepared them
felvcs for their final object—that of con
spiring against the National Assembly,
and overthrowing it.
The next morning, the door of the
chamber of the National Assembly was
shat againd them, and guarded bv
troops ; and the members were refufed
admittance. On this, they withdrew
to a tenis ground in the neighbourhood
of Versailles, as the moll convenient
place they could find, and after renew
ing their session toclc an oath never to
separate from each other, under any cir
cpmftance whatever, death, excepted,un
til they had effablifhed a confutation. As
the experiment of shutting up the house
had no other effed than that of produ
cing a closer connection in the mem
bers, it was opened again the next day,
and the publick business recommenced
in the usual place,
We now are to have in view the form
ing of the new Minifry, which was to
accomplish the overthrow of the Nation*
al Assembly. But as force would be ne
cessary, orders were iffaed to assemble
thirty thousand troops the command of
which was given to Broglio, one of the
new intended Ministry, who was recal
led from the country for this purpose.
But as feme management was necessary
to keep this plan concealed till the mo
ment it should be ready for execution,
it is to this policy that a declaration
made by Count D'Artois muff be attri
buted, and which is here proper to be
introduced.
It could not but occur, that while
the malcontents continued to relort to
their chambers separate from the Nati
onal Assembly, that more jealously
would be excited than if they were
mixed with it, and that the plot might
be.fufpeCted. But as they had taken
their ground and now wanted a pre
tence of quitting it,it was necessary that
one should be devised. This was ef
fectually accomplilhed by a declarati
on made by Count D'Artois " That if
they took not a part in the National As
sembly, the life of the King would be in
dangered :' on Caich they quitted their
chambers, and mixed with the Assem
bly in one body.
At the time this declaration was made
it was generally treated as a piece of
absurdity in Count D'Artois, and cal
culated merely to relieve the out stand
ing members of the two chambers from
the diminutive situation theywere put in;
and if nothing more had followed, this
cctfehfion would have been good. But
as things best explain them selves by their
events, this apparent union was only a
^3fyQfys&»
THE
accommodated itfelf to aniwer that pur
pose. In a lirle time the National Af
feinbly found itfelf farrounded by troops,
and thousands daily arriving. On this
a very strong declaration was made by
the National Assembly to the King, re
menftrating on the impropriety of the
measure, and demanding that reason.
The King, who was not in the secret
of this business, as himfelf afterwards t
declared, gave fubftaotially for answer, I
that he had no other object in view than
to preserve the public tranquility, which
appeared to be much diffurbed.j
But in a few days from this time, the
plot unravelled itfelf. M. Neckar and
the Ministry were displaced, and a new
one formed, of the enemies of theßevd
lution ; and Boglio, with between
twenty five and thirty thousand, foreign
troops, was arrived to fopport them.
The malk was now thrown off,and mat
ters were come to a crisis. The e ent
was, that in the space of three days, the
new Ministry and their abettors found
it prudent to fly the nation ; the Bastille
was taken ; and Broglio and his foreign
troops dispersed ; as is already related
in the former parr of this work. ~
It is worth remarking, that the Na
tional Assembly neither pursued those
fugitive conspirators, nor took any no
tice of them, nor fought to retaliate in
any Shape whatever. Occupied with
cftablilhing a constitution founded on
the Rights of Man and the authority of
the People, the only authority on which
government has a right to ejift in any
country, theNationalAffeably felt none
of those mean passions which mark the
character of impertinent governments,
founding themselves oh their own au
thority or on the absurdity oQ^redita
ry succession. It is the faculty of the
human mind to become what it con
templates, and to adin unison with its
objed.
The conspiracy being thus dispersed,
one of Che firft works of the National
Affembly,inftead of vindictive proclama
tions, as has been the case with other
governments published a Declaration
ofthe Rights of Man, as the basis on
which the new constitution was to' be
built and which is here subjoined.
There are some curious circumflan
ces in the hiftory of this ffiort lived mi
nistry, and this short lilved attempt at a
counter revolu ion. The place of Ver
sailles, where the Court was fitting,
was not more than four hundred yards
distant from the hall where the Nation
al Assembly was fitting. The two
places were at this moment like the
separate head quarters of two combatant
enemies ; yet the Court was as perfect
ly ignorant of the information, which
had arrived from Paris to the National
Assembly, as if it had resided at an
hundred miles distance. The then
Marquis de laFayette, who (as has been
already mentioned) was chosen to pre
side in the National Assembly on this
particular occasion, named, by order of
the Assembly, three successive deputati
ons to the King, on the day, and up to
the .evening on which the Bastille was
taken, and to inform and confer with
him on the flare of affairs : but the mi
nistry, who new not so much as that it
was attacked, precluded all communica
tion, arid were solacing themselves how
dexterously they had succeeded ; but in
a few hours the accounts arrived so
thick and faft. that they had to Hart
from their defies and run. Some set
off in one difguife,and fomc in another,
and none in thefo own character. Their
anxiety now was to out ride the news
left they should be flopt,which, though
it flew faft, flew not so faft as them
felve.,
cover to the machinations that were
secretly going on ; and the declaration
Gazetteer.
'' THE Representatives of the people
of France formed into a National Assem
bly, confidcring that ignorance, neglect,
or contempt of human rights, are the
foie causes of public misfortunes and
corruptions , of government, have resol
ved to set forth, in a solemn declaration,
these natural, imprefcriptible, and un
alienable rights : That this declaration
being conllantly present to rhe minds
of the members of the body facial, they
may beever kept attentive to their rights
and their duties : That the ads of the
legislative and executive powers of go
vernment, being capable of being every
moment compared with the end of po
litical institutions, may be more refpeCt
ed : and also, that the future claims of
the citizens, being directed by Ample
and inconteflible principles, may always
tend to the maintenance of the consti
tution, and the general happiness.
For these reasons, the National As
sembly doth recognize and declare, in
the presence of the Supreme Being, and
wi.h the hope of his blessing and favor,
the following Jarred rights of men and
of citizens.:
'' J. Men are born and always conti
nue free,ana equal in ref, efl of their rights.
Civil diftinAions,therejore, can be founded
only on public utility.
" 11. The end of all political associati
ons it the pre/ervation of the natural and
imprescriptible rights of man, and those
rights are, liberty, property, fecuri% aid
refinance of oppreffon.
" 111. The nation is essentially the
farce of all sovereignty ; nor can any in
dividual, or any body of men, be intitled
to any athorit, which is not expressly de
rived from it.
" IV. Political Liberty consists in
the power of doing whatever does not
injure another. The exercise of the na
tural rights of every man, has no other
limits than those which are necessary to
secure every other man the free exer.
cife of the fame rights ; and these limits
are determinable only by the law.
" V. The law ought to prohibit only
alliens hurtful to society. What is not
prohibited by the law, should not be
hundred ; nor. should any one be com
pelled to that which the law docs not
require.
" VI. The law is an expression of
the will of the community. All citi
zens have a right to concur, either per
sonally or by their reprefenratives, in
its formation. It should be the fame
to all whether it protects or punishes;
and all being equal in its fg be, are equal
ly eligible to all honors, places and em
ployments, according to their different a.
bilities, without any other diflinaion than
that created by their virtues and talants,
" VII. No man should be accused,
@rrefted, or held in Confinement, ex
cept in cases determined by the law,
and according to the forms r , hich it has
prescribed. All who promote, folick,
execute, or cause to be executed, arbi
trary orders, ought to be punished, and
every citizen called upon or apprehen
ded by virtue of the law, ought imme
diately to obey, and render himfelf
Culpable by refinance.
." VIII. The law ought to impose no
other penalties than such as are abfo
lately and evidently necessary : and no
one ought to be punished, but in virtue
of a law promulgated before the offence,
and legally applied.
" IX. Every man being prefumed'
innocent till he has been convicted,
whenever his detention becomes indif
penfible, all rigour to him more than is
by the NATIONAL ASSEMBLY OF
FRANCE. ,
DECLARATION of the
RIGHTS of MAN AND
of CITIZENS.
[Numb. 24 of Volume 6—