The Connecticut courant, and the weekly intelligencer — Hartford [Conn.], 1782-09-24 00:00:00, page 2

chequer, and >ubtedly their loss would be felt, io»mnch as
tie great abilities of one, and the unimpeached integrity
and virtue of the other, rendcied both ofthem pcifonsfrom
whom abidance was to be expeded. He didnot, however,
consider them as going out upon the fame principle ; the
Ute Chancellor of the Exchequer having, as he undeiftood,
no other motive than a love of retirement, and an avcifion
to public life. With regard to the motive that had a&u
ated the other to take the Hep which he had done, he
knew of none but a desire to get the whblq govern
ment of the country into his own hands, contrary to
the inclination, and againit the wishes of his Majesty.—
With regard to his opinion, as to the Crown's having the
power of appointing the different departments of govern
ment, He thanked God, it was well known, and that noton
opinion taken for the fake of the moment, but an opinion
avowed by him before he came into office.
The House would recoiled a cant expression he had for
merly made use of, andthey would recoiled it for the only
good purpose that cant expreflions ought to be recolleded,
namely to bring back to their memory the fort of reasoning
that accompanied it. Their Lordships would remember
that on a former debate he had reprobated the idea of treat
ing his M.jelly like a /(% of the Mahrattas, a mere titular
monarch, without power and without prerogative, govern
ed by a Peshaw, elected by his nobles for the pdrpefe of
keeping him in fubjedion. He had on that occasion cx
prefsly declared, that he did not understand the King's being
dilated to and ruled by a party, who having forced thern
felves into power, inlifted upon exclusively nominating
from their own friends and adherents, to every office that
shotidbecome vacant. He was Still of that opinion, and
upon that opinion he meant to build his future conduct, in
Spice of the ablest party or the Strongest fa&ioi th^could be
formed to oppofc him. He was himfelf, and he had often
avowed it, of no party whatever, and he wished to try the
experiment, and fee whether a man ading Strait for&aid,
and in a dired, explicit, and unequivocal manner, pursuing
such measures as promised good to the country, would not
be supported.
One thing he felt comfort from, and that was, he knewhe
was ading for an indulgent public, who he did not in the
lealt doubt would put a fair construction upon his condud,
,nd judge of him as that condud shewed he ought to be
judged. Another thing he was bound in duty to mention,
viz. that he feived a gracious sovereign, who was as ready
to come into, and as desirous to countenance mealues cal
culated to forward the interests, prosperity and happincSs of
his fubjeds, as any one prince that ever fat upon a throne.
Conscious, therefore, of the benignity of bis sovereign and
of the indulgence and candour of the people, he was not to
be affeded by any abuse orany attacks whatever. He ob
served, that an attempt had been made to Stigmatize h ni
for having done what he thought every way justifiable —the
granting an eventual provision to an hon. gentleman (Col.
Barre) whose friendship had made the happiness of his life.
If he had in his various and continued endeavours to feive
the public, done any good, that good was to be attributed
to the hon. gentleman in question, who had constantly ad
vised and urged him to take the part, the public h-d to long
witnessed mis taking. With regard to the cventu d provisi
on in queltion, that was altogether the ad and the proposi
tion of the late Marquis of Rockingham, and he happened
to have it in writing under his hand. He was himiclf, in
fadtire receiver rather than the giver, for it was an accom
modation given for his dispensing with the Pay-< ffice. But
what was it ? an eventual provision for an hon. gentleman
who had been deprived of all his military employments, for
the part he had taken for the public in parliament, for 20
fears together; and who, had he continued in the army,
would by this time have gained, and in all probability have
been long inporfeffion of twice as much! When it was pro
puled by Lord Rockingham, his hon. friend declared, he
had much rather go back to the army, or have fonicthing in
his oral profeffion; but he accepted it, that he might not
Seem in any degree to impede government. After all, his
':°s'"'P declared he was willing to take the whole refpon-
Si )ioty of it upon himfelf. The public knew the fad, they
knew his price; he did it openly and fairly, and did not,
like others recur to the low habits of looking about, and
providing in a more covered way for his own relations and
for his own family. Having boldly defended the meafuie,
his Lordship again adverted to American Independency,
and reminded tbc heufe, that he had formerly used some
marked expressions on the fubjed. He had laid, the Sun of
Great Britain yvas set, when the Independency of ^America was
avowed. He had endeavoured to prevent that Sun from be
ing wholly fee, in order to light up another day, that this
country might have another Sun, and another, and another,
and another day yet to come.•
His Lord>h.p declared himfelf an advocate for peace ;
peace, unfortunately he said, was a matter which ncccllity
called for, peace therefore mult be obtained. With regard
to hirnfclf, from communications recently made to him
while in his late office, as well as from what he had former
ly known, America was not the less willing to treat with
him upon the lubjed, on account of the doctrines he hadfo
repeatedly maintained on the fubjc& of their independence;
so far was he from shrinking from those doctrines, that he
had often wished co be brought before Congress to argue the
point ; if he had any talents as a public speaker, he allured
the if Lordships, he would have exerted them to lay those
doctrines down in a much Stronger manner than he had ever
done in that House, in hopes of bringing Congress over to
his opinion. He repeated his declaration, that he wished
not to have loft the assistance of the late Secretary of State,
and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he hoped with
• the eighewho did remain in office with him, to be able to
dome public some fervicc. Much as peace was to be de
fied, he laid he did not think there was the smallest occa
sion to lutter France to didate humiliating terms, or to let
hereof filer Great- Britain as a country on which she might
fee her foot, and trample out her exigence whenever she
plcafed.
Iheie was something to advantageous in the Situation of
this island, and in athoufand other circumstances that gave
him hopes, there was yet in our power the means of doing
ourfclvcs justice, io far as at least to prevent our Submitting
tgany other peace than such as should be perfcdly fate and
honorable. We had not forgot that we had been a great
nation, we bad Kill a breve people, and there wanted no
thing but good management of the resources that remained
and a wife and vigorous cxeruoa of our Strength to put us
again on a respectable, a happy and a prolpetous footing.
In the course of his Speech his Lordship said, be was not in
habitsrhat led him to much company or to be publickly
known ; he had been bred, however, in whig principles, a
friend to loyalty and liberty ; and as to his ideas ofa wife
and salutary system of government, every principle of that
nature he had learned from the late Lord Chatham. His
Lordship also spoke with Some contempt of the rage, the
eagerness, and the avidity, with which the Treasury was
looked at, and declared he thought that reform was more
neceffarythan ever, 6< because, if those who have been for
years talking againftcorruption, arid arguing for ©economy,
when pressed to the bone, and truly tried, declare, that go
vernment cannot be carried on without die Treafiiry, it pretty
clearly evinces that an entire new system ought to be esta
blished, to the total deftru&ion of all such principles."
As soon as Lord Shelburne fat down, theD^e of Richmond
refe again, and said, he mult trouble their lordships with a
few words upon one or two points, touched upon by the
noble Earl. His Grace then took notice es Something that
had fallen front Lord Shelburne about a whig party (which
wedonot correctly recollect) His Grace defined his idea
of whiggifm to be a Sincere love for.the constitution, as fix
ed upon the principles ofthe revolution ;be Gid he bin Self
was a whig &f that description, butwhentver a party arro
gated to themfelycs the absolute dominion of their love—
reign, and infixed upon dictating every appointment, to as
to leave the king no will of his own ; he no longer consi
dered that party as wbigs. His Grace also spoke again, re
fpe&ing hisideas of American Independence, and explained
hrs meaning to be, that if the Americans chose, and were
willing to be governed by and be dependent upon this coun
try, in that case, there certainly was no occasion to avow
American Independence, because their dependence was a n
all of their own consent, on the contrary, if they reTuft d to
be governed by this empire, he contended, thatit was u^juft
1 n the British government to lay claim to the dependence of
America. He observed, that Lord Shelburne was willingto
grant American Independence merely as a thing ofnecc Ilicy ;
he considered the granting it, as granting a claim founded
in right and jufiice. His Grace declared, he could not be
content without faying thus much, for fear on the one hand
that he should be mistaken as a friend to anything like piin
cipies which lead to Passive obedience and non lefiltence;
and for fear on the other that any man should conceive he
a (Tented, in the molt distant manner, to renewing the mad
war with America.
Lord Shelburne rose once more and said, the noble Duke
would do him great injustice, if he imagined he in the most
distant manner alluded to hirr,iu what he had faidof a par
ty dilating to the king, and ruling the crown; nothing was
farther from his thoughts ; the noble Duke, he afftried by
his clear definition of whiggifm that day, had ctR Dually
proved himfelf a true whig, and be had proved himfelf a
real friend to his country, by facrificing in some fort, private
habits to public principles. He had shewn that real whigs
were friends to the constitution, as established on the prin
ciples of the revolution, and that wbcribcy attempted togo
l eyond thole principles, and to make their Sovereign a
Slave, they were no longer to be regarded as Whigs.
With regard to what the noble Duke had said on the fub
jedof America, he was glad ofth.it opportunity of declar
es publicly, that he thought whoever attempted to carry on
such measures in America as should render it necessary to
draw the sword again there, womd a& in such a manner,
that he ought, be the minister who it would, to be made
highly refponfi de. Enough mifehitf hasbeendone already
by the fatal fyitem of war in America ; and he hopednever
to fee the day when that system should again be pursued —
His Lordship and the Duke of Richmond both spoke to a
great variety of points, that we have parted by, because we
did not clearly understand in what manner they applied to
the general drift of their refpe&ive arguments, which we
conceived to be on the part of Lord Shelburne to defend his
own condu& in accepting of the place of firft Lord of the
Frcafury, and to open his principles as a minister, and, on
the part of the Duke of Richmond to assign his reasons for
continuing in office, after his relation, Mr. Fox, had tho't
it became him to resign.
STATE PAPER.
Answer from the States of Holland to her Im
perial Majesty the Empress of Ruftia.
" npHAT ever since the commencement of
A the engagement resulting from thema
ritime association, their High Mightinefles have
never ceased to give her Imperial Majesty proofs
of the confidence they put in her good intenti
ons, and to Shew their readiness to conclude,
through her mediation, an happy and solid peace
with England ; that their High Mightinesses itill
continue to entertain the highest regard for the
friendly disposition of her Imperial Majesty ;
convinced of her Heady adherence to the prin
ciples eftablithed by the armed neutrality, with
out fuffering, 011 her part, the least dimunition
in consequence of a pacification between the re
public and his Britannic Majesty ; that under
this persuasion, and animated, on their part, by
a wish of feeing, through the mediation of her
Imperial Majesty, an end to the war, wherein
the Republic hath been involved against their in
clination, through the aggressions of the court
of London, by an advantageous and honorable
peace, their High Mightinefles took into consi
deration the letter of the right honorable Mr.
Fox, Secretary of State to his Britannic Majesty
dated the 23d of March, 1782, which hadbeen
communicated to them by a memorial from the
ministers of her Imperial ' Majesty, the Prince
Gallitzen and de Marcoff; and also the'exph
natory letter of the said Secretary of the 4th of
May ; and that, by the contents of the letter,
they said with fatisfaftion, that his Britannic
Majesty doth admit, asa bails of a separate peace,
with this State, the tree navigation as eltablilh
ed by the declaration under the auspices of
your Imperial Majesty of February 28, 1780, in
consequence of which, the preliminary point
required by the resolution of the 4th of March,
appears to 4>e granted ; that their High Mighti
nesses acknowledge, with the utmolt gratitude,
that such a disposition, on the part of the court
of London, niuft be attributed to the uninter
rupted endeavours which her Imperial Majesty
hath been graciously pleased to exert in favour
of the State ; that the principal objed neceflary
for the foundation of a pacific negociation being
thus far adjured, their High Mightinefles would
not hesitate a moment, had they no other but
their own particular interests to consult in a
dopting proper ineafures towards formal over
tures, under the mediation of her Imperial Ma
jesty ; that however much they are disposed to
persevere in these resolutions, their High Migh
tinesses cannot forbear observing to her Imperial
Majesty, that the constant comiud of the court
of London, particularly under the former ad
minilLration, rendering it indif^nfibly necessary
to consider of every means in their power for
their own security, in doing which they paid
equal attention to the wisdom of her ImperalMa
jelty, pursuant to her reiterated advice durb g
the course of the last year, of putting themfelvcj
in a refpeaable state of defence ; that with this
view they have fettled with the court of France
a plan of reciprocal operations against the com
mon enemy, which, once engaged in, they are;
no longer at liberty, during' the present cam
paign, to agree either to a ceflation of arms, or
to a iepa^e peace, without the concurrence of
his Moll Chriflian Majesty; this very neceflary
alliance, their pofleffions in the Weft-Indies,
captured by the enemy, and recaptured by the
arms of France, and above all the strong appear
ance that a general peace will be speedily re-cita
blifhed, teem to their High Mightinefles fomany
circumlbnces tending to make a general pacifi
cation, as well in as out of Europe, infinitely
preferable to a separate peace, both for their own
particular interest and that of all the other
powers; that they wish therefore to suggest to
her Imperial Majesty, whether, by adoptingthis
principle, the Republic may not facilitate and
forward there-establishment of peace with all
the belligerent powers, and co-operate in the
glorious work which her Imperial Majesty, in
concert with the Emperor, has undertaken, that
in the actual state of affairs, they do not enter
tain a single doubt, but that herlmpcrial Majesty
will give the preference to the grand objed, and
to this end continue her a&ual exertions with
the other powers at war, their High Mighti
nefles being ready to appoint, without delay,
Plenipotentiaries to assist at the Congress the
moment a proper place Ihall be fixed on for that
rurpofe.
WE the lubfciibers being appointed ComniTilioners by
the Hon, Court of Probate for the diftriQ of Hart
ford, to receive and examine the claims of the several cre
ditors to the estate of Dr. James Bigelow, late of Hartford,
deceased, represented insolvent ; do hereby give notice that
we shall attend said business at the boufe of James Caldwell
Administrator to said estate, on the last mondays of Sep^
tember, October and November next, at one o'clock after
noon on each of said days. No accounts will be allowed
unless properly attested.
JOHN SKINNER,
u r A , L JAMESCHURCH.
Hartford, September 16, 1782.
ALL perlons having any demands against the efticeof
Mrs. Sarah Layfon, lace of Middletown, deceased arc
hereby desired to bring in their accounts for fcttlem'ent•
and all those who are indebted to said estate are hereby de
sired, without further notice, co'make immediate pa/meafy
, - WILLIAM JOY C E, Administrator,
Middletown, September 18, 1782,
ALL perlons having
kins, late of WeitmoreJand, deceased, are requeued
forthwith to exhibit them accounts ; and those indebted to
laid citato arc defiredco make immediate payment to
, SA t M c UEL COMMINS, Administrator.
Weftmoreland, Sept. 20, 1782.
HEREAS HANNAH my wife hath fevcral times left
me contrary to my will, and hath been received back
again, and now she hath by the assistance of her father
Rowel, and other relations, taken a fat Cow out of my care
and hath killed and disposed of her without my knowledge.
This is therefore to warn all persons not to trust her on my
account, as I will not pay any debt contrasted by her after
th > s date. NOADIAH BURR, jun.
Farmington, September 21, 1782.
If any person wants a Butcher on any such occasion, ap
^ THOMAS SHEPPARD,