Republican ledger, and Portsmouth price current — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-10-25 00:00:00, page 2

of the dissensions that now exist in this State,
of those eflential principles of government,
in which the theories nt leading federalists
differ from those of the republicans, and of
the opofing fytlems of public measures advo
cated & purfiung by the parlies refpeftively.
If in the course of this exposition we Shall
find ourselves under themeceffity of animad
verting with severity on the conduct & views
of men opposed to'us, let it not be laid vVe
have violated the rule we have prescribed to
ourfelvcs that we permit passion to make us
unjust ! No, we will endeavor to be Stridly.
just, and as we will set down nought in ma
lice, so we will extenuate nothing. We will
speak to our fellow-citizens with that plain
'nefs which belongs to truth. In an hoheft
and ardent pursuit of those inestimable ob
je&s, public peace and liberty, we will not
pause to calculateahe importance to oursel
ves individually of the love or the hatred of
the enemies of public peace and liberty.
Hiftory teaches usthefe interesting faffs,
that from the remotest ages< a few men in
every nation have had the addrefi to make
the multitude their property, that the only
intelligible diflinflion that have been known
among men have bean th^fe of maftef and
slave ; that the dark annals of despotism have
been interrupted and enlightened by some
gleams of liberty, by some noble Struggles of
oppressed man to break his chains, and to
ah'time that dignified Station from which he
had been long degraded ; that the success of
these struggles has ever been of ihort dura
tion ; that though man has been found invin
cible when struggling for his liberty, yet
that he has never been found competent to
its protcaion ; but that ambition and cun
ning have always succeeded, sooner or later,
in persuading the simple, unfofpeaing sons
of freedom to assist in riveting their chains a
new ; that those (hurt periods of liberty have
indeed exhibited illufti ous samples of ge
nius, of energy and of virtue, to which de
graded and enUaved roan can never attain;
but that in the long, dark night of despotism,
these, like the bright corrufeation of a me
teor, have only served to give a more forcible
perception of the deep gloom that was spread
over the world.
From these fa&s, which are controverted
by none, men have deduced various theories,
conformed to their various wishes. The
lovers of liberty, the true friends of man ha
ve, in every case, seen freedom subverted by
circumstances peculiar to each refpeaive ex
periment They have seen nothing to dis
courage new experiments. They perceive
in the progtefs that society has made and is
Bill making in knowledge, in every intel
lectual improvement, a fore, a certain pre
sage of he future universal triumph of truth
and oflibeity. On the contrary, the ene
mies of liberty, men of uncontrolable ambi
tion and cupidity, fay, that the experience o<
past ages demonitrates that the mass of man
kind in every nation are, and, from the ve
ry nature of man, muR forever remain in
competent to protea and perpetuate their
liberties when acquired ; that their ignoran
ce and their vices incapacitate them for fell
government —that the ignorant multitude are
defined forever to be governed by the difeer
ning few, whatever may be the form of that
government —and that therefore all that is to
be fought, or hoped, from the institution of
society is, that they may be so contrived as to
mitigate, and render as mild as possible, that
vaflalage to which, they fay, God has, by an
irreverfable decree, defined the human race.
False ! Foolish ! Impious theory ! They
seek to deprive their fellow men of their
dearest rights, of all that gives to man a va
luable pre-eminence above the brutes, a;CT
jollify themselves by the molt cruel, the molt
degrading of calumnies; by averting in short,
that the Divinity has given to man no valua
ble pre-eminence above the brutes.
Happy would it have .been for us if tbit
monstrous theory had been confined to that
country which gave it bir h. In Europe, as
the multitude have been compell'd to perform
the part of beasts of burden, there it seems
almost innocent to speak of them as such.
Here in America, one would have tho't that
discretion, if not a sense of justice, might
have protested us from ihe iufult. But inor
dinate ambition is the growth of all coun
tries, and in all countries it juftifics its
depredation by similar pretexts.
No sooner was that war finished which
fevered these American States from the Bri;
tilb empire, than ambition marked them for
her own, and commenced her secret machi
nation. We will pass in silence the few
years that preceded the birth of our present
federal constitution b^caufe during that-pe^
riod the operation of faction were unorga
nifed and desultory ; but no sooner was a
convention of the States proposed in order to
jevife the federal compact than they became
both systematic and active. You need nos
be told fellow-citizens, that at this period,
and tor the avowed purpose of influencing
the deliberations of the proposed convention,
Mr. Adams, our late President, wrote three
volumes on the fubjed of Government, the
whole scope and object of which writings
was to prove that a government Constituted
pfecifely oh the principles of that of Great-
Britain, and noother, is perfe^ty adapted
to the happiness and protection; of man @
all countries, and in all Stages of fociety—
and that as far as those who were to form
a Government for us ihould deviate from th©
true principles of the British Government,
so far would they deviate froth wisdom and
from nature.
The convention when assembled was
found to confilt cf di feordant materials, some
ardent friends of the elective principle
throughout the legislative and executive de
partments of the government, fome' open,
some covert friends of the hereditary prin
ciple in the executive, and n one branch of
the legislative departments. Here it Was
that Alexander Hamilton strenuously advo
cated an annihilation of the state govern
ments, an executive and serrate elected for
life. How easy! how very natural would
be the transition from Hamilton's governor
and senate, or to use European names, King
and Nobles for life, to Adams' hereditary
king and nobles! The constitution, when
formed, was declared by the convention that
formed it, to be" the result of a spirit of
mutual concession. "Probably no single mem
ber of the convention believed it to be free
from defeats. In one point all parties
agreed, to wit, that a Stronger bond cf union
than had hitherto bound the dates together
was absolutely necessary to their peace, to
their fefety, perhaps to their very exigence.
The republicans were, in general well
pleased with the constitution. They confi
ded in the good sense ofthe people, and they
believed that if what appeared to them im
perfection Should on experiment be found to
be really such, they would in the manner
provided by the instrument itftlf be correc
ted. Some indeed, not less zealous for a
union of the dates, but more jealous than
their brethren iho't they law in the instru
ment unneceflary facilities to corruption and
usurpation, and on that account ultimately
opposed its adoption. This procured for
them, and for the republican party, with
which they in the subsequent Struggles co
operated, and to which they in truth belon
ged the name of anti-federalids.
It must be manifeft to every reflecting
mind that men who like Mr. Adams, believ
ed the British to be the Randard of good
governments muR have regarded our federal
conftitut on as it came from the hands
of the convention with difappr< bation and
cantempt. Annihilation of the Rate govern
ments and a combination of the flutes under
one government must have been a neceftary
part of the plan of the monarchies, and ac
cordingly as has a'ready been observed the
measure was brought toward in the conven
tion by Mr. Hamilton. Notwithstanding
this attempt was defeated, and although
the constitution was destitute of almost every
thing which the monarchies considered as
valuable in substance yet they unanimously
fubferibed it ; because it was all that at
that time could be obtained, because though
deficient in substance in form it was correct;
and because they hoped that as it had the
form by a fkilful management of its powers,
by an artful direction and management of
private intcrcfts already within its reach,
and of filch as from time to time it would be
possible under various pertextsto create, to
give it the substance of their great model, the
British government.
The moment that the new government
was organized the monarchies, arrogating
to themselves the name or federalifts com
menced a systematic attack on &ery repub
lican principle in the confliution, endea
voring to sap one after another every bul
wark ereCted for the protection of the inde
pendence of the Rate governments, and of
the fnpremacy of the whole people. This
attack called forth a correspondent vigilance
and vigor on the part of the republicans in
the defence of every thing which in a go
vernment they confide ed of value. Thus a
warfare cf principles commenced which has
not yet subsided.
Here, then, fellow citizens, you have a
faithful exhibition of our view of the origin
of the dillenfions u hich disturb the tranquili
ty not only of this ftatc, but of the United
States and of those eflerAial principles of go
vernment in which the theories of leading
federalifts differ from those of republicans.
We will fay fotnthing of the opposing systems
of public meafiires advocated and pursued by
the parties refyeaively.Permit us however to
pause here and make a remark which isdug
gefted by what has already been. said. Man
is always backward to acknowledge himfelf
in an error, he is too apt to confider it a dis
honor to him to have been deceived, this in
duces him to persevere in his error until he
meets with evidence altogether irresistible.
Many an honest sincere republican has con
stantly given his voice for federalists believ
ing them to be as honestly and as sincerely
republican as himfelf. Such men will not
easily be purfuaded that they have been be
trayed by those in whom they have confided ;
that they have given their support to a system
which is their abhorrence.
It will be difficult to convince such repub
licans, that their friends the leading feder-
alifts with whom they are acquainted can be
advocates for the systems of Mr. Adams or
Mr. Hamilton. We Solicit those men who
Shall entertain doubts like th.fe, to. reflect
that Mr. Adam's books were published f^r
the express purpose that tasaheady been
dated, and were read by ? c leading men of
both parties; his principles were therefore
eariv and universally understood—t at Hahi
ilton's propofitiondcr the destruction of the
date governments, an I for the election of a
chief magistrate and fenitors FOR LIFE, was
made in the face of the convention assembled
from every part of the union. To fuppo e
'hen that the op nions of these men are un
known to leading federalists would be mere
idiocy. Both Mr. Adams and Hamilton are
known by leading tcderlrds to be monarch
ids in principle and of course to be enemies
to cur federal constitution. "Mr. Adams has
on account of his principles, been raised to
the cheif magistracy and Mr. Hamilton is
to this day the favorite chief of his party.
Would republicans, would those who detett
kingly or any other hereditary government
exalt to the chief magistracy of a govern
ment like ours an avowed royalist ? Such
condua would be the wildest phrenzy. No,
the men who in fafl procured ibe election of
Mr. Adams were royalifs. The men who
are now the political friends of Mr. Hamilton
are royalfs. Though the royaliSts, or fede
ralilts, as they called therfifelves, commenced
their operations with the commencement of
the government, yet during the administra
tion of Washington, thir march though
Steady was catitious. That inflexible pauiot,
always esteemed by the re, üblicans, Was
always hated by the federalists because he
was known to be in favor of the public
eleaive system. They kne his integrity to
be incorruptible, to him, therefore it is not
probable that their pr<jects were explained,
but his personal friendship for & confidence
in some of the party, whom either acci
dental or design had placed near him, ena
bled them in some instances to circumvent
him, to betray him into measures plaufibk
indeed, but which in their tendencies were
indifputablv opposite to the whole tenor of
his declarations, and to the principles he
avowed. Such instances, however, were
rare, for we do not accuse him of a mental
approbation of anti republican legislative
measures, merely because he did not confider
it expedient to oppose to them his constitu
tional veto.
The day this great man retired from the
government was for federalifin a day of fl
umph. Having by their address, for we
will make tile of a mild epithet, procured for
themselves a chief on whole co-operation
they might rely, they seemed determined to
redeem the time they had loft under his pre
deceffor.—Having obtained a dißjnd majo
rity in the legislature, having early seized
on the judiciary, they were become complete
masters of the field. All the powers of the
government were in their hands, and thev
were all exerted to prostrate every obftaC'e
to the eftablifhmehi of their favorite fyflerb.
Caution was at anend, henceforward their
attacks on the constitution, our citadel of
liberty, were open, incellant, alarming— I o
trace them in all their movements of hoßi
lity, would be to write a hißory of the ntea
fures of the government. Few indeed were
the meafures,that <id not directly or indirea
ly t< nd to advance this great plan of federal
ifm ; but whatever might be the mode ip
which they were to operate, one distinguish
ing principle pervades the whole, they arc
all, excepting their measures of terror, cal
culated to create and extend an individual, a
particular interest, separate and dißina from
the general interest of the community, and
to engraft that par icular interest on their sys
tem in Inch a manner as that it should be
understood that they were to Rand pr fall
together.
The limits of an address will admit of
little more than to name the mod prominent
of the measures that were dire&ed againß
the popular, the republican fyfiem, in Short
againß liberty. In the front, rank appears
the funding lyßetp, a roeafure maniicftly
injuft, in as much as the real creditor of the
public was thereby compelled to contribute
to pay the whole amount of the very debt
which in reafob and justice was Rill due to
himfelf, to the gambling [peculator, .who,
taking advantage of his neceffil es, had pur
chased the paper on which was recorded the
evidence™ of that debt at one eighth part of
the amount of the debt.—Tlie injußice of
the a& will be forgotten. Ihe loldier to
whom we are indebted for our liberty,he
who had purchased it at the price of his
health, and of his blood, he, it is true has
been deprived (>f the pittance that had been
promised him, and the price of his^blood has
been paid to his pre ud oppressor; ut the sol
dier is poor, and himfelf and his injuries are
forgotten ; but the effects of the measures on
the politics of our country will long be re
membered.
T he debts of the United States at the time
they were funded, were nearly as follows: —
The whole debt due originally to foreigners,
about twelve millions of dollars. The do
meltic debt due originally to our vA'n citi-
zens nf various descriptions, forty millions
of dollars, but worth at the market price not
more than five ; but let it be estimated at
-thirteen milltons of dollars. The debts of
the several dates for which the creditors had
nc pretence of claim against the United Sta
tes, and which, therefore Should not be in
cluded in the eftirriate of, he debts, really due
from rhe United States, but which were as
sumed by the United States on shallow and
frivolous pretences, amounted to the very Se
rious sum of eighteen millions cf dollars. If
we estimate the balance due to those dates
which had perforated more than their pro
portion in our revolutionary labors, at five
millions of dollars which cannot be far frora
the trtrh, it will he found that the who!:
debt of the United States at the time the Safe
for funding it was enabled in truth and m
justice, amounted to no more than thirty
millions of dollars, at lead no intfre than
that sum was due to those whubv that law
were recognized as creditors. Birt the debt
whendunded amounted to eighty milli ns of
dollars. By this single operation then a cap
ital to the enormous amount cf fifty trillions:
of dollars was created out, of nothing, and
what was worse, if worse could be than the
injustice of the measure, the proprietors of
this vast wealth understood that they owed
it to federation (for the measure was strenu
ously opposed by the republicans) and they
were taught to believe that the exigence of
their wealth depended on the success of that
fyltein which had created it. (to be coat'd.
London, Aug. 31.
Extras of a letter f?bm Dublin.
I fend you the following as the official return
of the rebel Hores found on the night of th^„d,
in one depot ; it will give you a better idea of the
extent of the confp^cy than probably you have
yet received.
Seized in a store at the rear of Thomas-street,
on Saturday the 23d July.
11 Deal boxes, filled with powder and made
up ammunition.
14 Bundles of cannon powder, No. 1, about
140 lb.
246 Hand grenades, formed of ink bottles
filled with powder, and encircled with buck Shot.
104 Champaigne beetles filled with powder,
enveloped with muiket balls, and covered with
canvas.
42,000 Rounds of musket ball cartridges tied
up in parcels of 20 each, and 4 Hints attached
to each parcel.
I Scaling ladder complete.
156 Grappling irons for scaling ladders.
2J Bushels of musket balls, about 150,000 ti
ed up in 4 each, being charges for blunderbuffesd
14 Quires of cartridge paper.
2 Deal cases of sky-rockets, and other fignal^
496 Hooks, chiffels, &c.
48 Quires of the Proclamation of the Provis
ional Government.
108 Cartridge formers.,
8 Feices of fouciffe, * 78 yards in lengths
N.B.The aboveis an exaftreturn of what was
delivered into his majesty's fibres at the royal
barracks, of course does not include the vaP.quan
tity of pikes, the rebels ftandafds, uniforms,
bread newly baked,&c.
The pikes amounted to upwards cf 17,000 ;
they were of Simple form and workrnamnip, and -
were broken up by the foldiery,it not being deem
ed necessary to deposit them in (lores.
* Gun powder mad* up in a long hard roll (Uke a fau
fagc) for plating under walls and buildings to blow them
u P
Latest by the Mails:
PHILADELPHIA, OCT. f&
It is a matter of infinite fatisfa&ion to observe;
th-t notwithstanding the formidable afpeft with
which the malignant fevettnade its appearance in
this city, the present feafori, its ravages have been
comparatively diminutive and reftri&ed to a very
partial sphere. Itis an additional consolation to
know, and we receive it from a mod refpedablc
authority, that the disease has this year borne
ÜBufual marks of mildness and amelioration.
To whatever cause this fad may be attributed, it
has excited among profeffional men, the pleasing
expectation of the future total extinction in our
climate, of thb disorder. That it may soon be e
rased from the catalogue of human calamities
milfl be the fervent wish of every friend to hu«
mhnity. #
; $ NFW YORK, OCT. 1,
• Bv an arrival from Ireland, we have Beifafli
papers to Sept. 6th.
Jtefafl, Sept. 2. Numerous atretic connrue
daily to be made in Dublin. Many prisoners
are Secured in this town, and Canickiurgns, to
take their trials before the ensuing courts-mar-
Sept. 6. Owgn Kirwan has been condemned
to death, at Dublin, as a traitor.',
Dublin, Amg. 31st. To morrow the trial of
the traitors commences. Arrets continue to be
made. Five men, in the goal of Frenchmen,
are amongst them.
Sept. 3. On Thursday Edward Keareney,
was executed, for high-treason, on the spot
where Lord Kilwerden was murdered ; and
yesterday Thomas Maxwell Roche, and James
Bryne shared the fame fate, at the fame place.
.LONDON, sfpt. 1. An alliance between Ruf-
Ifia and Great-Britain is expeded in confequer.ee
I of the marriage of the Duke of Cambridge,~:he
1