Oracle post — Portsmouth, N.H., 1804-09-18 00:00:00, page 1

Just received and for sale by
JOHN MAN,
a supply of
Women's .Morocco Shoes,
some of the very largest sizes, by the dozen or sin
gle. —4LSO—
A few pipes BRANDY.—GROCERIES, and IRON
WARD, as ustiak
Portsmouth, September 3, 1804.
TO PE SOLD,
200 quintals Haddock Fish ;
200 do. Pollock do.
—AL SO—
-30 M. Refuse Boards ;
& Apply to
ELISHA WHIDDEN.
Portsmouth, S^it. 8, 1804.
JVow Landing from on board schooner Enterprize,
from Philadelphia,
AND FOR SALE F?
John Langdon, jr.
Philadelphia IRON, in square and flat bars.
3d. 4d. and 6d, Hhd. Hoop IRON.
And in Store,
20 bales Upland Georgia COTTON ; Os a su
perior Quality ;
Number' bags PEPPER and PIMENTO ;
Fresh, superfine and scratch'd Philadelphia
and New-York FLOUR;
Pilot and Ship BREAD ;
A Qw catks bottled ALE and PORTER.
Bow-street, August 31, 1804.
FOR SALE,
A few bolts of Russia Duck,
ALSO,
Ticklinburgs
of the first quality—please to apply to
TOBIAS WALKER,
fit his Sail-Left, Aerth-End. September 8.
For New-York,
rf^ The schooner Enter
prize,—for Freight or Passage, apply
Aren . to the Master on board, or
MARK SIMES.
She will sail next week.
BRICKS.
ABOUT Twenty-thousand BRICKS well burnt
and of a good quality, to be Sold, and ma.
, delivered immediately „--West-India RUM will
B received in exchange} ts most agreeable.
Inquire qf the Printer. Sept. X.
30 flasks each ;,
20 barrels of Roll Brimstone,
PETER COFFIN,
from France arid Holland a variety of French and
Dutch Goods viz.—
Mens and Womens black & white silk HOSE;
black & white silk GLOVES;
A variety of FANS some very elegant & cheap ;
Sattin Waistcoating ;
Dutch CHECKS;
Bretagnic LINENS;
Dutch TAPES—&c. all which will be sold
very cheap. July 25.
Informs his Friends and Customers that hb has re
moved from his stand in Congress-street, to his new
Brick-Store in Market-street, where he has ready
for sale, an extensive assortment of
English Piece Goods,
which he imported direct from the Manufac
juries, and will dispose of them at a smalt advance,
by wholesale and retail.
He has just received the following
India & Dutch Goods,
^hich will be sold low :
100 pieces BROWN HOLLANDS ;
100 — PLATILLESROYALRS ;
^ — BRITTANNItS;
15C CHECKS and STRIFES;
50 — OIL CLOTHS;
1 case ROUANS;
200 dozen TAPES and BOBBINS ;
500 pieces INDIA COTTONS ; some fine ;
190 — I^DIA CALLICOES;
200— BANDANNAS Sc Ltingee HAND
KERCHIEFS ;
SOO — NAPKINS, &c. &c.
Lucca Oil & Roll Brimstone.
30 cases of best Lucca Oil
Vol. XIV.]
September 8.
I? A^ ^fr" 1 ? TEAS, best quality.
10 chests Souchong 5 tj
20 boxes CHINA ; and
about one ton good BUTTER.
Portsmouth, September 7, 1804.
French & Dutch Goods.
Just Imported by
for Sale on the best terms for Cash or approv
ed Credit by
EDMUND H. QUINCEY.
OF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY, RELIGION AND MORALITY ARE INDISPENSABLE SUPPORTS.—Washington.
g^j^l^lj^^gj^jy^jiijiiJ^l^aMaia^j^a^^jggi^^^^^^^^^jgjjgaMaitaMawiNi mr^ ^''■' 1,1 '‘•s ; iw HihirMMiiM»aiMj^ mM< b M ^ t „^E^^^^ii^^ > ,^^^_^^^~ —
James Rundlet,
He hab also a consignment of
REMOVAL.
An ATTr^' nn^T
The community has heard from the party in au
thoritymany declarations ofthe viol^jqfflfc Constfo
tution, by subjecting the slanderer to punishment, and
expelling the f^eign assassins ofm
bosom of the country. Yet th&gffl^ffiQfy'soon
violated it, in its most essential raff
ample would have taught the nati&ffiat their
language was deceptive.' But it seems to be a law
Ox nature, that States shall not derive instruc
tion by the experience of those before them. It has
ever been the fate of free Governments to be cursed
With demagogues, the loudest declaimed against the
exercise of power ; yet, m possession of it, the great
est tyrants. '
It is not an unpleasing circumstance to the friend
of virtue, that vicious men attempt to assumeits
pask. While it may be the cause of deception,
it shows the respect for moral rectitude, which na
,re has made requisite to the happiness of man
kind. If, an the transaction of human affairs, the
undeserving obtain favor by appearing virtuous,
those who bestow it ought not to be thought the pat
rons of vice. Though Mr. Jefferson might, he can
not still plead the excuse of deception in his appoint
ments to office, for time has decyphered characters.
~ome of them claim a momentary attention. The
Minister to France was perhaps thought a suitable
representative of the majesty of the nation. When
however it is known, that his conduct has excited
the contempt of the Chief Consul, it would retrieve
our national character to supply his place with a
person who would enforce respect. The continuance
111 of the Postmaster and Attorney-General,
will * discredit the belief of the President's want
*C The former has proscribed many
faithful agents, because appointed by a preceding
administration,while the latter stands convicted be
fore the public of falsehood, and has made the Uni
,' ncur a large expense, because attendance
at n ashington was incompatible with his election
eering projects. He has uttered* sentiments, dis-
P . m S ' addictive feelings, which perhaps appeared
in tluit master of the guillotine, Roberspierre, or in
the Emperor Caligula, who exclaimed, " would to
heaven the Roman people had but one head, that it
might be struck off at one blow." The Secretarvof
War is so far acquainted with the details of his*of
fice, that he can make estimates for necessary ap
pi opriations with the addition of " more or less."
But the character <tf Mr. Monroe, sent Ambassador
Extraordinary to the court of France, was not un-
Jefferson. Washington had before
recalled him, for betraying the interest of the coun
try. Ihe promotion of Gallatin to the office of Sec
retary of the 1 reasury, shows the President to be
entirely divested of principle. In 1792, he - i clerk
to an association or mob, which entered into a reso-
L '' en y a " the offices of life, and Stamp
with the name of traitors, those who should endeav
or to execute the laws of the United States appro
ved by " e best °f men. To quell this mol), which
by 1794, through his aid, had become an organized
insurgency, required the assistance of the militia of
the neighbouring States. Almost as soon, however,
as Mr. Jefferson was declared Chief Magistrate,this
inflamatory foreigner, this rebel against Washington
has the control of one of the most important offices
under'Government. When such an appointment dis
tinguishes ah Executive,the interests of the communi
ty is little a consideration inhis choice. Indeed, such a
President With such confidential officers, is ill quali
fied to promote the prosperity, elevate the character
or improve the morals and virtue of Qe nation.
Miscellany. *
_O_
HUME No. VI.
From Mr. Jefferson's reply to the remonstrance
of the merchants of New-Haven, in July 1801, we
proceed to consider more minute transactions, some
of which have an earlier date. If the clasification
of them be observed in any degree, the exact order
of time cannot be followed. To attempt it, would
Oblige us to relinquish our design ; for it would lead
into an endless field, by requiring a number for ev
fy particular act. Indeed, the minuteness of some
things we may notice, would prevent ari observation
were they not the actions of a Chief Magistrate, the
effect of which may not injure simply himself, but.
the nation. They will also fill % c chasms between
important periods. W e shall therefore e .nirf
the case of Mr. Green Anne of the Pretidchtfs an- 4
pointments to office, and his arresting justice in fa
vor of offenders against the laws of the country.
When the imperfections of the judicial system had
caused an amendment, Mr. Green was appointed
to the office of DStrict Judge for Rhode-Island. By
a clerical mistake, tlie term Circuit- instead of Dis
trict was inserted in his commission. Soon after
Mr. Jefferson's promotion, Mr. Green sent his com
mission for alteration. Instead of altering and rc
turningthe President suppressed it. These are facts.
They originate the question whence Mr. Jefferson
derived the power of removing a Judge, who holds
his office during good behaviour ; for the suppres
sion of a commission can be nothing less than remo
val. The defence of this act by the friends of the
President is, that Mr. Green was appointed before
his predecessor resigned, and therefore that the ap
pointment was illegal. „ hetlier the predecessor
of Mr. Green had notified the Executive of his re
signation of the office of District, and his acceptance
ofthat of Circuit Judge, till an appointment to the
former had been made, can be of no consequence
For tlie actual reception of a commission as Circuit
was vacating the office of District Judge, with ref
erence to the time of appointment, unless there was
a refusal. As there was no refusal, a vacancy ex
isted. To fill this vacancy, a nomination was sane
tioned'by the Senate, a commission issued, and the
whole transaction was a record of State. By wha:
right then was Mr. Green deprived of the office 7
Was the record of the transaction, which was a re
cord of State, falsified ; or does Mr. Green still
stand recorded, as District Judge for Rhode-Island?
The authority of the office was conferred by his
nomination, sanctioned by the Senate, not by the com
mission, which was only evidence to himself of his
appointment. Had his commission never been sent
for alteration, no person could have resisted the jus
tice he was authorized to dispense. After all this,
however^ a single executive act numbered among
private citizens this officer, removeable only by im
peachment and conviction. If the exercise of such
power be deemed right,the Constitution maybe anihi
lated in a moment. Liberty will he dependent on the#
caprice of the President. If he smile it mat live
but it he frown.it is dead.
TUESDAY, September 18, 1804.
I hese # acts are of minor consequence, when com
-1 pared with the discoloring of the fountain of justice
by the interposition of the president, to arrest the op
eration of law against attrocious offenders. Under
his administration, there are cases, where mercy
has been extended to criminals, whose iniquity was
unattended with any circumstances whicli demanded
the exercise of this heavenly attribute. The first
is the case of Levi Jones, who was indicted in 1799
for a murder,committed on board thebrig David Stew
art. He fled fro,m the country to avoid a just pun
ishment. An application was made by his friends
to Mr. Adams, while President, to stop the prose
cution by a nolle prosequi. But the rectitude of his
inind would not permit him to pervert justice by an
ill jmlged clemency. It was proper for Mr. Jeffer
son to suffer Jones to return without fear < f personal
injury. He ordered the prosecution to cease. A
murderer returned to the country, probably a par
'™n °f him, who seems disposed to make proselvtes
every practice within human- invention. The
Oram <c 1 poor St friendless individual w f s unregar
ded, and unpitied ; while his destroyer might again
imbrue his hands in the blood of a fellow being.
Another instance of sleeping justice, is the case of
the L'nited Statesagainst Duane. This foreign ren
egado had published a false and scandalous libel on
the Senate,for which a grand jury found a bill against
him in October 1800. In luly succeeding, Mr. Jef
ferson ordered a nolle prosequi to be entered on tlie
record of the Court. The services of this self-styled
organ of the public will toward the President, claim
ed no less reward than a release from merited pun
ishment. Actions, tending to destroy the peace of
the nation, and to bring its sovereignty into contempt
by imputing the most iniquitous designs to character
entrusted with public authority for public happiness
were, in his estimation, of less consequence than
those ties of friendship and affection which united
such kindred souls.
The last case we shall mention, is a suspension of
justice, where circumstances must have required its
speedy execution. By repeated cruelty of treatment
James M'Girk put a period to the life cfhis wife,
who was almost helpless by disease, and whose par
ticular situation at the time ought to have excited pity
and tenderness in barbarity itself. This evil spirit in
the form of man, under sentence of death, obtained
a temporary respite from punishment. As no reason
for it has been given to the nation, we are compell
ed to attribute it to services he had rendered Mr.
Jefferson. At the time of election of President, this
bold and profligate person beset the doors of the
chambers of representatives, and attempted to in
timidate some, who would not vote for Mr. Jeffer
son, by the intimation of threats against their safe
ty. Hence might arise that partiality which delay
ed justice, and would, if public opinion had admitt
ed, have snatched a daring and savage offender
from death.
&Other cases might be noticed, but these are suf
ficiently mortifying to every man who reveres vir
tue and possesses rectitude of mind. What a scene
of Inman degeneracy is beheld, when the Chief
^.Maftt •ate of a great people seems desirous to loos
nthe found Wtionsof society, by corrupting morals
fahtl weakening the impressions of virtue ? Yet,when
tactions like those we have described are seen, the
tandid mind can scarcely refrain from imputing to
the President such an inclination. It is evident that
,viere are no reasons for such conduct, since none
save been given to the nation. Had they existed,
and the cases required the mild influence of mercy,
how amiabie would Mr. Jefferson have appeared,in
the exercise of an attribute the most splendid and
heavenlike of any in his official character ? But
dark and gloomy is the prospect, when mercy be
comes lenity to daring offenders. The mind need
riot look far into futurity to perceive national ruin,
when vice is encouraged by the example of a Chief
Magistrate. Those who regard morals and virtue
as the basis of our happiness and prosperity, must
soon awake, to save our wise institutions from de
struction. HUME.
Can the “ Freeman" offer any argument against
the Sedition Law ? Was it made for any but culum
niators and liars ; and if a citizen should be never
so severe against another, could he not under that
law offer the truth to exonerate him ? He cculd ;
and under the common Law, now in force, he cannot.
Why then make such a hue arri cry about the Se
dition Law which was enacted merely for the terror
of calumniators, the assassins of private reputation,
and the robbers of a worthy man's fame. The fed
eralists are not unwilling that that law should be
revived ; and if they cannot defend their assertions
with the weapon of Truth, they are willing to suffer
under it. The “ Freeman" is defied to produce one
clause in said law which can, in the least respect
injure an honest man.. This, however, is not his ob
ject. It would seem that he wishes for such laws,
as will extend their forbearance to the abettors of
falsehood and knavery.
5. « They justify the raising of the army under
" the pretence of resisting French invasion when'
" there was no more danger of an invasion from
" France than from the Moon. Washington knew
" this and he took the nominal command of the ar
“ rev upon himself, at the private solicitation of Mr.
" Jefferson,then Viee-President^o prevent its doing
" mischiefathome for which purpose it was raised."
We have scarce ever witthessed a more unfoun
ded and base charge against the memory q£Wa§&-
[Continued from our last.]
4. “ They justify the odious Sedition law—altlio'
“ it was enacted in direct violation of the constitu
" tion, and altlio' they know that if it were now in
" force, our jails would be crowded with federal ca
" lumnlators, and these very men would be im
" mured in dungeons, instead of being at liberty to
" stroll over the state to hold cancusses and „ot a
" gainst the government."
The Pamphlet of Facts.
: *®*::::::::.
From the Farmers Museum.
10. “ They condemn our relying on impost f±
" revenue'and call it unjust—when it was notorious
" ly the Washingtonian system & the original inten
" -tion of those who framed and of those who adopted
" the constitution, to rely on impost wholly, without
" any internal taxation. And it isknown that the mer*
" chant is only the collector, and the consumers pay
" the tax. They would gladly subject the farmer
" & mechanic to double burthens and to all the out
" rages and insults of public tax-gatheres. It would
'' the sooner break them down to humble vassa
“ lage."
The whole of this, except what is false, is mere
thodomontade and unworthy to gull the tenants ofa
hospital for lunatics.
This is another untruth. Federalists do not
condemn the ' retaining' of a moderate tax on salt,
brown sugar and molasses. They are sensible
they are necessary for the support of govErnmENT ;
— but they do not wish that a poor man should pay
for the expense of government, as much as a rich
man. A poor man wants as much salt to his dinner
as one of independent fortune, and it takes as much
brown sugar to sweeten his cup of bohea tea, on
which he has to pay his impost tax, as it does of
loaf sugar to sweeten the green tea of the rich man
who pays no tax on it tfer it is manufactured,
Tliese things would not be so, if it were not for the
vile and base purpose of popularity.
INGTON than what is furnished in the foregoing
paragraph.—lt goes in fact to accuse him of hypoc
risy and the vilest duplicity. And what an influen
tial man Mr. Jefferson must have been to have
been able to persuade Washington to commaudan
army to the head of which he was appointed by the
very man whose administration was the theme of
ted State among whom we believe is Mr. Madi
son that it was the most equitable mode for a re
publican government that ever was devised, and by
which the people could then see at one glance what
they paid respectively and accurately for the expense
of the government ; whereas now by impost it is
almost impossible.
The western states have coaches and other car
riages without doubt : and twenty of the handsom
est four wheel vehicles used by Virginia nabobs,
would perhaps cost more money than all the car
riages of convenience made use of in the whole state
of New-Hampshire.
9. “ They condemn the retaining “ of taxes on
" salt, brown sugar and molasses" —notwithstand
" ing their own party created those taxes, and sol
" emnly pledged them in public contracts, which it
'' would be immoral to violate."
The repeal of that system at this time was cer
tainly injudicious. It had just gone into fair opera
tion ; and was a tax upon luxury and vicious hab
its. It fell almost wholly on the very aristocrats
whom this writer is denouncing for their overgrown
wealth. And why should not the Farmer and Me
chanic be benefitted by this loaf sugar tax on the
rich when he pays one on his brown ? In the name
of propriety answer this question. And why should
not these monied speculators and commercial men
pay for their chaises, phaetons, and coaches as much
as a farmer or mechanic pays for his acres or his
stock to work upon ? My democratic friends, I pray
you to think of these things,&: don't be duped out of
your senses with the eyes of your understanding broad
awake.
8. “ They advangtihe extraordinary assertion,
" that the " westerreretes—have coaches and o
" ther carriages" ! arid grossly misrepresent bv hol,
" ding out that these abound more in the southern
“ states than in the northern,"
his unqualified admiration. It is charging him with
treason against the government cfhis ownfounding ;
it is arraying him in arms against the bosom of his
country ; it is saying, in fact, that he accepted of
that command to terrify the government, if they
should conduct differently from what he deemed ex
pedient for the public interest. If Mr. Jefferson
made a solicitation of this kind, and for the purpose
above mentioned, his best friends would say that he
deserved transportation to the country where such
advice might be accepted of.
No.ll which shall appear in a-few weeks. As to di
rect taxation, it has been the favourite sentiments of
three or four of the very first democats in the Uni*
6. “ They justify Adams's system of internal and
" direct taxation, —though it was unknown under
" Washington, was abhorred by the sages of that
" day, and was found highly oppressive."
7. “ They condemn the repeal ofthat system, and
" ascribe it to southern and western influence
“ when it relieved the northern farmers as much
" as the southern or western. Here they tacitly ac
" knowledge that the farming interest of the north
“ was not represented in congress, nor had the least
" influence there ; but that our members were the
'' tools of monied speculators, commercial men and
" aristocrats, which has been but too true."
Here is another theme of democratic abuse. The
reader will find all this amply explained in “ Hume"
[No. 51.