Gazette of the United-States. — New-York [N.Y.], 1792-02-18 00:00:00, page 2

1 he present section of the bill (he continued)
appears to contain a direct bounty on occupa
tions: and if that be its object, it' is the firft at
tempt as yet made by this government to exec
c.fe luch authority s—and its conftitutionalitv
"ruck him in a doubtful point of view; for in
n'o pars of the conftitntion could he, in'exprefs
terms, find a power given to Congress to errant
bounties on occupations the power is nelth"-
trary, it is plain that these men will !ofe more
than ether citizens by the dell ruction of th*
common liberty—sos their property v is m;ide to
depend wholly, 60 the Jaws—their policy is to
keep all quiet, not to change the government, as
many inlhiuate. It would be a <|ueer blunder
for a man os-six per cent, to join in a ploi against
a free government, which pays him his income.
Liberty, therefore,, has gained new friends ra
ther than foes by the funding fyftein—whofe liv
ings are made to depend 011 their support of the
prefect free and equal fyllem of laws.
On tile'whole, no country ever gained more
credit, wealth and power, in three year's time,
than this has dbne since the newgoverninent be
gau. If the newspapers are full of charges a
gainst the government whicii has chiefly produc-'
ed this wonderful change—at the very moment
when the change is fretli in our minds, and if
they are capable of souring the people against it
in theprofperousoutlet—What will happen when
tniilakes or disasters, incident to all governments,
shall have destroyed its popularity ?—lt will be
limb from limb, unless the body of the-peo
ple, who form its solid support, lhall be willing;
to pcoteft it agaiult its artful and implacable
enemies.—Of all its friends, the farmers (lioiild
be the-firmeft; for Congress lays 110 land-taxes,
and yet things go on very well—too well, fay
the newspapers.—And whether it encourages
manufa&urers to eat the proviHons at home, or
navigation-to seek a market abroad, we are sure
of the benefit. Opprellion will make a wife man
mad. If only talking about oppreflion when
there is none, will make a man mad, I will fay
lie is not a wife man. A FARMKR.
He accordingly made the motion—obfervinp
at the fame time, that he could not positively as
iert, whether the reasons which determined him
againlt the principle of the bill, were weil found
ed or not ; that, in matters where a local pie
i erence .s given, it is neceilary to accommodate •
and he would be happy if his objections could be
removed.
FRIDAY, February 3, 1792.
In committee of the whole, on the Fishery Bill.
THE ftift fediion being read as follows : —
" Be it enadled, &c. That the bounty, now
allowed upon the exportation of dried filli of the
lifheries of the United States, (hall cease 011 all
dried fifh exported after the tenth day of June
next ; and in lieu thereof, and for the more im
mediateencouragement of the laid fifheries, there
Jhall be afterwards paid, on the last day of De
cember, annually, to the owner of every veflel,
or his agent, by the collector of the district where
such veflel may belong, that shall be qualified
agreeably to law, for carrying on the Bank and
other Cod Fisheries, and that (hall actually have
been employed therein at sea, for the term of
four months at least, of the fifhing season next
preceding (which season is accounted to be from
the last day of February, to the lalt clay of No
vember in every year) for each and every ton of
such vessel's burthen, according to her admea
surement, as licensed or enrolled—if of twenty
tons and not exceeding thirty tons, one and a
half dollars, and if above thirty tons, two and a
half dollars, of which bounty three eighth parts
fliall accrue and belong to the owner of fucli (idl
ing veflel, and the other five eighths thereof fliall
be divided by him, his agent or lawful represen
tative, to and among the several fifliermen who
shall have been employed in such veflel, during
the season aforefaid, or a part thereof, as the cafe
may be, in such proportions as the fifh they shall
refpeAively have taken may bear to the whole
quantity of fifh taken on board such veflel during
such season. Provided, that the bounty, to be aH
lowed and paid 011 any veii'cl for one season, shall
not exceed 1 70 dollars."
Mr. Giles expredeH some doubt refpectino- the
principle of the bill ; and for the purpol'e of col
]e<fting the (enfe of the committee on the Hibie<fl
lie thought the nu.ft effectual means would he
motion to amend the hill, by striking out the
whole fcction.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
PHILADELPHIA
CONGRESS.
directly granted, nor (by any reasonable eon
lhuc'tion that he could give) annexed to any
other power fpetified in the conltitution. It
might perhaps bajferoughc in under a mode ot
conltruction al&eitdy adopted by the house, viz.
that, of " ways and ends by which any power
whatever might be equally implied :—'ouc he
wilhed ever to fee some connexion between a ipe
cified power, and-the means adopted for carrying
it into execution.
I3e next proceeded to consider whether that
pornon of the national defence which ,ni"h be
denved from the fineries, w„ u ]d not hep^chaf
Rut the cireninftan<?es of the two countries
Will, Oil examination, be found widely different •
Britain, surrounded by ,he sea on every fide'
finds a navy necefiary to support he, comme.ce •
whilst America, poflefled of an immense territo-'
y, and having yet ample room to cultivate that
e.ritoiy, has no occalion to contend L-y sea with
any European power :-her flrengthand her re
iourcesare alll to be found within the United
States ; and if she but attends to her internal ,e
sources, the objea of national defence wiil be
much better answered.
He entertained fewer doubts, refpeifling the
principle, as it regards political economy. All
occupations that Hand in need of bounties, in
dead of increasing the real wealth of" a country,
rather tend to lellen it ; the real wealth of every
country confiding in the active product of ufeful
labor employed in it:—it is therefore bad policy
to encourage any occupation, that would dimi
nish indead of increasing the aggregate wealth
of the community :—and if an occupation is real
ly productive, and augments the general wealth,
bounties are unneceflary for its support; for
when it reimburses the capital emplo'ved, and
yields a profit besides, it may be said to support
itfelf : — when it fails in tbefe points, any forced
advantage, that is given to it by the government,
only tends to decrease the wealth of the country!
. The fubjecfl however might (he observed) be
considered in a more favorable point of view
and that is, whether the provision be efiential to
the defence of the United States, and whether
the bounties proposed in the bill were more than
equivalent to the portion of defence that would
be procured by them.—The bill does not (in his
opinion) contain that kind of encouragement
which is efiential to the national defence. Any
man, who takes a view of this country, mud be
convinced, that its real support lifes from the
land, and not from the sea ; and the opposite
nulla!, e mud have arisen merely from a servile
imitation of the conduct of Great.Britain : the
inhabitants of this country heretofore thought
favorably of her government, and the revolu
tion has not yet altered their former ideas .e
---fpetfling it.
There is a great difference between givjngen
couragement, and granting a direct bounty.—
Congress have a right to regulate commerce ; —
and any advantage thereby reftihing to a parti
cular occupation cynneifted with commerce,conies
within that authority : but when a bounty is pro
posed to a particular employment or occupation,
this is llepping beyond the circle of commerce ;
and such a measure will affect the whole manu
facturing and agricultural lyftem. Iji all cases,
the revenue, to be employed in this bounty, is
drawn from all the sources of revenue in the U
nited States, and confined to a particular object.
He was averse to bounties in altnoft'every shape,
as derogations from the common right; and lie
thought there would be 110 great difficulty in
proving that a government is both unjust and
oppreilive in establishing exclusive rights, mono
polies, &c. without some very substantial merit
in the persons to whom they are granted ; altho'
even in that cafe the propriety of such grants is
still questionable.
Under a just and equal government, every in
dividual is entitled to protection in the enjoy
ment of the whole produtfl of his labor, except
filth portion of it as is neceifary to enable govern
ment to protect the reft; this is given only in
conlideration of the protection offered. In every
bounty, exclusive right, or monopoly, govern
ment violates the ftiptilation oil her part : for,
by such a regulation, the produift of one man's
labor is transferred to lhe life and enjoyment of
another. The exercise of such a right on the
part of government can be jultified upon no other
principle, than that the whole produift of the la
bor of every individual is the real property 01
government, and may be dillributed among the
several parts of the community by governmental
discretion ; such a supposition would diretitly in
volve the idea, that every individual in thecam
m unity is merely a slave and bondman to govern
ment, who, although he may labor, is not to ex
poet protection in the product of his labor. An
authority given to any government to exercise
such a principle, would lead to a complete fyftein
oftyranny.
338
Mr. Goodhue.—lt happens, that the filheries
of the United States are alinoft entirely confined
to the Hate of Maflachufetts ; and they fnrnifit
a considerable, a principal portion of oar export
trade. As we are a part of the United States,
the United Siates in general are interested in
the profpericy of that branch of business, so iar
at lenft as it contributes to ihe national defence:
—it furnifhes a copious nuiTery of hardy (earner,
and off ers a never-failing source of protection 10
the commerce of the United States. If" we en
gage in a war witli any European power, those
seamen will be excluded from their ordinary em
ployment, and inuft have recour'e to privateer
ing. During the late war with Britain, we an
noyed tile enemy more in that line, than all o
thers ; and had ii not been for privateering, it
would often have been iuipoffible to keep toge
ther our armies, who frequently in tlie hour of
need, were supplied by the privateers with am
mution and cloathing, of which they were whol
ly aeftitute. All jliat we vvifh to ob ain by this
bill, is that we may not be burdened with du
ties. An opinion has been entertained, that no
drawbacks ought to be allowed on there-export
ation of articles imported from foreign coun
tries : hut if this opinion were to obtain in prac
tice, and no drawbacks were to be admitted, we
in 11 ft confine our importation to articles for our
own confuinption.
1 lie drawback, allowed by the exiftinglaw,oii
the exportation of fait fi(h, was calculated to be
only equal to the duty beforehand paid on the
quantity of falc tiled in curing the fiih : but
fifhernien complain, that, as the acs now (lands,
they are wholly excluded from any participation
in the benefit, which centers entirely in tlie cof
fers of the merchants : — the objecft of the present
bill, is only to repay the fame money into the
hands of thole persons who are)mincdiately con
cerned in catching the fifh ; and there can no
reasonable objection be made to fuel) a transfer
of the drawback, as government will not lose a ,
single dollar by the change. The gentleman
from Virginia (Mr. Giles) talks of the unconfii
tutiona'it y of granting bounties : but no bounty
is required :— we only ask, in anotherniode, tlie
nlual drawback for the fait, iifed on the filh
if we can make* it appear that the bill does not
contemplate any greater funis to be drawn from
the treasury, than are already allowed, it is 10
be hoped that no further opposition will be made
Mr. Murray obfervcd, that in orderto demon
strate the propriety of the measure, it would be
incumbent on the friends of the bill, firft, to
prove that tlie fifhery trade.is in a state ofdecay,
that the stock employed in it does not yield the
ordinary profits, so as to-jnftify ihe merchants in
embarking their capital in thi's branch of trade,
—-that theie is a fyflem of defence in contempla
tion, which tlie circumliauces of the country call
for, and which this trade is calculated tofurniflj,
—that other branches of trade, which do not
(land in need of encouragement, are not equally
capable oi iurnifliing seamen for tlie purpose,
that this particular object so peculiarly claims
the attention and encouragement of the United
States, as to leave tar behind every coitfideration
of the manufacturing interest, the agricultural,
&c. all this he thought neceflary for gentleman
to prove, and to shew (ome very itroiig necellity
for encouraging one particular class of men, in
preference to all others.
Here he produced a calculation, rending to
fiiew that the propol'ed bounty on the tonnageof
the veiieis, would conlideiablyexceedtlie
amount of the present draw-backs from a com
parison between the bouury, and the number of
sailors employed in the fifheries, he ihewed,what
an expense each man would be to :he s United
States—and, after other remarks, observed, that
even Great-Britain,whofe whole national support
and defence depends 011 her navy, had fotmd
that the men employed in the fiflieries, though
so neceflary for that defence, coil her too much >
—that America, whose consequence, as a nation
does not depend on a navy, ought to 'ake ales'
son from the experience ofHritain thathedii
not willi to enter into a competition with Britain
and France, in supplying the different markets
with fifh ; that, as those nations are able to liol4
out greater encouragement to their filhermen
than we can to ours, we would, by fucti a conj.'
petition, only exhaust the treasury of the United
States to no purpole : and Upon this principle
alone, he thought there wasfoiiiereafontodotfk «
the policy of the measure proposed in the ftfli
-011 under consideration, which therefore be jiop
ed the committee would agree to 'itrike out oil
lefs his objections could be obviated.
portatxon of the iifhj and the
ed on the tonnage of the fifhirigvefl<?ls t the i rec»ii
be no comparative value between tire drawback
and the bounty ; they have „o neceflary relation
to each other; and the latter may exceed the
former, or the former exceed the latter.—He had
made a calculation, and upon the molt favorable
principles, grounded on the reports of the
cretary of the Treasury and the Sccretarv o(
State. '•