The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-07-06 00:00:00, page 4

This chopping and changing, appointing and
firperfeding, besides the instability it denoted, pre
sented another matter well worth their Lbrdlhip's
consideration. It Shewed that the Service was dif
aereeable on one hand, or that the Superior officers
were pilled by and neglected on the other. He
fdd, there were foine officers of long Service and
tried abilities present, as well as Several others of
high rank in the army. He would be glad to know
front them, what were the motives that induced
admiwdration to pass by the Senior officers, and de
volve the command upon a very young Major Ge
neral. He knew thit it mud proceed from an a
version to the Service, or a total wane of refpc& to
their perlons.
Milch ilrds he unferflood 'had been laid on the
jaftice and popularity of the pr Snt measures. He
Should not debue that try.cl now. It was said
that the independent part ot the nation were for
them m his part he quedionedjhe adhrtion
fleet g a ' he extent,it was contended, for in the
order .a^, he was informed, that the Sreafurer
of die navy (dr Gilbert Elliot) and the Pavmalfer
of the forces.(Mr. Rigby) the one deriving his tup
port and consequence from the cabinet, and the
other fromhis ^party, and both deeply intercited in
nr? Lures, which if pursued, mud Shortly be the
means lor procuring for them princely fortunes,
were 'thofe who chiefly Supported coercive measures.
'Thole gentlemen, and their connections witli the
whole ol money-jobbers, cor razors &c. he be
lieved, . r tied no fmII pare of the independant
majori ics which h.M been so 1 itidly ecchoed both
within and without doors, as Supporting and pre
cipitating this country into a cruel, expensive, and
unnatural civil war.
He observed, that the war, if carried on, would
not only be a war of expence and long continuance,
but would be attended with circumdances of cruel
ty, and devaihuion hitherto unprecedented in the
annals of mankind.— We were not only to rob the
Americans of their property, and m^ke them fl.eves
to fight our battles, but we made war on them in a
manner which would shock the mod barbarous na
tions, by firing their towns, and turning the wretch
ed inhabitants to p rifh in cold, want and nakedness.
Even still more, this barbaric rage was not only
directed againd our.enemies, but against our warm
ciHand mod zealous friends. This he ind meed in
the late conflagration of the loyal town of Norfolk
in Virginia, as adminftration had so frequently
called it, which was reduced td allies by the w inton
and unprovoked ad of one of the naval Comman
ders. hitch an aft was equally inconsistent with eve
ry Sentiment of humanity, as contrary to every
rule of good policy. It would turn the whole con
tinent, as well friends as foes, into the moil impla
cable and inveterate enemies. It would incense our
friends, and render our enemies at once fierce,
desperate, cruel and unrelenting. It disgraced our
arms; it would render us difpifed an labhorred, and
would rem tin an indelible blot on the dignity and
honour oi the EngDh nation.
His Grace proceeded to date Several paflages in
rhe tremies, and commented on them very fully,
where they explained matters which might be pro
du&ve'M di('agreements between the foreign and
naioc troops and dated the omißions th it had
bekn purposely or ignorantly made, particularly in
regard to a cartel for' the exchange of prisoners.
He Said th it matter had been totally p rt ff.d over in
silence; and it any punishments Should be inflicted
on thole who, .by the language of Parliament, were
called rebels, rhe contequ.nccs might be dreadful.
He alluded to the calc ot Ethan vllen, ifho oeing
found in arms, was brought home prisoner, yet ad
mioirtrauon dared not to bring him to trial, even
und r th ir favourite a& ol Henry the Vlllth;
eiih t betaufe they knew that he could not be le
gally tried, or that they feared ah English jury
could not be prevailed on to find him guilty. Be
that is it may; the present treaties were extremely
defective in that point ; and if administration were
not obftin itely determined to ad wrong in very par
ticular, they would endeavour to provide against
the numerous inconveniencies which must arise from
the want of a cartel.
He concluded a Speech of upwards of two hours
long, by informing their Lordlhips, that what he
was now going to Rate, might be deemed improper,
as exposing our national weakness § but if it was
essentially necessary, he presumed that objection
would be removed; and if the objection could be
removed, on the ground, that France was perfectly
acquainted with the prelent state and condition of
the national force now within the kingdom, it would
be another good reason, that nothing respecting our
means of defence Should be concealed. He then said,
that the whole of our military force now within this
kingdom, confided of the foot-guards, composed of
Sixty-four companies, amounting to 2500 men, one
tnoufmd of whicli were defined for America; three
regiments of horse and body guards, of about 1500;
four battalions returned from America, with officers
only, at about 100 each; ten regiments of dragoons
01 200 men each ; and three complete battalions of
infantry, the whole amounting, allowing for the 1000
men draughted from the gu irds, to about 7000 men.
Supposing, then, that 3000 of those were put into
the garrisons of Plymouth, Portsmouth, and Chat
ham, the remainder fit to take the field, after a
Sufficient number was left co guard London, allow
ing 1000 for each place, would not be above 3000;
which, he contended, would be totally inadequate
to any military operation, Should France or Spain
think proper to take any advantage of our defence
less state. He said, indeed, that a militia was to be
railed, in order to Supply this deficiency ; but how
ever constitutional that mode of national defence
miglit.be, lie infilled tliat it would never answer any
purpose of repelling a powerful enemy while it
continued to be so disgracefully and improperly
conduced as it was at present, when unqualified
officers were admitted on one hand, and lubititutes
on the other. Besides, though the militia had been
manned and officered much better, it could not be
expelled that they could face a veteran army, fupe
rioL in number and discipline. And as for the in
valids, every man among them ahrioft, fit for real
Lrvice, had been already draughted; io that on the
whole, the pidure which Such a Scene of internal
weaknels, joined with a lew Ships not half manned,
presented, was molt dreadful. It was, however,
pecHfary to bring it forward, to fee if any thing
could Stimulate our Governors to provide for our
national Safety, and prevent us from falling a prey
to our dangerous and ambitious neighbours.
Lord Suffolk defended the treaties. The objecti
onable clauses had been drawn up agreeable to ulage.
High-founding words were to be found in every fo
reign treaty Great-Britain had negociated. It was
not So much the form as the SPIRIT of the treaties
to which the nation Should advert.
As to the terms on which these treaties had been
negociated, they- were more reasonable than, cir
cumftmces considered, could have been .expe&ed.
It was not surprising that we Should pay so much
for the hire of troops, the miracle was that we were
not to pay more. The loan of a body of inland
Germans to be transported across the Atlantic, was
a measure for which a much larger sum must have
been demanded.
As coercive measures were necessary, the treaties
were expedient. Should the map of Europe be
consulted, how inconsiderable a part did Britain
form! Could such a speck, even in a quarter, of
the globe, be supposed to pour out the thousands
neceSHry for its defence against surrounding ad
versaries? The vanity of such an expectation was
evident, and if evident, the nect Hity of having re
course to foreign aid was indifpujable.
Lord To^nJhend tpoke tor the treaties, and in
favour of coercive measures; profefling at the fame
time the highest veneration for those relpeftable
perlonages who, through conscientious principles,
entertained different opinions. The nolle vifeount
had formerly entertained doubts on the fubjeCt. He
had however perused the several American char
ters; and had Satisfied himfelf that England was
Not the aggressor. The British parliament had a
right to tax America. But the argument of right
was now out of the question. The voice of reason
was not to be heard amidst the din of arms. It
was to be hoped the ensuing campaign if carried
on with vigour, would decide the dispute. If hos
tilities were prolonged, notwithstanding che pacific
appearances, France and Spain were not to be con
sided in. An attempt would hardly be made on
Ireland. The fate of Thorot was too recent in
remembrance. Not, but if the troops sent from
Ireland to America had been replaced, even with
an equal number of foreigners, the measure might
have been far from inexpedient.
With regard to the mercenaries being double
officered, the noble Lord preSumed that they were
officered agreed le to the usual arrangement. With
reaped to the command being veiled in an English
General, an appeal was made 10 the military Petrs
whether the-matter could not be adjusted So as to
leave no pretence for disagreement? For the trea
ties themselves they were defensible on the Single
principle of necessity. We had engaged in a war,
the prosecution of which would require, a number
of men; recourse therefore had been had to fo
reigners, rather than injure the manufacturing in
terest, by carrying off the hands employed in the
Several branches of arts which give riches to a com
mercial country.
In reply to the Duke of Richmond's assertion
concerning Ethan Allen, the motive for lending
him back to America had been miftated. It was
not that ministry imagined an English jury would
have acquitted him It was not that they were
afraid to hazard a trial, nor were they averse to
puniShing So attrocious an offender; but in point
ol policy jt lias been judged expedient to return
him to America as the rebels had at that infant
in their poss flion Several English p ifoners taken at
Montreal and St John's.
Lord Carlife proSeffed to have voted in favour of
coercive measures. Actuated by the purell and
molt conscientious principles, he felt no private
Scruples which militated against his public conduct.
Satisfied that lubdu&ion of America only could
operate to the interest of the mother country,
the noble Speaker had joined a ministry who were
Struggling to maintain the legislative authority of
Great-Britain.
Lord Coventry deplored most pathetically the ap
proaching ruin of his country; even whilst he de*
plored it, he considered the event as inevitable.
It was in the nature of things that Rates as well
as individuals Should expire. Immortality was alike
denied to the body politic and the body natural.
Longevity was all which could rationally be ex
peded. The concatenation of cause and eff &
formed a kind of destiny, the effe&s of which hu
man forefiglit could not avert, nor human wisdom
provide against. Jt Seemed ol the very essence of
things, that colonies should prey on the vitals, and
destroy the parent from whom they issued. They
grew up from infancy to an adult period, and when
matured by age, they naturally disclaimed submis
sion. Long had the noble Speaker seen as in the
glass of futurity, chat dreadful sera which was now
hastening, fe had considered England and Ame
rica as two mighty Rates, floating like bubbles on
a furface. Whilst Separated each was fafe; the
moment the shock ot contention ensued, one or
both was fare to expire.
Considered in such a point of view, the present
contest was fraught with ruin to the parent Rate.
Instead of tranfporcing armies to America, we
should vote a thanktgiving. We should Separate
from tlie Colonies, aiid leave tliem to manage their
own concerns. Greater benefit than that of com
merce we never could derive. If <we grasped at
empire it would end in ruin.
Those who deemed the war either just or politic,
were as defenfible for obtaining auxiliaries, as those
who viewed the quarrel as unjust and impolitic,
were to be applauded for arraigning the meature. 0
The noble Speaker would not embrace either party.
He would not givoa vote because the meatures^Q
the tapis met not his Ideas. He was not so much
of the philosopher, as to be indifferent to the wel
fare of his country. Nor was he that citizen of
the world, as to have an equal relish for every foil.
England was the place of his nativity. To Eng
land he was attached. It gave him unspeakable
anxiety, therefore, to perceive a contest commenc
ing. whicli would end in a transfer of power. No
longer would England, but America, be the feat
of empire. Had the present contest not began, the
cataßrophe might have been delayed; as it was un
happily commenced, the downfall of Great-Britain
was thereby accelerated. ''
The Duke of CUMBERLAND.
“ My Lords,
" 1 heartily concur in the proposed address, I
" think the noble Duke by proposing it, gave the
" moil demonstrable proof of duty to the King I
" trust that the part I now take, may not be con
" flrued into the fmalleil diirefpe&for my brother.
" It is the inconsiderate condud of his ministers I
“ arraign Alas! that 1 should live to lee
“ Brunswickers, formerly the Defenders of Li
“ berty, now employed to Subjugate the Colonists.
“ and destroy the constitutional rights of America!
" — but I feel myfelf grow warm; I Shall there
“ fore refrain from faying any thing more on the.
“ fubje&."
The Duke of Chandois. The noble Duke who
made the motion, has charged the Supporters of
the measures relpe&ing America with favouring
designs subversive of the liberties of their country.
I do .iffure his Grace, that if I thought the mea
furesne Speaks of had any such tendency, neither
his Grace, nor any no^le Lord in this House, would
be further than I from giving or affording them
the lead countenance or Support. It is because I
am fully Satisfied, that thole measures are perfectly
necessary and constitutional, that I have uniformly
given them my fandion as a member ot this Houle;
and 1 will likewise add, that I am no less convinced
of the propriety of the measures. than of the high
integrity and abilities of those who have advised
them. The noble Duke has thrown out the most
unjust charges and ill-founded insinuations against;
the whole body of the militia. Asa Lord Lieu
tenant of a very refpe&able county, I find my:elf
included in the censure, and look upon my honour
very materially wounded. lam certain 1 can an
swer for the corps which 1 have the honour tocom
mand, and have reason to presume it is univerfall,
so, that no officers but uch as are duly qualified to
Serve, lire admitted. I therefore am authorifed to
fay, that the noble Duke is totally mistaken in his
assertions, so far as has come within my own know
ledge; and have a right to presume, that he has
been equally mikakeh, as applying to every other ,
corps in his Majesty's tervice.
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GEORGE MEADE, and Co.
CUGARS in barrels, Melaffes, French Rum,
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To be had of the Printer.