The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-20 00:00:00, page 4

of trea-oh wasTtid to have been committed, and
there, far from their friends and connexions, arid
d^Ritute of means to produce evidence in their fa
vour, even ifthey had been innocent of the charge,
being found gibky filtered an ignominious death.
Having tints laid before you the proceedings of
a cruel British army when conquering rebels: let'
us apply ^to outfelves. If conquered or Subdued
to fuGhhon. we have no better fate to cxpeX, for
however rid car cause may be, yet' the herald of
Majedy Iqs proclaimed us rebels,* and this pro
ckumGoi), however iniquitous it may appear in the
fight Of a just Clod, and the impartial public, will
be a hdhchnt drive dor these minihers of vengeance,
whole car c arc flint againlf the cry of didrefs iri
executing the orders of their tyrannical Sovereign;
and windy hearts third for -the blood of their lel
low erasures: they will not helicate to destroy
your dekatderi towns; witness, Charlestown, h'al
ntouth, Stonnhgqon, jnifbd, and Norfolk. They
V:H exert their tomoft endeavours to lay wade
your villages ynd cowages without difinction,
where them arms may five them the viffory; thoie
who may chance th fall into their hahds as prison
ers, mull tuf^r a long and dismal confinement in
th,ar dark dungeons, loaded with irons and,denied
the comports and neceftiries of life; transported in
taele caverns three-:houfand miles distance, and
them further confined in their loathsome gaols, to
which death ithit would be'a- happy alternative ; but
their cruelty and levcuge forbids it:, for a proof of
this turn year attention 'to the dißrefs and Sufferings
of the br me, though unfortunate ALLEU. In a
word, what in ir their relehtlefs fury would not ac'-
comphlh ? Neither the perlons of your wives nor
your daughters would be Shcred, but would soon
fall a prey o thole ravagers; whole greatest glory
i\in the \f lotion of virtue : nor let those who Sub
mit fix Tidy hope to fare better. Lord Mansfield
tells you, that the rebels at 'Prefton submitted on
promise Of pardon, and they pleaded it on their
trials, until availed them not,'.though he, in the
funic breath, rdfures the Parliament, that the Com
manding. Officer had full power to receive their
jubmitlions and g^nt'ptrdons. Will Submitters in
America fire better?
From a retrofoeXive view of these horrid cruel
ties, is there a man on the continent that would
willi to contribute to the success of so treacherous
a Scheme, I Car there are a few, few indeed I hope
they are, and heartily pray they may never in
create. Be cautious then ye political fcriblers how
ye make parties,, or divisions amongst us, for be
assured, tho we abhor to imitate tlwfe mcrcilcfs
mercinaries,, ye^ when provoked; the guilty Shall
feel the indignation of the peoples wrath, to the
terror of thole who may be alike wicked and cor
rupt.
Let the world know that altho we have thus
filtered, yet we have not learnt to partake of their
cruelty, thole whom chance of war hath put into
our hands, and whole fives are entirely at our mer
cy, are not ^herevife confined than by parole: And
such who refute to give their parole, instead ofb^-
ing confined in dark dungeons, loaded with irons
like the unhappy prisoners at Lofton, inhabit the
chambers of the bed inn this city affords; to whom
allo their friends and acquaintance have free access.
Go on, then, my bretheren and fellow Countrymen
to conquer, and treat with mercy the unfortunate:
Such acts are recorded in Heaven, the ruler of
which has mod Singularly espoused your cause.
To conclude, if Commissioners' Should come,
whatever may be the change or appearance of
things, perfcvere in unanimity, upon no pretence
whatever (as ye regard success in the present con
test;) be divided, and ere many days has elafps'd,
or the infant you now fondly doat upon be arrived
to manhood: Great Britain may know, and all the
world experience, that the inhabitants of North
America are inspired with a noble zeal for Liberty
and Independence. That tho once cruelly used by
our step mother, who will then be enslaved by do
ineßick Tyranny, yet these colonies are preferred
as an asylum of true British Liberty, that their
greatest glory will be to give freedom to the en
slaved, and that they will ever rejoice to fee the
virtuous sons of. Britain partake of the sweets of a
free American confticution, which I truß will ef
fe&ually and forever be guarded, against the at
tacks of every-kind of despotism.
The WATCHMAN.
^ g^P^P^^ *^^foefo^o^^
NUMBER 11.
CASSANDRA to CAT O.
(Concluded)
But as the contest is between us and the Parlia
ment, we ought now to enquire how we can be se
cured againil parliamentary encroachments. The
constitution of Great-Bi itain is such, that what this
Parliament does, the next can undo. And it is im
possible for one Parliament to pass a bill, which will
not be liable to arepeal by any future one, without
dehroj/ng the very efence of its owncohfitution. Is
* Nay, more, we are declared rebels by Aft of
parliament, which mas not the case of the Scotch
rebels ; this fully fsews what me are to ex,efl.
This Continent has had a twelve years constant
experience, that the constitution of the Colonies
could notprotedthem from British oppression. Can
you deny it, Cato? However it be againlt your pre
sent designs, yetthisyou must acknowledge. Can you
tell the firft day a Committee existed on this Conti
nent? Did not that day tell the world we had no
constitution that could*withstandßritilh opprellion ?
Can you remember the time our Affcmblies were
firft diiTolved, for attempting to correspond with one
another, on the subj & of our grievances? Did not
that time convince even Cato himfelf, that our con-
Ritutions were not equal to the talk of protesting
themselves? Do you recoiled the hour our worthy
Governor refund to call our Assembly, to consult
on ways and means to preserve our liberties? Did
not that hour inform you, that the chartered consti
tution of Pennsylvania could do nothing lor us?
Now if after so long, and so severe a trial of their
defects, we Should Rill take up with them on the
recommendation of Cato, might not the world,
particularly that part of it which you lay is looking
at us, laugh at our Rapidity and folly? Your fir'd
argument in support of your creed is, that" agri
“ culture and commerce have hitherto been the
" happy employments by which these middle colonies
" have risen into wealth and importance. By them
" the face of the country has been changed from a
" barren wilderness, into the hospitable abodes of
" peace and plenty." I forbear to point out your
constant endeavour to separate the interest of the
middle colonies from the rest; as if the wealth of the
whole arose not from the fame Sources; or, as if
your description of one or two would not answer
for all. I allo forbear to mention the care of your
party to have your letters, though addressed to the
people of Pennsylvania, reprinted in New-York and
Maryland papers. When you have gone thro' the
demonstration, how we can have effectual security
to our liberties under io defective constitutions,
then, and not till then, I shall call upon you to prove
that agriculture and commerce would decay, if the
whole world were our market inßead of the British
islands, and a few foreign ports to which we are
most graciously permitted to export a few articles.
I will allo call on you to cbnvince us, that a severe
restraint on our trade in many inftances,and in some
a total prohibition tends to enrich us. And here it
may not be amiss to shew how poor the Hollanders
have grown, since they became independent, and
were obliged-to support all the expences the Com
mon Man has mentioned. But Cato has given un
common proofs of his attachment to trade, by de
claring that he will arm against us as loon as we
form any alliance with yac/j powers as are able and
willing to draw off the British fleets from blocking up
our ports. Our ports are now effectually Ihut by the
fleets of Great-Britain; and there is a total flop put
to otir exports. Wehave not yet a fleet which can
open them. Our grain is Spoiling, and the powers
of Europe longing for an opportunity of taking it
off our hands: all this can be removed by the alli
ance proposed. But Cato fees this would eternally
fruftrate the designs of his party: He has therefore
laboured by every artifice of cunning, to prevent
our takingany step of the kind. He hopes the coun
try will by this means be brought to submit; and he
will triumph in our folly. But v/here is the real
danger to our liberties, Cato, in accepting the as
sistance of our neighbouring fleet, until we have time
to fit out one for the purpofc? Were we to do this
would not agriculture and commerce flourish as
usual?
there any remedy dgainft this defe&, Cato? Let us
fee the confNational dependent principles, if )ou are
a friend to liberty, Which will give absolute and per
manent Security to our liberties, and not leave us at
tile mercy of our enemy; and then we will talk fur
ther on the fabjeX. We have gone too far: and
have too much sense to rest our future Safety on the
probability of her letting us alone for the future.
Our conftitutio'nai connexion with Great-Britain
is the very plea alledged by Great-Britain for her
attempt's to enslave us. Now it this constitution is
the very foundation of her claims, if she, in conse
quence thereof, had declared us rebels which Ilie
could not, unless Rie supposed we violated the con-
Ritunpn by our refinance; and if it was not in our
pev-tr to make effectual opposition in brief confor
mity to the constitutions she gave us, why is Cato so
fond of reconciling us on these principles and on no
others? This looks not like honesty, Cato. If you
love America, and if your attachment to the cause
is real, answer to these things A lover of
truth and liberty will be afraid of no queries what
ever. You fay you have viewed the ground on
which you hand, and are not afraid to tread it in
the fight of the most vigilant son of liberty. Hereit
is, come forth then, here I wish to find you. But I
beseech you examine it thoroughly firft, explore its
hidden receShs; for I am well allured it contains a
fccrct mine, which, if once Sprung, will either blow
up you and your party, or our liberties.
" 1 hat much of our former felicity was owing
“ to the protection of England, is not to be denied ;
" and that we might still derive greater advantages
“ from her protection and friendship, if not valued
at too high a price, is equally certain fays Cato.
I could pardon a few Ifralitifh murmurings, and
hankerings for the onions of YEgypt; but. to be
P. S. As the Common Man has called us to a fair
difcuflion.of the point we once for all re,que : ft every
Printer onahe Continent who publdh.es Cato's let
ters to publish our replies, and particularly Mr.
Sower's of. Germantown, that the pibje& may not
.only have a lull diiufhon out,a iair hearing.
CASSANDRA
inceiLntly called back to what we enjoyed while
Joseph lived, when behold a Pharoah now reigns
who knew him not, is infalt not to be endured.
Cato cannot pretend ignorance of the price of the
friendship he so Rrongly urges us to courS If he
does, he is certainly a very dangerous guide for
the good people to whom his letters are addre&d.
Cassandra affirms that the price is no less than an
absolute surrender of all our Rights, Liberties ans
Property; and these once given up, he would gladly
be informed what more is left for any power to
invade? All animals, under absolute domination, age
nursed only to be fleeced; however problematical may
be the question of nurjing the Colonies, we liave had
the fleecing demonstrated with a vengeance. Cato
adds, “ If the present differences can be accommo
“ dated, there is scarce a probability that she will
“ ever renew the bate fatal J,fem of policy, or at
" tempt to employ force against us." Two reasons
induce me to think the mode of attack would indeed
be altered; for obstinate as the author of our op
preflions is, he cannot longer flatter himfelf of our
falling an easy prey to his force, if now incelfintly
continued; his clemency would then certainly dispose
him, most graciously to enclave us by his experienced
much more Successful method of intrigue. But as
Cato allows it is not altogether improbable that his
force may be employed against us in some future
day; Calfandra would gladly be informed by what
means we can be secured from that force, when by.
the treaty of protection we are cut off from the right
of eftabliShing a force of our own.
Confeious that this poor contrivance is prodigi
ous Rale, a thoufadd times repeated, and as often
refuted by most Stubborn arguments, founded on,
twelve years invariable procedure, and really des
pairing to hold the people long in expectation of
6 former protection; or any more than a mere deliy
five change of the mode of attack, and that change
as ill disguised as any that have preceded it: °Catq
adds, as if all were one connected proposition; if
they will not make up on constitutional principles,
' we have arms in our hands, arid virtue enough to
' use them.' As to corruption, Cato would have us
believe there is hardly a man on the Continent in
danger from that quarter. Would to God we had
abundant evidence ol this universal integrity ! Re,
fpe&ing the arms, Cato, with much devotion, |
praise the Director of human affairs that we have
them in our hands; and I pray and confide in hi§
over-ruling providence, that we may there keep
them till our Rights ore placed on a firmer foun
dation than the mere grace of the conniver at the
deftruftion of millions on one Side the globe, and
contriver of the devaluations now daily committing
on the other. Well might Cato tell us of our arms;
for he clearly forefaw that no wife man could con
ceive himfelf fafe in reconcilement on hi, principle;
without holding them in his hands continually. This
paragraph, alter flourishing away on the original
ground of the contest concludes, "and if, hereafter,
" in lulnefs. of time it Should be thought necessary
" to separate from the land that gave birth to cur
“ ancestors, it will be in our perfed Rate of man~
" hood, lichen we can weild cur arms, and pro^eft
" our commerce and coasts by our own fleets, with
" out looking to any nation on earth for affißance."
Well said, Cato! Here we agree lor once. But
now, that we are on good terms with each other,
let me alk you, in a friendly manner, how we are
to become mailers of this fine fleet? Does Cato
propose to infill upon it as a term of conflitutional
reconciliation with the Ambassadors that we Shall
be allowed to build such a fleet? Or does he con
ceive, that when .we are arrived at just twenty-one
years of age and about to commence house-keepers,
our dear Mother Country will ,make us a present
of Such a fleet to set up witli ? I conlefs myfelf great
ly incredulous of either! If Cato can clear up my
doubts on these important heads I will be much ob
liged to him.
It has been asserted, fays Cato, " that we are
able, with our land .forces to defend ourselves
agamß the whole world—that if commerce be an
advantage we may command what foreign alliance
we pleale—that the moment we declare ourselves
an independent people, there are nations ready to
face the British thunder and become carriers of our
commodities to enrich themselves: and if this were
not the calc-we can loon build navies to force and
protect a trade, &c." Of this, Cato here intimates
his luipicion because, fays he, it is not fully proved.
Cassandra will prove the firft assertion from unquest
ionable authority; for Cato in his fourth letter
fays, " I will even go beyond him in expressing my
good opinion of our Situation. Be thinks foreign
affißance necessary t.o us; ,I think otherwise. We
are able to defend our own rights and to frustrate
the attempt of any nation upon earth, to. govern us
by force/' Cassandra hopes in a Short time to prove
every affection of Common Sense from the fame au
thority; he willies every petition qf Cato was equal
ly confident with Common Sente.