The New York packet, and the American advertiser — New York [N.Y.], 1776-02-22 00:00:00, page 2

form, were headed to Mr. Cicc-Treafuw; and
as they took some time to arrange, Mr. Ogle laid
the committee had better adjourn till the refo
luttons, were drawn. At length they weie pro
duced in fubfiance as follows :
" i. Resolved,• that it is the opinion of this
^comnittee that in the present exigency of affairs,
a, number pt troops not exceeding 4.000, out of
the number ot twelve thousand, voted as neccf
ferv to be kept in Ireland tor. the defence there
of, be fr-ed for the defence of his ^Majelty's
service abroad,provided that trend their quitting
this kingdom they (hall be ot no expense to
this nation."
• '' 2. Resolved that it is the opinion of this
committee, that a number of foreign protestant
troops, not exceeding four thoqCmd, be receiv
ed into this kingdom to replace the like num
ber lent abroad, for.the fecurhy and defence
thereof, provided they (ball be ot no' charge to
the nation."
Having read these two resolutions, Sir Archi
bald Acheson moved the committee to agree
With the firft. • - 4
Colonel Ross feebnded the motion, and ob
served this ineafure would be a laving to the na
tion of 85,0001. a year.
Mr. Hellen laid the message was the molt re
(pcfiful that ever came from a Sovereign to his
people. That it confirmed and allowed the
compact for keeping 12,000 men here at all
times, and it mould not be violated by with-draw
ing one of those men, without the concurrence
of Parliament ; and was a pledge that the men
requested of the house would be returned to the
nation as soon as the exigency mould cease.
This naturally led to an enquiry whether the ex
igency was fufficiently great to warrantthis re
quisition.? That it was if, he endeavoured to
prove, from the prefect ftue of American affairs.
He then catered into the praise of the foreign
troops intended to be lent here, observing they
were some of the best in ,Germany, who had
fought along with our forces, and with them
had Shewn theii^Hrmnefs and bravery on the
pf.: T Linden.By admitting thole troops
our f - irity was the fame, and our expenses
con^erably less. oome gentlemen, laid he,
may poshly alk, if the troops are so good, why
were they not lent to America, and the Britiffi
and him troops kept at home? To this it might
b, ahfwered; that Great-Britain was willing
flo mere, the fame arm that protected America,
while the was dutiful, was able to chastise her
when mA was Seditious.
Mr. Ponfonby allowed that we ought to sup
port Great-Britain, if it can be done with justice,
prud ice, and humanity. That if the troops
were sent abroad, without asking our consent,
then we mould not be made parties in the quar
rel. But if we give our consent wefhall Show
we take a determined part agninft America.
To do so wouldbe contrary to justice as we have
had no parliamentary proof ot the delinquency
of America, or the date of the present troubles;
all we^now of either being, derived from the
news-papers. We know indeed that the Ame
ricans were dutiful and contented till the ftamp
adt was pair'd for the purpose of internal taxati
on. At thisthey murmured, this they opposed ;
buris soon &•. it was^epealed they cheerfully
returned to their duty,: and so b<ey would now
ifat e fame 'expedient - was used. To take a
part- a, find America' ,would be contrary to
prudence, for it we alfft in punching them,
tor ieliding against being razed by a Britith
Parliaria?, we- furnish a precedent against
eurfelves, if the like occasion ftouH happen.
It would likewise be imprudent to admit those
foreign troops ; they are not freemen but sub
• je&s to rfoitrarv government, and will not re
gard us it we do nor pay them, for soldiers
always look up to the hand that pays them.
-As this meafureis contrary to justice and pru
dence, so it is also to humanity,, for what
•.can be more inhuman than to fend our friends,
our relations, men we have converted and eat
, and drank with, to expofethem to the dangers
: of sea and battle, while foreigners live here at
eafc. and fafety ; and he allied was it not in
humanity to make widows and orphans of our
. own conn # y women and children, only to spare
those qf ftraugers.
Mr. John Fitzgibons Lid, before we took any
part in a war, we fnould examine whether it
was just. Hethen entered into a recapitulation
ot all that had paflbd between Great-Britain
fynd hjatonies from the lad war to the present
time, ans concluded that the war was unjust,
'and Ireland had no reason to be a party therein,
so ne'may fay, added he, if we, refufe these
groups to his, Majesty's request it may be of
. evil consequences, but he thought differently,
it would make the King look into the affair,
mid when lie fees we are not inclined to aflid
in an unjust war, it may be m means of in
ducing him to put an end to it.
,°ir fohn Biaquiere rerhed, the refoliation be
f^e the° committee tended to verity and realize
the professions of loyalty made by the boufe. To
[}„ gentlemen might consent, without agree
ing to the other, if they thought fit to submit
to a fliort temporary inconveniency, rather
than receive foreign troops, which would only
be sent at the delire of the houfe.\
Sir Edward Newenham laid, as he had given
bis negative to the address, which had denoun
ced vengeance against his-, fellow fubjedL, he
could not agree to the fending of more troops
t> butcher facn fighting for their liberty. He
fiid, we might bid farewell to such as we feat
to America; for that if America was conquer
ed, the troops would be kept there ta ^pflAee
that conquest; forthough it might be conquer
^h the Spirit ofliberty would not be ever fob
dfed.—He was violently oguinif the introducti
on offoreign mercenaries,acd argued that the in
trodufEon of them had occasioned the fall of ma
'ny great empires and dates.---He ind need the
4 From the Pennsylvania Evening-Post.
QUESTIONS and ANSWERS.
is the Stoppage of our exports to Great-Bri- *
tain and its dependancies, a political mea
surer
They who affertthat the measure is- impolitic,
argue thus.---It ; s the interest of every country
to export its produce, and to import as little
as poihble of the luxuries and manufac
tures ot other countries; the former enriches, :
the latter impoverishes the inhabitants of a
country, thus exporting, and importing ; abstain,
Say they, from the vanities and luxuries, with
which England used to Supply us, mid draw
the ca;h or England by continuing to carry out
the product cf our labour and industry.------
rliis is Specious, not solid reasoning; The
exports from this continent to Great-Britain
consist chiefly of rough materials, or of such
luxuries, which by being re-Shipped from the
ports ot (Treat-Britain enable its merchants to
traffiek with foreign nations to greater advan
tage, and to pay a balance by an exchange rs
commodities that mult otherwise be discharged
in bullion. A'ftappage of our exports must
therefore very fenSiblratthd the trade of Great-
Britain to the rest of Europe; and we have
reason to conclude, thatiffach forage Should
fubfiftfor any length of time, the European
trade, which England now drives on, would be ,
so much impaired, as to put the balance against
her with every European nation. It is there
fore good policy to withhold our exports, from
Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British Weft-
India illands. -•
But under a total Stoppage of our trade, is
it, possible to support this civil war forany length
of time, for three,or four years, for instance?
ft Qvery difficult to determine what entQ<
afm, indignation and the love of%)nes counts
may ndt accomplish." We have rbad of nations'
Stimulated by those pzffions, though destitute of
foreign and internal resources, having made in
credible efforts to preserve their freedom; wit
ness theSaguntines and the Carthaginians in the
lift Punic war. It may be doubted whether
these colonies if thus reduced, would imitate
so glorious an example. Carthage and Segun
tum were Single cities, their destruction was ir
revocably fixed, and death or llarery, the only
choice of citizens resolved to die, or remain
tree ; an implacable 'and hated enemy Surround
ed their walls; one common fate, mutual Suf
ferings, and indignatibnrinfpired them with cou
rage, brightened by defpair,which the perfe iter
ance and conduct of Hannibal, and Rom:.:n va
lour could Scarce furmou it, The instances are
not Similar, why then expect Similar efforts ?----
Without trade there feein to be but two ways
to support the war ; emitting paper money, and
borrowing on interest part of that money so
emitted; tor once destroy thecredit of your
. currency, and you render it mere wafts paper ; ,
its value depends upon its credit, and its credit
on the opinion which people at large entertain
of our ability to exchange it hereafter for gold
and silver; suppose, for instance, the Conti
nent Should emit 100 millions, who could feri
.outly imagine that fuchafum would ever be paid
off in gold and silver ? It follows then of course,
that we are limited in our emissions, because
our faculties to redeem thofeemiffions are limited.
To what amount may we emit?
No man, perhaps can Solve this question ; the
person who Should even presume to guess, must
have a thorough knowledge of these. colonies,
he must be well acquainted with the number of
their people, their inclinations, arts, and indus
try,.the product of our foil, its capability of im
provement, the fisheries, trade and manufactories,
which may be eftablilhed, and fuccefsfully car
ried on. The extent of these eraiffions will
depend too in a great degree, on the events of
the war; a merchant who prospers in trade,
may obtain credit to almost any amount; his
credit may exceed by several hundred thousands
his teal capital.
Suppose Six millions currency emitted; what
part of this emission might be borrowed oh in
terest, and on what interest?
Where the risk is great, the interest must be
„ high ; where the circumstances of the borrow
er are conceived to be desperate, he will not be
'able so borrow,ol muff give an extravagant pre
mium. The pofibility then of borrowing, and
the rateofinteteft will depend on our good or bad
fucceis. if Six millions werego be emitted, and
danger of having foreign, (reaps in any kingdo'n)
where they were not imena^H to the laus, by
mentioning the case of a HAfein Soldier, who
committed a robbery and was confin, d t: the ci
vil magiftratej, Dur Was released and /ven up
to the iphitaiy. That Hanoverian, lie.fian,
~m 4 Brunswick troops were more da gerous
tudi iany other; for that German conn ebons
were always dangerous to the true inte cit of
Old England. He entered largely into rhe pre
sent fyllem of affairs in Europe. He Infilled
upon it, that German influence was so power
ful in the Cabinet of Orcat-Britain, that the
m . valuable interests of these kingdoms would
be given to save the Electorate or Hanover,
That he was convinced the destruction of the
Electors pt Managery at Herenhaufen, or the
much admired Pud of cream - coloured nags,
in the Tables of Hanover or Zell, would ap
pear in the eyes of the present ministry, as a
greater misfortune than' the deflation ot those
three oncehappy, but now distracted linking na
tions.---He advised the minister in the house to
consider what riots and disorders would be com
mitted in Dublin, "if foreign mercenaries '
Should be quartered in it.---Tliat the fending
our troops to thebutchery of otir fellow Subjects
in America, or of bringing over foreign merce
naries, equally militated against true reason and
Sound policy.
This Situation is Surely too constrained to ad
mit ot any considerable duration; the feelings
of our people and our exigencies point out the
necessity ot opening a trade to foreign nations.
To.protest our trade a marine is wanting; to
form one, during this war, adequate to the pur
pose, seems impracticable. We mult make it
the interest of foreigners to take this burthen
on themselves; a declaration of independence
might poflibly tempt France and Spain to run
the risk of a war with England, provided those.
powers could be assured of our remaining inde
pendent; they would, no dou'T, be willing to
guarranty our independence, but they may ap
prehend, and not without good grounds, that
their taking too early a part with us in the war,
would induce Great Britain to make peace with
the colonies. It may therefore be the policy of
France rind Spain hot to appear forward and de
sirous of intermeddling; to Suffer the war to
continue, that the contending parties exafpe
fated by mutual injuries may not again coa
lesce; Secretly to countenance their Subjects
commerce with these colonies, and perhaps to
assist them with money, arms and ammunition.
Should the British government direct the war to
be prosecuted in the manner it has been, and
Should every colony in turn experience such
horrid ravages, the resentment and indignation
occasioned may totally alienate the minds of the
colonies, and wean them from that affection,
which heretofore bound them to Great-Britain;
the force of habit will wear off; the remem
brance of past benefits will be obliterated by
recent wrongs, and the sweets of independence
once enjoyed will effectually preclude a subse
quent dependence on Great-Britain.
Will not the mifehiefs of independence over
balance the benefits ?
To determine this question both must be
Rated; and dispassionately considered, to form
a true judgment. The evils apprehended from
independence, may be reduced to these three :
civil diffentions; the establishment of tyranny,
as a certain cenfequence; and the great ex-,
pence of fleets and armies to maintain that in
dependence. As a federal union of these co
lonies will probably ensue, fnould they Separate
+ from Gr^at-Britain, it may be presumed, that
"the utmori precaution will bcufed in drawing the
articles ei the union ; and in the formation and
Settlement ot this new government, every secu
rity which human foresight can suggest, will be
taken for the,preservation of the liberties, pri
vileges, and independency of each colony, and
the protection < # all. Diffentions can Spring
only from the ambition of the more powerful
colonies, or from a contrariety of interests.
What probability is there that two or three co
lonies will unite to fub&ue the rest? Is it not
more probable, Should any colony or colonies
break the union, and form the ambitious pro
ject of conquering the. others, that these will
immediately unite against the infringers of the
public faith? Foreign assistance would not be
wanting to support the weaker confederacy,and
this consideration alone would deter the Stronger
from the attempt.
It ambition Should not occasion a civil war, a
difference of interests, and religion may.;the
interests of these Colonies are as different as
their religious, tenets.---
. This hath often been fid, but remains toEe
proved. Some disputes may arise concerning
trade, duties, customs and impositions on mer
chandize, or about the limits and boundaries of
contiguous provinces ; these disputes must be
adjusted and finally fettled by the Great Coun
cil, or States General of the United Colonies.
Such partial controversies will, for many years
at.lead, give way to the public fafety, which
would be endangered by fullering them'to grow
to too great a pitch; the common enemy might
take advantage of such civil difeord, and reduce
all the Colonies under one yoke. In this tole
rating age we have no grelt cause to apprehend
a religious war; the Spirit of religious persecuti
on is wearing off in all thq civilised nations of
Europe, and will still decrease as they become
more enlightened and refined. Can w^then
rationally suppose that these Colonies, hitherto
eminently distinguished for toleration, aradwhofe
union, will be founded on that humane and po
litic principle, will from a frantic zeal for reli
gion plunge themselves into the complicated
miseries ot a civil and religious war? Ifneither
the ambition of some colonies, nor a difference
of interests, nor religious rancour are likely to
produce a civil war, it follows of course, that the
cftablhlunent of tyranny (the second evil) is ex
tremely improbable and remote.
But to preserve our indepen ! ence will not
a Strong fleet and army be necessary ? Neither
can be supported without a great expence, and
Standing armies arc dangerous to liberty, be
. Sides being burthenfome to those, who paythem.
When these colonies enjoy an unfettered trade
our aTaTs mould profrer, perhaps 2,gcofooo
p und3 might be borrow ed by the Congress at
lix per cent, interef. 'lhat sum would but
bitoeiy answer the charges ot one campaign ; ot
future expenses however a good judgment may
be formed from the past. It certainly will rot
be good policy to rely altogether on the above
V ays and means of railing money to carry on
the war ; they will only be found to answer in
case of fuCcefs. It we Should have noother re
sources, the know ledge of this very circumstance
might encourage our enemy to protract the war.
The quit-rents heretofore paid to the crown,
might be applied to the public use; but besides
the inability ot the people to pay these quit
rwts, when deprived of the means of payment,
they will go but a little way towards the support
ot the war.
How long is it exposed that these colonies
can lit easy under a total Stagnation of their ex
ternal commerce, and the almost entire Stoppage
of the courts of iuftice?
the profits of which will enable them too
and n,aintain a naval force Sufficient to gu
their foafts and commerce, and this ftetw>
render a handing ,army unnecessary; a weft
regulated ' militia will answer all the purposes < f
felt defence, and of a wile and jult government,
the expence theiefore of a regular Standing 31-
my may be fared without exposing ourselves n>
danger from a foreign enemy, and the militia
will be able to suppress any internal commo
tions excited by factious and discontented men.
What will be the probable benefits of inde
pendence ?
A free and unlimited trade; a great acceffon
of wealth, and a proportionable rife in the va
lue ofland; the establishment, gradual improve
ment and perfection of manufactures and Sci
ence, a vast influx of foreigners, encouraged by
the mildness of a free, equal, and tolerating
government to leave their native countries, and
fettle in these colonies.; an aftonilhing encreafe
of people from the present frock. 11 here en
couragement is given ,to industry, where liber
ty and property are well secured; where the
poor may ealily find subsistence, and the mid
dling rank comfortably support their families
by labour, there the inhabitants must increase
rapidly ; to feme of these causes, we owe the
doubling of our numbers in somewhat more
than twenty-five years. If such hath been the
progefs ofpopulation under the former restraints
on our trade and manufactures, a population
hill more rapid may be reasonably excelled
vuhen these restraints come to be taken off.
Should France and Spain, either from their
inability to contend with Great-Britain, or go
verned by weak, irresolute, or corrupted coun
sels, 01 influenced by the dangerous precedent
of countenancing fubje&s in anus against their
foverfign, refufe to enter inti any treaty or
alliance with these colonies, and prohibit their
subjects from trading with them, could the, colo
nies by their own Strength and internal resour
ces maintain the war for five or fix rears ?
It is not at all probable that this war can Lift
so long. If the firft efforts of the Britiffi go
vernment Should prove unfuccefful, the decay
of trade, and the consequent distress and ruin
brought on the manufacturers and merchants of
Great-Britain will occasion great divihons in the
nation, perhaps a revolution ; such factions and
tumults would certainly prevent a full exertion
of the Britifn nation's Strength. Should the war
be, protruded to three years, even after that
Space of time, its operations will become languid
and feeble ; a Smaller force may then be ofepo
fed to the enemy, and as we diminish our land
aimy, we may augment our navy ; in the win
ter we may torce, at least a clandestine trade
with foreigners, in spite of the British marine;
during the war, manufactories may be set on
foot, and promoted by the relpedive legislatures
of the several colonies; we Shall be able in
eighteen or twenty months to make within our
selves gunpowder, cannon, fire arms, and all the
implements of war ; the establishment of such
manufactures will find employment for the poor,
and,be a prodigious Saving to the country; a
drift economy may Idfen ourexpenceyn other
particulars; the pay of the army may pohaps
hereafter be reduced, and a well disciplined nfr
litia, under proper regulations, might put us in
a condition to disband a considerable part of our
regular forces. Should the Colonies conduct
the war with prudence and success, loans of
money may, perhaps, be negotiated among fo
reigners, and even in England, on easy terms;
a contraband trade will enrich some ot our mer
chants, and bring in gold and silver ; the pro
'curement of thorn precious metals is an object
of the utmost consequence ; a certain proporti
on will be requisite to give credit to our paper
currency. Our country abounds with all the
neceflaries of life ; we have iren, cop; er and
lead mines, and we already make iron in quan
tities equal to our confurnption, and the cn
creafing demand. Men convinced of the jus
tice of their cause, animated with the lore ofli
berty, and fighting in defence of it, are capa
ble of incredible efforts; conduc'd, valour, vir
<rg and perseverance combined are irresistible;
necessity may require the full exertion of all
these, but the 'Skiltul politician would not wilh to
fee the patriotism of his countrymen put to so
Severe a trial.
Suppose the war to continue fix years, and
that it will colt us three millions per annum. If
victory, at the end of that period should effect
and Secure cur independence,' eighteen millions
will not perhaps on reflection, be thought any
such mighty incumbrance. An uneonfined
trade will open new sources of treasure ; dome
stic will Supply tie place of foreign manufac
tures, and prevent a very great drain of our
wealth; foreign luxuries may be fubjeff to
high duties; toe burthen too, as it will be di
vided amongagr&it number, will fall the light
er^ the rising generation ; fix millions of peo
ple will probably difehargb the debt contracted
by three; the vacant and ungranted land may
be made a fund for paying off a part of this
debt, by appropriating the purohafe-money and
the referred quit rents to that purpose, The
pernicious consequences of a heavy national
debt, So fatal :o Great-Britain, fliould teach the
colonies nildom, and induce them to get rid c f
the lead as quickly as poffibJe, It is not their„
tereft of dates, more than of individuals, to be
indebted; but as individuals on some occasions
may con;, &< debt, with a vnw to future gain,
so dates may prudently, in particular .emergent
cues, anticipate their revenues, by borrowing
present capitals on the credit of future interefu'
that the abilities of several years may be cast in.
to one. WE CANNOT PAY TOO GREAT
A PRICE FOR LIBERTY, AND POS
TERITY WILL THINK INDEPEND
ENCE A CHEAP PURCHASE AT EIGFL
TEEN MILLIONS,