The New-York gazette, and the weekly Mercury — New-York [N.Y.], 1775-04-24 00:00:00, page 1

Monday, April 24, 177 g. THE [No. 1228.]
NE W-YO R K A ZETTE:
WEEKLY MERCUR Y.
Containing ttie fr^fl^ _^r^— ===J^^
0 Printed by HUGH GAINE, Printer, Bookseller, and Stationer, at the Bible and Crown, in Hanover-Square.
ASSIZE of BREAD. Flour at i6s.per Cent.
A White Loaf of the fineft FLOUR, to weigh
ilb. 130 Z. for 4 Coppers.
Published 3d April, 1775.
5% Bnoiv Sir William Johnson, Ca,t. Deane,
arrived here from London last Tuesday Night ;
and next Da, the Ship Samson, Capt. Coupar,
came in from the fame Place: The, left London
the yh of March, and the Start the 13th; b,
them, and the Ship Elizabeth, Capt. Fuller
ton, that arrived from Bristol las Thurfda,
in 5; Weeks, we have the following Advices, viz.
Parliamentary Proceedings,
February 10.
j>"°"W —^HE House resolved itfelf into a committee
■ on the American papers.
Lord North moved, that leave be given
to bring in a bill to restrain the trade and
commerce of the provinces of Massachusetts-Bay,
and New-Hampshire ; the colonies of Connecticut
and Rhode-illand, and Providence Plantation in
North-America, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and
the British Illands in the Weft-Indies; and to
prohibit such provinces and colonies from carrying
on any fishery on the Banks of Newfoundland, or
other places therein to be mentioned, under cer
tain conditions, and for a time to be limitted. He
supported his motion, by declaring, that as the
Americans had refufed to trade with this king
dom, it was but just that we Should not fuffer them
to trade with any other nation. That the restraints
of the a& of navigation, were their charter; and that
the several relaxations of that law, were so many
a&s of grade and favour ; which, when the colonies
ceased to merit, it was but reasonable that the British
legislature should recall. In particular, he said, that
the fishery on the banks of Newfoundland and the
other banks, and all the others in America, was the
undoubted right of Great-Britain. Therefore we
might dispose of them as we pleased. That although
the two Houses had not declared all Massachusetts-
Bay in rebellion, they had declared, that there is a
rebellion in that province. It was just therefore to
deprive that province of its fifheries. That in the
province of New-Hampshire there was (till a governor
and a government; but government was weak in that
colony ; and a quantity of powder had been taken out
of a fort there by an armed mob. Besides the vici
nity of that province to Massachusetts-Bay was such,
that if it were not added, the purpose of the a&
would be defeated. Rhode-Ifland he stated not to be
in a much better Situation than Massachusetts-Bay ;
that several pieces of cannon had been taken there, and
carried up into the country ; and that they were
arraying their militia, in order to march into any
other colony, in case it should be attacked ; and this
could,in the present circumstances, be for no good pur
pose. That from Connt&icut had marched a large
body of men into the Massachusetts on a report that
the soldiery had killed some people in Boston ; and
though this body had returned, on finding the falfity
of that report, an ill disposition had been ihewn, and
that this colony was in a State of great disorder and
confufion. To this he added, that the river Connec
ticut afforded the inhabitants of that colony an
opportunity of carrying on the fifhery. The fame
might be said of Rhode-Bland : and as the fame
argument of vicinity might be applied to both the
provinces as well as to New- Hampshire, in order
to prevent the defeating of the a&, they also ought
to be included in the prohibition to fiSh and to trade.
His lordfllip having proceeded thus far, added,
that he was not averse to admitting such alleviations
of the ad as would not prove deftru&ive of its great
obje&.
iff, Therefore, he would move it only as tempo
rary, to the end of the year, or to the end of the
next session of parliament.
zdly, He would permit particular persons to be
excepted, on certificates from the governor of their
good behaviour : or upon their taking a test of ac
knowledgement of the rights of parliament.
Mr. Dunning thought the Americans had a right
of filling on the banks of Newfoundland. Said
there was no rebellion in Massachusetts-Bay ; no
thing that can be construed into trcafon; even if
there is a rebellion in some parts, why is the whole
to be punished ? Why New-Hampshire ? Why
Rhode-Bland ? Why Cormeaicut ? If the fa& was
true, that General Gage had attacked, was lacking
and burning the town of Boston, and the Conne&i
cut people refilling, the latter are not in rebellion.
He said the ministers were the belt authors of a receipt
to make a rebellion.
The Attorney General [Mr. Thurloe.] No reso
lutions, though of both Houses, can make a fa&,
or decide the law. He had given his opinion upon
papers laid before him, that there was a rebellion in
Massachusetts-Bay. He defended his opinion, by
explanation of the fads upon which he gave it; first
as to treason, next as to rebellion.
Mr. Dunning to explain. Rebellion is that state
between government and its fubjefts, which between
two hostile States would be war.
The Solicitor General [Mr. Wedderburne] to
prove a rebellion in America from the honourable
gentleman's [Mr. Dunning] definition.
Sir Fletcher Norton [the Speaker] to give his
opinion on the point of law, divested of the faffs,
and leave the committee to apply the facts and the
opinion. The law does not know the word rebellion.
Levying war against the King is treason ; so is endea
vouring to wrest the sword out of the hands of the
executive power. Will not apply the fa&stothe law.
Governor Jobnflone said, that the proposition was
absurd, and cruel ; absurd, because it took away
trade from our own colonies, which, those who
understood that trade mull know we Should not be
able to transfer to ourselves, when it was taken from
them. That God and nature had given that fishery
to New and not to Old England. That when it was
once destroyed, we should not be able to restore it to
those from whom it was thus violently taken ; be
cause the little capital, vessels, and implements of
fifhermen (many of them poor) were only kept
up by constant returns of profit : when the profits,
failed, the capital and implements would not be re
stored. That France, who was fufficiently alert at
taking advantages, would come in for a part at lealt
of the benefits of which we thus thought proper to
deprive our own people. It was cruel, he laid, in
the highest degree, and beyond the example of
hostile rigour. That a maritime people always drew
a considerable part of their immediate fultenance
- from the sea. This bill therefore would be in
humanly to starve a whole people, except such as a
governor should think it proper to favour. That
this partial permission mult give rife to unjutt
preference, monopoly and all forts of jobs. He laid
he had served in the navy the whole of the lalt war ;
he had in his eye Several captains, who had cruized
off the enemy's coasts during the whole war, and he
appealed to them for the truth of what he asserted,
that it was a constant rule in the Service to Spare the
fishing craft, thinking it lavage and barbarous to
deprive poor wretches of their little means of liveli
hood, and the miserable village inhabitants of a lea
coast of their daily food.
Right Honourable T. Downfoend urged Strongly
the contradiction which prevailed in the principles'
of the proposed bill; for if the other provinces were
in rebellion, as well as the Massachusetts, why were,
they not declared so ? If not, why were they included
in the very lame puniShment?
Sir George Savile rallied with pfeafantry some
arguments of the lawyers about treasons, and ex
posed the idea of depriving a whole province of its
lubfilfance, because a'rebellion, we know not where,
nor by whom, is lurking in it; and then punishing
a second province, becaule it is next door to rebel
lion ; a third, because it would be doing nothing if
you let them escape ; and a fourth, becaule otherwise
ministry could not square their plan. He then took it
up in a serious light, and laid, that he had beard with
pleasure many young members speak with much
ability on this occalion. They all apologized for
their want of experience in this session. That he
was obliged to confider, and apologize for himfelf,
as a very young member of Parliament. This will
appear very strange to those who know that I have fat
a great many years in this Houle. It is true I have
carried through many turnpike bills, several draining
bills, a multitude of navigations, and inclofures with
out number; but I am now come quite a novice to
the ways and means for the ruin of trade and com
merce, and the dismemberment of a great empire.
He then entered, into the general argument, concern
ing the justice of making all parts of a State contri
butory to the support of the whole, and that those
who receive protection ought to submit to taxation.
He admitted the general maxim to be true; but ob
lerved, that this was only in case where all the parts
received the fame protection in equal benefits and
equal privileges ; otherwise equal payment for un
equal protection would be injustice itfelf. That
people by compact might give up a part of this right;
but then this compact ought to be proved; and it
ought to be proved allo, that an adequate compensa
tion was given for it, else the bargain would not be
fair. And this brought him to the doctrine of
refinance, which had been handled as bell suited the
purposes of those who used it. That if rebellion was
refinance to government, he could not confider all
rebellions to be alike ;---therc must be such a thing as
justifiable rebellion-—and submitted to the House,
whether a people taxed without their content, and
their petitions againlt such taxation rejected ; their
charters taken away without hearing; and an army
let lobfe upon them without a possibility of obtaining
justice; whethera people under such circumstances
could not be said to be in justifiable rebellion ?
Sir William Meredith Spoke next, and exprefled
great sorrow and surprise, that the honourable gentle
man should call the rebellion in America a justifiable
rebellion, Since it was the laws which they refitted ;
and he [Sir George] had contented to the declaratory
act, which asserts a right in parliament to make laws
to bind America in all cases whatsoever. The
power of God himfelf was bounded within the
limits of ftri& justice ; a power to bind, in all cases
whatsoever, had never been claimed by the greatest
tyrant upon earth, nor by any earthly power, before
the declaratory aft. He thought, therefore, the
honourable gentleman should move a repeal of the
declaratory a&, and of every a& that he thought in
jurious to the freedom of America, before he exhorted
the Americans to bring on themselves, their families,
and their country, all the horrid consequences of
rebellion.
That he had opposed, and ever would oppose, the
principle of laying internal taxes on America ; but
it was not taxation, but the trade of Great-Britain,
which the Americans now opposed. The tea duty is
the only tax that remains ; a tax, which the Ameri
cans firft refilled, had afterwards complied with, and
paid regularly; but when the East-India company
sent the tea to be fold at a lower price than the smug
gler of Dutch and Swedish teas could afford, then
they began to refill the law, then they destroyed the
merchants property, then they began to threaten ruin
to the commerce of this country, not in support
of liberty, but merely to support their own illicit
commerce. He [Sir William] had promoted the
repeal of the flamp a&, but would never have
taken the part he did, could he have supposed
the ministers who gave up the advantages, would
have maintained the principle of taxing America.
Neither would he have contented to a repeal of the
damp a&, had he not believed that the ministers of
Monday, 53 Min. after 4.
Tuesday, 41 Min. after 5
Wednesday, 37 Min. after 6
Thursday, 23 Min. after 7
HIGH-WATER at NEW-YORK, this Week.
Friday, 13 Min. after 8
Saturday, 58 Min. after 8
Sunday, 49 Min. after 9
Nevu-Moon next Saturday.
Lord Beauchamp and Sir Richard Sutton Supported
Lord North's motion on the equity of prohibiting
the trade of thole who had prohibited ours.
Mr. Burke said, that he did not mean to trouble
the committee long—nor to be heard beyond those
to whom he immediately applied. That by the
proposed bill, they had disposed of four of their
provinces. Some were troubled with a concealed
rebellion ; others were concealers of that conceal
ment ; some were infected ; others next door to the
infedion.' Provision too was to be made by licences
and dispensations, and telts for those in the several
provinces who were more innocent or more in favour
But that there was a fifth province, for which no
provision at all had been made, which was like to be
as great a fufferer as any of the other four, though
not in rebellion, or in the neighbourhood of rebellion.
This province had used no other force, but of one
kind, which is not very terrible on earth, though it is
laid to offer violence to heaven, the force of prayers
and petitions. That this province was England,
which had now several hundreds of thousands of her
property in the four provinces of New-England. He
then Shewed, that New-England was not a Staple
colony, and could only pay her debts through the
fishery, and the trades which depended upon it; and
that to Stop their fishery would be to beggar the
English merchants and manufacturers. This he
explained by entering into the nature of the New-
England trade. He further laid, it had been asserted,
falfely, that the New-England people had refufed to
pay their debts. It had been said also, truly, that
they had no compassion on the English manufacturers.
But had their dishonesty been as true as the want of
qompaffion, both might have been natural to those we
call rebels ; bur what ought we to think of a BritiSh
legislature, disabling the payment of debts, and
having no bowels of companion towards thf Sufferings
ql our own innocent constituents.
The question was called for abont 12 o'clock,
when the members divided; for the motion 261,
against it 85.
Adjourned to February 13.
Feb. 16. Lord North gave notice, that he would
next day, present the bill for restraining the five
New-England provinces from fiShing on the banks of
Newfoundland ; and for prohibiting the American
colonies from trading, or carrying on any commerce
but with Great-Britain, Ireland, and the Welt-India
Islands.
Feb. 17. Lord North presented the bill above
mentioned ; it was entitled, a bill to restrain the trade
and commerce of the province of Massachusetts-Bay
and New-HampShire, and colony of Connecticut and
Rhode-bland, and Providence Plantation, in North-
America, to Great-Britain, Ireland, and the British
Inlands in the Welt-Indies ; and to prohibit Inch
provinces and colonies from carrying on any fishery
on the banks of Newfoundland, or other places
therein to be mentioned, under certain conditions,
and for a limited time ; which was read.
Mr. Sawbridge condemned the bill in the most
reproachful terms; and said, he should never give his
content to its being read a second time, as he thought
it a molt infamous bill throughout, as well in principle
as every obje& it had in view.
Mr. JobnJione was also severe upon it. He said he
heartily disliked it, and would oppole it in every
stage of its progress.
Lord North moved that the bill be read a second
time on the 23d.
Lord George Cavendifo observed, that the 23d was
an improper day, Hindoh report being to be taken
into consideration on that day; he thought it better
therefore to have it postponed.
Lord North replied, that any inconvenience of that
kind would be easily removed.
Adjourned to the xotli.
that time would have made some effectual provifioh
for the security and protection of the merchants who
trade to America. Instead of which, the Americans
wg:e then taught, that they had nothing to do but to
threaten our merchants with ruin, and our manufac
turers'with famine, and then, upon such threats, the
legislature of Great-Britain must Submit to their
will. Three times, in the Space of a few years, they
had thrown the whole trade of Great-Britain into
confufion ; that it had better be given up, than
preserved on such conditions. Life itfelf was not
worth keeping in a state of uncertainty and fear.
Things were now brought to a crisis. The conflict
must be borne, and he hoped would never end, bu^ in
relinquishing our connections with America, or fixing
them on a sure and lading basis. As to the proposal
of flopping the fisheries, whatever distress it might
bring on the Americans, they had no reason to
complain. It was no more than they had begun to
pra&ife themselves. They had taken a resolution,
as far as in them Jay, to ruin our merchants, impove
rish our manufactures, and starve all the Weft-India
islands. To them, therefore, it can only be laid,
Non lex hde junior ullam,
^uam necis^artijices arte feerirejud.
Lord 'John Cavendijh and Mr. Tovmjbend replied,
that they had been in office with the right honorable
gentleman who Spoke last, when the declaratory act
puffed, and afterwards long continued in intimacy
with him, but had never heard, publicly or privately,
of his objections to the declaratory aCt, before this
year. They thought it very odd, that he Should
have voted for several Severe and proscriptive acts, in
order to force the Americans to obedience to taxes,
Since he thinks that we had no right to impose any,
and that in this relpect he had gone far beyond the
most zealous partizans of the rights of this country :
as little could they reconcile his voting lali year against
the repeal of the tea duty, to his averhon to the right
of taxation.
Wheat per Bushel, 6s. 4d.
Flour, >s*• 6d.
Brown Bread, 15s. od.
Weft-India Rum, 3s. 4d.
New-England, do. 2s. 6d.
PRICE-CURRENT, in NEW-YORK.
Mufeovado Sugar, 645. od.
Single refin'd ditto, is. id.
Molasses) 2s. od.
Beef perßarrel, 48s. od.
Pork, 655. cd.
February 20.
Tire House in committee on American affairs.
Sir Charles Whitworth in the Chair.
Lord North. Sir, as I mean to offer to consideration
some propositions which may be the ground of a
resolution in this committee, and which I conceive to
be founded on the address which the house presented
to his Majesty ; I desire that the address may be read.
[Addrefs read.]
His lordship remarked, that the address, both as
it was propoled, and in the sense in which it was
understood when agreed to, meant to hold out to the
Americans, that on the matter of taxation, although
the parliamentof Great-Britain could never give up
the rights, although it must always maintain the
doctrine that every part of the empire must be bound
to bear its Share of Service and burthen in the com
mon defence ; yet as to the matter of that right, and
with refpe& to the mode of the contribution, if the
end could be obtained, and if the Americans would
propose any means, and give assurance of the prose
cution of those means by which they Should tontribute
their Share to the common defence—he bad Said, he
did not apprehend parliament would hesitate a moment:
to suspend the exercise of that right; but would
concede to the Americans, raising their Share of the
contribution by themselves. This was the direst and
avowed sense, in which the resolution for the address
was moved. I publicly, said his lordship, gave my
opinion, and very explicitly laid, that if the Ame
ricans would propose to parliament, any mode by
which they would engage themselves to raise, in their
own way, and by their own grants, their Share of
contribution to their common defence, the quarrel 011
the fubje& of taxation was at an end.
As nearly as I can recolle&, these were my very
words, but these Sir, were the words only of a
private member of parliament they were but
opinion given in debate. The words contained in
the address seem to many gentlemen to require this
comment, this explanation, by parliament itfelf, in
some clear, explicit and definitive opinion. That if
the promile of indulgence on this point of taxation
means really to hold out the grounds of peace, we
ought to explain on what terms we will accede to it ;
and what the propositions are, which we are willing;
to accept. To be explicit then as to my own opinion,
I must lay, that if the dispute in which the Americans
have engaged goes to the whole of our authority, we
can enter into no negociation, we can meet no
compromise. If it be only as to the suspension of
the exercise of our right, or as to the mode of laying
and raising taxes for a contribution towards the
common defence, he thought it would be just, it
would be wife to meet any fair proposition, which
may come in an authentic way from any province or
colony : and on this ground it was, that he would
propose to the committee the resolution which he then
read ; as follows.
That it is the opinion of this committee, that when
the governor, council, and assembly, or general
court of his Majesty's provinces, or colonies, Shall
propose to make provision according to their refpe&ive
conditions, circumstances, and Situations, for con
tributing their proportion to the common defence ;
such proportion to be railed under the authorities of
the general court, or general assembly of such province
or colony, and difpolable by parliament ; and Shall
engage to make provision also for the support of the
civil government, and the administration of justice
in such province or colony, it will be proper, if such
proposal Shall be approved by his Maje^y in parlia
ment, and for so long as such provision fliall be made
accordingly, to forbear in refpe& of such province
or colony, to levy any duties, tax, or assessment, or
to impose any further duty, tax, or assessment, except
only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for
the regulation of commerce; the nett produce ofthe
duties last mentioned, to be carried to the account of
such province, colony, or plantation respectively.
This resolution, he added, marked the ground 011
which negociation might take place.---It was explicit
and defined the terms, and Specified the persons from
whom the proposals must come, and to whom they
must be made. It pointed out the end and purpose
for which the contributions are to be given, and the
persons from ^bom the grant of them is to originate.
It takes away every ground of suspicion as to the
appropriation of the revenue when railed, to purposes
for which the Americans never would grant it.
And from the nature of it is seen, that it must be
conclusive so long as the Americans observe tl;e
agreement. But many objections from variousquar^
ters, and on different grounds, will be made to it.
If there be any persons who think we ought to make
no advances towards accommodation, because they
understand such to be concessions which we ought
not to make-—ls there are any who may think the
terms which this resolution holds out are disadvan
tageous, I would not wifli them to agree to it. But
they will give me leave (who think, that even r were
we to impose terms in the hour of victory itfelf, this
proposition would be a good, would be a just one)
to propose it now, before any blood is Shed. Some
gentlemen may afle the question—-will you treat with
rebels ?---I am not treating with rebels---It has never
been yet said, that all the Americans are rebels, or
that all the colonies are in rebellion---It cannot, T
hope, be said. There is certainly in the province of
Massachusetts a rebellion-Bit Sir, could I open a
door even to rebels to return to their duty, I should
be happy. The Specific rebellion of the Massachusetts
is, that the people of the province reject and oppose
with force of arms, the government, as established
by the King and parliament. The moment that they
acknowledge that government, and meet in assembly
to aft under it, the rebellion is at an end. The
Fine Salt, 3s. 3d
Coarse Salt, 3s. od
Bohea Tea, 4s. 6d
Indian Cornperßu. 3s. 4d