The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-06 00:00:00, page 1

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I?JR SALE, fpermacety and train OIL, by the
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^%% * **# * * *%**%***s%-*#
L c ND O N, Dec. id.
The news of Sir Ch tries Saunders's death came to
the House on the day of Mr. Hartley's motion rela
tive to theTlan ot Reconciliation with the Colonics.
After alhort general exordium Sir George Savile
proceeded'nearly to the following effid.
a But betides this, Sir, 1 rife under another
set of difficulties common to me, and to all who
speak from this fide the Horife; but then they are
collateral and adventitious difficulties. If we urge
that we have been unjust; we are answered that
that matter has been long since decided. If we
state that nothing is to be got even by victory; we
have the fame answer 11 we argue that our mea
sures are impracticable' and that luccels is beyond
our power the House will not endure to hear the
power of this country called in question. He is a
friend to rebellion who dares hesitate concerning
the comparative force of the contending parties.
Or, if I Ihould touch on the topic of lightening the
chains ol Slavery in America, recommended by my
honourable friend, a learned gentleman will perhaps
tell me I am not a W H ^G ; lor that whigs were
ever fond of defpotilm. But 1 Ipoke guardedly
when I said that these were collateral and adventi
tious difficulties only; for, on the naked matter
itfelf, were a bye-hander to judge, it Ihould leem
that the harder talk would be to point out or create
the difficulties. For what is the cale? I ask the
gentlemen on the other fide ot the House, what are
their wishes ?—I am answered “ Would to God we
were in the Jituation of the year 1763." I ask the
colonies ?—I am answered " Would to God we mere
in the Jituation of the year iffy' 1 know well that
there are various fnies in winch this phrase may
be understood -Oli ! Sir, there is indeed one fcnle
in which, God knows we cannot be restored to the
situation of 63. Who will restore to this Country
the blood that has been sh d? Who will retlore
those gallant men to their Country, whole lives
have been lavished, and Spent, and Mld-fpent in
the fatal contest? Who will make good to me my
Ihare in a HOWE a CLIN FON, a BURGOYNE,
whose fate is now landing on a die? These fenri
ments, Sir, have long pressed upon my mind, but
I did not feel the weight of them till THIS DIY.
Four hours ago I felt not half their force.—Men's
value is not known till they are 101 l — Four hours
ago this country had a man —-His country has him
no more. One of your Members, Sir—A Member
is perhaps soon replaced—But where shall we find
HIS fellow, who, having in his vigour carried your
arms in glory to the extent of your Empire (that
empire the ocean) when called upon by his country
in the dregs of life, (with a constitution worn down
in your service,) urged on and goaded his tottering
limbs, witli hobbling hatte and feeble alacrity, to
climb the well known heps of the chip's fide to meet
your enemy.
PENNSYLVANIA
Weekly
“ I trull, Sir, the House will not think me guilty
of an uncomely tautology if I have laid a word or
two on a fubjeCt already touched by my honourable
friend—No, Sir, let it rather be an order of your
House that for one day at least, while the MEMO
ry and GRATITUDE yet remain, none shall speak
without payiny his just tribute to that RESPECT
ABLE, that GALLANT, that HONEST, PUB
LIC man.
" But, Sir, I beg your pardon, and I return to
Rate that I am constrained to allow, that the re
pealing of bills, recalling troops, undoing every
April 6, 1776.
Or the Virginia, Maryland, ,
SATURDAY,
a& is not virtually and effectually bringing things
back into the fame fruition as if they had never
been done; and 1 acknowledge too that some test
may now be wanted on the part of tile colonies to
ballancc our aCts of generous conciliation. Shall this
tell be in words ? Their words you will not take.
You are lure they aim at independence, —becaufe
they disavow requisition — for they lay they will.
Oh! but you have better proofs. You have a cer
tainty they will not —for tliey always overdoneit.
And in truth this is the kind of proof we have been
used to; we are well broke in, and we bear it.
The fatisfadory earned this hou e accepted, of our
future tuccefs, was, that we had hitherto mifearried.
The proof thar we are now lure to direct our force
wifely, was that we had hitherto blundered most
egregiously. The house has paid due regard to
these arguments, and we have voted as we were
desired. We have adopted the logic, and the pre
cedent applies to the case before us.
" Well then—lt is allowed, their words are not
to be taken. Their former loyalty to this country
Shall not pals for any thing but proof of their fi
ture dijobediene. Allowed, —my friend's propofiuon
meets you then on that ground. He looks for an
actual, frelh test of living obedience; an enrolling
a British aft of parliament; to which I hope it will
not be a capital objection that it is not OPPRES
SIVE, that it is not UNREASONABLE; and has
MORALITY, HUMANITY, and the RIGHTS
of a part of mankind, lor its Object and Found
ation-I second the motion of my honourable
friend."
^<>--<>-..<>...<>..f0..r0..- < p < ,...; 4> ..,.<,....<>....<,}
To the Printer of the Pennsylvania Ledger.
Please give the following a place in your next Paper,
and oblige Tour's.
IF ever there was or can be a question, that ought
to engage tlie Serious attention Ot every man
whoe lot is cast in this American land, it is that
now agitated, viz. In what Ihape we shall hereaf
ter exist as a people? Whether we shall preserve the
ancient forms of government, which have led us to
our present rank and importance in the world, or
explore the dark and untrodden way of Independ
ence and Republicanism. I hope it will not lie
objected to me, that I have connected the idea of
separation from Great-Bfeitain, with that of erecting
a Republic in America. I have in this followed the
author of Common Sense ; and indeed it can hardly
be supposed, nor has it been fuggelted, that when
we set up for ourselves, we fhall'immediately again
set up for a Kingly government. Our new legisla
tors would persuade us, that when these Colonies
have Shaken off the British yoke they will calmly set
down with one heart and one voice to form them
selves into a great Republic. They will be govern
ed by the pure dictates of wisdom, and influenced by
a love of liberty in framing their new contribution.
Passion and prejudice will have no hand in it.
Ancient grudges and dislikes clashing interests and
religious difeords, will be done away, Thus assem
bled and thus dilpofed, who can doubt, but they
will rear up a fabrick upon the ruins of the EhMifh
form of government, that shall be the admiration
of the world and endure for ever ? That loine do
or at least affect to believe, this will be the case
I have no more doubt, than that it certainly would
not happen accordingly.
However, as it is but common prudence to con
fiJer an evil before we devise a remedy, let us take
a view of the date of these Colonies before the ex
igence of our present disputes; and I will venture
to affirm chat political liberty never existed in great
er perfection than here. Some abuses indeed we
had reason to be uneasy under, but they were rather
complained of, as establishing precedents for future
violations, than as severely felt. The consequence
then is plain, that redress of these grievances and
security from future ones, Ihould be the objects of
this contest. But whence, it will be asked, fliall we
procure this security? I answer, from solemn com
pact, mutual interest and length of time. Great-
Britain by this dispute will be taught that her true
interest lies in a friendly/ connexion with us and a
few years hence a similar attempt will be impracti
cable from our increase of numbers and Strength.
> IBP >&
THE
ADVERTISER.
L E D G E R:
Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey
But the molt lingular argument urged, to recon
cile us to this intended political change, is drawn
from the imperfection ot the English conftituticn.
A constitution, till this Utopian itarted up, the ad
miration of tlie world, and which, at this moment,
gives birth to the only freemen in the habitaid;
globe! It would be improper in this place to enter
fully into a vindication of the mixed form of the
English constitution, and it is extraordinary, that
one who has lived under, Ihould want any other
guide than his own confeioulnefs.
It is the language of our Lawyers that a King
of England is abiolute in doing good, but he has
no power to do wrong. This w . have seen exem
plified in the history of the Stuarts, who, with as
much inclination to be despotic, as any Prince on
earth, found the attempt fatal to their family. The
fame may be said of the other parts of the constitu
tion, and unlAs there is a conspiracy of the whole
to subvert its liberty, it must ever remain unihakeri
Why may not inch a conspiracy take place in a
Republic, as well as in a mixed monarchy? The
temptation is equally great, and the road to it much
eaficr, wliere one body is to be brought into it than
three.
I would refer the reader to Judge Blackfton's
commentaries, and shall only cite from him the
following observations “ Here then is lodged
“ the sovereignty of the British confiitution and
“ lodged as beneficially as it's possible for Society.
" For in no other Ihape could we be as certain of
finding the three gi eat qualities ot government.
Io happily united. If the supreme power were
6< lodged in any one of the three branches, Sepa
rate!), we must be exposed to the inconveriiericies
“ of either absolute monarchy, aristocracy or de
mocracy, and to want two ot the three principal
“ ingredients of good policy, cither virtue, wisdom,
01 power. But tlie constitutional government of
" this island is so admirably tempered and com
" pounded that nothing can endanger or hurt it,
but destroying the equilibrium of power between
“ one branch ot the legislature and the rest. Herein
“ configs the true excellence of the English conlti
tuliori tliat all the parts of it form a mutual
“ check upon each other. In all tyrannical 00 -
“ vernments the supreme magistracy or the right
ot making and enforcing laws is rested in one
and the same perlon, and wherever the e two
“ powers are united, there can be no public liberty.
In England this Supreme power is divided into
“ two branches, the one legislative, to wit, the Par
liament, the oilier executive^ confiding of the
King alone. Ihe total union of them, would
be productive of tyranny.' When the reader
has perused the book from whence these extras
are taken, he must decide for himfclf which of the
two is ot most authority, Judge Blackstone, or the
author of Common Sense.
What is there either in theory or experience, that
can make us in love with a commonwealth ? It will
be laid, that the good ol the people being the object
of government, the whole administration of it Should
be in their hands. But this docsnot follow for if
the happiness of the people is better promoted by
b ^ P art in their hands, that mode is mo st
eligible. For instance, it the laws which the people
make, will be better observed by entruffirig the exe
cution of them to a magistrate or magistrates, who
," immediately accountable to° and do not
' lll awe ° f 'he populace, certainly it is the
method. That this is the cate both reason
andtact verily. Wacre popular opinions and pre
judice< interfere in the execution of la^s wPr
magistrate depending on the breath of the ^o^?
would dare to adhere to the letter of the law, and
render himlelf obnoxious to the prevailing party
and consequently part with his office. This obfer-'
vation is equally true in f a &. 7h e worst I
have ever Seen are those who have some favou^o
ask of tue people. An elective fudge is a monster
in government. Without some other constitutional
aid, in vain would the feeble hand of justice endea
vour to Support the balance against a powerful pre
varimg faction. I Should much doubt ifiulVee.
ter admmdhred in Rhode-Bland, than Some of the
monarchial Colonies, pr even in WcHminder HRI
April 6, 1776.
Numb. LXIIL