The New York packet, and the American advertiser — New York [N.Y.], 1776-08-15 00:00:00, page 1

March 22, 1774°
•Mh ' -soy, O every m^n of candour, I
£0 apprehend it muff he evi.
i ^^^ § ^ dent, th;t " Pwbamenthath
^g § T £ &^‘ not 'be rights of loveeign
g • ^ occo § §id ty over his Majelly's Ame
''^^red^o^o° rican subjects. fereitl pe*
s^KW*Af%^''& cies, indeed, of declamation
and'foohilLy, have been mide use of in order
to thew that it hath, becauieit gratifies the priue
of Enplid men in general, to think that th..t le
gifo^e, in which they feel themfehes to have
athaie, fuould govern half the world. It would
be an endlels, as well as an ufeleis wok, to fol
low the many drily writers along all toe mazes
they wander through, in order to affcrt the fu
vereignty of parliament, and to juftify admini
flration in the harsh measures they are now # car
ry"^ into execution. NotwithfEnding then la
boured and iine-fpun performances, there is in
reality no difficulty in the case. We have no
need of profound learning, nor an inornate ac
quaintance with antiquity, nor even oftpe qif
tory of the refpedtive provinces and their differ
ent origins; neither do we want cop.e of
grants, charters, or adds of parliament, in older
to judge of the quehion before us. It we com
prehend but the mod well known principles of
the English confutation ; if we compel : end but
2 few of the plain maxims of the law of nature,
and tie; cleared doctrines of Christianity, all
which are fe firnple and plain, as to be under
flood by hundreds, nay thousands, ofrpban men
who know not that they are polfelied or 10 use
ful a treasure, we have knowledge enough on
this occasion. The only requisite wanting be
yond this, is a heart firmly devoted to truth and
virtue, without which we ihall never under
fund any doctrine that docs not louche our pas
sions.
ASSIZE of BREAD. Flour at 17 s. per Ct.
The gospel of civil as well as religious filia
tion '' is hid from the wite and piudent, and
revealeu unto banes;” that is, unto thole woo
are not pulled up with vanity and lake kenning,
nor blinded by pride, ambition, and felt-inhered,
but whole minds are in a date of humility and
innocence. But we have our political lopes,
who would' fain liave us diftruit our common
feufe and our feelings, and believe implicitly in
their infallibility ; nor do I doubt, but they
would prove as faithful guardians ot civil, as the
Roman Pope is of religious liberty, was it once
put into their hands.
It is a capital error in the reasonings of seve
ral writers on this lubjeff, that they confiderthe
liberty of mankind in the fame light as an eftre
or chattel, and go about to prove or disprove
their ri^ht to it by the letter of grants and char
ter, by custom and ufagc, and by municipal
flarutes. Hence too wo are told, that tlieie
men have a right to more, thole to less, and
some to none at all. But g title to the liberty
of mankind is not established on such rotten
foundations: 'tis not among mouldy parch
ments, nor in the cobwebs of a cafuifl's brain
we are to look for it ; it is the immediate, the
universal gift of God, and the leal o{it is that
free-will which he hath made the noblest consti
tuent of man's natuie. It is not derived from
any one, but original in every one ; it is inhe
rent and unalienable. The moil ancient inhe
ritance cannot (Lengthen this right; the want
of inheritance cannot impair it. The child of a
hxve is as free-born, according to the law of na
ture, as he who could trace a tree anceflry up
to the creation. Slavery in all its forms, in all
it 2 degrees, is an outragious violation of the
rights„of mankind; an odi@us degradation of
human nature. It is utterly impoihble that a
ny human being can be without a title to liber
ty, except he himfelf hath forfeited it by crimes
which make him dangerous to Society.
Let us then hear no more of a right in our
prefect constituted parliament to govern the
Americans, as being derived from any former
exercise of this Sovereignty, from the original
dependence and protection ofthe emigrants and
infant colonies, or from the tenour of grants
and charters ! The refyettive governments in
A Wheaton Lo-as of the fined FLOI.R, to
Xx weigh 1 lb. 11 1-2 oz. for 4. Coppers.
T^°fel/dw% Letters are taken fram a Pamph
let, hfl ^pMifl:ed, enth ed, American la/cpen
deuce the /nlere/1 and\jlery of Great-Br^ta^n.
LETTER 11.
A M'E RICA N
<^U%^b~«t^^tf^^CT^^^(UteJ
Published March iB, 1776.
VO L. I.
T H U R S 1) A Y,
Printed by SA MU E L LOUD ON, in Water-Street, between the Coffee-Rouse and the Old Slip.
A N D
Thursday, 8 Mir., ^ftcr icl
Friday, 49 Min. after 10
Saturday, „ Min after it :
Sunday, 13 Mir., after 12'
America, are no longer dependent colonies ;
they are independent nations. Not that I al
low they ever were otherwise than free (alrho'
dependent) in the most absolute sense : All their
original constitutions either were, or ought to
hare been on the true principles of freedom.
They are not to be deprived of it as a man
would lose aneftate, by a Haw in their titles for
I hive already proved, that their title can have
no daw. Thole who are so fond of placing
them metaphorically in the relation-of children
to a parent flare, and thence are childish enough
to argue for a blind filial obedience, fnould re
collect, that the power of a parent, even during
childhood, doth not extend to any a& of tyran
nv or injustice; and totally ceases when the
child arrives atyears of maturity. Then, as to
the property of a child, a parent cannot take it
from him even with his content; and as soon
as his independency puts it in his power to give
it to his pa ent, he hath all the power of with
hold:ng it ifhethmks proper. In short, during
infancy, he must be protected agreeable to the
laws of equity; when arrived at manhood, he
is free, and becomes his own protestor. But
analogy not beingthe fate read of realon, we
resign it again, after this short excu fion, to those
who carelessly range the fields of politics for a
muf ment ; but are not felicitous, as we are, of
reaching the abodes ot truth and freedom.
The Americans, in common with the whole
race< t man, have indisputably an inherent right
to liberty ; and to be governed by such laws as
fball belt provide for the continuance of torn
liberty, and for Retiring their property. These
are the hinges on which turn the welfare and
happiness of society; these are the true, the on
ly ends of civil govern ©ent. But how are they
to be obtained under the lovereignty of a Bntifn
parliament? Arc not the legislators of every
free fbee to be bound themselves by the laws
they make? And, must they not tax their own
purses, tog ther with those ot them conhitu
enfr Is there any fafety for the people with
out these ties upon their legislators ? Will a
member of the British parliament be bound by
any law cogaud for, and confined to, America ?
Mull the purses of the Americans be at his mer
cy, while his own shall be exempt from every
taxation he may vote? What English school
boy, so ignorant ofthe constitution, as to admit
these absurdities ! lie must firft go out into the
world, and, by the help of a/:ttie political fo
phiftrv, unlearn his common-fcnfe, and even
his AB C.
The secure enjoyment of liberty and proper
ty, in which contift the welfare and happmefs
ot a people, bring the true ends of all civil go
vernment ; this is the foundation alone on
which we must argu@ concerning who have a
right to govern. The aniwer is obvious and
short. The rights of sovereignty relide in the
people themselves; that is, they have a right to
chute their own governors. Minds that do not
feel the force ot fell-evidences may deny the
truth of this simple proportion : but they may
be allured, that if they set themselves about
controverting ir, they will only bewilder them
fclves in their own subtleties, without telling us
any thing that will benefit mankind. Don't we
all acknowledge, that the Americans are a free
people ? But how are they free, if they cannot
choose their own governors; if their laws be
not enabled by their own representatives ? In
what doth our freedom confid, if not in these
very rights as the essence of it? In these rights
which we have so often averted, for which we
have so often bled ! That people cannot be free
who are not governed by their own content.
Those who are governed by their own content,
choose their own governors. This is indppen
fibly requisite towards the welfare and happi
nels of every people; it is an inalterable law
of nature ; that is, itis the law of God.
L E T T E R 111.
March 24, 1774.
AT the time that I hold that " Parliament
hath not the rights of Sovereignty over
his Mujefty's American fubfeCfs," and that
“ these rights reiide in themielves," I do not
mean to promote an ungrateful forsaking ofthe
mother country by her children, to severe and
elfrange the sons from the lathers; but where
HIGH WATER at NEW-YORK.
^^fß*£ : ^Ehi ! ,^
I Monday, g? Mm. after ,2 }
/Taefaay, 38 Min. afic-'il
'Wednesday, 22 Mini alter 2 !
First Quarter 21st.
T R E
tratien is misleading us again into thetempting,
but unfurc path of analogy. Let us quit it once
more before we lose fight of the direct road.
Every one of those writers, who endeavour to
support the peteniions of parliament to the fo
verDgrty of America by any shew of abftrc&
reaibning, have, so far as they have fallen under
my observation, either fat out upon detedive
plumber, or foam good ones have drawn falfe
conclusions ; as needs mull be in this case, until
truth become a changing. Plain lenfe, and an
ingenuous mind, are fufficient to 'guard any ore
aypinft their fophrilrv: but we have need of a
little more penetration, find to be somewhat
conversant in affairs, when we would tifyute
with a different fort, who plunge headlong, into
the depths of politics, and hurry us unprepared
into ail the intricacies or commerce; placing at
once before our eyes, inran indirect point of
view, that multiplicity or wheels within wheels,
pullevs upon pulleys, and springs upon fprngs,
which belong to the complicated machines of
government and trade, milead of direthng our
attention to the firft principles of motion, and
tire few mathr Iprings, on 1 hole movements all
filial duty and obedience ceases, to substitute in
its stead a brotherly affection, a manly and inde
pendent friendfuip, which naturally takes place
where the parent hath truly lor d and exercised
his authority for the sole end of promoting the
welfare of the child, without a view to fell inhe
red, or the gratification of pride, ambition, or
other vitious puffions. I would confider the A
mericari governments, like that of Ireland, as
lifter kingdoms; and I would cement a falling
union with them as between the separate
branches of one great family. We know that
it is impossible to etFedf such a family union, if
the arrogance of the elder branch exped to go
vern the others, or even demand their homage ;
and how much more so, ifit demand the ule of
their purses at its own discretion, as a return for
former albftance, or under pretence of maintain
ing the honour and interest of the whole com
bined family. But while every one is left in-,
dependent, and no other influence is made ule
of but that of fincerc brotherly affection, a re
ciprocation of good offices, and a lair represent
ation of the general advantage of the whole,
there is little doubt but that ail will be ready to
contribute their refpeftive (hares, and that due
relpedl and deference will ever be paid to the
elder house. Family pride, no left than those
advantages which result from unions of such a
nature, will produce this effect, except we be
ashamed or our family. I hope a felfifh and ty
rannical spirit In the English, will not make the
Americans alhamed of their dement: but iiljl-
the rest depend in a regular order and Subordi
nation. By these means they endeavour to con
found, when they cannot convince us. But
these are difhoneit arts, the common tricks of
Aligning men in every sphere. They are too
ftaic and hackneyed, however, to impost upon
men of found and cultivated unJerftaudmgs.
These know, that government and, trade, as
well as every Science whatever, ae eftabhfted
on a very Small number of fundamental princi
ples or the utmeft simplicity, since they niuft be
felt-evident, or they are no principles at all;
and they know also, that those who mean ho
iwftly do always ultimately refer every maxim,
bv clear inferences, to Some one or other of
these Simple, Self-evident principles. All the
Subtleties and refinements, all the arguments
that the wit of man can invent, will never be
Sufficient to juflily any Species of arbitrary do
minion, while we retain a knowledge or this
11)0rt and Simple proposition, " that the good of
Society is the end or civil government; nor will
they.ever juPify a discretionary taxation by a
prince or government, the people being unre
pretented, So long as we know that " a men
hath no property in that which another can by
right teke from him without his consent."
One of the most Specious arguments m ide use
of in Support of a Sovereign power in parliament
over the Americans, is that drawn Iron? a Sup
pofrd necessity of equipping a powerful arma
ment at a Short notice, for the protean.ii of the
whole empire, as these gentlemen will nave it:
hereupon we are asked, if bis Majefly is I b have
impeded upon him the arduous talk of fed ob
taining a majority of two homes of coma aons in
I'Wheat per Bulhel, ss.5 s. 6d.
foFlour, - - - 245. 0(1.
I Brown Bread, -18 s. od.
Weil-India Rum, 9s. 6d.
(New-England do. g$ . od.
PRICE-CURRENT, in NEW-YORK.
%.—^ 0 ^ —^A^^^^X^^ <3^ £/c_)c/Qfo <3NU
A I) V ERTI S E R.
A U G U S T 15th, 1776.
J Mufcovado Sugar, L. 6
J Single relin'd do. as. 6d.
.! Molasses, -' - - 3^611.
Beef, per Barrel, 70s. of.
.j Pork, - - - 1003. od.
'T H E
Europe, and about thirty provincial afEmblies
in America, before he can raise the n xeffary
lupplies ? and the interrogators ferrn to plume
themieives much upon the impossibility of cat
tying on tne executive part of government un
der such restraints. Let me in return ask how
we draw fuppiics from Ireland? Are they
voted in the Bririfh house of commons? Then,
in the firl iplace, I amwtr, tliat it an empire be
too la:ge, and its parts too widely feoarated by
immense oceans, or other impediments to ad
mit of being governed on the principles essen
tially belonging to all free governments it is an
overgrown empire, and ought to be divided' be
fore it faii to pieces. The welfare and happi
ness of mankind fupercede every other poflible
claim cf pretenlicn to govern. When we find
ourselves fubjeft to a dittant power, which can
not possibly govern us on any other principles
than thole of tyranny, we have an inherent right,
by the law or nature, and it is an indifpenfible
duty to ourselves and to our posterity, to ibake
off such an unjust yoke, and to ered'a free go
vernment a ong ourselves. Those degenerate
Englilincn, who are now fecking to enslave the
Americans, would ill brook the government of
the Emperor of Germany, it by any means he
should lawfully inherit the crown cf'thefe king
doms, and make Vienna the feat of government;
Would they fuffer themselves to 'be taxed by
German miniflers or German diets? > Wetfid
they not fay to their Sovereign, 6 either come
'2nd refine amongst us, or delegate to vaur
'Vice-roy all the prerogatives of the crown,
6 and leave us, in conjunction with him alone,
' to tax and to govern ourselves, according to
'our own laws, aog the rights ofa fr e people ?'
Caß any langnag : be plainer? Can any doctrine
be more intelligible or more equitable? But,
in aniwer to the above interrogatory,. I have a
n,other answer as intelligible as this.
Eftabliih the mode of governing which these
persons contend for, and there will fill be the
fame inevitable delay, with regard to the Ame
rican fuppli.es, as they would have us believe is
peculiar to the mode which the people there
claim a right to exercise. For though a Bririlh
Parliament might vote them with th ir usual a
lacrity, yet we must fend to America to collect
them.. Arid if our armament cannot go on
without lending so far tor this collection, jts 0-
perations might as well be fufpepded a lew day;
or a few weeks longer, in other to obtain it on
Britifn, rather than on Pi uh an, principles. But
the truth is, we Ihcuid not defer the equipment
of any ntcellary armament one moment on this
account. Do we at preient wait for the aflem
bling of Parliament, and a vote of fuppdes be
fore we arm in any just cause in w hich the fafety,
the interest or honour of the fate is concerned?
Doth not the executive branch of government,
by virtue of its owt: powers, and in difei a^ge ot
its duty, put the date in a posture of defence,
upon every alarm without lots of time, and then
apply to Pari ament for its approbation and flip
port? is it ever withheld in ajuft cause? hath
the government no resources, no ways and
means of its own, for discharging or contracting
for the future discharge of these prompt expenses
01 the fiater It the uncertainty of meeting with
the like support from America, as they find in
Great Britain, fnould be a clog u| on our mini
sters in their warlike projects, might it not le
fortunate lor the people of both countries ?
Would it not make them extremely cautious and
prudent how they involved us in continental
politics, arid in German wars? No ingenuous
man will, however, entertain a serious doubt of
the readings ot the Americans to contribute
thfir ihare to every neccTuy expence of govern
ment, so long as fry shall find themleivts in
pofefion of their freedom.
They mull cortribute their (bare; that is t?
fay, they mod preserve their own exigence as
a people, and defend th ir own property, under
any tortn cf government. When men tell us
that an enlightened and tree people are refrac
tory ; that they will not contribute their pro
poison of taxes; that at the hazard of their
lives by-the Word or toe halter, they oppose
and ile< to subvert the government, and this
fur a iucceflion of years; they tell us with a
moral certainty, though perhaps without mean
cng it, thkt they feel luihe real oppressions, some
Fine Salt, - - - None.
Cparfe ^ale, - -14 s. ed.
Indian Corn, per Bush. 3s. 6d.
C/hochlafc, - - is, 6d.
NUMB. 3,