The New-York gazette, and the weekly Mercury — New-York [N.Y.], 1776-07-08 00:00:00, page 1

WHATEVER objections I may have to
the original cause of the dispute be
tween both countries, however I may
condemn the mode in which it has
been hitherto conducted, or howmuch
foever I may disapprove of the mea
sure of employing foreigners to make a conquest of out
own Subjects, and commiffi^n them to carry all the hor
rors of a war into a part of the dominions of the British
Crown ; I own I have still, if pofiible, Wronger and more
material objections against some matters which make
their appearance in the treaties now before your Lord
fiips. 1 think I perceive, Something which bears the
strongest, nay meft unequivocal marks of that Secret in
fluence, that black complexion, which openly or covertly,
as opportunities Served or circumstances concurred, have
pervaded our Councils for some years back. America is
to be coerced, no matter by what means. The blood
and treasure of this country is to be lavishly thrown away
in affefting this purpose. A set of beggerly, infignificant
German Princes are to be doubly Subsidized to give this
extraordinary measure success. But that is not all ; the
commander of this body of mercenaries is to be inverted
with the fupretie command, independent of the control
of either King or Parliament. If any dispute should
arise, where are the parties to appeal ? not to the King,
for he has no power over them ; not the Parliament, for
they can pretend to none. Where then, as no provision
is made in the treaty, but to the Prince to whom they be
long ? Thus you will have a body of 12,000 men, with
a veteran General at their head, free from any control
whatever. Suppefe any dispute should arise between our
Commanders and theirs, who is to decide it? The fo
reign General knows no Superior but his master; and the
consequence will be, that in any such event, all opera
tions inuft cease till he receives inftru&ions from home ;
and Sus the very end for which those foreigners are
brought into the kingdom will be defeated, and the na--
tion put to a monstrous expence for nothing.
Lord Effirgbam. I should not have troubled your Lord
Ships upon a Subject which has been so fully and repeated
ly difeuffed in all its parts, did not three points which
naturally present thtmfelves on the prelent occasion, Alike,
me very strongly, Those are the foty:e which America is
able to oppose to ours, with the resources for maintain
ing that force, the profpe& of success on our part, and
the means of defence against the attacks of enr natural
enemie c . The fi^ ?'v bf cr>-lAei-lir ~x^# .^ —
number of troops America will be able to bring in;o the
field, and the mode adopted for paying them. This, my'
Lords, is a point that calls for your Lordfirr; most seri
ous consideration. With such as deny the juk.ee of the
war, it will operate as proving its impracticability, as
well as'injuflice ; with such as contend for its justice, it
will create a very strong objection as to the expediency,
By the measures proposed by the Continental Congress
for obliging every province to contribute a certain num
ber of men, and a certain Specific turn of money for their
fopport, it was directed that the inhabitants of each pro
vince Should be 'numbered, and the men and money pro
portioned to such returns. On this occasion, as might
be expe&ed, the returns were Short, considerably, of the
real number of fouls§ notwithstanding this, they amoun
ted to three millions and a half, which is more by almost
one half, than any gross computation had amounted to.
To pay those men, the Congress gave orders to strike est
four millions of dollars in paper currency, which sum,
accordingly as the paper is emitted, is to pass current in
the refpe&ive provinces where the revenue arises. Thus,
though paper be emitted, it is still paid away without in
curring a debt; for the supplies are by this means ratted
within the year, every man contributing his own Share,
and the whole Rate, as one body, still left tree of any debt
or incumbrance whatever. On the fccond point, it is plain,
including the foreigners, and supposing the British cops
complete, which J am sure they are not, the whole force
acting on the part of Great-Britain, will not much ex
ceed 40,000 effiaive men. Will any of your Lor^Ships
assert, or be peifuaded to believe, that an army of 40,000
men will be able in one campaign, or in any given time,
to make a complete conquest of three millions and a half
of people, zealous for their liberties, and resolutely de
termined to defend them to the last extremity ?—I am
sure there is not.
If so, then every pretence to expedition and putting a
speedy end to the prevent civil war, is at once over. The
force will be found inadequate; and I will fay more, any
force you will or can fend will be so. As $0 the last point
of domestic defence, hew does that stand ? Let us pre
sume for a^minute/ that the military force rem rinieg in
Monday, July 8, 1776. TKE [No. 1291}
N E ^-r0 R K«^^&|@ G A ZET T E:
WEEKLVM E R C U R V.
- Containing the trefoil lattices
ASSIZE of BREAD. Flour at i 7 t. per Cent.
a White Loaf of the fineft FLOUR, to weigh
A [lb. 11 1-2 oz. for 4 Coppers.
Published March 18, 1776.
0 Printed by HUGH GAINE, Printer, Bookseller, ani Stationer, at the Bible and Crown, in Hanover-Square.
this kingdom, aided by the militia, was Sufficient for
the purpose of defending this iiland ; will it be pretended
that Ireland, with a force in it of only 6060 men, will
be equally secure ? I am confident such a monftreus af
lertion will net 'be made; 12,000 men, even in times
of peace, has been at all times thought necessary for the
preservation of its internal tranquillity. I would appeal
to a noble Lord near me (Lord Townfhend) supposing no
attack had been made from without, whether the mili
tary establishment, after the embarkation, would be
equal ever to the fuppre flion of domestic riot or disturb
ance, much less if a body of French or Spaniards Should
make a defeent there. For my part, I think and believe,
the noble Vifecunt who prefixed there so many years as
Chief Governor, is of the fame opinion, that 10,000
men might march from one end of the kingdom to the
other without moleflation, there being no barrier, natu
ral or artificial to prevent them but the Shannon ; so that
on the whole,, putting the justice of the war out of the
question, I am persuaded that the present measures are
big with ruin in every light, and can, in the nature of
things, be never attended with success, but are vain, il
lusory, and chimerical, and originate from obstinacy or
something worse.
Lord Talbot. The noble Earl who Spoke last, has cer
tainly hit off one leading feature of the Americans. His
Lordship tells you, that even in the midst of their zeal
for freedom and independency, they were not able to con
quer their natural prepenfity to fraud and concealment.
He tells you, that to evade the order of the Congress
for Supplying their quotas of men and money, they pur-
PROCEEDINGS OF THE
HOUSE of LORDS,
Tuesday, March 5.
(Continued from our lafl.)
The Duke of MANCHESTER.
pofely concealed their real numbers. However I may
differ from the noble Lord in the deduction he has drawn
from this fa&, I am not permitted to doubt the truth of
it, as coming from a person in whole estimation and good
opinion, they bear so high a rank. This with me, would #
be the 4lro%eft reason imagin We f? r not trqfli^ to Q~;
profeffions, when it is ferioefiy stated, that they are to
be held by no ties whatever, not even by their most fa-!
cred engagements to support a cause which they deem cl- 1
fential to their very existence as a free people. ' They
have all along a reluctance to order and good government,
and I am every day more and more convinced, thet this
people will never be brought back to their duty 2nd the
subordinate relation they stand in to this country, till re
duced to an unconditional effectual submission. Let them
promise or hold out what present convenience or future
views of independence may suggest, believe me, my ,
Lords, they will never give up their favourite object, till
they are ful)y convinced, that that object is unattainable.
No conceflion on our part, no lenity, nor no endurance
will have any other effect, but that of increasing their
insolence, and encouraging them daily to rile in their de
mands. They have been obstinate and ungovernable from
the very beginning; from their firft early and infant Set
tlements in that country. They began to mknifeft this
Spirit so early as the reign of Charles the firft. They d f
put^d oar right of fifhtng on their coasts, in the times of
the commonwealth and protectorate. But was this claim
to exemption acceded to on our part, or this privilege in
separably connected with Sovereignty, relinquished ? No,
then as now, they werC both treated as prefumptuoirt and
ridiculous. Indeed the principle of absolute unconditi
onal ftipremacy, was so fully eftabhShed in the reign of
Charles the fecund, that what by some people establishes J
a right on our part, of partial taxation over the Province
of Pennsylvania, was at the time granted as a favour to
Mr. Penn, who then had 4 flron^ perfopal interest with the
Sovereign ; Penn was a sensible penetrating man. He
knew the power to tax existed in the Sovereign ; hethere- •
fore got the right transferred to the Parliament, left he
or some of his successors, Should Suffer under a tax laid
on at the will and discretion of the Sovereign for the
time being. This right was firft vetted in Parliament,
at the Revolution. It was not to be sure a full Parlia
ment, but a Convention, which laid a foundation for the
privileges the nation now enjoys. From that time, the
right has continued clearly in Parliament, in the three
branches of the Legislature conjunctively; so that taking
the right of taxing, as derived from the Sovereign thro'
Parliament, in the manner here described, or considering
it as inherently existing in the whole Legislature, as part
ofits very essence, the effeCt Would be the fame ; for still it
comes to this, that the supreme power retains the Sove
reignty over its several Subordinate members, and of
"'fltJ' A..;if^r; ^.;^h, ^ ;,i,„den „,
is conlht'utionaliy entitled to e^ercife the right of taxati
on, whenever the common ihtereft or exigences of the
Slate, make it necessary.,
Lord Temple. lam much obliged to the Noble Earl
with the white ftaff, who has thrown so many ingenious
lights on the Subject of this day's debate. I mutt confefs,
for my own part, that I find it extremely difficult how to
conduct myfelf on the prelent occasion. I would with to
convey my sentiments freely, and without figure, to
your Lorffiips, but that many insurmountable obstacles
stand in the way. If I said all I think, perhaps it might
be attended with inconveniencies, which of all thin,, I
would wiffi moR feduioufly to avoid. If, on the otfer
hand, I Should give uncoMneCted opinions upon several
points now under your Lord Ships confederation, perhaps I
might be misunderstood. The subject is rather delicate,
and probably whatever I may think or fee! on the eccafiori
may be better suppressed, because I have no doubt but that
every thing which passes within theft Walls, Will loan find
it's way to the other fide of the Atlantic. Were I to speak
my opinions freely, it is more than probable I Should find
many things in the conduct of the Ministry to find fault
with; nor do I look upon myfelf engaged by any opinion
I Shall throw out this day, to express the Icait approbation
of their measures. Nevertheless, at so important a
crisis as the present, when the dearcfl intercis of this
country are at £ake, I Should think myfelf very re
proachable indeed, if I did not at : least Slate my general
reasons for giving a negative to the motion now on your
Lordship's table. I never entertained 3 doubt for my own
part, that this country had a supreme legislative authority
over America in every case, in which the intcrefts and
government of the whole empire were materially and es
sentially concerned. Yet I had no hand whatever in
laying on the Stamp-aft, though it Was patronized
and carried as a measure of a Government by a near rela
tion, whole memory Shall be ever dear to me (kis brother
George Grenville) I had no interview, nor was I con
nected with the next Administration, who repealed tirat
law, as I thought it no less than a Surrender of our con
stitutional Sovereignty over America. I had no hand in
laying on the duties in 1767, nor in the partial repeal of
them in 1772, the very points which gave immediate rife
to the present troubles. I took no part in the violent mea
sures which have Succeeded, nor of that fatal one, the
worst of all, of fending the tea to America, and less than
all, have I had any hand in advifing'tbe conduct of the
present war. To the contrary, were I'folly to speak my
mind, I Should perhaps censure it as totally wrong. I
must, however, recur to the principle I firft set out ch,
which is, that if the Sovereignty of this country, to
every purpose of legal and equitable government, be not
Sully and effectually preferred, then America is loft, and
the nation is undone. This country stands indeed in a
most perilous Situation, ruin and deftruClion present them
selves on either hand. On this fide Scylla, on that Cha
rybdis. If we do not, by the most Skilful management
and dexterity, steer clear of the rocks aud quicksands,
with which we are surrounded, then I do not hesitate to
pronounce out Shipwreck inevitable. This, my Lords, I
am free to declare, is a talk of no common difficulty.
The perils that await us are numerous an* of the firft
impression. The firft and best men are divided in opinion,
both on principles of habit and conviction. 1 hope and
trust, the King's Servants are fully acquainted with their
own Situation, as well as that of the public. That is
the firft step to afting right. This is a season that re
quires much reflection, little to be said, and a great deal
io be done. I have my own thoughts on the Subject,
but this is no place to impart them. The firft easterly
wind would most certainly waft them to America; I
Shall be therefore silent. I wish Sincerely, that Admini
ftratiou would consult among thenufelvcs, and call for
Monday, 15 Min. after^
Tuesday, 2 Min. after 4
Wednesday, 54 Min. after 4
Thursday, 41 Min. after 5
HIGH-WATER at NEW-YORK, thia Week.
Friday, 35 Min. after 6
Saturday, 22 Min. after 7
Sunday, 14 Min. after 8
Moon's L. ^r. To-Day.
the opinions es those who unite with them in Sentiment.j
This is not a proper place to declare those opinions; in|
Short, Adraißiftration must be left to determine. Theyi
ate in pofleffion of the information naceflary to form a |
CT .d stride on the best mole of carrying k into
"r,- 'h" "' acquainted with the whole detail ; ,
1 ft ?Qv re :■ lights Vuic4 we ha # c not ; and ri t y ought to ,
,lock forward to all the conferences. On the ^hde 1
; am, and Shall ever be, for coercive measures, till Amt
{ rica, acknowledges the legislative power of the parent
I date. When the question of expediency miles, I Shall
' freely Speak my mind. At present we are.not arrived at
j that period, the dispute now turns on a Struggle for pow-
Icr ;as Such I Shall be for maintaining the lupternacy of
,this legislature; and as a necessary ftp for that purpose,
I ffiall g ; ve to Administration my confidence and support,
, ;and consequently give my negative to the motion by the
noble Doke. „,1
Lore Tl%unf)eiiG. Having At firft entertained doubts
relative to the claims of this country over America, I
gave the fubjiT for some time all the attention in my
power. I considered the Several charters. I examined
;the relation both countries flood in towards each other. I
I looked back tn the infant as well as the more mature
flare cf the Colonics ; and was at length convinced that
America was bound by every rule of jufticc, and every
1 tic of gratitude and political obligation, to contribute
1 towards the common Support; @nd consequently that
lAmerica,1 America, from the beginning, had been the aggrrflor..
But, my Lords; though the right of Great-Britain to
{.ontrQil every pgrt of the dominions of the crown, were
,to bo questioned; though the charters were binding and
!' valid, to the extent contended, still the state of thingsis
such, as renders it impcflible to look back to the causes;
of ibis war, so as to answer any wife or Salutary pur
prfc.-tThe justice of the cause, is left in the din of
war. The noble Earl in the blue ribbed, (Lord Temple)
has told you very juffly; that it is now become a struggle
for power ; the die is caft,^nd the only point which now
romaine to be. determined, is in what manner the war
can be nioft effectually ptoSecuted, and Speedily finiffied;
in qrd%r to procure that unconditional submission, which
has been foabh flawed by the noble Earl with the white
itatl, (Lord Talbot.) I know of no method so probable
to injure success to our operations, as that now adopted.
By jt, we procure an immediate Supply of men. Men
Itrained to the use of arms, and of course fit for immedi
ate, erwice. And J. have no reason to doubt, that the
!mCTfo.es now pursuing will put an end to the war, in the
i course of a single campaign. This will operate doubly,
I ir procuring the great objects we have in view. It will
I ^onte put an end to the calamities of war, and save
Ivi immrofe expence to the nation. A noble Eail (Lord
;^ffin.bam) has appealed to me, in relation to the present
/ 4/ ..... .u„, ana aifpofiiion ol Ireland, to whichJ
; can only answer, if any disturbances should break out in
I that kingdom, they must be Suppreffid. fdo not believe
,they will ; nor have 1 any reason to think such an event
!at all probable. His Lordship has stated his apprehend
fions of a French or Spanifii invjbon. That too, 1 think
equally improbable. France will be cautious of making
any attempt of that kind, as long as the remembers the
defeat and deftruttion of the armament, Sent thereunder
Thurot, during the late war. But supposing that the
noble Bail's fears were well founded, in my opinion it
would be an additional motive for dur pushing on the war
with vigour and effect : in ffiort, to induce us to termi
nate it fry the most powerful and decisive operations ;
for if it Should be permitted to linger beyond the present
campaign, we will have a right to exped the interference
of feme foreign power, who may probably avail itfelf of
I our domeflic troubles, and civil oißra&ions. The noble
Duke who made the motion, has said that foreigners
were attempted to be forced on Ireland, and that it has
been stripped of its national military eftabliShment. As
to the last, if it be a fault, it cannot be charged on the
mihi^ry of this country. It was an a& of their own
I %-hament ; and if his Majesty had not bound bimfelf
I „ his royal promise, there was nothing to prevent him
,i>m fending the.whole or any part of the military force
Actioned in that kingdom, to what part of the empire he
lleafed, where the exigencies of affairs, or the operations
of war Should make it necessary. In refpe& to foreigners,
the very state of Ireland, as represented by the noble
Duke, would be a Sufficient reason for his. Majesty to
fend a body of foreigners into thxt kingdom for its de
fence, without advising with his parliament there; for
I believe the noble Duke will hardly contend, that the
King with the advice of his Parliament here, or on ah
emergency previous to such advice, may not fend a body
of troops into any part of the dominions of the British
crown, for its defence and protection.
The Duke of Grafton, The noble Duke who made the
morion, has Stated the whole of the business of this day
in so accurate a manner, with so much precision, and so
judiciously pointed to the Several parts that form the
whole, as to leave very little for me to add. Indeed, as
to the matter immediately under consideration, his Grace
I has totally precluded me. I cannot, however, fit down
without expreffisig my general sentiments on this very
momeritudus and important motion. From the firft be
ginning of the present troubles, I feduJoufly endeavour
ed to idtisfy myfelf of the true ground and.nature of the
dispute, to examine the refpeaive pretehfiohs of the par
ties, to procure the best lights the nature of the con
troversy afforded, and to form my opinion without pre
dile&ion or partiality. The eft'e& of this conduct and
those researches was, that I plainly saw the people of
America, instead of being protected in their rights, and
Secured in their property, would be left nothing which
they could call their own, because no line could be drawn,
no boundary could be set up, to limit the extent of the
claim. You could not fay that Supremacy Shall exist for
such and such purposes, and Shall be constrained in its
cxgrcife in such and such cases ; because the very in
stant you set limits to its right of taxation, you would
annihilate the principle on which that right is founded,
and would consequently leave the question as open and un
decided as ever. Taking it in the other light, that uncon
ditional fepremacy in the mode and extent laid down by
the noble Earl with the white ftaff, was of the very ef
feufe of government, similar difficulties, though arising
f<®m a different cause, presented themselves to my view ;
I mean the expediency of coercing America, and the
impracticability of carrying coercive measures into execu
tion, I perceived that great allowances were to be made
for a people who had been, as they thought, in the pof
feffiou of certain rights for more than a century. I was
convinced of the cruelty and bad policy of writing those
Wheatper Bushel, ss. 6d.
Flour, 16s. od.
Brc*n Bread, 15s. od.
Weft-India Rum, Bs. od.
New-England, do. ss. od.
PRICE-CURRENT, iu NEW-YORK.
Mufeovado Sugar, 61. ios.
Single refin'd ditto, 2s. od.
Molasses, ss. 68.
Beef perßarrel, 60s. od.
Pork, 80s. od.
rights from them wantonly, and without any apparent
cause. I was Satisfied of the wildness and rmpr?aicabilif
of the attempt. But let me go one step further, and sup
pose that the expediency and practicability weie equal to
the referred juflice of the cause, ought we not to look
to cur own abilities, to our refoufecs, and compare the
^canven.-enctot which most r:frl; from these measures,
iriuth the advances we . p;,cpofe to me delves , obtain
I am tolerably acquainted with the finances of this coun
try, and I do most Solemnly assure your Lord ships, that I
do not know a single tax it is in the power of the most
fruitful invention to devise or conceive, which would in*-
crease the receipt at the Exchequer. Every tax that can
pebbly be thought of will interfere with some other.
The nation is loaded co the full extent of its abilities g
and wtrat are you going to do ? You are entering into 3
war, the success of which is problematical at jeaft, if
not improbable To carry on this war, new taxes will
be necessary ; and having no Security tg give, the conse
quence will be, that you will be obliged to pledge the old
funds, contrary to public faith <hd the fecurhy of the
public creditors ; or you will be compelled to contract
new debts; which, if the war Should continue for any
time, national credit will be ruined, and the kingdom be
undone.---This leads me to a onfideration or the firft
importance; it is the general inattention and indifference
to the interests of the hation, which prevail upon those
p whom they are entrusted. A most alarming profligacy
of manners, and u^boundted love of pleasure and dissipa
tion, have taker peffeflicn of almost all ranks and de
grees of people. Ministers are trusted indiscriminately,
parliament has Surrendered or abandoned its right of con
treul, and all the great concerns o^the nation are trusted
to chance, or to men by no nkans fitted for the arduous
task of government. How do you think, my Lords, this
will terminate? Worn the people find themselves borne
down under the pressure of cakes, which they will be no
longer able to pay, when pubic credit is no more, when
public bankruptcy flares them in the face ; when in con
sequence of such a state of things, univerfil ruin and
delpair Spread themselves through every part of this
inland; I will tell you, my Lords, the people, are no
longer able to endure such calamities, and expecting no
redress, where only it can be legally or conftitutionaily
fought, will Seek relief io the means which God and
Nature has pointed out. They will no longer look u p to
Parliament, because Parliament has betrayed them, has
been deaf to their entreaties, and inattentive to their in
terests. It may be answered, that .the present measures
are the measures of the people, that they are approved
°f by a great majority of the nation, and that they have^
in a variety of instances, and through a variety of chan
nels, exprefled the most hearty and zealous approbation.
I deny the fad; bur though 1 so c : d allow he proofs,
they are very far fran.combating any thing I have now
averted. If the people have been milled, or lulled into
a deceitful Security, it proves my ar; urn nt on the ground
I have taken it up. It is not on the wisdom and Gund
nefs of the measures, but on their fallacy and evil ten
dency, that I draw the present deductions. Betides ad
dreHes, and the various means employed by men in power
to obtain the public fad&ihn and approbation, will neref
ptfs with me for a proof of their being the teal fentf
merits of these to whom they are imputed ; for at nq.
time since the firft establishment of the Monarchy did
; this rest of public opinion foanifeft itfelf more than
during the greater part of the reign of J mes the Second; 4
iAddreffa, congratulations, engagements to support him.
with their lives and, fortunes, poured in from every quar
ter; yet that infatuated Monarch,fatally found, that
they were but the mere efforts of ministerial art and
Court adulation. On the whole, my Lords, coufidering
this great question in all its different points of view, an<
pursuing it in ail its confequgmes; I can perceive nothing
I but inevitable ruio. I contemplate it with the m.^ft punA
gent pain and anxiety; J turn my face from it with
! horror.
These have been my sentiments from the verybegin
'hing, and I have uniformly acted conformably thereto. I
have argued, prayed and implored that the wild, Spinous
and qeftruaive project might be laid aside. Ido now
beseech your Lordships; for the lift time, to bestow tome
further consideration on the fttbje&. The dye is not yet
irretrievably cast, thelword is drawn, but it may yet be
Iheathed. The proportion now made to you by the
noble Duke may open a field for peace and reconciliations
This opportunity once loft, I fear 'can never again be re
covered. I would beg to recall to your Lordflups recol
lection what fell from me in the course of thelaft year
when in another fituatinn, (where I unhappily flood sin
gle in opinion) that I fromifed to submit a plan for
compiling the differences now fubfiflihg between Great-
Britain and America to your confederation. Whatever
has been urged by the noble Lord in the blue ribbon, to
the contrary, I am convinced it is not yet tbo late, and
that all the miseries and calamities which' now threaten ,
the nation may yet be averted, if we will only, with
out diftin&ion of party, undertake the performance of
the arduous talk with willing hearts and proper dilaofiti
ons. As to rhe treaties which make more particularly
the fubjeft of this day's debate, they hate beep so amply
commented on. and tully explained by the noble mover,
that I Should have hardly troubled your Lordship's, did
not I think it my duty, as applying directly to the man
ner in which this business of foreign treaties has beeri
conducted on the pm of administration, to express my
utmeft astonishment at the language held by a nebl^
Lord high in office, in whose department, as Secretary of
State, this negocidtiori must of course have been tranfa&d.
The noble Lord rises to declare his ignorance, whether or
riot a Commander in Chief, appointed by his Majesty, or
the Commander of 'thofe foreign mercenaries, ffiould
have the supreme command ? Did hrs Lordship take upon
him to negociate this treaty, without any one official
requisite to conduct and conclude it? or, has he firit
made the treaty, and after it is finally concluded, and
made binding on the nation, does he come into thia
House totaln ignorant whether he a&ed right or wrong,
to receive inftruaions fem foch of your Lprdfhips as are
converfantin military affairs, to know whether the whole
of the British dominion in Americas, or is not, to be under
the absolute command of a foreign mercenary, at the:
head of 12,000 hirelings? But suppose his Lordihip
should tell me, that the supreme command is veiled in the
Commander in Chief, though he be a junior officer, will
he allure me, that the matter has been so underflood by
the Landgrave of Hesse, or that his General is apprized
of it? Or laflly, will his Lordfoip inform me, whether
Efficient provision has been made in case of doth, or any
Fine Salt, —None.
Coarse Salt, Bs. 6d
Indian Co%.cperßu,gs. 6d
Coffee, 2$ . oJ
Chocolate, ?.!>s.'per Doz.