The New-York gazette, and the weekly Mercury — New-York [N.Y.], 1779-01-18 00:00:00, page 2

An Impartial American.
Trento-., December zi, 1778.
Mr. DUNLAP,
APerfon who signs himfelf Thomas Payee,
Secretary for foreign affairs, and author
of all the writings under the signature of Com
mon Sense, has thought proper in your paper
of the 29th to inform the public, that in his
opinion " 7 was not the writer of Plain Truth,
but that I have flood in the gap to fcrecn an
incendiary, and that in a matter! have no bu
siness with, and can fcarccly know any thing
of." I do not think this writer's opinion of
my literary abilities, or of my motives of ap
pearing before the public of such consequence,
as to render it necessary to difeufs this matter.
His vanity as an author by profeffion, and the
confcicufnefs of the motives which generally
2&uate that class of men, render him on theft
points a very unfit umpire. Neither shall lin
imitation of this great personage, publish my
felf to the world, as the author of all the <writ
in, under the Jignature of Plain Truth; because
when I confider that others before and since
the auficious Payne have wrote under the sig
nature of Common Sense, and that many have
fought under the banners of Plain Truth, I
feel a reluctance to indulge my vanity at the
cogence of truth.
Mr. Payne fays, " it is a matter in which I
had no business," to which I reply in the lan
guage of a freeman, whatever relates to the
rights of individuals and to the interest and
fifety of these dates, is my business, aid the bu
siness of every wcll-wifher to the liberties of
this country.
This obfervatiom of Mr. Payne will naturally
induce the people of America, to confider what
business the Secretary of the Committee of fo
reign affairs had to enter into a discussion in
the public papers of the characters and merits
of the nßnifters of these states, at foreign courts,
:nrhn'urly at a tirae when these matters are
yohte^ The Roman government was in
dangcred while her general was intriguing
with the Egyptian Cleopatra. Now it is with
society, in this refped, as with individuals. 1
grant, that the public attention may be invol
ved with weighty matters: it often judges
rightly about them: and may puriue proper
means to obtain a laudable end---but the po
pular passion is like a large torrent, not so
readily turned as that of individuals; and
while itis projecting means to avoid one dan
ger it is fumetimes not impressed with others.
'lremember to have read of the Athenians;
that they were zealous and active againll the
common enemy, while the bowels of their
constitution were rotten with internal feuds
and diffentions: they would all unite to resist
a Persian monarchy; while lEfckines could
accuse Demoflhenes, and each had his party.
Such appeals to be our case at present: and
though we have not yet experienced those hor
rid factions, the natural offspring ofinveterate
parties; yet we have began early, and hitherto
ripened apace for such an event. Altercations
and personal differences among some of our
firft leaders, the disputes between Mess. Deane
and Lees, that has laid the foundation for vio
lent parties, are the matters I refer to. For
Heaven's fake, what have we at present to do
with these: are we organized as a legislative
body to take cognizance of the personal alle
gations of individuals ? If so, what purpose do
our Congress and legislatures answer? We
cught always to have a careful jealous, over
cur rulers. As public bodies, their conduct
ffiould be watched: but never let us substitute
,what evidently seems to be matter of personal
'animofity, inflead of that of a more public and
general nature.
If these states are threatened, it is by inter
nal division. Those that are avo^aly and
publickly inimical,openly triumph ^^t; whiie
others that are secretly so, will be unwearied
to support that fide which gives the most fatal
(hock. I have seen the pertinent remark, that
when individuals, under a pretence of great
zeal and friendship for their country, exclaim
ayainft particular tranfaltions of those that
have been esteemed the most patriotic and dis
interested, and throw out blind innuendos and
invectives to render them odious, and diftrutted
by their fellow citizens ; such persons may be
marked as dangerous and difaffedted to govern
ment. 1 am Sorry to find in the Pennsylvania
Packet of December 19th, 1778, evident Signa
tures of this fort. The author of the piece
Signed Plain Sense evidently means to throw a
gross refleaion on Congress, by comparing
Mr. Lee's appointment, as ambassador, with
the 6th article of the confederation : In answer,
it is enough to fay, that the confederation is
not yet consummated, and, until it is, is of no
validity.
What Shall we think of the author of the fol
lowing Queries in the fame packet. Speaking
cf the supernumerary officers " Have many
of those supernumeraries been omitted to make
way for favourites, &c." " Can Congress be
guilty of (committing) a breach of faith in the
name of the united states? &c. &c." " Rouse,
Americans, do justice, be grateful to your
faithful Servants." Does it not appear that
the author of those queries is rather inspired
with a bad principle? and has he not the fore
going mark of disaffection?
Two ebjeds are worthy of your deep atten
tion: the Congress and th# army; if the for
mer is not revered, but brought into contempt,
you have reasons to be alarmed with the appre
hensions of militarv government. Whatever
p,wer, whether civil or military, is most ref
pe led, that nill sway. God forbid that we
Should ever fall a Sacrifice to the latter; I
mean not to reflect on any individual or set of
men, but would warn you to be on your guard ;
and particularly to support the dignity of our
Congress, for in that we politically live, and
have a free existence.
To enumerate all the particulars that might
be collected to this purpose from the Greek and
Roman history, would be almost to transcribe
the whole of their annals. Sallust fays, that he
could produce many inftawces where the Ro
mans, with a handful of men, had defeated the
greatest armies ; but these he supposes to be so
well known, that he thinks it needless to men
tion them : and almoil every school-boy knows
the wonderful feats of this kind that were per
formed by the Greeks against the Persians and
barbarians. I shall therefore content my felf at
present with feleaing a few Hriking fads to this
purpose in our own history.
In the battle of Crecy, the English had only
30, cOO men, the French had 120,000 : and yet
the latter were defeated with so considerable a
loss that four times more of them were killed
than of the English.
In the battle of Po&iers, the English had
only 12,000 men, the French had upwards of
60,000; and yet the latter were not only
routed, but their king was also taken prisoner.
In th, battle of Agincourt, the English had
no mere than i§,eoo men, the French had be
present revolution, to whose lot it has fallen to
/vindicate the right of my fellow freemen to
think, write and speak with that decent bold
ness of public me, , and measures, which our
ancefters ever have, and which, even in the
prelent degenerate date of Great Britain, is
Still practiced, notwithstanding the wicked at
tempts of persons in power to destroy it.
From the illiberal expreflions and insinua
tions thrown out by this writer, the gentlemen
of the profeffion I have embraced, and others,
not acquainted with the character of Mr. Payne,
may perhaps be furprized that I de not make
feme firtaures on him of a severer nature than those
under the signature of Plain Truth ; but when
they confider that his person is labouring to
support his tottering consequence, by endea
vouring to make the public believe that he is
-way laid and persecuted, because his assertions
cannot be otherwise refuted ; and that he has
at various times, and on various occafipns,
submitted with more than a floical patience to
correftions, which his illiberal and turbulent
spirit fubjeded him to, I doubt not my for
bearance will be juftified, not only on the prin
ciples of policy but of true spirit.
I Shall now take leave of a writer whom I
confider as beneath my notice, and Shall wait
the event of a prosecution, by which this im
portant question will be decided, " whether
the right of speaking with freedom of public
men and measures is unalienable in every citi
zen of these free fates, or whether this inesti
mable privilege is confined to the fared person
and fared pen of Mr. Thomas Payne, Secre
tary (as he is pleased to stile himfelf) for fo
reign affairs, and author of all the writings
under the signature of Common Sense, &c.&c."
M. CLARKSON.
From the London Chronicle, Sept. 10.
S I R,
AS we are now fairly engaged in a war
with France and America, and possibly
may be so soon with the other principal branch
of the Bourbon family ; and it is not impoffi
blc, that, if the present disturbances continue
in Germany, we may be dill further engaged
in hostilities with the Emperor, and with Swe
den and Denmark, without any affiance on
our fide than what we can procure from Prussia,
and perhaps from the Ruffians; many people
seem to be apprehensive, that as the several
powers combined against us will be able to
furnifh much larger armies than any that we
can oppose to them, we must finally yield to
the superiority of their forces, and submit to
any conditions they shall think proper to im
pose. In a word, they take it for granted,
that the most numerous army must always in
the end obtain the victory. But against this
groundless opinion, or rather absurd prejudice,
all history, both antient and modern, rises up
in evidence.
Philadelphia, December 30, 1778.
P. S. Mr. Payne has laboured to make the
public believe, that notwithstanding frequent
applications were made to know the author
of Plain Truth, an answer was long evaded—
I aver upon my honour, that on the firft appli
cation being made to Col. H. B. Livingston,
who carried the publication to Mr. Dunlap,
my note avowing it was sent to the printer.
If Mr. Dunlap before applied in an improper
channel, the fault is not mine.
under the consideration of Congress, and to
boast to the public that he is, from the nature
of his office acquainted with certain state mat
ters, which are not known even to the legislatures
of these fates. Has Mr. Payne's long and
boalted friendship with the gentlemen he men
tions in his address Signed Common Sense, be
trayed him into this measure, or is there less
decency and propriety in a freeman indepen
dent of office to prevent the public from being
deceived than there is for a person under the
fanftion of an office to endeavour to mislead
the judgment of the people, and to aim at
blalting the reputation of a gentleman, whose
services are brought home to the feelings of
every American ?
I am threatened with a prosecution as a par
ty concerned in publishing a falfe, malicious
libtl, tending to injure the reputation of " the Se
cretary for foreign affairs, because under the
Signature of Plain Truth I undertook to can
vass the assertions of a writer stiling himfelf
Common Sense, —Ridiculous! I laugh at the
insolence of office, and despise the threat.
Should folly, pride, party Spirit or tyranny,
dictate this measure; my firm reliance is on
the laws of my country, and in the unconquer
able spirit of freedom, which I trull is not yet
degenerated in the breasts of Americans. I
Shall glory in being the firft person, since the
The making the peace of Utrecht, a long conti
nuance of tranquillity, whereby France got breath,
and acquired a flourishing commerce, with the fet
tling of Do* Carlos in Italy, more than recovered
to the house of Bourbon their losses by the war ;
and on our entering into that in 1745, our fixation
with refpe& to alliances, not being ev@i so good as
at the time of the revolution, and much worse in
refpe& of being so many millions in debt : and yet,
teven in that, as well as in the lalt war, we were able
to beat the French and Spaniards both by land and
sea, as the taking of Cape Breton, the Havanqab,
and other places from them, as well as the redu&i®n
of all North America, together with the vidories
obtained both in the East and Weft Indies: and rot
withtlanding another disadvantageous, and, I may
justly fay, more fhameful peace on the fide of Britain
than the foregoing of Utrecht, followed the glorious
successes and never-to-be-forgotten honours (he had
won during the la* war. The ambitious French
once mere ere& their crest, and threaten delbufb.n
to us, who have ever beater them even on their own
dunghills, and shall we now be afraid to engage these
fate crows ? Forbid it, honour ! Forbid it, man
hood ! Never let it be laid, that Great-Britain was
frighten- I out of he silt-water girdle by the gaf
conades of her peifidious enemies, who, like a thief
at night, have taken th* advantage of the hufband
min's abfeace to toak his houle a&d rob him of
his property.
Before the reign of their boasted grand monarch
Lewis XIV. France never set up or laid claim even
to the name of a maritime power, nor was she at any
time to be dreaded by the English. Even their
great and magnanimous Henry the Fourth (to speak
in their own stile) had no Beet : and Voltaire tells us,
in his “ Introduction to the History of the Age of
Lewis the great," that there was not one royal ship
•f war in the kingdom, when his son and fucceffer
Lewis the XVth crime to the throne. What an al
teration from that time to the present, and in so
short a space I But to proceed :
It was under Colbe rt, that great and dangerous
French minister, that the bad policy of Charles 11.
who was abfobed in luxuries and riot, instead of
attending to the good of Old England, fuffered
France to become a real object of our jualoufy : and
after the Revolution, when it was to be expe&ed the
English should have turned back to a true fenfw of
their interest, the great fleet of France, almost a
match for ours at that time, was the object to be de
stroyed. This was in so great a measure done by
the brave Russel, in the sea fight of La Hogue, that
the damage has never yet been entirely repaired :
and had our politics flopped here, the strength of
Britain had never been exbaufted, nor her riches
watted, as too frequently has been tire case since
that period.
This, together with the great success of the Duke
of Marlborough in the next reign, had effi aually
put the power of France to a Hand, and preferred
England from any future attempts of the House of
Bourbon, and confequcntly from any necessity of
declaring war against them, if such a peace had been
made as we had a right to expea, and might have
commanded.
From the London Chronicle, Sept. 10.
IT will be requisite for us to take a retrofpefyve
view of the mighty consequence acquit ed, as well
as what is assumed by our old neighbour and com
mon enemy the French, the better to enable us to
investigate their arts, and detect their perfidy,
which, from time to tinse, they hive treated Old
England with, in order to enlighten the undei land
ings of these who at present are abettors, and call
aloud for American independency, without consi
dering either the injury they do themselves, or ad
vantages they give a proud and ambitious nation,
before I state the fa&s of the present rupture between
them and us, said to be originated in the revolt of
America.
Therefore, in the firft place, I Shall observe, that
the power of France commenced on the decline of the
house of Austria, and in the beginning of the 17th
century it was established by the condu& of that great
minister cardinal Richlieu, into an absolute monar
chy. The seven provinces declaration and accepta
tion of being united a free commonwealth, together
with our own weak prince's inactivity (James the
First) essentially contributed to turn the icale in fa
vour of the house of Bourbon. In 1630, Gemany
was engaged in a war through the proteltant interest.
which had gained ground in many parts of that vast
empire; and Gustavus Adolphus declaring on their
behalf entered therein, which separating the Spanish
and German interests, laid together the foundation
whereon was conftru&ed the rising glory of that
house. This was followed by the revolt of Portugal,
and by the French over-running the greatest part of
Flanders and Hainault, confirmed to them by the
treaty of the Pirenees in 1659. From this time it
became more particularly the confederation of Great
Britain, how to support the house of Austria, so as
to render it a balance to that of Bourbon, on the
continent ; and how more especially to guard against
its acquiring ton much power oh the ocean. The
last of these, if I am not miftakeo, Cromwell,
during his usurpation, took pretty good care of, by
properly securing the important port of Dunkirk ;
but from the restoration of Charles the Second, to
the abdication of James the Second, either of these
points were so far from being regarded, that Dun
kirk was fold, and the French fuffered to purchase
their conquests, against the express frafe of the nati
on, as appears by the parliamentary addresses. The
necessity of preserving Europe in general, and Bri
tain in particular, founded those engagements that
were the cause of the revolution.
But to come down to our own times, and to
fads within the memory of most of your read
ers, it is well known, that, during the greatest
part of thelaft war, the English and Prussians,
who could never raise between them above
300,000 men, had to contend with the French,
the Austrians, the Ruaffians, the Swedes, and
the Saxons, forming altogether, by the molt
authentic accounts, a body upwards of 800,
000 men ; and yet the smaller power not only
maintained the itruggle with unparalleled vi
gour, but finally triumphed in the contest—
So true, and so agreeable to experience, is the
declaration of the preacher, " that the race is
not always to the fwift, nor the battle to the
strong."
I am, Sir, your's, &c.
lIISTORICUS.
tween 60 and 70,003 ; yet, notwithflandiig this
great inequality in point of number, the French
Buffered such a terrible overthrow, that, from
that moment forward, they gave up all thoughts
of further refinance, and Henry V. king of
England was declared legal successor to the
crown of France.
general Peace.
39. Ships of War on the American Station, with
the Names of their Commanders, and Number
of Guns.
40. Complement of Men and Weight of Meta!
in the Royal Navy.
Anatomical Prelections.
DR. CLOSSEY's best RefpeAs await the Gen
tiemen of the General Hospital, and begt
Leave to acquaint them, that a Second Edition of
his Olim Meminiffe, will begin on Wednesday the
18th inst. and will proceed as usual, until all th
Organical ^rts arc described, together with then:
Utes, Motions' and Aff^iuns.
ABOUT 500 Quintals of choice large CO
FISH, to be Rid or beard the Brigantine
Fame, James Crew, Mailer, now lying at Thorns
Mardon's Wkaiff. If any Perfen chafe to purchase
the Whole, may have thana on reasonable Tenn
by applying to Messrs. Hugh and Alexander Wal
lace, or the Master on board.
A Yeung Mt#, wh< has a good Deal of Leifui;
would give a handsome Premium for an Er
ployment in any Public Office. He cat give See
rity for any Trut tthat may be reposed in him A
Line direfyd to A.B,at Mr. Hugh Gaine's, sh it;
attended to immediately.
I'F~Mr?-£BEWEZER SMITH, who had for :
Cattle on the Jamaica Road the 19th of Exam
bar Lift, will be so good as to call on Mr. French in
Jamaica the firft Time he goes along, or make it 1
Business to call on so, he &1 be well reward
for it
4. Lift of the Peers of the Blood of Great Britab
Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Viscounts and Barons.
5. Archbifliops and Bishops of England, with tire
Sum each See is charged with in the Kings
Books.
6. His Mnjefty's most hon. Privy Council.
7. Knights of the most noble Order of the Garter
8. Knights Champions of the most hon. Order or
the Bath.
9. Knights of the molt ancient and most noble
Order of the Thistle.
10. His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State.
11. Lords Commissioners of the Treasury.
12. Lords Commissioners of Trade and Planta
tions.
13. Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty.
14, High Court of Admiralty.
15. His Majesty's Post Matter's General.
16. A Litt of his Majesty's Land Forces, with
their Colonels, Lieut. Colonels, and Time when
railed, &c. &c.
17. A compleat Lift of the Houle of Commons of
Great Britain, with the To.:ns, &c. they re
present.
18. A Lift of the Royal Navy of Great-Britain,
with the Pay of the Officers in each Rate, from
the Admiral to a private Man.
19. Admirals of Great-Britain, and the Places
where they command.
20. Treasurer, &c. &c. of the Navy, and the Sa
laries allowed by the Crown.
21. The daily Pay of each Rank in the Horse
and Grenadier Guards, and of his Majesty's
Land Forces on the British Eftablilhmant.
22. Precedency among Men and Women, as fet
tled by Abts of Parliament and other authentic
Documents.
23. A Table of all the Kings and Queens ofEng
land and Scotland,with the Time they severally
began to reign.
24. Peers of the Blood, Dukes, Earls, Viscounts
and Barons of Ireland, with the Peeresses by
Creation or Descent.
31. Tables reducing Guineas, Dollars and Half
Joes into New-York Currency.
32. Staff of the Army under the Command of Sir
Henry Clinton, K. B.
33. General Hospital in New-York.
34. Field Officers of his Majesty's Artillery, Dra
goons, and Infantry In North-America.
35. Staff and Field Officers of the Hessian Corps
in North-America.
36. Field Officers, &c. of his Majesty's Provincial
Troops.
37. Directions to be observed by all Masters of
Vefleis on their entering the Port of New York;
and Regulations for the Cartmen in the said
City, as established by the Commandant thereof
38. Computation of the most remarkable Passages
of the Times, from the Creation to the lalt
27. Bankers of Dublin, Cork, Waterford and
Clonmell.
28. A general Description of America.
29. Enumerated Goods fubje& toDutyin America.
30. General Establishment of ail the Provinces on
the Continent of North-America, containing
the Names of the Council and Affemby cf
Nova-Scotia, Canada, New-Hampshire, Mass -
chufetts Bay, Rhode-Ifland, Connecticut, New-
York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, North-Carolina, So. Carolina, Geor
gia, and both the Floridas ; with the Names of
their Judges, Cuftom-Houle Officers, &c. &c.
and dutiable Goods in each Province.
The rice is bear nt hand, perhaps, before :
shall be announced to my countrymen, cf the proud
Monfieurs changing their tone and binder, having
received a drubbing fiom the Engnfh fleet ; if no:
already, let them with anxious fear expert the tidings
daily, which once more will proclaim Britons tri
umphant, and their disgrace, is the frur°re wiffi of
A BRITON.
^WW^j )^bV^^^^^^W^^
GAlNe's
Universal Register;
1 O R,
American and British Kalendar,
For the Year 1779.
[llluftrated with an elegant apd accurate Coperp!a§e
Plan of the City of New-York.]
CONTAINING,
1. fI^HE Kalendar; with a Table of Coins;
I the Quaker's General Meetings, and
better Lilt of Roads than published in :y
other Almanack.
2. A Genealogical Lift of the Royal FarrTy o'
Great-Brirain, France, Spain, Portugal, D
mark, Norway, Sweden, Germany, Poland,
Prussia, Russia, Sardinia, Orange, Italy and
Turkey.
3. The Extent nnd Situation of Great-Brit in,
Ireland, France, Spain, Portugal, Denm rk
Norwav. Sweden, Germany, Poland, P uffi?
Turkey, Italy, Orange, Russia and Sr."^
with the Latitude and Longitude of each Ki%
dom, and their military Eltabliihment in ?e u
and War.
25. B' nop;, Archbishops and Deans of Irela, ,;
16. Summary of the House of Commons of Ire
land.