Gazette of the United-States. — New-York [N.Y.], 1790-04-17 00:00:00, page 1

« Thefuffrage of thofc who arc shy and backward in giving
p.aifc, is attended with an additional rel.fh and enjoyment.
MY last number offered fonte remarks on the
caution that should be used in the choice
of confidential friends. It is of nolefs importance
to be flow and diffident in bellowing commenda
tions on persons or anions. There is no species
of indiscretion that men oftener hr-.-e orcafion to
repent of, than pnffing to. hasty a on
the charadlersandincidents that areprelented to
their view. One inconvenience of falling into
an habit of judging prematurely is, that it ren
ders an opinion suspicious, even in those inftan
ces, where it may be well-founded Applause,
conferred by a person who speaks much and thinks
little, affords no delight to a man of a found un
demanding. We cannot reafonablybe plealed
•with approbation, unlel's we are conscious of de
serving it; and when it conies from a man who is
rash and unguarded in his expressions, it does
not brighten our reputation, and should not gra
tify our feelings. When men are cautious of
wjvLng praise, if they are likewise modeftin their
censures, we muftafcribe it to pi udence and de
licacy. This kind ot reserve may sometimes re
sult from a cold heart, but whatever may be the
cause of it, the person who poflefles it, will com
mand attention and i-efpetft. Prudence, by no
means, requires a forbidding afpedi in our man
ners ; but it prohibits a forward, impudent one.
A stem demeanor is better than a frivolous
but both should be avoided. That mildness of
behavior that makes men amiable is not incom
patible with the ftriifteft propriety of conduit,
gr with a most cautious reserve in giving opinions.
Mirth and gaiety may be indulged ; but there
can be no weight of character without reflection
and (bbiiety.
Those tliouglitlefs men who condemn where
there is 110 fault, and praise whete there is no
merit, will gain little confidence in the world.
Ccnfurc as w»JI as applaule, to have any effect,
must not appear to be indiscriminate. It should
aim at a particular point, and be directed by juit
views. Ifto avoid a charge of ill nature a man
becomes insincere, he betrays weakness ; and if
a delire to {hew an independent spirit makes nim
censorious, it is psrverfenefs, No man will wifli
the applause, or fear the censure of him, who is
accuflomed to bestow extravagant encomiums 011
indifferent adlions, or to heap reproaches on inno
cent ones. Modefl men are those whole praise
has a charm, and wliofe reproof has a fling.
Bold, afl'uming characters are never highly es
teemed by any ; and people only treat them with
civilities to avoid tlie trouble of a quarrel.
r once knew a lioify, impertinent coxcomb run
into extravagant applause. at the performance o
a fiddler. A discreet by-ftander, obfervmg such
profufe compliments thrown away 011 so trifling
a rharatfter, said, " what encomiums might not a
man of real excellence expert, when a low mufi
eian is praised so lavishly ?'
[No. io6.—Vol. 11-j
MR Boudi not faid,altho' hemoftheartily approved of manv
of the arguments and doftrinesof his lion, triend from Pei
nfvlvam»,yethecouldrotgo all lengths with him- H e t OU R''
•with him, that our time had been taken up, and great labor had
been used in arguments that no wife related to the merits o e
oueftion before the committee, but he could not agree t m e
clause in the constitution relating to the want of P°wer 10 "
eref% "to prohibit the importation of such persons, as any or
the States new cxiJHng (hall think proper to adm.t, priorr to the
vear ,8„8, and authoring a tax or duty on such >mport a t,°n, no.
exceeding 10 dollars for each person, ' did not ex en g
(laves.— Candor required that he Ihould acknowledge tl.at this
was the express dcfign of theconftitution, and thcretor^° ng ''
coulj not interfere i« prohibiting th« ■mpoitatioe or promoting
'*»T3r "3
or duty of 10 dollars, was provided infteaa o t e5 p
valorem, and was so exprefslv understood by all part.esm the Con
ventioni That therefore it was the interest and duty of Cong.ef. 1
10 imyofe this tax, or it would not be doing justice 0 done
equjlizingthe duties throughout the Union. t lS^ ; \ u j
merchants might bring tjTe.r whole capitals into thi. b rMehrf
tiade.and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. Boudmo.had
hoped, that the great lengths which the hon. grnt cman -mile,
fylvania had carried the argument, would have c ° nv,n^ ltv 0 f the
men in the op pofitian, of the propriety, if not t e ncc y .
rcfblutions ontfie table. Is it not prudent now, w i _
of the trainers of the constitution is well known, and w 1
information can he obtained, for Congress to declare t cir
it, on points which the gentlemen fay involve their yea a
icntial interests, efpccially when the gentleman from Penn >
Itrtsr'l of the Committee on the Memoriall of the people called Qua her
under covjidcration.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
THE TABLET
MONO AY, MARCH 22
CONGRESS.
No. CVI.
PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 9, MAIDEN-LANE, NEW-YORK.
gives so different a conftrufl-ion to it, from wliat the geutlemei
from the southward think right. Is it not advantageous to th
iouthern States to have an explicit declaration calming their fears
and preventing unnecrtTary jealouGcs m this fubjeft. Can llier
3eany foundation for alaim, when Congress expressly declares
hat they have no power of interference prior to the year 1808
Jut gentlemen fay that they hove been charged with impropriety
>1 conduct, in dilcovenng so much warmth and earnettnefa, on ;
übieft with which their dtareft interests are so intimately con
iccted—That all men are led oy interest and they are juftified ii
lurfuing the fame line of conduct.
Mr. Boudinont declared far his own part, he never blamei
hem for flandingforth for what 'hey conceived the true interest
if thejr continents—but is was th ' inner in which this hat
wen done, that he complained tfr. .
On resolutions declaring that Congrefj had not power to prohi
lit the importation of flaws into any state, or intcrlcnng 111 then
mancipation or internal govt rnment, l<>ng arguments had beet
ifed and much precious time had been spent ; to prove the law
ulnefs of the African trade in slaves. This indeed was an ardu
.us talk in this day of light and knowledge—an author said to bi
if reputation, was brought forward to prove the state of that un
iappy country, but it turned out to be in the 15th century , thi:
ould be of little avail—an hour was taken up in reading the la.
lorsof a newspaper writer in the illand of Jamaica. This write:
ppeared wholy mifintormed as to historic facts relating to th«
inferable Africans, and as ignorant of the principal arguments a
ainft the slave trade. It was nectffary for him to deny the au.
hority of Anthony Benezet, who had published some point"
afls on this fubieft. Mr. Benezet was a man of the ftrittelt in
egrity and of the best information-a man that was an honor tt
lis country and an ornament to society. Mr. Boudinot had beet
veil acquainted with him and spoke from personal knowledge
.e had examined into the facts from captains of Guineamen, ant
person who had lived twelve years in that country, and he coult
ay with confidence, that Mr. Benezet's account had been ge
1 orally confirmed. Not only the praftife of ancient nations, ant
hat of all modern Europe had been brought into view, but eve.
he fat-red fcripturcs had been quoted to juftify this iniquitoustraf
,c It is true that the Egyptians held the Israelites in bondage
or 400 years, and Mr. Boudinot doubted not, but much the sam
rguments as had been uied on the present occafian, had bee.
rged with great violence by the k.ng of Egypt, whose heart, it>
xprefsly said, had been extremely hardened, to (hew why h
hould not consent to let the children of Uriel go, who had nov
iccome abfoluteJy neceflary to him—but said he, gentlemen can
lot forget the consequences that followed-they were del.vere.
>y a ftiong hand and stretched out arm, and it ought to be re
□erabered that the Almighty power that accomplilhed their de
ivecance, is tbe fame yelterday, to-day and forever. The ncv
eftament has afforded a number of texts to countenance this doc
rine, in the gentleman's opinion : One would have imagined a
he uniform tenor of the gospel, that breathe, a fpir.t of love an.
miverfal philanthropy to our fellow creatures—that command
.ur love to our neighbor to be measured by our love to ourselves
hat teaches us that whatsoever we would that me., (hould do tt
,s. to do so to them, would have prevented
urely the hon gentleman dm ' r " j" „T,
vhere he foretells, that among other damnable heretics, Through
oveteonfnefs (hall they with feigned words, make merchandize
° f Annotation from a modem author of great not. in the f philofo
>hical world, ha. been most ungenerously made by ih
ewfpaper writer before referred to—l mean ( r0 ™A*
he famous Mr. Paley, whose treat.fe on moral
lira the greatest credit-a Gngle sentence or two «taken!irom i thi
»ork, without regard to the connexion, to brand him with thi
harge of countenancing slavery Mr. Boud.oot
he book and read the passage, wherein it appeared that Mr Pa
Ly hid down " the obligation of slavery to arise * r ° m "
aptivity and debt-That the slave trade oo the coaA: of AlFnca i
lot excused by these principle.. That no q«ft.OD S »re tlKre aftj
d relative .o the juft.ee of the vender', t.tle-butths.. thejea
rime with which this traffic ,i charKaole—TKenat, vejareexc
d to war-with this the wickedneT.
v«y from parents, wives, childien, jro*" l r aretranf
unions, their fields and flock., then home and <^ ntr V- "f «™» f
,a. never been proved that > revo i ution „
he present fituatioo of the United a«ie». e . , .
mftitution replete with human misery,
,n empire themoft extensive that "er age^
quarter of the world. He then (hews . h :/^L n j lv appeared
the civil constitution of most c°L ore f,iy condemnor pro
and the reason that it. precept, did not «pref.lyconae .
hibit slavery was, because soliciting adm ™ 0 f any xhei
ibftained from meddling with the ClV ' wr iter That the dil
follows the paffcge quoted W the waftert> which ;
iharging of slave. from all obligatio , r i wou id have n<
he clnfequence of pronouncmg the other
setter effefl than to let loose one ha f of whicl
s'avet would have been tempte would hardly have beet
.(Terted their right to freedom-maften, u £™J ority . th(
>erfuaded to consent to claim. r,nilt raicht probably havi
noft calamitous of ' i
rnfutd to the reproach, if not the-extmtuon or
3e then assert. that of civil government
Movifroni of laws and under the protean o
;hnft.amty can only operate a. an in[cn( . bl ,
ufion of its l.ghts and cnormltic> wh i c h folly, wick
""
v set forth than I ld this unnatural traffic, o
But when gentlemen wemp J advert to the gen
o prove thelawfulnefs of slavery , tney i revo i ut j on . B<
us of our government andthe p,nc.jrfes of Iter
he declaration of Congref. in' >'75. u 5 possible for m«
teceflity of uk.ng up arms, author of ou
SATURDAY, APRIL 17, 1790.
mination never rightfully rrfilhble however severe and oppretlive,
the inhabitant's of these Colonies, might at leait leqUire trom thj
parliament of Great-Britain, lomc evidence thai tins dreadful au
thority over them, had been granted to that body." And by the
declaration ot Independence in Congress declare, We
hold these truths to be felt-evident : that all men are created (-*
qual; that they are endowed by their creator, with certain una
lienable right! : that among these arellifte t liberty, and the pur
suit of happinefi."
This then is the language of America in the day of distress.
Mr. Chairman, I would not be understood, to contend the rigfct
of Congress at this time to prohibit the importation ot slaves,
whatever might have been the principles of the revolution or the
genius of the government •, by the present confutation we are
hrrby artd pofiti**f!y restrained till the year 1808, and I am lure
that no gentleman in thij commiitee would have the moll distant
wish to wound this ittftrurrleot of our conneftioh
But there is a wide difference 1 between jitftifjung this ungrner
cms traffic and supporting a claim to property, verted at the time
of the Constitution, and guaranteed thereby. Besides it would be
inhumanity itfelf to turn these Unhappy people loflfe to murder
each other, or to perilh for want of the tteceflaries of life. I ne
ver was an advocate for so extravagant a conduct. •
Many arguments were pointed against the dangei' of our emanr
cipating these Oaves, or even holding up an idea that we had
a power so to do—and much time has been taken up to disprove
this right in Congress. As no claim of this kind is contended for,
and, the resolutions already pa (Ted ex.refsly contitdift it. I thall
make no farther observations on them.
But the characters of the signers of theft memorials are called
in question, as an argument against the adoption of the rtfolutioft
on the table. One of these memorials was signed by the society
of people called Quakers ; the other by Dr. Franklin, as President
of a private society in Philadelphia. The lndifcrimiaau: abufc
that has been thrown out agamft the Quakerj without diftiuftion,
has not comported with the honor or dignity of this haute. Not
only their characters, but their very names have been called upon,
and private anecdotes relating to individuals been mentioned on
the floor. Many of the Quakers 1 have long lived in In habits
of friendfh.p with, and can teftify to the refpeftability of _ their
characters and the regularity of their lives. Their conduct in the
late war has been arraigned, and they have been condemned in
the lump. 1 have known many of them during the war, and im
partial iuftice requires it from me, to give the committee some o -
fecial information on thefubjeft; I had the honor of ferrmg the
United States at the commencement of the war, as Coi&miUary
General of Prisoners. Congress not being able to afford ihem
Cupplies, those unhappy men in this town, were reduced to the
«rv depths of distress, without food or raiment, without blan
kets or firing, they fuffered every thing that human nature could
i>ear In thfs (ituation many of the Quakers of this city, exerciU
•d such humanity towards them, as did honor to human nature.
The miserable prisoner, not only telt the happy effects of their
ixertions in his favor, but participated of their money, their food
ind cloathing. Nay,fuch were the jealoufics created by thiscon*
lust in the British army here, that an armed force entered the
louse of one of them, feited hir books, and though a man of
■reat property and large commercial drahng., on finding mat
'■ad loaned large sums of money to our distressed prisoners, he
vasturnedo.it of their lines, and with his family was ai retugee
luring the whole of the war afterwards, separated from his bel
iefs and property. . .
To whom was the care of our prisoners in Philadelphia com
nitted ? To a Quaker ; and 1 have been witness to thejutt tribute
,f gratitude and thanklulnefs paid by great numbers of our unhap
iv fellow-citizens to that gentleman, for his kindness and huma
nly And is this indiscriminate charge, without the r<ef
,eft'to characters, a decent or a just return for a conduct like
his? Where is the denomination amongst us, that didnot turnilh
.ppofers to our glorious Revolution? Were not hundreds of
•refbyterians, Episcopalians. and almost of every other denomi
iation, among our enemies ? What denominations formed the
houfands of new levies, that endeavored to deluge our country
n blood? On the other hand, were not a Greene and a Mifflin
urnifhed from the society of the Quakers ?
In (hort, I rejoice to fay that out cause was not carried on by
anaticfm or .eligiousreal, but a generous ftrugglc for the right,
,f human nature. Then why all this abuse of this particular feti,
vithoutdifcrimination ? Can any sol.d argument agamft the re
olution on the table, anfef.om a conduct of this kind.—l am at
, loss to know what other argument has been used to Ihew he
impropriety of the resolution before you. It goes to declare the
jower of Congress to prohibit foreigners from fitting ont velTels
n our pons, to supply foreigners with (laves from Africa For
Tiv part, 1 think it a prudent a humane and a conftnutional refo
ution. It will render further interference on this fubteft, per
laos unneceftary, when it is known that the power of Congress
:xtends to rem Jy the evil. They will hardly venture to nfk a
royage that may be ruiued before its being finithed.
The gentleman last up (Mr.Smith) said that ac ;
enowledfred, that one of the memorials had asked fomethin,
ontrary to the Constitution. 1 have never acknowledged this
The language is, that Congress would go to » the very verge of
he Constitution" to acomplifh the business; but there is no re
lUThe 0 ch X a C rafterof the celebrated f.gner of the last memorial(Dr.
•ranklinl has been touched upon. Theflrmnefs of his mind has
ieen fufpefted. An ingenious parable of his, has beenreadu,
i mmmittee but its application totally mistaken. If the Su
ireme Being has borne with the unhappy fubjefts of our confide
at'on,not for one hundred, but for thousand, of years in their
' nvp land has provided them with climate, foil, and fo
™mforts. m whi£ they rejoice; must we be difcomented.
nd suppose by adding to their misery, we can add to their hap-
H On the whole, fir, I have heard nothing to convince me of the
moroprteTy of the prefei.t resolution. llhalltherelorevoteagair.ft
lr Sel«al Xr ingenious fpeecheswtredelivered on the fubjeft of
I n trade •we have given the longest on each fide—thepublica
he flawe tr • ■f f 6 d ed forthe present, to. admit the inter
ftirig debates on the aftumption of the State debts which have «a.
:en place in consequence of the recommitment of that propo-
fition
TUESDAY, MARCH, 30.
The House rcfolved itfelf the whok to re
consider the proportions that had been committed,
& the state U*. wa s then read by
che chairmaa-
PRICE THREE DOLLARS PR. ANN
tii&o