Gazette of the United-States. — New-York [N.Y.], 1792-01-04 00:00:00, page 2

Mr. Ames made a number of remarks to elucidate the state
ments and to fiiew the unequal operation of the bill, and the
fairnefs of the other plan,
After which he proceeded to shew that the States of Kentucky,
Georgia, and Rhode-Iflaud would have the mod cause to com
plain of tra&ionsor unprefented numbers* But he laid the frac
tions of those three States amounted to the fra£tional number of
one only of the seven States to which a member would be added.
If no nearer approach could be made towards an exa&ly equal
proportion, no just objection could be urged against the plan on
the part of Rhode-Island, Georgia, or Kentucky ; tor thev would
fee the cafe could not be remedied. He then urged the equal
operation of the plan bet ween States having equal numbers, and
contrasted the bill and the amendment which had been proposed
in the House.
From aggregate loss and gain on the two modes of apportion
ment in the foregoing flatements, fee the comparison more parti
cularly between particular States, viz.
Virginia has 21 members. The loss, that is, the excess of her
numbers over 30,000, is 54"
Massachusetts has 15 )
New-Hampftiire The loss to those two slates ?
One to be added C on 19 members is 1
to each. 2 ) or nearly as 90 to 1.
On the other hand, the gain on 21 members, or numbers short
of 30,000 for a member, is, for New-Hampshire and Mairachu
fetts only, 12848
New-York has n members—loss, or excess of ) i «
numbers over 30,000 for one member, is >
North-Carolina, 11 members—loss 2 355 2
Whereas the gain to North-Carolina by adding )
a member, will be only >
The difference between the loss and gain, or the ? 17072
balance against tbe bill, is ) ; '
Maryland has nine members—her loft numbers f Q
by the oill, ? 85 '*
Connecticut has seven members—loft numbers }
by the bill are, 26841 ( . 2 „..
Vermont has two—loft numbers by the bill are,T
2 5533 )
Difference against the bill is 43860
By adding a member to Conne&icut and Ver- £ fooi
mont, the numbers gained will be $
Mr. Dayton said that if the vote which was a
bout to be taken, were merely to determine what
should be the ratio of representation, he should
have been contented, he said, to have remained
in his feat, and to have given a ftlent vote upon
the occasion ; but to him it appeared to involve
in it a question and a principle of infinitely high
er moment. «
The question is—will the amendment* adding one member to
Massachusetts, and one to New-Hampshire, cure the error ?—
The answer appears by tbe statement, that Virginia will be as
fully represented, according to numbers, as those two states, saving
a difference of 13389, or within two-fifths of a member. In 42
members, that fra&ional inequality is scarcely an error.
In like manner, by adding a member to North-Carolina, the
error or inequality compared with New-York, is equal to a fourth
part the number for one member—whereas, by the bill, Malla
chufetts and New-Hampshire will lose almost two members, and
Virginia will gain two ; a difference little short of four members.
Two of the members from Virginia, Mr. Day
ton observed, had candidly admitted the inequa
lities complained of in the apportionment pre
lcribed by the bill sent up to the Senate, and had
acknowledged the advantages to be given to their
llate over every other : they did not, he faid,con
tradict the calculations, nor combat the argu
ments which had been offered again ft it, but they
boldly claimed and exatfed those advantages as
a right. This being the cafe, the question was
in reality no longer, whether 30 or 33000 ihould
be the rule of apportionment, but whether the
Jegiflature of the Union were in future to frame
their a<Ss with a view to the particular and all
moft exclusive advantage of Virginia, and to bend
and accommodate their laws to the interests and
will of the people or representatives of that (late.
It was now also to be determined, Mr. Dayton
further obferveil,whether Pennlylvania was here
after destined to hold in her hands, as ihe had
been in some measure used to do, the political
balance of the states, to be the umpire in our
disputes, and the centre ofourunion.—Judging,
he laid, from the votes upon record relating to
this business, and from some other circnmftances,
she was no longer intended or qualified to hold
that important station. The ancient prophecy,
he said, seemed to be verifying among a people
for whom he had never considered it as intend
ed. The saviour of this country, the political
Shiloh, was now among us,and universally known
and acknowledged, and the sceptre was about
to depart from Judah. Tbefe, he added, were
the well known preparatives to the summons
which was soon to follow for their adembling at
the New-Jertifalem. He concluded with faying,
that not I'ennfylvania alone, but far the greateit
part of the union would have reason to repent
the determination againll: the amendment of
the Senate, and of adherence to the original bill.
He, for his own part, believed that such a deter
mination not only struck at the existence of the
state sovereignties, but reached to the very vitals
of the general government, and that it must e
■ventually produce either a general consolidation
of the union into one national mass, or an abfo-
Kits separation of its members.
Mr. Venable supposed that a Virginian was
poflefled of equal rights with other men ; if this
lie a government of compaift, he has equal rights
with other men ; but is it a reason, that because
Virginia has relinquiflied a part of her rights
•when this compact was forming, that (he fliouid
Balance against the bill is
Members 21
37733-
not now hold what she has not resigned ? The
dispute on the ratio ot'reprefentation does not
affedt Virginia ; for whatever ratio may be a
dopted, her representation mud always be com
plete : whether this be a confblidated or federal
government, Virginia will have her full propor
tion in every cafe except one, that is, in cafe she
should be reduced to a less number than onemem
ber ; so that, upon whatever grounds we take
it, whether fractional or condittitional, the re
sult will be nearly the fame. Calculations there
fore are out of the question, and after all thear
guinents of northern and southern intereds, of
the differences between (mall Hates and large
dates, the companion is brought to Virginia and
Delaware, and the queltion to drike off seven
members from the five large dates, and add tp
the seven final'.er ones—Thus is one-fixteonth of
the whole representation of the union to be dc
duifted unconditionally from one part, & given
away to another, which has already more than a
jud proportion in the government : for although
it is contended that we fhonld not argue from
the proportion the small states bear in the Senate,
yet I hold it fair, in speaking of a government
of representation, to take the whole into view,
and not to be governed by such partial compari
sons. Under this consideration I fay, that every
man inVirginia,as represented in the two branch
es of the legislature, is to a man in Delaware on
ly as one to eleven and one half, And in the electi
on of a President only as one to sne and an half.
This is an advantage enjoyed by individuals in
the smaller dates more than by those in the larg
er, and this advantage would be dill increafet! by
I an adoption of the amendment of the Senate :
Is it therefore just toincreafe this inequality ? Is
it fair that a man living in the neighbourhood
ofanother, with only the boundary line ofadate
between tliein, should be represented only in the
proportion of one to eleven and an half ? I contend
that the principle which comes the nearest to
hold out equal rights to every man, is the mod
proper one, and one that I will always contend
for as a citizen of the United States, and as a ci
tizen of Virginia. I shall never wish to encroach
upon the conditution, but I will be equally a
gaind dedroying the balance between the rights
which the people have delegated, and those they
have retained.
Take the fubjeft in any point of view, the five
large itates will fend, suppose 81 members, to
the House of Representatives, and 10 to the Se
nate, whilst the nine smaller ftatcs will have 31
members in this house, and 18 in the Senate ;
so that the majority of the representation in the
one is overpowered in "the other, and taking
the whole aggregate of the inhabitants of
the United States, if divided into the majority
contained in those five large states, and the mi
nority in the nine smaller ones, it appears that
the minority of the people candidate to the ma
jority in elections, &c. &c.
Government is formed by an aflociation of the
people upon principles of equality, and whilst
we admit the argument of sovereignty retained
to the states in Senate, let us not lose fight of jus
tice, right, and equity. He concluded by declar
ing himfelf of the fame opinion as formerly, iri
favor of the bill ; and as there were no reasons
oiFered by the Senate, or for them, that could in
duce him to change, consequently he could not
recede from his opinion. (To be continued.)
Mr. Findlcy presented the petition of William
Hailell, praying compensation as (tore keeper to
the military hoipiral of the United States ; read
and referred to the Secretary of War.
MONDAY, January 2.
Read third time and pafled, the bill for extend
ing the time liinitted for fettling the accounts
between the United States and individual states.
Mr. Seney presented the petition of Emanuel
Ebbs, praying payment of arrearages of pay ;
read and referred to the Secretary of War.
Mr. Ames presented the memorial of Benjamin
Lincoln, in behalf of himfelf. Cyrus Griffin, and
David Humphreys, Conimiflioners for fettling a
treaty with the Indians South Weft of the River
Ohio—praying a fettleinent of their account,and
payment of the balance due to them for their
services—read and referred to the Secretary of
War, to examine and report.
A meflage was received from ihe President of
the United States, by Mr. Secretary Lear, com
municating a rtateinent of the dilpofition of the
funis expended from the 10,000 dollars appropri
ated for contingent expences of government.
In committee of the whole, on the bill relative
to the election of a President, and Vice-Presi
dent, &c. Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair.
The 9th feftion under consideration—A moti
on had been made to strike out the Piefidentof
the Senate pro tempore,and Speaker of the Houf'e
of Representatives, &c.
The queflion being divided, the vote on the
President of the Senate pro tempore, was put and
negatived -on the Speaker of the Houf'e of Re
prefentarives was also negatived—The ioth,i ith,
12th, and 13th fedtions were difcufled and agreed
to.— The committee then rose and reported the
286
bill with the amendments to tli£ tton^e—Tin
House took the fame into confederation—the
firft amendment was not : adopted—'the feconc
aniendineii twas to insert I'igijlalun instead of au
thority, which was agreed, to.
Mr. Williamfon, in the House, renewed th(
motion to (trike out of the 9th section, "tin
Prefideni of the Senate pro tempore and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, &c."—
This motion was divided—On the question for
(biking out President of the Senate pro tern pore,
the Yeas and Nays were as follow :
Meff'rs. Afhe, Baldwin, Brown, Findley, Fitz
fimons, Giles, Griffin, Jacobs, Lee, Macon, Madi
son, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Seney, Srerrit,
Sturges, Sumpter, Thatcher, Venable, Wayne,
White, Williamfon, Wyllis—24.
Mefl'rs. Ames, Barnwell, Boudinot, Benfon, S.
Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Gerry, Gilman,
Goodhue, Gordon, Grove, Heider, Key, Learn
ed, Livertnore, Murray, Niles, Schoonmaker, I.
Smith, J. Smith W. Smith, Sylvelter, Treadwell,
Tucker, Wadfworth, Ward—27.
On striking out " the Speaker of the House of
Representatives," the Yeas and Nays were as fol
low :
Messrs. Afhe, Baldwin, Brown, Finciley, Fitz
fimons, Gerry, Giles, Griffin, Jacobs, Lee, Macon,
Madison, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Seney, Ster
rit, Sturges, Sumpter, Treadwell, Thatcher, Ve
nable, Wayne, White, Williamfon, Wyllis—26.
Meflis. Ames, Barnwell, Benfon, Boudinot, S.
Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Goodhue, Gordon,
Grove, Heifter, Key, Kitchell, Learned, Liver
more, Murray, Niles, Schoonniaker, J. Smith, I.
Smith, W. Smith, SSylvefter, Tucker, Wad!worth,
Ward — 25.
A clause was added to the bill, on motion of
Mr. Tucker, providing for the choice of a Presi
dent of the Senate pro tempore, ill cafe of vacan
cies in the office of Prefidenc and Vice-Prefident.
TUESDAY, JANUARY 3.
Mr. Bourne of the committee of enrolment informed the House
that they had laid before the President of the United States, for
his approbation, the bill, entitled an ast for carrying into effefta
contrast between the United States and the State of Pennsylvania.
The mefTage received yesterday from the President of the United
States, v-ith its accompanying statement were read—by which it
appears that upwards of 8000 dollars of the sum appropriated for
the contingent expences of government, remain in the Treasury,
fubjefl to the future orders of the President of the United States.
Sundiy petitions for compensations and pensions, were read and
referred to the Secretary ot War.
Mr. Lawrance presented the petition of John Stagg, principal
Clerk to the Secretary of War, praying an augmentation of his
salary ; read and referred to a feleft committee, confifling of
Melfrs. Lawrance, Giles and Learned.
A meflage was received from the President of the United States
by Mr. Secretary Lear, informing the House that he had this day
approved and ligned the ast for carrying into effect the contrail
between the United States and the Stale of Pennsylvania.
The bill was then laid on the table, and the
House adjourned.
Mr. J. Smith, of the committee to whom were recommitted
the 17th and ißih fe&ions of the Poft-Office Bill, reported two
clauses in lieu of those fe&ions, which they proposed (hould be
struck out. The 17th and 18th feftions were expunged agree
able to the report, and the clauses reported, agreed to.
The 16th fettion was also struck out, and the 15th fe£hon al-
tered
Mr. Fitzfimons proposed a fe&ion making it the duty of the
post-master general to advertise for proposals to carry the mail,
either in stages or on horse-back, through the United States—this pro
portion was agreed to, after (hiking out the words in italic.
A second proportion offered by the fame gentlemen, to author
ize the stages which carry the mail, to carry passengers on the
poll roads, occafion-d considerable debate —which arose from the
circumstance of certain persons in the states ot Maryland and Vir
ginia enjoying under their (late laws, an exclusive right to iranf
port passengers thro these states. The Hotlfe adjourned with
out coming to a decision.
The following description is annexed to the plan of the
City oj IV afhingtcn, in the dijlrtft of Columbia, as
sent to Congress by the President fotue days ago.
Plan-os the City intended for the permanent feat
of the Government of the) United States, pro
je<fied agreeably to the direction of the Presi
dent of the United Slates, in pursuance of an
A(ft of Congrel's, pafled on the 16th of July,
1790, " establishing the permanent feat 011 the
banks ofthe Poto\vi«ack"--By Peter Charles
L'ENKA NT.
NEW CITY Of WASHINGTON
I. v 8 HE positions for the different grand edi-
X sices, and for the leveral grand squares
or areas of different (hapes as they are laiddown,
were firft determined on the most advantageous
ground, commanding the most extensive prof
pedts, and the better fufceptibl'e of such improve
ments as the various interests of the several ob
jects may require.
11. Lines or avenues of diredl communication
have been devised to connect the separate and
most distant objetfts with the principals, and to
preserve through the whole a reciprocity of fight
at the fame time. Attention has been paid to
t lie palling of t hole leading avenues over the molt
favorable ground for profnedt and convenience.
111. North and south lines, interfered by o
ihers ruimingdue east and weft, make the diftri-
Observations explanatory of ths plan
NAYS.
NATS.
YEAS,
YEAS.
/