The New York packet, and the American advertiser — New York [N.Y.], 1776-07-18 00:00:00, page 1

,V 0 L I.• NUMbJen
THE
Z</G\J
AN D . THE
AMERICAN a ADVERTISE R.
THURSDA Y, JULY 18^, 1776.
'Speeches delivered it the House °J Lords.
(Continued )
LORD TOWNSHEND.
$ HAVING at firft entertained
<s cc oo<fe.sdoubts relative to the claims
% £ s^ o s § of this country over Ameri
«g. I H ^^^ ca? 1 ^"' e the '"''" f ° r
« I fo^ § @ some time all the attention
'lfeoco^c^o sl' in ny power. I centered
O'rMy ^^r^'* the Several charters. I ex
amined the relation both countries flood in to
wards each other. I looked back to the intant
as well as the more mature date of the colon a;
and was at length convinced that America was
bound by every rule of justice, and every tie of
gratitude and political obligation, to contribute
towards the common support; and consequent
ly that America, from the beginning had been
the aggressor. But, my Lords, though the right
of Great Britain to controul every part of the
dominions of the Crown, were to be quefboned;
though the charters were binding and valid, to
, the extent contended, still the date of things is
such, as renders it impossible to look back to
the causes of this war so as to answer any wife
or. salutary purpose. The justice of the caule is
loft in the din of war. The noble Earl in the
blue ribbon, (Lord Temple) has told you very
justly, that it is now become a struggle tor pow
er; the die is caff, and the only point _which
"now remains to be determined, js in whatinan
ner the war can be most effectually prosecuted,
and ipeedily foiled, in order to procure that
unconditional fubmiflion, which has been Io
ablv dated by the noble Earl with the white
flail (Lord Talbot.) I know of no method so
probable to ensure success to our opeintions as
that now adopted. By it we procure an imme
diate supply of men. "Men trained to the use
of arms, and of course fit for immediate ser
vice. And I have no reason to doubt, that the
measures now purluing will put an end to the
war, in the course of a tingle campaign. This
'will operate doubly, in procuring the great ob
jects we have in view. It will at once put an
end to the calamities of war, and save an im
mense expence to the nation. A noble Earl
(Lord Effingham) has appealed to me,^ in rela
tion to the prefentftate, condition and disposition
of Ireland, to which I can only answer, If any
disturbances Should break out in that kingdom,
they must be suppressed. Id) not believe th^y
will: nor have I any reason to think such an
event at all ' probable. His Lordship has dated
his apprehensions of a French or Spanish inva
sion. That too I think equally improbable.
France will be cautious of making any attempt
of that kind, as long as ihe remembers the defeat
and deftraaion of the armament sent there un
der the co nm^nd of Thurot, during the late
war. But fappofing that the noble Earl's fi ars
were well founded, in my opinion it would be
an additional motive for our pulhing on the war
'with vigour and effect: in ihort, to terminate
1 it by the most powerful and decisive operations;
for if it mould be permitted to linger .beyond
the present campaign, we will have a right to
expect the interference of some foreign [low
er, who may probably avail itfelf of our domes
tic troubles, and civil diffractions. The noble
Duke who made the motion, has said that fo
reigners were attempted to be forced on Ire
land, and that it has been stripped of its national
military establishment. As to the last, if it be
a fault, in cannot be charged on the ministry
of this country. It was an act of their own
Parliament ; and ifhis Majesty had not bound
himfelf by his royal promise, there was nothing
to prevent him from fending the whole or any
fat of the military force Rationed in that king
dom to what part of the empire he pleased,
where the exigences of affairs, or the operations
of war might make it necessary. In refpe& to
''foreigners, the very Rate of Ireland, as repre
sented by the noble Duke, would be a fufficient
reason for his Majesty to fend a body of foreign
ers into that kingdom for its defence, without
adding with his parliament there ; for I believe
rhe noble Duke will hardly contend, that the
King, with the advice of his Parliament here,
or on an emergency previous to such advice,
may not fend a body of troops into any part pf
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surrendered or abandoned its right of controul,
and all the great concerns of the nation are trust
ed to chance, or to men by no means fitted for
the arduous, calk of government. How do you
think, my Lords, this will terminate ? When
the people find themselves borne down under
the pfeffure of taxes, which they will be no
longer able to pay, when public credit is no
more, when public bankruptcy flares them in
the face; when in consequence of fuen a date
of things, universal ruin and despair I'pread
the dominions of the Britilh crown, for its de
fence and protection.
^he Duke es Grafton. The noble Duke who
made the motion, has dated the whole of the
bulinefs of this day in so accurate a manner,
with so much precision, and so judiciously point
ed to the several parts that form the whole, as
to leave very little for me to add. Indeed, as
to the matter immediately under consideration,
his Grace has totally precluded me. I cannot
however fit down without expreffiug my gene
ral sentiments on this very momentuous and
important motion. From the iirft beginning of
the present troubles, I sedulously endeavoured
to Satisfy myfelf of the true ground and nature
ot the dilute, to examines the respective pre
tensions of the parties, to procure the bed lights
the nature of the controversy afforded, and to
form my opinion without predilection or partia
lity. The effect of this conduct and those re
searches was, that I plainly law the people of
America, indead of being protected in their
rights, and secured in their property, would be
left nothing which they could call their own,
because no line could be drawn, no boundary
could be set up, to limit the extent of the claim.
You could not fay that supremacy (hall exid for
such and such purposes, and shall be constrained
in its exercifein such and such cases; becauferhe
inftint you set limits tothe right of taxation, you
would annihilate the principle on which that right
is founded, and would consequently leave rhe
question as open and undecided as ever. Taking
it in the other light, that unconditional supre
macy in the mode and extent laid down by the
noble Earl with the white flaff, was of the very
essence of government, similar difficulties, tho'
arising from a different cause, presented them
selves to my view ; I mean the expediency of
coercing America, and the impracticability ot
carrying coercive meafurcs into execution. I
perceived that great allowances were to be made
for a people who had been, as,they thought, in
the possession of certain rights for more than a
century. I was convinced of the cruelty and
bad policy ff Wresting those rights from them
wantonly, and without any apparent cause. I
was fatisfied of the wildneis and impracticabili
ty of the attempt. But let me go one ffep far
ther, and suppose that the expediency and prac
ticability were equal to the assumed justice of
the cause, ou,,ht we not to lo^k to our own abi
lities, to our resources, and compare the incon
veniencies which muff result from these mea
sures, with the advantages we propose to our
selves to obtain. lam tolerably acquainted
with the finances of this country, and I do most
solemnly assure your Lordships, that I do not
know a tingle tax it is in the power of the mod
fruitful invention to devise or conceive, which
would increase the receipt at the Exchequer.
Every tax that can possibly be thought ot will
interfere with some other. The nation is loaded
to the full extent of its abilities; and what are
)e going to do? You are entering into a war,
the success of which is problematical at lead, if
not improbable. To carry on this war, new
taxes will be neceffiry ; and having no security
to give, the consequence will be, that you will
be obliged to pledge the old funds, contrary to
public faith and the security of the public cre
ditors; or you will be compelled to contrast
new debts ; which, if the war should continue
for any time, national credit will be ruined, and
the kingdom be undone. This leads me to a
consideration pf the firft importance; it is the
general inattention and indifference to the inte
relts of the nation, which prevail upon those to
whom they are entrusted. A most alarming
profligacy of manners, and unbounded love of
pleasure and dissipation, h ive taken polleffion of
almost all ranks and degrees of people. Mini
sters are trusted indiferiminately, parliament has
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themselves through this Island; I will cell you,
my Lords, the people are no longer able to en
dure such calamities, and expecting no redress
where only it can be legally or constitutionally
fought, will feck.relief in the means which God
and L&ture have pointed out.
They will no longer look up to Parliament,
because Parliament has betrayed them, has been
deaf to their entreaties, and inattentive to their
interests. It may be aufwered that the present
measures are the measures of the people, that
they are approved of by a great majority of the
nation, and that they have, in a variety of in
stances, and through a variety of channels; ex
pieffed the most hearty and zealous approbati
on; I deny the sass; but though 1 mould al
low the proofs, they are very tar from combat
ing any thing I have now averted. If the peo
ple have been milled, or lulled into a deceitful
Security, it proves my argument on the ground
I have taken it up. Ft is not on the wisdom and
foundress of the me^fures, but on their fallacy
and evil tendency, that I draw the present de
duaions. Betides addrefles, and the various
means employed by men in power to obtain the
public landion and approbation, will never pel's
with me for a proof of their being the real sen
timents of those to whom they are imputed;
for at no time since the firft establishment of the
Monarchy did this test qf public opinion mani
fest itfe" more than during the greater part of
therein ot James the Second. Addieffes, con
gratulations, engagements to support him with
their lives and fortunes, poured in from every
quarter; yet that infatuated Monarch fatally
found, that they were but the mere efforts of
ministerial art and court adulation. On the
whole, my Lords, considering this great questi
on in all its different points of view, and perill
ing it in all its consequences, I can perceive no
thing but "inevitable ruin. I contemplate it
with the most pungent- pain and anxiety ; I
turn my face from it with hoiror;
These have been my Sentiment from the ve
ry beginning, and I have uniiowniy adted con
formably thereto. I hive argued, prayed and
implored, that the wild, ruinous and dedruftive
project might be ojd aside. Ido now beseech
your Lordships, for the last time, to bellow some
further consideration on the Subject. The die
is not yet irretrievably cast, the sword is drawn,
but it yet may be Sheathed. The proposition
now made to you by the noble Duke may open
a field for peace and reconciliation. This op
portunity once loft, I fear can never again be
recovered. I would beg to recal to your Lord
fnios re olle&ion, what fell from me iothe course
of the last year when in another Situation, (where
I unhappily itood Single in opinion) that I pro
mised to Submit a plan tor composing the dif
ferences now fubSiding between Great Britain
and America to your consideration. Whatever
his been urged by the noble Lord in the blue
ribbon*, to the contrary, I am convinced it is not
yet too late, and that all the miseries and cala
mities which now threaten the nation may yet
be averted, if We will only, without diftinftiun
of party, undertake the performance ot the ar
duous talk with willing hearts and proper dis
positions. As to the ticaties which in ike more
particularly the Subject of this day's debate, they
have been so amply commented on, and fully
explained by the noble mover, that I should
have hardly troubled your Lordships, did not I
think it my duty, as applying directly to the
manner in which this bulinefs of foreign trea
ties has been conducted on the part of admini
.ftration, to expref, my. utmoSt allonifhment at
the language l}eld by a noble Loid high in of
fice,~in whose department, as Secretary ot State,
this negociation mudt 6t ~ course have been trans
acted. The noble Lordhifes to declare his ig
. norance, whether or not a Commander in Chief,
appointed by his Majefy, or the commander of
those foreign mercenaries, should have the Su
preme command Z Did his Lordship take upon
him to hegociate this 'treaty, without any one
official requisite to conduct and conclude it ? or,
ha he' first nk.de the treaty, and after it is final
ly ccncluded, and made binding on the nation,
does he come into this Houle totally .ignorant
whether he acted right or wrong, to receive in
f&u&ions from such of vour Lordships ^s arc
conversant in military affairs, to know whether
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the whole of the British dominion in America
is, or is net, to be under the absolute command
of a foreign mercenary, at the heau of 12,000
hirelings ? But fuppoie his Lord Lip should tell
me, that the Supreme command is veiled in the
Commander in Chief, though he be a junior of
ficer, will he allure me, that the matter has been
so understood by the Landgrave of Helle, or th ,t
his General is apprized of it ? Or lulily, will his
Lord Ship inform me, whether Sufficient provisi
on has been made in case of death, or any other
accident, to supply the vacancy with a fuccHli
on of other officers, who may be eventually cal
led to the command, by commissions granted
for the purpose ; and that the Prince and his
General have been acquainted with this eventu
al armgem nt, and have acquiesced in it? I
think it proper before I lit down, to allude 0
one circumstance, in which I took part, but in
which I was most egrtyoully deceived ; I mean
the vote I gave refpcfling theMalDchufetts Bay
Charter Bill. To induce me to give that vote,
I was informed, that the alteration of the char
ter was at the expreft desire of the merchants
and a great majority of the people of property
and consequence, inhabiting that province. 1
have finee discovered that I was deceived; for,
that at the time, as well as since, the very con
trary was the fact. It has been indeed the uni
form practice, Since the commencement of this
bulinefs, to give falfe infonn&ra,ty -#^3ffi^^
on none. I have therefore only to declare,
that I would never have given my function
to that law, it I had not been led into error by
a falfe State of the matter ; and though I un
happily fell into the Snare laid tor me. I am now
free to declare, that the law for altering the
charter of Massachusetts Bay, was in every r<-
speed oppressive, impolitic, and unconftitutionu ;
and if coupled with the claim of taxation, I 1111'
fully jollified in maintaining, that as one leaves
the Subject no property, the other deprives him
of every natural and political right; and that
they are both equally deftruftive of the unalie
nable privileges ot an Englishman, and the na
tural rights to which all mankind are entitled,
if not dripped of them by fraud, force, or injus
tice.
Lord Suffolk I presume the noble Duke in
the blue ribbon misunderstood what I Hid ; for
I do not presume his Grace had any intention
of misrepresenting my word. Ido not fay or
mean, that I had any doubt whether the Com
mander in Chief, though a hmior oflicer, had a
right to command the Heifyn General. I po
sitively and unconditionally averted, he had,
and only referred to the noble Lords prcle.r,
conversant in military aSLirs, in proof of that
assertion. As to the other point the noble Dike
alluded to, the fame rule which prevails in re
fpeet of the Comminder in Chief, will, of course
take place in the person, of whoever may beap
poin ed, or happen to succeed him.
Lord Saudivieb. I did not intend to trouble
your Lordships on the pretent occasion, had 1
not been particularly called on by the noble
Duke who made the motion ; and to fetanoth r_
noble Duke (Duke 01 Maneir tier) right refpect-'
ing some points on which he seems to be misin
formed. My noble relation has informed your
Lordihips, that the town of Norfolk in Virgi
nia, has been burnt and destroyed ; and has ac
companied hie narrative with several exaggerat
ed circumstances attending that affair. I will
tell the noble Duke how the matter realty hap
pened. Oue of our Ships of war, being in great
distress for water, failed to Norfolk in order to
procure it, and applied to the inhabitants, who,
instead of complying with the common dictates
of humanity, tired on the flag of truce, end kill
ed or wounded two or three of our men. This
occasioned what afterwards happ< ned, and caus
ed the town to be burnt. Ido not belief it is
,etburnt. The inhabitants of Norfolk were So
cruel and barbarous, that the whole crew murt
have perish d for want of frefn water, had it no:
b^n for the relief they procured by the difiilla
tiou or fat water. It was not the men of war's
• men that burnt Norfolk; it was the inhabit: rts
themselves. Ido not know init it is yet I.urnt;
the Norfolk people set fire to 'he town ; 'hat is,
the fire from the man of war set tire to part of if,
and the inhabitants burnt the red.
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