National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-03-02 00:00:00, page 2

Mifiifippi, and, as he never much loved to
work himfeif, he employed some Sh:.\ ane.
Indians to go with him, at the price (it is
said) of ole dollar per day : Btit tha boli
nefs he went upon'iiot proving fticcefiful
Jonathan forgot to pay the " brave' abo
rigines.''''
Some of them returned to. the Miami, to
Judge Svmmet's station, and related the
whole affair to the Judge, and infilled on
payment. The Jud.-e told one of them h.
had no connexion with Jo mthan ; to which
the " brave aborigine''' replied,He had been
a gSod friend to ths white folks, b: t, if this
is the lyr.y of them, he would be a friend no
logger /" The conlcqilence was. that ia
a few days af:er, Mr. Milliard's son \\ a.
killed nrnr the llation, and hostilities com
inenced that settlement. Had Mr.
Jones known this, he might have given it
a- an operating cause of war with these
friendly Indians.
OHIAN JS said, he hid heard this fame
flory at fort Washington and at Columbia
Upon this narrative, the company decla
red they were now well fati fied with the
reafo is of Jo lathan's publications, and eve
ry one exprefled his abhorrence of such de
fam ition, and requeued me to let the pub
lic know the story. But (fays Alleginius)
I have not yet done : You fee why Jona
than is enraged with Mr. Jones, ami, in
part, why he is so swollen with malice a
gainit Governor St. Clair : But there is
another reason to be affigued for his mind's
enmity again'! St. Clair, which is this—
Jonathan had high expe£tations of being
appointed Superintendaut of fidian Af
fairs ; but, to his great mortification, AR
THUR St. CLAIR was the person fixed
upon. Had Jonathan been the man, he
would doubtless have pursued every mea
sure to edablilh I.idian importance, and all
with a view to have his Indian Deeds re
cognized—for these Deeds influence all
Jonathan's movements.
It is said, Jonathan has now by him a
new scheme, which is, to fnggeft that the
Indians mult have some person of their no
mination to appear at the next treaty, to
have matters fairly explained; and Jona
than expects to be the man to eflabliih In
dian fuvereignty. And then the Deeds will
b'crecommeaded by the ■'■brave aborigines''''
once more !
Jonathan seems to be in a fever about
Indians. Sometimes he fays the war may
be called a child of the governor of the
Weflern Territory; at other times he
bl -m the Secretary of War, and at lad,
as tire summit of his climax, ascends to the
I'reii : nt, who. it seems, has imprudently
fentfoine degrading melfigesto the "brave
aboriginesßut the I dian Deeds the In
<iian Deeds, are his object ! Could the In
dia.i deed i by any means be recognized,
ALI. WOULD BE WELL.
It may be supposed that Jonathnnis now
hard at work to get himfeif nominated to
act as the confidential friend of the brave
aborigines. The Indian Deeds will make
h!:;i faithful againlt the country : but, very
little confidence can be pi iced in any man
in his situation, to do any jultice which will
operate against th'e DEEDS. Jonathan
knows whether Alleginius has been rightly
informed—Be that as it may, he fpokevery
positively. frequently quoting chapter and
verse, and requeuing me to transmit the
conference for publication.
PHILALETHES.
Feb, 27, 1793-
FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
LONDON, January 9.
M. Le Brim's [French secretary for fo
reign affairs J report to the National Con
vention 011 the situation of affairs.between
Great-Britain and France.
" The Britilh parliament, which had
been prorogued to January, has been fud
denly aflembled: the feflion was opened on
the 1 3th of this month. This extraordi
nary measure naturally called the atten
tion of government to its cause, and its
co.ifequences. It is my duty not to leave
the National Convention ignorant of what
1 have been able to discover. A little as
ter the immortal day of theiothof Au
gud and the change produced upon that
occasion in the form of our government,
the Engliih ministry were pleased to put a
flop to all official communication with us,
and to recal their ambafiador ; either be
cause they were persuaded that the dayiof
counter revolution and of our slavery
were near, or solely, as the illustrious ora
tor of the oppofit on (Mr. Fox) ingeni
ously said, on tfie .firlt day of the fefflon,
because they thought it unbecoming and
unworthy of the royal majedy of Britain,
to have a representative to an extcutive
council, the members of which had not
been anointed from the ("acred phial at the
grand altar of Rlieims. Whatever be the
caule, the provilional executive council did
not think proper to follow the fame proce
dure—'they continued to keep, at London,
a minider of the French republic, whom
t'ley charged to seize every occasion to af
ftire the F.nglifh nation, notwithflanding
the ill-humour of their government, that
the French people delired mod ardently to
merit their esteem, and to preserve that
good undo.-{landing and friendfliip, which
ought ever to unite two free and generous
nations-
l_ 1
"The National Convention have re
ceived upon different occasions, ltriking
tedimonics of the re ciprocity of these good
dispositiOns,. and of the lincere interelt
w lliclrthe Ettgiillt people take in the l»c
---cels of our arms, and the triumph of
Fi cneh liberty.
'• But these fame glorious event* produ
ced a very differe t eft'eft 011 the minittry
of St. James's. In a iliort time fear, or
jealousy of our victories ; the felicitations
of our base rebel:.; the vile intrigues of
hodile courts; and a secret umbrage in
spired by the numerous addrefies of lelui
: tion which came to us from all parts ot
England, determined them to adopt milita
ry pec par: lions less ambiguous ; and ab
ruptly to affemblc Parliament.
The National Convention will fee by
the king's speech, of v\hich I subjoin a
tfanflation, that the hodile measures,
whicn are chiefly and ollciilibly directed t<
oppose the popular ferment which had lor
some time discovered uf-lf in England, are
likewile, to a certain degree intended a
gainil France, as several accufaiions art
thrown out, of which wc. cannot millakt
the application, notwithltanding the vague
manner in which they are presented.—
When the moment lliall come to reply to
those accuiations, it will be easy lor the
French government fully to juflify itfelf. It
will not fear to appeal to the judgment ol
all Furope—to the teflimony of Pin liini
felf. It will then be seen who ought real
ly to beaccufed of having sown, by cor
aptinggold, didrult, commotion and dis
order.
" Truly, if the agents, even these ac
knowledged by their court, whom wc keep
in England, could have been really sus
pected of those arts which are only em
ployed by weak minds—if their conduct
had not always been circumfpeift and loyal,
can it be believed that the members of the
Engliih ministry would have delired to fee
them confidentially, to communicate witli
them, to grant them secret conferences ?
I will fubinit to those committees wlion
the National Convention may appoint, ex
a£t details of those conferences, of the
complaints, the objections, the answers,
the offers and propositions which have
been made on both fides : the inttruftions
which have been given to our agents in
th fe delicate circumltances; and ladly,
the ftatc of the armaments which have
been ordered.
"From this llatement it will appear that
these armaments, as yet, need not alarm
us, fnce they amount only to four ihips ol
the line more than the edablifliment oi
>0. mer years : lince, of the sixteen fliip
which are in a {late to ast, there are at
lead ten known by the name of guard
.hip 1 ", the oldest and word of the Englifii
navy ; finally, fnce the king has declared,
that the armament will not be attended
with any additional taxes, and w ill be de
frayed by the funds destined for the annual
reduction of the national debt.
" It will likewile appear that the griev
ances which serve as a pretext for these
armaments, may be reduced to three
heads, namely,
" I. The opening of the Scheldt.
" 11. \ our decree of 19th Nov.
" 111. The intentions imputed to the
French republic refpecling Holland.
" An answer w is given to the firlt point,
by arguments founded on the righ T s of na
ture. o' i the rights of nations, and on the
principles of jutice and liberty, which the
French nation has consecrated, and the full
and entire enjoyment of which it could
not refufe to tlje Belgians It was replied,
that treat es extorted by avarice, and con
ferfted to by despotism, could not bind the
Belgians, restored to fret dom and liberty—
an answer was given by tint filen e which
England itfelf observed in 1 85, when the
fame queltion was hoftilely agitated by
Joseph II
" To' the second complaint an answer
was given by the frank explanation of the
eal intentions which animated the Na
oiial Convention, when they palled the
beneficent decree There are two very
diftintt cases in which tnis decree may find
its application, either towards the people
ho re under the dominion of those pow
ers with whom we are at war, or with rc
fpect to countr.es governed by powers ab
solutely neutral. I a these there can be no
difficulty ; in the firlt cafe, the decree
finds it - application in a direct manner, and
in the utmod extent, and no foreign power
whatever can find fault'with it. In the
second cafe it is clear, that the intention of
the National Convention was never to en
gage themfelvet to make the cause of a
few foreign individuals the cause of the
whole French nation ; but when a people
fubjefled to a despot, lliall have the courage
to break their chains ; when this people,
restored to liberty, lliall have conllituted
themselves in such a manner as to clearly
manifed the expression of the general will ;
and when this general will fliall call to its
affidance the fraternity of the French na
tion, it is then that the decree of Novem
ber 19 naturally si ids its application, and
we doubt whether it can appear strange to
any one. It is then that we give to a na
tion newly made free, a support which we
ourselves would have delired, and which,
perhaps, we fliould have had a right to ex
pea from another free nation. To this
general answer an cbfervation was added.
which relates more particularly to the re
proach thrown out againlt us ill respect to
Holland—it was, that it is much to be de
sired that the Britiih ministry had never
interfered with the interna! government o!
that republic, which they -have aflliVed to
subjugate, and with which we'ourfelve
do not wifli to interfere.
" In (hort, Citizen Prelident, I have
charged the miniiter of the French republic
at London to demand a new conference
with Lord Grenville, who has the depart
ment of foreign all'airs, and, after renii <1-
.ing him of the futility of all the complaint'
against 1 then have authorised him tc
deel .re, in the nameof the French Repub
lit, that it, contrary to expectation, tht
intention of the miniiter of St. James's b<
to oicafion a rupture at any rate ; a., we
ihall have exhau!ted all the explanation:
eceflary for demonflrating the purity o:
>ur views, and our respect for the indepen
dence of other powers ; as it will be evi
dent thatthis war is only a war oftheßri
tifti minillry alone against us, we (hall no 1
faij to make a folenm appeal to the Englifl
;.:tion ; that we lhail refer to the tribuna
ot its jufticeand generolity, the examina
tion ot a cause, in which a great nation wil
be seen supporting the rights of nature, o
justice, ot liberty, and of equality, again!
a ministry who will have created thisquar
rel only from motives of pure persona
conveniences j that, in fine, we will con
ftitute the Englilh nation the judge be
tween us and them ; and thus the exami
nation of this process may lead to confe
quences which the Britifii minillry have no
forefeen.
" I expert the result of this declaratian
and I will take the earliest opportunity o
communicating it to the National Conven
tion."
Jan. 10. —We learn that the whole mi
litia of the kingdom is fliortly to be callei
out. The number of the militia of Eig
land and Wales, when completely embo
died, amount to 30,840.
Every measure of the Britifb cabine
seems preparatory to war. The utinol
energy pervades every department of tb
state, with whiJi it is falisfa£tory to fe
that the spirit of the people keeps pace.
For the National Gazette.
Number. IV.
notwithstanding the infoien
oppolition of an aristocratic junto, t
every enquiry of the people refpe£ti>:
public affairs, free citizens will not be dif
couraged : having drawn their concluiion
from known facts and experiments, the
will think it their duty to give their opin
ions on every fubjeft, in which not oni
theinfelves, but their pollerity are inter
eiled.
Independent of the high injuflice 0
mortgaging the labour of polierity by
funding fyllem, hiltory will furmfh us wit
a knowledge 011 this fubjea well defervin
the attention of American Legislators.
In order to take a clear and comprehen
live view of the national debt of England
it must firll be premised, that after the re
volution, when her new connexions wit
Europe introduced a fytlem of foreig
politics, the expences ef the nation no
only in fettling the new establishment, bu
in maintaining long wars as principals o
the continent, for the security of the Dim\
barrier, reducing the French monarchy
fettling the Spanish fuccefiion, fupportin
the House of Austria, maintaining the li
berties of the Germanic body, and othe
purposes, increased to an unusual degree
insomuch that it was not thought advifabl
to raise al! the esfpenfes of any one jear b
taxes to be levied within that year, leai
the unaccustomed weight of them fliouh
create murmurs among the people. I
was therefore, the policy of the times ti
anticipate the revenues of their pofterit
by borrowing immense funis for the cur
rent service of the State. A fyfl em w hie I
seems to have had its original in the Stati
of Florence, A D. ,344. This laid tin
foundation of what is called the nationa
debt. Hy this means the quantity of pro
pertyin the kingdom is greatly increafec
in idea compared with former times, ye
if we eroolly consider it, nor :t all increafee
In 1 eality We may boafl of large quantitie
of money in the iiinds ; but"where doe
this money exitt ? it exifis only in nan .
in paper, in public faith. But then « lu.
is the pledge which the public fiith ha
pawned for the security of those debts i
I lie land, the trade, and the personal in
dultiy of the people; from which the mo
ney mult: arise that supplies the fevera
taxes. In these therefore, and these only,
the property of the public creditors doe;
real y and intrirfffcally exit! ; and of course
the land, the trade, and the personal indus
try ot individuals are diminiftied in theii
ti ue value, juit so much as they are pledp
ed to answer. In short, the property of i
: creditor of the public, conlifts in a certair
portion of the national taxes : by how
much therefore, he is the richer, by ft
much the nation which pays those taxes, i:
the'poorer. It is indisputably cer r ain, thai
the present magnitude of the national debi
of England is productive of the o.reateft in
conveniences. For firtt, the enormoir
taxes that are raised upon the neceiFaries oi
iife for tiie payment of the it.terefi: of tjil.
i debt, arc a hurt both to trade and manu
factures, by railing the price as well of the
artificer's subsistence, as of tiie raw mate
rial, and of course, in a much greater pro
portion, the price of the commodity itfelf.
Secondly, if part of this debt be owing to
foreigners, they draw out of the kingdom
annually,' a considerable qir: n'.ty of specie
for the interelt Thirdly, if the whole be
owing to citizens, it is then charging the
active and int uilrions citizen who pays his
(hare of the taxes, to maintain the indolent
and idle creditor, who receives them.
Lafily, and principally it weakens the
internal flrength of a Itare, by anticipating
those resources \\ hic'n fliould be reserved
to defend it in cal'e of necefllty.*
The public funds of the different indebt
ed nations of Europe, particularly those of
England, have by one author been rcpre
fented as the accumulation oi . great capi
tal, fuperadded to the other capital of the
country, by means of which its trade is ex
tended, its manufactures multiplied, and
its lands cultivated and improved much be
yond what they could h..v<.- been by means
of that other capital only. ! e does not
conlider that the ippit'! which the jfirft
creditors of til • public advanced to govern
: ment, was from the moment in which they
advanced it, a certain portion of the i.mu
1 al produce turned away from serving in
the function of a capit 1 to I'erve in that of
a revenue; from maintaining productive
labourers, to maintain 11 ip odu -rive ones,
and to be spent and walled, generally-ill
t the course of the year, without even the
hope of any future reprodm liqn.
When for defraying tie expence of go
i' vernment a revenue is raised within, the
■ year from the produce of free or nnmort
gaged.taxes, a certain portion of the reve
■ nue of private people is only turned away
1 from maintaining one fpecjes of unproduc
■ tive labour towards maintaining another.
• The public expence however, when de
frayed in this manner, no doubt hinders
t more or less the further accumulation of
t new capital ; but it does not necefiarily
; occasion the definition of any a£lually ex
; ifting capital.
The peace revenue of Great-Britain a
mounts at present to more than ten mil-
I lions a year. If free and unmortgaged it
might be fuflicient with proper manage
ment and without contracting a (hilling of
new debt, to carry on the inoft vigorous
war. The private rev enue of the inhabit
t ants of Great-Britain is a: present as much
> incumbered in time of peace, their ability
; to accumulate is as much impaired as it
- would have been in the time of the molt
s expensive war, had the per, iziout Jyftem of
i funding never beer. nd> / ted.
In the payment of the interefV of the
1 public debt, it has been said, it i- the right
- hand which pay the left. It is only a pnrjf
of the revenue of one let of the inhabitants
f which is transferred to anctlur. This a-
J pology supposes that the whole public debt
i is owing to the inhabitants of the country,
I which happens not to be true. I'ut though
the whole debt w ere ow ing to the inhabit
- ants of t!.e country, it would not upon that
account be less pernicious.
The farmer is interefled f<T the fake of
i his.own revenue to keep his eflate in as
i good condition as he can, Jjy building and
t repairing his houses, by making ar.d rnain
t taining the neceflary drainsand encioftii ej,
i and all those other expensive improven ents
l which it properly belongs tc , good hus
bandman to make and maintain. Fit l;y
I different taxes the revenue of the fanner
may be so much diminifhec!; .:d 1 y differ
' ent duties and excises upon ihe mc- fTaries
; and conveniences i ♦ life, tin t din.ii ifhecl
revenue may be rendered of so little real "
■ value, that he may find himfUf altogether
i unable to make or maintain those expensive
I improvements, without which agriculture
: tnuft dccline.
The pr iflice of funding has gradually
enfeebled every slate which has adopted it.
The Italian republ cs leeirf to have begun
i it. Ge oa and Venice, the only two re
-1 maininrr « liich can pretend to an indepen
dent exigence, have both been enfeebled
by it. The republic of the United Pro
> inces is as much enfec bled by its debts as
either Genoa or Venice. Is it likely that
in Great-Britain alone, a practice which
lias brought either weaknejs cr dijolation
into every o'her country, fliould prove al
> together innocent ?
The foregoing observations contain the
opinions of Judge Blackftone and Adam
Smith, on the important subject of public
debt : both court writers, who therefore
would fay aS little as possible againfla sys
tem which is fondly cherifl cd by all thp
courts in Europe, j Altho' the dangerous
prerogative of the Crown of England is di
minished, yet it has acquired almost an un
united influence by means of banks, public
debt, and a fyfrem of finance connetled
with excises and othertnd reft taxes upon
the neccflaries of life. I These several sys
tems have undoiibtediv contributed to flip
port the po<\ er of courts, and to cherish
the principles of ariflocracy in every go
vernment in which they have been titab
lifhed.
An AMERICAN FARMER.
Feb. 27, 1793.
* Blackflone's Commentaries, Vol. I-
Eook I. ch. S.