The New-York gazette, and the weekly Mercury — New-York [N.Y.], 1779-06-28 00:00:00, page 5

No. VIII.
To JOHN JAY, Est,
SIR,
HAVING briefly ppinted out in my last, the
causes which produced this unnatural Rebel
lion, and the effects of it, particularly the lofles
which America hath fuftair/ed, I now wait on you
to examine the present flare and profpeas of the
Congress.
You have invaded the rights, and trampled on
the authority of your Sovereign---You have sported
with 'the lives, property and happiness of your fel
-Ilow fubjeas---You have diflufed wretchedness and
I flifery through this once flourifhing country—-and
Ihave employed every artifice of deceit, duplicity and
Iviolence---to attain your present usurped power:
What this situation, for which you have facrificed
; fomuch, now promises—-what the probable issue of
ihofe enormities will be, are questions in which you
and every British fubje& must be deeply intertefted.
Your Congress have kindly flopped forth to assist
' me in this inquiry. Your Address to the Inhabitants
of the United States, dated the ^6th of last May,
gives a gloomy picture of your affairs, and contains
representations which would be deemed by your
partizans as the result of malignity, had they been
made by me. I hope they will pay the more atten
tion to what I shall now fay, as it has the fuftrage
of the Congress to support it.
It is not my intention to examine minutely the
whole of this Address. I shall pass over your usual
cant —your prostitution of scripture—your sophistry,
and artful application to the pailions of the people,
by which you would cajole and reconcile them to
their deftrudion. I shall content myfelf with offer
ing a few ftridures on such parts as tend to elucidate
the fubje& before us.
The firft thing that strikes me, is, the remarkable
difference, as to your hopes of success, between
this Address, and your Observations on the American
Revolution *, published last winter. The Observa
tions assure us,--" That the efforts of Great-Britain
“ to reduce those United States, are now almost
“ brought to a conclusion :" The Address tells us
that those efforts are multiplied,--it evidently speaks
the language of despondency, and suggests the idea
of a last free cb. You bid us indeed--" not think you
despair of the Commonwealth ;" but you manifeftly
betray despair--just as the tremor and agitation of a
culprit betrays his guilt, though he loudly declares
his innocence. From your own representation of
matters, it is impossible for any unprejudiced person
to think otherwise than that your cause is desperate.
The truth is, your circumstances are greatly chang
ed, and your language is changed with them.
After mentioning " the great and increasing de
" preciation of your currency, and the mifehiefs
" that have flowed from it," you enumerate several
causes to which that depreciation, you think, was
* This pamphlet is perhaps one of the most extraordinary
that has appeared during the present contest. It was drawn
vp b, a Committee of tue Congress, and published by their
authority. The greatest part of it confitts of extracts from
fomer addresses and publications of the Congress ; but " hav
" ing the fear of M. Gerard befoie them," they have cau
tiously avoided that passage in their Address to the people of
Gieat-Britain, dated September 5, 1774, where the Congress
tell their loving Friends and fellow Subje&s, “ nor can we
“ fopprefs our astonishment, that a British Parliament Arnold
“ ever consent to edabbfh in that country (Canada) a reli
" gion (meaning Popery) which has deluged your Illand in
“ blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry persecution, murder
“ and rebellion through every part of the world."
The apparent design of the Congress in the “ Observations,"
was to counteract the tendency of the papers which had pas
sed between the British Commiflloners and the Congress,
and were published by the former previous to their departuie
hence, and reconcile the Americans to the criminal conduct
of the Congress, in rejecting the liberal overtures of Govern
ment for an accommodation. A judgment may be formed
of this pamphlet from the following particulars.---
It asserts, that die firtt British " Adventurers to America,
" were in a state of nature, alike free either to submit is a
“ society exiting, or to eftabl sh one, as their inclination
" or interest might prompt-- that they framed independent
" conftitutions,---that Simulated by their necelfities, and
" seduced by antient habits, they were prevailed on to sub
“ jc& themselves to the King of England, in consequence of
" his solemn promise to afford them protcaion,---that the
“ British Colonies were in fa& so many independent dates,
“ whose only political conneaion with each other, and with
" the several parts of the British empire, was by means of a
“ common Sovereign." Page 2, 3.
Had the Congress declared, that “ they were the children
'“ of tie Sun, and s e nt by their beneficent parent to in
" ibu& and reclaim the Colonies," as MANCO CAPAC
and MAMA OCOLLO declared to the Peruvians, it would
n®t be a jot more fabulous or contrary to truth, than these
affections. It is aftonilhing how any men could have the
effrontery to obtrude such palpable falfehoods on the world,
when there are so many histories of these Colonies which re
fute tlwm. Tie British Colonies ,vere fettled under charters,
thpfe charters were granted by the King, and frecified the civil
conftimtioßS of rhe Colonies refpe&iveiy--the emigrants were
as much fubje&s of the British Crown, as dependent on the
fup-eme legislature of the empire, 6 after,' as' before', their
enigiation; and some cf those charters explicitly recognize
the riflit ot the British Parliament to tax the Colonies---But
tv proceed with tle pamphlet—
It info-mates, and would perfuadc the world, that the ex
fra& of his Majelts's inftru&ions to Sir HENRY CLINTON,
authorizing Sir HENRY to ratify the Convention of Sarato
%a, and which Sir HENRY transmitted to the Congress, was
a FORGERY, " that it had a fraudulent completion
" that it is very possible no such letter, as the Secretary's of
" State containing those initiations, was ever written, that
" we cannot argue against such deceit from the baseness of it ;
" for th< Ie who would do the many treacherous a&s they had
f' committed during the war—could hardly boggle at the
" fending as an extraa from a Secretary of States letter what
" really was not such an extra&." Page 110.
Awl it threatens an invasion of Britain—" the dreaded
" scalping knife itfelf may, in the hands of our riflemen,
" spread horror through their Island." Page 120. These are
matters to which I shall return no answer, and indeed they
require none. lam told that Mr. W. H. Drayton of South-
Carolina, was one cf the Committee appointed by the Con
g.vfs to draw up this pamphlet, and its principal Fabricator.
owing—fitch as " frequent emifons, and the pro
" digious furns emitted, the artifices of men who
“ enrich themselves by monopolizing the necefia
“ ries of life, the mifeondudt of inferior officers
" in the public service, and farmers raifmg the pr'ce
“ of their produce." But you have thought proper
to conceal other causes which h we contributed mote
than any of these to the dep cciatioo of your
currency---these are the fluctuating Rate of vour
affairs, of your usurped power, and the defpotihn of
your government.
Paper currency is the sign or representation of
money, as money is, by general consent, the sign or
representation of all merchandize, of all commodi
ties whatever. Money,/', e. gold and fiiver, and ar
ticles of merchandize, mutually represent each other.
Hence, money has an intrinsic value—this value is
not impaired by any accident, by the most violent
(hocks of war ; tarry it to any part of the globe, its
value will be acknowledged.
The case of paper currency is totally different.---
Having no intrinfa value, its credit and nominal va
lue wholly depend on the security by which it is
supported. Take away that security, and like art
edifice whose foundation is removed, it intlantly
finks. If a man can have money at all times for his
paper currency or bills, so far the currency is good,
and answers the purpose of money. If moderately
emitted, the credit of currency may also be provided
for by taxes in times of peace and security ; f^r in
such cases the whole community is engaged to sup
port its credit, and can fulfil the engagement. This
credit however at best can only be local, differing es
sentially in this refpe& from money, which hath an
intrinsic value, and is therefore universally received.
Let me add, that it is in free and mild governments
only that paper currency can maintain its credit. Ty
ranny produces distrust and unhinges security ; these
must necessarily destroy public credit. Thus it is
observed, that in despotic states, even money disap
pears. Men frequently bury their money, as the
only way to secure it; and thus many of the weal
thiest Americans, when the despotism of the Congress
commenced, actually buried their money and plate,
and large quantities of each lie buried, to this day,
without the British lines.
The above observations are very plain and obvious,
and I think incontrovertibly true. They will assist
in accounting for the downfal of your currency.
The firft teafon you assign for its depreciation, is
certainly a good one. The sums you emitted were
so enormously large, that all the taxable property of
the revolted colonies was infufficient to support their
credit; consequently, the credit of that currency
must inevitably fink.
But ifit be farther considered, that those monstrous
emissions had no legal support--that the authority on
which they rested, was usurped and contested-—that
the sword of justice hung over those who emitted the
currency, and their power was utterly precarious and
fluctuating-— that their government was an usurped
tyranny which flung every thing into confufion, and
filled every breast with anxiety and distrust: When
these particulars are considered, the wonder is not
that your currency should be so much depreciated ;
but that it should have any value whatever
Nothing but the bayonet has supported the small
degree of credit it hath hitherto retained; but that
violent expedient can no longer afford it credit
it is irreparably funk, and past your power to re
trieve it.
You very unkindly throw the blame of this difaftei
on others---on monopolizers, rhe milconduct of offi
cers, that is, in plain English, on peculators, who
have robbed the public, and on farmers who raised
the price of their produce. With refpea to farmers,
the accusation is unjust, and a mere blunder of your
own. It is mistaking the eft'e3 for the cause. The
currency did not fink because the farmer raised the
price of his produce; but he therefore raised his
produce, because the credit of your currency had
funk. And pray what is there unjust or unreasonable
in this r Why does the farmer toil and sweat, but that
he may enjoy the tfruits of his labour? If your cur
rency hath funk to a thirtieth part of its nominal va
lue, is it unjust or unreasonable in the farmer to de
mand thirty times as much of that currency for any
article as it formerly cost ?
As to peculators and monopolizers, I have no con
test with you. I believe you have just reason to
complain of them. The large fortunes amafled by
many of your dependents and partizans, fufficiently
evince your complaints to be well grounded. I could
name a Pr---fb-t- -an Parson, not many leagues from
this city, who was not worth a groat when this re
bellion began ; but being a flaming patriot and friend
of the Congress, he was put into the Commissary's
department; and it is affirmed that he hath already
realized an estate of 25,0001. reckoning a dollar at
Bs.— this is only one instance out of very, very many
that I could mention.
But I am not pleased with the Congress for at
empting to Drift the blame from themselves in this
matter, when they are chiefly guilty, and throw it
on others. You stigmatize and accuse others of pe
culation ; but, are you innocent and spotless your
selves ? Mr. Deane's publications, and others which
they gave rife to, induce the world to Tink you are
not quite immaculate. The large estates now pof
fefl'ed by members of the Congress, who we knoiv were
bankrupts when tney took their feais in that august
afembly heighten people's suspicions. Nay, some do
not hesitate to aver that the Congress have been tam
pering with French gold ; for that nothing else can
account for their adherence to France, contrary to
every dictate of reason and duty--every principle of
protestantism and good policy, and to the manifeft
interest of America. Nor are these suspicions in the
least diminished by a certain transaction which some
of ycur members took fpecia lcare to make public,
and so m wh ch they affe&ed to derive great merit,
as if they were above corruption and bribery. No
thing is more frequent with designing men than to
seize little incidents, and by their help lay in a flock
of merit with the simple populace, at a cheap rate,
to be employed on future occasions, and turned to
their own advantage. Hereby they think to aft with
more security, and indulge with iefs suspicion in that
very vice they seemed coy in admitting just like
some termagant females, who prosecute one man for
a rape, whilst they invite and run into the lewd em
braces of another.
But to leave those matters which, I presume, are
among the " reproaches that are peculiar to you,"
as you tell the Americans, and advert to things
which are unquestionably acknowledged. You fay,
by way of apology, that “ emitting paper money was
" an expedient which had been before frequently
" and firccefsfully pra&ifed on this continent."
Very true— but you will pleafc to remember that those
emissions were comparatively small ; and they had all
the security that the Legislature, of which the King
is an essential part, could give to support their credit.
Hence they derived liability and value, and answer
ed the desired purpose.
Now, are these cases parallel ? You know they are
x not—they differ in every material circumffance. Your
emissions were 1o immoderately large, that the Co
lonies were unable to support their credit ; they were
issued in direct opposition to the King's authority,
and in the midst of tumults, when no adequate se
curity could polF.bly be given; their depreciation
therefore was unavoidable. All this you knew per
feaiy well, yet you daily emitted new sums—-each
successive emission exceeding the one that preceded.
Are not you then chargeable with all the mifehiefs
flowing from this disaster ? In a word, your currency
had its birth from rebellion, its support from vio
lence, and it must end in the ruin of thousands, who
will justly lay that ruin to the account of the Con-
^ ef " •"
But in order to cheer the spirits of your partizans,
you mention an expedient by which your currency
may be retrieved ; and that is Taxation. According
ly you demand, with very little ceremony, the sum
of forty-five million of dollars, from the Colonists, in
addition to fifteen millions which were demanded be
fore ; and both fams amounting to sixty millions of
dollars, and equal to thirteen millions of pounds fieri.
are to be paid within the current year. This is tax
ing with a vengeance! Such a demand by the
French King, arbitrary as he is, from 16 millions
of vassals, would throw France into convulsions.
But hereby the credit of your currency is to be
raised ! Perhaps this is one of the grossest impositions
which the Congress have yet played off on their de
luded vassals. Supposing this immense sum were
aaually levied and paid in, will the quantity of your
currency be less at the year's end, than when it be
gan ? No--the expenditure of the present year will
require more than those sixty millions of dollars; and
must not the money be struck to answer that expen
diture, being immediately wanted? How great
your expence must be, let any one judge, when you
are obliged frequently to give scol. to a man for
serving in your army a few months.
Supposing however that your debts and the quan
tity ot your currency should not be greater, Jan. 1,
1780, than they were, Jan. 1, 1779 ; yet remember,
the taxable property ot your fubjefts will be greatly
diminished. Two of your States, I may fay, are
already gone; should the other eleven even remain
in your hands, which is not a very clear point, yet
the ravages of war will certainly thin their inhabitants
and destroy much property. Here then your debts
and the quantity of your currency will continue the
fame, whilst your ability to difeharge the one and
support the other, will be very much diminished.
Even now, your currency, like an execrated thing,
is shunned by all who can avoid it'; at the close of
the current year, a Congress dollar will probably
have no more value than a common rag of equal di
mensions.
To console your partizans Dill further, you tell
them,--" the conduct of one Monarch, the Friend
" and protestor of the rights of mankind, has turned
" the scale so much, that all the visionary schemes
" of your gigantic adversary," meanin your Sove
reign, " have vanished." In truth, Sir, considering
the mifehiefs you have brought on France, it is a pity
to quarrel with you for affording her some kind and
gracious words, since you can give her no more.
Yet it is worth observing how the Congress are fated
to unite in themselves the most glaring contradi&ions
—profeffing to be the patrons of liberty, candour and
republicanism, they exhaust our language in fulfom
adulation to the most ambitious, reliefs and faithlcfs
Monarchy in chriftendom. b
Whoever is acquainted with the history of France,
must know, that to the efforts of Richlieu, she owes
her loss of liberty, and the despotism of her monarchs;
and that the maxims of that Machiavelian statesman
are those by which the conduct of her government
has been regulated since his time. Amongst those
maxims, Montejquieu, a Frenchman, tells us, the
following is one--'' Ifther should chance to be some
" unlucky honest man among the people, Cardinal
" Richlieu in his political testament seems to hint
" that a Prince should take care not to employ him *."
How far this maxim was adhered to in the appoint
ment of v^ur French Plenipotentiary, or in that of
the Admiral who was sent to your afliflance, 1 shall
not determine-you can best judge. Probably, tl is
may have also become a fafhionable maxim with
y° u °
France, by the very a& in which she engaged to
be your ally, announced her p rfidv in such a man
ner as to remove all just confidence in her fiiendfhip.
* Spirit of Laws, Buck 111. C%.f