National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-06-08 00:00:00, page 2

gußt; but consisted ill tli« different views
ol tile policy best befitting the peouliarcir
cumltances of tlie cafe. llie members who
inclined molt in his favour never pretend
ed that he had been otherwise than trea
cherous to his flation and lo his country.
Thomas Paine appears to.have been moll
indulgent on the occafiou, yet he allow:
the king to be guilty of the facts charged
and apologizes for Jhim, by catting tUt
blame on tile aflembly that replaced him 01
the throne after his elopement, when thei
ought to have laid hold on that fair oppor
tunity for an earlier extirpation of royal
iy. The opinions of Briifot and others o
molt eminence in the convention, went al
011 the jjndeniaJ>lenefs of,the proof, and tb<
jultice of pan lh-nent, but from ideas o
prudence and expediency inclined to dif
lerent modes of llaying the execution
Hence I conclude, that the proof mill) liavi
been very clear and irr«fiftable against thi
unhappy Louis.
Further: It is to be conlidered thai asal
molt of the able!! men in the conventi
011 were from motives of policy or pity a
gainst proceeding immediately to the ftna
act, the death of Louis cannot be charje<
to the overpowering talents, address, am
influence of particular leaders of the body
and consequently mult have flowed fron
the free sense of the bulk of the mem
bers; or rather probaolv from a regard t(
the sense and spirit of the nation at large
fur we discover no reafo.n to doubt that tin
measure was in the fulleft harmony witl
the feelings of the public. And I believi
it will be found generally true, as happen
ed in our revolution contrary to thu alfer
tions of its enemies, that in trying time
when all depends on the support of tin
people, public bodies rather folld"\v thai
lead the mind of their conftiruents.
Suppoling then that Louis was in fai
guilty of treason, aggravjted by perjur;
and ingratitude against his country, an(
that his punifliment was functioned by tin
sense of the nation, who certainly had tin
sovereign right to judge its own magif
trates ; I cannot perceive upon wlia
ground or principle any one, but parti
ticularly any American, can undertake t<
use the cruel language againlt France an<
the revolution, fonie times uttered in par
ticular circles of thi* city, and echocd ii
certain newfpupers. Nor can I ever be
lieve, where ignorance or mifinformatioi
cannot be pleaded, that any who do uf<
this language,are in their hearts either trui
Americans or sincere republicans. Why
Sirs, this uncharitablenefs towards agrea
nation, ftrugglingfor its rights and libertie
against the molt wicked and powerful con
federacy of tyrants that ever disgraced tin
earth, and fuel: a tender fyinpathetic feel
ing for a king who was notorioufiy ant
treacherously conspiring in the attempt t<
refix the yoke on five and twenty million:
of people, who had nobly shaken it off
Kings are no where any longer held to tx
divine. That blasphemous folly has va
niflied before the dawn of reason and truth
In this enlightened country even the fa
crednefs of their persons is justly detmec
a inoft slavish, absurd, and pernicious doc
trine. Guided by the true principles o:
liberty and the experience of free go
vernments inlhtuted for the public good
everyfincere- American will fay, that kings
where they hold their power againlt tht
will of the people are usurpers and tyrant:
and so, being the greateit of malefaitor:
deserve the severest punifliment ; and thai
where they derive their power from thf
will and authority of the people, there
like other magistrates, they mull be an
fvverable for their conduit to the nationa
sovereignty ; and in cafe of treachery 01
abuse of power given for the public good
may be brought to condign punifliment.
Gratitude, I perceive, is now a can
word in the mouths of all who endeavoui
to alienate the good wishes of Americ;
from the cause of liberty in France, by ex
citing our pity and companion for the un
happy Louis. Some have gone so far as tt
tell us in the newspapers, that all our obli
gations were to the king, not to the peo
ple or natron of France : and that his deatf
has put an end to our treaties of coramcrci
and alliance, and by parity of reasoning, tt
all the debts we owe to France. Nay, ii
has been suggested by Pome that the treat)
and guaranty being made with Louis a
gainlt hi? enemies, America wat bound tc
support him in all his kingly power and ar
bitrary prerogatives even against his owr
nation, after the rupture took place be
tween them. As the authors of all fuel
fhameful quibbling fophiltry against public
faith, national honour, and the firft princi
ciples of moral duty must be either the se
cret tools offome unfriendly foreign pow
er, or moved by an inbred malice again!)
the republican cause in general, I (hal!
leave themto that just contempt and de
testation, which they metitfrom a virtuous
and lenfible people. But it will be proper
to examine a little the point of gratitude,
which being a highly laudable and honour
able I'entiments we onght to fee well who
has the true title to it, and what duties we
lie under therefrom. This enquiry will
be contained in another paper, which I
will endeavour to finifh in time fer your
next Gazette.
PHILADELPHUS.
June 5, 1703,
For the National Gazette.
'"pHE citizens of Philadelphia hive at
length broken the fetters of idolatry; they
i havf emancipated themselves from their
superstitious veneration for individuals, and
have fixed their eyes upon one immutable
point, that of truth. As long as man ac
customs himfeff to reverence the supporter
of a principle, inllead of tits principle it
jelf> so long will he be liable to impolition,
so long will he be exposed to deception ;
but when truth, immutable and eternal, is
his obje£t, the fluctuations of human opin
ion! and conduit, will not tarnish the prin
ciple any more than clouds interposed will
destroy the brilliance ef the fun. Religior
itfelf has futfered frequently in the estima
tion of mankind, because its disciples have
acted incompatibly with its dictates; the
temple of liberty has been profaned because
pretenders to virtue have offered incense or
the altar ; but If rip religion and liberty oi
men ; behold them in their naked and ab
flracted ilmplicity. and our adoration anc
affeflion will be eternal. Revolution! are
too often favourable to thai tyranny which
they are intended to deflroy, for this plain
reason, that the affection which ought to be
given to the principle, is given to fomedif.
tinguifhed agent; and the natural ambitior
of the human foul, its innate thirst of pow
er, makes it embrace every occasion tc
lord it over its fellows. Thus are thing!
diftinft confounded, and the principle ii
1 condemned because the agent has beer
combined with it.
The civic fealt of Saturday is an epoch
in the annals of this country —never wai
a larger and more refpcftable lonventior
of citizens in Philadelphia, to express theii
zeal for liberty, and never were men ani
mated with more genuine sentiments ol
philanthropy and independence. Neithei
slaves to opinions nor to men,they disclaim
ed every homage but to the sacred princi
ple of liberty itfelf. The falhions of mon
archy had been preserved, bad been chr
rilhed in this country with maternal felici
tilde ; a transfer had been made of its vir
tue and patriotism to an individual, and !
man received the homage from citizen!
which JubjeCts only are in the habit of be
llowing, and which is due to the aggregatt
patriotism of America. With such man
ners and such habits, how easy the transi
tion to monarchy 1
The citizens of Philadelphia were among
the firlt to aifert the cause of freemen—ai
the commencement of the revolution, the)
were the fird to oppose the idolatrous cuj■
turns of monarchy, which have risen with i
hot bed growth. Freemen should rever
ence their LAws, and rejpett theii
magistrates—to reverence the magiflrate i:
to,make him equal to the laws, and thi:
equality is the bane of freedom. Kow de.
firable then that the example of the citi
zens whoaflembled at the civic feaft should
be fallowed f—How worthy of imitation is
the conduit of men, who have " 710 otAer
idol than and who place their de
pendence, not upon an individual, but
" upon the whole body of the people
The fervour of liberty which animated
men diflintf in language, but congenial in
principle and in foul, was a luxury to vulgar
minds unknown. It was the enthusiasm ol
humanity conne£ted in the warm and ten
der embrace ot friendfliip— The American
charafler never (hone more refpleadent,
than when freedom and gratitude linked it
to a nation who had alliited in breaking
the fetterj of despotism, forged for this
country.
It mull be a consolatory refteftion to the
republicans of the United States, that the
spirit of equality has awakened from the
deep which the anodyne of aristocracy had
produced. Men and things begin to be
analysed, an'd the perfection which'an en
thusiastic attachment taught us to expect,
has proved to be a change, in discord with
equality, and in unison with royal itarion.
In proportion as we awaken from the
dream, we fliall discover that men vary
with their stations, and that there is nofe
curity, and no dependence but upon the
whole people. We have too many of the
follies of monarchy in our country, and it
is high time to purge onrfelves of them—
let us begin ere they hava taken too deep
root, for it is lnach ealier to pluck out the
plant than to fall the tree. Let the true
republicans form a centre of union ; let
:hem determine to exterminate the politi
cal herelies which have sprung up among
:is , let them, from this moment, declare
ivar against every aristocratic and monar
chical principle and fafhion, and hippinefs
ind liberty will be perpetuated.
AN OLD SOLDIER.
June 6, 1793,
For the National Gazetti.
'"pHE apprehending of two failorsfor en
-1 tering into the service of France, by the
executive of the United States, has occa
sioned serious alarm in the brealts of the
citiaens in gene-al, who are without Che
vortex of Britijh influence—They are to
tally at a loss to comprehend the principle
upon which a freeman can be arretted
for entering inio a foreign service. During
the American revolution, and previonfly to
the recognition of the American republic
by France, many Erench officers entered
eu;- service, one! they were fuljetts,
and owed allegiance to a /overeign, yet
they were not arrested and committed to
pnlon for it. Even in the despotic govern
ments oi Europe, officers leave their coun
try v. hich is at peace, and engage in a fo
reign war—lf the privateer did not art un
der the authority of a French comnuflion,
there would have been jultice in the arrest;
but as she did, what shadow of just pretext
can there be, as no ails of hostility were
committed as American citizens, but as
volunteers in the service of France ? Has
the European conftriiflion of allegiance
found entrance in America? It has been
thedottrine of freemen, that they owed
no allegiance but to the laws, as they had
no other fovereigu ; but it appears as if the
sovereign was changed, and that inflead of
laws, proclamations are substituted ! The
doctrine of the sovereignty residing without
the law s may suit the meridian of London
or Cwnltantinople ; but heaven forbid that
Americans should already 'fivbmit to have
their government tortured to support the
purposes of tyranny. Admitting for arrro
ment, that there was a law of the United
States prohibiting their citizens from as
sisting their French brethren, would it com
port with the good faith of our country —
would it be reciprocating the good offices
of France, to punish men who would serve
her? Are treaties of alliance of so little
moment to our governmental men, that
they not only with to a« faithlefsly and un
gratefully themselves, buc to prevent citi
zens from acting up to their wifhesaud
their rights? The treaty of alliance be
tween America and ,Fi anc*e required cer
tain offenfive operations from us, and not
withstanding this, a proclimatioii was itfu
ed, without knowing what the amount of
the minif!e inftruetions were, "enjoining
the ftrifteft neutrality, it being the 'duty'
°f 'he United States to treat France, Great
Britain, Pruflia, &c. with the fame good
fellow/hip. It perhaps may not be aniifs to
ask if treaties have the force of law here ?
Or if proclamations can set them aiide ?
If they have the force of law, how crimi
nal is the prosecution of the two volun
teers j it proclamations can fupcrfede them,
how loft is our country. The government
of the United States shows a disposition to
draw th« cords of authority tighter than
proper: and it js certainly of the moll inter
elting moment to freemen to keep a watch
ful eye over some influential charaflers ;
a want of attention in a republic is crimi
nal, for it permits opportunity for usurpa
tion. There is a tendency in all govern
ments to despotism, for there is a difpofK
tion in the human mind to tyranny, and to
guard again ft a calamity so great, requires
the molt zealous vigilance, and the rnoft
minute enquiry iVito every tranfaflion
which has even the semblance of usur
pation.
BRUTUS.
June sth, 1-93.
CANALS.
[From the Whitehall evening Port, March
,6 > '793-]
Mr. Curzon's reply to the answer of the
Afhbey de la Zonch Canal Committee to his
safe and objection—That the proposed ca
nal, from its necessary depth and length of
cutting within the rock which contains
Mr. Curzon's spring will inevitably destroy
it, will be clearly proved, as well by the
evidence of men whose abilities and great
practical kuowledge of mineral fubjefts
cannot be questioned. as by the evidence of
the persons whom Mr. Curzonfirft con
futed.
If the Afhbey de la Zouch committee
were.' as certain that the spring in question
would not in the f'malleft degree be injured
by the projeited canal, why did they after
declaring in the country newspapers, for
many weeks, that the spring would not be
destroyed, and offering to guarantee Mr.
Curzon in the full enjoyment of it, so
earnestly request that Mr. Jeflbp and Mr.
Whitworth might make further experi
menUonMr. Curzon's eflate, in order to
demonstrate whether the intended canal
wouid in any manner, and how, injure the
spring which supplies his house, and thus
incautiouily admit that furtherexperiments
were neceflary to ascertain whether the
spring would or would not bedeftrov«d. As
the making the proposed canal would be
the inevitable deftruftion of the spring, the
futility of the offer of a guarantee, and of
being at the expencc of laying pipes to the
Itoufe, is but too apparent.—The Afhbey de
la Zouch committee not having varied the
course of their projeaed canal one yard
from the line firft proposed for its direc
tion, Mr, Curzon's objections on account
of its interfering with his plan of extending
the limitt of his park is still unremoved,
notwithstanding the committee's pretence
of giving him the utmost fatisfaftion in that
particular.
To judge how far the landed interest
approved the bill, it may be neceflary to
rein ark, that the country have twice ne
gatived thepropofal of carrying the intend
ed navigation from Afhbey to Grits.and that
near 14 miles in 30 of landowners, or) the
line from Afhbey to Griff, are now diffdet
irg, from a conviction that private intertji
has suggested the present line—a line which
cannot be fnpuurted 0.1 the rrouad of pub
lic, utility.
[b rom the Whitehall Evening Pod.]
House cf Lords, March 14, 1793.
CANAL BILLS.
The order of the day being read, that
all the Lords be summoned—
Lord Stanhope presented to the honfe
the refoliitionsrefpefting canals : and their
lordfliips unanimously ordered that these
rtjolutions Jhould be entered tn the jour
nals.
ift. That no canal bill ftiall be read a
third time in the house of lords, unless no
ticeof the intention of cutting such canal
(hall have been inserted three times in the
London Gazette, in the months of Anguft
and September previous to the session of
parliament in which such bill /hall be
brought in, and unless a notice has been
printed, in the country papers of the town
through which fjch canal is intended to be
cut, in the said months of August and Sep.
tember.
2d. That these notices fliall contain the
names of the parishes and townlliips, and
110 other, into which such canal, Sic. is in
tended to be cut.
3<t. I hat 110 bill shall be read a third
time in the house of lords, unless a map of
tiie intended cut has been dcpofited with
the clerk of parliament, describing the
line, together with a book of reference
containing a lift of the names of the own
ers and occupiers of such lands refpe&ive
ly, with an annexed estimate of the ex
pense, ligned by the person or persons who
are to make the fame; with also an ac
count of the Aims then fubferibed, and the
names ofthefubferibers.
4th. No bill ihonld be read a third time,
unlels application has been made to the
owners of the lands through which fucli
canal is to pass for their consent, and unless
the map or plan has been (hewn to such
owners, diltingniftiing who has ailenterf
and who has diflenfed from such intended
canal, and unless the map has been depo-
I ted with the clerk rf parliament.
No. nr.
To titk PRESIDENT of the
UNITED STATES.
SIR,
J\ I this momentous crisis of our public
affairs, when solemn treaties and the
lacred rights of American citizens seem to
be openly violated, it were treason against
the deai eft intersfts of America not to warn
her firlt magiflrate to ihut his ears against
the whispers of servile adulation, and to lis
ten to the solemn admonitions of patriotic
truth. Let not, I bcfeech you, the opiate
ot sycophancy, adminiflered by interested
and deligning men, lull you into a fatal
lethargy at this awful moment. Conlider
that a iirit magillrate in every country is
no other than a public servant, whose con
duit is to be governed by the will of the
people, as expressed in their constitution
and lawi.
The legality of your proclamation I do
not now propose to invefiigate, but permit
me to a/k, if a proclamation was juftiiiable
and proper in r793, was it not equally foia
1792, when several European powers were
actually engaged in 3 war ? If so, why was
it deferred till Great-Britain became a par
ty? I believe such answers could not be
given to these questions as would be per
ieaiy fatisfactoiy to the public. It is but
too evident that the conduit of ourgovern
ment, with respect to that of Great-Britain
has tor some years pall been lhametully
pusillanimous. For ten years has that
haughty nation held polTeflion of posts int
our territory, in open violation of treaty,
as if we were tributary provinces. Whe
ther our government has demanded them,
and been insultingly refufed, are fails with,
which the American public have not been
made acquainted. It is to be hoped that
our public councils have not been duped
into any difgraceful negociation, respecting
the American posts occupied by the Britilh.
If they have, lee the infamous Iranfaition
be divulged. If they have not, let them
publish the truth for the fatisfaaion of the
public, and in vindication of their own
conduct. Let government ever avoid that
narrow policy which involves in mystery
the avis of public men, which ever creates
diftrufl in the minds of the people, and is
only fit to be praclifed by magiltrates the
moll corrupt and worthless. Should the
people be much longer kept in the d»rk on
thisfubjefV,icwould not be furprizingif they
took the law into their own hands(as Ethan
Allen and his Green mountain boys did in
1775) and wipe off the disgrace of the na
tion by driving the invaders from our coun
try. I forbear to enlarge further on this
difgraceful theme.
Since my last letter was written, I have
learned with regret, that those citizens
who complained that our treaties with
trance were violated by the proclamation,
construed it rightly. It seems that our
conrts are to take cognizance of the legal
ity or i!leg»lity of prizes brought into our
ports by the french cruisers; an intermed
dling expressly prohibited by treaty—Per
mit me to ask. Sir, whether you conlitler
yourfelf veiled with legal powers to annul
solemn treaties by proclamation ?
I have also been informed that two melt,
formerly citizens of the United States, but
lately in the service. of France, have bee»