The New York packet, and the American advertiser — New York [N.Y.], 1776-06-06 00:00:00, page 4

Lera Lyttldon said he entertained a very high
opinion of the spirited defence a noble Earl
(Lord Hillsborough) had given of his conduct
refpe&ing America while he was in administra
tion, but he thought he had gone a little too
far in explanation of his letter to the colonies,
as be did not conceive that any Lord ought
to be deprived of his free agency in parliament
by a promise made by others in office. For his
part, he solemnly protefled against foregoing the
claim of taxation, a claim inherent in the British
Parliament, which neither argument nor arms
could remove. He allowed that it might be
inexpedient to carry such a claim into exertion
at this moment, and probably it might fbew the
wisdom of the legislature to wave it for some
time, but he never would content entirely to
Lord Shelburne entered into a defence of the
Americans, and endeavoured to prove that they
were driven by the hard hand of oppression to
their pretent n,il ; ta;y refouces. His Lordship,
alter afterting, that it adminillration would pio
ihtfc them only an exemption from taxation,
and the restoration of their charters, they would
instantly ity down their arms and return to their
duty, took infinite pains to remove every idea of
their arming at independency/ declaring that
rhe entities or America had not the flighted
grounds tor such an inlinuaiion, but what they
inferred from the printed declaration of the little
and insignificant county ot Suffolk. He ap
pealed to the language of the Congress, to all
their publications; and laughed at the ridicu
lous conceit that the Marquis de Montcalm
(from whose book such a falfe supposition was
borrowed) should know more or America and
the difpolition of the colonies, than we did.
His Lordship said he had more than once read
what that French officer had written on the fub
jeft, and he could not help faying that his book
was one of the mofl flimfy, ill-founded produc
tions, he ever perused. His Lordship ahed how
should such an author get his information ? He
had been employed in the French service in
Canada, , but was no more to be depended
upon than an officer, who had been cooped up
a whole winter in Boston. That a true know
ledge of America mud be looked sos at home,
and that the colonies ought to be Yiewedjas^ob
jc&s of pity. He instanced an anecdote of the
late King, who alked a great lady in the circle
at court, whether (he should not be present at
the trial of a Peer or Peeress in Weftminftei -
Hall, which was then likely soon to take place ?
To which the lady replied, 66 No, Sire, I saw
the rebel Lords tried, and I am contented with
that." The King inftamly said, " Fie, fie,
Madam, 'tis very different ting, tey tought tey
were right and died martyrs to teir opinion ; te
person now to be tried will not deserve pity, if
found guilty." This his Lordship observed was
a noble and generous sentiment, worthy the
Prince who delivered it. He also remarked the
humane conduct of Henry IV.of France, at the
battle of Dieux, where he roared out at the head
of the ranks, till he was hoarse, " kill the fo
reigners, but save the French." The conse
quence was, the Germans and others who abat
ted the rebellion, futfered greatly, but the lives
of nearly all his own fubjeds were preserved.
When matters were adjured with America
(which, he thought they might easily be, by
the present motion) his Lordship observed,
much would be left to the (kill and arrange
ment of the ministry; that they might then dis
play their abilities and their judgment; that the
fettling the military was a vast thing, and would
require great conlideration ; and that America
had a right to claim every immunity enjoyed
by Ireland. Here his Lordship took deration
to complain of the dangerbus scheme of grant
ing a separate military eftablifhmeht to that
country ; he did it was falfe policy to divide thb
empire; that it should centre here, and that
great mifehiefs might arise from weakening it,
by separating it into parts; it would be better,
he added, for the Lord Lieutenant to purchase
a fafe retreat, or an honourable pige in the book
of fame, by emancipating the Parliament of Ire
land, and no longer cutting out its tongue by a
system of base and fordid* corruption; by reliev
ing Leland from the load of pensions with which
it was burdened, and by fuffering it to enjoy its
own riches. After faying thus much in favour
of a country, in which, his Lordship declared
he sincerely wished freedom and happiness might
reign undisturbed by party and power, he re
turned to the fubje& matter of the debate, and
ob erved that our having acquainted Europe (as
In ingenious foreigner had remarked to him)
of two fads, of a nature highly injurious to the
honour and welfare of these dominions; namely
that we had neither transports enough to convey
our troops, to subdue our rebellious colonies,
nor troops enough of our own to attempt the
business when they arrived there ; he urged the
Lords to confider what hints those fads might
convey to our natural enemies, and how much
the more necessary it was now to put an end to
a business which held up to the minds of- men
a profpec? filled with every objed which could
terrify and alarm those who viewed it. By way
of enforcing this argument, he referred their
Lordships to the speech of the deputy of the
province of Upper Yffel, delivered in a full as
sembly of the States General on the queflion,
“ Whether his Britannic Majesty's request con
cerning the Scottish brigades in the service of
the republic be granted," deemed it anhoneft,
sensible harangue, replete with information, and
every way worthy their Lordship's attention.
Lord Shelburne concluded with, urging the in
adequateness of our militia, and home force to
guard the country in case of an attack, and de
clared that if such terms were held out to Ame
rica as produced a reconciliation, he would ne
ver again fay a word on the fubjed in opposition
to the King's miniflers.
abandon it. The motion before the House, his
Lordship observed, was a motion which, if car
ried, would degrade the dignity ot Parliament,
and link us to a most contemptible depth ot dis
grace. What! (hew to all Europe, that with a
lorce prepared to subdue our rebellious colonies,
who had destroyed our cou ts of justice, con
temned our Fwb, invaded the natural rights of
mankind, and made war upon the empire, we
were atraid to pursue the objects for which the
force was levied, and condescended to an infa
mous and cowardly treaty! Allowing for a mo
ment that it was prudent, that it was humane,
that it was equitable to come to a treaty, with
whom were we to treat? The Congress we all
here knew to be the body ot delegates from the
several provinces of America, would any noble
Lord appear so infenlible to his own honour
as to stand forward the adviser of the King to
confider the Congress as a legal alterably? The
Congress, whole publications breathe the most
daring refinance, rebellion and treason; whose
fyflem ot government is founded on the grofleft
tyranny and despotism---who in the very mo
ment that they have the presumption to fay,
they contend only for liberty and freedom are
countenancing the most unprecedented and in
defenfible violations of both. Let the Lords
who are advocates for America confider the
case of the New-York Printer, as hated hy the
noble Earl near him (Lord Sandwich) let theft
bring that man's hard lot home to their
own breads, and then let them confider how
properly they tiled the terms equity, humanity
and justice, when they urged them as pleas for
the rebels. His Lordship, after very warmly
contending that it would be the most impolitic
step that could possibly be suggested to flop the
the vigorous exertion of our armament, and that
it would afford time for the feeds of rebellion to
grow to such an enormous height, that it would
perhaps be a vain attempt for us another year
to aim at eradicating it, gave his hearty nega
tive to the motion.
Lord Gower spoke against the motion, and
made some few remarks on the letter writ
ten by Lord Hillfborough, in 1769, which had
been referred to by the Duke of Richmond ; in
order to shew that a speedy end to the dispute
was more likely to be procured by coercive
measures, than by lenitive and ill timed mode
ration ; his Lordship read a letter to the govern
or of a refractory colony, written by a member
of administration, in 1761, which threatened
punishment for difobedienc ', and which imme
diately produced the desired effect. His Lord
ship then went into a view of the conduct of the
Americans, as far as it led to conform the idea
of their wish for independency, and begged leave
to remind the noble Lord (Shelburne) who said
that the little county of Suffolk only mentioned
fueh a word, that the voice of the little county
of Suffolk was heard and approved of by the
General Congress, who by their approbation of
it made the measure their own ; that therefore
The B^op of Peterborough followed Lord
Lyttlcton, and began with expressing his hopes
that their Lordships would not think him a bu
sy meddler in politics, if he said a word or two
on the present motion, which appeared to be
founded on so humane a principle, that it be
hoved him, as a lover of peace, and a friend of
mankind, to give it all possible support. His
Lordfllip declared that he had attended with
great minuteness to all the arguments urged a
gainst it, and although every Lord in office pro
feffed to wish earnestly for an accommodation,
yet the main purport of what had been said by
them appeared to be a coincidence of sentiment,
that nothing short of unconditional submission
would be accepted, and that administration
were resolved to push matters to the last ex
tremity. As a ground for so fatal a resolution
some Lords had taken infinite pains to shew that
independency was the real aim of the colonies,
and that therefore it was necessary by force of
arms to reduce them to fubje&ion, and con
vince them of the superiority of the mother
country. He gave full credit to the ingenuity
of the speakers who maintained this doctrine,
but he thought it incumbent upon him to de-'
liver it as his confeientious opinion, that the
general idea of the colonies was not a separation
from this countiy. In time of public distrac
tion the cry for independency might spring up
as one of the hydra heads, which it was natural
to expedt would grow out of that monster, civil
tumult; but it was unfair to hold it up as the
general expression of a people so numerous as
the inhabitants of North America. His Lord
ship ascribed the present unhappy quarrel to the
fatal measures refpeding the stamp-a&; and he
flattered himfelf that Were the present motion
carried, all might yet be well. To induce their
Lordships to accoid with it, the Bishop (hewed
the falfe policy or relying upon superior strength,
denying that power and right were fynonimous
terms, and describing the good sense and success
of all ages and all climes, who attended more to
the latter than the former; his Lordship here
entered into a dilquifition of the general nature
of government, instancing the manner in which
imperial Rome at the rera of its greatest splendor
conducted itfelf to its colonists, and proved by
arguments founded on reason and historical
fad, that as the basis of all government was
public opinion, a proper attention was necessary
to be paid to the voice of the people; that in
fact, votes of Parliament and legislature itfelf,
were terms without meaning or weight, if the
majority of those who are governed entertained
a bad opinion of their governors, and were dis
posed to refill their authority : his Lordship said,
in such cases the Romans thoughtit prudent to'
relax somewhat of the severity of their system,
and that they always found their advantage in
hearing and redressing the grievances complain
ed of.
To the EL ECTORS of the City and
'• County of New-York.
Aly dear Friends,
HE fubjed upon which we are now to de
liberate, and which we are requested by
the Congress to carry into execution with the
utmoli diligence and punctuality, is the election
of proper persons to form a new mode of govern
ment tor this Colony: This is a matter of the
highest importance to our future happiness and
prosperity, as well as to the rights and liberties
of the United Colonies in general; it therefore
merits the most studious attention our minds are
capable ot everting.. And, as the good people
of this county genially look up to their Com
mittee for advice and direction in matters of pu
blic concern ; and haying now before us a Re
solve of Congress, ofthe most glorious and inte
refing nature, and this Refofye recommended to
us'by the approbation of our worthy Commit
tee, We their constituents, in justice to our
country,, ourselves and posterity, will do well,
seriously to deliberate on, and weigh the good
consequences, which by favour of the God of
truth and justice, will certainly result from this
tranfadion, and thereby we (hall be well con
vinced of its propriety and necessity, and ent r
the more heartily and unanimously into the
,_meafure.
In conlidering this fubjeft, I think there are
two things which present themselves to our im
mediate conlideration: Rrfi, The necessity of
forming a new tpode of government at present;
and, fecondt,. The qualifications necessary in
those perlons who are to be ele&ed to that im
portant trust.
As to the firft, The Resolutions of the Con
tinental Congress, as well as those of our own
colony, have, to every disinterested and liberal
mind, clearly proved the necessity of establishing
a new mode of government here. But,as there are
still feme persons in this city, whose judgments
we have reason to think are biaffed by preju
dice, or the found of a name, or whose faculties
may be so weak, as not to comprehend the mo
mentous fubje& as presented by Congress, I
(hail endeavour, briefly, to offer a few thoughts
to such, in order to make it clear to the mean
est capacity, and at the fame time obviate an
objection, which, by some, I conceive, will be
made to the measure proposed, namely, that it
is immediately declaring an Independency.
As to the objection against forming a new
government at all, I would request those who
make it to confider, that at present no govern
ment exists here, nor can any legal government
possibly exist upon the old plan, when one of the
three branches thereof is withdrawn, and that
the infill one too, of which our former govern-'
ment was composed : Must not then our Courts
of Justice, and irideed the whole course of the
law stand still ? And will not this render both
our persons and properties insecure ? If govern
ment be inftittited for the security ofboth, How
; can offenders be legally punished where no go
vernment exists? Or, if government did exist,
: How can the present officers thereof a& in any
wife confident with the oath they have taken,
while we are, in defence of every thing valuable
in human lite, opposing the very government
they are sworn to support ? Can Congress or
Committees be equal to the talk ? They cannot.
If so, then without a new legal government,
universal disorder must ensue. As to the posi
tion, that this meafareds declaring an indepen
dency, I would only answer, that if the mea
sure be necessary to preserve us from a thousand
evils that are ready to break in upon us without
it, it ought instantly to be adopted, though the
enemies of our land should stigmatize it with a
name, which they, and they only think a term
of reproach. If to be independentis not only
the aim and glory of every individual upon the
face of the earth, but also of every country on
the other fide of the world ; for there is not one
among them all, which doth nor place its chief
happiness here---! fay, if this be a natural prin
ciple in mankind, considered as individuals, and
the constant aim and desire of all other coun
tries, in the name of wonder, why should this
only be excepted from the natural," the necessa
ry, the exalted privilege of being free and in
d^pendent of every foreign juri/didion ? But
should peace, reconciliation, or union with Bri
tain ever again take place, will it not be more
elfily effected, when the people of these colo
nies are under a regular form of government,'
than when matters were fuffered to run into
confufion? Most certainly it will. For, when
the most ambitious man, or set of men, heading
alawlefs multitude, shall dired our councils by
his or their meer will and pleasure; when ty
ranny, anarchy and confufion shall pervade this
once peaceful land ; when, for want of govern
ment, the strong fhall' lord it over the weak, and
refute to refl^n their power ; or when, from the
very nature of such proceedings, a disunion in
all or most of the now United Colonies must en
sue, a reunion then will be impossible upon anv
other terms than that of absolute fubje&ion and
slavery.
It is but too shrewdly fufpe&ed, that many
of our late Governors had this ignoble end in
view, when they withdrew themselves from their
refpedtive governments; but thanks to the Su
preme Governor of the world, who has in so
remarkable a manner often interposed in our
behalf, and jn no instance more so, than by giv
ing such wisdom to the conductors of our public
affairs, as to induce them to leave it in the choice of
every colony, "To adopt such a form of govern
ment, as shall, in the opinion of the Reprefen
he deduced his information that America aimed
at independence' from the Congress itfelt, which
he believed the Lords in oppohtion would allow
to be Lie fountain head ot American intchi
gence.
tatives of the people, best conduce to the happi
nels and fafety of their constituents in particu
cular, and America in general." If without
establishing a new mode of government, we can
have no happiness or fafety as a people. Ifthis
llep be eheutially neceflary towatds a future re
conciliation or peace with Britain, confident
with liberty; and, if our representatives in
Congress, on the most mature deliberation have
directed us to the measure, it is therefore be
come absolutely neceffiry, as it comes to us
with every recommendation which can engage
the attention and compliance of every good man.
As to the qualifications neceflary in those
persons, who are to be elected by us to the im
portant trull, of forming this-,new government
I shall only observe, that I think it the duty of
every elector, to lay aside all, partiality and pre
judice, with regard to the external appearance
of men, and choose those ffilpvhom they know
to be remarkable tor true waldom, integrity, an
extenlive political knowledge, iortitude°of mind,
and an uniform fieadineis to the American
cause. Let these characters, my dear friends,
and these only, be the mental qualifications of
such men as shall be the objects of your choice,
this being the greatest Rurpofe that ever mej
were yet chosen for in any country: If we con
du& ourselves well on the i 7 th instant, by chu
ting such characters only, all-gracious Heaven
^"l'" smile on the solemn tranfaChon, approve
of our choice, and ratify above, what we shall"
do then for the benefit of mankind.
COLUMBUS.
New-York, June 12, 1776.
[The following BOOK deserves the Atten
tion of all those Gentlemen who are engaged
in a legislative Capacity; particularly 'thofe
to whom the important Truftis committed, of
ereChnga new Form of Government in this
Province.]
Just Pub!fed, and Sold
WILLIAM GREE N,
Bookseller, in Maiden-Lane,
ENGLISH LIBERTIES,
OR THE
Free-born Subject's Inheritance;
CONTAINING,
"'£"" Charta, Charta de For^fta, the Statute
De Talagie non concedendo, the Habeas Corpus
Act, and several other Statutes; with Com
ments on each of them.
likewise,
Of Ship-Money: Of Tonnage and Poundage:
Of Parliaments, and the Qualification and
Choice of Members: Of the Three Estates,
and of the Settlement of the Crown by Par
liament.
TOGETHER WITH
A short History of the-Succession, not by any
hereditary Right: Also a Declaration of the
Liberties of the Subject: And of the Oath of
Allegiance and Supremacy. The Petitionof
Right ; with a short but Impartial Relation
of the Difference between King Charles I.
and the Long Parliament, concerning the
Prerogative of the King, the Liberties of the
Subject, and the Rife of the Civil Wars. Of
Trials by Juries, and of the Qualifications of
Jurors; their Punishment for Milbehaviour,
' and ofChallenges to them.
LASTLY,
Of Justices of the Peace, and Coroners : With
many Law-Cases throughout the Whole.
By WILLIAM NELSON, Esq
Of the Middle-Temple, &c.
At tb< above Place may be had, lately PubliJbed,
1. JOSEPHUS'S WORKS, 4 vols.--
An American publication, in large Print,
good Paper and Binding, far superior to any
Scotch Edition.
2. Leland's Hidory of Ireland, 4 vols.
3. Walker's excellent Sermons.
4. Muir's feledt Sermons.
so An Essay on Women.
6. The Life of the Rev. George Whitefield.
7. The Life of Dr. Philip Doddridge.
8. Viaud's voyages and Falconer's Shipwreck..
9. The Vicar of Wakefield.
10. Samson Occom's Collection of Hymns.
11. The Hittory of Inoculation.
12. Cqok's Voyages.
ifr'rhe entertaining Amours of Abelard and
Eloise. %
14. The Maccaroni Jefteri
1 §. The Wits of Weftminder, &c. &c.
SAMUEL BROOME, and Co
HAVING removed their ffore to New
Haven, desire all those indebted to the^
to call and fettle their accounts, either with then
at New-Haven, or Mr. Daniel Phenix, livin
in New-York, nearly opposite where fab
Broome and Company kept their store. The
have still on hand, a small aflortment of Good;
suitable for the approaching season, to be fold
for cash or short credit, on the usual moderate
terms.
Refined
BAR I R O N,
Diredly from the Works,
Sold by ROBERT ERSKINE
Near White-Hall Ferry, New-York.
. N. B. Orders for Iron, drawn to any fizc
from 3-4ths, to 3 inches square, and from 1 1
halt to five inches flat, executed with pun&ua
lity and dispatch. Mill iron, rudder irons, &c
drawn to patterns.