The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-07-20 00:00:00, page 1

TEN POUNDS RENURD.
RAN-AWAY from the fubferiber, living in
Third street, between Market and Chefnut
Greets, Philadelphia, an Irish Servant M AN,
named THOMAS DUNN, about five feet
fix or seven inches high, by trade a tanner; red
faced, hoops a little in his shoulders, short light
hair, beaver hat, talks but little, supposed to be
twenty four or twenty five years of age; has been
in the Continental Service, in Colonel Penrofe's
battalion: Had on and took with him a short brown
coat of a reddish call, turned up with red, the uni
form of said battalion, a dark mixed scanty coat
with yellow gilt buttons, a light coloured linen
frock with yellow gilt buttons likewise, black flock
ing breeches and brown linen ffiirt, writes a tole
rable hand. Whoever takes up and secures said
servant, so that his master may have him again,
ft 11 receive the above reward and all reasonable
charges paid, by JONATHAN MEREDITH.
C^ fafoefoe^^^ *^focfocfoofocfocfoc^ V^
HOUSE of LORDS
Tuesday, March 5.
( Continued from our last.)
nrHE Duke of Grafton. The noble Duke who
made the motion, has Rated the whole of the
bnfinefs of this day in so accurate a manner, with
fa much percifion, and so judiciously pointed to the'
several parts that form the whole, as to leave very
little for me add. Indeed, as to the matter imme
diately under confederation, his Grace has totally
precluded me. I cannot, however, fit down with
out expressing my general fenriments on this very
momentous and important motion. From the firft
beginning of the present troubles, I feduldufly en
deavoured to ratify myfelf of the true ground and
nature of the dispute, to examine the respective pre
tensions of the parties to procure the bells lights
the nature of the controversy afforded, and to form
my opinion without predilection or partiallity. The
effect of this conduct and those researches was, that
I plainly saw the people of America, instead of be
ing protested in the rights, and secured in their pro
perty, would be left nothing which they could call
their own, no line' could be drawn, no boundary
could be set up, to limit the extent of the claim.
You could not fay that supremacy Shall exist for
such and Such purposes, and Shall be constrained in
its exercise in such and such cases; because the very
infant you set limits to its right of taxation, you
would annihilate the principle on which that fight
is founded, and would consequently leave the ques
tion as open and undecided as ever. Taking it in
the other light, that unconditional supremacy in the
mode and extent laid down by the noble Earl with
the white Raff, was,of the very efTence of government,
fimilai difficulties, though arising from a different
cause, presented thcmfelves to my view; I mean the
expediency of coercing America, and the impracti
cability of carrying coercive measures into execu
tion. I perceived that great allowances were to be
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Or the Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New-Jersey
SATURDA Y, J ULY 20 1776.
made for a people who had been, as they thought,
in the poffeflion of certain rights for more than a
century. I was convinced of the cruelty and bad
policy of wresting those rights from them wantonly,
and without any apparent cause. I was fatisfied of
the wildnels and impracticability of the attempt.
But let me go one hep further, and suppose that the
expediency and practicability were equal to the
relumed justice of the cause, ought we not to look
to our own abilities, to our resources, and compare
the inconvenienejes which mull rcfult from these
measures, with the advantages we propose to our
selves to obtain? I am tolerably acquainted with the
finances of this country, and I do most Solemnly
assure your Lord Ships, that I do not know a Single
tax it is in the power of the mod fruitful invention
to devise or conceive, which would increase the re
ceipt at the Exchequer. Every tax that can possibly
be thought of will interfere with some other. The
nation is loaded to the full extent of its abilities;
and what are you going to do? You are entering
into a war, the success of which is problematical at
least, if not improbable. To carry on this war, new
taxes will be neceflary; and having no security to
give, the consequence will be, that you will be obli
ged to pledge the old funds contrary to public faith
and the Security of the public creditors; or you will
be compelled to contract new debts; which, if the
war Should continue for any time, national credit
will be ruined, and the kingdom be undone —This
leads me to a consideration of the firft importance;
it is the general intention and indifference to the
interests of the nation, which prevail upon those to
whom they are entruffed. A most alarming profli
gacy of manners, and unbounded love of pleasure
and dissipation, have taken possession of almost all
ranks and degrees of people. Ministers are traded
indiscriminately, parliament has Surrendered or a
bandoned its right of controul, and all the great
concerns of the nation are trusted to chance, or to
men by no means fitted for the arduous talk of go
vernment. Howdo you think, my Lords, this will
terminate? When they find themselves borne down
under the preflare ot taxes, which they will be no
longer able to pay, when public credit is no more,
when public bankruptcy flares them in the face;
when in consequence ot such a hate of things, uni
versal ruin and despair Spread thcmfelves through
every part of this island. I will tell you my, Lords,
the people, are no longer able to endure such ca
lamities, and expelling no redress, where only it
can be legally or constitutionally fought, will Seek
relief in the means which God and Nature has
pointed out. They will no longer look up to Par
liament, lyecaufe Parliament has betrayed them,
has been deal to their entreaties, and inattentive to
their interests ft may be answered, that the present
measures are the measures of the people, that they
are approved of by a great majority of the nation,
and that they have, in a variety of instances, and
through a variety of channels, expressed the most
hearty and zealous approbation. I deny the fad;
but though 1 Should allow the proofs, they are very
far from combating any thing I have now asserted.
If the people have been paifled, or lulled into a de
ceitful security, it proves my argument on the
ground I have taken it up. It is not on the wisdom
and soundness of the measures, but on their fallacy
and evil tendency, that I draw the present deducti
ons. Besides addresses, and the various means em
ployed by men in power to obtain the public functi
on and approbation, will never pals with me for a
proof of their being the real sentiments of those to
whom they are imputed; for at no time since the
firft cftablifhment of the Monarchy did this ted of
public opinion manifeft itfelf more than during the
greater part of the reign of James the second. Ad
dresses, congratulations, engagements to fupprt him
with their lives and fortunes, poured in from every
quarter; yet, that Infatuated Monarch fatally found,
that they were but the mere efforts of ministerial art
and Court adulation. On the whole, my Lords,
considering this great question in all its different
points of view, and pursuing it in all its consequen
ces, I can perceive nothing but inevitable ruin. I
contemplate it with the moil pungent pain and anx
iety; I turn my face from it with horror.
T HE
„These have been my sentiments from the very be
ginning, and 1 have uniformly a &ed conformably
thereto. I have argued, prayed and implored that
the wild, ruinous and deftrudive project might be
laid aside. Ido now beseech your Lordfiiip, for
the last time, to bellow some further confederation
on the fubjed. The die is not yet irretrievably
call, the sword is drawn, but it may yet be sheathed.
The proportion now made to you by the noble
Duke may open a field for peace and reconciliation.
This opportunity once loft, I fear can never again
be recovered. 1 would beg to recall to your Lord
lhip's recollection what fell from me in the course
of the lah year when in another situation (where I
unhappily flood hngle in opinion) that I promised
to fubmiLa plan for composing the differences now
fulfilling , between Great-Britain and America to
your consideration. Whatever has Been urged by
the noble Lord in th blue ribbon, to the contrary,
I am convinced it is yet not too late, and that all
the miseries and calamities which now threaten tlie
nation may yet be averted, if we will only, without
didincuon of party, undertake the performance ot
the atouous talk with willing hearts and proper
dhpofuions. As to the treaties which make more
particularly the fubjed of this day's debate, (liey
have been to amply commented on, and fully ex
plained by the noble mover, that I Rould have
hardly troubled your Lordihip's, did not I think it
m yj' u 'y' as applying directly to the manner in
whicn this bufinels of foreign treaties has been con
duCltd on tile part of administration, to express my
utmost allonifiment at the language held by a no
ble Lord high in office, in whole department, as
Secretary of State, this negotiation must of course
have been tranfafted. The noble Lord rises to de
clare his ignorance, whether or not a Commander
in Chief, appointed by his Majesty, or the Com
mander of those foreign mercenaries, should have
the supreme command? Did his Lordfllip take up
on him to negotiate this, treaty, without any one
official requifae to condud and conclude it? or, has
hefiiftma.de tlie treaty, and after it is finally conclu
ded, and made binding on the nation, does he come
into this Houle totally ignorant whether he afted
right or wrong, to receive inftrudions from such of
your Lordships as Are conversant in military affairs,
to know wheiher the whole of the British dominion
in America is, or is not, to be under the absolute
commend of a foreign mercenary, at the head of
12.060 hirelings ?\ But suppose his Lordßip should
teli me, that the supreme command is veiled in the
Commander in. Chief, though he be a junior officer,
win he allure me, that tne matter has been so un
derstood by the Landgrave of Hesse, or that hi:
General is apprized of'it? Or lastly, will his Lord
ship inform me, whether fufficient provision has
l>een made in cate of death, or any other accident,
to tupply the vacancy with a iucceffion of other of
ficeis, who may eventually lye called to the com
mand, by commifhons granted for the purpose; and
that tile fiance and his General have been ac
quainted with this eventual arrangement, and have
aeqaiefeed in it? I think it proper before J fit down,
to allude to one circumftahce in which I took part,
but in which I was moll egregiously deceived; I
mean the vote I gave refecting the Massachusetts
bay Charter bill. I 0 induce me to give that vote,
I was informed, that the alteration of the Charter
was at the express desire of the merchants, and a
great majority of the people of property and con-
Lquence, inhabiting that Province. I have since
difeovered that I was deceived; for that at the
time, as well as since, the very contrary was the
fact. It has been indeed the dniform practice, since
the commencement of this business, to give falfe
information, or proceed on none. I have thero
fore only to deciare, that I would never have given
my fandion to that law, if I had not been led into
error by a falfe date of the matter; and though I
unhappily fell into the inare laid for me, I am now
free to declare, that the law tor altering the Charter
of Mafiachu(etts Bay, was in every reipea oppres
sive, impolitic, add uncouftitutional; and if cou
pled with the claim of taxation, I am fully inflified
in maintaining, that as one leaves the fubieh no
property, the other deprives him of every natural
Numb. LXXVIII.