National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-05-18 00:00:00, page 1

For the National Gazette.
T F.T a man abuse a physician, fays the
humotous author of Tom Jones, he
makes another phylician his friend ; but if
tie attacks a prie.t or a hornet, both nelts
are Aire to be indantly upon him.
This obfervatioii no: o.ily applies to the
clergy, but to cvt-ry body of men, whole
intermit: it is to continue linked together,
and whose consequence would be hurt by
an attack upon abuses, which serve to fup
purt their dignity. However ths liberty
->f the press is indefinite; and as therein
no other channel thro' which the senti
ments of an individual may be conveyed to
the public, and abuses. however rank,
cannot be eradicated before they art-
EP.own, and the obje£t of the author is no
thing but abuses ; no person has a right to
■complain when tiuih Hows from the pen,
and personality is avoided.
Under these considerations, Mr. Editor,
I submit to your judgment the following
queries.
ift. Whether a degree in medicine,
like honour, lliould not be a thing not to
be bought or fold ; whether every person
ifioifelfing medical knowledge should not bo
entitled to a degree, upon paying a rea
sonable compensation for an examination ;
and i'lftead of bt ing a certificate, as it now
is, that the purch.ifer has attended the lec
tures o: all the profeffors, should it not ra
ther be the test of merit j and if know
ledge i • diseases is not as ufeful, whether
obtained from Culten's First Lines, which
may be purchased for seven dollars, and
read over and over again, as when obtain
ed by retail'from a course of manuscript
Je-tures, transfcribed from this author,
which colt sixteen dollars.
2. Is it not the real interest of the man
of genius to bring about such a reforma
tion, and fit was to take place, would it
Hot have a good effect in obliging the com
piler or the plagisrilt to resign, or lecture
ta empty benches.?
3. Does not the practice of compelling
tho'e who wilhtograduate, to attend ali
the lectures, make a profeflorfiiip a sine
cure, and are not all sinecures contrary to
the true spirit of republicanism ?
4. Will not the degree-lhops of the
present day, appear equally as absurd to
poiletity, as the (hops in the time of Hen
ry the eighth, for felling indulgences, to
free the foul from the pains of purgatory,
now appear to us ?
5. As the knowledge of two thirds of
ail who buy degrees, is an indigested farra
-50. might not (lie practice of publishing
diflertations, commonly called theses, be
a'jolifhed, for reasons evident to every
medical man. Would not every valuable
purpofc be anfwered,by submitting the dif
iertation to the profeffors in m mufcript.alid
then, if worthy of publication, let it come
forth -v'th th... approbation ? If this was
t i take place, the world would not be pef
; red with, nor the press be delivered of so
i.iaay foundlings.
6. Is not a degree a (trip of parchment,
eiititßng the purchaser to *• Immunia, ju
ra, honores et privilegia," when in fact,
there are neither honors, rights, or privi
leges belonging to a degiee?
MARTIN LUTHER.
May 15th, 1793.
From the New York Daily Advertijer, of
Monday lajl.
7"" OWN I have fujh an unbounded defe
rente for the uames which ulher to the
world the Proclamation* of the 22d of
April, that I have concluded what seem;
tn me a palpable omiffioii in it, is' rather
t e rel'ult of my own ignorance than any
iixftake of theirs.—l die more readily ad
i! it my own poilible misconception, when
J recollect the predilection which the Se
o etary of State is said to entertain for thm
country, whose principles (dear I hope to
ile hearts of every American) have pro
cured against it the fhameful combination
which our proclamation only, I hope, re
cords withouL applauding. If it be true
tlut a virtuous man Itruggling with mis
s i tune-, is a fight upon which the godr,
may look down with pleasure, I aik, what
ought to be our sensations on feeing that
nation, to which .ve are indebted for our
L berty and Independence, struggling to
piieferve its own exiltence. — I am no law
yer by profeflion, and therefore know not
Jiftw far those matters may be underrtood,
.about which not a fyliable is exprefied.
See National Gazette, No. 155, for
i'ic President's Ptoclarnation.
Numb. 58 of Vol. ll.] SATURDAY, May.B, 1793.
By P. FRENEAU: Publijhcd. Wednesdays and Saturdays at Three Dollars per annum.
If the proclamation meant to inforrrt us,
that it was our duty and interest to observe
towards the belligerent powers, all the im
partiality confident -with treaties* I fee in
it that watchful solicitude for our honor
and interest, which has ever diltingnilhed
that great charafler which illiies it. I hope
this reference to the treaties, can by some
legal intendment be under/food, in which
cafe, (tho' the omilioii is somewhat sur
prizing) one is confined so tine bare fault in
the compolition—b'.rf if the doctrine which
I daily hear ot this neutrality, and which 1
fee has now in this llate, unproved itfelf
into the " itricteft impartiality," be in
tended for practice, I own, for one, that
is I cannot understand, I should be deft
rous utterly to disregard it. I hope I am
mistaken when I fee a d reft repugnance
between the subsisting treaties with France,
and the ftri&elt impartiality to the powers
which are at war with iier. These dilem
mas will soon present themselves, and it is
needless to add, there are enough upon the
watch to avail themselves of them. I con
fefs I have 110 delire to fee a Britifb fub
jefl producing our proclamation, while a
Frenchman refers us to the treaty. I
know the numbers to whom even a deci
ded coiiduft against France would be an
unspeakable gratification ; but I trust this
country is notgoinj; to mark its outset by
a dereliction which would leave even pu
nic faith so far behind it. These observa
tions may at lead call the attention of thole
to the fnbjeft, who know the reference 1
lament the want of, to be either useless or
eflential—in either cafe, I have done my
duty. He is not a good citizen, who, with
refpeot to the concerns of his country,-is
not able to fay, " liberavi animam mcafri"
however unimportant his
prove eventually.
Ext rath from French Papers printed at
Paris, from-March i—to Marsh 25th.
1. Zadkin Hovi itz, a Jew of Poland, to
his catholic fellow-citizen and friend A. J.
Gorfas, on matters relative l to Louis the
16th. 1
'• I cannot conje&ure. my dear catho
lic and apoitolic fellow-citizen, why so
much need be said about the sentence pro
nounced on Louis the 16th. His pretend
ed good qualities, his evil education, his
habit of intoxication, in short, every ex
cuse for him of this kind is absurd—as they
were equally applicable to Cartouche,
Maidrin, and many other criminals. As
to the plea of his inviolability, that invio
lability ceased the moment the king abdi
cated the crown, that is to fay, on the ve
ry day he accepted t'he constitution, and
I'wore to maintain it; since it was fu ,y
proved, that both prior to, and subsequent
to that day, he kept his guards conitantly
in pay, as well as the emigrants at Cob
lentz, in arms against their country —not
to mention a number ot other treasons by
him personally committed, and for which
his then miniller< could,not be held refpon
llble. Having abdicated the throne then,
and confequcntly ceased to be inviolable
for more than a year before his impeach
ment, it is cle;:r he was punishable for all
crimes committed after the period of ab
dication. It is absurd to fay, he did not
folenmly publish his abdication ; the con
stitution required no such formality ; it
does not fay that a traitor-king (hall bn
judged and condemned to lose his crown,
but that in the treason itfelf, he is to be
considered is having in fact abdicated it.
It is hefides, absurd to fay, that Louis the
16th ought not to be puniflied for his
crimes, bocanfe the constitution is not fuf
ficiently clear ill this respect; as well might
it l e argued, that the Athenians never pu
nillied parricide (or treason against coun
try,) because Solon had the prudence not
to mention it in his code of penal laws.—
Had the constitution even given to Louis
the right of murdering men, still he would
have been punishable by virtue of the law
natural, which is the firft, and more sa
cred than all human constitutions whatever.
Finally, the question not only concerns the
deaths of the patriots, but alio thole of the
emigrants, theSwifs guards, the Pruflians
and Auftrians, who have perished in awai
of Louis the t6th's contriving, for these are
also men, tho' men milled. Now, the e
migrants, the Swiss, the Pruflians, and the
Aultrians neveraccepted our constitution,
and their blood cries to heaven against the
emigrant French, William the ftadtholder,
and against Louis the i6th, their accom
plice. I fli ii only add a single reflexion :
If Louis had been acquitted, the nation
muf! have tacitly acknowledged itfelf guil
ty of the death of .lis agent*, Bachman pud
La Porte, who haung not been his mini
sters, v ere not r«ri lonfible for the crimes
that were commit ed by his order.
2. Wit'i the < cline of tyranny, the
gods of the earth ;:e also coming to their
end; those fconrr,; r nf mankind, to whom
the idolatrous fpir tof the world has too
lung offered ( * s of servility ! For
fourteen centurir,'. have we been tiarraf
fed by this unnatnrai order of beings ; in
ri.eir day of pride, they styled themselves
ourjnafters—and we basely submitted to
be called their fubjcfts, their slaves, and
in effect, their cattle. Vanity or caprice,
led them 10 undertake a thousand wars,
that have converted the best peopled coun
tries into inhospitable defarts :—ln de
bauchery and unbounded licentiousness
they have t > 'ed tiiofe immense contribu
tions, which they extoi ted from their
wretched worfhippi rs, reduced thereby to
iiveon hard and black bread, in order to
cover the tables of these monarchs with
fuinptuoßS delicacies, and to fill their pa
laces with your Lais'sand Meffalina's.
3. Itfeems fomeuhat strange that the
foil of Tufcany, amidlt the corrupted and
tyrannical governments that surround it,
:houM be so productive of virtue, as to
force the prince that govern it to follow
wife counsels, and measures of jnfticeand
prudence. Leopold, once Grand Dtike of
flffcany. while in • that station, merited
ihe general eftcem of Europe, which he
lolt upon succeeding to the throne of Vi
enna ; and probably had he only remained
Ouke of Tufcany, and been left <to hitn
felf, he would have acted with as much e
quity towards the French Nation, as the
present Duke . Ferokiand the 3d, who no
bly acknwledgcd cid- Republic-, when all
the tyrants of Europe were arming again!!
11s. From the very different condi.:£t of
monarchs and limited governors, on iimi-
I ir occasions, ay important truth maybe
deduced, thaf kinds' alwaj s czjlfait iheir
individual interelb, whiuh may be conli
dered as the spring of all their aitions.
4. The man mull almoll hate human
nature, that read*, thercp'>r: made to the
National Convention by the committee ol
a 4, that were appointed to collect and re
port the criminal causes of accusation a
gainfl the late king. Additional proofs are
every day riling up againlt him, tho' now
dead. Let us hazard thereon a few re
flections, The ccHiftitution of this, then
monarchy, had declared the perlon of the
king inviolable ; and supposed the refponli
bility of the king's minitlers fufljeient to
secure the due execution of the laws. Be
) ond all doubt, the inviolabil.ty of the mo
narch was a r.eitijary principle in a mo
il archical form of government; and is a
glaring proof of the imperfection insepara
ble from monarchy, becanfe in the vefv
firft article, a man inuft be acknowledges
independent of, and above the laws—o
man, againlt whom nothing coercive can
in any circumstance be employed. But,
after all, what is this mighty word, Invio
lability ?—The c,ue(tion is so natural, one
would think, that there could be no ex
cuse for not answering it—and yet it ha;
not been done, \\ hether thro' treachery or
negligence I will not fay.-The real im
port of the wprd seems to be, that any na
tion that allows the inviolability of itschicl
or any other u>.igiftrate, fells to that king,
or magistrate, the infallible right of op
prefling or convuHing the nation whenever
hepleales. The rejponfiiility of ministers is a
mere farce,and it is attonifhiiig it coulfrl have
been admitted into the former constitution
by those men of superior abilities and dis
cernment who were entrusted with the
framing of it. The responsibility of mini
tiers will evermore be a weak defence a
gainst the machinations of a b3d ki n g. Let
us suppose the king, in cafe ol'crimination,
to be left untouched, andth;:t therejpon
fible minister is seized 011. He h«s to an
•wer for his name appearing to orders, con
trary to law, which throw a damp upon the
exertions of national Jive),gth, or deliver up
France to her enemies.—Let us suppose
rhe trial begun. It is focn discovered that
it is of lehgtby process, witneiies are 10 be
collected from, all parts of the realm—eve
ry thing is embarrafied—the "chief magis
trate remaining in office in the mid ft of his
splendor, his courtiers, and his sycophants,
throws a weight into the scale that crulhes
all enquiry. But let ns suppose that one
or more refponsiUe miniitei s are at length
denounced traitors —let us even suppose
that the term ot their appointment is to be
closed in a few days ; (till, upon a ludden
emergency, fudi a? the enemy advancing
hafHly towards us, being at our gates, or
the like, of necessity the king, in ailing
the part of a fuvereign, would at that very
moment re-eftabliih his authority, would
cut oil the heads of his opponents, and re
ward those who had* favoured his de%; s !
—Such was the cafe on the iothof August
i 79 2 - A decisive execution upon the people
was to have followed the mandate cf the
king responsibility was a dream—and
there were tlioufands who looked upon
the cause of the king as the caije »j virtue
'tfelf The law of inviolability is there
tore merely nugatory, and a flat contra
diction to the universal reason and comir.oo
Tenfc of mankind.
Extract of a letter from the Members of
the Society of Friends to Liberty and
Equality at Nice, in Savoy, (dated Feb.
1 793*) to the National Convention,
ot France.
The citizens of Nice, the defcend
ints ot the ancient Phocians, are still wor
thy of their illustrious anceilors, by the*
irm resolution they have taken to renounce
ife, rather than that sacred liberty you
lave conferred upon them. This city and
:ountry has experienced many revoluti
ons, and the wounds received in different
iges, will yet bleed for a length of time-
In the year 551, ofthe Chriflian sera, we
rose upon the ruins of tlie ancient city of
■umea. Long before that Cpf r had re-i r
utedus to Narboreiifian Caul. 111 138?, we
ell a prey to Amadeus, seventh count of
Savoy. In 1543, our city was taken and
nined by the pirate B?rbarofiTa ; it after
wards recovered by flow degrees, but lofk
uuch of itsancient splendour. In 1691, it
iv«s taken by Marechal Catinat, and in
was given up to the Duke ofSavqv.
ft was taken by the Duke of Berwick in
1706, and was reflored to Savov at the
-reaty of Utrecht—ln 1744, the'S. an arc!s
md trench took pofTeflioji of it, oniy to
*ive it up again to its old tyrant. Fir I'y,
jii the 29th of September, 1792, a if. y to
56 ever memorable in the annal? or our
history, the Republican French came to re
[tore uc to those rights which tyrants had
111 urped from the sovereignty of the people.
We have now all taken a moll foleum
> ith, to live free or die. We are defceiid
lnts of those heroes ofPhocis, who, when
quitting theland of tyranny, threw a wedge
nto the sea, fweanr.g they would neVer
return till it should rife to the furface : Lre
jiflators of France, during seven centuries
vye were under the dominion of your na
ion; we were Frenchmen, and are dill
oby the vigour of our character. For
1 jco years we groaned under the hnJefijj
weight of despotism ; under the reign of
many hateful dynasties our ancestors, like
fours, dragged out a wretched existence ;
ant we are at length avenged. Now, freed
?ternally from the yoke of royalty, we
[hall no'longer be a prey to the defpet of
1 urin, who, in the sacred name of God,
thought himfelf authorized to tread man
kind under his seer. We have now ,wrru
:o be buried in the ashes of this city, ra
:her than become (laves to tyrants, to
whom we bear an immortal hatred."
! Official Paper, publijhed by order cf the
National Convention. J ■
The Republic of France contains at the
oweft computation, one hundred and
wenty millions of acres of land, improved
ind capable of improvement. This, 'at pre-'
ent, deducing paftnre-lands, forell:, ;,1-
ow-grounds, &c. produces yearly, fr.cty
niliionsoffetieri, [afetieristvvelve Englilii
>ufliels and two gallons. ] Such a coun
ry, inhabited by at lea.si twenty-fix mil
ions of ppiiple, if not thirty, may indeed
ometimesbe exposed to famine, but this'
rannot often happen.
It is now our business to open a more li
beral plan of commerce, than has ever yet
:aken place. This, with a prevention of
he infamous praflice of forell ailing, will
ecu re to the Republic an unfailing abund
ance. Let us protect commerce, .ndpi o ■
cure an accel'sto our veflels into ail coun
tries, and we (hall soon have an iinmenfe
importation of provifionsYrotn all qnaittrs
.il the globe. National famine, a;;d fear
city will then be mere names, that may
jnft recall the idea of our old tyrannical'
government, ami put us in mind that kins*
have exifled, Aich as Louis the last, who
by engrolfing the article of grain, »,ppref
fed and ftar»ed millions of his fiibj<tts.
England has had the address to engross
all t; v vrain -nd llour trade with the Vei
led btatTs of Amei.ca. She had too nt ch
railed the fweots of tliat trade before the
Americ an Revolution, easily to give it up.
J769, and 17:0, England drew
[Total No. 162.]