National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-06-12 00:00:00, page 1

French St. Domingo /"fairs.
[From Port au Trince papers..]
jIDDRES f of the merchants of tht town of
Part srt Prince in the national civil com
rrifiTio'ien, on board the America, a
French severity four gun/hip in the road
cf Port au Prince, dated the Bth of April,
i~9V [ Four-days before the fevire can-
took place of which -we have noted
rie particulars in former payrs.]
AS Ion» as we had any hopes remaining
that an accommodation would prevent
the misfortunes that are ready to burrt upon
Port auPrincf*. we did not think it our du
tv to trouble you in relation to the private
concern" of our commerce. Ar present e
very thing reminds us that we have every
thing to fear; we should t>e bbme-w orthy
then if we did not exert ourselves, in the
r-.nnr of that national commerce whose
confidence we possess, to make such rtpre
fentations as will serve to the advance
ment of its "laterelt•
We not here undertake the de
fence of an li.ifortnnate town, now for
three yeiri part the -victim of perfidious
eondutt; e will begleave toobferve,hosv
ever, that it ispninftil for its inhabitants to
be actitfed of cronies without being fnffer
eJ to exculpate themselves; to fee them-
Xelvesmenaced with puniihment without,
being informed what crimes are laid to'
their charge. Will the delegates of the
nation condemn them without a hearing;
will they indiscriminately involve in their
proscription the friends of lawful govern
ment. the faithful children of the parent
country, and these who are ecculed of
being declared enemies of both?—No; it
is impolßble the breasts. of the commillion
ers can harbour so cruel a thought. But,
citizens com,niffiont rs, if we ihouldl for a
moment flatter ourselves with a ray ofhope,
liow can we otherwise then despair when
we reflect that t-y your proclamation of
the 2ut ofl*ft Muixh. you involved us
all in an indiscriminate fcntcnce of fttfpici
on, and held as curtain truths the {lander
ous assertions of our enemies, carrying des
pair into every heart by your threats of a
deplorable ti-anfportJtion of the merchants
of Port au Prince from their homes and
properties. What citizen would not
tremble, however innocent he might be,
to fee hii name on the lilt of the proscribed;
to be separated from his wife, his children,
his property, from those vai ious great and
sacred concerns which are intruded to him,
and to be dragged like a criminal to the
terrible tribunal ofthe national convention
of France I In our hands remain the for
tunes, and perhaps the last resources of
those valuable men, to whom the republic
of France owes its prosperity. In defend
ing their iyterefts, we defend those of
the mother country, who vflll fine' in their
generous and inexhaustible patriotism the
means of refitting the enemies of liberty :
and vet. for fifteen days palt all our buli
nefs is suspended. An embargo lias been
put upon our droguing vessels, that keep
up a commercial connexion with all parts
ofthe colony, supply those with provisions
which cannot be resorted to by vessels from
foreign parts, and serve as transport ves
sels for the commodities with which our
foreign fhipsare laden. And how shall we
answer the private engagements we have
made; how (upply the demands of our
correspondents in Europe, if all our abili
ties are thus fettered ?
The armament in our harbour wears a
menacing afpeft, and the land forces col
lefted trom the weltern quarter, are
brought hither to annihilate the I ast hopes
of national commerce instead of aiding the
citizens of Port au Prince and Croix des
Bouquets to support them. At this inltant
the revolters are wafting and burning the
rich possessions in Cul de Sac; instead of
hastening todeftroy the villains, you arm
against a town that is actually at war with
• them, and which begs you for peace. You
retufeall intercourse with us, reject the
deputations we have lent to you. and-fliew
every hostile difpolition. Alas I do you
perceive how much future mifchiet is the
consequence of such steps. Do you know
that we have on lhore here our papers
and precious effects, and merchandize the
value of which is inestimable? that neither
these papers nor these articles of merchan
dize are our own, but that we are merely
the truttces of the greater part ? that their
deftruftion would occasion numberiefs
failures, which failures would bring on the
ruin 9fnational commerce, already shock
ed by the misfortunes it hasfuftained ; and,
finally do you knc\v,meflieur3 commifiion
Numb. 65 of" Vol. ll.] WEDNESDAY, June 12, 1793.
By P. FR E NEA U: (at No. 209, Market Street) Publijhed WedhSsdats and Saturdays, [Three Dollars per annum.']
ers.thatyou will be responsible for th»felof
(es,and that fix millionsofunfortnnate peo
ple, who are supported by commerce, will
with cries of defpiir demand vengeance
on the national convention.
Can it be your intention to set at defi
ance this aweful refponlibility, and there
by reduce u$ todefpair? we can 110 lon
ger doubt it, finre the orders you have giv
en to the captains ef the merchant veue'3,
to anchor out fide of the ships of war.
What can be your deflgns—will you pro
ceed to the last extremities against a town
whose petitions you have refufed to hear?
we now declare to you in form that the
I order you have given to the mercantile cap
tains cannot be executed without efl'enti
, ally injuring the concerns of trade. In
deed, only call your eyes on the situation
of the vessels in the road, few of them are
loaded or even ballasted ; it would be next
to impofiible that they can go out ot the
harbour, or be conducted into the grand
road without being exposed to considera
ble damage, and probably to a total lof>.
Besides, moll of the captains have their
cargoes on shore, which they are obliged tc
guard carefully : and how can they attend
to this duty, if you order them away tc
the grand road, at so confiderablc a difl
ance from thsir property. Will you an
swer for it, that on your attacking the
towu the commercial magazines will bt
refpeftcd ; and would y«u not be held re-
Jponfible for the loflTes that might happen
through plunder or conflagration ?
It is impoflible to calculate the evils at
tendant upon civil war ; and not one ol
them but is a mortal flab to the interefh oj
trade. Citizen commiflioners, before yot
proceed to extremities, refieft that peace i:
for the advantage of this colony, and thai
France Hands, in need of her commerce,
and that you yourselves will be held fori
oufly refponlible for the loss of either,
What is the meaning of that general em
bargo la.ii rolelv on tills port, w/lich put:
a flop to all ourbufinefs and occafians im
mense lofies to commerce. What mean:
that obflinate silence you keep notwith
standing ourprefling and repeated folicita
tionstoyou to explain yourfelve»—Wh-.|
mean those threateninglleps you are tak
ing against a town on whose fate a verj
large (hare of the national commerce de
pends?—ln fine, what conflruction arf
we to put upon the orders you have giver
to the captaius of the trading vessels to re
tire outlide of the ships of war ? —Is it re
ally your design to canniuiade th,e town
and to deflroy in one inflant the merchan
dize and debts due to the national trade
for such wi the consequence oftlie leal
ast of hoflility on our part.
We repeat to you, is it a time when thi
revolters lay waste and burn the rich pof
fellionson the plain,when they are ruinin;
the sources of national commerce, that yot
think it your duty to excite a civil war 11
the weflern province by arming fourteei
parishes against one. Is :t not raihei
your duty to deflroy the revolters befort
you think of re-eftablifliing order in ;
place where all is quiet—and do you sup
pose you will not have to answer for th<
conflagrations and devastations which art
daily committing in the plains,for want o:
the flipulated relief, which your procla
mation has prevented the neigbouririg pa
rishes frcun fending.
Citizen cojnmifiioncrs, we now declare
to you that this addref's is to be printec
and to be transmitted to all the commerci
al settlements of the republic, that we
transfer to yourselves all the refponfibilitj
we lay under to our conflituents, and thai
we will notify to them, that if they fuffei
lofies, we have used every argument vvitl
you to prevent them. You are ruininj
the colony instead of saving it, and tindei
pretence of avenging affronts which Franct
has never received, you will soon plunge
her into mourning, misery and consternati
on. Renounce then your intended attack,
give peace to the citizens of Port au Prince
and be convinced that they are worthy o]
the Freuch republic, and do not inerii
{lander or abu'fe. Suffer truth to fliine in
to yoi\,and turn not away from the mirror
we hold up to you. In a short time you
will no longer be able to look at it ; the
misfortunes we predict will fall upon your
own heads will then re
gret that yon had not prevented them.
Ye depoluaries of national confidence, the
voice of commerce ought to have some in
fluence 011 you. She has some right to a
foeciol proteflion, and you cannot without
acting a criminal part towards your coun
try,expof'e her bell intereflsto definition
[The foregoing was signed by near sixty
merchants and trading companies ir. Port
iu Prince ; the cannonade, notwithstand
ing took place on the 12th (four days af
ter the dite of the above J for the reasons
mentioned in the cominiflioners' letter :
See National Gaz. Numb. 166. j
For the National Gazette.
THE absurd zeal of some idolaters of
monarchy among us, in makinga god
of the late king of Franse jhas, as usually
happens, driven some warm republicans
into the opposite extreme of makinga de
vil of him. So aifo the base and wicked at
tempts to quibble and pervert the honest
meaning of the treaty, with France, to
bUeken tlie character of the French patri
ot, and to turn th£ stream of tfie republic
j '.'£lion from our republican friends and
a' ies towards a monarchical nation that
e en facrifiees her interest to her hatred
•"id afFefled contempt of us, have had a
liuilar e£'e£t ill routing honest paflions into a
fervour that would forget the blessings ol
peace and the pioper laws of neutrality.
It is the business of moderate men, who love
both their country aud the caule of liberty,
to check the folly of those who meaji well,
where it is thus produced and flimulated
by the orpolipe conduit cf others. It u
fiaterely to be desired that full credit
Ihotild be given to the unhappy Louis for
all the good qualities and merits he poflef
edj and that his weakiiefles, his vices, and
his guilty deeds Ifcould be no further re
membered or brought into view than may
be iiecefiary to do juftioe to a great patri
ots nation, and to Cave the cause of liber
ty aidhpmanicy from unmerited reproach.
Moderate men will upon the fame princi
ple wi Vto fee our country remain in peace,
a; -' leap all the benefits of neutrality, b>
a ~'e ct conduct that will give no just pro
utie hand. iior violate cm- e#.
gagements. our gratitude,or any of our mo
ral duties on the other.
Nothing is more certain than that a verj
refined policy calculated upon a felfilh scale,
generally outwits and always dishonours it
felf. This is a true and a trite observation
in private life, and holds equally as good ir
public affairs. For after all that has beer
said and written of the art of politics and
the maxims of (late, mankind seem to have
been brought back by the light of experi
ence to these simple honest truths, that the
best rule a nation can go by, is that which
should govern individual persons; and the
best rule individuals can follow is the e
vangelical one of doing to others as they
would have others do to them.
That we may therefore apply these rules
of condlift to the present cafe of America,
let us suppose that the French revolution
had happened before the American, and
that the people of America had been in a
state to heJp the French in the struggle for
their liberties, and had accordingly made s
generous treaty with them, sent them met
and money, and by these means had affifter,
and enabled the French to fliake off the ty
rannical yoke of kingly government, and
to eftiiblidi a free republican government,
like that of America, founded on the au
thority of the people, and intended for
their good. Let 11s next suppose that af
ter a (hort lapse of time an attempt were
made by a powerful monarchy, aided by
tyrannical princes and mercenary armies
for the purpose of robbing America of her
liberties and establishing over the people
the yoke of despotism. In this littiation,
let any candid virtuous man fay what sen
timents and difpolition might reafonablybe
expected by America from France in re
turn for what had palfed ; and in particu
lar let every American fay what he w 011UI
think of any set of men in France who
should endeavour to blacken the American
character, wish success to the despotic at
tack on her liberties, and do all thfy could
by indifett means, to forward the destruc
tion of a republican government in the
country of an ally and a benefactor that
had afiifted them in attaining a like free
government for their own country. The
leaft'that could be said would surely be,
thattheynruft either be void of the commoi:
feelings of men,or be falfe in their preten
ces of having any good liking to their own
republican government.
Those who have right principles in their
minds, with a tolerable snare of plain good
sense cannot, I think, be at any lofsto de
cide how Americans ought to feel, think,
and conduct in the present juncture t>f af
fairs.
As it would not he in our power to ren
der much aid by furce of arms to France,
and there is no ground to suppose that
France defiret or expeftsit, we are happily
freed from the only part of the quenioni
that could poflibly prove a difficulty or an
embarraflinent ; and under these circum
stances every honest American, friendly ro
the cause of liberty and humanity, and ihi
dious of the conlilfency and honour of his
country, must and will fay, Fir/1, The war
of the combined powers again!! the repub
lic of Fiance being notoriously dictated by
a malicious hatred againftthe rightsof nati
ons and the principles of liberty,ought tobe
execrated by every humane heart, and a
disappointment of their wicked designs
wilhed & prayed for by every rational and
well disposed mind.
Secondly, The obligations the treaty
with France, made when (o much needed
by America, «nd lb conducive to securing
to us the blessings ot freedom, now ilrug
gling for by France herfclf, ought to be
relig'oully discharged, and explained, with
out fophiitry or fubterfuge, in the obvious
sense and meaning of the parties at the
lime of making the fame.
Thirdly, Every external peaccable cx
prellion of kind and grateful afft-ftion to
the French republic is proper, and honour
able to the people of the United States.
Fourthly, 11 is their duly as men, as free -
men, and as confident Americans, as fur'
as they have a right by the law of ratio': s, to
favour and befriend the nation engaged on
the fide of liberty, humanity, and republi
can government (and that has a'fo been
the benefactor & supporter of America in a
like calife) and to refufe every ast of fa
vour and Iriendlhip that can br of right
withheld from the powers combined, as
every American believes and feels, ngainft
the laws of justice, and the lreedom and
happiness of bnman nature.
These are the sentiments, Mr. Freneau,
. Mti» seem to row from apt filtioc
ration, combined with a iincere attach
ment to liberty. I believe, nay I am fine,
the> willbe found the real fentimems ofihe
great body of virtuous and jiifcreet citi
zens ; and that inasmuch as they cannot
fail to be moll honourable to America in
the eyes of the best part of mankind, ana
above all, inoft pleasing in the fight of ti.e
Almighty parent of the univerle, so in the
end they must be moll favourable to th«
true and lasting, interests of our country.
An AMERICAN.
Philadelphia, June fv
For the National Gazette.
'T~)FMEMBF.R Thou art a man," was
JfV ' n ancient times the wife admoniti
on i epeated daily to a certain exalted per
lon age. who am id all the dazzling fpiericnpr*
of enor»icus wealth and supreme terrestri
al power, (fill retained so much cool ie
fle£lion as to appoint a monitor, v hose sole
business was to check the vain ambition of
his inafler, by a daily repetition of the so-
If mil memento above quoted, fie proba
bly deemed this precaution the more necef-
Cary from a confcioufnefs,that like all kings
emperors, governors, and other supreme
magistrates, he was liable to be so far in
toxicated by the adulation of court syco
phants, as well as by the vanity incident
to an exalted station, that he mijht be
presumptuous enough to conceive himfeif
foinething more than mortal.
To the want of fiu«i a monitor, and to
the poison of fnch lycephants, we may
doubtless afcribr, in a great degree, t!"e
infatuation of some modern great fnen,
who feemon certain occasions to arrogate
to themselves abfulute perfection, an attri
bute of which theydare ty rob the ftiprcm*
being. That the claims of petty mortals
to infallibility fhou'd not only be tolerated,
but supported by the bulk of mankind in
all ages, is not less wonderful than true.
It is indeed strange that the glare of a
throne, or the splendor of a crown fhvuld
so far dazzle the eye» of men, as to make
the possessor of either appear to them far
superior to his fellow mortals, in vifdom
and integrity as well station.
Without attempting to account for the
origin of a species of idolatry so degrading
to the human charailer, fufiice it'to fay,
that all the artificcs of political ttiyftery
and court intrigue have been coxiftantly
employed to perpetuate the delulion. The
mock-deity himfeif hrs generally kept up
the farcical appearance oj superior \vifdoiu,
by imitating as much as possible the ex
ample cf the bird of night, whose wife and
[Total Numb. 169.]