National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-04-06 00:00:00, page 2

principles of his ch.-raSei 1 —T that i:obls
p_lo v of Sympathy for the unfortunate
po >r. lad iiuc retided mereiy 111 the hollow
i\jinnl of profefliuii, would not Something
tangible have been brought into view be
fore this, for their belief? His conduit
7/ives the lie direfl to Ins pretended fenfibi
iity. as displayed in the 3d proportion—and
curSss of the n-fceflitous widow and orpliaii
reduced to indigence, are now daily heard
:j 5.1 in ft the author of their w retch ed
llefs.
A view of the 4th proposition will afford
one of the molt demonstrative proofs ot
his duplicity that could pollibiy be given;
< ontr acted with his present Silence, and his
pertinacity, what imprellions does a peru
f d of that article leave upon the mind? —
The ivalls of a pri/'on, secure that
CONFIDENCE tu'itch hi feels might have
b:en JUSTLY placed in his HONOR.'
Honor!— Good God! A prostitution of
terms, hitherto held Sacred among man
kind, is here discovered. which, by all dif
cerning men was seen in the beginning,
and which the moit credulous mull now
See as obviously as the fun 3t noon.
After hliving precipitated thousands into
distress—aster" having ruined hundreds,
to whom he never meant to make repa
ration, the deluforyaddrefs comes forward;
couched in terms, and conceived in a man
ner which apparently prepoflefied feverai
(who were uninterefled) in his favour.
Hio deSign undoubtedly was to lull the pub
lie vigilance, and allay the ferment and ex
alteration excited by a detection of hi:
baseness and fraud.
He has now appealed to "7V»je"—bill
ho.v does it refulr in a conviction that he
pofl'efl'ed "A conscience void of intendet
injury!"—-Is it not rather evident tiiai
conjcious guilt drove him to feck an afylun
within the ltrong walls of a prison ; per
suaded that 110 other method would be ft
effectual to elude the vengeance of lus cre
ditors?
" An adequate fund for the ultimate re
demption of the principal and legal i: ter
eft of all his debts," was proniifed within
nine months —Where is it ?—We hear 11c
more about Mr. Oner's arrangements i
11 either never exilted even in possibility,
or it has indeed been " placed beyond hii
reach," —The general opinion, that he poS-
Seises a secreted property of great amount
is probably well grounded ; ior it would be
next to miraculous that the whole could be
ililflpated so suddenly and entirely, as to
leave him deflitute —One of his Subordi
nate tools has been Hourifiling at Newark,
and scattering the grains of villainy with a
profufion equally extraordinary and intle
fenlible, coniidering the derangement of his
affairs, and the jult claim which many
have 0.1 hi 111 fell as well as on his princi
pal.
To divert the public mind from the con
templation of his business, Mr. Oner, 1 ill
Snring, when the conduit of the cnuvaffer?
was the object of ferutiny throughout thi:
slate, came forward under the signature of
Oracctiuand by his polluted phillipp'cs.
endeavored to raise a faitious Sedition
a along the people, in the hopes, that in
proportion as our thoughts were engaged
on .1 great political topic, would tine infa
my of his traufaftions, the complicated vil
lainy of h'sSpeculating projects be obliterat
ed from the memory—That period is paS
sed—the question has been decided by the
legislature, and it is now high time to ad
vert to objeits which more immediately
and personally affect 11 s.—l therefore call
upon you,
WILLIAM DUER!
to enter on your proniifed explanation •
exhibit your account ; point out the sources
and amount of your lojfes ; and conjlithte
an a.U.juate fund for the ultimate redemp
tion of the principal and legal ivterejt oj
all your debts. Your character is already
1 tamped with VILLAINY in letters legible
to all the world ; retrieve it if pofiible;
surprise us with a performance ot your en
g igemcnts ; and give one more proof, that
though you have deceived the people into
a belief of yourpojfible honesty. by a fal
lacious address : yet your intentions were
rigidly honorable, and that your confine
ment has been for 110 other purpofc than to
enable you to perform the part of an ho
uclt man.—The foppofed impofiibility of
your being a man of honor and honesty will,
then strike us with a proportionate aston
ishment. D.
From the Virginia Gazette.
y T is to be regretted, that under a re
publican government, and among people
who have fought for its inefiiinable and
fundamental characterises ; there fliould
be any persons patronized by the commu
nity who do not contribute towards Sup
porting the enchanting fabric.
Bin strange as it may appear to be, the
liberty of the press, though Secured by the
con!ti:ution of the United States, is fet
tered : and by whom? Those very per
lon, who have been fanned into animation
bv the friendly breezes of public confi
dence; who, contrary to the principles of
atirude, treat the dear bought privile
:. of their countrymen with contempt, to
■i- uify a few inSignificant characters, who
irom their conScious tangibility, mav wiih
10 shield ■ aemSelves under the banners ol
» vena! ar reffrai.ied preSs.
-11l Ei.gVmd, before the genial rnys of
freedom had invigorated the mi ids of the
people, the liberty ot the press was not
known : theart of printing was only va
luable to the governors, because it was
•• fybject to the coercion of the crown.*"
but we find at a subsequent period, when
the representatives ot tlie people began to
have a proper idea of their importance,
though attempts were madebyene branch
of government to continue its fetters
" yet tiie parliament reiifted them so
llrongly that oppolition finally expit ed, and
the press became properly free in
and lias continued so ever linct-:'' and we
may farther remark that a crown law
yer, whose mind it is natural to fnppofe
was under undue influence, has not the
confidence to recommend any other re
(lraint, " than to punilli (as the law doet
at present) any dangerous or offenfive wri
tings, which, when publiflied, lhall on
fair and impartial trial, be adjudged of a
pernicious tendency."
If this was the language of a Minion, at
a crilis too, when the representatives of
the people were perpetually ilruggling a
gainll the ariftocratical branch of govern
ment ; lhall those to whom we have dele
gated authority, at this enlightened period,
when the whole universe is in agitation,
and zealoudy engaged in fapDing every
germ of disproportion in point of impro
per encroachments, either on the part of
the governors or governed, attempt to
introduce innovations fubveriive of the li
berty of the press ? But perhaps it may be
said, my apprehensions are groundless:
that the press is as free as it has been since
ill revolution j which is certainly the cafe
so tar as it relates to inserting any pioduc
tion which may be conveyed to the printer
for that purpofc* But what will it avail
us, if from the tax which has been laid on
newspapers, the poorer fort of people have
it not in their power t<» read them ? If
we intend by the liberty of the press to
ere£t a barrier againlt the tyrannical usur
pations of those in whom we have veiled
power by representing their conduct in a
fair point of view before the awful tribu
nal of their conflituents ; surely the more
generally such information is dilfeminated,
the nearer do we approach to the object at
which we aim : Put if by this inlidious
tax, tlu'fource of this attempt is checked,
we are certainly as unfortunately lituated,
as if the pi cfs had been guaranteed to
Congress by the constitution. Perhaps it
will be urgrd, that as the tax is inconsider
able, it w ill prevent but few people from
taking the papers : to which I answer,
that if Coigrefs hive a light to lava tax
ot even one ..ent. they may extend it to
one t.'ioufand dollars : and surely it never
will be plead in exculpation of a crime,
that there was not much of it—Again, it
gives thou a decided influence over the
printers, as an increase of the tax would
lelfen the number of fubferibers, and we
all know from v oful experience, that in
terelt in this country has proven itfelf to
be a match for integrity.
CATO.
* Not univtrfally true, however. It is
well biown that a Jncakirg rejpett for trea
suries and treajury men has with J owe pro
ved the abortion-do/e of many apiece that
ought, upon the principles of impartiality,
to have J'een the light.
To the EDITOR of the NATIONAL
GAZETTE.
S I R,
T HAVF. lately heard much refpefting the
Cen'' s of the United States, and have
obtained I'ome with difficulty, having called
five times at the narional bank, and found
" no cents to day."
The value of these mud increase in gen
eral eflimation. when it is known that they
cost the United States fix pence a piece,
calculating the salaries of the public and
private officers engaged in their manufac
iure. However, there are many causes to
which we may attribute their scarcity—
Connoifl'eurs have been deputed from dif
ferent antiquarian societies in Europe to
collect all the variety of coins iflued by this
flourifliing country ; and as it is necefi'ary
to give good impreflions, the frequent
breaking of the dies must be thus account
ed for, and not attributed to the imperfett
knowledge of the artists engaged in the
work. Another cause of the coijis being
in demand, we have lately ascertained to
arifefrom speculation for the French, who
will at any price buy the head of Liberty
engraved so freely and unconfined. It re
presents natural liberty. \\ hich is the 1110 ft
perse.3—the face is consequently favape,
the hair like wire, or strong Indian hair
never combed, defp ling the ea(y wave of
ringlets as too foppifh tor republicanism.
A chain is 011 the reverse, (hewing clearly
that American liberty is the reverje as jia
very. The fmallnefnof the coin may be
considered in more advantageous lights
one.
id. It expends less copper, and confe
quentlv gives less encouragement to the
miners of England, our political enemies.
2clly. The coin is more portable,and w ill
not neceflitate us to call so loon for silver
and gold coins :
And the workmanship is foexquifite that j
no tvio in engraving will evei think of is
suing counterfeits, through the temptation
of (gaining by the copper ; for though ihe
coins are sO various that i)o pe.rfoil c:»n If id
two alike, yet tile fame gre.it matterly
touches at' the artiit, have given them a
stamp of originality, that can never beper
feitly imitated ; and we hear it is in con
templation to cut a die in diamond, which
will never futfer injury ; but if none can
befound in our own mountains, the Recent
lately presented by the French to the Kni
peror of the Turks, will be purchased by
our AmbalTudor for the pur pole.
I am, Sir, your moll obedient,
And molt humble servant!
A FREE MAN.
April J, [793.
FRENCH NATIONAL CONVENTION.
ThursjAy, January 17.
The Appeal Nominal ou the question,
what puni[iimeut (hall lit: inflated upon
Louis Capet ? continued through the whole
of yelterday, aud the preceding night, eacli
member alligning reasons for his opinion.
The following are the moll remarkable :
Delligoyte—" I will not enter into any
compolition with tyrants. I vote for death
and ipeedy execution of the sentence.''
Garran de Coulon—" 1 am of opinion
we cannot exercise, at the fame time, the
functions of Accufcrs, Judges, and Jury.
The people did not delegate to us th* right
of pronouncing without their ratification.
I conlider that to be tyranny, when men
place thcmfelves above that ever sacred
law, the sovereignty of the people. I re
fpecl the opinions of those who entertain
sentiments different from mine, but I can
not adopt them."
Chabot—" I vote for death, because
Louis has been a tyrant ; because he is Hill
one, because he may again become so."
Robertfpierre—" Because you havee
ftablifhed youi selves the judges of Louis,
without the usual forms, are you less his
judges } You cannot separate your quality
of judge from that of legillator. These
two qualities are indivilible. You have
acknowledged the crimes of the tyrant.
It is your duty to punish them. No con
federation ihould make you hclitate re
fpefling the punWhment reserved for the
greatest criminal that ever exilted. 1 vote
for the punilhment of death."
Danton—" I am not one of those states
men who know not how to determine but
from political principles. lam a republi
can,anil do not hclitate refpcflingtbe choice
of that puniflmient reserved for Louis the
last. You ought to (tiike terroi into ty
rants by an inllexiblity of character. I vote
for the punilhment of death."
Robert—" 1 vote for death ; and if any
regret remains with me, it is, that my com
petence does not extend to all tyrants. 1
would condemn them all to death."
Barrere—" The tree of liberty does not
fiourifli, unless inoiltencd with the blood
of kings. I vote for death."
ECALITE—" Those w ho have made,
or may make attempts againlt the fove
reignt* of the people Oeferve death. I
vote for death."
Condorcet—" I declare that no circum
stance except theprefent, could inducc me
to pronounce sentence of death againlt any
one. 1 requelt, that the feverelt pir.iiih
ment, next to death, may be inflated 011
Louis; but in cafc death (hall be pro
nounced against him, I requelt that the po
litical eonlideration presented by Malche,
viz. ' Whether the punilliment ought to be
accelerated or retarded ought to be dif
culTed."
Lananal — " A republican is a man of few
words. The motives of my opinion nre
here, [laying his hand upon his heart] I
vote for death."
Barbaroux—" I vote for the death of
the tyrant. In a few moments I fliall vote
for the expullion of his family."
Villette—'• I vote for the confinement
of Louis as an holtage of peace. He is o
verturned amidst the ruins of the throne,
and will now close up every avenue of it."
Anarcarfis Cloots—" In the name of
the human race, I vote for the death ot
Louis."
Thomas Paine —" I vote for the provi
lional confinement of Louis, aud for his ex
pulsion after the war."
BrilTot —" lam of opinion, that the only
way of avoiding the dangers which threa
ten us, is to pronounce the punilhment of
death againfl Louis, and defer his execu
tion to the moment when the people shall
have fanftioned the coultilution which we
fliall present them."
The Prelident announced, that he vas
going to proclaim the result of the Appeal
nominal. The molt; profound silence pre
vailed for fevcral minutes. He laid,
•' The Aflembly is composed of seven
hundred and forty-five members—one of
these is dead, fix indif'pufed, two ablent
without cause, and censured in the minutes
conformable to the decree, eleven abfeut
upon commiflions, and four who do not
vote, making in all twenty-three member
who have given no opinion. The number
of votes is thus reduced to seven hundred
and twenty. In order that there may bi
a majority, it is nectflary that there should
bean union of 361 fultV: ger. Twenty
one numbers have voted for djath, wits
the demand ot .1 difcolium on tlie period of
his execution ; one has voted for death,
with the reserve of its commutation or de
lay ; two for death, not to be carried into
execution till peace, 11 ilefi ill cafe ofinva
lion oftheFrenchte: ritory, to beinflated ill
hours after tlie invalioi; two for chains:
31 w for imprifoqmeiit and banilhment; and
366 for death.
Th; Prelident then lowering the tone of
his voice, amidtt the molt awful iilence,
proclaimed the following sentence :
'• I declare. thai, in the rtame of the
Convention, that the punijhment which it
pronounces againll Louis Capet. is
DEATH."
January 2 1.
On Friday morning,the Dauphin flo!e
down (tairs—the sentry at the door *<kecl
him where i e was going—" into the Ifreet
replied the infant prince, through all Pa
ris to beg of the people not to lei 11 my dear
papa." One of the guards carried him to
the king ; when he heard u hat the child
had Hi id, he burlt into tears, and pressed
him to his bof'om.
The king took leave of the queen and
his infant son and daughter, at five o'clock
yesterday afternoon. The queen was in a
raving delirium.
Defeze, the king's connfel, is dying with
a broken heart.
M. Malefherbes is the man who announ
ced the king his fate in these words : —
uMy prince I know you are courage
ous, but I cannot forbear telling you, sen
tence has been parted."
" Well then (said the devoted king) so
much rhe better, my resolution is already
tormed. I behold, without terror, my lalt
hour approaching : and I (hall layiny liead
011 the block without any uneafmefs ; what
will perhaps furprifeyau more, is, that my
wile and filter think on this fubieft exattlv
as I do." '
Maletherbes fell at his feet and said ; " I
will never leave you, my good prince, I
would die for you."—He was torn from
the royal victim by a municipal flitellite,
who tolil him, lie had orders from the
council that he Ihould quit the temple.
Malelherbcs departed, and fainted before
the door. He was cariied home, and is
much indisposed.
His ma jetty had embraced him, taking a
ring ot; his finger and (jiving it to him, fay
in£ "Remember me!"
January 22.
THE EXECUTION.
Conformably to the arrangements made
by the executive council, Louis was yes
terday put to death at the Place tie la Re
volution, heretofore Place de Lo: is XV.
Twenty five citizens, of known princi
ples, well armed,acquainted v\itli t!.emanu
el exercise, and having each hxteen rounds
ot (hot, were chosen from each fettion to
form & guard of 1200 men, who accompa
nied the unfortunate monarch to the place
of execution.
Strong detachments from the different
legions were polled in the itreets through
which the royal prjfoner was to pass, and
also in all the avenues leading to the Place
de la Revolution, topi event any confufion.
and each fe&ion had a body in reserve,
ready to move at a moment's notice, to
maintain pub.ic order, Ihould any attempts
have been made to disturb it.
Cannon were also distributed in every
quarter w here it was thought they could be
any way serviceable, had events made it
■ leceffary to have employed them: for
even to the lall moment the sanguinary
taction, who pronounced the death of the
unfortunate monarch, manifefled symp
toms of fear that some attempt might be
Blade to rescue him.
Between eight and nine o'clock in the
morning Louis proceeded tiom his apart
ments in the temple, and cot into the May
or's carriage, who accompanied him, as
did also M. h.dgworth or de Fermon, an
Irith prietl, whom he requested might at
tend him. Louis was dretied in a brown
greatcoat, white wuiftcoat, black bree
ches and liockings ; his hair was drcfied.
The procefl.on, commanded by Mare
fchal Santerre, proceeded along the Bou
levards to the place (le la Revolution.—
One hundred Gendarmes on horseback
formed an advanced guard to the procef
fioii. The rear guard was composed of
one hundred national guards from the
military school. Various reserves of ca
valry lined the procefliou and patroled the
outskirts of the city.
The unfortunate monarch arrived at
the foot of the fcaffold at twenty minutes
part ten. He mounted the fcaffold with
firmnefc and dignity—appeared desirous to
ddrefs the people, but even this was deni
ed him—d.ums and trumpets gave the
Signal, and at twenty two minutes part ten
his head w as fevered from his body.
The place de la Revolution was so
strongly guarded by troops, that no person
was flittered to pais after tie king had en
tered it—thofi, lumeic., who had previ
oullv entered and near enough to the
fcaffold notV'ithf!auilin<' the indecent noise
of the drums and tn-mpets, heard him
plainly pronounce these words— 11 Citizens
1 forj \ ir.y e;:tc,ivs, u;.u 1 die innocent !