The Pennsylvania evening post — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-05-04 00:00:00, page 2

But these are but temporary evils, in comparison to the last
dreadful catastrophe. It mutt establish a military despotism
in the colonies, which the revenues of an oppressed people .
never can pay. An army that the men of this country can
never supply, which therefore foreign mercenaries must fill,
and all this with additional powers in the crown, that must
end in the subversion of the constitution. I make no doubt
many men labor in the support of this business, purposely to
effect that end. The contentions in a free government do not
accord with their feeble, corrupt, luxurious dispositions..
That the spirit of the people should so long lie deceived by.
their arts and management, is to me astonishing. I shall
wait patiently some farther calamity, for no reasoning on the
certain progress of things in a growing empire can effect
their narrow minds. That this may soon happen in a small
degree, as the only means of faying the. diffelution of the
whole, I ftncerely wish, for the good of the public; misfor
tunes if duly watched are often times as profitable to an un
feeling multitude as they are ufeful to private individuals.
But let those who now encourage measures that must inevita
bly end in such dreadful calamities, beware of the turn of
the tide. Let them look into hiftpry, and remember the fate
of $ cruel, oppressive, and arrogant statesmen. Let even
Kings attend to the examples which hidory presents on this
fubje&—but I blame not them ; it is unnatural for beings,
with human passions, placed in such high situations, mixing
little with men, and generally deceived, to bear contradic
tion to their will, and opposition even to their arms, with any
degree of patience ; irritation and refeqtment mutt be the con
sequences ; encroachments on their part often proceed from a
conscious rectitude of their own intentions ; but the people I
dp blame are the members of this House, placed as, the guar
dians of the people's rights and privileges, daily facrificing
them to some interrefted motive.
Let any one confider all the national advantages that can
be drawn from colonies, and ask his own heart, if we have
not hitherto drawn, and may not in time to come draw all
these from the ancient constitution. To what motive then
can these innovations be imputed? I have ffiewed you the
bad consequences in proceeding, shew me the good you pro
pole from daughter and devastation ; that the paym^fter of
the forces should urge you to those measures, that the Trea
surer of the navy should press for large equipments ; that
contractors, jobbers, dealers in scrip, and all those who fat
ten on public supplies, should eagerly concur, this I can ea
sily imagine ; but that a landed gentleman should give his
consent to rush into a civil war, that must entail four kil
lings land-tax on his estate for ever, thatmuft drain him of
men and money, and all the resources of naval power, to
protest his country against those nejghbonring powers who
will, in all human probability, attack him when defenceless
and exhausted ; in a contest that must end, on whatever alr
ternative, in lowering the value of his estate. All. this ex-,
hibits a degree of infatuation beyond example in my little
reading, and cap only be accounted for from the revival
of ignoble party diftin&ions, gratifying resentments at the
expence of their country.. Have the country gentlemen ever
considered the expence of maintaining * war across the At
lantic ? Have they considered the expences of a fleet? Have
they calculated the amountof transports ? Have they thought
of feeding an army with porter, iheep, and four cro.ut across
a tempestuous ocean? lam told a curious fpe&acle of such
management has lately been exhibited in the Downs, where
floating carcases of dead sheep have marked to passing na
tions the folly of such attempts.
Ihe project of four-crogt has indeed one circumstance
226
attending it that gives me pleasure.—l understand the con.
tract is given to one of the worthiest men in the community;
at, the fame time such magazines are new in my notions of
war; it may be a proper preparation for a Ruffian army,
but I believe English. soldiers will hardly be delighted with
such griping food. The project of calcining i ce into gun
powder is not more truly ridiculous ! I fball suppose then far a
moment, that war with America is really necessary; yet will
any man alledge, after such gross mismanagement in every
part, that these are the proper men to carry it. Has there
been consistency in any part of their conduct ? Has one
scheme they have offered facceeded ? Has not every one pro
duced a contrary effect ? Have they not been told so at the
time of passing their various laws ? Have they been checked in
any of their intentions ? Has any uncommon accident of wind
or weather been unfavourable? Can our affairs be possibly in a
worse situation ? Do they state any rational plan of ways and
means, by which we ary to extricate ourselves ? If after an
swering all those questions in the spirit of truth and justice,
this House will still persist in supporting such feeble miaifters
of so mighty an empire, I must fubrait to a majority, but with
this melancholy consolation, when the day of tribulation shall
come, that at least my feeble endeavors were not wanting to
prevent the impending mifchiefs ; nor has my voice been
lent on any occasion in support of oppreffipn. Other gentle^
men, of a contrary opinion to , me, have declared they give
their opinion for more coercive measures, from motives the
most pure and difinterelled ; , I declare I give my opinion
against them, from the sincerest belief they are oppressive and
unjust. lam now at an age when my character must be fully
known. A conduct in life that has not flattered the pas
sions of men must have frequently called forth the examina
tion of many with keen resentments ; butl here defy any man
to fay I was ever actuated by interested motives during the
cpurfe of my life. My conduct at present is influenced from
a confciencious belief, that the greatest good any man can
perform, is to preserve in ftitutions favorable to the freedom of
mankind ; the greatest evil they can commit, is to destroy
them. In that belief I heartily vote for the amendment, and
to the utmost of my power oppofethis fanruinary address.
[ Concluded. ]
For the PENNSYLVANIA EVENING POST.
IN the Ledger of this morning is a curious, piece signed a
" Settled Citizen", by which I learn that, either the
writer of it is, an ignoramus in not diflingu'fhing between
the villanous acts of a rascally Ministry on one fide,
and the honest protest of the minority Lords against those
a&s ; or, he is the other thing, and wants to have them no,
diftinguihed. Upon my foul, Mr. Printer, it takes up half
one's time to watch thole Lifting fellows
I am at a loss too, to know what he means by the signature
of a "Settled Citizen", and in Italics too! It must, 1° think,
be one or the other of the two following : First, that he got
drunk at the election, because nine tenths of the people voted
against independance, and his head is got fom^bat fettled
since. Or else, that he is fettled where Cato was once; that
is, fettled so that he cannot get out; fail locked up feme
where or other. A aew-jail Tory, very like. Well! keep
up your heart, old friend, we Kall declare independance very
Shortly, and then we intend to put some of the other Tories
in and let you out, and, if that don't make a Whig of ye,
ye dog, you ought to be a “ fettled Citizen" all your life
time. , A CITIZEN at larger
N. B. King Tammany against King George. Huzza!