The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-23 00:00:00, page 2

It has been further asserted—that we are able, with
our land forces, to defend ourselves against the
whole world; that if commerce be an advantage,
we may command what foreign alliances we please;
that the moment we declare ourselves an independent
people, there are nations ready to face the British
thunder, and become the carriers of our commodi
ties for the lake of enriching themselves ; that, if
this were not the cale, we can loon build navies to
force and protest a trade ; that a confederacy of the
Colonies into one great republic is preferable to
Kingly government, which is the appointment of the
Devil, oral lead reprobated by God; that those
denominated wife men, in our own and foreign
countries, who have been so lavish of their encomi
ums upon the Englilh constitution, were but egre
gious fools; that it is nothing better than a bung
ling piece of machinery, Handing in need of constant
checks to regulate and continue its motions; that
the nation itfelf is but one mat's of corruption, ha
ving at its head a Royal Brute, a hardened Pharaoh;
delighting in blood; that we can never enjoy liberty
in conn< &ion with lucli a country, and therefore all
the hardships mentioned above, and a thousand
times more, ifneceffary, are to be endured for the
preservation of our rights.
If these things had been as fully proved, as they
are boldly asserted by the authors of what is called
Common Sense , I should here drop my pen; and
thrqugh the Ihort remainder of life, take my chance
of whatever naileries Providence may have in reserve
for this land, as I know of none else to which I can
retire. But as these doctrines contradid every thing
which we have hitherto been taught to believe re
ipecting government, I hope you, my dear coun
trymen, have yet kept one ear open to hear what
aul'wer may be given in my future letters.
CAT O.
CATO to TIBERIUS, Greeting.
Questions civilly proposed deserve a civil answer,
which Ihall be I'peedily given to those of Tiberius.
Urbanity becomes vs Romans; and Cato is proud
to correspond with one affirming that character,
although he is not fond of the imperial name. He
has no quarrel with our Committee as a public
body, and regards many of the members as fit to fill
any Nation to which they may be called by their
country. If he cannot support his ch irges against
the individuals who proj died theConvention-fcheme,
h will chearfully acknowledge his millake. He
never expected to finifh these letters without opposi
tion. The quellion is, whether the liberty and hap
piness of America can be bell secured by a constitu
tional reconciliation with Great Britain, or by a
total fepararion from it ? Cato is willing to bejudged
bv his countrymen, when the whole of his argu
ments shall be fu imitted to them. Whatever may
be infinuited before that time he will scarce think
worthy of regard: and it was rather unbecoming
Tiberius so early in the dispute, to suggest, that “
the Jentiments (in the letters) may referable a modern
" (more than an ancient) Cato, who will content
“ to live a save, rather than to die free?' The
inaccuracy of expression, in makingfentiments refera
ble men, may be puffed over; for where a person's
meaning can be picked out, in such a contest as
this Cato despises a war about words.
. N. If The twelve queries in the Evening Post are
in substance, the fame as the questions of Tiberius,
and the fame answer will serve for both.
I know theanfwers which will be given to these
quedions, and am prepared to reply to them, with
th it temper and gravity which toicriousa fubjea re
quires. It will be averted — indeed it has been al
ready afoted- that the animofitics between Great-
Britain and the Colonics are now advanced to such
ahQht, thatRECONCiLiATioN isimpoffible.• But
ngertions arc nothing, when opposed to the nature
ol tilings, the'truth of hitlory, and all pall experi
cnce. The quarrels of nations, being neither per-
J'onal or private,cannot Ilir up mutual hatred among
individuals. There never was a war so implacable,
even among hates naturally rivals and enemies, or
among lavages themselves, as not to have peace for
its object as well as end ! And, among people na
turally friends, and connected by every dearer tie,
“who knows not that their quarrels (as thole of levers)
tare often but a Wronger renewal of love? In such
cases, the tide pl affection reverting to its course is
like that of water long bent back, which, at length
Burd the opposing mounds, breaks forward through
its native channel, and flows with redoubled vigor
aniencreafed velocity, to mix itfelf with itsparent
main !
lose, or by men exalted by the present confufions
hwo lucrative offices, which they can hold no longer
than the continuance of the public calamities. But
can it be the whh of all that great and valuable body
of people in America, who, by honed industry,
hive acquired a competency, and have experienced
a happier life.—Can it be their wish, I fay (for such
contideratiorts) to have deßrudion continually be
fore their eyes; and to have enormous debts entailed
upon them and their poßerity; till at length they
have nothing left which they can trulycall their
To the Printer of the Pennsylvania Ledger.
The following translation lately fell into my hands,
and as it bore the marks of a genuine version, and
feem'd, not inapplicable to the prejent times, I
thought it worthy of publication, and therefore
requeji you will insert it in your next Paper.
CROXAL L.
The Head and Members of the Human Body,
A Fable.
THE Head, for want of a proper attention to
ftri& regimen, became lomewhat inflamed,
and instead of performing it's office in the govern
ment of the body with tliat order and propriety to
which it had been accustomed, laid impositions upon
some of the Members, which they thought contrary
to nature: Whereupon the Members entered into a
confutation upon the means to be pursued, as well
to get rid of the burthens they already felt, as to
avoid an accumulation of them, which if the disor
der of the head continued, they had reason to fear.
In this confutation various opinions were broach
ed; some there were who fuppoled that the disorder
was only occasioned by a debauch, and that with
holding the ulual quantity of meat and drink would,
in a little time, restore the head to its wonted tem
perature: Others propoled a course of lenient al
teratives, which without increasing the inflamation,
might corre& the animal system, and expel from the
conßitution an acrid humour which had got into
the head, and which, if negle&ed, would spread
through all the members and prove of dangerous
consequence to the whole body : Others again ad
viied the loss of blood, which they affirmed would
inllantly remove the cause of the disorder, and re-
Rore the brain to it's former Rate; and a very few
were of opinion that th dillemper lay, not in the
head, but in some of the members, which had re
fufed to digest and concoft their ulual proportion
of those fine animal juices, which were necessary to
be conveyed from the body for the support ot the
head: Thele lad however were quickly Silenced and
Some of them who were tenacious or their opinion
turned out of the council. It was, in Short, deter
mined to try all the remedies propoied, beginning
with the molt lenient; accordingly the members one
and all refuted to convey nourishment of any kind
to the mouth ; but this was found ineffectual, tor
in a Short time they themselves were more injured
by the want of sustenance than the head, and all
hope of success by this mode vanished : The course
of alterations was then begun, but before they had
time to operate in the expelled manner, the impa
tience of those members who held the disorder arose
from a plethora urged the use of the lancet—a vein
was opened and a quantity of blood taken away;
this instead of allaying the fever only Served to
quicken the circulation of blood, which rushing
with encreafed force upon the brain, already fore,
Caused a delirium; in consequence of which the
members were more harshly treated during the fit.
The most ignorant are ever foremoft in violence §
some of these not knowing that their own existence
entirely depended on their connexion with the head,
and foolishly supposing that the King's evil was the
sole cause of complaint, and that it would vanish
upon amputating the part affeded without apply
ing palliatives and restoratives, immediately sent for
a neighbouring surgeon, who bore an implacable
enmity to the whole body, to cut off the head;
hoping by that means at once to become Independent
of the morbid part. Contrary to the advice and
remonstrance of the more thinking members, the
surgeon greedily Seizing his opportunity of execu
ting his long fought vengeance, fevered the head
from the body, and left the deluded members fa
crificed to their own folly, a prey to the beads of
the sorest, the fowls of the air, and the vermin bred
from their own corruption.
%-%% * %%#% %H'*H** *-*-%^
SPEECH ot Mr. DEMPSTER in the House
of Commons, on Friday, the 27th of Od. 1775.
ID O not rife, Sir, to trouble the houie on
the fubje& of the question more immediately
under its consideration. The noble Lord [Lord
North] who spoke some time ago, has in my opi
nion concluded that matter fully and defireably.
He has declared his willingness to accept of an in
demnity, if the legality of the measure of introduc
ing foreign troops into our distant garrisons and
forts shall appear doubtful to the house. The ex
pediency of that measure nobody has disputed, its
legality alone is called in question, and in my opini
nion very juflly so; but as this point will be fettled
by an a& of indemnity, what more can be said?
What more can we desire? the business is concluded
But, Sir, I am induced, though at a late hour
of the night, to fay a tew words on something that
fell from the fame noble Lord, and that has since
fallen from other Gentlemen of great weight and
authority in this house; from what they have laid,
Sir, a ray of comfort breaks in upon us. That dark
and portentous ?:loud, that has hung so long over
Great Britain and America, fraught with number
lets ills to both, begins to break and clear up.
Within this half hour I am induced to entertain a
hope, to which I have been long a flranger, that
there will be an end to bloodshed, and that peace,
harmony and happiness, may be again restored to
this diftraded empire.
To forward this most defireable objed, as far as
lies in my power, is my sole motive for faying a
very few words.
The noble Lord has disclaimed any intention of
enslaving America. He has gone so far as to fay
that he would not obje& to restoring her to the
footing on which ihe flood in the year 1763, was
there a probability of America being now fatisfied
with this concession.
Another Right Hon. Gentleman [Mr. Rigby] of
great abilities, and a leader of no inconsiderable
party in this house, has just now declared, that he
will not fight with America for a paltry duty upon
tea. And a third Right Hon. Gentleman [Sir Gil
bert Elliot] not short of the former in considerati
on and weight among us, has exprefly affirmed,
that he will not content to an armament failing a
gainst America, unless the fame fleet shall carry rea
sonable offers of accommodation to that quarter of
the globe.
There appears for the firft rime, by what has fal
len from these three noble and honourable persons a
dilpofition to relinquilh the great bone of contention
between our colonies and their parent-state; I mean
Sir, the exercise of the right of taxing them, unre
presented as they are, in parliament. I hope, Sir,
the house will revert to our ancient system of go
verning the colonies; for till we abandon this new
fangled system of taxing them here, a system no old
er than the conclusion of the last war, I will ven
ture to affirm that no coercive measures short of
extermination, will ever compel the Americans to
Submit to it.
There is no fubjed on which I have employed
more reflexion, than on the grounds of our present
dispute with America; the result has been an opi
nion by which I believe I Shall abide, as long as I
breathe; it is, Sir, that in my confeience I think
the claim of the Americans is just and well found
ed, to be left in the free exercise of the right of
taxing themselves in her Several provincial assem
blies, in the lame manner that Ireland now does
and always has done. By this beautiful part of
our conllitution, our wife ancellors have bound to
gether the different and diflant parts of this mighty
empire; by this single principle, heretofore invio
late, they have diffused in a most unexampled man
ner the blessings of liberty and good government
through our remotefl provinces. Look, Sir, into
the history of the provinces of other Rates, of the
Roman provinces in ancient time; of the French,
Spanilh, Dutch, and Turkish provinces of more
modern date, and you will find every page of it
Rained with a&s of oppressive violence, of cruelty,
injustice and peculation; but in the Britifli provin
ces, the annual meetings of their little Affemblics
have constantly retrained the despotism, and cor
re&ed the follies of their Governors; they watch
over the administration of justice, and from time to
time enad Such salutary regulations as tend to pro
mote their happiness and well being. And what,
Sir, I beseech you, could insure the regular meet
ing of thole Assemblies, ever troublesome to Go
vernors, but their retaining in their own hands,
like us at home, the power of granting the funds
necessary for defraying the current expence of go
vernment. Were your provincial Assemblies de
prived of this power, I cannot fee wherein the
government of America would differ from that of
Indoftan. And has our enquiries, in a former feffi^
on, into the administration of Bengal, made us in
love with the Ealtern Species of government? Do
we seriously wish to transplant the rapine and cruel
ties of India to America?
But now, Sir, that this system is given up to our
colonies, peace will, speedily follow the concession.
I cannot, Sir, but commend, in the warmest
terms, the intention expressed by our gracious So
vereign in the Speech from the throne, of fendinga
commission to America to empower persons on the
spot, to receive Submißions, to remove oppressive
reftriaions, and to grant pardons and other indul
gences to our fellow-citizens across the Atlantic.
There is but one step more necessary to be taken,
,and peace will, in my humble opinion, be certain
and infallible; and in relation to that step alone
have I ventured to rife on the present occasion. It
has already been touched upon by an honourable
Gentleman [Mr. J. Grenville] who always expres
ses himfelf with elegance and propriety. The point
I mean Sir, is that his Majesty's Commissioners may
be empowered to treat with the Congress. I am
convinced, Sir, that America will not listen to a
treaty through any other medium; it Hands to rea
son and common sense She will not; for the Congress
is not only the sole exiting power at this moment
in America, but it is to the union formed by means
of the Congress that America owes its strength,
and its formidable power of refinance; withoutfuch
an union twelve wide-spread, far-diftant colonies,
thinly peopled and individually weak, could never
aft with effed in defence of what they think their
violated rights; nor is it to be supposed they will
dissolve this firm bond of union, till their grievan
ces are redressed.
Might I then be permitted very humbly to join
my feeble voice to the Hon Gentleman's before al
luded to, and entreat the ministry that no falfe
pride, no misplaced idea of dignity and authority
may induce them to forbid the Commissioners from
treating for and seeking peace where alone peace