The New-York gazette, and the weekly Mercury — New-York [N.Y.], 1776-05-06 00:00:00, page 1

To the PEOPLE of Pennsylvania.
LETTER VIII.
^ —M —^HE all-wife Creator havingenabled every
a man to judge, in I'ome degree, what is good
for himfelf, the study of government is a
duty of the highest concern to all the mem
bers of a free state. But men, in general,
may be said to feel better than they can fee ; and there
fore seldom take the trouble to employ their thoughts on
public affairs, while they are tolerably administered, nor
is it till oppression becomes flagrant, and even palpable
to the fight, that a people are universally roused into a
serious attention to abuses in government.
Numerous are the evils which spring from difiraaions
and convulsions in a state ; but they are often productive
of one advantage which outweighs them all. The civil
constitutions of countries, altho' long neglected, through
the indolence of the people, and tottering on the verge
of dissolution, have nevertheless been thus purged of their
corruptions, brought back to their firft principles, and
made to flourifb, with renewed vigour, through many
succeeding ages. But as this can only be the work of
heroism, conducted by wisdom, virtue and prudence,
every writer who, upon such great and trying occasions,
seeks to exaggerate, or conceal faas, to slate but one fide
of a question, to warp the judgment by partial reprefen
tacions, to give railing for reaton, inve Ctives for arguments,
and to urge a people into hasty resolutions, by addressing
the enfiamed paflions, rather than the sober reason---
every such writer, I fay, insults his country in distress,
and is a fellow-worker with its enemies to hasten its ruin.
Had the author of Common Serf considered this, or
were he possessed of the least reverence fur the judgment
or feelings of a great and enlightened people, whom he
has thought himfelf fit to address, his performance would
have beenof a different nature. It would at lead have
worn the semblance of argument, and contained some
thing which had a chance to m^et the reason of wife
men, and to stand the test of their candid examination.
He would have listened patiently to their remarks upon
his production, and would have coolly replied to their
objections. He would net have dared to offer such an
indignity to the public, as to throw out impotent threats
(fhftead of answers) against the meanest of bis fellow-ci
tizens (if fellow-citizens he has in this place) merely for
endeavouring, in a country yet free, to detect his mif
reprefehtations, to supply his defect of materials, and
thereby enable a people to judge fairly of their own
weighty concerns.
The contest in which America is engaged was not lightly
undertaken. The sword was drawn in defence of our
laws and liberties. Till these are rendered fefe, let it
not be returned to the scabbard ; but frill let not the scab
bard be . thrown away. If our just rights can be best se
cured by reconciliation with our own fiefh and blood---
with a yet powerful nation, whose religion, laws and
manners, in our former happy days, we gloried to call
our own---God forbid that we ffiould fbut the door
against it, by any hasty measure among ourselves. This
happy period to our miseries is still hoped for and de
voutly wiffied, not only by multitudes of the zealous
friends of America through all the colonies, but by
whole colonies in their public capacity, regardless of any
thing that has yet been offered to the contrary. While
this continues to be the case, he who seeks to disturb the
union which we nobly supported on our former ground,
is the worst foe to this country. If the British admini
stration has a tool here, labouring to forward their ruin
ous purposes by divisions and diftra&ions, Thou art
THE MAN---even thou the anthor of Common Sense, who
haft started thine ignis fatuus to draw the unwary into
untried regions, full of tremendous precipices and quag
mires treacherous to the foot; whither the wife and con
siderate think it not fafe to follow. Couldft thou succeed
in this, thou deft effectually conform all the slanders of
cur ministerial fees against us ; and, instead of America,
strong in domefic union and supported by a refpeCtable
part of Britain, then wilt give us Britain united, and
America rent by divifons, amidst the mighty contest.
Thou sayest that now is the exaCt time for adopting thy
plan, and holdeft up ruin as the fare confequrnce of the
least delay !---Thou faid'ft the fame, and did'ft threaten
the fame, near three months ago, if we hesitated a mo
ment to follow thy advice. Possibly any time may be
thy now, especially if thou Ihould'ft have nothing to
lose, and peradventure may 'ft hope to gain something
by the change. But when the Almighty shall be pleased
to fay now, thy interpretations will be unnecessary. He
will fend conviction along with it, in circumstances so
clear and unambiguous, that they who run may read them.
The public will excuse the occasional notice I am forced
t$ take of the answers hitherto given to my Letters.
Were I disposed to deviate from my plan, or, by imme
diate retaliation, to draw the attention of the reader to
the “ political characters, connections and dependencies"
of my antagobifts (which the author of Common Sense, in
his new character of the Forester, allows to be very es
sential in such a controversy) I believe it would add little
to the credit of their works'; especially if upon enquiry
it should be found, that they have neither “ character
nor connections" in this place ; and that they are the
avowed instruments and dependents of some, who, hav
ing no concern in our domestic affairs, are nevertheless
constantly intermeddling with them, to the great disturb
ance of the province, and injury of the public caufc.
But I have no immediate occasion to enter into such
an enquiry, and am happy to find that, although near a
dozen answers have been given in one shape or another
to my two or three firft letters, nothing has been yet of
fered worthy of a particular reply. The Forester seems
the chief champion against me. He makes me write
what he pleases, that he may answer as he pleases---The
following is a specimen of hisjuftice in quoting from me.
" If we now effect independence, we must be con
" fidered as a faithlefs people, in the fight of all man
“ kind, and could scarcely expe& the confidence of any
“ nation upon earth, or look up to heaven for its ap
" proving Sentence ;" —and upon this he exclaims,—
“ Art thru mad, Cato, or art thou foolifh, or art thou
" both, or art thou ivorfe than both ^" New, I can fairly
leave those who have read my Letters, to apply any or all
of these epithets to me as their candour shall direct. But
those who read but one paper (in which it is thought pro
per only to publish the answers to my letters, without the
letters themselves) may verily believe I have asserted, that,
if ever nue effe& independence, neither heaven ner earth veill
smile upon us. It is hoped, therefore, that the publishers
of that paper, if they Ihould never insert any other part
ASSIZE of BREAD. Flour at 171. per Cent.
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Published March 18, 1776.
^ Printed by HUGH GAINE, Printer, Bookseller, and Stationer, ^ the Bible and Crown, in Hanover-SqUare.
Monday, May 6, 1776. TH^[No. 1282^
N E^-rOR ff ragtop G A^ E T TE:
WEEKLY M E RC UR Y.
Containing tbe fretted aomeW foreign ano Domern.
In the pamphlet called Common Serf, endeavouring, to
eftabli/h his favourite doarine, that reconciliation with
Great-Britain is now impossible, and urging us on co
blood, ,whatever terms may be offered, he has the un
paralleled confidence to add as follows.—" For, as
Milton wifely zxpteffes —never can true reconcrienie^
grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so
deep."---How unlucky is this quotation ! Our author
thinks be has snatched a coal from the altar; but'rt is
like that which the foolish eagle stole, and thereby set
her nest on fire, which consumed hcrfelf and her broody
Would not the reader believe that the author bad here
given us some wife sentiment of Milton. fit to be co
pied in the condu& of a chriftian people ? But lonlc -at,
the place (Parad. Loft, B. iv.) and you will find that it
was the speech of the Devil, meditating the&ft.nrftiorr of
mankind; and suited only to the defpc'CTe purposes of
those, who are in the fame dreadful state of mind in
which our divine poet describes the Devil to have beeri at
the time.
Horror and doubt diftra& -
His troubled thoughts; and from the bottom fir
The hell within him. For within him hell
He brings, and round about him, nor from hell
One step, no more than from himfelf, can fly.---
" Get thee behind me" thou abandoned writer; and
take back another of thy compliments ! For can'ft thou
" have the feelings of a man"— tbou who art labouring
to fill the hearts of thy fellow-mortals with irreconeile
able hatred, and the feelings of the Devil? As for my
feelings on this occasion, I waft they are founded oib the
do&rine§ of the Saviour or Mankind, who teaches
that no offences in this world can be so) great among
brethren, as to preclude reconciliation; " If rhy bro
ther repent forgive him"---and if thou can'ft not Forgive,
How can'ft thou lift up thine eyes to thy Heavenly Fa
ther for forgivenefs of thy fins, or even those of thy fugle
pamphlet ? Had'ft thou done justice to Mi l ton, thou
mighteft have ffiewn him in his own proper person, upon
my fide of the question; proclaiming the do&rines of his
Heavenly Master.---
Oh shame to men ! Devil with Devil damn'd
Firm cobcord holds ; men only disagree
Of creatues rational, though under hope
Of Heavenly Grace : and Gon proclaiming peace;
Yet live in hatred, enmity and ftrife
Among themselves, and levy cruel wars,
Wafting the earth, each other to dedfoy.
Thou may'ft apply this to our cruel oppressors 5 and I
fay nothing ggainft thee therein, except where thou urgeft
thy terrible doctrine of the impoflibiiity of reconciliation':
and to make it wholly impossible art driving to inspire
sentiments into thy brethren which would difarace their
chriftian profeffion. But I leave thee on this head ; and if
theu deft not too much interrupt me, fhail, in two or
three letters more, leave the public and peftenty finally to'
judge between thee and me. Su^m cuique decus potteries
rependit. I proceed then, with my remarks upon iby fu
rious antipathy to mixt governments in which then haft
furpafled all the writers I have met with; nor Ihslll
quote any against thee ex ept those who are acknowledged
to have flood foremoft in their opposition to the encroach
ments of monarchy. The popular leaders, who over
turned the monarchy in the lah age, were not themselves
friends to republics. They only made use of the name
to procure the favour of the people ; and whenever by
such means they had mounted to the proper height, each
of them, in his turn, began to kick the people from him,
as a ladder then useless.
of my letters (in which they may use their own pte^fure)
will be so just as to give this mangled paragraph entire ;
and then it will be in these words :--
" In short, (if) thus contradicting all our former public
" prtfffont (we)fau!d (now affect independency) as
'' our own ad, before it appears clearly to the world to have
'' been forced upon us by the cruel band of the parent slate,
" we could neither hope for union nor success in the attempt.
" (We must be considered as a faithlefs people in the fight
" of all mankind, and could scarcely expert the confi
" dence of any nation upon earth, or look up to Heaven
" for its approving sentence."
The difeerning reader will easily fee that our honest
Forester has not scrupled to take part of one sentence
and connect it with another; which wholly alters the
sense. He gives us only what is included within the
above parentheses, and suppresses all that essential part
which is in Italics. He who can thus pilfer from the
sense of another, is come t® his last fhift, and it may be
presumed would not stick at any thing to promote his
cause. But what can I expect from one who uses the
immortal Milton much in the fame way ?
Cromwell exercised the power of a King, and of the
most absolute King, under the specious name of a Pro
teacr. The instrument of republican government, which
he had at hiri extolled as the most perfect workof hurtaa
invention, he began (as soon as he thought his authority
fufficiently established) to represent " as a rotten plank,
upon which no man could trust himfelf without fink ing."
He had his eye fixed upon the crews ; but when he pro
cured an offer of it from a packed Parliament, his courage
failed him. He had outwitted himfelf, by his own
hypocrisy; and, in his way to power, had thrown such
an odium upon the name of King, that his own family,
apprehensive he would Be murdered the moment rhe
diadem ffiould touch his brow, petfuaded him to decline
that honour.
The great Sidney never meant more, 'ey his Celebrated
work, than to reform the abuses of mixt government:
and to restrain the rapid progress which the nation was
making, ip his time, towards absolute Monarchy. And
he was as much a foe to Cromwell as to Charles the First,
considering both as governing abovethe laws. But he did
riot write against kings generally, more than other rulers
who might abuse their power.
" Nothing, fays he, is farther from my intention tharl
to speak irreverently of Kings," arid be explains what
kings he means, viz. those limited by law, in mixt govern
ments. He has Wrote a whole fe&ion to shew that the
best governments in the world have been composed (as
the Englilh is) of monarchy, drifacrac, and democracy.
He fays God ordained a raixt government, aoiwerin^to
this in all its parts; and confining of a fingie judge or
chief captain (we contend not ior names) a Council of
seventy chosen men, or Sanhedrim ; and the General
Affembiies of the people. Is not this our own form com
pleat ? When he speaks of popular governments he uses
the utmost precision. '' To avoid unneceffafy disputes,
" fays he, I give the name of popular governments to
Monday, „ Min. after 11
Tuefda,, 26 Min. After 12
Wednesday, ii Min. after 1
Thursday, 16 Min. after 2
HIGH-WATER at NEW-YORK, this Week.
Friday, 9 Min. after 3
Saturday, 1 Min. alter .4.
Sunday, ^2 Min. aftt; 4
Ldji Quarter the loth.
" those of Rome, Athens, Sparta and the like ; but
" improperly, unlefythe fame may also be given to many
" that are ufua)ly called froh&rcbies, fir.ee there is nothing
"of viofehce in either. As to popular governments in
" the ftri& sense, that is pure democracy, where the
" pe plein themselves, and by themselves, perform all
" that belongs to government, I know of no such thing ;
" and if it be in the world, 1 have nothing to fay for it."
And more explicitly Bill, he fays, 6< being no ^ay con
“ cucd in the defence of democracy—l may leave our
" Knight (Filter) like Don Quixote, fighting against the
" phantasm of his own brain, and to fay what he pleases
" against such governments as never were, unless in such
" a place as San Merino hear Senegaglia in Italy, where
“ an hundred men govern a barbarous rock that no man
.“ invades. As for democracy, he may fay what he pleases
“ of it; and I believe it can suit only with the convenience
" of a jmall town, accompanied with such circumflances
" as are seldom to be found." If Sidney underwood any
thing of the matter,, we fee that every colony in America
is already too unwieldy for such a government, and there
fore it cannot be a model for an iinrnenlc continent. In
a word, altho' this great niln lived before the revolution,
he laid its foundation, died a martyp to its principles, and
by one of the firft ndb of Parliament made under it, his
attainder was repeated, and a solemn national function
given to his writings.,
The telhmny of another profefs'd WHIG, nay an
Indep undent Whig (the famous Gordon, in hisdif
courfes upon Tacitus) (ball come next. "Monarchy,
“ according to Plato, is the belt govern; mt or the
" worst ; to which opinion, fays he, I fubfenbe; as I do
'• to that of Fbdip de Combines, that England is the
" place in the World Wf.erethe public is nitii equally ari
" miiliftcred, and where the people fuffer the least vio
" lencd. We are bluffed with a form 0! gWernmenf,
" which Tzeitus mentions as the merit peYfeP, and thinks
:< the hardest t< he framed ; that happy balance and mix
" tore ct intermits, that fecurcs every interest."
Polybius (as be is quoted by Montagu, on the rife and
fell of republics)agiees with Plato. " The best form of
government, fays he, is that which is composed of a due
admixture ot monarchy, arfocracy, and democracy"-- Ot
all legislators he prefers Lycurgus, whom he looks upon
rather as divinely inspired; than as a man. To perpetu
ate the Spartan government; he united the peculiar excel
lences of the best forms into one, that neither of the three
parts, by fw'ellihg beybnd its just bounds, might ever be
able to deviate into its original inborn detects. Montagu
adds---" I cannot help observing, on this occasi
on, that our own conftifrition, as fettled at the revolu
" tion, so nearly coincides with Lycurgus's general plan,
that it seems at firft light to be formed by that very
" model." Ans indeed, in the conilitution of 'mixt go
vernments, there is something more fubftsntial than an
attachment to th^ mystical number three, in this triple
union of powers' .All power lodged, uncontfc'tiled, in
one or many, has been shewn tb be full of danger; lodged
in t%oo rifting bodies, they may chance to difagret long';
but the addition of a third turns the scale, and further
additions would only be clogs..
I have not loft fight of Monteftpitu, whose senti
ments, at applicable to the English conftithtion, in prac
tice as well as theory, (ball be briefly introduced in my
next, to elofe this part of my work; and then let
the anchor of Common Senje combat the arguments of
these great men as well as he can; for he has yet said
nothing that is any way applicable to them, and must
look fir better arguments than those drawn from the
nature of the E> glilh cor.ftitution, if he experts to serve
bis cause. For my part I still stand upon my firft ground
and have no fefitiftent which I with to hide on this oca
fon. When it Ihall clearly appear, that we can be no
longer free, nor secure in our rights and property, in cen
netton with Britain, or that we can be more tecure in
any other connexion (and the time which will ena
ble us to judge cf this cannot be very remote) the author
of these letters (ball not then IK, a word against whatever
measures the sense of the majority of this country, fairly
taken, ftyall adopt for the common good ; and will be ready
to give his best affiflance for carrying them into execution.
But he must ever bear his testimony against being furprized
into public decisions, by mifrepreferitations, ungrounded
suggestions, and delusive arguments; too evidently pro
ceeding from prejudice, or predetermination of a question
in which the happiness of a great continent is involved.
C A T O.
LETTER 111. To C A T O.
f I.ITOs partizatts may call me furious ; I regard it
l> tnot* There are men too, who have not virtue
enough to be angry, and that crime perhaps is Cato's—
He who dares not offend cannot be honed. Having thus
balanced the charge, I proceed to Cato's .fourth, fifth,
sixth and seventh letters, all of which as they contain but
little matter, I ffiall dismiss with as little trouble anti
iefs ufinally.
His fourth letter is introduced with a.panning folilo
quy—Catofo title to soliloquies is indisputable; because
no man cares for his company*. However, he disowns
the writing it, and allures.bis readers that it "w^ really
put into Vis hands." I always confide! this confirming
mode of expreffibn, as betraying a fufoicion of one's fcif;
and in thiv place, it amounts to just as ntfeb as 'if Gain
had said, " you know my failing. Sirs, but what I tell
you now is really true." Well! be it so, Caro; you
shall have all the credit you ask for, and as to when, or
where, or how you got it, who was the author, or who
the giver, I shall not enquire after; being fully convin
ced, by the poetical merit of the performance, that tho'
the writer of it may be an Alien, he'll never be a Ramfcyf
Thus much far the fodilequy ; and if this gentle chatline
ment should be the means of preventing Cato or his col
leegues from mingling their punning nohfenfe with fub
je&s of such a serious nature as the present one truly is,
it will answer one of the ends it was intended for.
Cato's fourth, and the greatest part of his fifth letter,
are conftru&ed on a falfe meaning uncivilly in pcfed on
a passage quoted 'from Common Sense; and for which, the
author of that pamphlet hath a right to expea from Cato
the usual ceneeflions, I shall quote the passage entire,
with Cato's additional meaning, and the inferences which
he draws therefrom.
* As this piece may ,fyb, fall into the bands of some who
are not acquainted with the word Soliloquy, for their infor
mation the sense of it is given, viz. " talking to one's felf."
I Allen Ramsay, a famous Scotch poet, of genuine wit
and humour.
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He introduces it with faying, " la my remarks on the
" pamphlet before pc, I fell firft confider those args
" m/nts on which he (the author) appears to lay his
" o.uef firefs ; and these are collected under four heads
"in his conch fibn:' ohe of which is, "It is tbe custom
" of nations Robert any tiro are at war, for some other
" powers, net engaged in the quarrel, to sap in by way of
"mediators, and ' r: ^d about the preliminaries cf a peace;
" but while America calls hcrfclf the fubjeH of Great-Bri
" tain, r.o power, however weli-difpfed Jbe may be, cart
" °, r °^ r mediation." The meaning contained in this
passage is so exceedingly plain, and expressed in such easy
and familiar terms, that it scarcely admits of being made
planner. No one; I think, corild have underftpod it any
otherwile, than that, while we continue to call ourselves
Mririlh fubjefts, thd quarrel between us can only be called
a family barrel, in which it would be just as indelicate
for any other nation to advise, or any ways to meddle or
make, even with their offers cf mediation, as it would be
for a third person to interfere in a quarrel between a man
and his wife. Whereas, were we to make use of that
natural tight which all other nations have done before us,
and ere& a government of our own, independent of all the
world, the quarrel could then no longer be called a fa
rnjy quarrel, but a regular War between the two powers
of Britain and America, in the fame manner as one car
ried on between England and France; and in this Rate
of political fepamion, the neutral powers might kindly
tender their mediation, (ashath always been the predict)
and bring about the preliminaries of a peace. Not a
Union, Cato, that is quite another thing, But instead
of Cato's faking it in this easy and natural sense, he flies
away on a wrong feent, charges the author with propfog
to call in foreign afflance; and, under this Wilful falfhood,
raises u, a ^^niy cry af.er nothing at ail. He begihs his
wild and uninnlltybk comment in the following man
ner: “ Is thrs" lays he, (meaning the peffage already
quoted) " cor.mon sense, or common nonsense ? Surely peace§
" With Great-lftirawi cannot be the objed of this writer,
" ^^ the horrible character he has given of the people
" of that country, and telling us, that reconciliation with
" them would be our ruin The latter part of the pafra
" r'aph firm's to cast ferae light upon the former, altho'
“ it cohtradids it; for these mediators are not to inter
" sere for making up the quarrel, but to widen it, by
" Supporting us in a declaration, that we are net the sub
" jecis ot Great-Brifain':a new fort of business truly
" for mediators I But this," continues Cato, " leads us
" direftty to the main enquiry, what foreign power is able
"!?t^ "' ^ is fopport?" What support, Cato ? the
pillage you have ^uoted neither fays a fyllabie, nor insi
nuates a hint about fuppdrt: It (peaks only of neutral
powers in the neighbourly character of mediators between
those which are at war ; and fays it is the custom of Eu
ropean Carols to do fo> Cato hath already railed Com
miffioneH into Ambafibdurs, but how he could transform
mediators huto men in arms, and mediation into military
alliance, is surpassingly strange. Read the part over
again, Cato; if,on find I have charged you wrongfully,
and will point It out, I will engage that the author of
Cemmrn Sense shall afle your pardon in the public p-^ers,
with his name to it, but if the error be yours, fhe'-on
cfffi >n en your part follows as a du v.
Though I am fully perfeaded that Cato does not believe
one half of what himfelf has written, he, nevertheless,
takes amazing pains to frighten bid readers into a belief
of the Whole : Tells them of foreign troops (which be
supposes We are going to fend for) ravaging up and down
the coubtry; of their " bloody massacres, unrelenting
perfections which would harrow up (fays he) the ver,
fouls of prmeflants and freemen." Were they coming, Ca
to, which He one ever dimmed of but yourfelf (for thank
God we want them not) it would be impoffi'jle for them
to exceed, or even to equal the cruelties praftifed by the
British army in the Batt-Indies : The tying men to the
mouths of cannon and " blowing them away," was never
a&ed by any hut an English General, or approved by
any but a British Court*—read the proceeding of the
Setefe Committee on . India affairs.
From temporal fears Cato proceeds to spiritual ones,
and in a hypocritical panic, aiks, " To whose share
" will Pennsylvania fall---that of his most Catholic, or
" his most Christian King > I confefs, continues he, that,
" thefeouefyons stagger me." I don't wonder at it, Cato,
---) am glad to hear that some kind of remorse hath over
taken you---tl>at y< u begin to feel that you are " heavy
laden"---you have had a long run ; and the stoutest heart
must fail at last.
Cato perceiving that the falsehoods in his fourth let
ter piled unrefrowd, ventured boldly on a fifth, in which
hr continues enlarging on the lame convenient burg-bear.
" In my laff,' fays he * tome notice was taken of the
" dargeruus pfophfiricri held up by the author cf Common
" S<%fa for Living recourse to foreign afliftance.''
When will Catolearn to speak the truth ! The assistance
which We hope for from France, is not armies, (we want
them hot) but arms and ammunition, We have already
received into this province only, near two hundred tons
of lalt-petre and gun-powder, besides mufleets. Surely !
me may^cQutinue to cultivate a ufeful acquaintance, with
out such malevolent beings as Cato raffing his barbarous
hinder thereon. At this time, if is not only illiberal, but
impolitic, and perhaps dangerous, to be pouring forth
filch torrents cf abut'e as his Curth and fifth letters con
t^,; agaifiil the ohly power, that, in articles^of defence,
hath supplied our hasty wants.
Cato after expending ^ear two lettets in beating down
an idol which himfelf only had set up, proudly congratu
lates himfelf on the defeat, and marches off to new ex
ploits, leaving behind him the following proclamation.
“ Having thus," fays Cato; “ diftatched his" (the au
thor of Common Sofe'e) " main argument for independence,
''which be fnunds>on the neceliity of calling in foreign
" Affifur.ee, I proceed to examine some other parts of
s< hit work." Not a syllable Cato, doth any part of the
pamphlet in question, fay q; calling in foreign affiflance,
or even forming military ai.Gnces, The dreara is wholly
your own; and is direaly repugnant both to the letter
and spirit of every pagein the piece. The idea which
Common Sense, constantly holds up, is, to have nothing
to do with the political affairs of Europe. "As Europe,
£< fays the pamphlet, is our market for trade, we ought
§ It is a flrange thing that Cato cannot be taught to dif
tinguif) between peace end union.
* Lord Clive, the chief of Eastern plunderers, received
the thanks of the Parliamentfor " bis honourable ccndu4
in the East-Indies,"
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