The Pennsylvania evening post — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-02-03 00:00:00, page 1

Mr. Towne,
WHEN the little pamphlet intitled COMMON
SENSE firft made its appearance in favor of that
so often abjured idea ofindependance upon Great #
Britain, I was informed that no less than three
gentlemen of refpedable abilities were engaged to answer it.
As yet I have seen nothing which diredly pretends to dispute
a single position of the author. The oblique essay in Hum
phreys's paper, and solemn Testimony of the Quakers, how
ever intended, having offered nothing to the purpose, I shall
take leave to examine this important question, with all candor
and attention, and submit the result to my much interested
country.
Dependance of one man, or state, upon another, is either ab
solute, or limited by some certain terms of agreement. The de
pendance of these colonies which Great-Britain calls constituti
onal, as declared by aft ofParliament, is absolute. If the contrary
of this be the bugbear so many have been declaiming against, I
could wish my countrymen would confider the consequence of
so stupid a profeffion. If a limited dependance is intended, I
would be much obliged to any one who will shew me the
B/itanno-American Magna Charta wherejn the terms of our
limited dependance are precisely stated. If no such thing can
be found, and absolute dependance be accounted inadmiflible,
the found we are squabbling about has certainly no determi
nate meaning. If any fay we mean that kind of dependance
we acknowledged at and before the year 1763 ; I answer,
vague and uncertain laws, and more especially constitutions,
are the very instruments of slavery. The magna charta of
England was very explicit, considering the time it was formed,
and yet much blood was fpilt in disputes concerning its
meaning.
Besides the danger of an indefinite dependance upon an'un
determined power, it might be worth while to confider what
the characters are on whom we are so ready to acknowledge
ourselves dependant. The votaries for this idol tell us, upon
the good people of our Mother Country, whom they represent
as the moftjuft, humane, and affectionate friends we can have
in the world. Were this true, it were some encouragement ;
but who can pretend ignorance that these just and humane
friends are as much under the tyranny of men of a reverse
character as we should be, could those mifereants gain their
ends ? I disclaim any more than a mutual dependance on any
man, or number of men upon earth ; but an indefinite de
pendance upon a combination of men, who have, in the face
of the fun, broken thro' the most solemn covenants, debauched
the hereditary, and corrupted the elective guardians of the
people's rights, who have, in fad, eftablilhed an absolute ty
ranny in Great-Britain and Ireland, and openly declared
themselves competent to bind the Colonifis in all cases nxhatfoever :
I fay indefinite dependance on such a combination of ufarping
innovators is evidently as dangerous to liberty, as fatal to
civil and social happiness, as any one step that could be pro
posed, even by the defroyer of men. The utmost that the ho
nest party in Great-Britain can do, is to warn us to avoid this
dependance at all hazards ! Does not even a Duke of Grafton
declare the ministerial measures illegal and dangerous? And
The PENNSYLVANIA EVENING POST.
Vol. ll.]
Price only 'Two Coppers.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1776.
Published every Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday Evenings.
59
shall America, no way connected with this administration,
press our submission to such measures, and reconciliation to
the authors of them ? Would not such pigeon hearted wretches
equally forward the recal of the Stuart family, and the esta
blishment of Popery throughout Christendom, did they con
ceive the party in favor of those loyal measures the strongest?
Shame on the men who can court exemption from present
trouble and expence, at the price of their own and posterity's
liberty! The honest party in England cannot wish for the re
conciliation proposed. It is as unfafe to them as to us, and
they thoroughly apprehend it. What check have they now
upon the crown, and uhat shadow of control can they pre
tend, when the crown can command fifteen or twenty mil
lions a year, which they have nothing to fay to? A proper
proportion of our commerce is all that can benefit any good
man in Britain or Ireland, and God forbid we should be so
cruel as to furnifh bad men with power to enclave both Bri
tain and America. Administration has now fairly dissevered
the dangerous tie; Execrated will he be by the latest poftefity
who again joins the fatal cord! But fay the puling pufilani
mous cowards, we shall be fubjed. to a long and bloody war,
if we declare independance. On the contrary, I affirm it the
only step that can bring the contest to a speedy and happy
issue. By declaring independance we place ourselves on a
footing for an equal negociation : Now we are called a pack
of villainous rebels, who, like the St. Vincents Indians, can
expea nothing more than a pardon for our lives, and the so
vereign favor, refpeaing freedom and property, to be at the
King's nvill. Grant Almighty God that I may be numbered
with the dead before that fable day dawn on North-Ame
rica !
All Europe knows the illegal and inhuman treatment we
have received from Britons. All Europe wishes the haughty
empress of the main reduced to a more humble deportment.
After herfelf has thrust her Colonies from her, the maritime
powers cannot be such ideots as to fuffer her to reduce them to a
more absolute obedience of her dilates than they were hereto
fore obliged to yield. Does not the most fnperficial politician
know that while we profefs ourselves the fubjeds of Great-
Britain, and yet hold arms against her, they have a right to treat
us as rebels, and that according to the laws of nature and nati
ons no other state has a right to interfere in the dispute ? But on
the other hand, on our declaration of independance, the ma
ritime dates at least will find it their interest, which always
secures the quellion of inclination, to proted a people who can
be so advantageous to them. So that those short lighted poli
ticians, who conclude that this step will involve us in daughter
and devastation, may plainly perceive that no measure in our
power will so naturally and effectually work our deliverance.
The motion of a finger of the Grand Monarch would procure
as gentle a temper in the Omnipotent British Minister as ap
peared in the Manilla ransom and Falkland illands affairs.
From without certainly we have every thing to hope, nothing
to fear; from within, some tell us the Presbyterians, if freed
from the retraining power of Great-Britain, would overrun
the peaceable Quakers in this government. For my own part,
I despise and deleft the bickerings of fedaries, and am appre-
[Num. 162.