The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-13 00:00:00, page 2

r T'HO' the Common film's advice has come rather
too late, as Cato and Hamlet can ^vitnefs ;
tho' his manner of Rating the points to be difeuifed
decides to which party he belongs; tho' he has Ru
bioufy evaded the main queJlion and thereby shewn
the public that jecurh, to our rights forms no share
of the debate he wishes to open; and though the
manner in which he attempts to expofc Cato and
Caßhndra evidently proves whole faults die is mod
inclined to conceal, yet I heartily join him in his
censure on personal reflexions. I thank him too for
his candour in tacitly informing the public that you
have not come to the point as yet, tho' you have
already published five letters, and heartily cloie with
his propolal of laying alide all personality. I Ihall
therefore proceed to the main point; and if you are
Milling to enter the lids as a fair antagonist and
meet me on the ground of reason and argument, on
that ground will Callandra meet you: But if, con
trary to your own propofol, and the advice of your
friend, you continue to amuse your countrymen
with declamation and affection, and Rudy to terrify
rather than inform, to address their paflions rather
than enlighten their understandings, I shall Rill be
.personal. Your talent lies in Rrong painting and
declamation, and you exped to hold up inch a ter
rific pi&ure to the imaginations of the people, as
will efßAuallv frighten them into Jubmiffion ; but
the exhibition of your perlon at the fide of your
^productions will ever prove a perfeA antidote to
their poison. Giving you this fair warning, I shall
now proceed to your third, fourth, aaddifth letters,
and nothing which can point outthe man shall uh,
prom my pen until Cato givc^occafion tor it.
I agree with the Common Man thus far, that some
proportions he mentions ought, one day, to be dis
cussed ; but as there is one point not only prior to
any of them, but of infinitely greater importance
that them all, viz, an absolute Jecurity for the enjoy
ment of our liberties, I must and will infill on the
difeuffion of this point firft, as not only prior in
order, but mod essential; and when it (hull be fairly
proved that our rights can be as effectually fecuied
in a Rate of dependency as in an independent fate,
then, and not before, will be the. proper time to
examine which would be mofl to our advantage.
We entered the contest with a determination to
secure our rights at every hazard. This is there
fore what we arc to provide for. If two ways of
equal security should present themselves, then will
come on the other question, viz. which will not only
secure our liberties but bring us the greatest Advan
tages besides. Now when 6'afo, the Common Man
or any other man, shall exhibit a plan by which we
can absolutely secure our liberties and continue
dependent, then Caflandra will be ready to enter
upon the difeuffion of this point. But Cafondra
assures Cato, the Common Man arid every other mart
that no lophiftical proposals of any man will turn
his eyes from the main object until he fees a way of
permanent security to our rights ; and he trusts his
countrymen, who firft armed for this purpose, will
/ Rill continue of that mind, and then he fears neither
the threats nor efforts of Cato and the arifocratieal
junto, who are draining every nerve to frustrate our
virtuous endeavours, and to make the common and
middle elafs of people their beafs of burden. Those
freemen who nobly refute to be ridden by a King,
Lords and Commons will scarcely be tame enough
go take Cato and his party on their backs. I shall
therefore proceed. And
Palling, for the present, those parts of your let
ters which contain nothing but the mod illiberal
.abuse, and scurrilous invectives against Committees,
Conventions, &c. I shall take up your political creed
and examine with the greatest freedom the argu
ments on which you have founded your faith. You
. believe, " That the true intereß of America lies in
“ a reconciliation with Great-Britain on conftitu
“ tional principles, and that you wilh it upon none
,“ else." Sir, I earnestly entreat you as you wifo
.not to mislead your dear countrymen, to explain what
you underhand by a reconciliation on constitutional
principles, that I may not mistake your meaning.
It will lave much writing on both sides to give such
definitions of general terms as we are determined to
abide by. I wilh to fee the whole truth laid fairly
before thepeople, and that they may coolly confider,
and with the utmof impartiality weigh every cir
cumflance, and choose that alone which promises the
greatef security to their rights and privileges, and
affords them the furef propped of wealth and hap
piness. I shall therefore cheerfully define every term
which Cato may think dubious, or calculated to
miflea,d; and I demand the fame of Cato. If he is
the hones man he wifoes to appear he will not refute
me. Let us cahvafs every thing to the bottom, and
Jet not dark hints, unproved assertions, or ungene
rous inuendoes against the designs of incorruptible
patriots be hereafter palmed on the people for ar
gument; but when truth is exhibited to them in
the fulled and faired manner, let them judge for
themselves. Upon due information I doubt not
they will judge right; and that judgment I am re
solved to abide by.
But why does Cato labour so inceffmtly to bias
his reader by so many, and such long and pathetic
N U MB ER 11.
CASSANDRA to C ATO.
'S I R,
harangues of the horrors of war and its powers of
deflation : Slavery is certainly a much more terrible
evil in every refped than war. For the evils of
war are both tolerable and temporary, while the
miseries of slavery are intolerable and endless. War.
may cut off thousands in the bloom of their youth;
but slavery destroys the very feeds of generation,
not only in the animal but vegetable world. How
does it look, Cato, in a patriot of your magnitude to
be continually haranguing on the horrors of war at
a time when every thing we hold dear and valuable
depends on the fuccels of our arms. Wcre you in
your beloved mother country, and the Pretender
witli a foreign force, suppose Ruffians, ravaging her
coasts, would you harangue on these horrors to dis
courage refinance? I confefs myfelf at great un
certainly what part you would a& on such an occa
sion; but I Rrongly presume that in case you did
you would be accounted a difaffefted traitor, and
treated accordingly. But I afli pardon, Sir, you
don't like to be queßioned. Surely were you in the
councils of the enemy your native appetite for peace
would loon put an end to their murderous designs !
You are not conscientiously scrupulous neither, for
you declare you will turn out against us, if there be
any attempt to fertile French and Englilh by the
ears. Take no help ! Take no help! Fight alone,
Whigs, till you are all cut off, and then we Tories
will submit and have the whole. This is the lan
guage of Cato. Now though I am as confident
that your publiccations are intended to reduce us to
slavery, as you can be that mine propose a continu
ation of the war, and tho' I can more easily prove
the one than you can the other; yet I have not
endeavoured, by alarming descriptions of the mise
ries of slavery, to prejudice my reader against the
arguments of my opponents. Calandra has no point
to carry, and therefore deceits such fllifts. God
forbid! that I should ever confider my own in
terest as federate from the general intereß of man
kind! and with equal fervency of devotion I pray
that all who have may be finally defeated in their
attempts against these Colonies. You have filled
nearly the one half of the five letters you have alrea
dy published with horrible descriptions alone. Do
you imagine, Cato, that we are all affeded with
nervous complaints; and that you can do more for
your cause by alarming our fears, than informing
our judgments? If this he not your design pray
publilh as many, as terrible, and as animated de
scriptions of the miseries of'flavery as you have done
on the horrors of war; and then leave the people
to judge which they would choose. Don't let us
throw them into a panic and coufufion and then de
fine them to examine with coolness and deliberation.
There is a dignity in honesty, and a pleading for
titude in confeious integrity, which I could wilh
Cato to experience. The lubjed demands a clear,
plain, full, rational and manly difeuffion, and it
ought to have it. It is certainly worthy of all the
labour wecan bestow upon it. Liberty or Slavery
is now the question. Lerus but fairly difeever to
the inhabitants of theft Colonies on which fide Li
berty has ereded her banner and we will leave it to
them to determine whether they would choose Li
berty tho accompanied with war, or Slavery attend
ed by peace.
The preterit contest is a contest of constitutions,
and the war a war of legislatures. The common
wars of nationsare the wars of one crowned head
against another in which the people have little sh me
and are as little consulted. The crowned head on
each fide declares-war or negotiates peace without
conferring with them. But this war is a war be
tween the Britilh Parliament and the colonial As
semblies, it is, in fadt, become a war between the
people of Great-Britain and the people of America;
and though both have heretofore acknowledged the
fame King, and he in duty ought to have remained
neuter; yet as he has joined the Britilh Parliament
against us he has become a party in the quarrel.
Hence, so far as the prelent is a contest of constitu
tions, the Parliament has evidently won the field;
for the whole force of the legislature of Great-Bri
tain has been, from the firft day of the controversy,
armed against us, but we have in no one inßance
bcoa able to call forth the Rrength of bur legisla
tures to oppose, nay, we have constantly hid them
against us ready to join the foe. I ask, how happens
this, Cato? Why are you so in love with such a
constitution? As you are not fond ol answering flly
queries, I will endeavour to answer them myfelf.
It is because our legislatures are dependent on our
very enemy and theirs is independent of us. Our
constitutional connexion with Britain gives her so
prodigious an advantage over us, that if we had
ftridfly adhered to our chartered constitutions, we
would have been enslaved before this time. And it
will ever be io, as long as we are dependent.
Botli the King and Parliament of Great-Britain
are the choice of the people of Great-Britain ; but
tho' our Assemblies are our choice, our Governors
are not; they are either nominated by the King of
Great-Britain, or some one of his Britiih fubje&s,
which effectually destroys their utility to us in this
and every Inch controversy, which has already or is
likely hereafter to happen. Their salaries, though'
the gilt of the people, are evidently no counterpoise
to their nomination, if facts can prove any thinm
And for this plain reason, that though we gran^
General Putnam, commander in chief at New-
York, has given positive orders that the ministerial
fleet there shall no longer be supplied with provisi
ons, and that all communication between them and
the snore be entirely flopped.
Thursday, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer
R^d Generaljail Delivery for the city and county
of Philadelphia, Willaim Bales and James Jones,
the wages, yet it rests in the,power of the ^ing
whether they shall enjoy it or not; as after appoint
ment the continuance ofit depends entirely on him.
The Kingof Great-Britain, tho' our King, will
ever join the Parliament against us, as often as a
contention happens. The Parliament are his tools;
and their illegal claims are only a specious covering
For his endeavours after arbitary power in the firlt
place; and in the second place, his crown, his dig
nity and his support, depends entirely upon the r
grants and not upon ours. He will therefore take
part with them on every occasion. On the contra
ry, his representatives are not so dependent on us
as to oblige them to take part with us. This is not
allj for in every province, where they had the pow-
AT, they not only refufed to concur in our measures
but also prevented us from making use of our re
presentatives, that we might not have the Ihadow
of a legislature to support us. And even in those
provinces where his power has not extended so far,
he has conttantly gone as far as he could. This is
not all yet; for in many tney have corrupted the
ignorant and illiterate by bribes, set up the royal
Randard against us, and obliged us to light under
every disadvantage. Is it not 10, Cato?
There is, therefore, a capital defed in our char
tered constitutions—A defed which makes an es
sential difference between the present Rate of our
liberties, and that secured to Englishmen by Mag
na Charta—A defect wliich, if not effectually re
moved, will oblige us ever to hold our liberties at
the point of our swords, or by that mos precarious
of all tenures, 101 l and Pleasure. Ilie immortal
Barans weie too wife to be duped by fair promises.
They drew their Iwords, determined to obtain ab
solute fecurity;,and they did obtain it. They ob
tained by 'Magna Charta the constitutional right of
levying war.againft the King, as often as he should
attempt to infringe upon the liberties of the people.
Were our governors the choice of the people, and
dependent on them for their filaries, we would, in
the prelent case, be able to make a conftitutio'nal
refinance to oppreflion; to oppofe' constitution to
constitution. But this not being the case, the par
liament has plainly the advantage. It is necessary,
tliei eloie to our lecuiity, to liave our Governors as
much dependent on the people of America, as the
King is on thole of Great Britain, before our con-
Ritutions can be of any service to us against Britiih
encroachments; 01, that when our Governors re
fute their concurrence, our representatives shall
have the privilege of felting them aside, and anting
legiflativcly without them. This is a chute as el
fenrial to the security of America, as the clause
vhich grants to the people of Great-Britain the
right of declaring war against the King, when he
attempts to disturb their privileges. Will Cato
hand it out till this is obtained?
This morning arrived in the harbour twenty
three transports, from the ealtward, having on
board the brigade commanded by General Sullivan
P HI L A D EL P HI A..
°" Monday last tlie following gentlemen were
cholen Directors & Treasurer of '1 he Philadelphia
Contributionihip, for the Inlurance of Houfeslrom
Lois by Fire, for the ensuing year, viz. Messieurs
Samuel Shoemaker, Jacob Shoemaker, Peter Rteve
Gunning Bedford, Jolhua Howell, David Defliler^
Jonathan Evans, Michael Hillegas, Joleph Fox,'
Samuel Wetherill, jun. Luke Morris, and ™ George
Roberts, Directors; and Mr. Samuel Sanfom,
Treasurer.
N E W-Y O R K,/fpril io,
Monday night one thousand of the Continental/
troops, Rationed here, went over and took possessi
on of Governor's island, and began to fortify it;
the lame night a regiment went over to Red-Hook
and fortified that place likewise.
On Saturday laR the Continental fleet fell in with
the Glaigow man of war, off Montock Point, at
the ealt end of Long-Bland, when Admiral Hop
kins, being the foremoßlhip. attacked the Glasgow,
upon which a hot engagement ensued, but before
anothei ship could come up, the Glaigow sheered
off with considerable damage, The fleet after
waids tool e a bomb brig and three tenders, all
which they carried fafe into New-London on Sun
day morning.
(The remainder in our next.)
PROVIDENCE, March 30.
By several gentlemen lately arrived from Checo
nedo, in the province of Nova-Scotia, we have un
doubted intelligence, that that government had en
deavoured to enlist part of the inhabitants to a& a
gainß their American brethren, which they nobly
refufed; in consequence whereof the Governor
had ordered the militia called together, and a num
ber to be drafted, when their officers were told by
the men, that if they attempted to draft, they
wodic ihie upon them; this flopped their proceed
ing any furth r, and the men club'd their muskets
and marched home.