National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-03-27 00:00:00, page 1

Spec* of Kks a int on the Britijh War,
:> t' ■■ ' y ui -..ventioH of trance, on
Tot!id-: uiry i.
[Tranfl <d in-m a French Paper* j
[Continued from our lad, and concluded.]
IT io net witli the i ich. the prirfts, or the
lords that Pitt will fit out the fleet & fill
up the army. But, as 1 have bt :"oie (aid,
1 fe.ir that he will dispose the nation to
war. We mult then undeceive thein ; and
if Pitt fends a fleet to sea, i,s a prelude to
fighting, why might not a French commo
dore atldrefs the following speech to the
English nation ?
«'Enjliflimen, the men who have over
thrown the defpotifni of their king, whole
Victorious arms have driven from their
Country the armies of two of the great
eft military powers ot Europe, are flil!
compelled to li^bit in order to d . end th-. .1
liberty. You ought at least to. know what
insults yon have to revenge. Kavfe the
French infringed upon any territory of
yours ; have they molelled yoyr trade, in
sulted your flag, or betrayed the rights of
hospitality towards your citizen'
Throughout the vast extent of your pof
feflions have you any complaint to make
agamft the agents of our republic ? No ;
and if you have not been deceived, no af
front or motive of this fort can in
yo'ir eyes the war you are now dragged
into : and yet your blood and ours is to ba
mutually f:-d on those waves over which
we ought to past in quiet, to enrich our
difo rent countric-.. on which we ought to
embrace like br thers, nd extend 'the
' hand of kind relief! The French have de
clared that 11 men are born free and e
qual the end and deiign of the laws
ought to be toenfure the enjoyment of li
berty ami equaiii v, which tlicy have pro
nounced to be the rights of man. People
of England, this i: the fin ot the French
nation; this combined again ft them
Icrio-s nobles, and priefls ; for those men
wifat'o a. knowledge no such thing as e
qualily. but a i'i' eal to ? out '
fuences—Would you make war upon them
because they have proclaimed your rights
and their own ? It is a tact, that t.ie cuf
fufion of these truths has made those
tremble who every where oppress and un
dervalue their fellow-creatures, and en
joy with an unfympathizing heart, in the
bosom of wealth, those delicacics of life,
the toil and misery of fupplymg which bears
upon the shoulders ot those they call the
people. But will you, who are now prepa
ring to fight us, you whose courage and
itrength isdeltined to be fnbfervient to the
passions of pride & avarice, content to serve
th" haughty men who hold you 111 dik.ain
answer, what is your lot ? What are your
hopes, and what advantages will you reap
from war, whether victory terminates
with you or with us ?—We will tell you :
If the French fail in their efforts for tree
dom, liberty is forever banished from Eu
rope, and perhaps from this globe-ifwe
triumph, you are free ; luice it is for the
rights of man th t we are fi 2 ht.ng ; and if
you are men, our victories will be yoms.
Now, will you light ? Speak :-are you
friends or enemie .
Perhios this speech, were it heaid by
the whole Eniiilh nation, would termi
nate our anxiety, and would make an ally
of the nation that n»w menaces our liber
ty. The truths which I utter are diflenn
nated among all the enlightened spirits of
En-land. Let the p>'. eminent dread an
explosion, end the events of the war will
molt certainly accelerate it.—This obser
vation bttngs me back to myfubjeci.
In taking flicii a view of aliairs, i am
more and more confirmed in myfirfl opin
ion of the secret designs ot the English mi
niftrv. Pitt is wife and has ability, lie
withes to prcferve the government from
the inevitable conferences of a revolution.
He at least hopes, by his preparations and
negotiations, to prevent the people from
perceiving his real object, by keeping up
the idea of a war, upon which, however,
he will not finally determine, till lie has
thoroughly awakened the ancient ammo
-1 iity of "the English against us, and has
gained over, by his intrigues, a diforganiz
ins party in France. lam .of opinion thai
their minister deceives himfeU egregioufly
it, both ends that he proposes, particularly
in re-ard to *:s. lie judges of our counti)
by his own. France, in a state of liberty,
cannot be influenced by tear ; file will re
ceive no law but from herfelt. One oi
two men govern England : Here, the pub
lie opinion only governs. In r.ngland the
contention for governing is between par
ties ; in France, the contention is for the
approbation of the people. In England,
Nu "vf b . 43 of Vol. If.]
By P. FRENE AU: Publijhed Wednesdays and Saturdays, at Three Dollars per annum.
the ministry rules the nation ; here, they
are only iu agents. Pitt knows of no go
vernment except under his own authority.
In France, the government follows the
will of the nation. I will endeavour to
undeceive this man, whose errors may be
come at this time so ruinous to the world.
Let him attend to me, and underftancl that
there is no refemblauce between a country
that fails in a pursuit of liberty, and such a
country as France, where liberty has beam
ed forth for the firft time, free of aristoc
racy, and pure as virtue and truth itfelf.
He should know, that you do not fear
kings, and that if even you fuffer them to
remain, you will not enter into any trea
ties with them except ratified by their re
ipuiii rations. He fliouJd be little to
under Hand tliht you can Jive in peace with
kings, but can only enter into bonds ol
iinternal friendlhip with nations. He
[lioulct be made •to understand, that
France will oniy*ake peace upon condi
ions honorable to herfelf, and will secure
:he independence ins the nations, whose
voke we have broken—He nnift learn,
hat v eare not afraid of war, and that the
irft cannon ball fired upon the ocean, will
>e tlie signal to set free Holland. Spain, &
America; an attempt which is by no
neans above our national courage and our
ncans, because the interests of those nati
are in our favour, and it is their secret
vifh tint France {hould now exert herfelf
or their deliverance.
He ought finally to be informed, that
he friends of anarchy, tools to a govei n
nent that has corrupted Europe, are ai
eady fallen into contempt, that their
ibettors will be in the fame situation in a
liort time, and 1 hat our present agitations
efemble those raised by a tempest on the
jcean. The furface only is moved, but
hegreat body of waters is tranquil.
I will now examine intotheconfequenc
?s of the war with which we are threat
filed ; and will take it for granted that a
vnr \virh Koala lid w ill involve n* a. 97-n
---•ral contest with all the maritime powers
il Europe. However true this polition
nay be, it ought not to alarm us; it is on: -
ntereft that in such a lirnggle there (hould
ie no neutrals; but if we are forced into
t, I propose that we should ifl'ue a general
irodamation, addrefl'ed to every people,
' that in a war of kings against human na
ure, we can only know friends and ene
nics."—Policy would advise such a deter
mination, apparently desperate ; but I will
jive my reafonsfor it
England is a power so preponderating in
commerce and navigation, that other nati
ons are in a certain degree only her mer
cantile fatlors ; France, indeed, only so
faf as refpecls her internal industry and
wealth procured therefrom ; but Spain,
Portugal, and Holland, and the small re
publics of Italy, trade upon the funds and
profits of English industry ; and the trea
sures of the new world and those ot A(ia
are in the mean time tributaries to the ac
tive industry of the merchants and manu
fa£turers of that nation. Denmark, Swe
den, and Rnflia have an apparent staple of
commerce in naval ftorcs, which are almost
peculiar to them. But this staple is al
ways rated to the height ot its vjlue by the
Englilii dealers and brokers; and there is
no where to be found any lucrative branch
of trade which has not been already ex
plored and exhausted, by the efforts ol a
people profeflcdly mercantile.
I know that it is a bold undertaking, on
ly to attempt to declare war against a host
of enemies; but if such a determination
holds forth great d ingers, it alio disclose:.
great refourccs. If the question was, to
attack a combination of nations, the pro
portion would be weak and not worth dif
cufling ; but in such a war the people of
those nations will be only the passive in
ftrunient, and as they will experience los
ses without any indemnification, it will be
the more easy to convince them that it is
unjust, and their inclinations to oppose us
will finally be a matter of triumph. Hard
ly have we estimated the advantages of
those nations who wage war in a collefr
ed mass, forthemfelves, and for the com
mon cause. It would be profitable, how
ever, to recollect at this instant, when all
Europe threatens us with a general war,
what have been the etfetls of the efforts of
even feeble nations, but resolved and deter
mined (as we are) to live free or die.
What resources of strength have they
drawn forth in circumstances nearly simi
lar ! The brave resistance of the Athenians,
whose territory did not equal the fmallelt
of our departments in extent or popula
ti®n, to a terrible war which theyfupport-
WEDNESDAY, March 27, 1793.
Ed 38 years againfl all theneighbouringna
tions, as fatal to all Greece as to the Athe
nians themselves, is the noblell monument
lh'-:t history lias handed down to 11s of the
courage,the bravery, and the genius of
man. It is also a proof of what thegeni
us of liberty is capable of performing.
A more recent example, however, pre
sents itfelf, that of the Hollanders (haking
off the yoke of Philip the second. " A
small corner of earth (fays Voltaire) al
most drowned in the seas, which fubfilted
only by the herringfifliery, became a for
midable power, made head againfl Philip
Che second, and deprived liis fucceflors of
ilmoft all their pofleffions in the East Indi
?s ; and lias at length terminated its career
i>y givHig protection to its enemies— 11 Such
;reat effects attended the persecutions of
Philip. But the end of our revolution
,vill be the effect of the persecutions of
entire Europe, altlio 1 the completion of it
>■ ill cod 11s millions. —Well, it war im
>overi(hes 11s, it will effect a change of
"aimers; and will accommodate them to
he fj.irit of the revolution ; a maritime
aar will, instead of extending our fyllem
liro' Europe, recall our forces to the de
ence of our frontiers. There we fliall
jc invincible. And if Spain, England,
uul Holland, invite usinto Alia andAineri-
M—we will vigorously force our expediti
ns to those rich countries, and will call to
aind thai it was the Pope who gov: Amer
a to Spain ■'
If we consider the vatl field which this
>kl idea liys open to the courage and ac
ivity of our sailors, the immenl'e refourc
: vwhich it presents : it we fix our atten
:ion upon the multitude ot richly-laden
,eflels, that will fall a prey to our cruisers;
f we includein this ourmaritime war the
mmenfe number of brave men, who will
lock into us from all Europe, to acceler
e our expeditions ; if our nation (whole
oreign commerce ought to be prohibited
lie moment the war begins) directs its
''i' l Ito lIHVLI 1 t <!C t'l ~, ill
:oiifon.incc with thefpirit of the govern
ment : if we attack at the fame inflant
'or a maritime warought to be eflentialljr
jifentive) the richelt pofl'elfions of Spain,
Holland, Portugal, and England, then we
hail fee that tlirfe powers, difcour.vged
iviththeir lofles, and their rt'fources dryetl
,ip, will begin to find that we have (truck
it he root of their treafUres.
The credit of England rests upon ficti
cious wealth The real riches of that na
jon are scattered over the whole globe,
md are from their nature moveables. As
confined to her territory, the public estate
jf England lies almost wholly in her bank,
and the w hole flruiture isfirpported by the
wonderful activity of their maritime com
merce. Asia, Portugal, and Spain are her
moll advantageous markets, and where
they find a vent for the products of En
jlilh industry. Opening tliefe countries
lotlie whole world will be,in effeit, (hut
ting them agaiult England.
We 11111(1 attack Lifbort and Brafil, and
lend an auxiliary army to Tippoo Sultan !
Portugal can do nothing, in her own de
fence. A naval tore#, after penetrating
the Tagiis, and laying the country under
contribution, and after having destroyed
their magazines and (tores, would tinifli
ihe career of success by taking and liberat
ing Brafil. An expeditiondireffed againfl
the Englifli Indies would equally menace
the Dutch settlements, the Cape of Good
Hope, Batavia, the I(land of Ceylon &c.
We (hould find nothing there to oppose us
but men enervated by luxury, and who
would tremble before the soldiers of liber
ty—As to Spain, her inhabitants carry in
their breads a native dignity of fonl which
entitles them to freedom, so that in Eu
rope they will make but a feeble (land in
defence of the Bourbons ; In America,
the transatlantic Spaniard calls for Our af
fiOance, and by marching into the heart of
Mexico we (hall give a lesion of caution to
England ; for, such a holt of enemies as
are combining againfl us offer this advan
tage, that each will be compelled vigor
ously to guard his own pofleffions and we
fliall never have bu r one of them to fight
at the fame time. The Italian republics
will furnifli us with many rich prizes at
sea, the loss of which 11111 ft fall chiefly up
on the Englifli commerce, by reason of the
far greater part of their cargoes being al
ways the property of the London mer
chants. The forces of those little dates,
even including Portugal, are trivial, and
may by falling into our hands, serve to re
cruit our own. England, Spain, Holland,
and Ruflla present to our view a numer
ous naval force, but I fee no two of them
that can a£t in union, except perhaps En
gland and Russia. Spain will be taken hi*
in defending her numerous foreign poflef
lions. If we push the war vigorouflv into
Zealand, we fliall at once deprive thettadt
liolder of his great resource of naval sup
plies ; and the patriots of Hoiland who
have long been invitingus to their aid, v> ill
when supported by our arms, foou show
theinfelves, to the terror of the ariitocra
tic party.
If we knew how to direst a maritime
war with (kill, it will amply indemnify lis
for the expellee of wars by land, and per
haps like the Athenians and the Holland
ers, France, immensely powerful as (lie is
in her land armies, will nevertheless owe
the ellablifliment of her liberty to the \ic
tories of her naval forccs.
All the French poffefiions beyond fca are
at this inlla.a only a dead weight to the
parent country ; which drain our treasures
and give us no equivalent. If England
fliould capture them, the prizes taken from
them in consequence will be very lucra
tive ; and the emancipation of Mexico
cannot be set in competition w it.li the Iof;
of a few little islands. But there is no
doubt but the colonies will be vigorously
defended, and it is even polljble that our
enemies will fail in their attempts 011 that
quarter; a military spirit has discovered it
felf there in consequence of their internal
civil wars during our revolution, which
with the forces that have been recently
sent from France for their support, w ill
soon put them 011 a retyeitable footing of
defence. I s.m of opinion that all partic
among them will re-unite, in order to re
main French, and that they will fei/.e upon
the occalion to prove their attachment to
their country. But if they fliould provt
ungrateful children, they neither merit 0111
exertions to save them, nor would they be
cause of much regret, if loil. In one word,
if England becomes miflrefs of our colo
nies, the will be under a necefiity of vigilant
ly guarding them, at an expence that wiH
>reatly weaken ber ; while mm' ,»wu iorcr
being released from an attention to them,
will be at our disposal to seek ample com
pensation elsewhere.
Supposing our enemies fliould invade oiir
coast, can we have a doubt but that 0111
brave guardacoalfs will repell them ? F.nr -
land threatened with an invalion, and h.i
ving nothing to protect her but her fleet,
will be under a necefiity of retaining a
great part of that fleet and her land furies
for her own immediate fafety. Georj
will be under conllant apprehentions oi a
vilit from the friends of the rights of man.
But the Ruffians-*---and will not the Turks
give the Rufiians foine cause of disquiet
and will not the Swedes, the only people
that seem to take 11s by the hand, make
some effort to iuterrupt the progress of i!,«
barbarians that menace our liberty ! Let
that be as it may,both Rufiians and Dutch
men, confederated, would be effectually
flopped even in the sea pom of England,
by our very fifliihg boats, who are always
in readiness to carry over the channel o-ie
hundred thousand i'reachmen ; and it is.
perhaps, by some such expedition, w t fliali
terminate our quarrel with the governing
powers of England, and upon the rmns 01
the tower of London, sign with the undr
ceived people of that country, a treaty
that fliall fettle the future defUiiy of both
nations, and lay a foundation lor the li
berty of the whole world.
From all that I have said result feterSl
general considerations, upon whieh I will
lieg your attention. Always well ground
ed in your principles, let it be your pru
dent care not to provoke a war, but at the
fame time, as remote from all fear, we
fliould hold twrfelves determined to repel
every unjust aggreflion. lluis {had the*
war with which we arc threatened be fa
tal to those who have provoked it, w bile
we prepare to support a vigorous confiiA
with England and her allies—ln this view
I propose that the Convention flicuid pals
the following decree.
1 Let the minister of the marine ifliie
orders inflantly, thro' all onr ports, to (it
out 30 (hips of war and 20 frigates, lo be
provided with fix months stores ot provisi
on, and water for four months. 2. Let or
ders be issued for building 25 fail of the
line, sos 100 guns, 6of So, 1 4 of 1, ci
ther in the ports of war or commerce. 3.
Let the executive council take the molt
prompt measures for eilablifhiiig a ("effici
ent force for guardrn ■, t lie coalls, and to
pot in motion, the ensuing tyring, 100 b:u
talions in the maritime departments, 01-
those adjacent to the fca. 4. 'file com
mittee of war fliall lix open the leatl bur
[Total No. 14.7. j