The Pennsylvania ledger, or, The Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey weekly advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-05-18 00:00:00, page 1

ASSIZE of B REA
FINE FLOUR at fifteen shillings and six
pence per Ct.
MIDDLINGS at thirteen killings per Ct.
RYE at nine (hillings per Ct
White Bread: The penny loaf to weigh eight
ounces and a quarter.
Two-penny dit one pound three quarters of an oz.
Four-penny ditto, two pound, one oz. and a half.
Eight-penny ditto, tour pound, tliree ounces.
Twelve-penny ditto, fix pound, lour ounces
and a pall.
Middling Bread: The penny loaf, nine ounces
and a had
TV r-penny diro, one pound, three ounces.
Fo ; -penny ditto, two pound, fix ounces.
Eigh penny ditto, four pound twelve ounces.
7 ve-penny ditto, seven pound two ounces.
Rye bread: The penny loaf, eleven ounces and
three quarters.
Two p nay ditto, one pound seven ounces and
a half.
Four-penny ditto, two pound fifteen ounces.
Ei^ht-penny ditto, five pound fourteen ounces.
Twelve-penny ditto tight pound thirteen ounces.
Set by SAMUEL POWELL, Mayor.
JACOB DUCHE, )
SAMUEL RHOADS. C Aldermen
AMOS STRETTLE. )
WEEKLY
^ Philadelbhia: Printed by James Humphreys, junr. in Front-street, at the Corner of Black
horfe Alley:—Where Essays Articles of News, Advertisements. &c. are gratefully received and impartially inserted. And
Where Subferiptions are taken in for this Paper, at Ten Shillings per Year.
PENNSYLVANIA
A few Copies of the
Military Guide,
FOR
YOUNG OFFICERS,
By THOMAS SIMES, Esquire,
In Iwo Volumes, large O&avo, embellished
with a Number of Copperplates,
(Price Three Dollars)
May be had of the PRINTER hereof.
The best Price and ready Money
Is given for
Clean Linen Rags,
By the PRINTER hereof.
Talbot County, Maryland. May, 6, 1776
SIX POUNDS Reward.
7\ W.l from the ,uncriuer, on nt night
K of tie 4th infant, two convids, viz. WILLT
AM MANLY, a well made man, five feet leven
inches high, thirty or thirty-five years of age, with
black hair cut Ihort, of a Surly bad countenance, is
a sawyer or labourer, and understands hories: had
on a Ihort blue coat much worn, ipotted fwanlkin
jacket and trowiers, good strong Shoes with Small
nails in the idles and heels, a cap made of Englilh
sole leather and painted blue, and had an iron collar
about liis neck: lie is a motl impudent iniamous
villain, this being the third time he has run away,
and once lie broke jail alter he was taken up ,and
committed.
THOMAS PEARSON, a (lender simple young
fellow, with light coloured ihort loft hair, about
eighteen or twenty years of age, five feet fix inches
high has large eyes and very small fingers, is a
sawyer or labourer: had on a drab coloured coat
and jacket about half worn, Ipotted Swan Skin trow
fers, and a Ie Ter cap and ihors the fame as Man
ly's they both Speak the North of England Dialed:.
Whoever takes up ind secures the laid servants,
so that I get them again, (hall receive it taken in
this province Forty Shillings tor eacli, and it taken
up out of this province Three Pounds for each.
When taken up I desire I may be inform d by an
advertisement in the Pennsylvania Gazette.
JAMES BRADDOC K.
N. B. Tis probable they will change their names
and perhaps some part of their cloaths, and 'tis
likely they will lurk in the woods in the day time and
travel in the night.
May 18, 1776,
Or the Virginia, Maryland,
SATURDAY,
From the Virginia Gazette.
IN my Salt I endeavoured to (hew, that a confßa
tional independence, founded on the ancient char
ters, and original contrasts of the colonies, and
Warranted by the laws of nature-, ought to have
been the objed of our wilhes from the beginning of
the dispute: I mean such n independence as would
have given us a total exemption from parliamentary
government, under the allegiance of the croWn of
England. 1 will now proceed to (hew why we
ought Rill to have in view this great object of a
constitutional independence, and that the necessity of
a total separation from Brir J n does not yet arise.
Thole who cry out incefCntly for an immediate
subversion of our ancient pd tical lyeftem would do
well to consider the fubjed in all it's points of view,
and look forward into the probable coniequences.
They will find, from a thorough knowledge of the
history of mankind, that the British constitution,
when conduced on its pure and true principles, is
the most peried form of government which ever yet
has been invented by the wit of man. Every writer
on politics agrees in this point, all nations acknow
ledge the truth of the assertion. This beautiful
system of legislation, which io equally tempers and
combines the cafferent forms of democracy, aristo
cracy, and monarchy, Secures a Sufficient degreeof
liberty to the people, while it curbs the ambitious
Strides of their rulers. It is free from those nume
rous evils which arile out of cither of the other forms
and ought for ever to be the object of a wife people.
We Should remember, that the primary object of
the dnpute was a restoration of this confiitution; and,
when reduced to the dire n affity of taking up arms
in defence of our invaded rights, it is our duty to
avoid Sullying So fair a cause by an unjuflifiable
subversion of the whole fyltem, with the determi
ned purpose of never Sheathing the Sword till we
have recovered our rights. We Should deem the
re-eflabltJhment of our original, our confitutibnal
independency, a Jufficient fruit of our victory. Let
us revolve in our minds all the benefits which we
have derived from our original country: She hath
ever been to us an outwork of defence against the
ambitious and potent nations 01 Europe. She hath
lerved as a guide and a governor, to prevent and
to heal thole civil dilientions which mutual jealousy
and emulation are too apt to excite in colonies grow
ing up in eacli other s neighbourhood. To the in
fluence of her excellent constitution we are indebted
for that peace and proipericy which we have for
merly enjoyed; and while we continue to live in the
full poffeflion 01 our rights, under the gentle rule
of the Crown of England, we must go on progrel
fively in that boundless career (of which there is no
other instance in history) until the feat of empire foall
be transferred jrom Britain to America.
Such is the propped on one fide. Let us now fee
what the opposite view will prelent us. A public
declaration oj absolute independence will exclude us
for ever from terms with Great Britain, and either
"create us a perpetual enemy, who will have it in
her power to check our proiperity, or reduce us to
the molt abject State 01 Slavery. The events of war
are uncertain; and, however much we may be ela
ted with our prelent lucceffes, every wile politician
will keep within his own grasp the means of pro
moting a continuance of fucceis, or of Securing the
belt terms on a relerve of lortune. The people of
England have manifested an early inclinatien to do
us jultice, while we contend lor our constitutional
liberties, and the Ministry have found it difficult to
recruit their armies; but the moment a declaration
of independency comes out every man in England
will become our enemy- . Numbers in America
too, who have been foremolt in their opposition
to unconstitutional oj pr^flions, will confeientioufly
Stand 101tli against the idea ol innovation. Already
the evil has begun. Pennsylvania and the Jerfies
have declared tor a constitutional connexion, the two
Carolinas for a total Jeparation. What the event
will be let thole reflet that have thrown the deadly
cause of disunion among us. Why lay any thing
about it? If we are victorious, we Shall have it in
our power to command our own terms; but if the
battle goes against us, what terms can we then ex
pert, or where can the evil end?
ri^fo
1/ ^\Wl^^rj ^^"iV
THE
ADVERTISER.
L ED G E R:
But (fay the friehds of innovation) it is both
unnatural and inconvenient for the Sovereign of
America to reside at three thousand miles distance.
This I look upon to be one of our greatest blessings.
A King at a distance can never have that personal
influence, which we find to be the cause ot every
subversion of the rights of the people, and although
some inconveniences may arise from his distant ficu
ation, the good by far overbalances the evil Others
have asked, how can we again be reconciled to a
people who hath declared us rebels; or acknowledge
allegiance to a King who has violated the rights of
the fubjed, and broke through the barriers of the
constitution? I aniwer, that I care but little for
their declarations, for as long as we have the power
of retaliation in our hands, they will not dare to
treat us as rebels; and although I retell th. prin
ciples of George 111. and Shall think it my duty at
all times to oppose his unjutt encroachments, yet I
mean to preserve the constitution by retraining the
King. All men are intoxicated with power, and it
is the duty of the people to watch over tllofe who
must of necessity be inveiled with supreme command.
The fame-caution holds good in monarchies, aristo
cracies, and republics. But I am told your Scheme
is merely visionary. The people of England will
never agree to such a reconciliation as renders the
Crown independent of Parliament. Let us beat
them into compliance; they will be glad to receive
us on those terms, rather than loie us altogether.
And while we acknowledge allegiance to the Crown
of England, let us assert our natural, our constitu
tional rights to a free government, and oppose an
invincible refinance to every Shadow of parliament
ary refinance over these colonies.
With much more Shew of reason, it is alledged,
that necessity, and our common Safety, call out
aloud upon us to Separate for ever. The advocates
for this do&rine tell us, that as long as we continue
under the allegiance of the Crown of England the
I will venture to go further. Were we this mo
ment triumphant in all the success of victory. I
Should Still think it for the interest and happiness of
America to enjoy the benefits and advantage of a
free trade-, and a constitutional independence under
the allegiance of the British Crown. A system of
absolute independence Would burst asunder the bands
of religion, of oaths, of laws, of language, of blood,
of interest-, of commerce ; of all thole habitudes, in
fine, which hold us united among ourselves, under
the influence of the common parent. Who ,ets not
that luch a rending to pieces must reach the entrails,
the heart, the very life of the colonies? Should they
have the good forun ic escape the fatal ex^emity
of civil wars, will it be an ealy matter for them to
agree on a new form of government? Is it proba
ble that they will establish a form on the fame salu
tary principles as the old one ; or is it practicable ?
If tliey should incline to do So, who among us lias
pretensions to the throne? But if (as is most pro
bable) democracies, or ariftoctacies, should be the
modes, who does not feel himielf a considerable
loser by the change? Was every colony to become
a dihind and Separate hate, what endlels divisions
among them ! Sliould Such a number of little com
monwealths, where the diversity of laws, the ine
quality ofriches, the variety of possessions, must sow
in Secret the feeds of opposition in interests, be dis
posed to form a confederated union, how adjust the
rank which each Should hold in it, and the influence
which each should poffc-fs, in proportion to their
respective risks and importance? Jealousy, and a
hundred other passions, which io early divided the
States of Greece, would Spread discord through a.
multitude of colonies, ratiier ailociated by reiciit
ment and indignation against Britain, which are
but transitory and galling ties, than by the Sober
and well weighed principles of a natural and per
manent unions Their confederacy will continue no
longer than the necessity of opposing the common
enemy. When that necessity ceases, the turbulent
Spirit of conquest will break loose; the firon^ will
over run the weak, and they will mourn for the
peaceful influence of the parent country. All these
considerations seem to evince that an erermd'divorce
from Britain would be a great and grievous misfor
tune to thele colonies.
Pennsylvania, & New-Jersey
May 18, 1776.
Numb) LXIX &