National gazette. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1793-02-13 00:00:00, page 2

Much as I refpeft tliis order of mjn, I
would n»t be sorry to fee fucli of them, as
are nnneceffary, more honorably employed
at the plough ; I expect Btey would make
Ikliful farmers iiiri ufeful members of so
ciety when they would have more of a
common interelt therewith, for they them -
selves will acknowledge that,in the, arts ■ol
tie 1 ny, the chicane, bargains, Jkc. in ufc
wirh thrife gentlemen", aiid upun wliici;
much of their profits depend, and which h
a part ol their fyftera, theyjlvipe not i
common intereTt with the -corr>phimity
Qewevcx.l do not my owi
lltferiugi, so • though I hive had a com
mon fhi-e of dealing, and am now fixtj
years nf age, I never had an a£tion befort
a court, nor gave a lawyer a fee on mj
own account.
Extending t:ie power of the juflices o;
the peace to £. 20, is not doing more ir
the year 1793, then extending their powei
to £• f' n tV,e y°ir '745 was. At that time
£. 5 would have phrchafed as good a horft
as a . 20 w ill do nojv t«\s-1 ;:tely as the year
1763, horses wer • purchafeV. at £. 100 1
fco-e, viz. for Go!. Bouquet's campaign,
and many of thent W'ereofafufficientfizefoi
the Waggon or plow ; and land which fold
at/.'3 an acre when the £. 5 law Wi
made would cfrtninly fell now for £. Ij.
In short the nominal wealth of Pennsylva
nia is now more tiian four times as much
as it was then ; therefore if a law ena
bling the jnOices of the peace to give
judgment . i actions of debt to the amoiml
°f £■ s' n '745 w sfuinble to the weak!
ami dealing-, of Perinfylvnmu, a law e'na
bling them to recover debts to the amoun
of £. ;o now, ninft be full as fuitafcle.
But the profefiionalgentlemen afTert wit!
vehemence, that it will ruin the poor peo
pie and enrich the lawyers ; that they op
pole it for the public good.and that did thei
Ihwly their own as lawyers, the
would fuppnrt the measure, as tliey woul<
enrich thcmfelves much more by action
on appeal, than they could do by aclions i:
the firlt inliance. Though I iiigiily ap
prove of their patriotism in this instance
vet I mult beg leave to differ in opinio]'
with re) the fact. When the/, j
law w.i; eii-ftcd, lawyers were fewer ii
number and had less influence than at pre
sent, tho' no doubt they had as much vir
tue, and yet we do not hear that they op
poled that law. However, when tile/, ic
law was enacted, they opposed it with the
fame ardour, and 011 die fame grounds up
on which they now make this (land. I was
then a member of aifembly, and such oj
the member* as were lawyers, and their
brethren out of doors, who advocatei
their caof<,.moJe such pathetic lamenta
tions for the danger that the people wotih
be expo fed to, ai:d the exorbitant wealtl
the lawyers would accumulate in conse
quence of that law if it passed, that I was
almoft-difiiiaded from votiqg for it. This
circumltance made nip the more attentivt
to its operations and I am now convincei
from experience, that appeals have nol
been encreafed in proportion to the en
creafs of judgments ; and I presume the
sage and difintereited gentlemen of tilt
foarr will candidly acknowledge, that they
have not had.it in their powe" to make the
extensive fortunes they boasted of by ap
peals from decitions under that law. Con
sequently the people's property is fafe, anc
the tender confcienc£s of the lawyers nol
wounded.
Therefore, I infer that if the/. 5 afl
was a good oneforty-feven years ;igo, ant!
if the ten pound act was very acceptable
to the citizens, if it afforded security to
their property w'thout fubjetting them tc
the avarice and artificial delays of the law
yer--, when the justices of the peace anc
the judges of the pleas were the fame per
sons; I conclude, that now,
when the appeal is more prompt, the judg
es more dilinterefted. and the influence of
the lawyers watchfully exerted to pro
mote ccrtioraris, and to prove the disgrace
and difmiflion of the juflices of the peace,
who have no longer a controul over the
barr, the £. 20 att will be fafe and saluta
ry, and that it is the duty of the legisla
ture to enable the justices of the peace to
recover £. 20, or a higher sum, if the peo
ple require it. It ought to be coijifidered,
that beiides the other checks upon the jus
tices of the peace, the legislature has the
power of their removal from office at plea
lure.
In the present situation of Pennfyivania,
when commerce and the arrangements of
the Banks, render proihpt payment in ma
ny cases indifpenfibie, I am of opinion the
creditor ought to be enabled to recover
from the debtor according to the terms oi
the contract. The artificial delay of pay
ment after judgment, while it favours the
defendant in attion, occasions distress and
fometimesruin to numbers ; fertile plain
tiff may and often is, debtor to another,
and he to a third person, &c. However, I
do not with that a law of this nature should
affect contra£ts already 'exifling, nor even
those to be made, without previous warn
ing to the citizens. Whether these thoughts
will have any influence with the legisla
ture I know not, but I am certain I speak
the sentiments of perhaps ten to one of the
citizens with whom I am acquainted.
A SUSQUEHANNAH FARMER.
Feb. 7, 1793. >
For the National Gazette.
T7OR several years prior to the year 179 c,
there was a very general attention paid
to the arts, by men of every decree of
wealth; there was then an attentive ear
to every thing relative to the arts that w as
likely t:> he ufeful to our country, 1 and an
aiding baud every where visible. Some
undertakings in the new, or improved,
arts failed from being too complex, and
by the application of powers not perfectly
irnclerflood, which eventually tended to
the discouragement of many other ufeful
and practicable improvements. At the
commencement of the above year, nevs
objects (like a new coat of paint 011 an old
ground) objured the old ones, anions
which, however were some of the more
recent arts or inventions which are now to
be buried in oblivion for want of a littl 1
fafbionable aid.
As, according to the ruling fafhion of the
times,little or no encouragement i <
to the arts either new or old, so of coniV
quence, it has become a kind of hzr.jy to
mention the word machine, be it for eve;
lb valuable a purpose. If an artiif offers
any new i lvention that is pi ufible, every
body affects to wonder why lie is not en
couraged, and yet 1:0 one lifts a finger to
do it—This i.i varnishing matters over with
the new beu<h.
If an agricultural machine could be
produced that would serve to abridge la
bour in two branches (and another in the
manufacture oi duck-twine) that would
lave from 50 to 400 dollars annually, in
proportion to the lize of the farm, and the
machine not to cofl more to each farmer,
or manufacturer than from 10010 125 dol
lars, and to Ia ft 20 years, many would fay
such an arfijl. and the fabrication offnch
machines ought to be encouraged.
They order things very differently in
(.hina. There, agriculture and its im
provements are theprir.mm mobile.
It will reatliiy be admitted that there
are at lealt JOOO farmers (some lay 5000)
within th" present population of the union
who could afford the expence, if the fav ■
\ings could be really attained by the
means—fuppot'e the average to be 100 dol
lars annual favingto each*—thfct would be
ico,oco dollars every year, or i,gco,ccc
tor every ten years.
Many readers will consider this ffate
ment as chimerical, and call it, no doubt,
a balloon-affair, altho' there i, hardly a
v.letui new invented machine thrt has met
even with baljoon 'encouragement. The
opinions, however, of such as are 1101
competent judges, will b?vu f ::r
weight, as it is always eatier to conn i;4r
than laveiiigate. Let ft be remeniberit:
that there are men in this city of th? bed
judgment in mechanical affairs, who enter
tain not the leal; doubt, but such machine!
as are above alluded to,may be made, tc
lave as much as represented ; and thoft
who make the attempt maypromife them
fehes every probability of fucccfs.
The above representations, altho' foun
ded in truth, were rather the more urgec
From feeing a late publication in the Na
tional Gazette, intimating there is soon tt
De erected a laboratory to exhibit balloons,
and other curious machinery. As theft
exhibitions are to be fupportrd by donati
ons, the above declaration refpeclinc ufe
tul machines is made (if not in the f.tni
month) at leafl in the fame year, for rea
sons too obvious to mention'
Now Quere, which is the mofl valtia:-
ble to our country, such a machine, if it
can be accomplished by public encourage
ment, yr the balloon ? To afcertaiu tht
practicable utility of the one will req; i.->:
2codollars (the difference of cod between
rity or country is 125 and 200 dollars}—
the balloon, if elevated, will cost betweel!
1000 and 2000. If there fhonld be an
who are as much interelted in the know*
edge of the one as some are in the other,
:hey will enquire for information at the
printing office, No. 209, Market, or High,
Itreet, where a paper is left for the peril
al of those who wilii to be informed of the
iifes andpurpofes thereof. When that in
formation is attained, so far as it may be
atisfactory, it is hoped they will fubferibe
the above sum for a machine for agricul
tural purposes, which fliall then bt J built
and exhibited—for nothing.
Feb. 9.
For tie National Gazette.
Numb. 11.
AS the funding fyffem of the United
States has every appearance of beco
ming highly injurious to the rights, and
dangerous to the liberties of the ? -< : ;.e;
it not only demands the serious attention
of every original creditor, but of every
real citizen. On this important fubjeit
let 11s examine principles for ouirfe'/es,
and let us determine what measures ought
to be pursued to prevent the impending
evils.
It has been asserted by a person who hi
therto has been fuffcred to ojjhnie tcogreat
a degree of authority in the government,
that a. public debt is a public blessing.—
This bol.d aflertion cannot merit belief,
as it is jWliolly inconliflent with the na
ture of things, and is in no degree sup-
rorted by well atteiled facts. The boaft
:d reputation of this ftireffnn \y'Jl iel
no validity to his mere opinions, 1101- \\i
■is clecifionsbe regarded as oracles except
by those wlvo never think forthemfelves,or
who aretoo indolent to examine his opini
ons, always enveloped in darkness and
myfterv.
Those who areanxious an<J always rea
dy to trump up the pretexts of a govern
ment for pursuing unjoft meafmes, do not
: onfider that the law of nature has ail equal
authority with the municipal law, and
(hould be equally refpe&able and sacred.
There can be but one foie rule of justice
for aIL mankind, whether individually, or
united in society. As an individual, by co
ming into society, does not relinquish his
natural right's, neither can society collec
tively be juftified in doing an action which
would be improper or criminal in an in
dividual— all actions or situations juftifia
iii« in the one cafe, are equally juftifiable
i i the other—under particular diftrelfing
circumstances of individuals, it has been
thought neceflary and proper to set alide
the common law, by acts of bankruptcy,
bv which a bankrupt after giving up the
whole of hisproperty to be divided amongst
hi: creditors, an indemnity is granted to
h':;-i and his posterity of being free and
d.fcnarged forever from all debts ow ing
by him at the time he became a bankrupt.
Companies or societies of men are equally
liable to mi fortunes jikl to the derange
ment of their affairs,as individuals When
ever the expences of such foci eties exceed
their ordinary revenue, they become in
-1 olved in debt—when such debts hate once
been accumulated to a certain degree,
there is/carce a (ingle instance of their ha
ving been fairiy and completely paid
The liberation of the public revc-nue, if it
!i is ever been brought about at all, hasal
u ays been brought about by a bankrupt
cy , fomelunesby an avowed one, but al
ways by a real one, though frequently by
i pretended payment.
The tailing of the denomination of the
coin has been tW most usual expedient by
which a real public bankruptcy has been
disguised under the appearance of a pre
tended payment. When it becomes n.;-
ceffary for a (late to dechire itfelf a bank
rupt, in the f 'Uie manner ar> when it be
come:: necellary for an individual to do la,
:i fair,open and avowed bankruptcy is al
ways the measure which is both least dif
iionourable to the debtor,and least hurtful
to the creditor.
The Romans, at the end of the firft Pu
nic war reducfd the As, the coin or de
nomination- t>y "\vhtch thiy r'rtrrfpirf 'd the
talfle of all theirother coins, from contain
ing twelve ounces of copper, to contain
:>nly two otnees. The republic was in
this manner enabled to pay the great debts
ivhich it had contracted with the sixth part
t>f what it really owed. In the end of the
reign of Henry Vlll.and in the beginning
r>f that of Edward VI. the Engliih coin
was not only rnifedin its denomination but
adulterated in its itandard.
In the year i 74- * the Colony of Mafia
chnfetts Pay paid the greater part of its
public debts with the tenth part of the va
ne of the money for which its paper
aills had been granted.
The Congress of the United States paid
the soldiers for their meritorious services
and the fanners for fsipplies rendered, du
ring thejate war, with bills of credit and
certificates of one eighth of their nominal
value. Parting with the evidences of the
mblic debt has been imputed to the origi
nal creditors, as a crime, and therefore it
s said they fuffer by tlvir own wrong—
this i* adding insult to injury. No com
mutation of this kind can be just, because
the creditors feeing the diftfefs of their
country, and knowing its inability to make
*ood its contrails, received the evidences
it their demands at a depreciated value,
:nd their own individual diftrefles obliged
them to part with such evidences at a rate
u ixed by public opinion—The creditors ha
ving in this manner received two (hillings
ind fix pence in the pound, from the go
vernment in an actual (late of bankrupt
cy, and parted with the evidences of their
laim at the fame rate —can it be thought
■eafonable or just that the afiignee (hould
iow be entitled to that which the assignor
jononrabty relinquished to the diftrelfed
late of his country. Must it not rather
>e regarded as the inoft atrocious a£l of
niquity and injustice, that ever disgraced
the annals of civil society, that to secure
the full payment ofthedebtto the afiig
nee, a funding system (hould take place,
by which the original creditors and their
posterity will become the hewers of wood
and the drawers of water, to a foreign
n.onicu interest?
AN AMERICAN FARMER.
*See Hutckinfor?s Hjlory of MqJJhchufetts
lay.
To the Freemen of america.
Fellow Citizens,
pACI lOUS,difcontented and disappoint
ed as I have been supposed, still I w ill
not be turned alide from mv purpoiei by
idle and unmeaning founds, but continue
ray feeble exertions in the fer'vice of. tjy v
country, whose dearest intcre'Ss arc n. •'»
subservient to private aggrandizement, :d
■ ported with without compnnflior.. The
man who has ever dared to c;,]l in question
the infallibility of administration, or the
virtue of its intentions, has always been
branded with the character of factious, or
envious, however upright his views, how
ever unambitious his willies, and however
intimately incorporated his interest with
the prosperity of his country —This is a
mark which administration, or its fyco
phantJ. lixes upon him to lellen theinfju
ence of the voice of truth ; it is an unnght
cous policy, which the enlightened jnindi
of my countrymen will not ifufftr to ope
rate, without having firll ascertain d the
jnfiice of the application. If 'ft ■: facts
which were adduced are unfounded if the
reasonings upon those facts are'foj : lical,
your own good fehfe will difcove the de
ception, and give their author hi- ■ 11 mea
sure of contempt-; if, on the coin ary, the
fails are undeniable, and the Inferences
from them flow naturally, yoii-Aill'dUow
the injury has not been rti3g:i:ii;d , and let
them have their just weight. We, as yet,
inhabit a land of freedom, and it is a right
which iflues frim this freedom, that each
citizen fliall be at liberty to declare his sen
timents \\ ith the boldnefe and dignity of his
republican charter—Courtiers alone flat
ter, they are the consumptive iiifecis of a
monarchical fun, which the hardy climate
of republicanism is unfitted for : but free
men know no other idol than Liberty, no
other object of homage thai their <^od—
The fertility of indifcrirabvate approbation
of the measures of government be longs on
ly to courtiers ; the foul of a true republi
can recoils at a bafenef-. which wouid fub
(cribe to a meafureincompatible with that
character which he has avowed before
heaven and the world. Can a freeman
reconcile it to his confcienccto fay that
levees are proper in a republic r— Can he
lay his hand upon his bread 'and declare
that the tirlt magiflrate ought to withdraw
hiinfeir trom the people ?—C.* n he admit,
that the IVefident ought to diltinguilh, in
a;ls of hofp.t.'.lityand facial intercom fa be
tween a member of Congress, afnjo private
citizen of unblemithed i pntatk^ii 1 . How
ever great ray admiration of th ji-:'?(ldent's
virtues, iny love for my count! v is para
mount to every other feeling ; -and what I
contidorcd a. a trtfpafs upim equality, I
fi'ould view :is ail infringement upon our
liberties, at;d m ike it the flhjefi of com
ment, let who would be in competition.—
I turn from this (abject, whish has already
been difc;l(fed, to on° not lift HiMt'Sntovt'y
the Jersey v/the Senate oft.Ue V:;itek States
i'. their legislative deliberations. Amotion
for opening the doo s of the Senate cham
ber, has again been loft by a confide; able*
majority, in defiance of inftrutlion—in de
fiance of your opinions—in defiance of eve
ry principle which gives feGiirity to free
men I What mean this conduit ? Which
exprefiion does it carry ftrorgeft with it,
contempt for you. or tyranny? Are von
freemen who ht to know ths individual
conduct of your legiflatoijs, or are you an
inferior order of beings, iftcSpable of com
prehending the fublimiiy*" of senatorial
fun&ions. and unworthy to be entrusted
with their opinions ? How are yon to
know the just from the imjml ftev. ard,
when they are covered with the m.'ilitic of
concealment ? Can there be any question
of legislative import, which freemen thould
nst be acquainted with ? What are you to
expe£t when the stewards of your house
hold re'ufe to give an account of their
stewardship ? Secrecy is nccellhry to d. iign,
and a mafpie to treachery; ho.idiy'lbriiiks
not from the public cy.-. TU- !'•*<«its of
America disdain to be seen by vulgar eves;
the aulic of their voices is harmony *>niy
for themselves, and mult not vibrate in the
ravished ears of an ungraceful and unconrt
ly multitude. Is there any congeniality,
excepting in the administration, "between
the government of Great-Britain, and the
government of the United States? The
Senate suppose there i?. nnd'ufurp the se
cret / rivileges of the i-loufc of Lord?
But whom do the lords represent ? not a
free people, but a nobility ; and who does
the Senate represent? not a free people.
r,»t a nobility as yet, but themfelves —If
they represented a free people they
would hold themselves bound to listen to
their opinions, and attend to their instruc
tions; but as they are an inpilattd br'v. the
would be fo-uereign of the United .States,
they disdain every ether influence. Shall
the mailer listen to the lifpings of the ser
vant? This would be changing the cur
rent of nature indeed, and converting the
right honorable Senators into the mere re
presentatives of a free neon'c—This sure
ly is a character too infigniffcant for briey ;
(I dare not call them men, it would !el:ia
their quality) who move in a Cohere above
the lot even of regenerated hums nit-/.—
Remember, my fellow citizens, that you
fiill are freemen ; let it be impreued upon
your minds that you depend not upon your
reprcfentatives, but that t'niy depend upon
you : and let this truth be ever prefentto
yon, that secrecy in your representatives is
a worm which will prey and fatten upon
the vitals of your liberty.
MIR ABE AIT.
Feb. 7, 1792.