The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-08-13 00:00:00, page 1

^, To the Independent Electors of New-Hampshire.
OUR republic is a government of the people, aud every citizen is placed
on an equality as it respects political rights. It is of the people in as much
as they have an equal voice in its formation and possess the power to elect
representatives or agents who will accomplish their views ; they so perfectly
have the control of the government, that no man can constitutionally attain
to any office without mediately op immediately deriving his authority from
them. In this view of our republic every citizen is a ruler and has great and
important duties to discharge : If he love political liberty and happiness, he
is under the strongest ties to perform his duty in regulating the wheels of
government, But, if he neglect, he in reality surrenders his rights to the
community, and while he thus takes no part in the government, his privileges
cease. Ilencc the necessity of performing with strict attention those duties
incumbent on every member of the community.
It is an erroneous idea, that it is the best policy for the minority to wait in
silence for a reform when a particular party take the lead and embarrass the
country under the expectation that they will soon work their own cure aud
abandon those notions by which the country has been almost ruined. When
men adopt certain principles or even advocate them, a prejudice is soon es
tablished, which cannot be eradicated without the greatest difficulty : and if
they advocate them from sinister motives they will adhere to them whether
right or wrong. It is therefore necessary that those, who are unshackled
with prejudices, should exert their influence to expose the errors.
The ambitious and aspiring wish disturbances and revolutions in govern
ment that they may be elevated on its ruin. The great body of the people
can have no other object than a government establishing and insuring the
highest political liberty and happiness, which cannot be maintained without
of the body politic : Yet much danger is to be apprehended from thej; leth
argy; for when the designing find the people calm and undisturbed, regard
less of their dearest privile,, they seize the opportunity to wind their way
by intrigue and cunning into the most important offices in the power of the
people to bestow. They are ever on the alert, striving to gratify their am
bition, and the negligence of the citizens contributes to their elevation. You
must therefore assert and maintain your rights. You must not rest easy and
permit your privileges to be abused by the ambitious. It is your indispensi
ble duty to watch and correct the abuses of government.
Every person will readily admit that this republic is in a deplorable
situation and that the prospects are gloomy ; that our Commerce has become
the prey of foreign nations ; that our citizens are confieed in foreign prisons
for no other cause than that of being native Americans ! that there is scarcely
any market for the proceeds of the labourer ; that our neutral rights are treated
with contempt and that we are insulted by foreign nations ; and in fact that
the whole energies of the nation are paralized. All agree that these misfor
tunes accrued to the government since the commencement of the administra
tion of Jefferson ; that every day brings to view additional difficulties ;
and /:hat no efficient measures have been adopted to relieve the country from
its embarrassments. What is to be done to change our melancholy situation ?
The same characters who have regulated our national affairs still possess and
act upon the same principles which have brought the nation to its present de
graded condition. "By their works shall ye know them" and by their
works shall they be judged. If this be a correct criterion, Fellow Citizens,
to distinguish between a good and a bad administration, then surely you will
abandon that party under whose direction the country has been reduced to
its present deplorable situation. Will the administration of Washington
bear this test ? Your love for him and your veneration for his achievements
speak louder than words in the affirmative. Will you still adhere to the Jes
„ fersonian policy ? The lawyer can make a bad cause appear plausible by his
sophistry, and even prejudice the minds of the jury in his favour; but he
cannot convince, that fire does not burn, or that the grass does not grow ;
for the senses prove the contrary. Nor can the friends of Jefferson make
you believe that this country is enjoying all the blessings and happiness, that
a people can enjoy, when your senses convince you that' you now feel the
distresses. Yet the desigriftg endeavour to blind and lead you astray,
and many honest friends of their country are deceived by their fallacious
reasoning and base misrepresentations. °
If you desire a continuance of our difficulties then you will vote for
those men who advocate the policy of Jefferson and his administration. But
if you wish the correct principles of Washington to prevail and desire the
same prosperity which we enjoyed under his administration, then you will
give your suffrages for the above gentlemen composing the WASHINGTON
TICKET. AN ELECTOR,
their constant vigilance. It is worthy of observation, that those who are the
least fearful of an infringement of their rights are generally men of correct
habits and exemplary industry. They attend more to domestic concerns
than the bustle of political life. Such characters never disturb the repose
Vol. I.]
WASHINGTON TICKET.{
, ^^^^^^^^ —,
[REPRESENTATIVES for the 12th CONGRESS of the|
UNITED STATES.]
Men devoted to the.UNION OF THE STATES, and|
THE RIGHTS GF THE PEOPLE WHO WILL PRESERVE IN-<
VIOLATE THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.\
Hon. GEORGE SULLIVAN, [
„ WILLIAM HALE, )
„ JAMES WILSON,I
„ ROGER VOSE, and
„ DANIEL BLAISDELL.;
^zzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzzQ zzzzzz.— r^zzzzzzzzzzzz©^
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
AGAINST THE INSIDIOUS WILES OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE, THE JEALOUSY OF A FREE PEOPLE,' OUGHT TO BE CONSTANTLY AWAKE Washington.
EXETER, (N. H.) MONDAY, AUGUST 13, 1810.
FROM THE PORTSMOUTH ORACLE.
TO THE
Hon. William Plumer.
IT is now about four years, since
you suddenly disappeared from the
ranks of the Federalists, and although
it was some time after we saw where
you were not, before we found where
you were, Your place was at length
clearly ascertained to be among the
Democrats, the enemies of Washing
ton, and the Embargo men.
Whether this defection is to be re
garded as a real change of sentiments,
or only a change of sides is a point
some-what doubtful. Public opinion
perhaps not very uncharitable, inclines
strongly to the latter supposition, until
you make known the grounds and
reasons of your change.
If you have realty seen cause tb al
ter your political opinions) why should
you not communicate to the public
some portion of the pew light which
you have received ? Having escaped,
yourself, from the gross political er
rors and mistakes, in which you have
been so long groping, you owe it to
your own character, as a public man,
—you owe it in charity to your fellow
citizens, to impart to them a ray of
that illumination which has drawn you,
as you think, from the most danger
ous heresies, to the path of political
truth and righteousness.
Sincere converts are not apt to be
silent; and it is impossible to conceive,
if you are honest in your change, why
you should not be willing to inform us,
to what that change is to be imputed,
and to give a reason for the hope that
is now in you. On the other hand, if
we may be allowed to question your
sincerity, and to believe that, in fact
you have changed none of your opin
ions, but only changed your conduct—
then the whole matter needs no expla
nation. On this supposition, your
present political course is precisely
what we should expect. On going
over to the other side, you have carri
ed with you no new argument against
F encralism, or in Tavour or Democra
cy. You are content to handle polit
ical subjects in the manner, that others
of your party have done before. You
now urge against Federalists the same
topics, which Duane and Ilonestus
urged against them while you were one
of them ; and you now support the
Democrats, on the same grounds, oil
which they attempted to support them
selves when yon were opposed to them.
You address to the people arguments,
which were, for fifteen years, constant
ly, and in vain addressed to yourself,
sou desire them to be persuaded by
assertions, which you have repeatedly
assured them were false, and by reas
onings which you have taught them to
deride. You recommend characters
and measures, which you have, during
seven eighths of your political life,
represented as detestable and ridicu
lous. I shall shew you, in the course
of this address, that your party, and
you among the rest, now assert things
for fact, which you have heretofore
positively affirmed to be falsehoods.
Is it therefore uncandid, or uncharita
ble in the public, to entertain no other
opinion of you, than, that like a sol
dier of fortune, you chuse your side,
and espouse your cause, upon no oth
er ground of preference, than the pros
pect of the highest rank, and the best
pay? Judge for yourself, Sir, wheth
er under these circumstances, the pub
lic are not justified in supposing that,
with you, interest is of greater mo
ment than principle ; and that the dif
ference between right and wrong
weighs less in your estimation than the
dust of the balance ?—especially if it
be golden dust.
No doubt, Sir, this' is a heavy cen
sure ; but the world will condemn you
to lie under it, until you shew, either
some reason for changing, or that you
have not changed at all.
In 1802 you were elected a Senator
in Congress, by a federal Legislature.
Ob that occasion your competitor was
Mr. Gilman; a Gentleman, then a
great deal too little; but now a great
deal too much Federal to meet your
approbation. In the Senate, you act
ed with Federalists. The alarm about
" Virginia Influence," " Anti-Com
mercial Prejudices," and " French
Partialities," was no where louder or
longer than on your tongue—-When
the subject of amending the constitu
tion, in relation to the choice of Pres
ident, was under discussion in the Sen
ate, you hesitated not to charge the
" For the approaching election two
" lists ofCandidates have been present
"ed for your approbation. The one
" is composed of men, whose political
" creed and conduct in life, prove them
“ disciples of WASHINGTON, the
“ deliverer anil saviour of his country.
" The other contains men, whose prin
" ciples and conduct, are opposed to
" the former. It is your province to
" decide which of them merit your
" confidence, and shall receive your
" suffrages. In making this decision,
" always keep in view, that you have
" a common cause to support; the
66 interest, the government, the happi
" ness of your native country ; not to
" please a party, or to gratify the
f restless ambition of noisy dema.
friends of the amendment with the sup
port of a measure, calculated and in
tended to destroy the constitutional
influence of the small States, and to
subject the Northern section of the
Union to the will of the South ; as
may be seen, by your speech on that
occasion.
If, at that time, yen did really en
tertain such alarming fears of the
growth ofSouthern Influence,how does
it happen, that those fears are now so
entirely abated? You have since seen
two Elections of President, in each of
which the Virginia Candidate has
ascended to the Chair. You have seen
the Northern States out voted in Con
gress, on every question; their ports
shut up by Embargoes ; their trade
cut off by Non-Intercourse ; the very
foundations of their Commercial pros
perity threatened with utter subver
sion, by an English war; while the
voice of New-England is heard in vain,
against those numerous votes which,
you say, are given by the slave holders
of the Southern States. How comes
it, that while we are on the very point
of being overwhelmed by this Southern
Influence, all your dread of it, as if by
magic,is at once allayed ? When Hercu
les was an infant in his cradle, you trem
bled in every joint, at the sight of him ;
now when he is full grown and armed
with his club, you thinly him harmless.
In the summer of 1804, previous to
the Election of Representatives to
Congress, you wrote a pamphlet, en
titled " An Address to the Electors of
New-hamps&ire." You had then been
of the Senate two years. You had
had ample time to become acquainted
with men and things. You had ex
amined the course of the Jefferson
policy, and had compared it with the
system of Washington. With all the
documents before you, you had review
ed at leisure, the whole course of the
Federal Administration; scrutinized
their most obnoxious measures, and
inquired into their true motives and
objects.",
You had also tested Mr. Jefferson's
professions by his conduct. You had
satisfied yourself, whether there was
any thing but deception, in his preten
ces of " Economy," Love of Liberty,
and Love of the People.
The result of all this impartial in
quiry, and the knowledge and wisdom
collected from all the experience of
your political life, you communicated
to yout constituents, in this Book.
Out of this Book you shall now be
judged; and if every page in it cries
out against you, and every paragraph
pronounces you to be treacherous and
hypocritical, you will have your
choice, either to sit down quietly un
der the condemnation, or to get rid of
it, if indeed you can, by repelling the
proof. You shall have a fair trial, at
the bar of the Public. Your triers
shall be the People. You may even
have Counsel, since the offence is cap
ital, if either Judge Evans, or Jededi
ah K. Smith, will volunteer in your
behalf. If you make out no justifica
tion, or excuse, you will be adjudged
guilty, of dishonesty and treachery,
cither towards the Federalists in 1804,
or towards the Democrats in 1810.
You may then elect on which charge
judgment shall go against you. It is
no great or unreasonable indulgence to
allow a culprit the choice of punish
ments.
The Ticket, which in this Book you
recommended to the People, was com
posed of the names of Messrs. Tenny,
Betton, Thompson, Ellis and Hough.
The Democratic Candidates, for the
same election, were Thomas Cogswell,
J. K. Smith, Clement Storer, &c.
Let us now see what you say of
these respective Tickets, in the intro,
duction of your “ Address" —
EXTRACT.
1 " Without money, without credit,l
“ without funds, and with a debt of
" more than seventy-five millions of
" Dollars, the Federal Administrations
" commenced its operations. It cs
" tablished a system of revenue un
" known to this country. It revived:
" public credit—restored public faith
" at home and abroad, and caused
" commerce and agriculture to flour
" ish, and mutually to aid and assist
" each other. Daring the period of
" twelve years, while Washington:
" and Adams presided over the gov
" ernment, the monies necessarily ex-.
" pended and actually paid exceed
" ed forty-seven millions of Dollars
" This money was paid for pensions
" to invalid soldiers, who served re
" the war ; for erecting light-houses ;
" ransoming your seamen from Alge
" rine slavery, and procuring peace
" with that and the other Barbar,
“ Powers; for the defence of the
“ frontiers, and in making treaties and
“ establishing peace with the Indian
" tribes; for suppressing formidable
" insurrections in Pennsylvania; for'
" protecting your ports and harbours,
" your seamen and commerce against:
" the wanton unprovoked depredations
'' of French and British cruizers ; and
" for support of your own govern
" meat. In addition to these import—
" ant, and some of them embarrassing
“ subjects of legislation, the Federal
'' Administration expended four mil
" lions of dollars in providing a Nav,
“ and materials therefor. They paid
" three hundred thirty-three thousand
" Dollars of the public debt which:;
" was not funded ; & in the beginning
“ of the year 1801, the public debt:
" was by them reduced to about sev
"enty millions of Dollars, and the,|
" left to their successors a permanent:'
"revenue and productive funds to dis
" charge the debt and support the gov
" ernment."
“ Notwithstanding the high rank to
" which the Federal Administrations|
" raised the nation, and the peace and [
^L&L^fa©^ .-
" gogues, who seek your votes, not
" your interest."
You seem very well to have under
stood in 1804, that the Democratic
Candidates sought the People's votes
and not their interest —Neverthe-
less, in 1810, you gave your support:
to one of these candidates, for a seat;
in the Senate of the United States ; a
man to whom it is given, in as small &
degree as to any human being, to know
by experience the union of mind with
natter—After remarking on the estab
lishment of the Federal Government,
you next proceed as follows:
'° A grateful people, greatly inter
" ested in the election of a Chief Mag
" istrate, called him [Washington] to
" administer the government he had
" been so instrumental in forming.
" This constitution & form of govern
“ ment obtained the name of the FED
“ ERAL GOVERNMENT. Pres
“ ident WASHINGTON, the officers
'' under him, Members of Congress,
" and those, who approved of the con
" stitution, and supported its Admin
" istration, were distinguished by the
" name of Federalists. Those who
" opposed the constitution, and tho
'' Administration of the government:
" were called Anti-Federalists; and
“ afterwards, from their attachment
"to the violent revolutionists in
" France, they were many of them
“ called Jacobins, and the more
" moderate of them Democrats ; but
" the same party have now assumed to
" themselves the specious name of Re
“ PUBLICANS."
The next thing deserving notice in
your book is the just character which
you give of the wise policy, and hap
py tendency, of the measures of the
Federal Aministration ; and the de
pravity and wickedness of those mere
who raised the cry of opposition.
What a flattering account have you,
here given of the party to which you
belong, and of whose distinction you
are now so proud ? You agree,
that they are Anti-Federalists ;
you agree, that they are Jacobins; you.
agree that they are Democrats; and
you agree, that when they call them
selves Republicans it is all " spe
cious." By consequence, you admit
that you yourself, since you have join
ed that party; are only "specious™
as a Republican, while you are true
aud genuine, as an Anti-Federalist, a
Democrat and a Jacobin.
EXTRACT.
extract.
[No. IS.