The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1781-04-25 00:00:00, page 1

5. Let government be prudent and frugal in the ex
penditure of publick m<» ties. Money are the sinews of
war. And government ought to know the necessity
and use of it. While our money press could supply
any quantity government ordered, I fear they have
made too free with the expenditures; and many in
offenfive citizens n tuft now experience the deplorable
effects. Our legislatures find the ways and means, by
which they mult n ow procure it, more difficult; and
the want of it, no ore alarming and dangerous than
perhaps many have been aware of: Therefore a small
degree of sagacity or forecaft will convince of the ne
cessity of prudent e in procuring, and faithful fruga
lity in the expel .ditures of the publick's money.
Dutch historians c bferve, that this prudence and fru
galit y have prove I one of the chief means of that
people's preferyat ion in their severe struggles for li
berty. To think or fay, in the loss or watte of pub
lick ^property, tbei -e are man, to pay for it, argues an
✓ abandoned and inimical disposition of mind. Those
who have had o;q fartunities to know the cheats and
info! ent frauds upc >n the publick, cannot refrain from
difa^reeable refle x itions. And ought not these to be
warnings to the p resent legislatures ? Let them there
fore feudy ways ; nd means to prevent, as much as
poflfible, such per vicious practices for the future.—
Let them be cautious in the salaries allowed to the
refpre&ive officers. It is true, officers Should be paid
for the care and 11 hour of their Rations ; but our pre
sent circumstances demand frugality from every citi
zen. And why ihi mid not such as are entrusted with
the affairs of the n ation, set the example ? Where is
the common citizen, that can now live as free as be
fore the war, and bear his part of the unavoidable
publick burthens? Therefore the allowances to the
former officers whi Ie under the crown, can be no
ftandaird to proceed by now. These allowances ought
to be squared as mu ch as possible, by such income as
the nation can re^fo nably afford.' For how exceed
ing lifagreeable mufl it prove to a mod zealous friend
of has country, to fe e men supported in luxury and
excess by the dear e; i rned fruits of his industry and
sobriety ? But will for ne'fay, none quill ferue unless quell
peed'. I answer, an 1 oneft friend to his country will
defi re no more than < common fare with his fellow-ci
tizens. Thefe'are t obe trusted; these will be re
tvarded by the bleff n% s and approbation of their con,
duff by their countr vmen. Others plainly difeover
their view to be 4 them y, not the good of the nation ;
and therefore ought r ot to be trusted. For, it may
be depended upori, tl # ey will injure their country if
possible, for the fake of lucre or gain. Moreover,
let government take< are to employ no more in the
publick service than a re truly necessary. All monies
so paid is wantonly th own away, and muftunavoid
ably embarrass in the 1 receflary business of the nation.
Finally, let governmei it for the preservation of publick
finances compel punCh ial, fatisfa&ory, and just fettle
ments/of accounts, wi hin as short periods as possibly
may be. It is manife t that long continued accounts
become intricate, and afford numbcrlefs opportuni
ties to defraud the pub lick. To this I subjoin,
6. Let legislatures exe, I ever, nerve to adapt the raiji
"^ °f Applies to the con venienre and advantage of the
community. Several pai ticulars under this head de
mands our serious atten don. I humbly conceive,
I. As to the mannera railing supplies, government
ought not to look only t< 'the mere industrious part of
the community for the: n. There are thousands of
pernicious foperfluities < lady imported, for which,
those who are able andw 11 consume them, ought to
pay duties on them, in p roportion to the burthens of
the yeomanry of the co| intry. These duties would
bring a vast sum into the p üblick treasury ;be volun
tarily paid by such as wen e able to do it. Ifit should
prove a bar against their ii importation, would then be
a double advantage to the§ community. The taxes to
be procured in kind, or t| e produce of the country.
Forthen, less money wouj ibe required ; the farmers
prompted to raise it; tig necessary supplies for the
army be secured; the emb; rgo be taken off, and a free
trade, the spring of indu fry, allowed with the re
mainder ; and the expence! of several officers avoided.
2. As to the abilities of the community to afford
them, our rulers ought du 'y to confider them. I ^l
low our resources are great er than a foreigner would
allow to so new a fettled 1 country, but they are far
HAVING in the course of my three fore
going numbers offered four capital reme
dies for our preservation, I proceed to
add,
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
Mr. COLLINS,
[Vol. IV.]
Number IV.
WEDNESDAY, April 25, 1781.
7. Another important preservative is, Let ever,
member of the empire confider bimfelf as deeply interefl
ed in the issue of the present contest. It is a baneful and
an aocurled maxim, Every one for bimfelf and God for
us all. In every society, individuals are members of
that social body ; and as that body fares, so will its
members. Every American may well confider him
felf as embarked in the vessel of our Rate. If that is
cast away, we all perish with it. If we should hap
pen to be subdued, (which God forbid)l am sure
that even the body of our tories will be fatally disap
pointed in their most (anguine expectations. And as
for others, have they, or do they, in the time of af
flictions, amass heaps of gold, they would only have
heaped them for the use of their taskmasters ; and the
common citizen, with the poorer fort among us,
might well prepare their necks for the galling yoke.
If we preserve our independence, we then shall enjoy
the little we may possess honestly, in the comfortable
sense of liberty, and the agreeable profped of doubling
our preserved pittance by the advantages of a free
trade, and leaving our offspring in the possession of
dear bought liberty, and the opportunities of amply
providing for their posterity. A child so left by a pa
rent with one shilling to begin with, is much better
off than one left with thousands of pounds in a date
of civil slavery. I have seen a little of the condition
of the middle and poorer fort of people in the best do
minions of Europe; but O! did America know her
present advantages, I am sure die would hazard the
Here I cannot omit taking notice of some late pub
lications refpeCting the manumission of our slaves.—
However desirable and salutary such thing might be in
a favourable day, I am clearly of opinion, if the scheme
of Mr. Cooper and his Friend to Justice was adppted,
it would be attended with the greatest injustice, and
the ruin of the glorious cause we are contending for.
I here only transiently observe, that they are the law
ful property of their present owners. If they are not
why is the legislature importuned for a law to manu
mit thtem ? If they are, let the legislature duly con
fider if it even was in their power by a law to jnanu
mit them, whether their constituents are able to bear
this additional tax ?. Suppose, at random guess, their
number in New-Jersey to be twelve thousand, proba
bly there are more, and their average value at forty
pounds per head ; then forty times twelve thousand
is four hundred and eighty thousand pounds., Can
New-Jersey be supposed able to bring up this sum in
addition to the annual taxes for the war ? If the whole
of this tax was to be raised by the present owners
losing their Saves, it would be tenfold more unjust
and ruinous than the depreciation tax. And if that
had been so levied by virtue of a law, such legislature
would have deserved banilhment. If the owners were
to be allowed a reasonable value for them, I wonder
whether all those advocates who possess none would
cheerfully pay their proportion towards their redemp
tion ? whether they would suppose themselves able to
do it, at this time ? No charity is easier bestowed,
and less deierving, than wh%t is taken from another
person's property. I with they were free in such a
manner as might be consistent with justice to their
owners, and the fafety of the nation. But lam con
fident we have as good a right to petition our legisla
tures, upon levelling principles, for a repeal of all
our laws enacted for the preservation of private pro
perty, and at once to throw all our possessions in com
mon use, as to petition for a manumission pursuant to
the principles held forth in the before mentioned per
formances. And I submit it to the consideration of
my fellow-citizens, whether gentlemen, who pre
sume to offer such unjust and ruinous bills to the le
gislature, are proper persons to be entrusted with le
gislative authority ? Let us only confider, if the ma
jority of the New-Jersey legislature happened only
once to be composed of men possessed of such princi
ples, into what awful convulsions and general ruin
they may catt the date ! Yea, men of so little sense of
the sacredness of property, seem very unfit to be en
trusted with the people's possessions, or the manage
ment of a cause in which the preservation of bpth our
liberties and property, in a great measure, depend
upon our abilities to support a war undertaken in their
defence.
from being inexhaustible. They are capable of great
improvement. Husbandry is the main source of them
all, and therefore ought particularly to be encourag
ed and supported. Encouraged by a tender care and
protection of their property as sacred, by. providing
as advantageous a market for their produce as the cir
cumstances of the times will possibly admit. Husban
dry ought to be supported by laying as few obstacles
in the way as may be, and giving every difeourage
ment to the deftru&ive vices of dissipation, doth, and
indolence.
THE
last farthing in defending them. These may perhaps
fay or think— zubat Jhall we have for all our pains ;
the great and rich quill only reap the benefit. I would
be lorry if any should thus reason against themselves;
for I am confident that none are more deeply interest
ed in the issue of our present contest than our middle
and poorer fort of people. In a state of civil flavery,'
the opulent by their money and influence procure wavs
and means to support themselves and families in ease
and grandeur at the expence of the sweat and labour
of those in your circumstances of life. Were the rich
and wealthy as much affected by civil slavery as the
poor, no state in the world would leng usurp its ty
ranny. Therefore in defpotick governments the poor
and middle class give up all hopes of ever getting be
fore hand in the world as to themselves and children
alter them ; scanty fare, as to food and raiment, is
generally the extent of their views ; and all the repast:
afforded them in their hard labour and parsimony is
often the galling reflection, that hard necessity will
expose a worn out age to gratuitous support, or to
expire in want. O! lamentable condition ! Compare
with this portrait, truly drawn, the happy situation
of free born Americans." How many thousands can
attest that they remember the day they possessed no
more than the scanty clothing on their backs, who
now occupy ceiled dwellings and extensive freeholds;
all procured by mere industry and care. I boldly as
sert, that there is not under the whole canopy of hea
ven such another place as America, while free, for
the encouragement of the poor, in their pursuits for
obtaining comfortable livelihoods by industry and
care. It is therefore evident, that it is full as much,
if not much more, the interest of the middle and low
er class among us - to defend and maintain our liberty;
than the rich and great. Which still becomes more
manifeft, if we confider the consequences of being
subdued. In such lamentable cafea few of our warm
est friends would lose their heads, but the number of
the opulent would find means to make friends of the
unrighteous mammon by their money, and afterwards
share in the common plunder. But will the common
peasant have friends? When his all is confifcated,
will he begin the world a-new under any profpeft of
success ? Should these taskmasters bear down their
own loving fubjefts at home by an intolerable load of
taxes, and excuse vanquisher! rebels ? Who can pos
sibly expert it? Therefore, if any of the lowest among
us render any service to their country, let such con
fider, it is in effect done to themselves and their pos
terity. Some may reply — But ought not the rich to do
their proportion according to nuhat they peffefs ? but in
stead of that, they are screened ; yea, many make their
fortunes but of our diJlreffes. I aniwer, I. Perhaps if
you was well acquainted with the whole, you would
not fee cause to believe so great a disproportion be
tween you and the rich. 2. If there was, no people
whatever is happier circumstanced to procure a redress
than you are. For every freeman worth a trifling
sum, has as good a right to vote at every election as
the man worth his thousands ; and as full liberty to
petition your representatives for a redress of griev
ances. This fingie privilege is worth its millions.—
3. If many have made their fortunes nnjuftly in an
hour of our dittfefs, as I fear too many have done, yet
let me beseech you not to fit down in discontented
murmurs, and refufe your sacred duty to your coun
try. In this refpeCt your crime would be as detesta
ble as his : For while such injure their country by ac
cursed rapine, you do it by refufing that aid and as
sistance your country requires for the preservation of
whatever is dear to yourfelf; so he injures his poor
country, and lays up something against an evil day :
But you would do it in another refpeCt, and leave
yourfelf remedilefs in the general ruin. Let us con-'
sider their unjust acquired riches is seldom of long
duration. Perhaps we may fee some of them or their
children come to your doof, begging for a morsel of
bread. Let us therefore do our duty in detecting and
bringing to condign puniihmerit every publick de
faulter; and honestly exert every nerve in, support of
the common cause as our own. While I cordially
with for the general sway of such a spirit, I remain,
ADMITTING that the Divine being who gaveex
iftence to the universe, superintends its mor:
as well as natural government, we can experience no
calamity, tho' through the medium of second causes,
without acknowledging it to be derived from heaven-
An undifembled efleem for the Almighty's glory, and tin
felicity of mankind, will apologize, it is hoped, for the
freedom of the present ADDRESS to the Citizens 0
the United States.
For the New-Jersey Gazette.
Sir, &c.
[Numb. 174.]
A true Patriot.