The Mirror — Concord, N.H., 1798-04-17 00:00:00, page 2

might gain over, or confirm two other
proselytes to administration.
But we are directed to take precau
tions against the future abuse of powers
that are at ptefent used with wisdom and
moderation.—This may be agreeable to
the modern theories of political justice—
We must also bind our successors, and
legislate for the next generation.—This
was not consonant tothe modern theo
ries ofthe rights of man. Gentlemen
must be careful, left their favorite authors
betray them into contradictory the sis. —
Did not the framers of the constitution
forefee that all its powers were liable to
abuse ? Did they attempt to change the
nature of the human passions ? No, they
were content to furnifh the departments
with checks Efficient to prevent instant
danger, and to remedy actual abuse ; but
they never intended that they Ihould (pec
ulate beforehand upon the mifehief
which they might refpe&ively do each o
ther. To anticipate such cases, was to
amend the constitution, and if gentlemen
could be indulged, there would be no
end to the passion for amendment; eve
ry seam in the constitution would be un
ripped, every ornament looped off ; new
cloth would be added to the old garment,
and the rent would be made worse.
Again, said Mr. O. it is edifying and
amusing, to remark the great uneasiness
entertained by gentlemen at the danger
of the Executive power, and the compo
sure with which they regard the powers
in their own hands—lt was another proof
of the controul of prejudice over the im
agination. The gentleman from Penn
sylvania, according tothe humor of the
moment, might imagine a period, in
whichthe Executive fhonld arrogate all
the powers of that house, and make trea
ties and raise armies without their con
sent. On the contrary, with a less vio
lent effort of the imagination, he could
suppose, that at fame future day, there
might exist within the walls of that
House a furious and inveterate party,
whose ruling passion should be an invin
cible hatred of a wife and virtuous ad
• oiniftration ; a party opposed to every
measure calculated to raise the drooping
honor of their country ; a party infatu
ated by the politics of another nation, &
indifferent to the degradation of their
own ; a party forever a&ive to embarrass
and divide the people, and always invent
ing means to diftrad the public councils,
and to fever the Union. But as there
was room for imagination, there might
be some for hope ; he therefore invited
that gentleman to hope for, and to join
in promoting a better state of affairs ; and
to place before his view the picture of an
administration full of energy ; a Legisla
ture harmoniously moving within its ap
propriate sphere; a people animated by
an exclusive affection for their own coun
try, and looking up to their government
with confidence and affedion in trying
exigencies; a government organizing,
by prompt and vigorous operations, the
resources of the country for the protec
tion ofits liberties and rights; beloved
and prosperous at home, refpeaed and
feared abroad. This was the profpe&
on which he delighted to dwell—This
was the hope which he sometimes cher
ished at his heart.,
Let us, said he, defeend from the re
gions of imagination and reason from an
alogy and fads. He believes the posi
tion to be found and tenable, that in
a government constituted like ours, the
danger of an unjust assumption of pow
er was on & fiJeofthe popular branch,
and did not arise from the Executive—&
for this opinion, he would Submit a few
obvious re-funs. In the firft place, a
House of Representatives has stronger in
documents to extend its powers, which,
may be equal in all men ; and this fond
nefs arises, not merely from the plealure
of possessing it, but from the fatisfadion
of displaying what we poffefs.^ The or
dinary business of legiftation, is a remote
operation, the execution of the laws is a
direa operation. In the latter, the hand
that moves is more visible, more feared
more rfepeaed ; and as meh affeft pow
er, not only for the fake of ftrengtb, bet
oftentarion, a House of Repreftntatives
is not likely to be insensible to this
charm. On the other hand, the Execu
tive possessing this advantage under the
Constitution, has no motive to enlarge
the bounds of his authority.
Again, a House of Representatives
would generally possess a greater share
of the confidence of the people. Its
members chosen from the body of the
people, are presumed to be aduated by
the feelings and inierefts with their con
stituents ; and a doubtful case, they have
the daily advantage of pleading their
Own causes before the tribunal of the
>public ; While the Executive is heard on
ly in formal meflages and addreffra.——
This advantage inspires them, in the
third place, with greater confidence in
themselves, and their responsibility be
ing divided, bold preventions are advapc
cd by individuals, the merits of which,
if fucc&ful, they claim for themselves,
while the diferedit of a bad experiment
is divided among their companions.
One other reason had been often men
tioned, to Which he would (lightly allude,
though it was very, important and con
clusive. The greater facility of extend
ing the legislative power, by reason of
iti general and comprehensive charac
ter. The power of the popular branch
was, in this refped, like a river which
sometimes undermines its banks; while
that of the executive might be compared
to a lake-whose margin was defined, and
which never rose above a certain level.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania had
ventured an assertion repugnant to this
doctrine, and had aligned two reasons
that Should render the popular branch
less able to usurp an exceh of power than
the Executive department. It had not
the Esprit du Corps ; and the privilege
of imposing taxes was odious in its na
ture. He utterly denied the fad, that
no Esprit du Corps existed in such bodies
as that house. On the contrary, it was
clear and undeniable. Did not that spir
it exist in the British House of Commons ?
And was there not another house in which
a party was seen obedient to the very
wink of its corporals ?—There was not
more weight in the other objection ; for
those members of a House of Reprcfen
tatives who were most ambitious of pop
ularity and influence, the address to be
in a minority upon all questions of taxa
tion, and to escape the odium attached
to the impofitionsof public burdens.
He would not follow gentlemen who
had preceeded him in their illustration
of this dodrine, by examples taken from
the republics of Greece and Rome. It
was true, as the gentleman from Penn
sylvania bad asserted, that no great re
semblance could be found between those
states where the principle of representa
tion was unknown, and a representative
government constituted like ours. But
the comparison might become just, when
a House of Representatives should en
gross the whole powet of the country.—
Representation was the greatest im
provement in the science of government,
when modified and divided into different
departments ;—but he could fee ro dif
ference between a tingle House of Repre
sentatives and the Dometia of Rome, or
the popular assemblies of Athens, except
as the former would unite greater abili
ties and address, faction might seize its
prey with greater certainty.
Butif the resemblance did not hold
between ancient and modern republics,
there was still less between our gov
ernment and the feudal governments
of Europe.——— He would however
quote one or two examples from hiftory,
which he thought applicable to this po
sition. In the time of Charles the firft
England, the Parliament conceived the
design of reducing the undue influence
of the crown. They began with abolish
ing the more odious and oppressive pre
rogatpries ; but did they content them
selves with a wife and necessary reform ?
No, the work of reformation was taken
from the hands of those who began it,
and was prosecuted by one set of fanat
ics succeeding another, until the consti
tution was subverted, the monarch was
brought to the fcaffold, and the govern
ment fell fifft into the hands of the
Parliament, who were deprived of it by
Cromwell ; and after the people had
groaned for years onderthe defpotiim of
this patrotic and republican reformer,
they called in their young king, who be
came more arbitrary than his father ;
and so disgusted were all ranks of men
with the abuses of usurpation, that tho'
some concessions favorable to liberty
were obtained at the accession of the
Prince of Orange, yet the crown has ac
quired an instance which is now truly
over bearing ; but which could not, per
haps, be reduced with fafety to the coun
try. [Remainder next wr^.j
Kiew of Party Spirit,
SINCE 1791.
In a Litter from Virginia,datgdyb March,
1798, to the Virginia D,legation in
Congre/s.
WHEN the violence of party has ar
rived to such a pitch as materially
to impede the progress of every measure
of the general government, a^d even to
threaten the deftrudion of our invaluable
conftitufforr; if we esteem the fn ft, and
prize as we ought to do the protection of
the latter ; the time is indeed arrived
"k? '" r constituents, nay every man,
ought to (peak out and endeavor, by a
The war with Greatbritain commenc
ed soon after the death of this prince,
and the party in power in France found
it necessary, in aid of their views, to stir
up infurreaion and disorder in every
country. Well knowing the enthusiasm
which the name of liberty inspired in
America, their agents were immediately
spread over this country, and by every
artful and insidious device, urged the
people to ads which would commit their
neutrality, and force the government in
to a war with Greatbritain. Witness
the privateers which were fitted out and
commissioned in molt of the great ports
of the United States, both before and af
ter the arrival of Citizen Genet, and as
ter the President's solemn proclamation
of the neutrality. Witnets the Iham
courts of admiralty cftablilhed in almost
every sea port town to the Southward,
stiling themselves Consular Tribunals of the
French Republic, presenting to us, and to
the world at large, the novel fpedacle of
a foreign nation fitting in judgment, and
condemning the property of that of an
other with whom we were in peace and
frienefhip, in cur own territories. Nay,
such was the pitch to which the passions
of the people were wound up, that it is
notorious, the government were afraid
to stem the torrent for feme time, and
therefore winked at these outrages. The
British government feeing the afcendency
the democratic order had acquired, and
the ads of injustice daily and hourly per
petrated on her commerce, judged our
government was not sincere in their pro
feffions of neutrality, since they were ei
ther unable or unwilling to counterad
these excesses, irritated and incensed,
therefore, they determined on revenge ;
to clap the axe to the root. Hence, is
sued the order of council of the 18th No
vember, 1793, and a blow was struck at
the commerce of the United States,
which set the continent in a flame.
It was then that our ears were dinned
with the cry of war ; and that the oppo
sition seizing the glorious opportunity of
the popular current for retaliation, and
before any trial for arjuftment of differ
ences (which mutual injuries had occa
fioßed) could be made ; brought forward
by their champion, Mr. Madison, in a
bold and systematic manner, airing of
resolutions, which if adopted, might have
been copfidered as a declaration of war ;
fortunately however for us, these refold
tioni, fabricated with the aid of-cur Vir
ginia philosopher, were after a lengthy
and bitter difcuffign rejected ; and in lieu'
thereof, Shortly afterwards, a minister of
the firft rank and talents, was appointed
and difpat^hed to the Court of London,
as a messenger of peace, to accommodate
if possible in an amicable and just man
ner, all our differences. Here was l a
grievous disappointment to the hopes of
the party, and in the language of the
times, thus, wn the dignit, and independ
ence of freemen prorated before the bought,
tyrant &ofa the third, and bis myrmidons.
'A VIRGINIAN.'
fair exposition of fafr, to strip the wolves
of the llkeps' eloathing.
This day completes the ninth year
face our government went into opera
tion, and melancholy to relate, in this
short fpact of, time, there should spring
up a faction so powerful as to threaten its
overthrow, and with it the constitution
of the United States ; a constitution
which planned by the wifift heads, and
not adopted, until after the most stout
and solid deliberations, by the founded
hearts, that America could produce.
Hitherto a calm and silent fpedator cf
the events brought forth during the
space, I have observed this party, origin
ating from this state, gradually cement,
and growing strong, uniformly oppose
every important meafore recommended
by the Executive, or the friends of the
government. Who would have supposed
that Mr. Madison—be who had helped
to rear the stately fabric from a disap
pointment in his hopes or wishes, should
be the firft to light the torch of difeord ;
for true it is, the firft serious oppoGtion
commenced with him, and in his retire
ment he may now mourn over the evils
he has brought on his country.
As connefted with, and that intimate
ly, the rije and pregrefsof this.formidable op
pefitien, the situation of France necessarily
comes into view. The a£irs of that
country were making rapid strides to a
crisis, at which it arrived in the latter
end of '92. The democratic fide, the
bonnet rouge, seized the reins and com
menced the reign of blood, by the mur
der of as amiable, benevolent, and mer
ciful a king as ever fat on that throne.
What will not hiftory record to the dis
honor of this country, at the rejoicings
which took place at the death of our ben-,
efador ? Shall we ever be able to wipe
away this stain of ingratitude ?
for damage which the cargo sus
tained. This the Spaniards refut
ed to pay ; and a declaration of
war from the Dey immediately
ensued. Capt, D. failed from Al
gieri io company with five fail of
the Dey's fleet, bound against the
Spaniard#.
America, particularly the fcantlingi
When the Dey was informed that
a quantity of the boards were only
eight inches wide, he sent tor the
American consul, and ilked him
if his President thought " thatthe
Dey wanted boards to make bird
cages 1"
soulm^^
CHARLESTON, MARCH 14. ,
A gentlemen passenger who ar
rived in the brig Aurora, from
Bourdeaux, informs that the Eog
li(h government had resolved to
insure their own trade, at a premi
um of 7% per cent, fubjeaing
all veffeli tailing without a convoy
to a penalty of 20001. The num
ber of privateer# commissioned in
France, amounts to 1009 ; the
return of French privateers cap
tured by the English from the
month of April to AuguO, 1797,
was 107— The returns fioce that
period, were not yet received.
French Colonization.
march 18. It ii no new idea,
that the Terrible Republic have
contemplated the division and co
lonization of the United Stated &
we are enabled to announce, up
on the authority of letters, the
credit of which are indubitable, ,
that Louifiaoa, and the Florida#
have been ceded by Spain 40
France, sod ate now Dually in
her poffeffioo. This is a favours- ,
ble accession to our allies, and a
1
In corfeq ice of the detention
by the Spaniards, of one of the A
merican vessels, bow'd with a load
of contributory stores horn the U.
States to Algiers, the Dey had de
manded 80,000 dolls, from Spain,
not being pofftffcc wuh he ceo.
tributioo demand' the Dey e
fufed to receive him. These cir
cumstances induced rhe people at
Gibraltar to hourly expect a decla
ration of war.
fttnce, demanded 30,000 dcrci
per head for the men killed, t ^h
induced the British government to
fend over a commissioner :u <o<
with the Dey. This com^ffi> er
failed from Gibraltar in J % but
WE mentiooed in the Intel
ligencer of the 14'h, the
report of a war between Algiers
and England. From a coov'etfa
tion with Capt. Dalhied, we have
obtained the following information
co that fubjeft :—About a twelve
month- since, an Engtiffi Arp of
war, and an Algerine veff^l, ran
foul of each other in the night ;
and the former engaged the latter,
and killed several Algerines before
they ceased firing. The Dey,
when acquainted with this ci^ x
The Algerines were very inqui*
ficive of Capt. D. rafpediog the
frigate which our government had
promised them. They appeared
to be displeased that (he had not
arrived, and were diffatisfied with
many of the article! received from
American fitos.
MARTLAND.
Baltimore, march 26.
FROM ALGIERS.