The Rhode-Island Republican — Newport, R.I., 1810-02-14 00:00:00, page 2

- send the Indians and Canadiins onyour hacks,
It will soon be over with you, and your rebel
leaders will be hunged. They did not speak
of a war with Eneland as terrible as we ndw
hicar it spoxken of, nor did they say one word
of the justice ond rights of the people. A
war soon commenced, when they joined the
British, their real patrons, and deluded many
bonest people to go with them, wlio after
wards imbrued their hands in the blood eof
theirneighboirs, From the commencement
to the close of the war, the British with their
Indiun allies and tory friends did carry on a
most terrible inhuman predatory war with
fire and sword. Enormous barbarities were
inflicted on my friends and neighbours, des
olating our frontiers withont regard to age,
sex or condition, with almost a total Joss of
property. Fhose of us whom the fortune of
Sowar put in their power, were confined in pri
sonsy there to lunguish in irens, of which one
ol 'y nearest relatives partook u shave. To
such people I can suy that I am not afraid to
retutn when I support the principles they
once contended for, At the same time | as
sure my colleage,” that I have no consideration
in giving my vote onthis resolution or any oth
er (usStion to ackuire popularity from any
poiitical party or neighbours.,
The difference between this country and
Encland ds a great nattonal controversy of
. priaciples, which has nothing to do with our
party diffevences. Belore the revolution, all
the most humble petitions setting forth the
right of the Americans,laid before the foet of
the throne, could get no redress but were
teeated with contempt—in a simiiar manner
a 5 OUr present remnonstrances are now treat
&d 2 bat patriotick Americans then only re
quired woat was right, what was just, and on
a matter of just principle they met their enc
my ; and there was no consideration about
loss of property, but death or liberty ; with
arms and the undaunted spirit of freemen we
persevered. Yes, Sir, in the recods of our
revalution you will find that the brave men
who followed Wayshinjiston, eould be traced
by the blood of their teet over the frozen
ground ; they however, did not charge this
«u their own government, but England. Was
this a matter only for themselves ! No, Sir,
it is left for us to defend, and there is no
right in us to give it up to England, under
any consideration or pretence whatever. By
the solemn oaths we have all taken before
our God to support our constitution and
Jaws, we are compclled to detend it. We
have nothing fsom LEngland as a gift, but,
forced her by arms to acknowledge our.inde
pendence~=and we are in duty hound to de
'?:nd it by arms. And until we can convince
her, as we did before, 1 fear she will not let
_us alone, unless she sees the spirit of freemen
raised. Let us then unite as Americans,
‘With respect to myself, the journals of this
house prove my politicks ;| théy are not con
fined to any party consideration 3 T do net
care whether a proposiiion comes from a fed
eralist or a republican. 1 only consider the
subject of the matter, and what 1 belicve to
be right, [support with my vote. I have yet
great hopes that we shall act together. If
we can on this question. Yes, Sir, when L
* pee in the opposition, men who deserve well
of their country, in particular an honourable
gentlemun from Connecticut, (Mr, Tall
madge) now in his seat—l hope we shall
unite. I lately read an acoount of a detach
ment which he commanded, and in a gallant
manner surprised a post.of our inveterate en
emy, the British ; he surely will defend the
old principles, and will not suffer the honour
of his eountry to be laid in disgrace before
any foreign power.
(W_W
7y * Hue colleague, Mr. Gurnénier, tnust have been
won [orfully delighted with these explanations.. Mr.
G.'s ““friends, relatives and neighbours,” to which
he #0 nnﬁ)rtmmel{ wlluded, were terics—one of
them has received the homage of a coat of feathers
and (for want of tar) molasses, for hie civick virtues
W the revoiution. ) COLUMBIAN.
1 Mr. Saimmons was elected by the federalists.
e ————————————
" FmoM THE BALTIMORE WHIG.
.. L:R. SAMMON’s SPEECH.
- Mvr. levine, 1 was present at the delivery of
Mr.. Sammohs’ eloquent and impressive
spesch, und assure you, that the trunscript
published in your paper, though generally
‘corvecty is remarkable for one omission.
‘Speaking of the two great parties in N. York,
at the comimnencement of the revelution, &c.
be observed, ¢ that gentleman (Gardenier)
now disagrees with me in opinion ; at the
time to which I allude his father also differed
from me ; I belonged to the whigs ; he, to
the tory .party ; he told his neighbours, that
they onght not ta resist Great Britain ; she
~wig all powerfuly and would crush them ; we
did por heleve hiuw—we did vesist ; in doing
whith, rM*‘ﬂ'm was ghactéved, (holding ont
his right arm) and, to vesist her aguin, I am
realy io use the other.”” YOu cannot conceive
the 2ao effect of a speech to which the age,
- maanet, and appearance of the venerable gen
tleman graatly Contributed. Hitherto mod
estiy silent, he rose at last inspired with pat.
pintick ardowr ; and his snow-white locks ad
d-:7l dignity, and jorte o the persudsive truths
that flowed from his tongue. ,
0“ 3 p ! i ',. » “
. The plain aui\\i,n‘.qnigaf speech of Mr.
+ Sammon’s published in our paper of thig day
is worth & thousand colums of flowery words,
¢r a thopsand volumes of sophistey. It ex
ifibits the sentiments and feelings of a patri
otick an independent AuxricAn FARMER,
of one who has stood the brunt of one con
test, and is nobly deiermined not to shrink
Cova another. Tt was read by a Member of
' ﬁm:Wahl at their last meeting and
) ned disinguished applanse. ,We e«
Lo gend ity insertion 0 Republican editors
> Al Lo B e " P R A B .
And I am sensible of the=ridicule to whs:"
among this class of readers 1 expose mys
by venturing out as the advocate of antiquated
patriotism, and the good old priunciples of the
revolutien. On these I keep my eye con
stantly and reverently fixed. They have in- -
spired me with an hatred of opp%ssion,
taught me the futility of any reliance but in
our own exertion to resist it~-and convinted
me that the paths of honour only, are those
which lead to peace and safety. A firm con
viction of these truths has formed my judg
ment on these measures which ought at this
juncture to be pursued. Immediate war does
not, as I have said, form any part of my plan.
On the contrary, I am persuaded that if peace
is to be secured, such steps as I shall re
commend can alone preserve it.
We have with both the belligerents just
cause of war. Shall we use coerceive mea
sures as to both ! T'he rcnowned knight of
La Mancha would scarcely himself propose
it. The object of war is to assert ril;,:lht, or
to procure an indemnity for wrong. Hostili
ties would be inhuman, and war manifestly
unjust, if these could be honoeurably attained
without recourse to arms. Admiting then
both the warring powers to be agressors in
the same degree, if by forcing our rights a
fninst one, we can obtain voluntary reperation
rom the other, it would be worse than tad
ness to assume an hostile attitude against
both. Apply these propesitions (and they
appear seifsevident) to the present case. By
coercing one of the rival nations can we ab
tuin justice from the other ! And does this
apply inditferently to both ! The engquiry is
important, but it is easily discussed.
With France we have an heavy account of
inroads on our neutral rights to settle, With
England, in addition to the same charges re
lative to commerce and spoliation, we have
several other items of high national impor
tance. The capture of a publick ship in our
own seas—tlie unatoned murder of, our citi
zens—the impressnient of some thousands of
ourseamen—theirdetentiop in spite dfiremon
strance~—and \g asserted right to continue
the practice. . We have the refusal to per
formi a solemn pact, and the insult of a Mim
ister, which may or may not be avowed by his
court. The intinsick difficulty of ddjusting
these points of dispure would of itself pre
sent much greater obstacles to arrangements
on the one side than on the other ; even if
there were professions of a desive, und those
assurances sincere, to surmount them. But
here we are not perplexed with enquiry
into the sincerity of profeumn:’br none
have been made. We are told without any
periphrase by Great Hritain, that the object
of her restrictions must be obtained——that is
to say, that she must monopolize the com
merce of the world.—=She has uniformly as
serted her right to make hnpressments, and
her resolution never to relinguish jte=she per
olats in her refusal to atone for the repeated
murder of our citizens—she uniformly has,
iustead of punishing, rewarded the perpetia
MY preceding numbers have anticipated
some of the considerations which, if I wrote
with more method, would huve properly
found their place in this. It was not easy to
avoid sketching some of our present evils,
while 1 endeavoured to shew,the probability
of their continuance., 1 might bere resume
the subject, and entering into long details,
demonstiate those losses which are but too
severely felt, 1 might swell my paper with
a li»t_olywptures and detentions, of ransoms,
burnings, und the different torms of national
exaction and individual rapacity. But I con
fess a repugnance to this part of my task.~—
Is it necessary that 1 should pursue it ¢ Do
you feel that I mark you, my countrymen,
when I persnade you to pay to interest what
you owe to honour, when | suppose it neces
sary to enlist the most solid matives in the
purest cause, to hirc you to be independent,
and calculate for you the wages of patriotism
that I may entice you into Its service. Do
you resent this as an indignity ! Do you re
proach me with calumniating your character,
undervaluing your spirit and doubting, with
oul cause, your disinterested love of country ?
If so, my work is done. 1 acknowledge with
pride that you are worthy of \he nume by
which I have addressed you. To vou the
STANDARD of your xaTlon will net be raised
in vain. You who huve inherited the spirit
of your fathers==to You your courtry looks
for defence, and in your virtues she beholds
the germ that is to regenerate, revive, and
invigorate her sinking fame.
l’inow that there are some (too few I fear)
who understand this lunguage. But there
are many who would listen to me with ples--
sure, and imagine I give them seriows advide,
if 1 addressed them with the ironical excle
mation of the poet— & T
And angry parties nfu-hath been the cause why
lofiy cities bowed the head : and insolent with con
quest, why the foe hath drofe e plough share
o’cr her ruined walls. K
Tristes Ut (re c———
ee [ ML WrbAbUS itz
Stetere cause cur perirent
Fusditus inerme etque muris
Hostile arstum exercitus jusolens.
O Cives ! Cives ! Quzrenda pecunia primum 4
Yirtus post nummos. \
Political Piscellany.
THE NATIONAL STANDARD.
Nao, IV,
B
T 0 THE PEOPLE.
From the Avßoka.
* If our voluntary submission to the encroach
mencs of (‘:n’wl could have been added, the ex
cusc might have had some colour, but France never
waited to see whether we would assert our rights,
she trusted to retaliation and absolved us from any
obligation to resist them on Aer account, it is that
.we owe to ourselves, our own dignity, our own exis
tence as a nation, which I now disouse.
t “ The righ: and the practice of which you are
instructed to complain—have been exercised by G.
Britain, from the earliest days of the Buitish Maval
: even without any or exception ™
;:: of national QE war.” Mr § wming’s fet
ter to Mr. Monroe, 1807. ,
t If to redecm this pledge, we were to do an act
unworthy of ourselves, or unjust te any other nation,
were it twenty fold to that amount, it shoulkd be lost,
redeemed only by arme—it is sufficiently mortify
g‘thanm receive it a 8 a bribe for the as
sertion of our rights, |am ashamed of having used
this argument ! Motaey ! money ! etevasily moncy !
instead ol Leeouwr.
present minister, was in obedience to his in
structions, and will of course be avowed by
his government, .
On the other hand, France has uniform!
ackno*med onr neutral rights, and thougl
she hys alledged the example of her rival®
as a sufficient excuse for continually invading
them—yet she solemnly proniises that they
sball be re-established on principles much’
more beneficial than those for which werhave
contended, provided we gblige Great Britain
to respect us.—These | shall be told are but
promises, and I know .too well, that they are
but a weuk barvier against interest or ambi
tion—yet they are of some value, or all nu
ticnal intercourse mogt cease—to a certain
degree they must be relied en—and when ‘a
government has solemnly given its faith, ‘we
ought (notwithstunding late e¢xamples to the
contrary) to believe some regard will be ghad
for the ¢ledge—~—at any rate, whateyer be the
value of the security, it'is offered on one side
while it is positively refused on the ather.
Here then we perceive an essential difference
in interest, or a breach with one or the other
of the belligerents. By directing our mea
sures aguinst France, what do we cbtain from
England in cuse these meagyres should ‘be
successful 7 The repeal of her Orders ! No!
their object must (let us never forget this as
sertion) “ their object must be obtained”’
Restitution of our seamen ! No, the righs,
they dare to call it, of bupressment from our
flagt will never be relinquished. Satisfac-'
tion for national wrongs ? still less. Intor
ced with insolence now, it will hardly be
grunted when we have thrown ourselves de-,
fenceless into her arms ; and if our coercive
measures against France should fail of their
effect, and war be the consequence, we shall
be in a sorry plight to enforce our rights,
when all the nations of Europe are our enc
mies.—~But perhaps, in that case, we have a
prospect of great commercial advahtaggs as
an equivalent.—Yes truly ! the advantage of
supplying the British manufacturer with his
materials at his own price, and receiving his
wrought articles, loaded with such duties as '
his government chuses to impose, if we can
escape capture in carrying them. ‘
There will be also this further pecuniary
difference. That France holds, as has been |
estimated, ten millions of our property sé
guestered—a pledge (they insolently call it)
for our conduct towards Britain § The situ
ation of this property, admits of its being re
stored ;we have a promise to that effect,
and I think if good faith does not, interest
may, insure its performance, either in money,
or, as on a former occasion, in an equivalent.
But Britain Las perhaps a greater amount al
ready condemmned, shared and spent by the
eaptors——this they not only refuse to prom
ise to restore, out by justifying the principle
of the capture, they preclude all hope of sut
isfaction.
Against one party too, we have the means
of redress, as 1 shall shew conclusively, in
our own hands. 1 repeat, that unless the
councils of G. Britain are ruled by insanity
itself, we can without war, force her to do us
justice——-whil¥ we cannot in any way operate
upon France. She can neither be touched by
our arms, nor afiected by our laws, nor im
poverished nor starved by withholding our
purchasers or our previsions—mnor can she
feel our emnity, through the delicate nervous
system of a paper credit.
Common sense leads us therefore to reject
the phrensy that would arm against the world
—prudence leads us to choose between the
twy parties ; and wisdom to weigh the ad
vantages of our choice. Let her dictates de
cide ; and we shall see, should our measures
produce war,.if directed against France, we
gain no one concession of right from Eng
lann ; but that if England is the object it will
at least, in the event I have supposed, pro
duce justice to us from her enemy. Buton
thie contrary, if we can force England into an
acknowledgment of our rights, we have a
solemn stipulation inforced by the sanction ot
interest, that France will respect them. The
seas will be open to cur commerce. The
wealth we love so much will flow in upon us
in abundance, and the patriot will not blush
at the acquisition, for it will be the reward
of manly resistance. -
. R |
‘ors of the rr'et,\.u'-—n.d denies reparstion
for the hostility v our flag, bt on conditions
which are a pew i\:digpi(ye-i’!a. justifies her
breach of fuith, and there is every reason to
believe that the indecorous conduct of her
1 have delayed this part of my subject, and
waited from day to day in hopes that our pub
lick councils would assume a tone higher
than the running bass that has growled thro’
For these reasons, the means I shall pro
pose, will rélate to our claiims on Britain.—
They are calculated to shew that power the
necessity of a compliance with eur demands,
or if this appeal should fail to convince ler
we can Jo justice to ourselves by means, con
sistent with honour, and completely within
the resources of our country. |
e N s.* -
i the gcores of our eternal commercicl restiit
ticnse—more munly, than the penseioso style
| !a’wh‘cll they bave iong been uism.\gunhcd.
ith this hope 1 have continually inspected
the records of their debates ; but must cui
fess that I heve found'but little in them thad
ourht to characterise their—deliberations.
Party unimosity, could have. withheld the 2s
sent of one side, from the most salutary mea
sures, should they have been proposed by the
other. Even if personal views, state intel
ests, electioneering intrigues, had not hithei
to prevented a triul of the experiment. Twe
months of mest precious time has elapsed
since the situation of your country was known
to its representutives, yet no one measure is
taken for defence.. We are debating the
propriety of permitting our merchant ships
to visit the ports of Britain, while they are
preparing to enter ours with their fleets, and
the{ix weeks we spent in throwing lght on
the obscure passages of. an impertinent lettey
may have put our ehemies in a situation o
make a bonfire of New-York. The fatal
errour that, we cun defend ourselves by law.,
returns upon us like a topical hallucinatior.
Reasonable on every other point; on “this we
rave. Strike but the chord that sounds of
war, and we fly us regularly to proclamations
as Quixotte to his arms, They are the but
tered basin and the broken lance with whick
we are to combat in the lists against the gi.
gantick knights of the ocean. Meanwile the
peopie, as if like the simple African, they
believed in' the efficacy of charms, gaze in si
lent astonishment, while the colicge of state
conjurours prepare the spell, they wait pa.
tiently till the mystick characters are traced,
and when the Obi-horn is filled with ends of
parchment and fragments of paper, they' fan~
cy themselves invulneruble, and believe thde
all their evils will vanish when this wretched
mummery is at an end. What can be the
cause of this delusion ! Do they see any
prospect of a favourable change ! Are they
content with our present situation, and do
they seriously think it can be maintained ? or
is it criminal inattention to your interests !
The first of these suppositions we have seen
cannot be_admitted consistent with the re
spect due to tacir understandings—the last
is equally incompatible with the idea 1 hope
we entertain of their integrity. - We must
then believe, and certain sentiments expres
sed in the house, confirm the opinion, that
our present situat}ion has some occult charm
which renders it desirable, and that paper
meusures are supposed sufficient to ensure
its continuance. Admit the first part of this
position, and we must have strange confis
dence in the second, not to provide for the
possibility of its failure.~~That war will be
nearer by making preparations for carrying
it on with vigour, is the reasoning of the do
tard, who fears to make his wiil lest it should
accelerute bis death. If-indeed the consent
of parties were necesrary to bring on that e
vent-~if wars were never made until both
the champilons agreed om the conditions of
the combat, and were ready to enter the lists,
we might then safely delay our preparations :
or even in our present failen state, if like the
coward which history figures in the jest book,
we could obtuin an assurance of not being
struck while we were down, we might then
trust to the humility of our position for de«
fence, and be disdainfully permitted to grove
with safety in the dust. Butno such promise
has been given, our adversary has not the
generous simplicity of Joe Miller’s bero,
though we rival the degradation, but not the
ingenuity of his opponent. We may creep
and fawn in vain : blow will succeed to blow
---indignity will be heaped upon injustice,
until we lose every fecling of self respect
and become fit only for the degraded state te
which we shall be reduced. This is not de«
clamation, it is sober serious truth. Listen
to it men of all parties ! RE
You who proudly take your name-from the
constitution of your country ! federalists,
shew that you merit the distinction, evince
that energy, which is the boast of your friends
and direct in a proper course those high sen
timents .of pride with which your adversaries
have reproached you. Let your ecountry’s
cause call forth that energy and shew that her
honour is the object of your pwide. Enter
into a new and glorious contest with your ad
versaries and conquer if you can in the strife
of patriotism. Give up the paltry ovation of
party, that you may secure a glorious triumph
to your country, and shew by the sacrifice of
personal considerations that yow are worthy
of that confidence which you challenge.—=
Compare, I pray you, the character of am.
apelogist for the enemies of your country,
with that of the independent asserter of hee
rights—and continue no "lorger to buy the
reputation of consistency, by advocating am
outrage to your country, which you could not
brook if ofiered to vour rulers.—Aflect not
to believe in the friendship of bvnwhn
your understanding tells you there I$"no hope
of her ever being brought to a scuse of juse
tice but by coercion. Leave to pensioned
printers the odious task of calumniuting youvr
government 5% ascribing views to ihe Jist
magisirute, of which in the tribunal of your
hearts vou acquit him. Can you wy federd
fellow-citizens ? Can you beliéve that he way
actuated by hatred to Britain, sud (Satif it
wepe possibie he would not have preserved
ourpeace ! Some of you asseit, few of yod
contradict, and, yet, mone of you believe it
He is a prudent man «id of acknewledged
abilities : but blended rashness and folly ace
implied in the charge. His character for i
tegrity and truth hus nevér been qnes.tma
yel the imputation amovnts to corruption &
[alshood. His fortunes are embarked wit
those of his country, and a reputation acquir
ed by a long seriss of honovrubie lubour
stake on his conduct : yet the motives of
sdventure without fortune of fane are ascriq