The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-06-17 00:00:00, page 2

Mr. Collins,
T HAVE seen a piece, somewhat resembling a men
-1 dicant brief, in your last, signed an Elector, who,
I cannot help thinking, is either already a Represen
tative or expects to become one at the next election,
or at least hopes for the honour and profit of being
made a Justice of the Peace.—The hungry zeal the
author displays for promotion to places of profit,
has caused him to negle<ft the constitution and even
common ferrfe, in the course of his ratiocination.—
He fays, " indulge me, my countrymen, while I be
" feech you not to begrudge your rulers fame small
" pojis of profit whereby they may do fometbing in
" common with others, for the advantage of their
" families. Remember your representatives ^wl juf
" tices serve their country for very inadequate ocages ;
" and when there are any places a little lucrative, on
" whom can they be conferred with equal propriety
" as on them"—He Should have said, on tbemfelves.
Poor ignorant !— Methinks I hear one of those
mendicants alking charity thro' the iron grates of a
prison—but what furprizes me is, that the man Should
dare, in publick, to propose so base and so dangerous
a thing as that the representatives should monopo
lize the offices of profit, and so usurp the power of
the executive, and by this means throw the legislative
LIST of the Numbers that bate draven Capital
Prizes in the F IRST CLASS of the United
States. Lottery.
No. 53,058 10,000 Dollars.
No. 48987 and No. 85696 5000 Dollars each.
Prizes of 1000 Dollars.
No. No. No. No. No. No.
284 12615 27839 44641 64433 7890%
2625 14516 28920 45698 67529 82710
3798 16782 36637 54136 68238 84312
4740 18593 40218 56048 70779 87632
10465 25268 42095 56617 74185 94376
Prizes of 500 Dollars.
No. No. No. No. No. No.
613 17359 32180 50948 68482 83424
793 474 198 51354 848 804
877 513 33251 355 69094 85214
1594 520 366 457 464 311
674 688 735 485 477 599
756 18190 867 500 619 664
2152 194 34054 52537 7©424 86220
297 429 263 59° 576 365
355 505 35976 53120 605 542
399 563 36194 394 651 544
491 723 618 534 756 746
B®2 834 767 979 759 859
3151 965 37072 54229 811 908
163 19078 672 585 71151 926
382 127 811 55097 72616 87001
461 622 839 189 73691 57
652 641 843 407 743 476
832 742 847 418 913 506
844 978 974 545 74177 572
925 20738 38421 561 270 673
4464 802 594 685 763 88052
664 993 750 743 816 468
669 21165 39079 56716 916 669
5236 375' 282 770 966 825
484 22038 297 806 976 89018.
516 175 411 831 75818 23
621 403 422 57693 76242 150
6017 413 520 771 667 685
309 430 908 892 670 688
403 663 40065 58453 868 838
Bxs 737 106 608 959 849
7049 23982 41054 652 77227 9° 61 5
328 24391 248 819 260 741
630 408 446 59x71 409 91137
8646 745 769 211 723 502
967 970 971 717 809 556
9427 2 5175 42503 764 857 92219
685 215 533 8 72 923 251
10030 303 674 60214 936 317
496 558 803 543 78023 349
563 831 43362 61631 227 862
1X314 890 379 825 812 994
557 26148 44621 62215 863 93168
632 316 732 2x9 933 440
924 500 907 271 79°53 94323
927 746 45140 570 191 777
1^489 797 357 596 195 832
743 27103 404 617 283 95335
928 265 785 754 905 544
13289 478 46045 973 80041 686
14037 28185 181 63297 113 818
350 360 249 452 81Q 96186
479 455 430 792 829 430
832 552 719 959 830 851
864 648 47034 64048 8x076 961
X 5050 774 135 565 103 97154
107, 83d 233 719 412 98227
171 29463 354 746 612 589
753 810 853 926 82158 762
998 815 951 65513 186 909
16029 950 48x36 736 208 99x09
398 30485 637 788 211 307
886 515 976 9xl 522 369
977 672 49643 67413 680 736
17037 31078 50059 672 685 832
109 129 451 68132 982
206 738 658 394 83210
and executive into the fame hands, which ought ever
to be kept diftinft —These mult be kept Separate, or
else there is no liberty here.
The gentle reader too is treated with a bit of La
tin, which the writer has flipped upon us very cle
verly —He fays, '' let us consider wherein real liber
" ty consists, and faithfully adhere to it, and pro arts
" etfocis contend for it."
Pro aris et focis !
What fad nonsense is this —
The real meaning is,
Altars and fire-places.
But to inform the author in prose the literal tran
slation of " pro aris et focis" is for our altars and
fire-places, which is a metaphorical exprebion, lig
nifying our religious and civil liberties. But from
the manner I cannot help thinking the gentleman,
by pro aris et focis, meant sword, gun, and blun
derbuss ; which are, to be fare, very good weapons,
and I hope will be effectually used by my brave fel
low-citizens and countrymen in this belt of causes.
A W H I G.
Secondly. Because, (as to the second bill) the ap
pointment of Commiffioriers to treat with any person
or perlons, other than the Congress, is so glaring a
manifestation of the intention of such treaty, as must
necelfarily occasion a circumfpeftion in the Congress
that may not be much to the case of the Commission
ers themselves.
Thirdly. Because, altho' the Commissioners and
the Congress be agreed, such agreement is of 110 effect
till confirmed by Parliament ; which is giving such
advantage to Parliament, by knowing what Congress
will do, and is of such disadvantage to Congress, by
not knowing what Parliament will confirm, that the
very inequality of the conditions will put a flop to
accommodation.
Fourthly. Because, as the withdrawing of the troops
would be the saving of the army (not to mention the
policy of the measure upon other grounds) so the ceas
ing of hostilities there, will, by fatal experience, prove
to be the loss of it. The remains of General Bur
goyne's army are now constituting a part of the great
yeomanry of America.
Fifthly. Because the prohibitory a& is to be fuf~
My Lords,
11SAVE given no obftrudien to these Bills in their
progress through the Iloufe, because whatever
hears the name ofoconciliation with America, though
it be a Shadow, I am ready to catch at ; and for the
fame reasons (meaning that they should pass) it is not
now my intention to divide the House upon them ;
but, my Lords, as I am firmly persuaded that these
bills arc 110 more than a continuation of that delusion
which has brought this country to its present brink
of ruin, and so far from obtaining the end proposed
by them, that they are destructive of it, I rife to put
my simple negative upon them, and will plan my
reasons for doing so upon the Journals of the House.
And, my Lords, having laid this, 1 have only to add
my congratulations to your Lord Ships on the late
miraculous c.onverfion of Parliament to the true faith.
Whiggifm triumphant over toryifm. Whig measures.
ingrafted on tory principles.
" Humano capiti cervicem piclor equinam
" fungere Ji we!it ; rifam teneatis amici ?"
But, my Lords, however plcafcd 1 may be with
this Centaur not fabulous, I fear the motives that
have produced it are not of the most honed kind. I
fear, my Lords, that it is a temporary facrifice only
of principles to places, and that when the golden age
is over the iron age will return in its room. This good,
however, my Lords, it mutt produce —American Li
berties are hereby confirmed, and put out ofthe reach
of tory disturbance for the time to come.
P R OTE S T.
Difentient,
Because the terms row offered by the above bills
to America, whild /ffidc/zf to Shew the very humili
ating date to which the dignity and boasted supre
macy of Parliament are reduced, are inefficient to
the great end of conciliation proposed by them; and
for the following reasons:
First. Because, (as to the firft bill) a decoration not
to impose taxation on America, is, in the very suspen
sion of the exercise, a confirmation of the right ; for
without the right, the declaration is void; whereas
America denies the right, and, upon that ground, re
fits the exercise. It the right then be reserved, the
object of refinance remains ;,nd, so remaining, may
be exercised whenever any future (Quixotte) Minidry,
in example of their predecessors, Shall be led to con
vert history into romance. But it is objected, " that
a right cannot be Surrendered ;" so neither, if it be
a conititutional right, can the exercise of it be dispensed
with ; for what repels the former, must equally coun
teract the latter. But this is no constitutional right ;
on the contrary the constitution reprobates and dis
avows it. For taxation and representation are con
stitutionally inseparable, and America is not repre
sented; of course America cannot be taxed. Whilst
America, therefore, will not accept that by courtesy
of Parliament, which flic holds 111 right of the consti
tution, and for the good reason, that an act of Par
liament is revocable, and the constitution irrevocable ;
it follows, that a renunciation of the right, and not
the mere suspension of the exercise, was the proper
object of this bill.
From the London General Advertiser of March 11, L„8.
An authentic copy of the Earl of Abingdon's Speech
and Proteit on Monday lalt.
pended under exceptions and reftriftions, which ex
ceptions and restrictions (and whilst Great-Britain is
under neither) intending restraint upon the Supplies
of America, are neither liberal in proposal nor pro
bable in acceptance.
Sixthly. Because, among the many things to be
done, the one thing needful is to be left undone. The
Quebec aft is so remain without suspension. The
power given to the Commissioners is ' to suspend the
operation and effect of any ad or adts of Parliament
which have palled since the loth day of February,
1763, and which relate to any of his Majesty's said
Colonies, Provinces or Plantations in North-Ameri
ca ; but Canada is not one of the said Colonies, Pro
vinces and Plantations referred to in the Bill, and
therefore the Commissioners have 110 power to sus
pend the operation and effect of any aft or afts of
lailiament that relate to^Canada. This, then,, will
create a ftambling block insurmountable at the very
threshold of negociation. For, besides the establish
ment of despotism and popcry in Canada, under
which America will never fit quiet, this horrid and
unconstitutional aft, by extending the boundaries of
its province, has invaded the property and removed
the landmarks of its neighbouring Colonies ; a vio
lation that justice Should redress, if America were
even silent thereupon.
Seventhly. Because, power is given to the Commis
sioners to grant pardons to people who not only fay
they have been guilty of no offences, but the very bills
themselves fay the fame thing for them ; for, besides
receding to the claims of Amerrea, the Americans are
Idled his Majesty's faithful fubjeds; and to pardon
jaithful fabjekts is an aft of supererogation, it not of
absurdity.
Secret Intelligence transmitted to America, a
Correftondent fays, by one of the Clerks in the Secre
tary of State's Office, in London.
[ ORD NORTH depending entirely 011 the success
of the campaign in 1777, was extremely morti
fied to find all his Sanguine expectations, and the
fruits of his labour, rewarded with the capture of
Philadelphia only. This he was very sensible, was
far wide of the object he aimed at, and would by no
means answer the large afiurances he had given the
king and people. All he could hope for in such a Si
tuation was, to fall on a method by which he might
save, in some degree, the honour of the nation, and
his person from the resentment of the disappointed
multitude. For this purppfe he wrote in January,
1778, to Monsieur Girard, at the Court of France;
earnestly soliciting him to exert his influence with
tae king to acknowledge the independence of Ame
rica lo whicli Monsieur Girard replied—'' That
his royal master would, as he hath plways done, re
gulate himfelf by the principles of justice and true
policy — That whatever advantages the Court of
Great-Britain, or his Lordship, might derive from
this conduct of the Court of France, he was sure the
King would not alter his system, merely for the pur
pose of disappointing his Lordship—That it was more
than probable the independency of America would
be acknowledged ; and he had no objection to his
Lordfllip's uting such an event, Should it happen, as
a Screen for his own conduct, or an excuse for not
prosecuting the war with success—but that these were
objects of no importance to him or the Grand Mo
narch."
On the declaration of the Court of France soon
after, and her entering into an alliance with the Con
gress, Lord North and his adherents took great pains
to inculcate, amongst the people, an Idea that the
conquest of America was a certain event—that the
measures taken by administration would have insured
Succels, and that every circumstance tended to a hap
py conchifion of the war, had not the perfidious
French openly espoused the cause of rebellion.
LANCASTER, June 10.
Last week letters from Lord Howe and General
Clinton were received by Congress. They covered
copies of the two Acts of Parliament, which Lord
North proposed in the British House of Commons,
on the 17th day of February last, when he made his
remarkable speech. These officers, in the character
of Commissioners to treat of reconciliation, declare
Eighthly, Because the appointment of Governors
being now in the hands ofr the Congress, an attempt
to fupercede that power before it be known whether
the terms offered be accepted, looks more like having
an eye to that Machiavelian maxim of " divide et im
pera, than to the more Solid benefits of a general
union.
Lastly. Because concession now, like a death-bed
repentance, comes at the last hour; and being, as
avowedly, the effect of necessity, and not of princi
ple, we are left under all the fears and apprehenfiom
of a dissolution ; and without the hope of salvation,
but in the magnanimity of America : A magnanimity,
however, which we have already experienced, and
which, (by insisting on the justice of removing from
his Majesty's councils those evil Ministers who have
trodden on the liberties, and, witli savage cruelty.
Spilled the blcod of America, and by placing in their
room the friends of humanity and of the constitution)
may restore us to that health and Strength, and again
to that peace and empire, which was once the boast
of this country, and the terror of the world beside.
ABINGDO N.
BALTIMORE, May 26.