United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-07-31 00:00:00, page 1

Dear Sir,
I AM thankful to our common friend,
as well as to you, for your favor of
the fourth, which I received last night.
My fears are in unison with yours, that
Ibay, wood and Rubble will be the ma
terials of the new political buildings
in Europe, till men (hall be more en
lightened and friendly to each other.
You agree, that there are undoubt
edly principles of political architecture,
but inHead of particularizing any of
them, you seem to place all your hopes
in the universal, or at least general prev
alence of knowledge and benevolence.
I think with you that knowledge and
benevolence ought to be promoted as
much as possible, but despairing of ever
feeing them fufficie&ly general, for the
security of society, I am for seeking in
stitutions which may supply, in some
degree, the defed. If there were no
ignorance, error, or vice, there would
neither be principles nor systems of civil
or political government. lam not of
• ten fatisfied with the opinions of Hume,
but in this he seems well founded, that
all projects of governments, founded in
the supposition or expectation of an ex
traordinary degree of virtue, are evi
dently chimerical ; nor do I believe it
possible, humanly speaking, that men
Should ever be greatly improved in
knowledge or benevolence, without as-
Sftance from the principles & fyflem of
government. lam very willing to agree
with you, in fancying, that in the great
est improvements of fociety,government
will be in the republican form. It is a
' fixed principle with me, that all good
government is and must be Republican.
But at the fame time, your candor will
agree with me, that there is not in lexi
cography a more fraudulent word.
Whenever I use the word Republic with
approbation, I mean a government in
which the people have collectively, or
by representation, an essential share in
the Sovereignty. The republican forms
of Poland and Venice, are much worse,
and those of Holland and Bern very lit
tle better, than the monarchical form
in France before the late revolution. —
By the republican form, I know you do
not mean the plan of Milton, Needham,
or Turgot ; for after a fair trial of its
miseries, the simple monarchical form
will ever be, as it has ever been, prefer
red to it by mankind. —Are we not,
my friend, in danger of rendering the
word Republican unpopular in this
country, by an indiscreet, indeter
minate, and equivocal use of it ?—
The people of England have been oblig
ed to wean themselves from the use of
it, by making it unpopular and unfafh
ionable, because they found it was art
fully used by some, and limply under
stood by others, to mean the govern
ment of their interregnum parliament.
They found they could not wean them
selves from that deftrudive form of gov
ernment,foGn tirely,as that a mischievous
party would not still remain in favor of
it, by any other means than by making
the words republic and republican un
popular. They have succeeded to such
a degree, that with a great majority of
that nation, a republican is as unamia
ble as a witch, a blasphemer, a rebel, or
/ a tyrant, If in this country the word
republic should be generally understood)
as it is by some, to mean a form of gov
ernment incpnfiftent with a mixture of
three powers, forming a mutual bal
ance, we may depend upon it, that such
mischievous ^fts will be produced by
F rom th BOSTON GAZETTE.
MESSRS. PRINTERS,
IN answering the letter of izth Sept.l79o,
published in the bit Boston Gazette,Mr. Adams'
correspondent appears to have entered into some
discussion of the question, whether the changes
then taking place in Europe would eventually
prove any thing more than a change of imptfers
and impofilions ? —This answer, like the firft let
ter, and the reply, was confidential : It was a
sacred trust, committed to the honor and good
faith of long and intimate frieodihip.—The trust
will not be abused—The answer has never been
extracted from the receiver's files, by any hand
of intrusive malevolence, to he used for malig
nant or infidioua purpofeL—There is no neceffi
* ty now to publilh it as a guard against misrep
resentations injurious to the writer. There is
no tight to publilh it without the writer's assent.
The reply therefore is publilhed by itfelf—the
commentators, who, to adopt an observation of
Montesquieu, know how to excite odium, better
than how to refute, are freely indulged with all
the use they can make of it.
IPORTSMOUTH, N.H. Printed and Publilhed every
Os ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL^
prosperity, RELIGION AND MORALITY are indefensible^
supports.— WASHINGTON'S Legacy. >>
%:X/A] SATURDAY, JULY 31, 1802.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR
Political Miscellany.
Portsmouth
Nrw-Yorb, Oa&r 18, X79°"
Wtetißtateß
the use of it, as will compel the people
of America to renounce, detest and ex
ecrate it, as the English do. With these
explanations, reftridions, and limita
tions, I agree with you, in your love of
republican government ; but in no other
sense. With you I have also the honor,
most perfectly to harmonize in your
sentiments of the humanity and wisdom
of promoting education in knowledge,
virtue, and benevolence. But I think
that these will confirm mankind in the
opinion of the necessity of preserving
and strengthening the dykes against the
ocean, its tides and dorms. human
appetites, paflioas, prejudices, and felf
love, will never be conquered by benev
olence and knowledge alone, introduc
ed by human means. The Millenium
itfelf neither supposes nor implies it—
All civil government is then to cease,
and the Mefliah is to reign. That hap
py and holy state is therefore wholly
out of this qaeftion. We agree in the
utility of universal education ; but will
nations agree in it as fully and exten
sively as we do ? and be at the expense
ofit ? We know, with as much certain
ty as attends any human knowledge,
that they will not. We cannot, there
fore, with fafety advise the people to de
pend for their fafety,liberty, and security
upon hopes and blessings which we know
will not fall to their lot. If we doour
duty then to the people, we shall not
deceive them, to depend upon what is #
not in their power, and willmot relieve
them. Philosophers, ancient and mod
ern, do not appear to me to have studi
ed nature, the whole of nature, and
nothing but nature. Lycurgus's prin
ciple was war and family pride, Solon's
was what the people would bear, &c.
The best writings of antiquity upon
government, those I mean of Aristotle,
Zeno, and Cicero, arc loft. Wehave
human nature, society, and universal
hiftory to observe and study, and from
these we may draw all the real princi
ples which ought to be regarded. Dis
ciples will follow their masters, and in
terested partizans their chieftains, let us
like it or not —we cannot help it. But
if the true principles can be difeovered,
and fairly, fully and impartially laid
before the people—the more light in
creases, the more the reason of them will
be seen, and the more disciples they will
have. Prejudice, passion, and private
interest, which will always mingle in
human enquiries, one would think,
might be enlisted on the fide of truth,
at 'leaft in the greatest number, for cer
tainly the majority are interested in the
truth, if they could fee to the end of all
its consequences. " Kings have been
deposed by aspiring nobles," True,
and never by any other. "These" the
nobles I suppose, " have waged cverlaft
ing war against the common rights of
man." True, when they have been
poffefTed of the fumma imperii in one
body, without a check. So have the
plebeians—so have the people—so have
kings—so has human nature, in every
Chape and combination, and so it ever
will. But on the other hand, the no
bles have been essential parties in the
preservation of liberty, whenever and
wherever it has existed. In Europe,
they alone have preferred it against
kings and people, wherever it has been
preserved, or at least with very little as
sistance from the people. One hideous
despotism, as horrid as that of Turkey,
would have been the lot of every nation
of Europe, if the nobles had not made
Hands. By nobles I mean not peculiar
ly an hereditary nobility, or any pecu
liar modification, but the natural and
a&ual aristocracy among mankind—
The exigence of this you will not deny.
You and I have seen four noble fami
lies rife up in Boston, ?****""**
**#****###**##**** *********
****************** These are as
really a nobility in our town, as the
Howards, Somersets, Berties, &c. in
England. Blind undiflinguifhing re
proaches against the ariftocratical part
of mankind, a division which nature has
made, and we cannot abolish, are nei
ther pious nor benevolent. They are
as pernicious as they are falfe—they
serve only to foment prejudice, jealousy,
animosity, envy and malevolence.—
They serve no ends but those of sophis
try, fraud, and the spirit of party. It
f In the original letter thefefour families are
named—From delicacy towards the refpeaable indi
viduals belonging to them, the names are omitted in the
publication, and they arc altogether immaterial to so
argument of the letter.
would hot be true; but it would hot be
more egregiously falfe to fay, that the
people have' waged ev&lafting war a
gainst the rights of men.
“ The love of liberty, you fay, is in
terwoven in the foul cf nan." bo it is,
according to La Fouuine, in that of
a wolf, and I doubt whether it be much
more rational, generous or social in one
than in the other, until in man it is en
lightened by experience, reflection, edu
cation, .and civil and political institu
tions, which are firft produced and con
stantly supported and improved by a
few, that is by the nobility. The wolf
in the fable who preferred running in
the sorest lean 1 nd hungry, to the fleihy,
plump and-"/ d sides of the dog, bc
caufe he found the latter was sometimes
restrained, had more love of liberty
than most men. The numbers of men
in all ages have preferred ease, slumber
and good cheer, to liberty, when they
have been in competition. We must
not then depend upon the love of liber
ty in the foul of man alone, for its pre
servation. Some political institutions
must be prepared to assist this love, a
gainst its enemies. Without these, the
Struggle will ever end only in a change
of impositions and impoStors. When
the people, who have no property, Seel
the power in their own hands, to deter
mine all questions by a majority, they
ever attack those who have property,
till the injured men of property lose all
patience, and recur to fineffe, trick and
Stratagem, to outwit those who have too
much Strength, because they have too
many hands to be refilled any other
way. Let us be impartial then; and
speak the whole truth. Till we do, we
Shall never difeover all the true princi
ples that are aeceffary. The multitude,
therefore, as well as the nobles, meat
have a check. This i^one principle.
“ Were the people of England free, af
ter they had obliged king John to con
cede to them their ancient rights ?"—
The people never did this. 1 here was
no people who pretended to any thing.
It was the nobles alone. The people
pretended to nothing, but to be Villains,
vassals and retainers to the king, or the
nobles. The nobles, I agree, were not
free, because all was determined by a
majority of their votes, or by arms, not
by law. Their feuds deposed their
" Henrys, Edwards and Richards," to
gratify lordly ambition —patrician ri
valry, and "family pride." but if
they had not been deposed, thole kings
would have become despots, because
the people would not, and could not,
join the nobles in any regular and con
stitutional opposition to them. They
would have become despots, I repeat it,
and that by means of the villains, vaf<.
fills and retainers aforesaid. It is not
family pride, my friend, but family
popularity, that does the great mifchief,
as well as the great good. Pride in
the heart of man, is an evil fruit, and
concomitant of every advantage, of
riches, of knowledge, of genius, of tal
ents, of beauty, cf strength, of virtue,
and even of piety. It is sometimes as
ridiculous, and often.pernicious, butit
is even, femetimes, and in some degree
ufeful. But the pride of families would
be al ways,and only ridiculous, if it had
not family popularity to work with.
The attachment and deyotion-of the
people to some families, inspires them
with pride. As long as gratitude, or
interest, ambition or avarice, love, hope
er fear shall be human motives of ac
tion, so long will numbers attach them
selves to particular families. When the
people will in fpight of all that can be
said or done, cry a man or a family up
to the ikies, exaggerate all his talents
and virtues, not hear a word of his
weakness or faults, follow implicitly his
advice, deleft every man he hates : a
dore every man he loves, and knock
down all who will not swim down the
stream with him, or them, where is
your remedy ? Whena man or family,
are thus popular, how can you prevent
them from being proud ? You and I
know of instances in which popularity
has been a wind,a tide,and a whirlwind.
The hiftory of all nations and ages is
full of such examples. Popularity, that
has great fortune to dazzle—fplepdid
largesses to excite warm gratitude, sub
lime, beautiful and uncommon genius
or talents to produce deep admiration,
or any thing to support high hopes and
strong fears, will be proud, and its pow
er will be employed to mortify enemies,
gratify friends—procure YOU; emolu*
ments andpowefr. Such family popu
larity ever did, and will govern in every
nation, in every climate,hot & cold, wet
& dry—am ong civilized & savage people
—Christians and Mahometans—Jews
and Heathens.—Declamation against
family pride is a pretty juvenile exer
cise, but unworthy a Staterman. They
know the evil and danger is too fcrious
to be sported with. The only way,
God knows, is to put these families in
an hole by themselves, and set two
watches upon them—a superior to them
all on one fide, and jhe people on the
other.
There are a few popular men in
MafTachufetts, my friend, who have, I
fear, less honor, sincerity and virtue,
than they ought to have. Thefe,if they
are not guarded against, may do ano
ther misfortune. They nray create a
party spirit, and a mobbifh spirit, in-
Read of a spirit of liberty, and produce
another Wat Tyler's rebellion. They
Can do no more. But J really think
their party language ought not to be
countenanced, nor their Shiboleths pro
nounced. The miserable fluff that they
utter, about the well-born, is as despica
ble as themselves. The eageneis of the
Greeks—the bien nes of the French—
the <welgebor?sen of the Germans and
Dutch—the beloved families of the
Creeks, are but few samples cf nation
al expreihons of the fame thing, for
which every nation on earth lias the
fame expreflion. One would think that
cur scribblers were all tons of redemp
tioners, or transported convicts. They
think with Tarquin " In novo populo
ttbi omnis repentina atque exvirtute no
bilitas fit,futurum locumforti ac ftrenuo
virc." Let us be impartial. There is
net more of family pride on one fide,
than of vulgar malignity and popular
envy on the other. Popularity in one
family raises envy in another. But pop
ularity of the least deserving will tri
ump n over envy and malignity, while
that which is acquired by real merit
Will very often be overborne & oppres
sed by it. Let us do justice to the peo
ple, and to the nobles, for nobles there
are, as I have before proved, in Borton,
as well as Madrid ; but to do jurtice to
both, you must oftablilh an arbitrator
between them. This is another princi
ple. It is time that you and I fhonld
have some sweet commune together. I
do not believe that we, who have pre
served for more than thirty years, an
uninterrupted friendship, and have so
long thought and afted harmoniously
together in the worst of times, are now
fqfar asunder in sentiment as some peo
ple pretend. In full confidence of which
I have used this freedom.
Head quarters, Cape Francois, 3d Mefc
dor, the tenth year of the French Repub
lic, (23d June, 1802.)
REGULATIONS BOTH FOR. THE FRENCH
Art. I. Vessels of French trade,com
ing from French ports, will be admit
ted only in the following ports, viz. C.
Francois, Port Republican, Aux Cayes
and Jacmel.
11. Merchandize or produce arising
from French manufa&ures, or French
foil, imported by French veflels shall
not be fubjeft to any duty of importa
tion. Merchandize or produce, Whip
ped from French ports and entered in
the manifeft of the vessel, shall be con
sidered as/French.
Foreign Commerces
V. It is permitted to foreign vessels
of 70 tons and upwards, to enter the
above mentioned 4 ports with or with,
out a cargo.
VL French or foreign merchandize,
which they may import in the colony,
shall be fubjeded to a duty of entry, a
greeably to the aforefaid tariff.
VII. Such colonial produce as they
may export, even Molasses, Taffia and
Rum, (hall be be fubjed to the duty of
exportation fixed by the table of rates
for strangers.
111. French vessels may load in re
turn with colonial produce : Molasses,
Taffia and Rum excepted.
IV. Colonial produce, exported by
French veflels, shall be fubjeded to du
ties of export, conformably to the tariff
annexed to the prelent regulations.
Foreign Articles.
Saturday Morning, by WILLI AM I TREAD WELL, & Co.
PRICE I DOLLAR 50 CEN TS Per Annum. [No. 44.
<,ADVERTISEMENTS reasonably ^conspicuously inserted —COMMU-
) NICATIONS duly attended to—and every FAVOR THANKFULLY
1 ACKNOWLEDGED.
'St. DOMINGO.
AND FOREIGN TRADE.
French Commerce.
^_ .... —^^ _.^ _^
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, FOURTEENTH YEAR.
Advertiser.
JOHN ADAMS.
©Made anti
General difetftions.
VIII. Every matter of a French or
foreign veflel, arriving in the aforefaid
ports, shall be obliged, before any one
lands from on board his vessel, to call
on the Captain General and the Coloni
al Prefer, in the town of their resi
dence ; and in the other ports, on the
Commandant General, and on the
Chief of the Administration, or under
Pretext, in order to give an account of
his voyage—the fame da,the mailer
shall deliver to the commandant of the
place a written and signed declaration
containing the lift of the paiTengers he
has on board.
General in Chief, Capt. Get.
LECLERC.
DUTIES AT ST. DOMINGO.
IMPORTATION.
Articles. French Vessels. Foreign.
Fr. Merchandize, free, to pr. con cost
Provisions, do. 6 do.
For, Merchant prohibited. 40 do.
EXPORTATION.
Coffee pr. C. 6 France 67 cents „ 33
Sugar clayed, do. de.
Drown, 3 33 6 67
Cotton 0 if ,0 00
Indigo lb. 0 40 0 80
Molasses prohibited ao 00
Taffla hhd. do. 30 co
Hides bannettel co 4 00
Tanned I 33 2 67
Dyewcod prM6 00 14 co
Gaiac pr. C. 10 co 20 00
#^l° 40 CO So
^tP 00 t. 0,
Cassia 3 33 6 67
Cocoa 5 oq 10 03
^^} ^^ •^
Mer. from Fr. , - , ,
Manufactories.J
“ From. BOURDEAUX, June 4.
u I find great difficult, in. forward
ing my letter to America, as molt ot
the American vessels are bought up &
sent to the colonies. On the fubjeft of
business, I must observe, that there it
little or nothing here at present that will
answer to fend to your market, and I
fear, this state of things will continue at
least as long as the peace does ; —while
at the fame time the commerce of this
country will revive, and Bourdeaux be
come the firft place, in the world far
business. No British manufadured
goods will be allowed to be imported,
under the penalty of confifcation. Thq
Consuls have altered the days as bgar?
the Revolution ; but the names of th
months are to be as usual, in the ffk%
liberty, and not ChriU}
XI. Every master of a foreign ves
sel ihall be obliged to confer bis cargo
lo a rodent merchant, who ihall person
ally be responsible for the duties of im,
port and export,and for whatever fraud
there may be committed by the mailers
of vessels to them consigned.
XIJ. No French or foreign vessels
shall clear out of these ports until after
the mailer ihall have presented to the
harbot mailer the collector's certificate,
(hewing that the duties have been duly
paid, and the poll-mailer's certificate,
announcing that ho has withdrawn his
letter bag, after depositing it eight days
before his departure.
XIII. Every French or foreign wf
fel, which shall be found by the vesls
of the French Republic, lying at an an
chor in one of the ports not above men
tioned, or in any bay, creek, or fnmll
bight along the coast, or under faifax
a shorter diHance than § miles from
the shore, and intercourfing with the
land,ihall be arretted by the (hips cruiz
ing on that Hation, and carried intoone
of the aforefaid ports ; that the Capt.
General, upon the report of the coloni
al prefed, may pronounce the conzfca
tion of the hull and cargo.
The vessels .hat shall have made the
capture, shall be intitled to a third of
the value of the vessel & cargo so coil,
fifcated, &c. &c b
IX. The matter, on the very day of
his arrival, shall deliver all the letters
and packages he may have under his
care, to the postmaster, from whom he
will receive a difeharge.
No passenger can land without a per.
mil from the aforefaid commander.
X. The mailers, of French and for
eign Vessels, shall on the day of their
arrival in the aforeliid ports, deliver to
the collector the invoice of his cargo—-
all merchandize not entered in the in
voice, and which shall be found on
board at the time of the search, ihall be
contifeated for the benefit of the Re
public.