The United States oracle of the day — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-01-03 00:00:00, page 1

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto
in the office to which your fuffcages have twice
called me, have been a uniform facrifice of incli
nation to the opinion of duty, and to a defer
ence for v hat appeared to be your desire. I con
stantly hoped, that it would have been much
carlier in my power confidently with motives,
which I was not at liberty to disregard, to re
turn to that retirement, from which I had been
reludantly drawn. The strength of my incli
nation to do this, previous to the last election,
had even led to the preparation of an address to
declare it to you ; but mature reflexion on the
then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs
with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice
of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled
foe to abandon the idea.
I rejoice, that the Rate of your concerns,ex
ternal as well as internal, no longer renders the
pursuit of inclination, incompatible with the sen
timent of duty, or propriety : And am persua
ded whatever partiality may be retained for my
services, that in the prefect circumstances of our
country you will not disapprove of my determina*
tim to retire.,
The impressions with which I ffrft Undertook
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper
oceafion. In the difeharge of this trust, I will
only fay, that I have with good intentions, con
tributed towards the organization and adminis
tration &f the government, the best exertions, of
which a very fallible judgment was capable.—
Not unconfeious, in the outset, of the inferiority
of my qualifications, experience in my own eyern,
perhaps ftiil more in the eyes of others, has
Lengthened the motives to diffidence of myfelf:
And every day the increasing, weight of years
admonishes me more and more, that the shade
of retirement is as ntceffary to me aS it will be
welcome. Satisfied that if any circum&anccs
Save given peculiar value to my services, they
Were temporary, I have the confolaticn to be
lieve, that while choice and prudence invite me
to quit the political feene, patriotism does not
forbid it. , .
. In looking forward to the moment, which W
intended to terminate the career of my public
life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the
deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude
which I owe to my beloved country, far the ma
ny.honors it has conferred on me ; Bill more for
^ ftedfaft confidence with which it has for
ported me ; and for the opportunities I have
thence enjoyed of taanifefting my inviolable at
tachment, by services faithful and persevering,
though in ufefulnefs unequal to my zeal. If
benefits have resulted to our country from these
services, let it always be remembered to our
praise, and as an inftrudfive example in our an
nals, that under circumstances in which the pas
sions, agitated in every direction were liable to
mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious,
—vicissitudes of fortune, often difeouraging, in
Situations, in which not unfrequently, want of
success hasfountenanced the fpjrit of criticism,
—the constancy of your support was the essential
prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans
by which they were effe&el Profoundly pen
etrated with this idea, 1 shall carry it with me
to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing
Vows, that Heaven may continue to you the
choicest tokens of its beneficence —tharyour u
riion and brotherly affection may be perpetual,
—that the free Constitution, which is the work
of your hands, may be facrcdly maintained—
that its administration in every department may
he flamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in
fine, the happiness of the people of these Rates,
under the auspices of liberty, may be made com-
g,May the best bleflings of Heaven defeend on
the wife Counsels of the glorious dead ! and
every American listen to the voice of the de
parted, as if he Spake from the ikies, with the
trumpet-tongue of an Angel!
The ADDRESS of the late
George Washington
First President of the UNITED STATES,
on declining, being considered a
CANDIDATE FOR THEIR FUTURE SUFFRAGES.
0
To the People of the United States.
Friends and Fellozu- Citizens,
THE period for a new election of a Citizen
to administer the executive government of
the United States, being not far distant, and the
time actually arrived, when your thoughts must
be employed in designating the person, who is
to be eloathed with that important trust, it ap
pears to me proper, especially as it may conduce
to a more diftincl expression of the public voice,
that I should now apprise you of the resolution I
have formed, to decline being considered among
(he number of those out of whom a choice is to
be made.
I beg you, at the fame time, to do me the jus
tice to be allured, that this resolution has not
been taken, without a ftri& regard to all the con
siderations appertaining to the relation, which
binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that,
in withdrawing the tender of service which Si
lence in my Situation might imply, I am influ
enced by no diminution of zeal for your future
intcreft ; no deficiency of grateful reSpeCt for
your past kindness : But am Supported by a
full conviction that the Step is compatible with
both.
Washington,
THE FATHER of his COUNTRY,
AND
g, Asa Tribute of Refpe& to the Memory of
the Illustrious Patriot and Hero, GEORGE
WASHING TON, —his invaluable Legacy
addressed to the Several Legislatures of Feder
ate America, at the moment cf his leaving
the Presidency of the Union, will be Statedly
republished in THE UNITED STATES'
Oracle of the day, on the firft o f
January, in every year, for nine years to
come. This we promise on the hope of ex
tended life, and Should life to us be denied, it
will be given in Solemn charge to those who
succeed.
THE FRIEND OF MAN;
LIVES !
Hew IMMORTAL intis LEGACY!
•™ fl '#&='=T*^=^tee±±^ I + : ^^,„/ ^:^,. f.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, TWENTY-FIFTH YEAR. : ,
_ , FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, TWELFTH YEAR.
W WB^tate^ (Oracle of tljr ^
PORTSMOUTH, N.H. Printed and PUblifhed evety.SATURDAY ~Morning, by CHARLES PEIRCE, Printer of the Laws &c. of
the United States, in New-Hampffire.
SATURDAY, JANUARY 3 , 1801. Nol 3 L XI. PRICE 1 DOLLAR 50 CENTS Per Annum
CF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS „ WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY, RELIGION AND MORALITY ARE INDISPENSABLE SUPPORTS.
en, many artifices employed, to weaken in your
minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the
point in your political fortrefs, against which
the batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most constantly and actively, (though
often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of
infinite moment that you should properly esti
mate the immense value of your National Union,
to your collective and individual happiness ;
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and
immoveable attachment to it; accustoming
yourselves to think and speak of it as of the pal
ladium of your political fafecy and prosperity,
watching for its preservation with jealous anxie
ty ; discountenancing whatever may fugged
even a suspicion that it can in any event be a
bandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the
firft dawning of eyery attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest or to enfee
ble th^ sacred ties which now link together the
various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sym
pathy and intefeft. Citizens, by birth or
choice, of a common country, that country has a
right to concentrate your affections. The name
of American, which belongs to you in your
national capacity, mud always exalt the just
pride of patriotism, more than any appellation
derived from local diferiminations. With flight
Shades of difference, you have the fame religion,
manners, habits and political principles. You
have in a common cause fought & triumphed
together; the Independence and liberty you pos
sess are the work of joint councils & joint efforts,
of common dangers, fufferings and successes.
But these considerations however powerfully
they ,address themselves to your fenhbility, are
greatly outweighed by thole which apply more
immediately to year interefl. Here every por
tion of your country finds the most command
ing motives for carefully guarding and pre
ferring the union of the whole.
The North in an unrestrained intercourse with
the South, protected by the equal laws ofa com
mon government, finds in the productions of
the latter, great additional resources of maritime
and commercial entefprife, and precious mate
rials of manufacturing industry. The South
in the fame intercourse bentfitting by the agen
cy of the North, fees its agriculture ^row, and
its commerce expand. Turning partly into its
own channels the fameo of the Nertb, it finds
its particular navigation invigorated—and while
;it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and
:increafe the-general mass of the national naviga
tion, it looks forward to the protection ofa mar
itime strength, to which itfeG is unequally adap
ted. The E$ in a like intercourse with the
Weft, already finds, and in the progressive im
provement of interior communications, by land
and water, will more and more find a valuable
vent for the commodities which it brings from
abroad, or manufactures at home. The Weft
derives from the '&//f supplies requisite to its
growth and comfort—and what is perhaps of
gill greater consequence, it must of necessity owe
the secure enjoyment of indifpcnfable outlets, for
its own productions, to the weight, influence,
and the future maritime strength of the Atlan
tieWide of the union, directed by an indissoluble
community of intefeft as one nation. Any other
tenure by which the Weft can hold this essential
advantage, whether derived from its own sepa
rate strength, dr from an ap^ftate and unnatural
connexion with any foreign powers, mrift be
intfinfically precarious.
While then every part of pur country thus
feels an immediate and particular interest in U
nion, all the parts combined cannot fail to find
in the united niafs of means and efforts, greater
fliength, greater resource, proportionally great
er security, from external danger, a less frequent
interruption of their peace by foreign nations ;
and what is of most inestimable value, they
must derive from Union, an exemption from
thofc broils and wars between themselves, which
so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not
tied together by the fame government ; which
their own rivalfhips alone would be fufficient to
produce, bht which opposite foreign alliances',"
attachments and intrigue* would stimulate and
embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the
necef&y of those overgrown military eftabliffi
ments, which under any form of government
are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be
regarded as particularly hostile to Republican
Liberty : In this sense it is, that your Union
ought to be considered as a main prop of your
liberty, and that the love of the one ought to
endear tt/you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive lan
guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind,
and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a
primary object of a patriotic desire. Is there a
doubtovhether a common government can em
brace so large a sphere ?—Let experience solve
it. To lift& to mere fpecdlatioa in such a case
plctej by so careful a preservation and so prudent
a use of this bieffing,as will acquire to them the
glory of recommending it to the applause, the
affection, and adoption of every nation which is
yet a Granger to it.
Here perhaps I ought to flop. But solicitude
for your welfare, which cannot cud but with
my life, and the apprehension cf danger natural
to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion, like
the prefent,to offer to your solemn contempla
tion, audio recommend to your frequent review,
some sentiments which are the result of much
reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and
which appear tc me ^!1 inpo^ant to the perma
nency of your felicity as a people. These will
be offered to you with the more freedom, as you
can only fee in them the difluterefted warnings
of a parting friend, who can pofhbly have no
personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I
forget, as an encouragement to it, your indul
gent reception of my sentiments on a former
and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with eve
ry ligament of your hearts, no recommendation
of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the at
tachment.-
The unity of government which constitutes
you one people, is also now dear to you. It is
justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of
your real Independence, the Support of your
tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of
your fafety; of your prosperity ; of that very
liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is
easy to fortfee, that frora different causes and
from different quarters, much pains will be tak-
Towards the preservation of four govern
ment, and the permanency,of your present hap
py Bate, it is requisite not only that you steadily
difeountenapce irregular oppofiticn to its ac
knowledged authority, but allo that you refill
with care, the spirit of innovation upon its prin
ciples, however specious the pretexts. One me
thod of assault may be to effect, in the forms of
the constitution, alterations which will impair
the energy of the system, and thus to under
mine whftt cannot be diredly overthrown. In
all the changes to which you may be invited,
remember that time and habit are at least as
^ceffa/y to fix the true character of govern
ment, as of other human institutions; that ex
perience is the surest ftandard,by which'to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of
a country —that facility in changes upon the
credit of mere hypothesis apd opinion, exposes
to perpetdal' change, from the endless variety, of
hypothesis and opinion ; —and remember, espe
cially, that for the efficient management of your
common interest, in a country so extensive as
ours, a government of as much vigor as is
confident with che„pcrfcd security of liberty, is
indifpcnfable.—liberty itfelf will find in such a
government, with powers properly ,iftributed
and adjufted,its surest guardian. It is, indeed,
little elle than a name, where the government is
too feeble to withstand the enterprises of fa&ion,
to confine each member of the focicty within
the limits prescribed by the laws, and to main
tain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of
the rights of person and property.
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union,
a government for the whole is indispensable.—
No alliances, however ftrid, between the parts
can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevi
tably experience the infractions and interrup
tions which all alliances in all times have expe
rienced—Sensible of this momentous truth, you
have improved upon your firft essay, by the a
doption of a constitution of government better
calculated than your former for an intimate U
nion, and for the efficacious management of
your common concerns. This government, the
offspring of your own choice, uninfluenced and
unawed, adopted upon full in+eftigation & ma
ture deliberation, completely free in its princi
ples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting se
curity with energy, and containing v:ithib itfelf
a provision for its own amendment, has a just
claim to your confidence and your support.—
Refpe& for its authority, compliance with its
laws, acquiescence in its meafurcs, are duties en
joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty.
The basts of our political systems is the right of
the people to make and to alter their constitu
tion of government. But the constitution
which at any time exists, until changed by an
explicit and authentic a& of the whole people, is
sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of
the power and the right of the people to establish
government, prefupfofes the duty of every indi
vidual to obey the established government.
All obftru&ions to the execution of the laws,
all combinations and associations, under what
ever plausible character, with the real design to
dire&, control, counteract or awe the regular
deliberation and action of the cohfiituted au
thorities, are deftrudtive of this fundamental
principle, and of fatal tendency, They serve to
organize faction, to give it an artificial and ex
traordinary force—to put in the place of the
delegated will of the nation, the will of a party,
often a final! but artful and enterprising minori
ty of the community ; and according to the
alternate triumphs of different parties, to make
the public administration the mirror of the ill
concerted and incongruous projects of fadlion,
rather than the organ of confident and whole
some plans, digested by common councils, and
modified by mutual interests. ,„
However combinations or associations of the
above description, may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely in, the course of
time and things, to become potent engines, by
which cunning, ambitious & unprincipled men,
will be enabled to subvert the power of the peo
ple, and to usurp for themfefres the reins of
government ; destroying afterwards the very
engines which have lifted them to unjust do
minion.
In contemplating the causes which may dis
turb our Union, it occurs as n-gm- of Serious
concern, that any ground ft 0u.4 be Qtifhed for
charaacrifing parties, by Geographical discrimi
nations—Northern and Southern—Atlantic and
Webern ; whence defigniag men may endeavor
to excite a belief, that there is a real difference
of local intcrefts and views. One of the expe
dients of party to acquire influence, within par
ticular diilriCh, is to mifreprofent the opinions
and aims of other diftri&s. You cannot Shield
yourselves too much against the jealousies and
heart burnings which Spring from those misre
presentations ; they tend to render alien to each
other, those who ought to be bound together by
fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our
weftern country have lately had a ufeful lesson
on this head. They have seen, in the negocia
tion by the Executive, and in the unanimous
ratification by the Senate, of the Treaty with
Spain, and in the universal fatisfa&ion at that
event throughout the United States, a decisive
proof how unfounded were the suspicions pro
pagated among them, <!f a policy in the general
government and in the Atlantic States unfriend
ly to their interests in regard to the Miffifypi ;
they have been witnesses to the formation of
two treaties, that with Great-Britain and that
with Spain, which secure to them every thing
they could desire, in refpe& to our foreign rela
tions, towards confirming their prosperity. Will
it not be their wisdom to rely for the preserva
tion of these advantages on the Union by which
they were procured ? Will they not henceforth
be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who
would fever them from their brethren, and con
nect them with aliens ?
were criminal. Weare authorifed to hope that
a proper organization of the whole, with the
auxiliary agency of governments for the respec
tive subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the
experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full
experiment. With such powerful and obvious
motives to rhe Union, affeding all parts of our
country, while experiment shall not have de
monstrated its impracticability, there will al
ways be reason to distrust the patriotism of those,
who iq any quarter may endeavor to weaken its
bands.
It is important likewise, that the habits of
thinking in a free country, should inspire cau
tion in those entrusted with its administration,
to confine themselves within their rcfpe&vc
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of
the powers of one department to encroach upon
another. The spirit of encroachment tends to
Cdnfolidate the powers of all the departments in
one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, at real defpetifm. A just estimate
of that love of power, and prorienefs to abuse it,
which predominates in the human hearts is fuf
ficent to fatisfy us of the truth of this position.
Thu necessity of reciprocal checks in the exer
cise of the political power; by dividing and
distributing it into different depositories, and
constituting each the guardian of the public
weal, against invasions by the others, has been
evinced by experiments ancient and modern ;
some of them in our country, and under our own
eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary
as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the
people, the d+ftribution or modification of the
conflitutional powers be in any particular wrong,
let it be corrected by an amendment in the,way
which the constitution deAgnates—But let there
be no change by usurpation ; for though this,
in one inftance,' may be the instrument of good,
it is the customary weapon by which free gov
ernments are destroyed—The precedent must
always greatly overbalance in permanent evil,
any partial or transient benefit which the use
can at any time yield. v
Os all the dispositions and habits which lead
to political prosperity, Religion and Morality
are indispensable supports. In vain would that
man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would
labour to subvert these great pillars of human
happiness, these fifmeft props of the dutics'of
men and citizens. The mere,politician, equally
with the pious man, ought to refpc& and to
cherish them.—A volume could not trace™ all
their connexions with private and public felici
ty. Let it limply be alked where is the secu
rity for property, for reputation, for life, if the
sense of religious obligation desert the oaths
which are the instruments of investigation in;
Courts of Justice ? —And let us with caution ;
indulge the supposition, that morality can be
maintained without religion. Whatever may
be conceded to the influence of refined educa
tion on minds of peculiar ftrudture ; reason arid
experience both forbid us to expert, that nation
al morality can prevail, in exclusion of religious
principle.
ft is substantially true, that virtue or morali
ty is a necessary spring of popular government.
The rule in deed extends with more or less
force to every species of free government. Who
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indif
ference upon attempts to shake the foundation of
the fabrick?
Promote, then as an object of primary im
portance, inftitucions for the general diffufion of
knowledge. In proportion as the llrudure of
a government gives force to public opinion, it i,
essential that public opinion should be enlight
ened-, ~ §
As a very important foutt of strength
and security, cherish public credit—One me
thod of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as
possible ; avoiding occasions of expence by cul
tivating peace, but remembering also that time
ly dilburfements" to prepare for dangers, fre
quently prevent much greater dilburfments to
repel it : Avoiding likewise the accumulation
of debt, not only by Ihunning occasions of ex
pence, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace,
so difeharge the debts whicti unavoidable wars
I have already intimated to you, the danger
of parties in the Rate, with particular reference
to the founding of them on geographical dis
criminations. Let me now take a more com
prehensive view, and warn you in the most so
lemn manner against the baneful effeCs of a
Spirit of party, generally.
This Spirit, unfortunate!,, is inseparable from
bur nature, having its root in the strongest pas
sion, of the human mind. It exists under differ
ent Ihapes in all governments —more or less
Rifled, conttouled, or reprerfed ; but in those of
the popular form, it is Seen in its greatest rank
ness and is truly their worst enemy.,
The alternate domination of one faction over
another, sharpened by the Spirit of revenge,
natural to party diffention, which in different
ages and countries has perpetrated the most
horrid enormities, is itfelf a frightful despotism
— But this leads at length to a more formal and
permanent despotism. The disorders and mise
ries, which result, gradually incline the minds of
men to seek Security and repose in the absolute
power of an individual ; and sooner or later the
chief of some prevailing faction, more, able or
more fortunate than his competitors, turps this
disposition to the purposes of his own elevation,
on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind (which nevertheless ought net to be
entirely out of fight) the common and continu
al mifehiefs of the Spirit of party are Sufficient
to mate it the intcreft and duty of a wife people
to difeourage and refrain it.
It Serves always to diftraCt the Public coun
cils and enfeeble the Public Administration. It
agitates the community with ill-founded jea!-
busies and falfe alarms ; kindles the animofit, of
one part against another, foments occasionally
riot and infufredion. It opens the door to for
eign influence and corruption, whigh find a
facilitated access to the government itfelf thro'
the channels of party passions.—Thus the policy
and will of one country are Subjected to the po
licy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free coun
tries are ufeful checks upon the administration
of the government, and Serve to keep alive the
Spirit of Liberty.—This withip certain limits is
probably true, and in governments of a monar
chic cast, patriotism may look with indulgence
if not with favor upon the spirit of party. But
in those of the popular character, in govern
ments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be en
couraged. From their natural tendency it is
certain there will always be enough ofchat Spirit
for every falutaty purpose. And there being
cougant danger of excess, the effort ought to be
by force of public opinion, to mitigate and as
suage it. It is a fire not to be quenched ;it de
mands uniform vigilance to prevent its burffing
into a flame, left inft&d of warming it, should
consume.
Agzinft the infidaous wiles of for
eign influence (I conjure you to be
lieve me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy
ofa fae people ought to be conftantl,
awake; iince higory and experience
prove that foreign influence is one of
the most baneful foes of Republican
Government—But that jealousy to be
ufeful,nnuft be impartial; else it be
comes the instrument of the very influ
ence to be avoided; instead of a defence
against it. ^xceffive partiality for one
foreign nation, and excessive dislike of
artotner, cause those whom they actu
ate to fee danger only on one fide,'
and serve tg veil and ven second the,
arts of influence on the other. Real
patriots, who may resist the intrigues
of the favorite, are liable to become
futye^ed and options ; while its tools
• So likewise, a pzffenate attachment
of one nation for another, produces a
variety of evils. Sympathy for the fa
vorite ration, facilitating the illusion
of am imaginary common interest, in
cases where no real common interest
exists, and infufing into one the enmi
ties of the other, betrays the former in
to a participation in the quarrels' and
wars of the latter, without adequate in
ducement or junification. It leads also
to concessions to the favorite nation of
privileges denied to others, which is apt
doubly to injure the Nation making the
concessions ; by unnecessarily parting
with what ought to have been retained;
and' by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a
disposition to retaliate, in the parties
from whom equal privileges are with
held : And it gives to ambitious, cor
rupted or deluded citizens (who devote
themselves to the favorite Nation) fa
cility to betray, or fa&ifice the inter
ests of their own country, without odi-.
ium, sometimes even with popularity :
gilding with the appearances, of a
virtuous sense of obligation, a com
mendable deference for public opinion,
or a laudable zeal for public good,
the base or foolifh compliances of am
bition, corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in
innumerable ways, fuch' attachments
are particularly alarming to the truly
enlightened and independent patriot.
How many opportunities do they af
ford to tamper with domestic factions,
to pradice the arts of fedudion, to
mislead public opinion, to influence or
awe the public councils ; such an at-,
tachment of a small or weak, towards^
a great and powerful nation, doon*
the former to be the satellite 6f th'g
latter.
may have qccafioned, not ungenerrufly throw
ing upon posterity the burthen which we our
selves ought to bear. The execution of these
maxims belongs to your representatives, but jt
is necessary that public opinion should co-ope
rate, —To facilitate to them the performance
cf their duty, it is essential that you mould prac
tically bear in mind that towards the payment
of debts, there mul be revenue ; —that to have
revenue, there muQ be taxes—and none can be
devised which are not more or !efs inconvenient
and uripleafant—,that the intrinsic embarrass
ment infeperable from the Selection of the pro
per objects (which is always a choice of diffi
culties} ought to be a decisive motive for a can
did confraaion of the conduct of the govern
ment in making it,and for a Spirit of acquiescence
in the mcafures for obtaining revenue, which
the public exigencies may at any time dilate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations—cultivate peace and harmony with
all—Religion and Morality enjoin this condua;
and can it be, that good policy does not equally
enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlight
ened, and (at no distant period) a great nation,
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too
novel example of a people always guided by an
exalted jeftice and benevolence. Who can
doubt that in the course of time and things,
the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any
temporary advantages which migkt.be loft by a
steady adherence to it ? Can it h, that Provi
dence has not connected the permanent felicity
of a Nation with virtue ? The experiment, at
least, is recommended by every sentiment which
ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered
impossible by its vices ? ~. ..
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular Nations, and paG
fionate attachments for others ihould be exclud
ed; and that in the place of them, just and ami
cable feelings towards all should be cultivated.
The Nation, which indulges towards another
an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondnefs, is
in some degree a Have, ft is a Have to ani,
mofity or to its affection, either .of which i,
Sufficient to lead it ailray frcm<its duty and its
interest. Antipathy in one nation against ano
ther disposes each more readily to offer insult
and injury, to lay hold of flight causes of um
brage, and to be haughty and intractable, when
accidental or trifling occaffens of dispute occur.
Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, enven
omed and blood, corttefts . The Nation prompt
ed by ill will and resentment, femetimes im
pels to war the government, contrary co thg
heft calculations of policy, The government
Sometimes participates in the national propensi
ty, and adopts through .paffian what reafo^
would reject ; at other times, it makes the ant'
mofry of the nation subservient to projects of
hostility irrigated by pride, ambition, and o
ther sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, Sometimes perhaps the liberty of Nations
has been the victim.
WASHINGTONS Legacy.