The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-10-16 00:00:00, page 2

Voa broke me ; and in so doing you did
Weil; it wii my duty to obey, to make my
representations to you, and wait your de
termination. This errour, the only one you
can lay to my cfaatge, as committed during
the whole course of my military career,
yas occasioned by the persuasion you had
wrought in me, that you gave me the pre-,
ference to Murat, allowance being made
for relationship.
I have never solicited to resign ; J have
denounced no one person; my conduct has
been generous and open and by no means
insidious and doubtful. You have endeavour
ed ter excuse the dastardly and ungener
ous behaviour of your brother-in-Uw; you
have used means that were very base. If
there had been any denunciation, you would
not have failed to mention the date, and to
name the persons so denounced. False
hood is a certain characteristick of degra
dation—you will find by my observations
thabthis is not your first attempt.
I passed the time I was unemployed with
the army, which continued for 16 months,
in the perusal of my military books. I fur
nished many articles to the editor of the
“ Young Qfficer'i Guide I signed the
act of continuation for life of your consul
ship ; I asked permission to go into the
Dutch service; you consented to it, but
when I waited upon the Ambassadour,
Shimmelpenninck, nt Paris, I discovered
from hisembarrassment, that you had given
. him orders to make me this answer, that
r ''
Ihejrottogivffiln my rcsignatfoe, Mid you
told me you'W.puldin a little t*mw ftppoint
me general of a division. 1 wa%jrour fel
i low labourer on the 18th Brumaire (No
gPertiWl) 179*. Bernadotte, who had re-
Effused you hto assistance, and who was near
running you through the body when you
Bret proposed your designs to him, had re
tired to my estate in the country, near
Paris. You employed me to visit him, and
to bring him back to his true interests.—
You may remember that it was at this very
time that I presented you, and Madam
Bonaparte, as well as nearly the whole of
your family, with some very valuable
camoes ; which were accepted of. and gave
gmat satisfaction. My delicacy would
never have permitted me to have declared
this circumstance, if you had not forced
me by your infamous narrative, to the ny
eessity of shewing the footing of Intimacy I
was once upon with you. •
In Decevnber, 1799, being with the army
of the Rhine, commanded by General Mo
reau. I had the command of General Ney’s
division, he being hbsent on leave. »,
General Bernadottahavtag the command
of the army of the Coasts, you gave me or
ders in April, 1800, to repair to that Gene
ral, who intrusted me with the command
of St. Renan, near Brest; I had with the
troops under my command 2000 Spaniards,
landed from the fleet under the command
of Admiral Gravina, which lay in the road
of Brest. - ( '
In August, 1800. General Murat bad the
command of 10.000 grenadiers, part of the
camp of Amiena You ordered me to go
there to discipline them, a duty which the
General was incapable of performing. In
October there was a plot to set the Opera-
House on fire, and to assassinate you in the
midst of the confo«4on. In 30 hours I
inarched 30 leagues with these grenadiers.
You were as much astonished as you were
pleased with this forced march: Murat
was with you at Paris at this time.
You reviewed these troops near Ver
sailles ; you overwhelmed me with compli
ments upon the occasion, and you had not
less than sixty General Officers with you
at the t|me. It is certain that the grena
diers belonging to the marine, who had
been only 20 days on shore, exercised as
well as if they had been veterans.
During our stay at Versailles, I often
went and mounted guard at Malmaison.—
You cannot have forgot the circumstance
of a ladder having been discovered, fixed
up against one of the windows of your
apartments. The discovery is noted in my
observations. /
Having joined the anny of Italy with
these grenadiers, it was a matter of aston
ishment to this army to see my troops in
such good order, afort a march over the |
Alps in the midst of winter, for it happen
•d in December, 1800. They were exer
cised in the presence of General Murat, in
the great square of Milan., I frankly re
plied to thr compliments paid me on the
occasion, that the appearance of these men
was the result qf six months labour and
fatigue. Murat, animated by the meanest
kind of jealousy, observed, with a show of
great spite, that he would furnish me with
labour and fatigue for six months. Accord
ingly he look the grenadiers from roe, and
gave me two regiments of new raised men.
I remonstrated against this arbitrary pro
ceeding, but to no purpose; I spoke to him
with .he freedom of an old fellow collegian,
in the presence of his two aids de camp,
i the Colonel Lagrange and Beaumont. He
burned a deaf ear to my complaints, which
Bisage has since been returned to him In
FEgypt by the General Lannes, to the
knowledge of the whole army.
1 returned to France on account of my
health ; and had been at my country seat
about a month, when General Berthier ac
quainted me that I might soon expect fresh
orders.
tb his government, bit it h
vnU fake a considerable time." General
Bernadotte MB reUte to you a eery deli
cate scene concerning y«, whUsb took
place between hiutd me respecting my
observations. TF
' When I set off to join the army of St.
Domingo, General Berthier, assured mo
that I should find my commission as Gene
ral of division with it, General Rocham
beau, of whom I inquired concerning it,
laughed very much at my credulity.
I signed your appointment as Eipperour J
I was one of the Generals present when
Murat made bis Proclamation speech to
you at the Thuilleries; I recollect well all
that the Generals Massena, Augereau,
Macdonald, Bernadotte, btfi. said to you, a*
well as your answers. Yon will find them
very exactly related In my fbservatlons.
I never solicited to serve with Augereau;
I have very good reason for despising that
man, who disgraces the general’s hniform,
and whose stupidity and greediness for
plunder constitute him a true leader of
banditti. Do you recollect that General
Bernadotte asked you to altyw me to be at
the head of bis staff with the army of Han
over ; and that you replied <o him, in my
presence; “ General Sarrazin has been in
Ireland/ I would have him return hith‘
er f" It is possible that I may return there;
but it shall be to put the brave Irish on their
guard against your perfidious insinuations,
and to advise them to be faithful to their
own government, lest they meet with the
same unhappy fate as has befallen France,
which you have had the cruel address of
forming into one vast prison !
What you say concerning my conduct
with the army of Brest is of very little im
portance. What probability is there that
you would have suffered me to be with that
army, if I had accused forty generals, and
forty land and sea officers settled in that
place ? General Lamarque, now with the
army of Naples, will inform you whether
I was deficient in point of courage, or
the authour of that false report which you
mention. Your spies are known; there
were two of them with the army of Brest.
They often suggested to me the measures
of sending my Memorials to the Minister
of the General Police; but I corresponded
with you for the benefit of my troops and
l the good of the service, as the Prussian
Generals did with Frederick the Great.
As you have made mention of this me
morial, you should have mentioned others,
and particularly my dissertation of the 11th
Frimaire, which is an analysis of all thr
good you have ever done. 1 therein speak
warmly against the English government;
but In-your opinion I express myself too fa
vourably of the nation which I stile brave
and virtuous / and particularly when 1
speak of the English constitution of govern
ment, and call it immortal and wise. You
have made no mention of it, because you
know all that is said against a government
is but a form of expression, allowable in
time of war; whilst the praise of a people
who are enemies can only proceed from
the sentiment of the heart
I never had any dispute with General
Heudelet. You were displeased at my
writing to the King of Prussia on the 23d
of June, 1806, three months before the bat
tle of Jena. This monarch, to whom I
transmitted my dissertation of the 11th Fri
maire, condescended to send me an answer,
dated the 3d of July following, in his own
hand. You were jealous of my connections
with Prince Lewis of Wirtetnberg, Gene,
ral In the Russian service, and uncle of
the Emperour Alexander. I resided with
this Prince three months at the castle of
Wellberg, belonging to the Prince of Nas
sau, his brother-in-law. I commanded the
2d division of Augereau’s corps. In Ger
many, as well as at Brest, I made you ac-
I quainted with the thieves and marauders,
whose actions were beyond roy control, and
equally derogatory to the good of my troops,
and the justice due to the inhabitants of
such countries as were under my command.
In October, 1806,1 was employed in the
24th division, under General Chambar
' thac; I commanded in the department of
the Scheldt at Ghent; the Prefect was a
robber, and you deprived him of his office.
In June, 1807, you employed me with the
army of Antwerp, commanded by General
Ferino. I had under me the young Prince
of Hohenzollern-Sigmtringen, with his re
giment.
In the month of August nf the same year,
you employed me in the 16th military divi
sion, commanded by General Morlot, and
afterwards by General Vandamme; it was
but just in me to oppose the iniquity of the
prefect, Mr. Chaucelln, formerly Ambas
sadour to the Court of St. James’s who
caused double the number of conscripts to
be levied which the department was bound
to furnish. You removed me, and you con
tinued that officer at Bruges in the depart
ment of Lys, contrary to the advice of
General Vandamme, who was the com
mandant of the 16th division. General
Chambertbac never commanded the 16th
division. The publick can only excuse the
falsities, mistakes, and absurdities of your
narrative, ty imputing them to the flurry
which the accident of the first of July, at
<he hotel of the Austrian Afobassadour,
must necessarily have thrown you into;
and what the more confirms me in this
I opinion, is, that this narrative is dated on
I the 2d of July.
SutloMd MmA ti '
then began to detym you. AU I did
out of regard for MWoops
an hospital in an empty house; Botnplaint
was made of th igeipoDm stance, and on the
foundation of thb complaint, you adbt me
to the camp at Boulogne, where I remained
fifteen months. You had your<private rea
sons, which will be k*>wn some time hence-
I saw them In your eyes when you review
ed at Boulogne on the 25th of May.—
Fouche would not put me under an arrest,
because you only went upon
You ordered him to walk about Home, and
you appointed as his successor one Savary,
a man already to execute all your orders,
as he was to strangle Pichegru .' If I had
staid only four and twenty hours longer in
Boulogne, you must own that 1 should have
been consigned to a dungeon al Vincennes,
or to the ditches of that castle, as was the
truly unfortunate Duke D’Enghein !,!
I have constantly lived in the greatest
harmony with general officers and publick
administrators, that were credible.
I have had command, or have been
known to ail the regiments that form the
French army; all of which esteem and
raiue me. I have levied no contributions
but in the country about Naples, by order
of General Macdonald, for the supply qf
the military chest. >
The entire substance of this narrative is
supported by eighty-four official documents
which are deposited in the hands of the
Secretary of State for the foreign depart
ment, in London. I shall now produce only
fifteen, of different dates; the remaining
documents, under the hands of Rocham
beau, Berthier, Macdonald, Bernadotte,
Murat, and others, will be printed with my
observations; wherein I beg leave to as
sure you, you will find some very striking
details, the remembfance of which, and
with some reason, you have nearly lost.
When I quitted France, I acted consis
tently with my obligation to honour; when
you qualified this use of the rights of man
with the odious term of cowardly desertion,
you judged my conduct according to your
own, when you left Egypt!
I gave you my oath of fidelity; you
swore to make justice the principle of your
government; you were-the first to violate
your oath, and you have released me from
all engagements with respect to yourself.
On the first favourable opportunity, and
the time is not distant, the whole army, and
all France, will shew you that a tyrant
cannot become so through p erjury without
meeting hie merited punishment!
I shall end with using the same address
to you as the Tribune Flavfoa sued to the
Emperour Nero; Aec'tfW qtdsquam mili
turn Jidelio fuit, quamdi* amori meruisti/
odisse cefii quando injustus erga commili
tones, tirannus Galliae, incendiarius His
fianiae, U'c. Uc.&c. extitisti.
SARRAZIN.
I am well acquainted with Germany, Italy
and France ; all the places of strength, and
nearly the whole coast from the Scheldt to
Trieste.
Txbrb are three important points which
must alwuys be considered in connexion.
In relation to the present subject, else it
cannot possibly be comprehended. The
first is, that there was no boundary to
he immense region called Louisiana, ex
cept the gulph of Mixico, none either west
or north, no settled one even east, all of
which must have been well known to “ The
Sage,” Thomas Jefferson, when he pur
chased the country. The second, that
France had intimated a disposition to pro
mote a settlement, not of all the bounda
ries, but of the eastern boundary only, upon
terms, analogous” to those which had
been proposed to Spain, which could be no
other than pecuniary terms, as there could
be no analogy between offering to relin
quish vast territories which%e claimed on
the west, and obtained •• a string of land”
on the east; and the third, that this in
timation was accompanied by a threat that
France would come to a military •• issue of
some sort” with us, unless we recognized
in their full extent her analogical proposi
tions, which alone can account for the de
claration of Mr. Madison, the Secretary of
State, to Mr. Randolph, whom he at that
moment considered the leader of the friends
of administration, and supposed him pre
pared to go all lengths with them, that,
" France wants money, and must have it,
or we must have a French and Spanish
war." These last words, '* or we must
have a French and Spanish war,” have
not generally been understood to have been
uttered by Mr. Madison, but such was the
fact. Mr. Madison, let it be recollected,
was speaking in the character of Mr. Jef
ferson’s first cabinet counsellor, to a gen
tleman whose sentiments and views they
believed, fortunately for our country they
knew him not, to correspond exactly with
their own. The Secretary of State was
developing to the moot prominent and in
fluential members of Congress the policy
of the President, respecting our foreign re
lations, at that particular juncture, which
policy was, not to buy Florida,., any more
than to vindicate our own rights by ener
getick measures, nut to buy Florida, or to
make any purchase whatever qf Spain, but
'to furnish mouey to FRANCE—because
XBOM THK rnKKMAN’s JOURNAL.
FRENCH INFLUENCE.
>7- , v \. ; : A ,
<*FranM wants money. tWatft|k» k
er we must ba«ft a Fredffih and Spanish
war That Mr. Madison made this ex
traordinary declaration, was repeatedly
deciaredin the House of Representatives
by Mr. Randolph, first in a private session,
and afterwards in publick. Mr. Madison
had two brothers-in-law then sitting as
Members In the House, to whom it was
particularly hinted that they did not dare
to deny the fact, and, indeed, they did not
dare to deny it One of them spoke at
length in reply to Mr. Randolph, but was
very cautious not to controvert his asser
tion.
Is it possible to put more than one con
struction upon the declaration, under the
peculiar circumstances of the moment at
which it was uttered ? No explanation of
it has ever been attempted in Congress.—
And the only explanation which has ever
been attempted out of doors, was founded
upon the presumption that Mr. Madison
said, •* France wants money, and must
have it,” and said no more. It has been
said, of course, that it was merely the ex
pression of an opinion, that France was so
situated in respect to the want of money,
that she must get it at any sacrifice what
ever, thus affording us an excellent oppor
tunity to make a good bargain in the pur
chase of Florida. But here these notable
men of explanation keep entirely out of
view the emphatical words, “ or we must
.have a French and Spanish war.” Taking
the whole expression together, it docs not
by any means convey the idea that France
was in such extreme want of money, but
that she wanted money of us, and had told
our government that she would have it, or
we should have a French and Spanish war.
Can candid minds make any thing else of
it ? For the honour of our government and
country, we would put a more favourable
construction upon that transaction, if it
could be reconciled to common sense.—
But that does not appear to us to be possi
ble.
The friends of Mr. Jefferson’s adminis
tration have contended that the money
was to be paid to Spain, for a valuable con
sideration—quid pro quo. But Mr. Madi
son said nothing about Spain, except that
the war, if we did not but off, was to be
“ Spanish” as well as “ French.” It was
•• France” that we were to deal with. It
was France that •* wanted money,” and
France that ** roust have it,” and France
that would give us ** a French and Span
ish war,” if we did not pay the cash. We
do not colour this thing at all. We give the
plain words of Mr. Madison. He never
has denied, he never will deny, he never
can deny, that he uttered this language to
Mr. Randolph,
The position which we have here taken
is fortified impregnably by the fact, that
the majority of the House of Representa
tives, at the instance of their leader, Mr.
Bidwell, rxjkctxd an amendment which
the minority proposed to the bill appropri
ating two millions of dollars, the object of
which amendment was to prevent the mo
' ney from being applied to any other pur
pose than the purchase of “ the country
east of the Mississippi.” They obstinately
persisted in leaving the appropriation open
and unlimited, applicable to the purposes
qf foreign intercourse generally.
A private appropriation of the people’s
money, without their knowledge or con
sent, might possibly be made for an hon
ourable object. But in this case there must
have been a dark and secret influence of
some sort. If it were not “ French Influ
ence,” what under heaven can we call it ?
NEW-ORLEANS, September 4.
A pirating felucca, under French co
lours, that was fitted out at this port, has
been cruising in and near our waters, ever
since her departure. She lately captured a
Spanish ship or brig, having a cargo of
staves, dry goods and money ; after taking
out the cargo of the vessel, they burnt her,
and steered with the felucca for the mouth
of La Fourche, where they are trying, it is
to smuggle the whole into this
territory.
On Thursday night last, between the
hours of 10 and 11 o’clock, the ears of the
inhabitants of this city were assailed by
the dreadful cry of Fire. An immense
light appeared, and it was soon ascertain
ed that the hermitage, the seat of Colonel
Mayo, about a mile from town, was the
scene of destruction. Thither a concourse
of people, with an alacrity which redounds
greatly to their honour, hastened with an
engine, and most fortunately arrived just
in time to save all the buildings, except
that in which the fire originated. It would
appear that three different apartments of
a very large farm-house, seventy ndd feet
long, folly packed with oats, wheat, fodder,
hay, &c. began burning at the same time,
as the flames poured forth in columns from
three of the front arches some minutes be
fore they reached the others, and left no
doubt on the minds of those who saw the
fire in its early stage, that the brand had
been applied through the opposite win
dows.
RICHMOND, (Virg.) October 2.
FIRE !
2Bp t|>e IBailß.
Ho< for gextfomen la fa
t coentry, we beg leave to drop a hint ow
4he necessity of their being supplied with
pumps. Upon thb occasion by means of
one in an adjoining stable yard the fire oc
casioned by so great a collection of com
bustible matter was quenched, so far as
not to communicate to two other buildings
very near, nor even to several tons of
wheat straw stacked within the short dis
tance of twenty feet, when without the sup
ply of water it afforded, every building on
the place, dwelling-houses and all, must
have been burnt.
The loss is estimated at between 3 and
4000 dollars.
from Batavia, informs, that two days before
he sailed, the commander of the Spice Isl
ands, (Fits) was shot by order of the Gov
ernour-General, for having given up those
islands to the English. A number of En
gineers had just arrived at Batavia from
the isle of France, for the purpose of con
structing fortifications. The seat of gov
ernment had been removed from Batavia
to Bultensog, a pleasant place about fifty
miles from Batavia, where the Goveruour-
General bad erected a moat splendid -pal
ace.—An English squadron passed up the
Chinese seas about the 25th of June.
October 10.
Captain Brown, passenger in the brig
Matilda, Arnold, from Laguira, gives the
following information in writing: That late
on the evening of the 6th of September, the
brig Jane, of New-York, Captain Smart,
arrived at Laguira from Calcutta. On z
the morning of the 7th, Captain Smart
hoisted his colours as is usual in a foreign ,
port, viz. ensign, pendant and jack. At 8
o’clock, A. M. Captain Smart went on
shore, and at about 10, A. M. a boat from
His Britannick Majesty’s brig Challenger,
Captain Rider, (then laying at Laguira,
near the Jane,) ‘came along side the Jane ;
the officer of which ordered the mate of the
Jane to haul down his pendant; the mate
replied that he should not, having no orders
from his csptain to that effect, who was
then on 'shore. The officer of the boat
then ordered one of his men to haul down
the Jane’s pendant, which he did. About
12 o’clock, Captain Smart, with several
other gentlemen, of which Captain Brown '
was one, came on board the June; Captain
Smart asked his mate why the pendant
was hauled down, he informed him of what
had happened, and that he endeavoured
to prevent it. Captain Smart then order
ed the pendant hoisted again, which was
done; and in about half an hour the boat
from the before-mentioned brig Challenger
came along aide the Jane, with three offi
cers, four marines, and four sailors, all
completely armed ; the Challenger having
previously three of her carriage guns load
ed and levelled at the Jane. The first
officer of the boat, who was supposed to be
the first Lieutenant, then ordered Captain
Smart to haul down his pendant; Captain
Smart said he would not do it, not consid
ering himself under the restrictions of a
British man of war. The officer of the boat
then ordered one of his men to haul the
Jane’s pendant down, which pe and they
did by force of arms and took it away with
them. On their leaving the Jane, the offi
cer requested Captain Smart to go with
him on board the Challenger, which Cap
tain Smart did; and on getting on board,
Captain Rider asked him by what authori
ty he wore his pendant; Captain Smart
in reply asked, by what authority he haul
ed it down. Captain Rider then ordered
his officerfto take Captain Smart under a
guard on shore before the commandant of
the place, which he did, and with his ma
rines entered the gate, passed the guards,
and arrived at the house of the command
ant without molestation. The gentlemen
who had been on board with Captain Smart
followed to the commandant’s, and on a re
presentation being made, through the me
dium of an interpreter .’the commandant
seemed dissatisfied at what the British of
cer had done, and told the officer that it
would have been better to have came to
him in the first place, and then dismissed
Captain Smart, and when the officer had
retired, Captain Smart was informed that
be must not wear his pendant any more in
the port, as no merchant vessel would in
future be allowed to wear a pendant.
Captain Arnold confirms the
stated to him by Captain Smart—has also -
to observe in justice to others, that 3 Brit
ish vessels of war, viz. a Ship, Brig and
Schooner had been at Laguira a few weeks
before and did not notice several American
pendants that were hoisted frequently.—
Captain Arnold understood at Lsguira that
duties on imports and exports were lessened
one-fourth in British bottoms.
The Carraeas government have prohib
ited the slave trade.
October 12. j
Our correspondent at Baltimore Informs
us of the arrival there, of the schooner
Hazard, Captain Harrison, in a passage of
24 days from Kingston, Jamaica. * •*
She brings the news of all MIRANDA’S
MEN having been set at liberty by the
new government of the Spanish Main, and
that six of them had arrived, at Jamaica.
All others who had, been imprisoned under
the old government had been set at liberty.
NEW-YORK, October 8.
Captain Dony, who arrived In 95 days