The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-10-06 00:00:00, page 2

4. That a truce for the aforefaid term of years
be agreed to, and declared between Great Britain
and France.
5. That the general treaty (hall be set on foot for
negociation, as soon as may be after signing the afore
faid preliminaries.
6. That any articles of the negociation may take
effect as soon as agreed to by the parties, in the course
of the negociation, without waiting for the final
conclufipn of the treaty.
The Ministers themselves mud now fee the impru
dence of their illiberal treatment of the late Earl of
Chatham, when he proposed his plan for accommo
dation with America; a plhn, that had it been adopt
ed here (for it was approved by the Congress) would
certainly have kept America your friend, and this
country in peace. That ti uly great man filled a space
in the eye of mankind that will not cafily be re-filled;
it may with truth be said, that from the moment he
left, or rather was driven, from the councils of his
Sovereign, the declension of this empire was dated.
The non-impottation agreement in Ireland por
tends much mifchief; the Americans took the fame
measures, previous to their shaking oil the yoke
pressed on them by a corrupt administration.
The brave Lord George Minden is to have the
command of the army, and, it is said, to please the
King, intends to invade France and Spain, drive the
Turks from their territories, and seize Mahomet's
tombs at Mecca; then he proposes to take Persia and
all the countries in the East; he then intends travel
ling by land to America, the inhabitants of which are
to be presented at the feet of lord North, to be kicked.
There will be a vote palled in a tew days, declaring
the French and Spaniards poltroons, that they have
no arms or ammunition, foldicrs, fleets, or artillery,
and the conqueftbf both countries will be effected by
the fame Ministers who have so ably conducted our
American affairs.
The inquiry into the conduct of the American
war, may be brought before parliament merely with
From the Pennsylvania Packet, September at, 1779.
SIR,
BY some late, publications, and by some petitions
which are said now to be under the deliberation
of Congress, it appears that the exorbitant claim of
Virginia to the greatest and moil valuable part of this
Continent, lying westward of the fettled parts of
these United States, is now become an object of ge
neral attention and alarm. Never was there an afiair
of more national importance before Congress, as the
sovereign power of America ; and upon their de
termination depends the greatest good or evil to our
confederacy, and our future union and prosperity.
On the one hand, if they support the exorbitant claim
of Virginia, the will pay her own national debt and
her future quotas, atythe expence of the blood and
treasures of all the other States in the confederacy ;
besides poffeflihg herfelf of an immense fund of mo
ney and lands, which may enable her to dictate the
future councils of America, and to ereft a new do
minion over the free-born sons of this Continent. —
On the other hand, if the Congress, in whom the so
vereignty of America, as Representatives of the Uni
ted States, is now vested, fhouid open an office for
the sale of these lands, which are the just property of
the said States, it will in one month appreciate our
money, give it a solid basis in real property, and en
able them to carry on the war to a happy issue, ren
dering every continental dollar equivalent to a silver
one. Such is the disposition of the country refpe&ing
the unreasonableness of this monstrous claim, that if
time is allowed, perhaps 100,000 freeholders at least
will, in a few weeks, be found ready 'to address
Congress to albert the sovereignty of these States, and
to engage to support them therein.
In a publication in Mr. Bradford's paper of last
Wednesday, Virginia seems to have a strenuous advo
cate under the signature of Fiat fuflitia, challenging
an answer to their strange claims. Whether the wri
ter be in jell or earnest, he stall be indulged with a
full answer ; and it is hoped the public will not in the
mean time be swayed by his flimfv arguments.
RALEIGH.
I. That Commissioners be appointed to hear, con
sult, and agree upon the final Settlement and pacifi
cation of the present troubles in America, upon fafe,
honourable, and permanent terms, fubjedt to ratifi
cation by Parliament.
2. That any one of the aforefaid Commissioners
may be empowered to agree, as a preliminary, to a
suspension of all hostilities, by sea and land, for the
certain term of ten years.
The withdrawing of the Britifli forces is not pro
posed as a preliminary, but is reserved as the firft ar
ticle of the negociation. The condition against which
this fhouid be set in balance, on the other fide, must
be a stipulation for the security of the Britifli govern
ment in America.
3. That any one of the aforefaid Commissioners
may be empowered to agree, as a second preliminary,
to suspend the operation of any and all adts of parlia
ment, refpeding America, during the term of the
truce.
L O ND O N.
HOUSE of COMMONS, June 18.
MR. D. Hartley moved for leave to bring in a bill
to appoint Commissioners to treat with Ameri
ca. The honourable gentleman pressed the necessity
of this motion with very forceable arguments, and he
read the following articles as
Terms of Negociation.
I R E L A N D.
CITY of DUBLIN ADDRES S.
To the King's most excellent Majesty.
The Addrels of the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons,
and Citizens of the city of Dublin, in Common
Council assembled.
"Gracious Sovereign,
" WE, the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and
Citizens of your ancient city of Dublin, thus dutiful
ly approach the Throne, rented with honest indigna
tion at the insidious designs of your Majesty's ene
mies of the House of Bourbon, and warm with the
most ardent zeal to maintain the fafety and honour of
your government; influenced by these sentiments, we
for a while forget the unjufl and impolitic restrictions
on our commerce, continued at the desire of your
Majesty's fubjefts of Britain, and eager to press for
ward in their defence, we lay far behind us the re
membrance of the many wrongs we have borne, yet
we trust your Majesty's wisdom and clemency will
accept the tender we now make of our lives and for
tunes in support of any just or necessary war ; not as
the offer of a people insensible to the accumulated dis
tresses heaped upon them, by falfe policy, and igno
rant Ministers; not as a mere formal address, pro
cured by ministerial influence from penfoned hire
lings, who in the day of trial would Shrink from you,
but as the free-will offering of men zealous to manifeft
the unipotted loyalty of their country to the august
House of Brunswick; as the firft determination of
fubjeds confiding in the ber eficent intentions of their
Sovereign, and who entertain an humble hope, that
by the favour of Divine Providence, the united efforts
of al! your fubjeds, and the assistance of wiser Coun
cils than have lately been adopted, the Britifli Empire
may not only defeat her numerous enemies, but raise
once more to that strength and glory, from which at
present that Empire has so miserably fallen."
a view to have some colourable pretext for giving up
the contest. The testimony of the officers may give
ministry an opportunity to fay, that they have received
new lights, and finding the fubdudion of the colo
nies to be impracticable, theminifters chemfelves may
move, for withdrawing the troops and recognizing
the Independence of America. The public Ihould
not be furprized at this, for firanger revolutions, in
principle, have happened in Qe political world.
The Saratoga contention most afluredly put a deci
sive period to the American contest. In the firft place
it occasioned this political dilemma; the troops could
not be relieved without the convention being ratified;
and, to ratify the convention, the Independence of
America mutt be recognized. In the second place,
the Saratoga contention hastened the treaty with
l rance and the public notification of that treaty to
our court. Gen. Burgoyne there, without deligning
it, has done the business Jor America.
From Rivington's New-York Royal Gazette, of
September 22, 1779.
By the Catharine, Captain Calclough, from Corke,
which he left on the 20th of June, we have re
ceived the following.
The evidence given by JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Esq; late
a member of the American Congress, at the bar of
the House of Commons, having much excited public
curiofty, <ue truJl an authentic account of it will
prove acceptable to our readers.
W ESTMINSTE R, July 3.
By the KIN G.
A P ROCLAMATION.
GEORGE R.
WHEREAS we have received intelligence that
preparations are making by our enemies to in
vade this our kingdom, the fafety and defence of which
require our utmost care, and wherein by the assistance
and blessing of God, we are resolved not to be want
ing ; and to the intent that they may not, in case of
their landing, strengthen themfeives by seizing the
horses, oxen and cattle of our fubjeßs, which may
be ufeful to them for draught or burthen, or be easily
supplied with provisions: We have thought fit, and
do by this our Royal proclamation, by the advice of
our Privy Council, ftridly charge and command the
Warden of the Cinque Ports, his Lieutenants, De
puty or Deputies, and all and every the Lieutenants
and Deputy Lieutenants of our Councils, and all She
riffs, Justices of Peace, Mayors, Bailiffs, and all and
every other officers and ministers, civil and military,
within their refpeßive counties, cities, towns, and
divisions, that they cause the coasts to be carefully
watched, and upon the firft approach of the enemy,
immediately to cause ail horses, oxen and cattle, which
may be fit for draught or burthen, and not actually
employed in our service, or in the defence of the
country, and also (as far as may be practicable) all
other cattle and provisions to be driven and removed
to some place of security, and to such a distance from
the place where the enemy thall attempt, or appear
to intend to land, so as that they may not fall into
the hands or power of any of our enemies ; wherein
nevertheless it is our will and pleasure, that the re
fpedive owner thereof may fuller as little damage,
loss or inconvenience, as may be consistent with the
public fafety; and we do hereby further ftridly charge
and command all ^ur fubjeds to be aiding and assist
ing to the execution of this oar Royal command.
Given'at our Court at St. James's, the 9th day
of July, *779' in the r,th year of our reign.
GOD SAVE THE KIN G.
The congress have prevailed upon a part of the
people, a very small part of the people, to take up
arms' under the pretence of obtaining a redress of
grievances, and having an army composed of those
people under their command, and fubjeft to military
difeipline, they disarmed or caused to be disarmed,
all persons whom they thought difaffeded to their
measures, or wished to be united' to this country,
contrary to their scheme of independence. I have
the resolves of Congress, dated Sept. 2, 1775, at my
house to that purpose ; they went so far as to disarm
(by fending two battalions into Queen's county, in
the province of New-York for that purpose) a large
number of the people of that dihria for no other rea
son, but because they voted against fending a mem
ber to tire continental congress, they totally, as I
may fay, disfranchised them: they would not fuffer
them to trade, or b.e traded with: they fuffered them
to be sued, but would not let them sue in their courts
of justice: they would not fuffer them to pass out of
their diftridt on any account. By these means the
well affected part of America to this government be
Upon this ground, I am confident the gentlemen
of the law afted. When the tea aft palled, they
made the fame use of the merchants who were smug
glers in America, as they had done of the lawyers
before, still declaring they meant not independence.
So late as the fitting of the Congress in 1774, the
fame men when charged with it in congress, and
whilst they held it tenaciously and religiously in their
hearts, they almost to a degree of profanity denied it
with their tongues; and all this was done on their
knowledge, that the great bulk of the people of North
America was averse to independence. If we look at
the resolves of Congress, down almost to the very pe
riod of their declaration of independence, we shall
find the lame language a pretence of obtaining a re
dress of grievances held out to the people; and for
the fame reason at the very time they declared inde
pendence, they gave out that it was not with a view
to separate the two countries, but from necessity ;
unless they declared independence, the powers of
Europe would not trade with them; and they were
in great distress : I mean the people by the want of a
great many necessaries. So that, from all these cir
cumkances, I am convinced, that not one fifth part
of the people had independence in view.
It so large a proportion of the people of America
were to averse from independence, why have they
fuffered their present rulers to obtain such power over
them as to prevent any effectual exertion in support
of their principles ?
STATE PAPERS.
Mercurii 16 Die funii, 1779.
COMMITTEE on PAPERS presented by Mr. DE
GREY, the 19th of March last, pursuant to an
address.
Mr. F. MONTAGUE in the chair.
JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Esq; calledin and examined
by Lord George Germain.
Q. TTOW long have you lived in America ?
^^ A. I have lived in America from my nati
vity to the month of October last; about forty-eight
years.
In what part; and what public office have you
held ?
I have lived in the province of Maryland, in the
Delaware counties, and in the province of Pennsyl
vania, chiefly in Philadelphia. My public profeffion
was that of the law. 1 practifed in all the courts of
Pennsylvania ; in those of the Delaware counties, and
in the supreme court of New-Jersey. I was a mem
ber of the alicmbly of Pennsylvania eighteen years,
speaker of the house twelve. 1 was appointed by the
aflcmbly of Pennsylvania to attend the American Con
gress which met the sth day of September, 1774. —
During the last war, under an appointment, 1 was
one of the commissioners for disposing of the money
granted to the crown, and have been several times a
commissioner to treat with the Indians, by the As
sembly of Pennsylvania, and when Sir William Howe
took poffeflion of Philadelphia, at his request I under
took the office of Superintendent of the police of
Philadelphia and its suburbs, of the ports and of the
prohibited articles.
When did you come over to the Britifli army, and
how long did you continue with it?
I came over to the Royal Army the beginning of
December, 1776, and continued with it until the
evacuation of Philadelphia, the 18th of June last.
At the beginning of the present rebellion, when the
inhabitants firft took up arms, had the people in ge
neral independence in view?
1 do not believe, from the belt knowledge I have of
the date of the people at that time, that one fifth of
the people in America had independence in view. I
would with when I give an opinion, always to give my
reasons for it. The progress of the spirit of inde
pendence was very gradual. So early as the year
1754, there were men in America, I may fay in the
towns of Boston, New-York, Philadelphia and Wil
liamfbuig, who held independence in profped, and
who were determined to seize any opportunity that
offered to promote it, by procuring additional per
lons to their number. These men, when the stamp
aft was palled, made a talking horse, or screen of
the gentlemen of the law in every part of America to
cover their designs, and to found the trumpet of op
position against government, but Rill avowed that
their conduct was on the ground of obtaining a re
dress of American grievances, and not with a design
t& separate the two countries.