The New Hampshire gazette — Portsmouth [N.H.], 1798-06-12 00:00:00, page 1

« Vol. XLlL.—Numb. 2167.]
Mr. Allew’s SPEECH,
. In reply to
Gallatin and Nicholas,
&2 ths fubjel? of Ewmplying the Armed
. Velfels as Convgy;.
MR. Alten—Mr, Chairman, [ withto
4AVA ibtorm the Committee the reaflon for
the frong expreflrons of abhorrence and in
dignation, which féll from me yellerday, at
the language of the gentleman ‘from Penn
- fylvania (Mr. Gallauin) when the houle was
&0 committee of the whole on this bill.
I confefs, Sir, I have not thar perfeft
command of myfelf—l have not thatiren
fyfem of rerves, which I could with, the
want of which I lament, and whiech I fo
much admire in orhr* “Conflitutionally
too irritable, I meet {nuch nfults to my
country with a degree of warmth which I
desire to repress, but wheeh 1 hope does not
banith from my bosom that conlideration
and that candour which is neceflary in my
place. The firumion of our country re
quires a cool and temperate deliberation ;
and I wifli for nothing more than for the a
doption of {uch mealures as true wildom
shall point out as proper. The committce,‘
I trust, will pardon me for the aftonithment -
and displeasure I felt at what 1 heard from
that geatleman ; a finnlar displeasure mark.
ed the countenantes of atmolt ali who heard
him.—l did expeti, upon the disclosure in
the dispatches of what had pafled at Paris
between our commiflioners and the Go
vernment of France, that a [pirit of unani
mity would have been in some degree, pro
duced in our councils, thcugh a perfelt
unavimity could not be expelted. I did
expedl that every member of the legislature
would have laid his hand upon his heart,
and considered what was necessary to be
done for the fafety of his country, and
would have dctermined to support such
measures as should be deliberately adopted
By the majority. Bur, Sir, What do we
behold ? I have long considered as the most
prominent feature in the Jacobinic charac
ter the {pirit of obstinacy, which knowsnot.
to yicld; that furious, clamarous spirit,
which never acquielces in measures nor
principles, however well fettled ; which
never yiclds to majorities, but which al.
ways fecks by force or art to convert mi
norities into majorities 3 that fpirit’ which
"drives men to overfet, destroy, or render
in. fleQual, mealures which it disapproves,
thougk adopred by the general consent ahd
approbation of the country ; that Tpiric
which ceales not to ~eprobate in the 'moft
bitter maoner measures which gentlemen
know and acknowledge cannot now be set |
aside. I pray Gop, this {pirit may have
anend; if 1t contnues 1t will ruin this
country, It appears to me, that the courle
gentlemen are now taking wall overwhelm
os with irretrievable difficuluies. Ihope T
am miflaken ; but it appears to me the.du- }
ty of every American, at this time, seriously
to decclare that he will support the ‘mea
fures which have been and which may be
adopted by the government, :
The senate have pafled, by a large majo
yity, and sent to us, a bill to provide an ad
ditional armamen:, and no expression of
disapprobation of 3t is heard out of doors.
The objelts of it are, the defence of those
parts of our coast which are most exposed
10 the enemy ; our trade from pest to port;
our trade to foreign countries where within
the reach of our shores ; and the general
dcfence of the nation. The firft flep is to
provide the meansof defence. How itwill
operate I know not ; it cannot be particu-
Jarly foreleen. Let us possess the power
and consult the mode of tondufiing 1t after
wards. All men muflt confels our fitua--
tion requires it. It is intended to place
this fcrce in the bands of the government,
to be vid as the exigencies of thé nation
may demand. Bat 3t 15 attempted, by the
- gentleman from Pemfylvania, at the very
“outset, at the very threshold of the busi
ness, to shackle-it; to make a declaration
which goes to a ;;]roﬁ{atign_ of the country
~—He _requires that we declare we will not
make use of thele veflels 1o defend our ac
knowledged rights ; that whatever may be
owr situation; whatever may be the event,
condition or contingency, however cffeftual
may be the means of defending our ships,
our property; these véffels thall not be used
as convoys. Is this wife—is this prudent ?
For I wish to avoid the difcuflion of all
-Conflitutional queflions, and to {peak only
of the expediency of the mealure. ~Will
gentlemen refofe their aflent to.the bill un
less accempanied with a declaration that
the veflels liallaog‘bc uled in a particular
manner ? Surely every gentleman who 1s
anxious only for the true interest of his
own country must consent to leave the
manner of employing these vessels to be
fettled hereafter, by Congress,” or by the
President when our situation with refpeét
to France shall be“fully known. The e
vents of pext month, next week, nay of
to-moriow, may render this reftnétion idle,
ablurd, and dangerous. If gentlemen are
unwilling 1o trust :the President are they
afraid of themselves ? 1f their jealouly leads
therp to put manacles on the Executive;
must they also fetter themselves ? Can we
‘not difculs this queflion at a fuwre day,
and make a law providing for the operation
~ as this force, Jong before it will be prepar.
ed for aftion? éWh;yeecuﬁy the time which
is wanted for preparing the armament in
- quarrelling about its course and destination ?
- ——What will be the ule ﬁ;jﬁtfc veflels
. without the propoefed reftriftion, I caonot
“ell 5 but Tam not afaid to confide this
1 power 10 the President ; Tam not appre-
PORTSMOUTH: (New-Hamesuire)— Pusrisuep evERY Tuespay MOrRNING BY JOHN MELCHER, PriNTER TO THE STATE, AT HIS OFFICE CORNER OF MARLET STReET,
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et 1) ﬁmﬁﬁbil‘ﬁﬂ‘éfitﬁ »
' Mr. Nicholas on that occasion, in which,
speaking of the wrongs this country had {uf.
sered from. Great Brutain, he asks if there
was so litle American feeling in the Houle
as not to lead them to take retaliatory mea
sures, &c.
Let gentlemen compare our situation at
that time with the present, and they will
dilcover that all which that gentlemran then
said was applicable at this ‘time, and infi
nitely more. ‘T.h'o’é: who then opg;)fed the
. measures of the géntleman from Virginia,
~ called for fpécific fa&ls of the injuries com
- plained of—they were told of the savages
being let loofe.upon our frontiers, and ; the
Algerines upon our commerce, and of com
. mercial advantages being denved us ; yes,
- Sir, the fame gentleman from Virginia was
- then indignant at our commescial “losses,
. and at reflraint on oortrade. No gentleman
- now calls for ¢ fpecific faéls ;” no gentle.
[1 man now calls for evidence against France ;
[ every gentleman now agrees we have just
cause of war agaisft her’; but now they pro
fels to doubt the policy of prote@ing that
trade which they thén thought: {6 Impor
tant ; now it is not worth defending ; now
_ itismere baggatelle ; pow theyare willing
- to'let foreigners regulate our markets;: take
our thips, imprison our seamen, and take
polleflion of our barbours. Now 'we are
seriously inyited to draw our heads’ within
i our thells, and humbly take what foreigners
will please to give us ; and all this without
- an effort to defend rights so dearand sacred.:
~Thefe were not the feptiments which ani
mated the geotleman on the former oceca
! fion; and I cannot account for this: differ.
t ence of condufl infitbations so similar. The
i gentleman on that occasion slated the quef
" tion to be whether'¢ommiercial regulations
‘ should be adopted, or whethér we thould'go
to war. Arms were to be the relource if
' milder measures failedin theireffe&t. These
| gentlemen were then ready to 7¢fiff and to
| 7epel the aggreflions committed on us, and
‘,-- their mealures were firenvoufly urged. At
i that time Great Britain did not avow the
‘ wrongs she had com mitted'on us, nor did
© fbe threaten to continue them and ravege
. our coafis, both which France now does.
" ‘Our complaines against Great Britain
| were few and light, compared with those we
| make againt France 3 yet had the commer
i cial regulation then proposed by these gen
| tlemen proved infuflicicnt, élved would have
henfive they will be improperly employed.
If there were any such danger as gentlemen
seem to contemplate, the public sentiment,
the general opinion of the country, would
mfluence the Ex gutive condutt on the oc
®ifion. Under aR the attacks that are con
ftanmly made upon us,.and the threats of
deftrufion that alacm our country, surely
there can be no danger o thele veflels de
fending. us and all our rights too zealously,
or too cfle€tually. :
The question is, thali we fuffer thefle
armed vc?fcls to afl as convoys in time of
peace ; and by peace‘he confeflcs he'means
that slate in which we now fland, plundered,
insulted, menaced as wé now are ¢ :
It is said policy forbids it.. 1 believe po
licy calls upon us to defend ouslelves in the
best manuer we are able, unoperated upon
by any thing yﬁiph’ has taken place hereto
fore. Policy calls upon us to confutt our
own fafety and interest, without giviog way
to an affeflion for one nation ‘or hatred to
another. Thele are absurd and dangerous
paflions in nations. It is our true policy to
defend ourselves and our rights to the fullef}
extent ; ‘we have an awful leffoa of what
werarc to expe& from submission and tame
neis. : ; :
It is said it is a vain attempt to - defend
our commerce ; becaule we cannot defend
it effeCtually. Sir, no nation ever did de
fend its commerce effeCtually in the sense
the gentieman means ; po nalion ever ex
pefted or attempted it. Every country at
war will lose very many of its meérchant
thips ; it is fufficient that we exert so great
a force in their defence as under all circum
flances we can afford, and can bring into
aftion. But, Sir, no nation ever said, in
the {pirit of this amendment, that it would
not groteft’its rights and commerce. It
would be an invitation to all the picates:
carth to plunder 1, under a promise of in:-
punity. Whatever may be expedientto be
done in fa&t, however much we may really
be disposed to endure in hope to eftape 2
war, we should not publish to the world
and to our foe, eur nfetion to submit to
bis robberiess The: man who would fay
this, would never have the spirit to defend
the country in case of an aftual invalion——
It is a {pint calculatetl only to surrender
our independence to the firft power who
shall have courage ta’demand it.
It was said by the genileman - from Vir
ginia (Mr. Nichoias) that by refufing to pro
tet our commerce, we should lose only the
carrying trade ; ¢hatthe. ships of othgr na
tions would come to our ports and furnifh
us with fuchforeign produélions as we might
want; and take from us such of ours psrwe
might have ro spare ; and that the ohje& of
the proteflion was pot worth the expence
and the hazard. This was not’ always .she
latiguage of that genileman. He formerly
thought the carrying trade of the utmost
importance to the country. Ewery one re
members the long-and earnefll debate which
four years ago took place on a set of resolu
tions brought in by 2 gentleman from Vir
ginia (Mr. Madison.) They were founded
on ‘certain corhmércial regulations, said to
have been adopted by Great Britain, inju
rious only to the carrying trade which we
are pow invited: to- surrender without a
struggle. S A ¢ ~
Here Mr. A. read {ome observations of
— OUR COUNTRY’s GOOD OUR CONSTANT AIM
TUESDAY, June iz, 1798.
" been shed in'defence of the rights then vio
lated, though of no importance compared -
w/i,th the injuries under which we now, groan,
It is contended by the gentleman from-Vir.
. ginia (Mr. Nicholas) and I;beh‘:vc by the
' gentleman from Pennfylvanma (Mr.‘GaHatin)
i that by the lew of mations, Fracce has a
" right to search our veflels 1n orderto dis
. cover whether they have on board contra
- band articles, or enemy’s properiy.” But
} has she not declased {he will not begovern
' ed by the Jaw of nations ; Ihat ﬂ’é-k&ﬂmakg 3
~ her power her only rule of conda&t ? And
will i¢ be said that the may avail herfelf of .
rights given by a law, the injonfions of :
which the will not obey ? ‘May {he prote&
berfelf uoder that law '®hile the will refufe ,
to all other nations the prote&ion it promi- -
fes to them £ Do we allow the . Algérines
or the pirates of Asia 1o search cur vessels 3
We may reply to every Frenchman, whe
demands 10 {earch our ships, * You shall.
not = you declare yveu: will condemn for
causes which you admit. nos authorized by
the law of nations, and you shall not search .
for any cayfe whatever.” Certainly while
genidemen admit that we have jull caule of ,
war again{t her, ‘thev confifiently contend -
for her right to search, and our duty to{ub- !
mit., e g
The gentieman fwii) Peonlylvania, fays, :
‘‘ we ought pot to permit gur veflels to serve !
as convoys, becaple, 10 convoy our ,mer
chantmen 1s to prote&t them against theun. .
fawful attacks, and against all atracks of for- |
eign fhips'; ‘thatto defend.our vellels againit |
the aggreflions of France 1s to fgkt, and to
fightt is to go to war.; and a slate of waris'
a greatef evil than the present slate of things.
And he adds, we had better fuffer the
French to go on with their dépredations,
unjust and enormous as they are, than to take
any flep which may lead to war < - .
. This I cannot'admit. This eourfle of ar
gument is cholen; I believe, to give curren
‘cy to the ppinidn that the Executive apd a:
part of thé house 4re determined on war iz,
behalf Great Britain.” This is continnally
infiouated, or boldly aflerted, though’ con
trary to the repeated and most solemn affe- .
verations of the late and present chief ma.-
gitrates, and of many of the members of
this body, that.they anxiously wish peace:
with the French Repyblic. This alarm is:
rung throughout the b‘xzifcd‘Stétés,“’ and is:
every where preached up and declaimed
againfl, in order to excite meetings and to’
raise up @ part’ of the people’ 16* resist the
measures of the government, however just
and necessary they may be. Ithink 1 am
warranted in this aflertion by 2 numbér of
circumstances ; lock at the petitions froma
number of placesagainit }p!fgz;ipg yeur mer
chantmen to arm in their defence a’gaipﬁ a
natiou of robbers. Every wﬂ;fgﬁ‘eﬂcnion}s,
are made to excite diffatisfaltion,and a flame -
against our government. . Every where are
found men base 6r deluded enough to pre-,
sent their faces in broad day. light, to sevile !
the meafyres and the adoyniftrators of the |
government, Every V"w'r})cwre do they recount
the ‘meafares they condemn-—thé funding |
System, the bank law, the excise, the British |
treaty, the building of frigates, the Federal .
city; and the flamp acl, are rung in the ear
of the public as monfirous, nnjefl,impolitic
and deftru@live ; alihough they have had the
repeated and decided approbatiop of mzjor
ities in Congress, and oF the people ; and
although alimolt all men, even thole” who .
excite or join in the clamour, acknowledged |
that every principle of justice now forbids |
their repeal. . Instead of-alarming the pub- |
lic mind, gentiemen would do much better
service to their country by quicting and ap
peasing jt'; and by reftrifting the people'in |
the truc principles of the laws, in the abfe
lute neeeflity of submitting to and* refling
{ausfied with the decision of majoriries, up- |
Jess shofe decifions.obvioufly and manifeftly °
led to the defiruftion of the country ; and
I should doubt cven in such a cale of the |
propriety of a fotcible interference, because |
of the danger of exercising the right of "in-
Jurrettion.” Wheo mealures aredeliberate- |
ly adopted, unanimity ought to prevail in
carrying them into effe& ; but nothing.isin
fa&t heard but the jarring founds of discord
and divifiop ;if the laws are oot openly
opposed and disobeyed ; it is a grumbling,
reluflant fubmiflion which is yielded, indi
cative of a*temper which is ready for refift
anee, revolution and b100d... This disposi
tion, though seen in all, places, commands
but a few voices ; ,Jfor/tbe.;hg,rfxpur,of _our
country 3 very great.-majority of the people
rcmainyizﬁ@c{i)\;CCd by thele fallious d'.)w';b.
ers of the public peace ; and, thaok God !
they have lately experiéncéd 2 fatal and dis
mal defeat in a particular part of the union.
But, fays the gentleman from Pennfylva.
nia, (Mr. Gallatin) we had better rest con
tented as we are, “*we had better {nffer the
French to continue their captures of our
{hips and imprilonment of our seamen, we
‘bad better fuffer them to go on with their
depredations than to go to war.” Sir, what
loudsand insolent complaints have been
made against us, for «//uffering”’ the Britufh
10 commit the very fame kind of violences
~on us; our ears yet tingle with the re
‘proaches heaped upon us for fuffering pre
cisely the fame atrocities which we aré now
invited to meet with tame fubmiflion. “The
gentlemen have heretofore told us that the
Freoch were excused for their robberies by
our .‘éﬁlﬁring" the British 1o firengthen.
their foices and man their {hips with their’
seamen. 1s not this aftonifthing ? What
measure of depredation and plander may
‘the Britith riow adopt by this rule, if we
“f/uffer’* the French 1o firip us at the prefept
rate ? They have hitherto proceeded in at -
Jeaft a quadruplc ratio, ~ By this rule we |
-shall be required to ¢ fuffer’ the British to
~ take our last sip, our jat man, and our
last farthing. : &
[ ¢We had better fuffer the French to go
- on with their depredations than go to war.”
- Sir, this is ail the French ‘claim for ‘them
~ selves. They now take all they can find ;
- they are perfeflly contented with their pre
sent condition. 1f they can take and de
stroy the whole of our trade, they will be
fatisfied. The continval plunder of our
~ commerce will be worth more than all the
~ tnoney we can pay. But let gentlemen re
- colleft that France has exprefled the ftrong
et hopes of conquering her enemy, Great
“ Britain § ‘that power which alone now op
} ed half Europe.” What will be our con
poses W&o the monster which bas devour
dition, what will be our means of defence
i when she has fiiipped s of all obr {hins
'~ and feamen'? To meat appears clear, that
- if we “{uffer” France *to go on” it will
-~ end in'the complete defirution of all thole
articles in which consist our best means "of
-defence. * 1 am not for doing this, I zm net
| for'giving up all our ships and seamen to
l Fretich rapacity ; because I believe if we
’ give up these we have those within our
bosom who would give‘up cur country too.
1 again call on rhé gentleman from Virgi-
E nia (Mr. Nicholas) 10 remembér the {pirit
which 2€lvated him and the language he
Apoke, on the forfier occasion. That spirit,
were it now awake, would hold a different
tone from what we hear at préfent. We!
are advised to refrain fréim wling the power
we poflefs for defending ‘curfelves on the
‘ocean ; and to declare’that we will fold up
our arms_and {ubmit to ‘he firipped. No
nation that had endured the wrongs we féel,
and against whom f{uch threatfs had been
pronounced, ever said, ‘‘we will not resist,
we cannot afford effe@lual defence, and
therefore we will give no defence at all.”
I'hope we flfall not yet subscribe to such a
declaration, TR
‘Sir, I thould have flood zftonifhed at the
language 1 have heard from these gentle
‘men ; 1 thould have wondered what could
have induced it, but for what I have in my
hand—ls there not something peculiar and
alarming in an ilovitation at this time to sur
render-our rights and independence- to a
foreign nation ; for 1 believe the eonduét
recommended amounts to this ? ' 1f we turn
to the dispatches from France, however, we
shall fee 1t all accounted for. Mi. A. then
read the following paragraph from the con
versation of Mr. Y. with our minifiers 3t
Paris. ¢‘Perhaps you believe that in rérurn
ing and exposing to your countrymen the
unreaflonablenefs of the demands of this
government, you will unite them in their
resistance to those demands : You are mis
taken ; you oupht to know that the dip/o
m,atz';rﬂil[of France, and the means she
poflefles in your country, are fafficient to
enable ber with the Irench party in America,
to throw the blame which will attend the
rupture of the negociations on the Federal
7/fts, as you''term 'yourfelves, but on the
British party s France térms you j and you
may aflure yourselves this will be done.”
This, Mr. Chairman, furnifhes the solu
tion of all the queftious which arise, of all
the enquiries that are made, into the motives
of certain gentlemen on this floor. If the
French had applied thejr “‘diplomatic_fkill,”
the means ‘‘they poflels in this country”
with the most perfe@ addrefls and dexterity,
what more could they have promised them-,
{elves than has occurred 7 Were France
herfelf to {peak thro’ an American mourh I
cannot conceive what the would f{ay other
‘than what we have heard from certain gen
tlemen to effet her purposes. On every
proposition for a prompt, energetic and ef
fe&ual defence of our country, we are mer
with conflitutional queflions, theories, doubts,
nice diffintiions, learncd metaphysical a'?‘qai—
JSetions: and long [peeches to excite divisions,
encourage their party, occupy time, and
protrat the debate to an interminable and
provoking extent ; and this by men who
have been long devoted to her cause. This
is the greatest extent to which her most art
ful agent would think it prudent to go;
‘open and dire€t oppéfition t 6 all deferice
would defeat irfelf ; she must be condemn- .
ed and her mealures reprobated ; -she must
-be confelled to have committed outrages on
our rights ; but policy, policy, the sweet
enchanting song of policy, meft be chaunted
in ouf ears forever—policy forbids resistance
to the only wounds she inflils—lhe attacks
us only by {ea, It'is there only that we “at
present are yulnerable ; and there this {yren
policy is to sing as asleep. We are invited
to surrender the ocean, and ¢‘all that in it
is’” without one fechle effort of defence.
We are advised not to resist the demands of
France, tho’ called upon to pay her large
futil Of ol ™ ] 5 O Eh RO DR
M. Livingfon iaterrupted Mr. A. and
said he had {at itill 2 long time and heard a
most uncommon firain of calumny and at
tacks ; but this was too {erions a charge to
pals unnoticed. He wished Mr. A. to fiate
{pecifically who had exprefled such a senti
ment, for he had ot heard i, T -
On the penalty of my life, fard Mr. A,
[ would not in this place and on this. occa
sion falfely slate the arguments of gentle
men. I allude, Sir, to what was {aid, and
-so labonioufly fapported, by the gentleman.
from Pendfylvania (Mr. Gallann.) His
- very words were, ‘‘we had better fuffer the.
Frenck to go on with thetr depredaticns, than
- to take any flep which may' lead 10 war.”
I thought 1 had (o often repeated the ex
~ preflion that no gentleman could beignorant
of what I alluded to. If it does pot a
~mount to what 1 have slated 1 hope ?nfb;m
[One Dollar & half pr- Annum.
‘put the sentiment into plainer and more
explicit language than that in which the
gentleman himfelf clorhed it.
Fiance takes our ships, condemns thew,
and treats our seamen as prisoners of war ;
that is, she thuts them up in her gaols ; we
complain of her conduét and demand that
the ceale her cutrages, and make us fatis
fation ; ifhe replicd that she wili continue
these captures urlels we pay her money ;
and the gentieman now fays, “uffer her to
goon.” "To refule compliance would be
torefule to fuffer her to continue her wrongs
or enforce any of her demands, that is, ie
would be to fland on our defence and repel
her attacks ; but the gentleman fays, ‘Suffer
her 16 go en”’~this k call advice not 1o i}
her demands. Her demands, taking her
language and corduél togetber, are, pay
me monev, or let me take your ships,” for
neither of which does she pretend any juiti
fication ; and'the gentleman fays, et her
take your fhips.”’ Is this the language of
an' American who loves his country 7 No
Sir, it is the language of a foreign agedt,
‘ Geouine Americans, Sir, disdain such Jane
- guage ;ithey love their country and will
defend’it, unless the art of thele genilemen
“{ball paralize our arm. Gentlemen fay we
~cannot ‘defend ourselves, we' cannot raiie
the'neceflary sands to maintain a war. Sir,
we have houses, farms and eattle, and we
will spend the last farthing ; we have fpiriss,
blood and bodies, and we will lay ‘them in
the ficid of batrle, for obr country. Do
gentlemen fay we cannot deferid o selves ?
Sir, this is the language which Americans
are not ufed’'to hear ; they will defend the
rights, the bonour; the independence of
their country, or perdfh, “ithe’ diplomatic
S*ill of France, her means, and her pardin
this country,” notwithflanding.’
“In aid of this argument of poliey it is
urged that there f1il! remains féme “‘chance,
some hope of préferving peace’; “avd' this
chance, this hope is attempted 10 be malle'a
basis of aétion. 1 wiih 2ay such cxificd on
which a single operation could be built ;
but I discover none. The gentleman from
Virginia (Mr, Nicholas) wold us yeflerday
that he did not believe the present slate of
things could long: exist, thatr peace must
soon rake place; in 'Europe, on which, such
was bis opinion of France; justice wou!d be
done us.
Mr. Nicholas interrupted Mr. Allen,
faying he had fard no such thing,
Mr, Allen said the gentleman’s words
were, “‘we shall be reflored to our righis.*
- My« Nicholas replied that he meant that
the powers at war would then cease to viclate
our rights, :
Mr. A. continued ; that may have been
the gentleman’s idea, but his words natural
ly imported remuneration a compen/ation for
the zzolation of our rights. Bur, Sir, as
the gentleman him(elf has now slated his
Idea, what foundation is there forit. Ido
not underfland France thus to speak for her
felf. I underfland ber to make her passions
her guide, and her power her only rule ;
and though while she s engaged in combat
ing the mofl powerful nation in ‘Europe,
she cannot wage an open war wiilrus ; ver
when {he has brought that ‘power to her
feet, she reminds us of our fate by the men
tion of Venus, and other powers of Europe
which have been obliged tO. submit to her
dominion, :
Mr. A. read another paflage from the
dispatches in which it is said should not an
invasion of England allually take place, yet
the alarm, interruption of trade, and the
expence which it would create, would ulti
mately wear them out, and oblige them to
] s
The latter I fear will be the event; I
believe they will_not conquer that country
by attack : bot there is 100 much reason
to believe they will drive it to an ignomi
nious peace by the long continued con
flit. And can we expe& that France,
when.{be bas made peace. with. England,
will fit down in quiet and cultivate only the
arts of peace, and breath nothing but'good
will so men ? When she bas humbled the
only power that prelents-a formidable front
,an_dy ternble afpefl, is ¢he to set about the
introduétion of that millenium of peace and
purity of which we have heard {o many fine
promises and poetical prediftions. On the
«contrary, if our difficulies are not fertled
with her before ithe subjugation of, or a
.peace with. Great Britain takes place, aud
.Dy that means her {fleets which now serve
us 2s a barrier, are withdrawn from the con
tefl, they will pot be fettled at all ; and if
the course to whieh we are \nvited is laken,
and we now **uffes’? her to firip us of our:
{bips and seamen, we shall be ‘incapable of
defending ourfclves. We have every thing
to expeél that the avarice, the ambition, the
malice and the power of France can'infliét,
Sir, if G. Britain falls, and we remaina
divided _people; T-look for nothing bue
bloodshed, slaughter, pillage, and a com
plete fubjetion to France—hoy can we
prevent it. Nothing else- eanﬁbevc‘xpz&.cd
while gentlemen continue their present line
of conduét ; whilll to every measure of de
fence the expence is objefied, and the peo
ple ar¢-told they cannot pay it ; while a
&sd tax 1s held out to the people as the
greateit of all evils, and by thefc and every
poflible ‘art, the ‘zg.bhc arm is paralized,
the pubhic force delisoyed.. . .. -
. Let me add, as no contemptible engine
Jin_this business of -sowing discord, dis:
troß of the governmeptma vile ive
cendiry_paper” publlid m s cityy
APhiAD iconlidocly, tecmiliß b 8 MEGN:
trogops ahatfes of SILEREAM skt OF. e
_government, and its adminil *&%ﬁ 008
opmmﬁmmgmmm a
geioft those whom the peaple have chosen