United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-10-24 00:00:00, page 2

—.—o— _
The invagination op no member here, or
of the Senate, or of the President him-
Afi " heated or difurhed by faction.
If ever a proper moment for decifan
jbeu/d offer, :t must be one like the pref
ext.•
^S ee Mr. MADISONS Speech fa th
House &f Reprefatatroes, June x& 1789.
—o—;
OU have already seen, fellow citi
zens, the Sentiments and opinions of
Mr. Madison and Mr. Lawrence, re
fpe&ing the dangerous and " royal
power" with which, by implication on- 1
ly, the Constitution seems to have in-|
veiled the President of the Unitedl
States relative to the removal of civil ;
officers. You are now invited to feei
the opinions and sentiments of Mr.'
Jackson and Mr. Baldwin. Senators|
from the date of Georgia, upon the §
fame fubje&, delivered at the famei
time. I'hofe gentlemen, it is~believed,
are now (whatever may have been
their sentiments at the period alluded
to) in political unifion with the Presi
dent ; but it is hoped, and believed,
however party prejudices and animos
ities may rankle in the hearts of some
men, grave and honorable Senators
will not be led astray by such unmanly
passions, but will Readily pursue the
dilates of private right and the pub
lic good ; that they will not be sway
ed, in their judgments, either by the
smiles or frowns of the present Chief
Magistrate, for it mull be admitted,
that " the imagination of no member
of the Senate is heated or disturbed by
fadion." It may then fairly be infer
red, that in the decisions which they
will soon be called upon to declare rel
ative to filling CREATED VACANCIES,
they will uniformly reje& the nomina
tions which will be submitted to them
by the' President.
To suppose otherwise, would, in the
opinion of the writer of these remarks,
be charging those gentlemen with a di
relidion of principle, and viewing them
as willing instruments in the support
of an administration, however destruc
tive its conduct may be to rational lib
erty—however abusive of the pow
ers delegated—or however oppressive
and tyrannical those powers may have
been exercised.
It is known from the public prints,
which bare never been contradicted,
but, on the contrary, is admitted by
the Editor of the National Intelligen
cer, that in die short period of about
four months, upwards of 50 merito
rious officers have been difmffed, on
account of their political principles,
and notwithstanding the veil with
which Mr. Jefferfon and his partizans
may endeavor to conceal this outrage,
it is without doubt, creating vacan
cies during the recess of Congress, by
the exercite of tyranny and oppression,
for the purpose of filling these vacan
cies, thus created, with his own crea
tures and satellites.
In the year 1789, when “ the imag
ination of no member of the House of
Representatives was heated or disturb
ed by faction," no member believed
it possible any President could ever pur
sue such a line of conduct. Mr. jack
fon, and most of the other members,
indeed feared it might be attempted.
No member believed the powers given
to the President would warrant such a
"procedure" —no member believed
the Constitution would juftify the cre
ation of vacancies—and no man can
believe the power given to fill up va
cancies, that may casually happen, dur
ing the recess of Congress, extends to
a,power to create them. The Con
stitution declares, that “ The Prefdent
frall have poccer to fill up vacancies that
may happen during the recess," &c.
How are vacancies to happen ? Is
it not by death or resignation ? Does
the constitution contemplate any other
source of vacancy ? But the operations
of death and resignation are too flow
for presidential rancour ; and there
fore, in the mad ravings of ^malig
nant passions, he resorts to compulsion,
, regardless of the means, so the end is
attained. It may be aiked, how are
delinquents to be punished ? I answer,
, in two modes ; firft, by impeachment,
and second, by difmiffion from office
by the President. Delinquency would
certainly be a good and juftifiable
cause for removal, and v ithin the con
ftruaion, or implied powers ofthe con
stitution. But will any one pretend,
that vacancies created by an ad ^f ty
ranny, are the species of vacancy con
templated by the constitution ? Are
the words create and happen fynoni
mous ? Will any other than a sophist
contend for such a conftrudion of
terms ?
From the foregoing premises, the
following deductions * may fairly be'
made, viz: I£ the President of the U.
States, in exercising his power of fill
ing vacancies that may happen, has
tranfeended the powers given to him,
inasmuch as he created them that they
might happen—if, in opposition to the
plain import of the constitution, as ex
pressed by many diftjnguifhed members
Virginian, No. 111.
^rom the WASH. FEDERALIST.
of the House of Representatives, as al
ready ffiewn, and will be more fully
proved, he has created these vacan
cies by an abuse of power, in "the
ruanton removal of, meritorious officers in
order that he may fill their places with an
ivortby creatures of his onun" —if, I fay,
in these wanton and unauthorized a&s
of oppression, he has VIOLATED
the Constitution, which he has recent
ly sworn to support, does he not merit
an impeachment before the Senate of
the United States'
To the Representatives of United
America, this quedion is seriously sub
mitted. To the people of the United
States, this Solemn Appeal is made.
More extracts and remarks, by
A VIRGINIAN.
Q
EXTRACT
From Mr. Jackson's Speech, in the
House of Representatives, fune, 1789.
" LET no gentleman fay, I am
contemplating imaginary dangers, the
mere chimeras of a heated brain. Be-
fee the king of Sweden aiming at ar
bitrary power, Shutting up the doors
of his Senate, and compelling by the
force of arms, his Juddering council
lors to acquiesce in his despotic man
dates. I agree that this is the hour in
which we ought to establish our gov-
hold the baleful influence of the royal
prerogative ! All officers, till lately,
held their commissions during the pleas
ure of the crown. At the moment,
ernment ; but it is an hour in which
we should be wary and cautious, es
pecially in what refpeds the executive
magistrate ; with him every power
may be fafely lodged.—Black, indeed,
is the heart of that man, who even fuf
pe^s him to be capable of abusing
them. But, alas ! he cannot be with
us forever ; he is liable to the vicissi
tudes of life ; he is but mortal ; and
though I contemplate it with great re
gret, yet I know the period must come,
which will separate him from his coun
try ; and can we know the virtues or
vices of his Juccefors in a very few years ?
May not a man with a Pandora's box
in his breast, come into power, and
give us a sensible cause to lament our
present confidence & want of forefight.
" The gentleman from New-York
(Mr. Laurence) contends, that the
President appoints, and therefore he
ought to remove.—l shall agree to
give him the fame power in cases of
removal, as he has in appointing ; but
nothing more. Upon this principle, I
would agree to give him the power of
suspension, during the recess of the Sen
ate. This, in my opinion, would ef
fectually provide against those incon
veniences which have been apprehend
ed, and not expose the government to
the abuses we have to dread from the
canton and uncontrolled authority of re
moving officers at pleafare.
" I am the friend of an energetic
government ; but while we are giving
vigor to the executive arm, we ought
to be careful not to lay the foundation
of future tyranny. For my part, I must
declare, that I think this power too
great to be fafely trusted in the hands
of a lingle man ; especially in the
hands of a man who has so much con
stitutional power********
" Gentlemen have said, that the
power in the hands of the Senate would
be equally dangerous ; but let me allc
them, whether most danger is to be
apprehended from a power veiled in
the hands of one or many? Besides,
the Senate are a body perpetually
changing ; returning to, and remov
ing from, the mass of the people ;
they will also be continually watched
over by the date legislatures. It will
be readily admitted, that the state
governments are good sentinels and
proper checks over the conduct of their
representatives. I look upon the Sen
ate as a more harmless body than what
gentlemen seem inclined to suppose
them. But itis not so with the Presi
dent; he is coaftitutionally armed
with high and dangerous powers,
which, if left unchecked and unrestrain
ed, might be produaive of dangerous
confequenccs : but to extend those
powers, would increase the danger to
an alarming degree. If you grant
him the power of removing whom he
pleases from office, you will give him
a complete controul over the whole
treasury department. Having got the
sword, give him the purse, with the
army and navy, and what is there left
for him to require, with the command
of the strong box ? He would be able
to raise up a legion of officers, who
would support his measures, secure his
eledion, and thus perpetuate his polit
ical exigence. Gentlemen will not
contend that there is no fear of cor
ruption, when the President has the
power of bribing, by a disposal of the
public treasure among his partisans.
An honorable gentleman yesterday
was pleased to treat my honest appre
hensions as the mere chimeras ofa
frightful fancy ; but let me assure him,
they are not the visionary conceits of
an individual ; I believe they wlil be
found to be the sentiments of the ma
jor partof our constituents. . We know'
well how much they dread from ac
cumulation of power in the hands of
the President ; not that they fear the
exercise of it by a ..WASHINGTON,
but the time may come, when venal
ity will fubtilly insinuate and diffufe
itfelf through the system, and corrupt
a whole constitution; destroying its
beauty, onfuming its spirits, and sub
verting its fame; Then will be th'e
time that the patriotic heart will sin
cerely lament the legislative effufions of
an unguarded moment.
^ o ''
EXTRACT
;and Sweden, was concluded on the
iith June ; it was signed by count
Stedinct, prince Hurakin, count Von
der Pahlen, and prince Cagarin. It is
t continue twelve years. The follow
ing principles refpeding neutrals are
acknowledged in it. “ift. Thatneutral
ships may freely fail for ports and
coafls of the belligerent powers. 2d.
That, with the exception of warlike
contraband, the goods of fabjeds of the
belligerent powers in neutral bottoms
are tree. 3Q That such ports only
are to be considered as blockaded,
where from the proximity of ships of
war, there shall be actually danger in
lentering. 4th. That neutral vessels
can be detained only on just grounds
and evident fads. sth. That no con
voy shall be searched, when the com
mander of the ship convoying them de
clares, that there is no contraband on
board. Contraband articles are con
fined to guns, mortars, firelocks, pistols,
bombs, grenades, balls, mufquets, flints,
matches, powder, falt-petre, fulphur,
cutlasses, pikes, swords, sword belts, car
tridge-boxes, saddles and bridles."
The India Company, by their Jite
treaties, with the, native powers; re
ceive an additional revenue of near
t,000,06d1. flerlingper annum,
, .Ac.'.
" THE Senate must concur with the PreG
deht in making appointments, but with refpe&
to the removal, they are not associated : no
filch clause is in the constitution: and there
fore I should conclude that' the Convention did
not chu'fe they should have the power.—
But what need was there that such a clause
should be there ? What is the evil it was in
tended to guard against ? Why, we are afraid
the President will unnecefcrily remove a zuortby
man from office ; and we lay it is a pity the poor
man should be turned out of service without a
hearing ; it is injurious to his reputation. It is
his life, fays the gentleman from New-Hamp
shire (Mr. Livermore) it is cruelty in the ex
treme. B^ why are we to suppose this ? Ido
not fee any well grounded apprehension for
such an abuse of power. Let us attend to the
operation of this business. The constitution
provides, for what! That no bad man should
come into office : This is the firfl evil"; hence,
we have nothing to dread from a system of ,a
voritifm; the public are well secured against
that great evil ; therefore the President cannot
be influenced by a desire to get his ozun creatures
into office ; for it is fairly presumable that they
•will be rejected by the Senate. But suppose that
one such could be got in, he can begot out again,in
despite of rhe President ; we can impeach him,
and drag him from his place, and then there
will be foroe other person appointed. Some
gentlemen seem to think there should be ano
ther clause in the constitution, providing that
the President should not turn out a good officer,
and then they would not apprehend so much
danger from that quarter. There arc other
evils which might have been provided against,
and other things which might have been regu
lated, but if the Convention had undertaken to
have done them, the Conflitution, inflead of
being contained in a fbeet of paper, would have
swelled to the fee of a folio volume. But what
is the evil of tbe President's being at liberty to
exercise this power of removal ? Why, we fear
that he will displace not one good officer only, but in
"so °) P"JF° n i all tbe ^cod officers of tbe government,
by which, to be sure, the public would fuffer.—
But I venture to fay, he would fuffer himfelf
more than any other man. But 1 trust there is
no dearth of good men. I believe he could not
turn out so many, but that the Senate would
still have some choice, out of which to supply a
good one. But if even he was to do this, what
would be the confcquence ? he would be o
bligcd to do the duties himfelf; or, if he did
not, we would impeach him, and turn bim out of of
fee, as be bad done others. I must admit, though,
that there is a possibility of such an evil, but it
is a remote possibility indeed. I think gentle
men must concede, that, if there should be such
a pafrn, such resentment as I have supposed be
tween the President and the heads of depart
ments, the one or the other ought to be remov
ed ; they must not go on pulling different ways,
for the public will receive much manifcfl injury;
therefore it mitigates tbe appearance of the evil
by fuffering the public business to go on, which,
from their irreconcileable difference, would
otherwise be at a (land. But some gentlemen
seem to think this is not the only evil that
ought to be apprehended. They fay it would
increase the power of the President to a most
alarming degree indeed; that the preservation
of the liberties of our country would be render
ed impracticable—that an accumulation of pow
ers in the hands of the President would estab
lish a tyranny —that America would no longer
furnifh that asylum to persecuted freedom which
she was wont to do. But is all this ftri&ly
true ? We have seen, in our day, the sword, and
almost every power exist in the hands of one
man, without destroying the happiness of this
country. He was the head of the church and
Bate—toe fountain of honor—could appoint
and remove all officers of his government ; —
yet this man, with the aid of many millions of
pounds sterling, with a numerous host of men,
and perhaps the fineft navy in the world, had it
not in his power entirely to ruin this country.
The difference between the two characters is
great indeed ; a man ele&ed for but four years,
;and an hereditary monarch—a king who can do
! no wrong, and a Prefidentf/^e^ to impeachment,
l and ever dependent upon the will of the people
for his re-election. Checked and surrounded
as his powers are, I fee little cause for appre
hension. In the honest integrity of my heart, I
confefs I fee nothing to alarm my fears on thi s
fubjea.".
Proma Speech, delivered in the Houje of Reprefen*
tatroes, on the IQ th June, 1789, by
Mr. Baldwin.
A TREATY of amity, commerce
and navigation,- between Russia
Foreign Intelligence.
LONDON, AUGUST 29.
T PHILADELPHIA, OCT. 9.
HE public for a considerable period have
been in possession of the result of the Court Mar
tial held at Boston, on the condu& of Capt,
Little. This information, however, has been
derived from unofficial channels. Is it not af
tonithing that a government, who opening its
ears to the Ganders of interested foreigners, a
gainst their own meritorious citizens, have in
stituted a criminal court for their trial ; and af
ter receiving full evidence of their innocence
and virtue, withhold it from the public eye !—
Is it not due to Capt. Little's personal feelings —
is it not due to the honor and refpeCtability of
our national charaaer, that some official notice
should be taken of the event of this enquiry ?
The Jacobins have long been racking their
invention to discover some mode of excusing
Mr. Gallatin for not bringing to justice those
gentlemen in the Federal administration who
have so often been accused of delinquency and
peculation in office. At one time they declare
that the papers have been burnt ; but here the
report of a Democratic committee of Congress
gives them the lie. At another time they un
derstand, that it is whispered, in certain circles,
that the papers are not burnt, and that Monfieor
Gallatin is making marvellous difeoverics. Now
it is understood, that the Federal delinquents
" are fettling their accounts pretty rapidly—
and that from delinquent sources alone, the
Treasury will be enriched from four to five
millions of dollars in one year from the fourth
of March lad." We would now enquire what
will become of these four or five millions of
dollars? If the French Secretary should receive
these firms and render no account of the manner
in which they come into his hands, he may put
the money in his own pocket, and no one can
call him to account. If not, he must report the
sums and the names of the performs from whom
he receives them, and thus enable us to punish
those who have plundered us of our money.
The dilemma, therefore, remains. The pre
sent administration must either give us the
names of the former delinquents, and bring them
to the punishment which they deserve, or must
incur the imputation of conniving at crimes re
fpeCting which an outcry has been made.
It is agaix repeated,that tbe national debt was
perpetually increasing during the federal admin
istration This affection is well known to be
untrue, although out revenues were cramped,
and our expenses greatly enercafed by the per
fidious conduct of our dear filler republic.
o
NORFOLK, OCT. 8.
Pilots and others who passed through Hamp
ton Roads yesterday, positively assert, that the
French frigate " Semilante," which has been for
a length of time " blockaded" by a British frig
ate of inferior force, had got under way—as the
Ambufeade"Britifh frigate is only a short dif
tanee to the southward of the light house, no
doubt, (if the French man does not flop short)
we shall soon hear of some hard knocks, and,
perhaps, a fraternal hug ?
NEW-YORK, OCT. 18.
News from Algiers, &c.
Extract of a letter from an officer on board tbe
United States sip President, to bis friend in this
city, dated,
,Tunis Bay, Coast of Barbary, July 1,.
" W1 arrived in the Bay of Algiers on the
9th, and were visited by our faithful Consul,
Mr. O'Brien, who had yet preserved every
thing quiet with this regency although a grow
ing impatience had evinced itfelf in the Dey,
from the delay of bis prcfents from our govern
ment; but it soon subsided when he became
acquainted with our mission, and renewed his
assurances of friendship and esteem for the U
nited States. He refufed co receive his annuity
in fpccic, put agreed to wait for the flipulation
of stores which are to be sent from the -United
States, and received his cloth and linen only,
presented as a part of the price of his friendship.
“ At present he appears to be in a state of
rest, and prosecuting no kind of warfare with
any chriftian power. A variance flill exists
between him and the Grand Signior, the minis
ter of the former being yet confined at the
Porte.
I had the fatisfaClion of feeing his Marine,
which are laid up in ordinary in the Mole of
Algiers, and consist of two frigates, one of
which is their own built, and bears a very
handsome appearance, but is very tender ; the
other is the Crcfcent, a present from our gov
ernment. The brig Haffan Bafhaw and another
armed brig, with two armed schooners, and
8 gallics of different force, and a number of
xebecs, constitutes the trifling force that awes
the European and American nations into the
degrading system of tribute.
“ On the 11th we failed from Algiers Bay
for Tunis, and arrived in the bay of that name
on tbe 7th following, nothing of importance oc
curring on our pafLge. A dispatch having been
sent to notify our Consul at Tunis of our arri
val here, he came on board tbe following morn
ing, when we were extremely happy to find we
were yet on friendly terms with this Regency,
although its exigence would have been short
but for our timely arrival.
“ Mr. Eaton, our consul, informs usjbey had
become very troublesome, and itrequired every
exertion and argument to pacify these barbari
ans until the arrival of their presents.
“ Mr. Cathcart, our Consul at Tripoli, who
from the crisis of our affairs with that Regency
BALTIMORE, OCT. Ig.
A letter from Dover (D) of the 10th
instant, fays “ We have carried all our
federal representatives for this county,
as well as senator, but general Mitchell,
the federal candidate for govenor, had
only a majority of 60 votes in this
county. In New Castle the democra
tic party gave a majority against him
of 783. In that county democracy
stalks about triumphantly, but thank
God, in Kent, as yet, we are preserved
from that malignant disease. As it
refpe&s our assembly, we are federal,
but the democrats have succeeded in
the election of governor. Col. Hall,
their candidate, having the bare
majority of 9 votes only, throughout
—the state." —o—
The frigate Boflon, we are happy to learn,
received no damage from her having been a
ground. Her guns, water and provisions are
re-ffiipping—and it is hoped the Chancellor
will feel no re+u&ance in going on board the
moment she is ready for fca.
United States.
COMMUNICATION.
NEW-YORK, OCT. 12.
OCT. 21.
A letter from the Mate of an Ame
rican vxffel, dated Barcelona, Aug.
3, tßoi, to his friend in this place,
fays, " Every countenance looks smil
ing ; this morning the Americans
warped into the Road, and in a few
days will fail, some bound to one port,
and some to another, and all out of the
Straits.
"Judge what a pleafingfight it is to
us, after being three months and up
wards blocked up here by the ferocious
Tripolitans, to fee our country's flag
unfurled for our protection.
" Down with, all those who are ini
mical to the Naval Fflabtybment, for
they are no friends to their country ;
or conceive its whole life and honor is
founded on a quite different basis from
what it really is. A nay is the only
means tye have of commanding any ref
pea among the nations. The three
Ships only, which are in those seas, have
dettrpyed all the power of the Tripoli
tans. One blockades their Admiral
with the two largest of their Ships, in
Gibraltar—a Jecond, their port; ang
the third gives us convoy. We have
now notliing to fear from them ; and I
hope the Government of the United
States, will in future pay their tributes
to all nations in powder and balls ; for
it is the surest way of keeping peace,
and I think the cheapest way in the
end." —0—
Boston, oct. 20.
The intelligence of the surrender of Cairo
was received with great regret at Paris.; The
Chief Cpnful. considered it as fatal t o t h e on | y
enterprize of which he was the prime prejec
tor; and the success of which he expe&ed
would “ point the pyramid" of hit glory? In
England the news occasioned much exultation ;
though its effeCt in accelerating or retarding
Peace, very nearly divided the public opinion'
Transports, with troops for Egypt, failed from
England a.ter the arrival of this intelligence ;
a circumftancc which induced the belief that the
British government intended to hold Egypt; as
Bonaparte said he meant the Portuguese pro
vinces as a pledge of Peace. °
The invasion of France, by Lord Nclfon, next
after the affairs of Egypt, occupied, the atten
tion of the European politicians. His Lordship
was in the exercise of his ufaal alertnch in re
pairing the injuries his squadron had received
in the attack on Boulogne, and in forwarding
preparations for " another boat" with the Frcncli
gun-boats. The effects ofhis Lordfyip'svifit
to the French coasts are visible both on the
French and Dutch operations. Defenfive pre
parations were making ; and the vaultings of
an invasion of England appeared to have gi'.'n
place to anxiety for the protection of their own
frefdes.
The North remained tranquil.—The British
have attained the object which they contended
for in the rupture with the Northern coalition ;
and the latter begin to perceive that they were
therein merely the dupes of French intrigue ;
and that the system contended for is highly ad
vantageous to -honest neutral commerce; and
the best preservative of peace. Prussia dill holds
possession of the Electorate of Hanover, not
withstanding the formal demands of Lord Ca
lysfott for its evacuation.
The French government,unable to force Grcat-
Britain to accede to its unjust and imperious
conditions of peace, has renewed its war against
the English spinners and weavers; and by a
new decree prohibits the introduction into
France of British manufactures under the sever
est penalties.
A letter from London, dated Aug. 27, fays
" A gentleman whose sphere is in the upper cir
cles of life, informs, that government had or
dered Lord St. Helens, to repair with fpeed.to
Paris, where he will be received as Ambassador
from the United kingdoms of Great Britain and
Ireland, as negociator there for peace, with the
Consulate of Fiance." We have seen a gen
dcman from England, who left it the sth Sept,
and who docs not think the above article au
thentic. Ifentinel.
SALEM, OCT, !,.
Late News from the R^d Sea.
Arrived here on Saturday^ ffiip Recovery
capt. Dana, in 118 days from Moka, at the
mouth of the Red Sea. The Recovery left
Moka on the 22d of June, and brings the fol
lowing intelligence :—That a very large fleet
of British transport ships had gone up the Red
Sea with troops; it was impcffible.td afeertain
the cxa& number cf men, employed ; some ac
counts Rated the number at 8000 men—there
were federal European regiments, and the re
mainder were the Sepoys of tbe Haft Indies.
The expedition was supposed to have employ
ed upwards of 100 failof large country fhips—
the grand fleet entered the Red Sea in April,
but one divifionef to ships, arrived late in May,
Before the Recovery failed from Moka, news
had reached there that the army had landed at
Coffire and Suez, ag little or no oppofitron
could be made—The English had afro taken
possession of an Inland at the head of the Red
Sea, and used it as a depot for their stores. Ail
was hurry and bustle at Moka, where the Bri
tish had commissaries to pur chafe provisions and
supplies for the troops. The frigate La Forte
had been loft in the Red Sea, Col. Popham,
from the Capo of Good Hope, had joined the ar
my. The English had very few men of war,
and it was said that these intended to failto
cruise off the coast of Brazils.
The fliip Ulysses, of this port, capt. Elkins
arrived at Moka on the Bth of March, and on
the 17th May proceeded to Mufkat to com
plete her lading,
The Recovery has performed her voyage in
10 months, and has brought a cargo of Moka
coffee, and a few drugs, the latter being fcart=
bad been compelled to depart that city 2,J,-
tire to Tunis, as I before mentioned, has [ft
Tunis for Leghorn, and is on his way to Amer
ica, This gentleman has been indefatigable to
continue our peace with that power ; but the
unjust demands made by the Bafhaw upon the
United States are such as excite indignation, an,
which America never will conform to. I have
not heard that he has yet made a capture, altho'
leveral of his corsairs are yet at sea, cruising for
our commerce, The alarm is fufficicntly given
by Cathcart, and every protection that can
be afforded by the squadron will no doubt be
given.
" The Essex, with the convoy, has just come
to anchor, bringing the Grand Turk, laden
with prefects forthc Bey,fife, and underher care.
‘We fail shortly on a cruise and may in all
probability proceed for Tripoli."