The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-12-14 00:00:00, page 2

atanoy to the Pole of FubSck. Good, ivll
will lead to unknown Wands, thmmg| I
darkened sea* and surging
from which no guiding star nor bract*)
light cun buve". V ALERIUS.
VRAM »««**»’* JOVBWAU
TBK TRUX WASHINGTONIANS.
Roth the great political-parties, in the
United States, claim the character of the
genuine disciples of the Illustrious Wash
ington. The claim of ow o'* the ’
must he u-sfounded. The' democrats well
* know Father of hi. Country, when. }
alive, waswot for them, aad uFcourse was
srain.r the*. The active and leading
men tWNM them, the Jeffersons and the
hie bitter and malignant
' enemies. They laboured with infernal in
dustly to destroy hi. fair and spotless fame.
It .is trhe thV there was a time when Gen
eral Washington had full confidence in
Jeffcfwm. Of .his undeniable and un
duestlortabio fact, the exclusive republicans
make every ingenious use to promote the
k pu'rphees of their party. They meet every
k stuck upon thb administration of Mr. Jef-
Present of theUa*d States.
UTsUttag |hat General Wash ingtjfo, When
called *> tl.p first confe™}
ypW Mtffff ffcrson w office which it
ws» in his power to bestow upoh a fellow
eliisen. Such wji certainly the case-
But. what does k plrove? floes it prove that
Washington was not Convinced before his
death,' that Jefferson bad been his enemy
White he bi» friend ? Doe.
. A Mwrave that Jefferson did not, even while
holding that very office, employ Mr.
Freneau, a clerk in hie office, to establish
a press fa opposition to Washington s ad-
ration, and patronise him with all
4h< means in his power ? Wat it Impossi
ble that ever Washington should be de
•elvdd? Was it impossible for even the
- Father of his Country to after his opinion
i <of an artful and intriguing individual ?Is it
■ot a known fact that General Washington
did alter hw opinion of Mr. Jefferson ? Did
•Jie not, in his letter to Patrick Henry,
which Kaizen often published, and the
authenticity of which has not been denied,
. describe the party of which Mr. Jefferson
was'tile wall known leader, as a French
W warty ? And is it uot a complete justifica-
Cfon to others who have altered their opm
tyntf Thomas Jefferson, that GEORGE
• WASHINGTON had done so before them.
Can the men who support that identical
French policy which Washington so much
jlepUcnted, tee considered a. thi true
' Washimgtohians? Can those whom
Washington himself denounced as a party
devoted to France, claim, with the least
consistency, the character of his exclusive
disciples f No. The real friends of Wash
ington while living, and of his principles,
now he has ascended to Heaven, Are the
men who oppose with all their powers the
Democratick Policy and French Influence
to which Mr. Jefferson and hie followers
have been steadily devoted.
THE FALSE WASHINGTONIANS.
We Nave shewn who the true Washing-,
tonians are. To describe the false ones,
■we have only to reverse the scene. But
we are told, perpetually that Washington
deprecated local distinctions and divisions.
He did so. And, on what ground? His
pure and patriotic*! mind could not con
ceive that a firevailing party in the United
States would ever form and carry on a
plan for depriving a particular portion of
the Union of its due weight in the political
concerns of the Republick, and destroying
the most essential rights and privileges of
a particular local district. Sagacious is
he was, he did not foresee that an attempt
would be made to destroy the whole active
commerce of the United States. A fier
ftetual embargo was a thing that never
entered Into his contemplation. We are
continually told, also, that Washington has
sa id“ One of the expedients of party to
acquire influence, within particular dis
tricts, i» to misrepresent the opinions and
aims of other districts.” It is pretended
.that federalists are liable to this censure,
because they misrepresent the “ opinions
and aims” of Virginia. But they do not
misrepresent, they never have misrepre
sented, they have no disposition to misre
present, the views of Virginian PoliticiaM.
They always give a rctuon for the faith
that it in them. Virginian policy is obvious
as the day. The democrats, at least their
leaders, know what it is as well as the fed
eralists, but the spirit of party overpowers
their reason, and they rush blindly to de
|t ruction. But is it not “ one of the expe
dients of [the democratick] party to mis
* represent the opinions and aims of other
districts ?” Do they not misrepresent the
opiuions and aims of the leading politicians
of both divisions of the Union ? Do they not
declare the southern leaders to be the
friends of Commerce 1 , and to be favourable
to giving the northern states their due
weight in the concerns of the Nation, when
they know the facts to be otherwise ? On
the other hand, do they not represent the
federalists as fanning party plans for a
Northern Confederacy for the purpose of
dividing the Union, when they know that
there is no foundation for the charge f
Our political opponents* then, are the
men who mifreprcsent the opinions and
Jmsof their MknwcWsens. Wiethe
trfih, ami nothing hot *• «»*• •«»••**
not the whole troth. The charges against
>he Federalists ere unsupported by a soli
tary tittle ©f evidence/ Those against the
Virginian or French party are recorded in
he blackest pages of our history, Thfc
■ley of the embargo was not a day cf small
things. The supporters of that system
■nd of every other measure favourable to
’ he views of France, are not the true, but
j TUB FALSB WASRIUGTOMtAWS
n
To'lAe Editort <f the Rhode-leland American.
CBNTLEMBN,
IjlEoM motives to me unknown, you have,
for a short time past, been led to give pub
licity to the Original Leiters <f one Philo.
As one of your numerous subscribers, I was
induced to communicate to yourselvs* and
Philo, my own opinion, and that oi the
publick, touching the of
those letters; and your reading to pub
lish my communication had this two fold
object, to convince the publick that your
attaonment to them was not invincible, and
• modestly to hint to the authour the proprie
ty of a relinquishment of an employment
so truly puerile and ridiculous. 1 hose let
, ters, I conceive, are not, in the extreme,
positively bad, nor yet hardly, in any de
gree, negatively good. As a man I respect
the authour, but be must excuse me for
despising such of his productions. He has
incurred by these productions no absolute
guilt, but it is a species of moral abandon
ment to impose upon the publick letters so.
unmeaning and insipid.
Old Growler, it seems, with his usual
chastity of thought and purity of diction,
has dis-graced the columns of the last Ga
zette with hjs reflections upon this differ
ence in opinion between tT.e community and
Philo. This wretch, who has fattened on
I fraud, and is bloated with corruption, has
again imposed his remarks upon the pub.
lick, through the medium of that paper,
which we did hope was devoted to better
purposes. After a peregrination to ,New-
Jersey, to Inhale the putrid exhalations of
his native shores, as the only proper fiutri
ment for the support of his foul deformity,
is he weak enough to suppose that his
moral turpitude is forgotten, his invective
unknown, or that his rtJbe, though once of
a scarlet red, but now of a darker dye, is
not recognised as the same rqfi rascal that
’it ever has been ? It has bean observed,
that hypocrisy is the homage that vice pays
to virtue, the truth of which has never been
more truly evinced than in the ill-fitting,
specious and imposing vestments of a Peace*
Maker, wrapped round the huge .shoulders
of Old Growler, who is confessedly an ex
ception to every possible imputation of
defamation. - Pen never wrote, no fiend
ever imagined, nor could “ it ever enter
into the heart of man to conceive" a simili
tude to this wretch whose very appearance
among us is a libel upon our morality.—
Some few slight sketches of his charac
ter have been already given to the world,
which made him more offensive than the
foulest putrefaction. Its developement is
now progressing, and he may rest assured
that old age, when found in the broad road
in which he has ever walked, will prove a
bed of thorns, and he be
•» Damn’d to everlasting fame.**
Does he growl because his son has ob
tained an office, to which his own exertions
in the ranks of democracy had well entitled
him? Is he chagrined because the pro ’
mises of his governing friend, extorted in
moments of inebriation, and unsanctioned
by Aldrich, who in secret wields the seep
tre of the State, have been but partially
fulfilled ? Or are the effusions of bis heart
but the mere ebullitions of corruption,
which he found necessary for the complete
I discharge of his gall ?
This Old Growler, to whom I should
say with Nathan, David, “ Thou art the
man,” is one whom the finger of publick
scorn has long marked as a man,
’• Whose tongue is deadly ; from whose pre
sence run,
“ Unless thy virtue longs to be undone.
*' No ties can hold him, no affection bind,
“ And vice alone controls his coward mind.
•» Free him from law, there is no wretch so fell,
“ Nor is so foul a monster found in bell"
A man reduced to such extremity may,
possibly, be pardoned for an occasional
manifestation of his opinion, but he should
tread with cautious steps the ground of con
tention. What prostitution to arrogate to
himself the title of a “ Peace-Maker t”
but prostitution stands high in his moral
code. His proffered advice meets a just
consideration.
1 have done, and should rejoice could I
hope to<aise one emotion of compunction,
one brush on his distorted front, or could 1
force him to a restrospectfon of A life de
voted to crime and perfidy.
A SUBSCRIBER.
Notk.—The inveterate enmity of the
Editor of the Gasctte to your establishment
has made him always ready to pollute its
columns, without any regard to the foul
source from which it may have originated,'
with whatever could reflect in the least de
gree upon the matter of The .American.
He is old and naturally peevish, said your
venerdße corWpndent. Tost a* Ba ad
Fgau/and, lherefare, shouM be forgive®.
But be must remember that old age com-
respect from others no longer then
it respects Itself. Should he in future give
piece *o such commuuicattoos, in which it
is said,. that ** when <J boy, I rau away,
the publick may expect to be infarmed,
from whom the Editor, when a boy and ap
prentice, ran eway ; and the number of
fience Dr. Franklin offered for his appre
hension. Such follies of youth, though re
prehensible, may yet be overlooked ; but
old age cannot be respectable if the oppor
tunities which it brings havepassed away
without improvement, and •bstinacy and
selfishtiass continue the predominant cha
racteristicks of the man.
jTpy Thß RHODt-ISLAVD jiltiaiOAV.
LETTERS; &c.
m. vn.
How far, my friend, are Musick and
Dancing necessary accomplishments for a
gentleman?’ Banting being that which
gives graceful motions all the life, and
above all things, njanlineis, and a becoming
confidence tojoung,children, I think Kcan
not be learned too eafly, after they are
once of an* age and strength capable of It.
But you must Be sure to have a good mas
ter, that knows, and can teach,' what is
graceful and becoming, and what gives a
freedom and easiness to all the motions of
i the body. One that" teaches npt this, is
worse than none at all: natural unfashion
ableness being much better than apish
I affected postures; and 1 think it much
more passable, to put off the hat, and make
a leg, like ah honest country gentleman,
than like an ill-fashioned dancing master.
For as fur the jigging part, and the figures
of dancing, 1 count that little or nothing,
father than as it tends to perfect graceful
carriage. Mu tick is thought to have some
1 affinity with dancing, and a good hand up-
I on some instruments is by many people
mightily valued. But it wastes so much of
a young man’s lime but a moderate
skill in it; and engages often in such odd
company, that many think it much better
spared. And ! have, amongst men of parts
and business, sp seldom heard any one com
mended, or estetmpd for having an excel
lency in* Musick, that amongst all those
things, that ever came into the list of ac
complishments, I think we may give it the
last place. Our short lives will not serve
us for the attain went of all things; nor can
our-minds be always intent on something to
be learned. The weakness of our constitu-
I tions, both of wind and body, requires that
II we should be often unbent': and he that
II will make use of any part of his life, must
|| allow a large portion of it to recreation.
; . PHILO.
Note.— lt is * good maxim that we
should always “ give even the devil his
due.” On this principle, I cannot avoid
giving due praise to the '‘Jelluiv," that he
has at length, in one comer of his last let
ter, condetcended to give such criticism as
I have wished. The greater part, of the
letter is in the same style of buffoonery as
his former: but toward the close he has
given something that has the appearance of
“ manly criticism thus giving a contrast
to the low scurrility of "jf Subtcriber.**
He quotes authorities for his definition of
“ village.” One sentence in my note might
have saved all his trouble. 1 there said,
“ It is unfortunate for F. that he did not
rely a little leu on his lexicography, and a
little more on what he ought to have known
to be the present use of the term ’’ Yet
he still relies on his lexicography. Does
he not know, that numerous terms in civil
regulations have very different meanings
in different countries ? English authorities
say, a city is a see of a bishop : yet who is
so foolish as to say, that because Connecti
cut has five cities she has five bishops ? Be
sides, admitting that English authorities
are perfectly applicable to this country,
the very definition of Johnson authorizes
niy use of the term. A collection of bouses
•• less than a town.” I really hupe F. is
not ignorant, that the collection of houses
to which I applied the term is “ leu” than
the wholq ” town” of Providence. But
should even this ground fail me, another
remains; I gave iestancer. from unques
tionable authority, where the term la ap
plied to places larger than this town. These
F. has wisely thought fit to neglect; and
these leave F. without a shadow of support
Tho misrepresentations of F. among
cdhers, I would correct. He implies that
I called all my letters “ common place ob
servations ;• and that I observed, that my
remarks on the situation of the town were
designed “exclusively” to inform its in
habitants. Neither implication is true.
Other errours I pass over, lest I should
commit the unpardonable sin of having
more lines in my note than letter. Indeed
1 do not know that 1 have not already done
it; 1 will thank the “ Subtcriber" to count
them. F. speaks of being silent. I must
again refer him to a preceding remark
»• My n quest is, that he may either cease
his remarks, or give only direct, manly
criticism. Such criticism I shall never de
p Mate.” -If F. is either unwilling, or un
able, to give such criticism, 1 earnestly ad
vise him io desist.
Decbmbbb 8,1810.
jftationalktgt<ilature.
. In SENATE, December 4.
Th. following are among the documents
communicated to Congress with the Pre
sident’s Message
rXOM TUB SBCBBTABV OF STATB TO
GOVBBNOUB CLAIBOBNB.
Department tf State, October 27, 1810.
Sib—From the enclosed proclamation
of the President of the United States, you
will perceive his determination to take
possession of the territory therein specified,
in the name and in behalf of the United
States; the considerations which have con
strained him to resort to this necessary
measure, and his direction that you, as
Governour of the Orleans Territory, shall
execute the same. Of this proclamation,
upon your arrival at Natchez, you will,
without delay, cause to be printed as many
copies in the English, French and Spanish
languages, as may be deemed necessary,
and you will cause the same to be exten
sively circulated throughout the said terri
tory.
You will immediately proceed by the
nearest and best route to the town of
Washington in the' Mississippi Territory.
From the Secretary at War you will re
ceive an order to the officers commanding
in the several frontier posts to afford you
assistance in passingthe wilderness and in
descending the western waters which you
may require. And, as despatch is very
desirable, you are authorised in case your
horses should fail, to procure others at the
.publick expense. After having made at
Washington the necessary arrangements
with Governour Holmes, and with the
commanding officers of the regular troops,
you will without delay proceed into the
said territory, and, in virtue of the Presi
dent’s proclamation, take possession of thte
same in the name and in behalf of the
United States.
As the district, the possession of which
you are directed to take, is to be considered
as making part of the territory of Orleans,
you will, after taking possession, lose no
time in proceeding to organize the militia,
io prescribe the bounds of parishes, to es
tablish parish courts, and finally to do
whatever your legal powers applicable to
them will warrant, and may be calculated
co maintain order, to secure to the inhabi
tants the peaceable enjoyment of their lib
erty, property and religion, and to place
them, as far as rpay be, on the same footing
with the inhabitants of the other districts
under your authority. As far as your
powers may be inadequate to these and
other requisite objects, the legislature of
i Orleans, which it is understood will soon be
In session, will have an opportunity of
making further provisions for them, more
especially for giving by law to the inhabit
ants of the said territory a just share in the
representation of the General Assembly;
it being desirable that the interval of this
privation should not be prolonged beyond
the unavoidable necessity of the case.
If, contrary to expectatidn, the occupa
tion of this territory on the part of the
United States should be opposed by force ;
the commanding officer of the regular
tooops on the Mississippi will have orders
from the Secretary at War to affbtd you,
upon your application, the requisite aid,
and should an additional force be deemed
necessary, you will draw from the Orleans
Territory, as will Governour Holmes from
the Mississippi Territory, militia in such
numbers, and in such proportions from
your respective territories as you and Gov
ernour Holmes may deem proper. Should,
however, any particular place, however
small, remain in possession of a Spanish
force, you will not proceed to employ force
against it; but you will make immediate
i epur t thereof to this department.
You will avail yourself of the first fa
vourable opportunities that may occur to
transmit to the several Governours of the
Spanish provinces in the neighbourhood,
copies of the President’s Proclamation with
accompanying letters of a conciliatory
tendency.
To defray any reasonable expenditures
which may necessarily attend the exe
cution of these instructions, the President
authorizes you to have due regard to
economy, to draw for a sum not exceeding
in yiy event 20,008 dollars. .
From the confidence which the President
justly has in your judgement and discretion,
he is persuaded, that in the execution of
his trust, as delicate as it is important,
your deportment will be temperate and
conciliatory. Such a line of conduct to
wards is prescribed as well
by policy hs by justice.
You will, it is expected, be fully sensible
of the necessity, not only of communicating
every important event that may occur irf
the progress of this business, but of trans
mitting a letter, whatever may be its con
tents, by every mail to this city.
1 have the honour to ba. &c.
(Signed) R- SMITH.
By the President of the United Statet of
jhnerica,
A PROCLAMATION:
Wbbbba* the territory south of the
Mississippi Territory, and eastward of the
Mississippi, and extending to the river
Perdido, of which possd* was not de. x
livcrcd to the United StaSF, h pursuance .
of a treaty concluded at Parle* on the 30th
of April, 1803, has al »ll times, M 1» w « n
known, been considered and claimed by
them as being within the Colony of Louisi- *
ana, conveyed by the said treaty, in the
same extent that it had in Whe hands of
Spain, and that it had when France origin
ally possessed it. •
And, whereas, the acquiescence of the
United States in the temporary continuance
of the said territory under the Spanish air
thority was not the result of any distrust of
their title, as has been particularly evinced
by the general tenour of their laws, and
the distinction made in the application of
those laws between that territory and
foreign countries; but was occasioned.by
their conciliatory views, and by a con
fidence in the justice of their cause, and in
i the success of candid discussion and ami-
I cable negotiation with a just and friendly
power.
And whereas, a satisfactory adjustment,
too long delayed, without the fault of the
United States, has for some time been en- j
tlrely suspended by erents over which they .
had no control; and whereas a crisis haa
at length arrived subversive, of the order
of things under the Spanish authorities,
whereby a failure of the United States to
lake the said territory into its possession
may lead to events ultimately contravening
the views of both parties, whilst in the
mean time the tranquillity and security of
our adjoining territories are endangered,
and new facilities given to violations of our
revenue and commercial laws, and of those
prohibiting the introduction of slaves:
I Considering, moreover, that under these
l peculiar and-fexperative circumstances, a
I forbearince on the part of the United
States to occupy the territory in question,
and thereby guard against the confusion
II and contingencies which threaten it, might
II be construed into a dereliction of their title,
U or an insensibility to the importance of the
| stake: considering that in the hands of the
I United States it will not cease to be a sub
ject of fair and friendly negotiation and ad
justment considering, finally, that the
acts of Congress, though contemplating a
I present possession by a foreign authority,
I have contemplated l also an eventual poo- •»
I session by the United States, and are ac-
II cordingly so framed as in that case to extend, ~j >
in their operations to the same .—Now b< ’ ,
| it known, that I, James Madisox, Pre
sident of the United States of America, iu
| pursuance of these weighty snd urgent con
siderations, have deemed it right and re
quisite, that possession should be taken, of
I the said territory, in the name aj»d behalf .
II of the United States. William b. C. Clai-
I borne, Governour of the Orleans Territory,
I of which the said territory is to be taken as i
part, will accordingly proceed to execute
the same; and to exercise over the said ,
I territory the authorities and functions le- /
|l gaily appertaining to his office. And the.
|| good people inhabiting the same, are in
vited and enjoined to pay due respect to
| him in that character; to be obedient to
| the laws; to maintain order; to cherish
| harmony; and in every manner to conduct
themselves as peace-able citiarns, under full '; U
assurance, that they will be protected In
the enjoyment of their liberty, property,
|| and religion.
In testimony whereof, 1 have caused
| the seal of the United States to bo
II hereunto affixed, abd signed the
|| same with my hand. Done at the'
(L.s.)City of Washington, the twenty
seventh day of October, A. D. 1810,
and in the thirty-fifth yeair of the
Independence of the United States.
(Signed) JAMES MADISON.
| By the President,
R. Smith, Secretary of State, I
Mr. Smith of Maryland, presented the
| following bill:
| A bill further to suspend in part the act r
entitled “An act regulating foreign
coins, and for other purposes.”
Be it enaetpd, &c. That so much of the
act, entitled “ An act for regulating fo-
| reign coins, and for other purposes,” as is
[I contained within the second section there
of, be, and the sapte is hereby sbspendedl
for and during the space of three year*
from and after the end of the present ses
sion of Congress.
The WH was vendw SfsHimwMMd passed
|| to a. second reading.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Wednesday December 5.
|| No business was done in the House to-day
until 12 o’clock, at which time the Presi
dent’s Message was received. The read-
11 ing of the message and accnmpaning docu
ments was continued about two hours and
| a half, when Mr. Troup moved to dispense
with the further reading of them on so-
il count of their great length.
|| Mr. Pitkin objected to thia. Some of
|| the documents might not be very interest- p
mg, but others might be of the highest Im- I
portance, and he wished tn bear theca J
11 read. He referred particoMrly to the cor- |
respondence of General Armstrong and I
the documents relative to the taking pes- j
session of Florida, which last circumstance I
he said, was perfectly new to him until J
| this day. The documents were certainly 1
|| voluminous, but for that reason they wsuld. I
|| require the more time to be printed; and £