The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1780-11-08 00:00:00, page 1

For tbe New-Jersey Gazette.
. Mr. COLLINS,
IN your paper, No. 145, I find a piece in vindi
cation of Dave-holding, and consequently of
tyranny and oppression, signed A Whig. I
am sorry to fee the name whig so fhamefully
prostituted, as no doubt it is, by being affixed
to so ill-meant a performance. Indeed the au
thor's assuming so refpeCtable a character, puts me
in mind of the story ofthe apples and horse-turd (par
fdon the expression, ) when floating down scream they
Happened to drift near to each other : The latter, you
know, adorned an air of equality, and uccofted the
former by telling out, " we apples ;" and I verily
think might with as much propriety assume the cha'
rafter of that delicious tuit, as the author of the
piece I have mentioned, could take upon him the
character or title of a whig. A whig, Sir, abhors the
very idea of slavery, let the colour or complexion of
the Have be what it may. ile is a yie^d to liberty, and
a supporter of the rights of mankind u riverCi,, with
out any regard 0 partial interests or f ; fh views.
Every pulse of his heart, beats so. liberty —and
for general, nbt partial liberty. He therefore who
pretends to be a whig, and yet, under any pretence
whatsoever, would hold numbers of bis fellow-men
in slavery, denying them thole rights which, in his
own case, he deems essential to happirefs, must be a
dangerous impostor, unworthy the confidence of his
fellow-citizens, and fhoyld never, in any case, be
trusted with power.
As this publication is in anfiver to a piece wrote by
Mr. Cooper, and published with his name to it, it is
to be supposed that our author would have given us
his name also with his piece, had he not been ashamed
of his fubjeCt. We are, therefore to conclude, with
out any further evidence, that he himfelf was con
scious of the baseness of the undertaking, and indue
ed to write the piece from motives, in his own e
steem, unworthy the character of a citizen of these
free states: such as fcif-intereft, being perhaps him
felf a llave-holder; or from a delire to serve llave
holders, as their mere tool, employed to gloss, or,
if possible, juftify their condud, in order that they
may Hill be admitted to hold the reins of tyranny,
and grasp the unrighteous gain of oppression.
And as I suppose Mi. Cooper will hardly deign to
aufwer an anonymous attack upon a piece published
with his name to it,' I fliall therefore, in his stead,
venture to make some remarks upon some parts of it,
though I confefs the arguments it contains are so ex
ceedingly futile and easily seen through, as hardly to
deserve any serious attention.
The firft thing that I shall take notice of is, that
our author seems to doubt whether tyranny is in re
ality an accursed thing, or can with propriety be so
called. In answer to this, however, I shall only ob
serve, that as I suppose the gentleman to be an inha
bitant of these states, I really blush at his doubt, and
dare fay every true whig will feel his cheek glow on
the occasion.
He has indeed taken fomepains to prove tIQ under
the Jewish law slavery was permitted. But then his
proving this falls far short of aniwering his purpose.
What the Jews did, was done by proper authority.
They had a divine command for destroying certain
nations of people, and for holding in slavery the chil
dren of certain strangers, and thiscommand was their
juftification. But were we, without any such autho
rity, to ad as they did, what Hiould we have to juf
tify us? We find too, that Abraham was command
rod to offer his son Isaac a burnt-offering ; and that his
obedience to this command was imputed to him for
righteousness. The Creator having a right to ditpofe
of his creatures agreeable to his own will, whatever
is done pursuant to this will must be right. But it
no more follows, that because the children of Israel
were authorized to purchase and hold in slavery the
children of certain strangers, we may hold the Afri
cans and their poftcrity in slavery under us, than it
follows from Abraham's having been authorized to
offer his son Isaac as a burnt-offering, that we rinay
also offer our sons as burnt-offerings. We must be
authorized as Abraham and the Jews were, other
wise we cannot hope to be juftified like them in what
we do.
As to the precedents our author has deduced from
profane history, I shall dismiss them as profane pre
cedents, only worthy to be quoted by a profane au
thor, when endeavouring to support something in its
mature polluted.
The gentleman very gravely tells us, “ He hopes
no one will do him the injustice to think him an advo
cate for slavery ;" and yet at the fame time declares
himfelf utterly opposed to setting our present llaves
free. What he means by this kind of jargon, lam
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. lIP.]
W E DNES D A Y, November 8, 1780.
rather at a loss to conjecture; unleft it is, that the
next generation shall have his content to abolifli slave
ry, provided he and his partners in tyranny may have
liberty to hold their Haves like their other cattle, and
enjoy the profits of their labour during their time.
He goes on hottever and tells us, " That at this
time when many parts of the fiate in the neighbour
hood of the enemy are laid waste and rendered deso
late by the ravages of that army, and many families
driven' burn their lands depend in a great measure on
the labour of their Haves for a livelihood, it would be
unreasonable to deprive them of their only support."
Tha^ is, in other words, it would be unreasonable to
deprive them of that means of support which in re
ality theymever had the lead right to enjoy. As well
might I fay, if I had taken forcible poieffion of my
neighbour's horse k-ven years ago, and detained him
unjuHiy in my service ever since, that it would be un
rcafonable at this time to oblige me to deliver him up
to his right owner, feeing horses are now so very scarce
and dear, that it must put me to great difficulty and
expence to supply his place.
in the •ext place our author affirms, with a degree
of boldncfs peculiar to men deficient in reasoning,
" That all Haves are in reality as much the property
of their mailers as the gold and diver for which they
were bought ;" and therefore concludes, that if they
are let free their matters must be paid their value.
Here the reader will observe, that the matter's right
to the value is grounded on his right to and property
in the perlon of his Have; and as this right is only
ascertained by the gentleman's own alfertion, we may
perhaps very justly question its exigence. It he who
hrit hole or captivated my Have, when in his own
country, did not by that wicked ad of violence ac
quire a right to his person, which 1 suppose no one
will presume to fay he did, then how came he by that
right ? by what future means could he possibly ob
tain it ? if he never did obtain it, then neither could
he convey it to another ; and every perlon claiming
under him must have been, and Hill remain as desti
tute of right as was he himfelf; and of course but very
little if any let's criminal. And indeed in either case
the degree of guilt must be alpioft beyond conception.
For if he who deals another man's ox or horse is wor
thy of death, what must he be who Heals or takes by
force the man himfelf, and then holds him and his
poftcrity as his property, to toil for him like oxen
and horses?
If the biafters of such Haves as were imported into
this country never had a right to or property in them,
'tis plain that they could have no right to or proper
ty in their offs[ ring as Haves ; and then as the whole
business of flave-hoiding must have been without right,
and an abominable fceue of tyranny and oppression ;
so the plea of right to reltitution, in case they are let
free, necelfarily falls to the ground.
As to our author's idea of the matters of slaves be
ing vested with a right to them by the laws of the
land, it seems to have no other foundation than mere
ignorance. It is utterly repugnant to the very nature
and spirit of the common law ; and no such right has
ever yet been attempted to be created or established
in this date, either by statute or ad of assembly. And
indeed if it had, the validity of a law for such a pur
pose might very justly perhaps be called in question,
as being repugnant to the laws of God and nature.
If there is such a thing as a right to restitution in
case our Haves are let free, it appears to me to be in
favour of the slaves themfclves ; they seem to have an
equitable claim upon their matters for at lead the clear
profits of all their past labour. And were they to re
ceive this, it would not only tend to let them on foot
in the world, but to encourage them to future exer-
tions in order to acquire more property, and become
ufeful members of society. The old and decrepit too
might in this way, upon the plainelt principles ofjuf
tice, be furnifhed in molt cases with an ample sup
port. So far therefore from proving burdensome or
injurious to the community would the emancipating
of thole unhappy people be likely to prove, that it
would molt probably, in its prefect and remote con
sequences, prove highly beneficial to the Rate at large.
Indeed, if the, are to be free at all, justice to our
selves as well as to them, seems now to call for their
emancipation ; in order that they may engage in the
service of tbeii country, and afliH in defending those
rights, which, as freemen they will be entitled to en
joy. Why, let me ask, should they thus be kept
from the dangers of the field, when we ourselves are
so daily expoled? Whet can induce us to be so very
frugal of their blood, and at the fame time so lavish
of our own ? If they are to partake of the benefits re
'fulting from the war, let them also pay their propor
tion of the price. Why should our blood ranfome
both them and us ? why should it alone Hain the fields
THE
of bur affliction, and as it were manure the ground,
in order to raise vines and fig-trees for them to fit
under ?
Our author's last objection against freeing our slaves
is, " because they are treated with a humanity un
known in other parts of the world, and are better off
than the generality of white poor, who are obliged,
those who have families, from their necessities to work
harder than the slaves in general in this Itate." This
objection however must really appear laughable when
we view it as having fallen from the pen of a gentle
man who has just told us; as mentioned above, that
he " hopes no one will do him the injustice to think
him an advocate for slavery." He is not willing it
seems to-be thought an advocate for slavery, and yet
is opposed to setting our negroes free so long as they
are well used. According to this doCtrine, we must
commence devils towards our Haves ih order that it
may become our duty to do them justice. They can
never hope for freedom whiltt they feel themselves
kindly treated. And does the gentleman really ima
gine that such a change in our conduct would afford
them a promiling profpeCt ? Could they possibly view
it as a prelude to their wished for deliverance ?
In Hrort the writer, if we may judge from his own
reasoning, seems to be but very little acquainted with
the most noble and lovely feelings of the human heart.
In his opinion, it seems, our Haves may rest content
ed in their servile Hate, provided they are not obliged
to work harder than some of their neighbouring
whites. He appears to have no idea of the intolerable
mortification that must inceflantly arise from being
wholly subservient to the wilLof another —from be
ing a mere machine in his hands, utterly deprived of
the greatest of ail human enjoyments, the privilege
of judging for himfelf, and of acting pursuant to his
own judgment. When in reality, compared with
this, the greatest afflictions that can be supposed to
result from hard labour or poor fare, would scarcely
be thought worthy the attention of a great and ge
nerous mind.
The man who only abhors tyranny when it points
at himfelf, is altogether unworthy the esteem of the
virtuous ; and can never, until he becomes a new
creature, merit the confidence of a free people. A
good man loves liberty, because liberty tends to ren
der mankind happy; and the more general it is, the
more he feels himfelf pleaftd ; —he even participates
in the felicity of those who enjoy it, and fancies all
their happiness his own. The love of liberty is indeed
a god-like virtue —it pervades the whole world, and
delights in the joy of all.
But to conclude ; we may expert that our negro
matters in general, like drowning men, will catch at
every twig, at every shadow, to prolong, if possible,
their reign over their black fubjeCts. And in this
point of light we may view those, who, ashamed to
objeC t generally against emancipating our slaves, have
recourse to the plea of its being at present inexpedi
ent. A wretched plea indeed! How can it be inex
pedient to embrace the earliest opportunity to do
justice ? We have heretofore thrown the blame of the
Have-trade, and our holding our negroes in bondage,
upon the King and Parliament of Great-Britain. But
this pretext will serve us no longer. We are now at
liberty to do themjuftice—to do to them as we would
they should do to tis were we in their situation. And
if we withhold from them this justice, not only the
stigma, but the iniquity must forever rest upon our
own heads.
If our author has any thing further to fay upon the
above fubjeCt, let him give us his name, or be treat
ed with lilent contempt , let him come forth from his
lurking hole that we may be able to judge of the
colour of his skin—that every true whig may have
the pleasure of pointing at him where-ever he fees
him pah, and of faying, There goes the wretch, who,
even in this land of liberty, has the effrontery to vin
dicate tyranny.
A FRIEND to JUSTICE.
POSTSCRIPT
To THE CRISIS EXTRAORDINARY.
WHILE this paper was preparing for the press,
the treachery of Gen. Arnold became known,
and engaged the attention and conversation of the
public ; and that, not so much on account of the trai
tor as the magnitude of the tfeafon, and the provi
dence evident in the discovery.
[Here followed an account of Arnold's flight and An
dre's detedion, nuhicb, being noev fully kno<wn, is omit
ted to give place to more material matter.]
The true character of Arnold is that of a desperado.
His whole life has been a life of jobbs; and whvre
either plunder or profit was the object, no danger de.
[Nu^fl. 150.]