The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-06-04 00:00:00, page 2

is it yet understood in what way he
) supposes that he was so. I am author
' ised to add, thatany complaint or rep.
;resentation on the subject would in
stantl, have received every proper at
'°nt'on°
1 The other communications (of which
I thesubstance was soon afterwards pub-
I lished to the American people, in the
(form of a circular letter from Mr.
Jackson to the British Consuls in the
1 • United States) seems to have been in
tended as a justification of his conduct
in that part of his correspondence,
which had given umbrage to the A-
I i merican government. This paper(bear-
I ) ing date the 13th of November) is not
■ I very explicit ; but it would appear to
■ ' be calculated to give rather anew form
I) to the statements which Mr. Jackson
had suffered the government of the U
nited States to view in another light,
until it had no choice but to act upon
the obvious and natural interpretation
of them sanctioned by himself.
It was never objected to Mr. Jack
son ( as "is paper seems to suggest)
that he had stated, that the three prop,
ositions, in Mr. Erskine's original in
structions,weresubmitted tb Mr. Smith
by that gentleman ; or that he had
stated it as made known to him by Mr.
Canning, that the instrnotion to Mr.
Erskine, containing those three con.
ditions, was the only one from which
■ his authority was derived for the con
clusion of an arrangement on the mat
ter to which it related.
The objection was, that he had ascribed
to the American government a knowl
■ edge that the propositions, submitted to
■ its consideration by Mr. Erskine, wore
■ indispensable conditions ; and that he
did so, even after that knowledge had
■ been distinctly disclaimed; andhehad
been made to perceive that a repetition
of the allegation could not be suffered.
1 willingly leave your Lordship to
judge, whether Mr. Jackson's corres
pondence will bear any other con
■ struction than it in fact received; and
whether, supposing it to have been er-
Ironeously construed, his letter of the
4th of November should not have cor.
rected the mistake, instead of confirm
ing and establishing it.
As an explanation, this paper was
even worse than nothing. It had not
the appearance of an attempt to rectify
misapprehension. Itsought to putthe
American government in the wrong, by
assuming that what had given so much
umbrage ought not to have given any.
It imported reproach, rather than ex
planation. It kept out of sight the
1 real offence, and, introducing^ new,
■ I and insufficient one in its pit ^,'femed
to disclose no other wish th, to with
draw from the government rs the U.
States, the ground upon which it had
proceeded. Its apparent purpose, in
a word, was to fix a charge of injustice
upon the past, not to produce a bene
licial effect upon the future. In this
view, and in this only, it was perfectly
consistent that it should announce Mr.
Jackson's determination to retire to
N. York.
The time when this paper was pre
sented will not have escaped your Lord,
ship's observations. It followed the
demand, already mentioned, of a safe
guard for " Mr. Jackson, his family
and the gentlemen attached to his mis
sion ;" a demand which cannot be re
garded, especially if we look to the in
ducements to which it was referred, as
either Conciliatory or respectful. It
followed, too, the letter of the 4th of
November, which, had explanation
been intended, ought undoubtedly to
have contained it ; but which, in lieu
of it, contained fresh matter of provo
cation. It was itself followed by the
publication of its own substance in
, another garb. On the very day of its
date, when Mr. Jackson, if he meant
it as an explanation, could not be jus
tified in concluding that it would not
be satisfactory, it was moulded by him
into the circular address to which, I
have before alluded ; and immediate
steps appear to have been taken to
give to it, in that shape, the utmost
publicity. I have no wish, my Lord,
to make any strong remarks upon that
proceeding.—lt will be admitted that
it was a great irregularity : and that,
if Mr. Jackson had been particularly
anxious to close every avenue to re
conciliation between the American
government and himself, he could
not have fallen upon a better expedi
ent.
I have now only to add, my Lord,
the expressions of my own most ardent
wish that, out of the incident which
has produced this letter, an occasion
may be made to arise, which, improved
as it ought to be, and I trust will be,
by our respective governments, may
- conduct them to cordial and lasting
friendship. Thus to endeavor to bring
good out of evil, would be worthy of
the rulers of two nations, that are only
in their natural position when they are
engaged in offices of mutual kindness
and largely contributing to the pros
verity and happiness of each other.
I have the honor to be, with the
highest consideration, my Lord, your
This course of proceeding would
have enabled his Majesty to have made
such arrangements, or to have offered
such seasonable explanations, as might
have precluded the inconvenience,
which must always arise from the sus
pension of official communication be
tween friendly powers.
His Majesty however is always dis
posed to pay the utmost attention to
the wishes and sentiments of states in
amity with him ; and he has therefore
been pleased to direct the return of
Mr. Jackson to England.
But his Majesty has not marked,
with any expression of his displeasure,
the conduct of Mr. Jackson ; whose
integrity, zeal and ability have long
been distinguished in his Majesty's
service ; & who does not appear, on
the present occasion, to have commit
ted any intentional offence against the
government of the U. States.
I am commanded to inform you,
that Mr. Jackson is ordered to deliver
over the charge of his Majesty's affairs
in America, to a person properly qual
ified to carry on the ordinary inter
course between the two governments,
which his Majesty is sincerely desirous
of cultivating on the most friendly
terms,
As an additional testimony of this
disposition, I am authorised to assure
you, that his Majesty is ready to re
ceive, with sentiments of undiminished
amity and good will, any communica
tion which the government of the U.
States may deem beneficial to the
mutual interest of both countries,
through any channel of negociation
which may appear advantageous to
that government.
I request that you will accept the as
surances of the high consideration with
which I have the honor to be,
Sir, Your most obedient and hum
ble servant,
(Signed) WELLESLEY.
William Pinckney, Esq. sc. &c. B§c.
The expressions and conduct of his
Majesty's Minister in America having,
however, appeared to the government
of the U. States to be exceptionable,
the usual course in such cases would
have been, to convey, in the first in
stance, to his Majesty, a formal com
plaint against his Minister, and to de
sire such redress, as might be deemed
suitable to the nature of the alledged
offence.
The correspondence between Mr.
Jackson & Mr. Smith has been sub
mitted to his Majesty's consideration.
His Majesty has commanded me to
express his concern, that the official
communication, between his Majesty's
Minister in America and the govern
ment of the U. States, should have
been interrupted, before it was possi
ble for his Majesty, by any interposition
of his authority, to manifest his invari
able disposition to maintain the rela
tions of amity with the U. States.
I am commanded by his Majesty to
inform you that I have received from
Mr. Jackson the most positive assu
rances, that it was not his purpose to
give offence to the government of the
U. States, by any expression contained
in his letters, or by any part of his con
duct.
Sir,
The deep interest which I take in
the prosperity and happiness of my
country, and of course, in the success
of your administration, has induced me
more than all other considerations, to
address these reflections and observa
tions to you at this time. This is the
apology which I would offer for troub
ling you ; and I persuade myself it is
a reasonable one.
The 'present state of this country,
both with regard to its foreign rela
tions and its affairs at home, is such as
to warrant the most gloomy predictions
concerning its future progress ; and
even to fear that our government is
Sir,
The letter which I had the honor to
receive from you under date of 2d Jan
uary, together with the additional
paragraph received on the 24th Janua
ry, has been laid before the king.
The several conferences which I have
held with you respecting t|ie transac
tions to which your letter refers, have,
I trust, satisfied you, that it is the sin
cere desire of his Majesty's govern
ment, on the present occasion, to avoid
any discussion which might obstruct
the renewal of amicable intercourse
between the two countries.
Lordship's most obedient, humble
servant.
TO IIIS EXCELLENCY
JAMES MADISON,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
From the Federal Republican.
(Signed) WM. PINCKNEY,
The Marquis Wellesley, §c. sc.
Foreign Office, March 14, 1810.
POLITICAL.
The influence of the French poli
ticks among us (by which I do not
merely mean a love of France, but the
influence of the self same principles
which brought about the revolution,
and destroyed France,) is a source of
deeper and more extensive calamity to
our country, than all the decrees and
severe restrictions of foreign nations
under which it labours. —It is impossi
ble to look at it with any other feeling
than that of loathing. And sir, it is a
pity, that it is a subject which is so
little understood and felt. The “ Jac.
obins," tt the same time, that they are
endeavouring to exasperate the people
against tie conduct and measures of the
English cabinet, are endeavouring to
root out all our principles of freedom
and our good habits, which are marks
of similarity between us and the
English. It is not because Great
Britain sa proud and haughty govern
ment, bit because her subjects enjoy
such a nild and temperate liberty, that
the enenies of the government wish to
excite oar animosity against her. And
the reason why the cause of France is
espoused, is solely for the purpose of
rendering French liberty and politicks
grateful to the people. This, sir, is
the whole mystery, and comprehends
all the views and projects of the Jaco
bins. The thing is not generally con
sidered in this light. J3ut unfortu
nately it is the true light in which it
appears. Are you not therefore, sir,
doing incalculable mischief to the in
terests of your country, by espousing
the cause of France? Are you not
putting an instrument in the hands of
the emperour Napoleon, by which the
subjugation of this country will here
after be rendered an easy business for
him ? The great mass of the people, sir,
will be completely corrupted by the
sect of Jacobins, in the course of fifty
years. The principles which they are
disseminating among our countrymen,
with so much ardour and zeal, bear a
very striking and manifest similarity to
those, which the revolutionists of
France taught, during and after the
reign of Louis XVI, until the estab
lishment of despotism there. And let
it be remembered, that these men, to
gether with their doctrines were the
real and active instruments by which
the overthrow of the monarchy of
France was affected, and the bloodiest
of all the revolutions, that the world
has ever' witnessed, acted upon the
theatre of Europe. To be sure, there
were a great many other causes, which
conspired to bring them about, the
monstrous defects in the government
itself for instance. But the philoso
phers and politicians did the most la
borious part of the work ; they wrote
the ballads of the nation ; corrupted
the manners and habits, and taste of
the people ; and thus prepared them
for a revolution.
The present state of things in France,
will be a speaking and ever living
monument to posterity, of the mighty
arid deplorable effects, which a single
class of men, well organized, may
^W&'Vt in a government, which is
in some measure prepared for revolu
tion. And it furnishes a serious and
,profitable lesson to us who are very
prone to look upon the influence of
the French politicks in this country
with indifference and unconcern. At
first sight, it seems to be a very unac
countahje thing that the cause of
France should be so popular among
us, whendhe Jacobins of that country
have long ago been extirpated —and a
stern military despotism, instead of a
mild republican government been es
tablished there—The truth is, however,
a democracy and a despotism are very
destined to a very short-lived existence.
It is, in an eminent degree, calculated to
rouse the fears and apprehensions of all
those who have heads to understand,
and hearts to feel for the interests and
happiness of their country. Every
sober thinking man is disposed to trem
ble and look around him to watch the
dangers that are constantly threaten,
ing us from within as well as from
abroad. The power and ambition of
the belligerents of Europe are in reali
ty very little calculated to alarm us,
compared with the internal dissentions
which distract the peace and harmony
of the country ; and the declension of
our government and state of society.
These are subjects of infinite impor
tance in the eye of the profound and
comprehensive politician ; they are to
him a source of deep anxiety and dread,
ful apprehension. He' can indeed hard
ly believe, that the degeneracy which
he sees, is natural and necessary ; that
it is merely establishing the doctrine of
Montesquieu ; that all governments
grow worse in proportion as they grow
old. He can hardly be persuaded that
our fate will be the same as that of
Rome and Venice.—But the history
of the present state of our country, is
filled with so many terrible and gloomy
presages of its future destiny, that no
one can be motionless and indifferent,
when he looks forward to the train of
events which the next fifty years that
pass over our heads will disclose.
For the Constitutionalist^
LISTENER No. 1.
* “ THAT Federalist reasons well on
politics; and almost convinces me in
religion :-—And, as I have often heard,
holds the pen of a ready writer^ Well,
why should he not? He has great
learning and been to college.—But as
I fear his intention is only to deceive
me, I wont believe a word he says on
politics, though I must confess he is a
man of integrity and honesty. I nev
er heard of his defrauding or injuring
' any one. Were my circumstances
bad, were I in trouble and perplexity,
I should call on him for advice and as
sistance before any Democrat of my ac
quaintance :—And I am confident he
would advise me well, and assist me
cheerfully. What then ?—ln politics
I am as good a man as he is ; and am
determined I wont be convinced by
him, unless he thinks as I do.
I overheard the other day,or dream
ed I overheard (for I listen, sometimes,
in my sleeping as well, as in my wak
ing hours) this soliloquy of my neigh
bour, a violent Democrat. Now, Mr,
I do indeed, sir, doubt very much,
for my own part, whether a monarchi
cal form of government will not ulti
mately be established, merely too,
through the force and influence of the
circumstances or state of society of the
country ; but the federalists do not
contemplate or wish any such thing ;
they are men of good sense, sir, who
sec that whenever such an event does
take place, it will be in consequence of
the declension of our state of society :
and they do therefore, most seriously
deprecate the corruption and deprava
tion of the manners of the people
which the Jacobins are effecting. Sir,
I do- really suspect, that it is weak
ness and want of energy which has
made you act with so little wisdom and
prudence during your administration.
It is impossible, sir, for any man who
has studied the politicks of this coun
try, so thoroughly as you have, not to
see that the views and projects of the
Jacobins are exceedingly dangerous to
the liberties of this country. It was
a miserable ambition which made you
renounce the politicks of Washington
and Hamilton in order to run the race
of popularity. You are ashamed and
afraid now, to pursue that course,
which the light of your own mind
points out to you. I know very well,
sir, that notwithstanding the mildness
and natural amiableness of your dispo
sition ; if you had followed the path
of duty, you would have been a man
of energy and decision —I pity my
country when I see such a man raised
up to be its chief magistrate. But sir,
it is your duty, the interests of your
country demand it, that you retrace
your steps. All the petty, selfish
party interests, which persuade you to
act as you do, ought to be absorbed in
the single consideration that you are
aiding in the downfal and ruin of your
country ; and it is indeed, a considera
tion of immense importance.
[to BE CONTINUED.]
nearly allied to each other, in their na
ture and temper and spirit, if not in
their form —The transition from the
former to the latter, therefore, is al
ways immediate and rapid. The same
men, sir (and it is an invariable rule)
who love liberty and equality and a
pure democratick government, would
be delighted to live under the empire
of Tamerlane or Attila. Men of good
hearts and sound heads know and
feel that no state of society on earth is
fitted for such a mode of government
as the Jacobins of France pretended to
establish. They are content, there
fore, to live in the enjoyment of that
middle and temperate liberty, under
such a government as ours. However
strange then it may seem, still it is true,
that the same men who espouse the
cause of universal monarchy (the cause
of France) among us, hold and propo
gate principles exactly like those of the
Jacobins. This is what that acute
politician Mr. Ames, who had as much
political sagacity, sir, as lord Chatham
and Mr. Burke, endeavoured for so
many years to persuade the American
people of. You may rely upon it,
sir, that the Jacobins of this country
(among whom, however, I do not by
any means include all, or even half of
the democrats) are a most dangerous
set of men. They deceive the great
body of the people completely into
their views. They tell the ignorant
who are numerous in our own, as well
as in every other country, that Great
Britain is a proud, haughty govern
ment ; that France assisted us in our
late struggle with Great Britain ; that
therefore we ought to hate the one and
love the other. This is their argument,
brief and laconick, because it is full of
weakness and falsehood. Sir, it is
our duty —for I can hardly believe that
you do not see with as keen an eye as
Hamilton and Ames, into the views of
the Jacobins, to renounce and discour
age the French faction.
In China, agriculture is held in the
highest estimation, the peasantry are
esteemed as the supporters and benefac
tors of mankind. For this reason, it
is the best cultivated and most popu
lous country in the world.
The prosperity of maritime coun
tries is chiefly dependent upon com
mercial intercourse with foreign na
tions. Commerce is the channel thro'
which the surplus productions of dif
ferent climes are exchanged for mutual
advantage, through which flow riches
and plenty, and is the true cause of the
refinement of the manners and customs
of nations.
As I was listening, the other evening,
to the entertaining narratives and in
nocent prattle of a number of little lads
and misses, I was peculiarly pleased
with a tale, very handsomely told, by
a fine waggish boy. I then thought,
tha^it was not only well calculated to
amuse and instruct children, but that it
might be so moralized as to teach a use
ful lesson to grown folks; and, even,
great folks too. The story, to which
1 allude, is that of Thomas the spend
thrift, and his son Jemmy. But as
the story is long, you shall have it in
another number.
I remain, Sir, your idle
but honest friend,
JACK HOMESPUN.
For the Constitutionalist.
MR. EDITOR,
Should the following Lucubra
tions " on some of the leading objects
of Civil Government" be supposed ca
pable of affording entertainment " in
a leisure hour," you are at liberty to
give them a place in your paper.
IGNORANCE, weakness, savage
ferocity, and unbounded licentiousness
characterize man in a state of nature.
The scene reversed, we view him extri
cated from the glooms of barbarism,
and his mind emancipated from her na
tive rudeness ; he appears united in the
bonds of the more blissful social union,
in which all the virtues that ornament
humanity unfold to view their count
less charms, establishes government and
enacts laws.
Another great object of government
is the defence of its subjects against
foreign invasion. Mankind, by enter
ing into the social compact, mutually
agree to assist each other in self-defence.
Their power to repel an enemy con
sists in their wealth, number, and the
assemblage of their military virtues.
The population and riches of a nation
are but a feeble barrier, unless united
with valor and patriotism. Possessed
of these military virtues, a little band
of Spartans at the straits of Thermopy
lae could repel all the forces of the
East, enervated by indolence and lux
ury ; and a small army of the Swiss
were thought invincible, before their
happy republic was subverted by the
terrible Napoleon.
Happiness being the ultimate object
of the Social Union, whatever is sub
servient of the same demands the pat
ronage of government. Truly pervert
ed must be the faculties of those, who
decry the exalted pleasures of a refined
intellect, and of civil society ; and al
lege, like the celebrated Burke, that
felicity is the characteristic of the nat
ural state of man. Can the delights
of social concord be realized in the
wilds of Indostan, or the deserts of Tar
tara? They fly those wretched haunts,
and seek an asylum in the gardens of
the earth, where cultivated nature bids
a cordial welcome to their approach.
The character of a ration, their vir-
The protection of the natural and
political rights of man, the perfection
and felicity of society, are the grand
objects of civil government, to which
all other political regulations should be
subordinate. As mankind in their
natural state are unable to provide for
their numerous necessities, and to re
pel the attacks of invading enemies,
hence for the sake of procuring the
wants and conveniences of life, and the
free enjoyment of the rights of proper
ty, national liberty and mutual defence,
they formed the social compact.
To provide for the necessities of the
body politic, agriculture should re
ceive a liberal governmental patron
age. It is the true source of national
wealth and felicity, and the basis of
extensive commerce. Industry, the
twin-sister of virtue, should be ani
mated and rewarded. Wherever the
standard of liberty is erected, and the
artist and peasant sure to reap the fruits
of their labour, population will rapid
ly increase, commerce and the manu
factories flourish, the lands will be well
cultivated, and yield all the necessaries
of life.
Printer, although I am not the learned
man of whom he spoke, yet, to me
his soliloquy solved many difficulties
in his religious and political creeds,
and explained many mysterious things
in his conduct. And although I do
not, on all occasions, like a listener,
yet I must confess that, sometimes, I
have learned a little wisdom, by list
ening.