The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-06-02 00:00:00, page 1

To THE PEOPLE GF AMERICA,
THAVE served in your army frcni the begin
ning of the war, and now, while I am indulg
ing the pleasing thought of our having nearly
M completed the salvation of our country, I hear
a clamour that all is going to ruin. I therefore beg
leave to speak a few words. It is agreed I think by
all our talkers and writers, that the depreciation of
our money and morals, is the only dangerous symp
tom in our nation. And shall we, like dastard fouls,
think this difficulty unsurmountable ? And after bear
ing milhlones, fink under the weight of a feather !
Let us not stain our glory by ranking this among
difficulties. —Itis even infamous in us, who are ho
noured by Heaven to defend the rights of mankind
and posterity, who are pursuing national salvation
and solid glory, to hesitate and fay, " there is a lion
in the waj." —When our General leads us on to at
tack the enemy, we don't pause and aft if there are
not difficulties to encounter —we know that nothing
glorious can be done without labour, hazard or ex
pence. —In like manner, the people must follow and
put in execution the orders of our Supreme Council.
Let Congress direct the means and mode of redrtla
for the depreciation of our currency, and let the peo
ple set about it inßantly a and pursue it with vigour,
and the might, difficulty so much talked of will soon
vaniih. There is nothing to oppose it but a rafcaU,
(pardon the expression) love of pelf. And ffiall this
dirty grovelling passion for eartb, bury all our glorious
defigoa for the happiness ofliviog millions and unborn
ages !—Then witness against us, ye beings who people
other worlds —and let us fink (like fatan in Milton)
66 nine times the space that measures day and night,"
nor any longer stain the annals of the world.
The depreciation of morals is an evil big with
ruin, but like the other, admits a cure. Vices, like
rations weeds, commonly have a small beginning ;
but if fuffered to take root and spread, they destroy
the beauty and happiness of creation. A great deal
ha; been said and written against profane Averring,
but what avails a clamour? A remedy must be ap
plied that will make men feel; for if there was not
didefed in their rantaHity, they would net practice
a vice as deftituc of honour, pfafure or prdfit, as
fatan is cf beauty or virtue —a vice which is the
filth of conversation, dilgufting to the virtuous and
wife, and condemned by the wisdom of the whole
univeffe. Therefore they must fed before they will
reform. The remedy is with the People, they muff
never dishonour themfclves by chufing men to repre
sent them who dishonour God or their country. Let
no man be exalted to a feat in Congress who has not
a foul too great to countenance any vice ; and when
none but the virtuous and wife fit in Congress, you
will fee wisdom and virtue prevailing in every inferior
Ration. I believe there is as much patriotism and
wisdom in Congress as in any political aftembly on
earth, but it wounds my feelings when I hear of
some in that august Council who set examples un
worthy of imitation : I hope they are few, very few
in number. And that State Should blush which fends
a blem^.i character to fit in that Council, which
ought to be intirely composed of wisdom and virtue.
There is nothing wanting to remove all our national
.difficulties, and to complete the happiness of Ame
rica, but a noble exertion of those means which God
hath put into our hands. Then let us make this
exertion, and our independence will be secure and
.our fame immortal.
Na,, 1779. A SOLDIER.
P, S. Many have endeavoured to route their coun
trymen to exertions by painting the wickedness of
curenemies, and the horrors of tyranny ; as they are
both tdo black for description, I will not attempt it.
But the horrid murder of hundreds and thousands of
cur brethren in the gaols and dungeons of the British
gaffers, ought to be ever frefh in our minds ! And
while we contemplate the nuzqberlefs tortures in-
Ei{led on our brave and virtuous citizens, we fnall
naturally confider what cur portion would be, fhouhl
Heaven in wrath permit the accursed foe to prevail
over us. —
Were there not many innocent persons in Britain
who might fuffer by the continuance of the war, I
query whether it would not be an offence to Heaven
to make any peace with the tyrant, until we had
scourged him off the face of the earth..
For the New-Jersey Gazette.
Observations on some important principles of
government, and applied to the AMERICAN
STATES.
IN the Spirit of Lanes 1 have fomewbere seen the
just remark, that monarchies f^ht to :om,rL%l
NEW-JERSET GAZETTE.
[Vol. IL]
W EDGES D AY, June 3, 1779.
4 large exterfon of territory ; but that republics Jhouhl
he rejtriaed t, narrow baits. The thought is founded
on ar principle that the members of a popular govern
ment Should he continual/ availed of the fituaiion
and condition of every part. And as the freemen,
firmly speaking, are afl lejfatcrs, they ought to
know every thing of consequence that may aticCt it,
be easily apprized cf one another's sentiments, to
aft with harmony and' dispatch, prevent factions,
conspiracies and machinations against the State. —
Czfar vanquished the free States of Gaul ; his motto —
divide & im,era ; divide and conquer: But though
a degree of diffentions and oppositions, under some
circumstances, and a political lethargy under others,
impend certain ruin to a free State, they are, on the
contrary, the great fa,parters of monarchy.
How great the extent cf a State may be, without
inconvenience, is a matter of judgment—it in some
raeafure depends on the number of inhabitants that
may probably find means bf Support in it. A republic
thatis wholly commerical, and ads principally as a
factor for other nations, will naturally be very limited,
which for centuries hath been the case with Fenice ;
and universally, when it is so, the inhabitants Should
be very contiguous, fettled principally in cities and
towns. But where a republic much depends on agri
culture, as is the case with Switzerland, (being 200
miles in extent) its inhabitants are necc'Jarily more
Scattered. Whether or no cur veneration for ancient
commonwealths is generally exceflive, I pretend not
to fay. It is true, that many modern and wife poli
ticians have placed them before us as great examples —•
But dchiu, so famed in history, of which Athens was
the capital, extended only about forty miles.—L^-
nia, its metrepolis being "Sparta, not thirty miles.—
The Roman commonwealth, in its firft and purest
ages, commanded a territory about as large; and a
city, with chly its suburbs, composed the 'Theban
republic.
Neither is it a matter cf essential ccnfequcnce re#
feeding the particular r-mber of inhabitants that
reside in a State. Nor do I know cf any reason to
limit, as, if 1 mistake not, Plato has dore in his
ideal republic, the number to one hundred thcufand,
provided the government is salutary, as, many will
ie£de in it as can be supported with convenience.
There is an ambition in all government, those
that are termed free, as well 23 others, to extend
their territorial jurisdiction. But it is a principle
that neither terminates in their reputation cr felici
tude as republics, being the result of a falfe spirit for
national agrandizement. Proper ambition will lead
republican legislators not to increase dominion, bit
fausfied with 2 moderate territory, their Ready aim
will be to make the people as powerful and happy as
possible. The institutions of Lycurgus, Solon, cr
Numa, never injeined the Spreading of conquest ;
but were confined to internal circumstances—the re
gularity, the union and ftrergth of the inhabitants.
The despotic and ambitious views of those only, com
pared with mahomet, could in the organization of
government maintain the principle of extending terri
torial power.—Reason and example, the most cogent
arguments, plainly evince that limited dominion is
belt adapted to free States, though some have swerved
from the principle, but in swerving have destroyed
themselves.
With propriety these observations may be applied
to some of the American States, that have a furpriz
irg itch for territorial agrandizement. Excuse me
for fiiipedling that the fame spirit that leads them to
maintain a title over endlels tracts in the weltern
world, might with little improvement induce them,
were it practicable, to gain dominion in the north and
south—it would, because in the firft case they mistake
the real interests of society, the case and internal
security of a small tho' vigorous and compact body,
for unbounded dominion. Ted me—how do these
expect that their maffy governments will be swayed?
By the Representatives of a free people ? I challenge
every age to produce an instance where a republic
has been free, that covered a territory extensive eight
hundred miles The Reman government is not an
exception; it was free only before it began to be
confidcrably enlarged. Example not only, as I ob
served, but reason and policy point out the iropofli
biiity. The Representatives ought always to be un
der the eyes of their constituents—but how can that
be, when they are fix hundred miles, perhaps twice
that distance apart ?—days before one part cf the
State is availed of the events in the other. Such a
State, while it bears the name of republic, will be
fubjeCt to the influence cf a few ; consequently, tho'
rot the form, yet it will have the essence of an ari-
Rocracy: This is so bmpl? and clear a point, founded
co the natural principkscf gevernment, that a ficgle
T IX E
reflection is convincing, without a long deduction cf
reasons.
An additional remark I beg leave to mention;
States that are joined in a confederacy ought to pre
serve a proper equality and balance, should have
nearly the fame Strength and principles, that no par
ticular one should be too overgrown in power, added
to a proportionate degree cf ambition. Now, con
ceive of a State forty or fifty miles in extent, confe
derated with another, containing at Icaft fix or eight
hundred miles.—Which has the advantage or disad
vantage? Where, in this case, is the balance of
power ? Some, indeed, of the American States have
an ideal claim to the western ocean, founded on the
supposed conftrufrion of antient charters.—ls this
was the intention of the English kings, still the vali
dity of those charters may be justly disputed.—Per
what power can grant a territory independently owned
by others ? and how can English charters cover a
foil the natural property of western favageo ? But
even allowing that those implied grants were legal
when made ; yet, as the liberty and happiness cf the
people ought to be the only objects of these Stater,
those claims ought to be quitted—for if they are
maintained and supported, the natural consequence;
we have already pointed cut. Every Legislator in
these States ought to be a patriot, to study the interest
of his own State, in relation to the union, the intereCi
and profpeds of individuals having no concern in
such a momeataus matter. —
The Inquixer.
Trenton, Ma, xg, 1779.
To the INHABITANTS of the UNm^
States of AMERICA.
Friends and Countrymen,
r '^HE present situation of public affairs demands
^ year most serious attention, and particularly
the great and encreafing depreciation of your cur
rency requires the immediate, ftrenucus, and united
efforts of all true friends to their country, for prevent
ing an extension ofthe mifchitfs that have ahead,
flowed from that fourau.
America, without arms, ammunition, discipline,
revenue, government, or ally, aimoft totally ftript
of commerce, and in the weaknefa of youth, as it
were with a " fteff and a fling" only, dared " in
the name of the Lord of Holts" to engage a gigantic
adversary, prepared at all points, boasting of his
faength, and of whom even mighty warriors " were
greatly afraid."
For defraying the expenecs of this uncommon war,
your representatives in Congress were obliged to emit
paper money; an expedient, that you knew to have
been before generally and fuccefsfully praftifed on
this continent.
They were very sensible of the mconveriencies
with which too frequent emiflions would be attended,
and endeavoured to avoid them. For this purpose
they eftablilhed lean-offices so early as in Ort. 1776,
and have from that time to this repeatedly and carneft
ly solicited you to lend them money on the faith of
the United States. The sums received on loan have
nevertheless proved inadequate to the public exi
gencies. Our enemies prosecuting the war by sea
and land with implacable fury and with fomefucceL,
taxation at home and borrowing abroad, in the midst
of difficulties and dangers, were alike impracticable.
Hence the continued necessity of new emiflions.
But to this cause alone we do not impute the evil
before mentioned. We have too much rcafon to
believe it has been in part owing to the artifices of
men who have hastened to enrich themfelvea by mo
nopolizing the necessaries of life, and to the mrfcondu&
of inferior officers employed in the public service.
The variety and importance of the bufinci en
trusted to your delegates, and their constant attend,
ance in Congress, necefl'aril, disables them from in
vestigating disorders of this kind. Justly apprehen
sive of them they by their Rveral refolqtions of the
zad of November and zeth cf December 1777, and
of the 3d and 9th of February 1778, recommended
to the leg : f:ative and executive powers of these Rates
a due attention to these interesting affairs. How far
those recommendations have been complied with wt
wid not undertake to determine; but we hold our
selves bound in duty to declare, that we are not con
vinced there has been as much diligence used in de
terting and reforming abuses as there has been in.
committing or complaining of them.
With regard to monopolizers it is our opinion,
that taxes judiciously laid on such articles as become
the objects of engroffers, and those frequently col
levied, would operate against the pernicious tendency
of such practices.
As to inferior cokers employed in the public
[Numb. 78.]