Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1794-02-04 00:00:00, page 2

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ought rather to afford carriers for the pro- |
ihice of more happy nations, Wanting j
the moans of fubfiftencc at home they aie
compelled to plough the Ocean for bread.
It might as well be laid that every nation
(hould manufacture in proportion to its
coiifumptiou, and that every individual
(hould praClife all the mechanic arts iie
may have occafiou for. I ins is one of the
eai lieft and mod imperfeCt ideas of com
merce : Doubtless we ought to encourage
the carrying trade for the important pur
pose of public fafety, but not to pursue
it as a source of wealth. When we pro
ceed beyond that degree, which is necef
(ary for public security, we diminish the
wealth, population and agriculture of our
country ; we reduce our yeomanry to be
hireling laborers for foreign matters.—Mr.
Dexter observed, that it had been said,
that the balance of our commerce with
Britain is much against. us ; this he agreed
is true, but he doubted whether the ba
lance of the aggregate of our commerce
were so. But even if this were alio true,
he said he (hould not be alarmed, as we
are a young country rapidly encrealing,
and the balanee against us might be viewed
as a loan from a foreign nation, and em
ployed by us in internal improvement,
which we can at any time repay, and re
ft rve a great profit thereon to ourselves.
It becomes capital in commerce ; it faci
litates our agricultural improvements. But
he added, that he was still less apprchen
five of danger from considering that the
nature of commerce forbids that such a
{lite (hould continue long enough essen
tially to injure our country. If we import
more than we export, the balance must
be paid in cadi or not paid at all. If it
be paid in caih, we soon drain our coun
try of specie, and what may then remain,
becomes from its scarcity more valuable
here than elit: where, and more valuable
than any thing we ran obtain for it in fo
reign countries ; and this at once reduces
if his colli? , 'es, that a nation ought to
,'rrv in prupuvtn.-n to the hiilk of her tx- i
jrv'b. 'lliis rule he said not to :
uw out of the nr.tere of the tubjccl. I
The countries lurchargcd with inl.s.iiunt*
juir imports to the amount of our exports,
or ftiii lower iu order to obtain a balance
in ipecie, which has now become the molt
valuable article. If we do not pay the
balancc at all, we soon lose our credit,
and there ends im]x>rtation. Revc,fe this
reasoning, and we flia'il be convinced that
we piufue a phantom, when we labor to
fccure a perpetual balance in our favor.
Caih soon becomes so plenty as to reduce
it* value, and consequently we exchange
it with foreigners for any gewgaws ; thus
v. e encreafe our imports until we lose the
furphis of currency.
We can no more keep it than we can
heap up water. It would be afelefs, nay
mischievous if we could keep it ; It would
enhancc the price of the neceflaries of
life , it would destroy that sober industry
and frugality, which form the loveliest
features in our national character.
We ought not then to wish for a bal
ance of trade perpetually in our favour,
or in other words for a constant increase
of currency ; but we ought to wish for an
increase of capital, and this is produced
as much by our imports as by our exports.
As then the exports from a country never
can for a long time greatly exceed its im
poits it follows that it is a mistaken po
licy to labour to lefien our importations,
because we thereby reduce our exports. —
The demand for them as a remittance will
ccafe, consequently they will cease to be
produced, and jdleivcis and poverty will
follow. Nature has made laws on this
fubjrrt which we cannot repeal.
But it is said they will in their opera
tion, bv depriving the Britilh artizans of
the neceflaric* of life, and the raw mate
rials for manufactures, compel that nation
to open to us her Welt India ports, and
treat our nation more refpeftfully. As
so depriving them of the necessaries oflife
thev now refufe to take our provifions,and
this is one complaint against them : they
fc'ili aot fuffer more when we refufe to let
But now, said Mr. Dexter, let us sup
pose what is in some degree true, that our
navigation and commercc are not in the
belt possible situation ; do the resolutions
afford a remedy. They cannot, if they
have no tendency to encourage either.—
They discriminate in favour of some fo
reigners against others, and compel us to
pay the difference of their markets, and
they leflen the duties on the commerce of
certain favourite foreign nations, thereby
lellening the.discrimination in favour of
our own. •
them go there. A time of scarcity only
can i'ive this effett, and none of the lefo-
lutions ordains a famine in Bntain ; a» to
depriving them of raw materials,we know
not how much other nations can supply
when a new demand ardes, neceflity opens
new resources ; in this way we may cre-
ate to ourselves formidable and permanent
rivals.
Can we diltrefs tliem by refufing to
take their manufactures ' From statements
appears that we take only 4 per cent, of
the whole amount of Britifii manufactures
bv tlie mover of the refolutiono, it
—Only the profit on this 4 per cent will
be loft by them, for the law materials
they are not to have from 115, and the la
bour of manufacturing will of course be
saved.
But even this profit will not be loft to
themi for by consuming the manufactures
of other nations, we (hall make a demand
in those nations, and Britiih manufactures
will go there to supply the place of those
we may take ; nay mere, we shall take
even Biitifh manufactures from other na-
tions, and the expence of a double voy
age, dcpofit, and cotr.miffion will be ad
ded to the Price of the articles. In the
mean time our bulky articles of export,
the value of which will not pay for the
enhanced expences of transportation, will
perilh ; being forbidden the usual market
and advantages.
Mr. Dexter asked, is this a time for
making experiments ? All Europe is in
agitation, and our commerce mult partake
of it ; we steer our bark on the margin of
a whirlpool j there are seasons when it
ought to latisfy us that we do not go
backward.
the wisdom of many succeeding years can
not retrieve. Mutual interett, the only
sure bond of peace, has hitherto prevent
ed a war between us and the kingdoms of
Europe ; shall we cut this bond asunder ?
It is laid we mav compel Britain to make
a commercial treaty with us; (he will ne
ver refufe voluntarily to make one which
may promote her interest, and could we
compel her to make cne against her inte
rest, it could not be lasting ; it mull end
We have had no fatisfa&ory evidence
that fiie is averse to a treaty. The cor
respondence between our Secretary of
State and the Britiih minister rather (hews
the contrary. I much doubt the policy
of. multiplying our commercial treaties.
A nation, which has more military strength
than resources for commerce, may compel
unequal stipulations in her favor. But
this we neither wish, nor are able to do.
in war.
We may fuffer by treaties, but can hardly
be benefited. Our strength confifls not
in ability to compel others, but in4>eing
invincible at home. If we are ever to
make treaties, let us wait until experience
shall have taught us all the commercial in
tercfts of our country. We areafcending
an eminence—let us firft arrive at the
summit; when we {hall have the whole
eaily enough to judge of the advantages
of our situation. We may now facritice
important interests which we fee not. Our
progreflion may make that a lading evil,
which we now call an advantage.
It is said we ought to resent the politi
cal injuries and insults we have received.
Is this resenting them ! If the queltion is
whether we shall retaliate hostilities, let
us have it fairly and boldly stated, that
we may consider it. Away with all mean
disguises—strip the question of its flimzy
covering. We surely are not afraid to
look at the fubjeft of difcuflion. We wilh
not to conceal it from others. Before we
take the lirit step, let us pause to review
our fitnation,'W consider the consequen
ces. How much have we to lo£e both in
pofieflion and profpeft, and how little to
gain ! Britain is aided by powerful allies,
who hate and defpifc our political fvftem.
Our former ally instead of aflifling us,
needs to be assisted. The commerce of
Britain is already interrupted by war, and
we can add little to its embarralTments.
Our commerce now flourifiling, must be
facrificed, as we have no fleet to protect
it. As to revenue, Britain has all the
advantages without the evils of bankrupt
cy. The principal of her debt will never
be paid, but her creditors are both inter
ested and able to support her. Addition
al millions are Ibft in the mass without per
ceiving the iocreafe.
To add a few millions of Dollars to our
debt would alarm both us and our condi
ments. British soldiers are enured to fo
reign warfafre. Our independent Yeomen
extensive profpeft before us, it will be
It is easy suddenly to do mifchief which
arc invinciblc in battle, for their rights,
their habitations, their wives and their
children; the world cannot fubjlgatc them.
but they harbor no wiflies for conquest or
plunder. If we commence tyftility, we
mull perfcvere through every extremity
of fuffering, or meanly prg (Irate ourfelvcs
at the feet of Britain, to bear whatever
(lie may please to impose.
When the welfare and dignity of our
country require energy, I fliall not be
found an advocate for a pusillanimous sys
tem. No man is more proud of his coun
try than rnyfelf. I agonize under the in
dignities (he has fuffered : But to repreis
resentment is sometimes true courage;
untimely passion, which may betray the
rights and dignity of the community, is
perfidious. Our growth is so rapid, that
a few years of peace will avenge us. 1
have made these observations Sir, not be
cause I am the friend of Britain, but be
cause a sense of duty compelled me. If
I have prejudices refpe&ing European na
tions, they are not in favor of Britain. I
hesitate not to avow that the}' are in favor
of the people with which fne is at war. I
can never forget, that probably by them,
we exist as a Nation. I can never forget
the noble energy with which they com
menced their Itruggle to rescue this coun
try from bondage. It is the place of my
fathers' sepulchres—no man more ardent
ly wiflies them liberty and happiness, but
justice obliges me to add, that no one
more fincertly laments that spasm of pa
tnotifm, which convulses their body poli
tic, and hazards the cause of freemen :
But Sir, we ought not to fuffer a torrent
of feeling to sweep us from our poll—we
are neither Britons nor Frenchmen—we
are Americans—the Representatives of
Americans—the Guardians of their rights
and interests ; and these forbid us to pass
the Resolutions now under consideration.
I ft. Resolved, That it is one of the una
lienable Rights of Freemen to dijenfs -with
freedom and firmnefs all fubjecls of public
concern: That in consequence of thiP
principle, these meetings have an indispu
table right to offer their sentiments con
cerniog the Democratic Society and its se
veral resolutions.
For the Gazette of the Ukitsd States'
AT numberless meetings throughont
tlie United States, for taking into con
fidevation the Resolves of the Democra
tic Society of Philadelphia—Genuine Pa
triotism in the chair : The following re
folulions were unanimously adopted.
2d. Resolved, That the high profef
iionsof difmterefted patriotism held out
by the Democratic Society, are very
equivocal proofs of its public virtue ; and
that these are best discovered in the refo
tions which it has published.
3d. Rejoined, That it is extremely im
politic, as well as ungenerous, for any Citi
zens of America, publickly to pour
foith illiberal abuse against foreign pow
ers with whom we are at peace—merely,
because they are enemies to France : We
fay impolitic, because powerful nations
may thereby be irritated to attack us, to
whom we are by no means equal, either
in population or military preparations:
We fay ungenerous, because some of these
nations were our friends in the most try
ing days of our difficulties and distress.
4th. Rcfolvcd, That the public faith
being equally pledged to preserve peace
with Great-Britain as well as with France,
all persons or societies, who dire Sly or in
direSly, (hall endeavor to bully or trick our
country into a war with either, must in
tend a violation of our national honor,
and must therefore, be considered as ene
mies to America.
Jth. Resolved, That the determination
expressed by the Democratic Society, to
abide by our national engagements and pre
serve national friend/hips, when contrasted
with its insults against friendly nations, is
as flagrant an instance of its inconliften
cy, as the infinnation of punic faith against
our illullrious President, is a convincing
proof of its impudence and presumption.
6th. Resolved, That the conduct of
the French Republic in seizing our ves
sels, laden with provisions for the coun
tries, with which (he is at war, is as dar
ing fin infringement of the eflabfijhed law of
nations, as any that we have experienced
from other powers. Nay, this conduct
is peculiarly aggravating, as it is express
ly ftipulatt'd between France and, by trea
ty, that the vessels of the latter, thus la
den, (hall pass free and unmoleftcd.
(Debate to be continued.)
7 th. Ri/ohed, That the outr.iges of
fered to our trade, or citizens, by Gieat
Britain, will probably be relented in a
much more proper manner, and redrefj
much more easily obtained by the spirited
conduit of our National Congrels, and
the long tried wisdom of our beloved
President, than by the fug
gellions, and noily declamations oi any
obfeure Society wifuing to bawl itlelf in-
to political consequence.
Bth. R'fohea, That the trade of A
merica has greatly contributed to her
prosperity and credit, and that tlus
having been greater with G'.'eat-Brritain
and her colonies, than with all the reft of
Europe together—its interruption at this
time, would overwhelm the agricultural
and mercantile inteielt in unfpeakubW
dillrefs. Neither could its loss, in any
proportion be supplied, by any commer
cial privileges in trading with colonies
overrun with banditti, and desolated by
incendiaries.
oth. Rrfohcd, That however Foreign
Minister* may be juflined, in adhetiug
flrictly to the inftru&ions of their own
Sovereigns, yet tliefe inftru&jnns are by
no means binding on the nation, to which
they arc sent; neither is any Miniiter au
thorized on that account, to affiont the
Government to which he is delegated, or
to look for countenance from the real
Friends of that Government.
I oth. Rejoined, That every Govern
ment has a natural right to interpret Us
own treaties—that we rely implicitly, on
the honor and abilities of our Executive to
do so—and that the fenfeof thcie United
11 th. Refohcd, That Imperium in Im
perio, or one sovereign authority within
States refpc cling our treaty with France,
has been abundantly collected and evinced,
not only by addrefles and resolves from
every quarter of the but also by
the unanimous declaration of Coogrefs.
another, is a fatal fulecifm in politics, and
incompatible with Liberty: We there
fore deem any particular Democratic So
ciety, rising in the midft.of our great De
mocratic Government, and presuming to
dictate to its conflituted authorities,
fraught'with the deftruftive materials of
anarchy, inimical to law and order, and
highly iufulting to the great body of the
people, who confiding in the wisdom and
virtue of their ovm delegates,
the advice nor interference ot felf-confti-
tuted societies.
12th. Rcfolvcd, That we are united in
the bonds of Civil Society, to resist with
equal vigilance the encroachments of Anar
chy, as well as of Despotism—that the
name of Liberty, without its blessings is a
delusive phantom—and that the grcateft
of these blessings are Security and Peace :
That the Despotism of a Mob, is as
tremendous an evil as that of a Monarch :
That to countenance either, is to incur
the execration of Mankind—and that
they, who wilfully plunge a Nation, hap
py as this is, in discord and bloodthed, ge
nerally give birth to one or the other of
these calamities.
Signed by Order jif the
Several Meet'tngs,
MR. M'lean,
I read in an European Magazine as follows
" THE Quakers' Letter of this year,
instills some of the noblest principles of
Morality. That passage which inculcates
paying our full debts as loon as wears
able, (notwithstanding any composition
which creditors may accept of) ought to
be written in legible Letters, and presented
to every Bankrupt with his Certificate.—
It is the opinion of many honeH and judi
cious persons, that if a Law were enaited,
prohibiting every Jpedes of Luxury to such
as have been in a jlate of Bankruptcy, till
they had paid twenty (hillings in the pound,
it would be attended with excellent conse
quences—Vanity would prompt many to
this laudable conduct, in whose breail nei
ther Honor nor Houefty finds a place.
These Luxuries might be fpeciticd—fuch
as Plate, Carriages, saddle Horses, livery
Servants, elegit Fl'rniturc," &c.
The effe&s of the late King, which
were burnt lately in thefquare of the Tgv/h
Hall, were mere neceflaries—A hat—a
fnuff-box, tortoise (hell, broken—iix suits
of cloths—a cloth great coat-—eight waist
coats, cloth, velvet, iilk, and linen—ten
pair of breeches—nineteen'white v.aid
coats, and a satin under wraiftcoat* some
white robes de chair,bre—fn - of (lip.
pers. i
From the New-York Daily Gazette,
COMMON SENSE, Secretary.
FRANCE.
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