The royal gazette — [Charleston] S.C., 1781-07-11 00:00:00, page 4

^^Q
Parliamentary Proceedings.
House ^Commons, Tuesday, February 27.
[Debate on Mr. Burke's Bill, continued.]
a very ftrenuoufy supported the refoliations, and said
M they were the pledges given to the people by the last Parlia
ment, that their petitions ffioald m fe t with due attenftand that
the princes complained of should be redressed Ihe ^l, then
under confidnation, was founded on the petitions of the people, an 1
went immediately to one of their great requisitions —the defne of
reformation and economy—So perfectly confcibus of this was the
lift Parliament, that 'no gentleman had then ventured to oppose the
bill on its second reading ; all tides of the House, as well the noble
Lord in the blue ribband and his friends, as those who a&ed with the
honourable Gentleman near him, admitting the principle of the Bill
in its fuller extent. To what, then, was the present opposition in
that fta^e to be ascribed ? Had any thing happened since to induce
gentlemen to change their opinions ? What revolution in the politi
cal hemisphere had induced such an alteration ? Did Gentlemen ima
gine that ceconomy was less necessary, or that the nation was more
affluent, in consequence of a war with Holland, our old Ally. Mas
that the fa&, or had the profpe&of a war with ail the northern
powers occasioned such a sudden influx of wealth, that extravagance
was not so criminal now, as it appeared to be last year . 7 he people
without doors, the people of England thought otherwise. I hat it
was the fenfc of the majority of the people, that the Bill Should pass,
he was as sure as he was of his'exiftence. To what then was the pre
sent refinance ro be ascribed? The new members, he trusted, would
vo+e in support of the Bill; they could not but know that their con
stituents wished they should, and he did not imagine, they would
thus early in their parliamentary career, commit a breach of that
confidence, which had been so newly reposed in them. The old
members, who had supported the Bill last year, he trusted would do
the fame now; surely none of them could a& so inconsistent a part
as to swerve from principles which they had so lately profeffed ; least
of all was he willing to believe, that tire conduct of any Gentlemen,
who voted for the Bill last year, arose merely from a base, time-fer
vin?view of pleafmg their conflituents at the end of an old Parlia
ment, in order to ensure their return to a new one, in which they
meant to ad in an opposite line, become the servile adherents of the
Minister, and deny the exigence of that influence, under which they
were a&ing at the moment of their denial. Ihe resolutions of the 6th
of April would either appear to the people of England to have been
ufeful monitors, and to have operated to the exertion of parliamenta
ry virtue, or they would remain monuments of parliamentary difgracc,
just as the House refolded receding his honourable friend's Bill.
Lord Nugent declared himfelf a warm and zealous friend to public
ceconomy. "Without it, he was persuaded this nation could not be
saved; ceconomy, in our public expenditure, was as necessary as
firmnefs and wisdom in our councils, as valour and conduct in our
expeditions and enterprizes. But it did not follow cither that he
ought, much less that the House should embrace every ceconomical
project that was offered, however plausibly introduced, however ref
pe&able the quarter it came from. No man in that house, his Lord
ihip said, entertained a greater degree of esteem for the Honourable
Gentleman who introduced the present Bill, than he did; he knew
his integrity, and he'had seen many proofs of his zeal th serve his
country; great therefore as his abilities were, they were not, he was
convinced," superior to his virtue. The Hon. Gentleman, however,
must pardon him, if he did not agree with him entirely as to his Bill.
In finceritv he would fay, he disapproved of it totally, and he would
tell the honourable Gentleman, why he did so. The title of the Bill
was a good one: It was called “ A Bill for the better regulation of
“ his Majesty's Civil Establishments, and of certain public Offices."
The preamble also had something catching in it, but what was the
object of the Bill itfelf ?—To introduce an unconstitutional innova
tion; and to resume from the Crown, what had been solemnly grant
ed to his Majesty for life. To such a proposition he never would
content, notwithstanding what had been said of the resolution of the
6th of April, which declared the competency of the House to correct
and examine abuses in the expenditure of the Civil Lift revenues.
That resolution passed, as Gentlemen well knew, at an hour when
such was the temper of the House, that it would have been madness
to have opposed it.—lt did not follow therefore, that every Gentle
man approved of it. He never had, nor could lie think that (allow
ing that resolution all the refpt& due to an entry on the Journals,) it
followed of course, that the present Bill ought to be adopted. What,
would that House consent to degrade the Sovereign, diminish the
luftre of the Crown, and reduce his Majesty to a worse situation than
that of any private Gentleman in his kingdom ! Would they deprive
him of the management of his income, and put him into the situation
of a minor, by obliging him to submit to the tutelage of Parliament !
The Bill interfered with the privy purse, arid took away the inde
pendency of the Crown : To admit it to pass, would be to reduce his
Majesty to the condition of a mere titular Monarch; a King with
out power, a King but in name, like the King of Poland, or a So
vereign like the Doge of Venice, altogether dependent on others,
and fubje& to their 'capricious controul. Let Gentlemen confider,
that such a measure would essentially wound and injure the constitu
tion ; for each branch of the legislature, each of the three states,
ought to have its share of independency, and surely the firfl state,
that which was clothed with the supreme executive power, should
never be rendered less glorious, less independent, than the other
two. The real beauty and excellence of our constitution, so much
admired and envied, was its nice equipoise, that equal balance, which
gave it Lability, and at once secured the Crown in its legal rights,
and the people in their freedom and immunities. The present Bill
went dire&ly to move the balance and destroy the equipoise ; let the
House therefore, however much they might be convinced that some
of the branches were rotten, take care in their attempt to remove
the dead wood, that they did not destroy the trunk of the tree itfelf.
The Honourable Gentleman who had introduced the Bill, he did not
doubt, really believed the Bill would have the salutary effects, he
had dwelt on when he introduced it, with such a warmth and ear
nestness of commendation. Other men, and men of great wisdom,
had been equally deceived. Plato for instance, and he flattered him
felf he should not offend by comparing the Honourable Gentleman
to Plato. The Honourable Gentleman's proje& was as impractica
ble as Plato's Commonwealth. In describing its good effects, the
Honourable Gentleman had been describing the purity of his own
mind, and without knowing it, it was that which the Honourable
Gentleman wished to reduce into practice ; but the times were too
bad, and dissipation too general, to render his honed endeavours
fuccefsful. His Lordship observed, that there were thirteen pages in
the Bill, and seven and twenty clauses which related to the Civil
Establishment ; he appealed therefore to every Gentleman present,
whether it was likely, that so heterogeneous a mass of matter, how
ever plaufiblp in theory and speculation, could easily be carried into
execution. But this was not his only obje&ion to the bill ; the title
of it was not its true defefiption ; for the title said, that the monies
saved were to be applied to the public service, whereas there was not
one word in the Bill which ena&ed such an appropriation; on the
contrary, it was expressly ena&ed, that the balance of the Civil Lift
revenue should, after all savings, be laid out for an establishment for
the use of the Royal Family.
[Mr. Burke, Mr. T. Townshend, and other Gentlemen, called
out, No! No! No!]
His Lordship said, the fa& was certainly so, the clause in question
was the 27th, and was to be found in the 13th page of the printed
Bill, therefore he repeated it, the Bill did not apply the savings to
the use of the Public as it pretended. But after all, if the Bill palled,
did Gentlemen who had dwelt with so much energy on the petitions
presented last year, think that this Bill would fatisfy the Petitioners?
Undoubtedly it would not. Their obje&s went much farther. What
said the Associations.—Give us annual Parliaments, [corre&ed by
Mr. Townfhend] or triennial Parliaments ? Every man in the king
dom now fer up for a reformer, at least every man wished to be a le
gislator, and vote at elections; how expedient, how practicable,
how salutary such a matter would prove, the House might judge,
from what had happened lately at Coventry. He apologized to Mr.
Burke, and said he meant no reflexion on him, when he talked of
State Tinkers, but such were now to be found in almost every coun
try town; there were those, among the croud of modern reformers,
who not content with tinkering the British constitution, attempted'
to tinker that of Ireland, and would fain have new hammered it; for
his part, ne did not admire such worl men,' they might do nm:h rcT
chief, and injure that which he verily believed would not reec.vt any
benefit, from their labours.
Mr. Courtney said, he rose with the utmod diffidence, left he should
be deemed presumptuous in attempting to controvert principles, and
combat arguments specious and popular in themselves, upTrendered
highly so by that brilliant and captivating eloquence, which peculiar
ly diftin^uifhed the Hon. Gentleman [Mr. Burke] pn his moving for
leave to bring in the present Bill, and which must flill vibrate on the
ears of the House. No man entertained a higher refpe& for him than
he did. Ihe Hon Gentleman meritedit; for who was there gifted
with such superior talents who bore his faculties so meekly? Whole
candour and ingenuousness were more conspicuous ? Who, arranged
his matter with so much judgment, and who illumined it with so
much fancy ? It would argue want of taile in those who differed mod
from the Hon. Gentleman in the, fleeting politics of the day, not to
set a just estimation on his singular and shining abilities. Posterity
would do them juftige, and admire the man who had infufed a spirit
of Attic elegance into British oratory, and whose clallical compohtions
would be read with' delight by the scholar, the philosopher, and the
statesman!
Fully sensible of the difficulties and prejudices tinder which he la
'boured, yet he should intreat the patience of the House for a few
; minutes—conicious that he possessed .no powers capable of arresting
their attention, or indru&ing and entertaining them for hours, he
should always consult brevity as the higher mark of refpe& and gra
titude he could possibly pay, for their generous indulgence in conde
scending to lift.en to him.
The present Bill held out a very flattering and popular idea—eco
nomy—great savings to the public—-and a consequent diminution of
the dangerous influence of the Crown ; but the sum proposed to be
saved by the Hon. Gentleman himfelf was but trifling, considered as
a great national obje&; tohfequently.—a diminution of the influence
of the Crown must be the true and secret motive for this favourite
species of reformation,
• He remarked, that by the nature of our mixed government the dis
posal of all places of trust and profit are vested in the Crown;. this li
beral and constitutional prerogative, in the opinion of the ablefl and
mod impartial political writers, was productive of many salutary and
beneficial effe&s.-'.,
In the firfl place, it had an obvious tendency to sooth, and allay
those relief's and irritating passions, which the invidious power and
fplendour of monarchy were very apt to excite in some men of a cer
tain call and temperature, especially (if from some cau|e or other)
they had been chilled by remaining too long in the shade, deprived
of that genial and exhilarating warmth which court funfaine is usual
ly supposed to bestow..
Yet these perturbed spirits had their use; ever restless and uneasy
in themselves, they watched with jealous and aching eyes, every mo
tion of the date machine ;—often, indeed, they might obftrudf and
retard its motions, yet at other times, they prevented its defeending
too rapidly on the wheel of prerogative, and checked it by the drag
chain of opposition.
This diftin&ion and opposition of parties, Springing from the very
nature of our free confutation, derived their full force and complexi
on from the glorious revolution, when liberty was more firmly eftab,
lifhed, and prerogative more accurately defined. lie said, it was a
revolution principle, and he liked it the better for being so, especial
ly as to this very principle we were indebted for that constant gene
ration of patriots which ever, administration necessarily begets ;
they shine and twinkle awhile in their orbits (like other constella
tion) whilst they preserve their due distance from our political fun ;
but when they approach too neat, they become invisible, no longer
attra& the gaze of popular admiration, but are loft in the Majesty
of his beams.
The effe&s naturally resulting from the genius and nature of the
British confutation, as operating on the human paflions, are admira
bly and juflly described in the following passage by the celebrated
Baron Montesquieu :—" As those, who, with the greatest warmth
" oppose the executive power, dare not avow the felf-intereded mo
" tives of their opposition, so much the more do they inereafe the
" terrors of the people, who can never be certain whether they are
" in danger or not.
“ And as the executive power, by disposing of all employments,
" may give great hopes and no fears, every man who entertains any
“ favour from it, is ready to efoonfe its cause; while it is liable to
“ be attacked by those who have nothing to hope from it.
" A|l the passions being unrestrained, hatred, envy, jealpufy, and
" an ambitious desire of riches and honours, appear in their full ex
“ tent; were it otherwise, the State would be in the condition of a
“ man weakened by sickness, who is without passions, because he is
" without strength." For man, he said, muff be taken as he actual
ly exists in political society, with all his imperfections on his head : as
a mere ideal being,' he might be fafely left to be modelled and go
verned by the chimerical speculations of visionary philosophers and
unpra&ifed statesmen.
Mr. C. observed, That in pursuance of this system, impeachments,
condrueftive a&s of treason against the constitution, axes, blocks,
Tower-Hill, and such like substantial acts of justice, have been con
stantly exhibited in terr orem, with all the pomp of parliamentary
declamation; not with any sanguinary intention, but merely to shake
Minifter^ from their situation, and intimidate them into resignation :
This conciliatory oil of resignation being once thrown on the turbu
lent waves, of faction, they instantly subside, and all is peace ;—be
caufe the contention was for power; it was the contest of pride, of
ambition, of rival and difeordant passions, pursuing the fame object.
Neither the Ins or Outs entertained an idea prejudicial to the true in
tered of their country; and even the people seemed frequently con
vinced of this truth, by feeing the fame measures alternately adopted
by both parties ; and therefore often contemplated the virtuous strug
gle with calm and cool indifference. Self-intereft was seen lurking
under the flimfy veil of public spirit ; and, like the cob-web over the
poor-box, more strikingly marked the charity of the congregation.
O Liberty! 0 Virtue! 0 my Country! Tias been the incessant pa
thetic, but fallacious cry, of former oppositions; (the present, he
was sure, a&ed on purer motives) they wept over their bleeding
B country; yet the " Patriot eye, in a fine frenzy rolling," deigned
to cast a wifhful squint on riches and honours enjoyed by the Mini
ster and his venal supporters. If he were not apprehensive of hazar
ding a ludicrous allusion (which he knew was always improper on a
serious fubje&) he would compare their conduct to the sentimental
Alderman's in one of Hogarth's prints, who, when his daughter is
expiring, wears indeed a face of parental grief and solicitude; but
it is to secure her diamond ring, which he is drawing gently from her
finger.
To confirm this do&rine by fa&s, (continued be) who was ever
more calumniated, whose character was ever more traduced, who
was ever prosecuted with more bitter inve&ive, than the late Sir
Robert 'Walpole? that min^rflal Midas, who was said to have con
verted Lords and Commons into gold by his magic touch ; vet jus
tice has been since done to his memory and merit. His eulogiupa was
pronounced in the other House; and passed without a protest; he
was called an able, a wife and an experienced Minister, who thorough
ly understood the political and commercial interests of this country,
and invariably pursued them. This eulogium was pronounced by one
who knew him well; a mos tdifeerning Judge, the greatest States
man of the age, the late Earl of Chatham, whose venerable name
mankind will always associate with the grandeur, glory, and exten
sion of the British Empire.
Mr. C. then appealed to the present opposition, to prove that lit
tle danger can be apprehended from the influence of the Crown—as
long, he said, as so many gentlemen distinguished by great and ac
knowledged abilities, and commanding eloquence, of such popular
characters and connections retained their independence; without pla
. ces or pensions (except such as they hold for lifc)the country was fafe;
and he sincerely hoped we should never be deprived of such, or simi
lar instances, of virtue and integrity.,
He then begged seriously to afk^whethet there bad Iron any a
vpwed or indirect attempt on the rights and liberties of the fubjeCt,
to provoke this illiberal attack on the prerogative of the Crown. He
trusted that the fame ardent real, the fame heart-felt veneration for
our sacred rights, still glowed in the bread: of everv Englishman.
That virtuous veneration, which the names of our Hampdens, our
Sydneys, and our Ruffels ftiii inspire, fnotwithftanding some impo
tent attempts to tarnjfh the honour of their characters.l warranted
arid jufuheu .he assertion. ' A free Government; he said, must be
ever dear 'a an rr^ 'fmw ?,,;,;;cd, ar,? an enlightened ftr ; p. ft
alone furniihed a held for emulation, and objects that %:<?<] fc^h
the exertion of /Genius. 'lhe elevation of foul and fenr : mcr'''A
noble pride of independence, the ,various and charaderiilic'-mh/fr
the human mind, there alon&exfend and flourish, deriving theix ^fo
vid luftre from liberty. In despotic governments, where the whjto
power of the State was veiled in one mAh, the human mind is A
graded ; its native and original colours fade away, and are loft ir,:h e
fplendour of the Sovereign ;as tin nrimitive.and variegated rays of
light, on being blended together, display one dazzling glare ofwh ; te
—and no more exhibit a beauty—variety and diftinCtion of colours
. On such a fnbjeCl, be should be proud to own his enthufuafm, and
where could he indulge the impaffomed sentiment with fa-much' pro
priety as in a British House of Commons, amidol: the Remtf Natives
of that free, brave, and generous people, who have cherJh :d.afoark
of freedom for ages, and fed the,flame with their blood.—-firhens he
might be told, that the American war was a proof of the dApotic
defigns of Administration ; he denied it ; though he never was] n or
ever would be, an advocate for the justice, wisdom, or expediency
of the American war, yet he owned it was a popular one; —the asser
ting an unlimited sovereignty over America, was flattering to the
pride, (he would not fay iqfolence) of every Englishman ; it was a
Whig principle, maintained by Whig statesmen, and confirmed by.
repeated a&s of a Whig Parliament, But still he should riot defnair
(notwithstanding the wishes of. our enemies, and prophAier of our
friends,) that England and America would again be united, and be
come one great, flourifhing, arid happy people, enjoying the fame,
religion, rights, language and laws, and endeared to each other by
the fame generous and persevering spirit for liberty :—an equal and
impartial participation of freedom being tfe cement of true wisdom
and liberal policy to bind every part of the British Empire together
by the only lolid and permanent union—mutual interests and mutual
affe&ion. Ireland had lately exhibited a lingular proof bow well this
liberal policy had fucceeded—lreland, which was scarcely visible a
hove our horizon, added he, is now gradually afoendhur and this
luminary (since it has escaped a fatal and predicted* ectipfe, from the
perpetual shade of the Mutiny Bill) will soon attain its r-rooer alti
tude, and shine as a star of the fecoiid magnitude, adding beauty ar H
fplendour to the British firmament.
Mr. Courtney then alked—was this, a time for such ropolitions
to be offered ?—Was it by such an invidious and partial plan of ina
deqqate ceconomy, tha^Great Britain was to be saved at this hour of
danger'—The bonded Specific, he said was injudicially prescribed
without a thorough knowledge and acquaintance with the confutati
on, and would be wholly inehicacious—as inefficacious as the fpecifi;
adopted by the wisdom of the Roman Senate to flop the urogrefs of
a pehilence; where the. Praetor was ordered, with ridiculous folem
nity—pangere c&wn—to drive a nail into the wall of the Capitol.
And the people of Naples, at this day, when they are menaced with
an irruption of Mount Vesuvius, expose the blood of St. Januarius
to appease the rage of the nwuntain.—And fhould.we adept similar
and wretched expedients? Did we hope by driving 3 nail hrough this
or t'other board, or by Squeezing and exposing a few drocs of blood
from the Civil Lift, to check the pride and ambittomof the House of
Bourbon, diflolve the fcmily coropa&, and pumfh Dutch, perfidy and.
ingratitude.—•—Was this a time for introducing.retro.T. merit, when
we should rather call on the Board of Works to, enlarge qur septen
nial, triennial, or annual caravanfcra, (he.believed the (lelecafes had
not; yet determined which it should be) we should rather be provid
ing entertainment for man and h<>rfe) —for can we forget that a hun
dred Knights, armed cap a pee, arc soon to begin their march from
the renowned city of Yprk, tc,attack this, cur enchanted caffe of S'.
Stephen's (after having received a priestly benedi&ion from their
Pope,) a&uated by the generous refolution,of redoing that didreffed :
damsel, Britannia, from the ravishing gripe of thq noble Lord in
the blue ribbon, whose lust of power, unbridled infefrmeh and tyran
nic disposition, we have all so long, and so fatally experienced.! But
before we determine, let us seriously refle&, that innovations are
ticklish things;—by inconsiderably attempting to improve—we may
essentially injure the constitution. Mt Courtney .then said, that
on reading a very ingenious book, which threw great light on the
spirit,. manners, .and character cf our ancefors, in the book he al
luded to, (observations on the Statutes, chiefly the more ancient ones,)
there was an a& of the 35th of Ed. I. A. 1307, entitled “ Ne Rec
" ^or Arbores in Cemeterio, projiernet." But, as the rcafon of this
prohibitory Statute was not well underlined, several of the country
clergy carried away by the modern taste for improvement, chose to
lawn their church yards, and cut away the noxious yew trees; but af
ter the improvement was made, the wisdom of the a&, and the uti
lity of the trees were difeovered, —as several churches, especially the
. church of Gyflin, near Conway, in Wales, (for this spirit of improve
nient had travelled so far,) were materially injured, by being expo
sed to the form, deprived of all shelter and protection. Let us im
prove on the hinfo and not with rash and facriligious hands, prune
away the thick and sheltering foliage of prerogative, left we thereby
injure the Temple of Liberty;
[To BE CONTINUED.]
THOMAS INGLI S,
No. 47, on the Bay,
Has for Sale, on the moll reasonable Terms,
CHOICE old particular Madeira Wine in Pipes, Hogsheads
and Quarter Calks—High proof Jamaica Rum in Puncheons—
a few Calks of ditto, very old and fit for immediate ufe—Mufcova
do Sugar, Rose Butter, Soap, Tallow, Paints, Nails and Sail
Twine; also, a compleat Assortment of London Cordage—fix four--
pound Carriage Guns, bored from the solid, with Shot, &c. &c.
compleat. 1
JACOB VALK, begs leave to inform his friends and the
publick, that he has removed his office to No. 109, King
ftreet, where he carries on the COMMISSION BUSINESS
as formerly.t
~MARGARET BWNET T,
MANTUA-MAKER,
CmARRIES on her business, at the house in Water-street,.
_A No. 3, in the newest fafhion, and hopes to merit the fa
vour of all those please to favour her with thtir custom.-
ALL those indebted to the late copartnership of Osborn'
and Fagan, are-desired to make immediate payment to?
Brydens Allan, to whom said debts are assigned by the
surviving partner.J
r T' H K subscriber, as surviving Executor of the eitate of
J LMiles Brewton, Esq; deceased, requeds the favour of all
persons indebted to that estate, to difeharge their debts forthwith,,
in order to enable him to make remittances to the creditors thereof
in Great-Britainyand for the more focedily effe&ing the fame, he
gives notice, that several very valuable and improved PLANTA,
TIONS on both" sides the Savannah river, and near the town of
Savannah, (beirig part of the lands of said eftatc) are for sale, for
bills of Exchange, or otherwise, as may be agreed on.
f CHARLES PINCKNEY, fen:.
Who has several valuable LOTS of I^ANI), in excellent situations
for trade, in Charleftown, to let out on building leases; also, some
good Negro Tradesmen, to hire out by the month. And further :
requests those who are indebted to him on his own private account,
to pay off their debts.
Charlcffozvn, March ?rtb, Z7Bt.
HE subscriber has given up ins store in Elbott-ftreet, and
JL taken a large store, &c. on Greenwood's wharf, facing the
scale-house, where he will l>e'highly obliged to the pubhek in general
and his friends in particular, lor their custom in the lew articles he
deals in, viz. Sugar and coffee, rum, brandy, gm, wines, corks, all
forts of glass ware, Queen's ware plates, dhbes, tureens, bowls, Ke.
also all forts of' tin ware, and a neat affortniert ' earn, kettles; fife
kettles, stew anti Saucepans, fpeahing trumpets arl Hathorns, codfifi
and potatoes; He has very good accorhmodarion p r the flotage of
tobacco and country produce, arid will do the ututyl piftice to those
that will employ frm in the Ea'&erage Way. Bre^A, flour and por
ter very r^&tiible: jfa GEOKCI- 'X H.OMSON.