United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-02-20 00:00:00, page 2

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Rr & U. S. ORACLE.
NUMBER 1.
TO THE
Independent Electors of Ncw-Hampfoire.
T —tQatc
HE time is at hand when you will
be called upon to give your fuffrages
for a chief magiftrare. It is generally
understood that every exertion will be
made, I may fay is now making to pre
vent the re-election of our prefcat Gov
ernor.
As long as the fubjed of popular
elections is treated with candor and a
sacred regard to tfuth ; —as long as the
character and conduct of those in office,
and the pretentions of those who with
to be „/ are examined and impartially
weighed, the effect is salutary ; and the
public are indebted to those who insti
tute, and condud such an examination.
The evil lies in the manner of conduc
ing the cause before the tribunal of the
- public. The falfe witness and the
wicked advocate, are equally an abom-
W&hation, when they appear in this august
court, as in a court of ordinary jurifi 1
dieion. It is to be lamented that their
falfehood and deceitful practices are not
so easily detected and exposed in the
former, as in the latter.#
Those who are actuated by fetter
motives, who are more desirous of pro
moting their own private views, than
the good of the public, unfortunately
have an advantage in this warfare.—-
They are not reftrifted as to the wea
pons they may use. They can even
make use of truth, when it will best
serve their turn : as to calumny and
detraction, they are ikilful in the man
ufacture, and indefatigable in the appli
cation of them. Merit, uprightness,
integrity, and virtue afford no protec
tion to the unfortunate possessor. They
are indeed the very things which excite
•ppotition, and stir up hostility.
It is eafity seen that the people, if left
tb the freedom of their own choice, will
cherish with their favor; and reward
with their confidence, those who deserve
it. These claims on public esteem mUft
be removed ; and for that end, fufpi
,cions, jealousies, and insinuations whis
pered about : and if these will not do,
direct and palpable falsehoods put into
circulation, to blast the Character and
make it the objed of popular odium.
According to the theory of our govern
ment, the best men will be ele&ed to
office : the people have fufficient dis
cernment to know the good from the
bad :—to choose the one and refufe the
other. But if the source is poisoned,
the streams must be corrupt. If the
ttorft men are permitted to choose for
pthe whole, or to influence the election
✓ beyond the number of their fuffrages,
"in no possible form of government is
the chance of obtaining upright and in
dependent magistrates, so small as in
ours. Let us then, fellow-citizens, ap
ply the only possible remedy to correct
the evil. Let every good man, every
independent elector confider, that he
has an interest in the choice :—that by
inattention and negligence he either ex
poses himfelf to be milled by the arts
of others, or leaves tire election in the
worst hands. Though we fuffer our
selves to remain indifferent fpe&ators,
the election will Hill go on, and the rel
iefs and busy spirits, who have an inter
est in confufion and every evil work,
will choose for us. But will they choose
fucha man as you can approve ? It is
alcribing too much to wisdom and vir
tue, to luppofe that wife and good men
will be the objects of their choice ; as
well may we exped sweet waters from
a bitter fountain, and good fruit from
="a corrupt tree. We are restrained from
the use of unlawful weapons—we must
not even return railing for railing. We
can only Oft the weapons of ftrid truth,
and sober reason. Let us not then be
sparing of these. It would be a reflec
tion on the good sense and patriotism
of our fellow-citizen,, to suppose that a
large majority are not sincerely desirous
of ,Cling right. Under this persuasion
I have ventured to address you, as one
embarked with you in the fame cause. ]
The writer asks your ferrous attention
to him, so far, and no farther than he
shall appear to deserve it. If he praises
the undeferring, confider him as your
enemy, and a deceiver. If he calum
niates good men, confider him no less
your foe than he is theirs. If he brings
to your view fads, examine for your
selves. If he offers reasons in fnppbrt,
of his opinions, fuffer them to influence
your conduct so far as your own judg
ments approve, and he will be abun
dantly repaid the trouble he has taken.
He is a candidate for no office either
in your gift, or in that of the person you
m (hall cleft ; and he is not confeious to
himfelf that he feels the smallest per
sonal animosity agajnft any of the can
didates for your favor. If he was so
confeious, he would desist, and leave
- the ungrateful talk to others who might
bring with them minds entirely free
from personal bias, ^ N ^
It is generally understood who are
Lfythe candidates at the eufuing election.
. Till the year before last, our prefect
Governor has been without a rival. I
would not infer from this, that he is the I
only man in the Rate fit for the office. |
*^£^^=r^=^
Political.
I believe this is as tar from his Opinion,
as it is from yours or mine. Pride, van
ity and felf-conceit are not among, the
ingredients that compose his character.
The unanimity displayed in his repeated
elections—the fatisfaCtion manifefted in
every part of the state with his official
conduct, in pretty troublesome times,
and amid the agitations of party spirit,
must have afforded him the highest
gratification. I think I may venture
to fay that the approbation of successive
Legislatures, and of the people no less
free and enlightened than their repre
sentatives, was the most precious reward
he did receive, or which cow'd be bellow-I
cd upon him.
At the election before the last, it was
found convenient to interrupt this har
mony by the introduction of a new can
didate for the chair. lam bound to
suppose that the Gentleman alluded to,
was as much furprized at the measure,
as the good Citizens were: He must
have viewed it as a mere electioneering
manoeuvre, calculated to mortify the
Governor, by (hewing him that of the
votes he had annually received ; a part,
at lead, might, by the arts usually prac
tifed on such occasions, be turned into
any channel. But the authors of this
plan were in earnest — not to make him
governor : nothing was further from
their thoughts, and forhe of them were
at nopains to conceal it—but to use him
as a tool to build upa party, and when
the party was strong enough, to use him
as demagogues always do the ladder,
by which they climb to power, kick it
away, as a thing for' which they have
no further use.—The great argument
then urged for the measure, Was the
propriety, and indispensable necessity bf
having the chief Magistrate live in the
^centre of the state. This argument,
which coming from Portsmouth, had
every appearance of disinterestedness oh
the part of those that urged it, having
already aUfwered all the purposes in
tended by it, is now laid aside as of no
weight.
The perlons who brought forward
the new candidate for the chair, had
address enough to fatisfy him that the,
were in earned to place him there, and
to sooth him for the difappoihtmerit
which followed. Not being quite pre
pared to introduce their real hero on the
Rage, till he had pradifed a little more
behind the scenes, they were obliged to
ad the fame farce a second time. It
Was not quite so welrfreceived by the
public as before, though it must be own
ed that fufficient pains were taken by
the managers to prepare the public taste
for the entertainment ; and that the
several adore performed their parts to
admiration-
It was apprehended that po final!
difficulty would occur in fettling the
plan of the next campaign, as they were
incumbered with two candidates, (one
too many for one party at the fame
time) both in earnest, and equally zeal
ous to turn out the in and take his place."
But the more knowing ones fa,w. that
this difficulty might be furmounted.-=
They knew, if they could get the ruling
passion on their fide, all would be quiet.
According to the falhion of the day, a
change of chief magistrate is attended
with an entire change of the subordinate
officers. The Treasurer's office was
probably defined to sooth disappointed
ambition. There are men so formed
by nature, or twitted by education and
habit, 'that money will heal all mental
wounds, even those of pride and ambi
tion. At firft view this may seem im
probable, the office being filled by one
of the mod amiable and refpeaable men
among us ; one who has the entire con
fidence Os every body ; one who is
" bonfl capable, and faithful to the Confix
tution." But can it be imagined that
these questions will be asked here, when
they are not yet asked refpeding candi
dates for more exalted Rations ? though
we are told that Sometime hence, when
the orthodox fed have had a little time
to acquire them, or at least the appear
ance of them, hohefty, capacity, and love
of the constitution may be cohfidered as
among the qualifications of condidates
for office. 1
I would not be understood in any
thing I have said to make any corripar
j ifon betweeu the new and old demo
cratic candidates or to insinuate any
thing to the disadvantage of the former.
He is known to the Public. By the Pub
lic opinion let him stand or fall. I feel,
confident that he has abundantly more
cause to complain of his friends than
of his enemies. I mean the Persons he
may denominate fuch> Nor is te my
intention to compare together the can
didates at the approaching ele&ion.
Every Elector may do this for himfelf.
I shall endeavor to state their preten
sions ; it will remain with you to de
cide. I (hall avoid touching on any
thing, as it refpe&s either of them,
which has no immediate relation to the
office, and the question before us. I
may have prejudices,but I shall use my
best endeavors that they neither draw
me from the line of truth nor ftrid im
partiality. If I err it will be an error
of the judgment, not of the heart. 1
The Gentleman held up to view
by our frends at Portsmouth is not I
admit to be rejeded merely because he
is supported by that towm These gen
try have been, and may yet be a little
too assuming in dictating to their breth-
I ten of the country. The inhabitants
lorI or the capital, who, ate generally in r
cantile men somewhat acquainted with
the world, are too apt to look upon their
country Brethren, as of a lower order ;
and cannot help difeovering furprize,
when the latter pretend to the privilege
of perfect equality—to think and ad
for themselves. Perhaps Ido them in
.juftice,—perhaps their zeal '(and it is
"attended with considerable expence, to
fend runners thro' the State, and occa
- fiorially to traverse the country them
selves) is to be ascribed wholly to their
benevolence: that their sole intentions
lareI are to enlighten their ignorant brethren
I of the country, not to influence their
votes.
Mr. Lt-living in that town, if it be
ho reason why he ihould not be chofcn,
certainly is no reason why he Ihould,
notwithstanding the great pains his
friends may take to procure his election. I
It is natural to presume that those '
/friends will at lead bring forward every
Argument their ingenuity can suggest
in his favor : that they will place his
pretentions in the most favorable light.
It shall be my business to examine them.
——" His early and steady patriot
^ ism, and adhereoa: to the cause of his
*' country, id her draggle with Great
" Britain, and his facrifices and fuffer
«mgs in consequence of his patriotism."
It would be uncandid in me to deny
that this is meritorious. Having a small
claim of the fame kind rtiyfelf, I would
not willingly depreciate the commodi
ty. But is Mr, Langdon's claim of the
cxclufive kind ? Is there no other man
in the State who hqs pretentions of the
fame nature ?
There was a fe& which sprung up in
France, feme time ago, with one
Robespierre at their head, who claimed
the title of excityroe patriots. But it so
happened that they were mistaken, in
engrossing the whole stock of patriotism
to themselves. There were a few great
er patriots ftill,who, out of pure love of
country conduced them to the Guillo
tine ; and I cannot learn that the French
tyre to this day regretted it.
But to return's Mr. L's claim fuperk
Or to that of Others ^ If it is, let it be
passed to his credit. But let us not, I
frpeak out of regard for Mr. L. too has
tily admit the claim without examina
tion and without inquiry. Let us have
the particulars, and fee whether a great
deal of it is not Iffumption, the effea
of his own vanity, or the indifereet
praTe of his friends. A little praise hon-.
eftly earned and sincerely bellowed is
Worth more than a great deal of the
disputable kind.
Mr. L. will not pretend that he pre
pared the public mind for the revolu
tion, by his conversation or writings.
He made no faerie of a lucrative
employment under the crown, as fame
r of our citizens did.—Mr. L. was a sin
gle man—of moderate property as well
? as moderate talents, and if possible
of still more moderate mental acquire
ments. I insinuate nothing against
,his character. I believe it Rood fair.
But certainly his merit confided chief
ly, if not entirely, in adopting the popu
lar opinion of the day ready formed to
his hand by others, among whom the
late Governor Bartlet deserves to be
honorably mentioned. Mr. L. did
what he could, find God forbid that I
should depreciate his services. We read
that the widows mite was graciously re
ceived. But tlie debt of Patriotism,
like every other debts, may be cancelled
by payment. If there is one man in
the state who has been better rewarded
for his services than Mr. L. let him be
named. There are men whose lives
were hazarded in the high places of the
field. Men who have diminished their
health and have not added to their es
tates by the revolution. There are a
mong us the children of Patriots who
died for their country.—Mr. L. yet
lives and enjoys vety good health. In
deed I have never heard that either
were much exposed during the war.—
He certainly never was so near a battle
as fir Roger De Coverley's relation who
only left camp the day before, and who
might have been kill'd if he had not
gone away.
Perhaps it will be said thgt Mr. L's
services were in the civil department.
But arf there not many whose claims
are no less refpedaMe even here than
Mr. L's ? It would be invidious to
mention names for I ffiould omit many
. —But was not our worthy Governor
I from the beginning to the end of the re-.
^ volutionary struggle zealously devoted
to the public service.
But what were Mr. L's facrifices or
rather what have been his rewards ?
It is a fa& well known that Mr. L.
at the commencement of the war, was
poiTeffed of a moderate estate. I feel
confident that I do not lessen it when
I fay, that it was below a twentieth of
his present fortune, which is ample ;
and it will not be denied that his Rile
of living has been splendid and expen
five. I think too, that lam in no
hazard of contradiction when I fay that
he has done little, I believed no business
since the war—How then was his for
tune acquired ? It is impossible for me
to fay that Mr. L. would not have
, been equally rich if we had remained
colonies of Great Britain to this day :
but Ido not believe he would. I be-'
lieve this fortune grew out of the revo
lution and out of his Patriotism—He
was early appointedCommercialAgent,
pbfchatng agent, naval agent, &c. &c.[
&c. for the public : and every body |
knows that the Trade of Commercial I
agent was not only less exposed °
to danger but that it was a more thriv
^V«de than that of a foldier,—
Mt. L. is not the only one who hal
made a fortune out of it. I believe
these was no instance where a fortune
was not made. And there are at this
da, some of the greatefty^r/a% in the
United States (which proves that it
was an honest trade) which sprung
from this source. It Is not necessary
for me to contend that Mr. L. defraud
ed the public in this office. I make no
such suggestion. If his corifeience ac
quits I will not condemn. But Ihame
on the man who under such circum-
Rances can complain of Joffes and facri
fices by the revolution ! would to God
'that all our revolutionary virtue had
been as well rewarded as Mr. L's.
After the war, when those who had
fought our battles, retired to their
farms (those who had any) with their
paper depreciated seventy or eighty
per cent, Mr. L. returned to his palace,
or to build him one, and witli money
enough to buy that very paper, if he
chose it.
The contest between Mr. L. and
another gentleman for the chair, is
frefh in the mind of every body. With- ,
out impeaching the conduct of the
Fmtleman referred to, there is not,
apprehend, a candid man in the state
who will not acknowledge that we
were the fufferers by their squabbles
for power. Each candidate was in du
ty bound to court and reward his
Partisans, and he was singularly unfor
tunate at that day, who, in the succes
sive revolutions which the office of
President underwent, did not obtain
from his Patron some office to reward
his merit and quicken his zeal.
Let Mr. L's friends mention inftan
tes of his independence while he sus
tained *e office of Preudent—Let
them fpcak of his services in the con
vention for forming the present consti
tution. Let them point out the article
or clause originally proposed, modified
or defended by him. Let them tell us
of his services in the Rate convention
called to confider and ratify it :—the
opposition subdued by his arguments
—the dark passages illuminated by his
information, and the clauses explained
and defended by his wisdom and elo
quence. Without meaning to depre
ciate his services in either of these bo
dies. I may venture to fay that the
money he received from the state Trea
liiry was an adequate reward.
LUCIUS.
I —— —=t—Bß^C===—=±
No. 11.
TO THE
Independent Elector: of Ne^-HampJhire.
; —0— *
WEcome now to the period when
proceedings were commenced
undtr the new constitution. Mr. L.
was then a gentleman of independent
fortune, and no business, of good man
ners and pleating exterior. For these,
or better causes, he was chosen one of
the Senators to represent this State in
the Senate of the United States. Os
his conduct while a member of that bo
dy, it is to be regretted that we have
no better means of information. A ma
jority of the Senate for several years re
fufed access th the citizens to hear their
debates; they even refufed to permit
the representatives of the people to at
tend. It is well known that the jour
nals are extremely defective, as to al
most every thing we ought to know.
Suffering an account of the measures
and deliberations of that body to be
published in the newfpgpers is perhaps
the best means of diftufing general in
formation (especially among our citi
zens who live at a great distance from
the feat of Government) concerning the
principles, motives, and conduct of in
dividual members.. This was refufed.
And Mr. L. the republican Mr. L. a
gainst the exptefs request of the repre
sentatives of the people'here, voted with
the majority, till opposition at lall be
came unavailing.
But from the materials we do pnffefs,
'I flatter myfelf it will not bedifficult to
shew that his claim to the highest place
in your confidence, a right indeed to
your confidence exclusively, is altogether
unfounded. _ ' ±
It is well known that in the fiift Con
grefs,provifion was made for the public
debt. It was just and proper th„f&me
provision fhonld be made, for fatisfying
the public creditors : But ft that time,
many with us thought, and Mr. L's.
southern friends Rill think thatrnore was
done lor the then holders of the debt, who
were mostly speculators, than justice or
good faith required: yet it will be found,
on infpe&ing the journals, that Mr. L.
voted for the best terms that could be
obtained for those perfons;—and indeed
for terms that a majority would not
agree to offer. On tnis fubjed he was
opposed throughout by his colleague.
Andhere let it be remembered that Mr.
L. was at that fime deeply interested in
the question. Ido not fay that his in
terest influenced his vote; but I believe
there are few men, except Mr. L. who
do not in some final! degree feel the
force of this fame influence. How can
Mr. L. bear to hear his southern friends
declaring and publishing to the world;
that the funding fydem originated in
!Corruption, and was enacted by men
I deeply interfiled in the quellion, and'
I who thereby put large sums into their
'own pockets—But, my Fellow Citi
zens, there is another part of this busi
ness in which I think Mr. L. will find
it still more difficult to obtain your ap
probation of his condud ; I allude t@
the assumption of the State debts. It is.
well known, that Massachusetts, Con
nedicut and South Carolina Were ex
ftiemely anxious to be relieved from the
pressure of the debts incurred by the
war, and Rill remaining upon them.
It was found convenient to conned
the assumption with the funding system,
and to tack on to both the bill for estab
lishing the permanent and temporary
residence of Congress. It was known,
that Mr. L. was in fovor of the funding g
system. The measure dragged heavily; -
it is said southern gentlemen were in- ' z
duced to lend their votes to this bill, &
which they did not like, to be repaid, in 4
votes for the permanent residence bill,
which was not much liked in this quar
ter. Mr. L. was one that swallowed
the whole.
I state with Confidence that the in
tereftsof this State were abandoned and
facrificed by the assumption; but I
would not have my fellow citizens take
this on trust from my declarations
, merely. I will state the grounds of m,
opinion. If lam wrong in my fafts,
or erroneous in my conclusions, I fhali
rejoice to be set right. Let every elec
tor judge for himfelf.
It was known at that time, and ac
knowledged by the other States that
our services, and our exertions in the
war were among the firft. Were our
own citizens and those feleded to watch
over our interests ignorant of the fad ?
or were they ready to admit that wehad
done the least, towards acquiring our in
dependence of' any Rate in the union ?
,We were not indeed at that timefo hea
vily prefled with Rate debt as some oth
ers ; because we had made the most un
exampled efforts to diminish and dis
charge it ; and had taxed our good
citizens as deeply as they could bear.
Indeed I ascribe it to their patriotism,
that they bore a burthen (which in
another state produced a revolution)
without murmuring, I may even fay
with cheerfulnels.
Twenty-one millions five hundred
thousand dollars of the State debts were
arfumed t our proportion of this sum
was upwards of 840,000 dollars. But
the proportion assigned to us in the bill
was only 300,000. That is we were
exonerated from a burthen 06 300,000
dollars and saddled with 840,000, and
this is precisely what we gained by the
affiimptity. The State of New-York
was then known to be a debtor state ;
it .was known that she owed but little
to her creditors ; (he had done less in
the war than others, and the gained an
immense portion of uncultivated terri
tory ; while we gained tone, by the ef
tabiifhment of our independence. From
her one million two hundred thousand
dollars were affirmed and for the great
er part of that very sum is she now re<
ceiving from the public, and we are pay
ing, the annual interest. If our just and
equal proportion had been a/fumed, we
upon the fame prmciples would have
been now in the receipt of twenty-seven
thousand dollars, annually from the
United States eßimating the interest at
5 per cent, that is, a sum more than ad
equate to xhe honorable support of our
government,and which would have ren
dered all taxation on the part of the
state unnecessary, as it is in New-Yerk.
Our Citizens would not then have been
leaving us and joining them.
New-Hampshire in proportion to her
numbers, had the smallest sum assumed
of any state in the union. This could
be justified only on the supposition that
our's was the most delinquent state. Are
you willing my fellow citizens to admit
that such was the fad? Though the ulti
mate settlement was unfavorable to us,
inasmuch as cur vouchers were deficient,
yet even that proves us a creditor state.
Where was the Patriotism of Mr. L.
on that memorable oecafion ? Why
did not he oppose the hffiunptioQ alto
gether ? Or why not move that justice
might be done to that portion of the
people who had committed their inter
ests to his care ? Was he ^ke the god
Baal on another oecafion, “ talking"
about something else, “ or pursuing"
some other objects, " or on a journey,"
or peradventure he “ slept," and his
colleague or somebody else ought to
have awaked him. I beg pardon for
the comparison. I know tout compari
sons are always unpleaftint. Qur other
Senator oppnfed this measure through
out. The Senate were nearly equally
divided, and I believe Mr. L's vote
would have prevented the measure, or
procured for us justice.
Did Mr. L. think of us, what his
friend Mr. Mason, of Virginia, has in
effed lately said of Delaware : that it
was a little infignificant Rate,not worth
regarding, line did think so, he ma,
be a friend to the funding system, but
he was not in this a friend to the inter--
efts of his own state. If be could not
make these calculations he is unfit to be
our Governor; if he could and did net
he was grossly negligent or teething
, worse. It has not been nay desire to
open wounds which I had h oped might
remain forever defed. % Pith at least
as much fincerhy as Mr. J^ffWor, I