United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-10-08 00:00:00, page 1

Here I ask leave to call your recollection to the
course of conduct which has been adopted by our
democratic republicans for a number of years. They
have accused the federal republicans of being mo
narchists ; they have publiflud in newfpapets, in
conversation and in debate, a host of charges very
nearly, if not exactly, like these now mentioned,
and all the others contained in the address of the re
publican Committee ; and every repetition would
come out, like a new edition of a book not Cor.
refled, but always enlarged, according to circum
stances, not in fubflance, but widfome artful embelL
i/hmeut. —These charges, both as to facts and deduct
ions, as the different Cases aright require, have been
met and refuted in the most ample manner ; still,
alter ? little lapse of time, indulging a hope, that
the refutation was mislaid and forgotten, a new ed
ition of charges Would appear ; and that io often as
to difeourage contradiaion —the federalifts believ
ing that it could not be nectary to repeat refuta
tions to falfe charges, always,fubftantially the fame,
fol attended by no proof. There seemed to be an
Weihn to create proof of the firft charge, by the
jrequency of repetition ; especially if the contradiction
celled to be as vehement and as often repeated as
the charge. " Aby. do not the federalifts contra
dia it, 11 it is not true ?" was the constant resort of
the dem rcratic republicans, when questioned, as to
the truth of their accusations. And if the charges
sere Ipetific against any man or men, " why do
they not come forward and contradi& ?" was the
qtitdion, with an assertion that they c< rtainlv would,
it the charges were not tide. There is a certain
honest pride in the c;tnlcioulnefs of reaitude, which
difdams even to Contracid certain charges, This
is frequent y the case with men in public life ; and
Specially with relped to charges of political errors
This honed pride pro ebly has been indulged by
the federalists to an unjtifbfiable degree. Living in
the mieft of th^fe with whom they had been
brought u, from infancy, and who tlefled them
into.office, they have thought it impoflible that
sncnymous charges without,a shadow of proof
Should gain even a momentary influence; but their
silence has been confirmed into an acknowledgment,
of guilt ; And it has at leafr, become excusable for
the federalists to come, forward and plead not guil
ty. —1 hope you will not think it arrogant in me to
take the liberty given to all accused perlons, of
pleading not guilty, which I now do to the accusa
tions of the republican, Committee; and I cheer
fully put myfelfon my country for trial.
Although this addrtfs is converfaut about weigh
ty and important matters, no less than,a total change
of the most permanent branch of our Legiflarure,
which no person will fay should be done for flight
causes ; yet it comes to us without any name, to be
answerable for the truth of its statements, propriety
of its recommendations.'
But it may be said, that the candid mind, in its
search aftertruth, will pay less attention to form
than to substance ; and will examine with more so
licitude the maim rocommended, than the charaflo
of the recommender. This position lam not dis
posed to controvert ; and as myintention is to dii
cufs tbeyi&tf of the address, all matters of form
shall be waved for the present, and the substance
tiken into immediate consideration. —After ,a dis-
I;ffion of the main proportion, in which, ofcourfe,
notice will be taken of the proofs, arguments, and
^fations of the Committee in favor of it, I pro
polt to make some remarks in anlwer to the follow
ing questions, viz.
It is impoffiblt,that all the Freemen should know
all the perfonsid this Republican nomination ;
and yet no one is pledged, in the smallest degree,
tin whey are either honest, or capable, or even that
tlw&'/c Republicans.
rar. Levi Ives jun. may be, and for aught I
know, is an honest and reputable young, man ; but
the nature of bis office as Clerk, makes him respon
sible only for the corrednefs of his alteration, and
npt, in the least, for the matter or manner of the
address..
IN the course of a few days, you will be called
upon to exercise the important right of Election;
a part of which will consist in feeding twenty per
sons, from whom, at the next election, must Le
chosen one branch ofour State Legislature.
•:To induce ydu to make a total change in cur
upper Hufe, a new nomination, called the Repub
lican nomination for Council lias lately been printed,
and circulated in all parts of the State, attended by
an addreis, levied the Republican add?eft to the Free
men of Connefi it at.
Both the nomination and address appear to have
emanated from some persons, who call themfclvts
The GENERAL COMMITTEE OF THE REFUBL.-
cans of Connecticut ; who, it seems, ordered
Levi Ives, jun. to sign the address, as their Cleik.
The substance ofthe address may be reduced to
one general proportion, viz. The Federahfs, efpeci,
ally the leaden, are friends to monarchy, enemies to rt
,ublicanifm, to liberty and to the Confitution of the C
nited States. Hence it seems, the Committee draw
the follow ing couclufion, though they do not di
rectly fay it< The members of the upper House are Fed
ralifts,therefore the, oug ht to be omitted in the next choice,
and our Republican nomination placed in thierjiead. Let
the address be attentively perused, and the above
will, I think, be acknowledged a fair statement to
its substance,"
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE TWENTY-SEVENTH YEAR,
WitetiLatest
Portsmouth
PORTSMOUTH, N. H. Printed and Published every
To/. XIQ SATURDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1803.
Os ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LSAD TO POLITICAL?
prosperity, RELIGION & MORALITY are indispensable>
supports. WASHINGTON'S Legacy.\
Mr. Tracy's Address to
The Freemen of Connecticut.
1. Who are the Committee, by whom, and by
whose authority appointed ; and what is the real ob
je& of their addrefi ?
2. Is the address a fair, candid, and dispassionate
appeal to the goouferbe of the Freemen, or what
is it, and what influence ought it to have on our
luffrages?' #
The Committee seem to be fully aware, that
assertion alone a ill not be accepted by you, as proof
of their main proposition, tbar the Fed rlifls efm tally
their leaders, atefriends to monarchy, enemies to repub
licanism, liberty and the Con/iitutiou of the United
States ; they therefore, after feme preliminary re
marks, begin with their proois in page 3d.
They hy, " No fopner wasthat war fini^ed,
which fevered these American States from the Bri
rifh empire, than ambition marked ^tm for her
own, and commenced her secret machinations. We
will pals in silence the few years that preceded the
birth of our present constitution, breaufe curing
that period, the operations of faction were unor
ganized and defultoiy; but no footer was a con
vention of the States proofed, in order to revise the
federal compact, than they became both fyfiematic
and a^ive. You need not be told fellow citizens,
that at this pet iod, and for the avowed purpose of influ
encing lie ariiboations of the popjtd convention, Mr.
Adams cur late President, wrote three volumes oh
the lubjea of government, .he whole fope and objeU
of which was to ptove that a government conflicted
preci/el, on the principles of that of Gieat Britain, and
no other, is perfectly adapted to the happinels and
protection of men in all countries, and in all Rages
of society—and as far as those who were to form a
government for us, fliould deviate from the true prin
ciples of the Britfh government, so far would they de
viate Hrom wisdom and from n?ture." And in
page f^ they fay, “ Mr. Adam's books were pubs,
lifted for the expels purpose that has been stated" (in
the third page as quoted above) and were read by
the leading men of both parties." A
Mr. Adams went to Europe, on public bufinefa,
early in the year 1,85 —he had leave from Con.
grefs to return at any time, after the 24th Februa
ry 1788; the particular time of his return is not
important, as it is cet&in he did not return, till as,
ter the 24th February, 1788. " A convention of
the States" to revile the federal L compact was p?%
posed by Congtefs on the gift February, 1787 The
Convention met on the lecond Munday of May,
and made report on the 17th of September 1787.
Mr. Adams' three volumes on government were
written at different times,, and while he was in
Europe, in letters addrefled to William Stephens
Smith, Efe,a young American then in Europe with
Mr. Adams; the firft volume commences by a let
ter dated October 4th, 1786, and ends with one
dated on the lift of December 1786, and was
publiflied in England some time in-the beginning
of the year 1787. The firft letterin the 2d vol
ume is dated April 19th ly^and die firft letter in
the 3d volume, October 4 b, 1787, and the last
December i6th, 1787. It will be fetn by the
dates, that neither of the two last volumes,
which I think were published together, could be
written or published, either at the period the conven
tion was proposed, or with any view to influence
their deliberations ; Therefore, as 'to the present
inquiry they may be laid aside.
It will be seen by the dates too, that the firft vol
ume was not written, at the period of propoling,
and could not be intended to influence the conven
tion ; as it was finiflied and probably published
before the proposal for a convention was made by
certain, gentlemen, who met at Annapolis, in the
uium:l preceding the resolution of C< ngrefs, au
thorifmg it; yet this will make no difference, as
the dates will fliow that Mr. Adams could not
know even of this popofal when he wrote his firft
volume. ' +;;
But if the committee have mistaken the period
when be wrote ; yet Mr. Adams has avowed the
purpole of his writing to be that of influencing the
deliberation, of the Convention, and if his books
were published for that express purpose, as the Com
mittee aflert ; their proof will not be much affected
by a mistake about the rime of writing.
For Mr Adams's "avowed and exprtfs purpose,"
we must refortte his twoks. You will there find,
that the avowed and expreJs purpole of the writer was
to defend the conftitutjons of the State governments
against an attack of M. Turgot contained in
his letter to Dodor Price, dated the 22d day of
March, 1788; in which M. Turgot finds fault
with the two branches or bodies in our Slate gov
ernments, and attempts to (how that a single rep
relentative body, without any check or balance,
would be preferable. In the title page and in his
preface to the firft volume, Mr, Adams txprefsly
declares his purpose as above, and,adds, that aS "he
had been personally acquainted with moftof the
gentlemen in each, of the States who had the prin
cipal (bare in the firft draughts (of their State Con
stitutions) the letters were really written, to lav be
fore the gentleman to whom they were addrefl'cd
(Mr. Smith) a specimen of that kind of reading and
rcafoning which produced the American cbnffitu
tious " and intone of the Jaft letters ofthe firft vol
ume, at which time, if ever, Mr. Adams mult have
known of the proposed Convention, he treats of
the American Congress exuref^y, and fays, the
people of America, and their delegates were jufti
liable in confiding their federal concerns toa tingle
aflembly, becauft they u erca diplomatic aflcmbly;
and that a tingle council has beeg founchto anlw&r
the purposes of confederacies very well, hecaufe th
,^^ W^^akr fffira
government.'
Ir is inconceivable that be, when treating
exprefsiy of the federal government, Ihould not
fay Something of the proposed Convention, if he
knew of it, especially if he meant to intinnee their
deliberations. Thus you fee, that upon leeching
the work itfelf, we find net only negative proof,
that he did not avow the purpoles, which the Com
mittee attribute to him; but poftive proof, that he
tkver could avow fitch a purpose, necaufe i t was
impoffioic he could entertain such a one, even in
thought. ,'
But there is another fad dated in the pafige be
fore quoted ; that Mr. Adams recommends t? the
Convention to adopt a government for the United
States, " precisely on the principles of that of Great
Britain, and no other." I conclude that by the word
principles here, arc meant the principles of heredita
ry monarchy. If it isdefigned to fliow, that in point
of form only, Mr. Adams' plan of government is
like that of Groat-Brita n, why make ule of the
word principles ? and I in confirmed in this uu
derftanding of their meaning, when they heremake
ule of the word principles, by an exprelhob further
; on in page 3d.where they fay “ Adams's hrredua.
ry k |n g and nobles."
To dicertain the corre&nefs of r his afr riion, we
may resort to aU three of the KoltVos. If hey are
perused with ever so critical an eye, 0 fuch.,princi
ples can be found in them. The book re iitthe
hands of many gentlemen in tins Suu ; and you can
refart to them and examine for yourkives. I fhdi
be gratified, if any event shall call a general atten.
tion to them ; as they contain, beyond a d u t, the
best defence f true elective republican 'principles;
that there is extant; In ordinary cases, the cause of
truth would require no more; as the committee
have only made a general assertion, it would red with
them to came forward and prove it: But for the
fake of more complete fatisfadtion to your minds,
I will make a few quotations.
Vol. I, page 178 ' 'From whence do grvetnments
originally spring ? From the weakness of men, and the
consequent necefit, to officiates and he who excels in
Length and courage, gains the command over the refl;
as among inferior animals who ar, not influenced by opin
ion, the sh ongeft are b, common coifnt allowed to be mas
ters. This is monarchy." You will please to bear in
mind this definition of monarchy." In page 03 and
6, he compares the Englifli and American govern
ments ; (hefe are his words: " We ( mericaso)
fall have reason to EXULT, if we make our compari
son with England and the English confiitution. Our peo
ple are undoubtedly faeretgn—all landed and oths? pro
perty, is in the hands of the citizens —not only their rep
resentatives, but their Senator s, and Governor s, are annu
ally chosen —tho/e are no hereditary titles, honors, offices,
or diftinflions; the legislative, executive ard judicial
powers are carefully fenuratrd from each other—the pow
ers of the one, the few, and the many a^e nicely balanc
ed in their legflatur e:-—trials by jury are prefer ved in all
their glory, and there t no standing army—the habeas cor
pus is in full force—the prefs n the mos free-tn the ww Id;
and where all these circumfanees take place, it is un
necessary to add, that the laws alone can govcrn."Page-7%(
speaking of Americans he fays, " They have not
made their firft magifrates hereditary nor their Sen
ators, here they differ from the Engfjh conflitution and
with great propriety. It you will read the books,
these principles you will find, perpetually occur,
and yet these are books which the Committee bring
in proof against Mr. Adams; that he was in 1787 h
monafchift. —Is not his definition of monarchy
just quoted, a correct tit fioition • and are his prin
ciplesjuf iquoted, those of a man fond of monarchy,
of hereditary kingsand nobtes, brmf one fond of Re
publicanism ? Judge for yourselves. Thus far you
fee, in every point not only that the Committee
fail to prove their assertions, but that the reverse is
fliown to be the truth.
I have been more particular and minute in this
part of the difculfion, than will be reqgilite in any
future part of it, as it is clearly a favorite point with
the Committee to prove,that there was in this coun
try, -an, early combinations favor'bf monarchy ^
against republicanism, and that Mr. Adams was a
principal in the combination : And it is as clear,
that, upon this fa& reds a great portion of thrir con
fidence in their fublequent afferrions, about an ex
iting partv of monarchies in the United States. —
„nd further, it will be allowed as a fair position,
that if you discover a total inattention to truth in
the assertions of the Committee, upon those points
which they pretend to prove ; it will diminid) the
weight of their assertions which rest entirely on their
credit, without any attempt at proof.
In the fame 3d page the Committee fpeakiugtof
the Convention while in session, fay, " Here it was
that Alexander Hamilton strenuously advocated the an
nihilation of the State governments, an executive and
Senate defied for life. How easy .'Lw very natural
was'd be the ivatftion from Hamilton's Governor and
Senate, o r to use European names, Kings and nobles for
lifer, to Adams's hereditary King and nobles." Tills
altation is made without ,ny thejeaft; proof.
One thing we do know that Mr. # Hamilton sub
scribed the Constitution, and did more towards es
sassing its adoption thm on ft, perhapsthan any one
man, in the union. The fedcralifl,m two volumes
which was written by him before the adopribn of
the Ceffiitution, isthe ablest defence of it which
; has ever appeared. Is not all this fufticient so wipe
>way the suspicion? and if his fpeculauve opinions
Sta'e Legillaiures are a check and balance to them.
He even applet ^ the people of America for their
caution in not giving more powers to their federal
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, FIFTEENTH YEAR.
®racle, anu
Advertiser.
Saturday Morning, by Will'm & Dan'lT Treadwell,
Price oni'dollar and fifty cents per ann. [No. 1.
■••«►■+=# __.„raid II^.IQI I Qi -—„.l! l.niiQ— 1- ■liiQ^rtc fa
(OADVERTISEMENTS reasonably and conspicuously inserted Commu
< NiCAfions duly attended to—and every Favor thankfully acknowl
/ EDGEE.
Our late President W,fhingmn was a fedo alifl:
you will recoiled how much he has been blamed'
by thufe who call thrmfelves republicans, for his
political principles ; his pr^clarntjon of neutrality
in 1793, and the whole tenor of h:s conduct from
that period, during the feverjfh difpofnion of our
democratic republicans, upon the fubje& ofthe
French revolution, had been the theme of animad-^
versions more or lets bi ter, in ^// the neu fp : pets
which aflumed the < enomihalion of republican ;
and by all he democratic republicans both in and
out ot Congress. You will allo recoHed that whew
he announced his intention of retiring from life
fi.ft magifl-ac,, the fcoeralifts in the house of Re
prefentarives of feeler J gov.rm< Hr, introduced a
motion exprtffiv^ of their regret t^r hs retirement'
and their sud and u tq^ ivocal approbation of bir
official conduct. To ties Mr. G its; a leading rc-'
publi an member from Virginia, objected, alledg^
ii g tfalu<h a v<,te o! appr nation would on" its'
lac be c fepobatioH of the whole public coodu ft of'
hmidi am^his frienc s. And the veiy day after
the great and good Wethington' retired from office,
tne Aurora, a newfp;ifa patronifed by every repub
lican, published the fid of bis retirement, and ex
uhingly and impiously added the pr-ier of Sinien*
Upon feting in the templcthe Saviour of men :
" Now leu it thou thy Levant depart in peace, &c°
for mine «ycs have seen thy salvation." Prefix
^^ Vlafhing'on ten ained till his 'diaih. a jedcr
"'iflOuQ died a G,neral of cur army, a part of
The Committee have adopted this cant exadly;
and this, with some unwary people, is accepted as
proof; " Why it must be Io," lay they, "if the
iederalifts themlelvcs acknowted it." Ido not as
pire ^ the rank of a leading federalift, and proba
bly the Committee would deny it to me, if I should
claim it ; bdi I have known # he political opini ons
of Mr. Adams and Mr. Hamilton intimately for
many years, and 1 verily believe that they are neith
er monarchists nor enemies to our federa constitu
tion. Could any thing further be requifiie in an
fWtr to this rank assertion, the Commute might be
lifted,how they became acquain cd with the knowl
edge of the leading federalists on this subj &, and
who those lending federalifts are that we may en
quire for ourfelyes ?
In the lull part of page gih the Committee ac
cuie the Icucrahfts of hating President Washington
because he favored the popular eledive iyftem; &
that ,he day in which he retired from office, was a
day of triumph to federalifm. In page 6th the ac
cufanon is, that they created fifty millions dollars of
Debt out of nothing, to laddie the nation with.
Page 7th, that the Supreme Court held plea of a
case instituted and brought before them ag^nft a
State; find in 7th and Sth pages, that they (the fed
eralifts) attempted to call in the aid of an army to
destroy liberty, and that they abused republican
printers and all other republicans. Page 9th tirat
the federalilts fomented a quarrel with the French
nation tojuflify the creation of an army.
I think l might lately deny every charge brought
forward by the^Commitue either as to fad or ap
plication, or both; but I request your patience
while I am particular as tothuk parts of this last e
dition of charges in which the Committee have ac
cording to custom enlarged.. The novel charge of
the federalifts hating President Wafli ngton,ceferves
a ipecial notice ; and here indulge m e to fay, that
although I come not before you to criminate others
but to defend myself and the" federalifts with whom
-1 havered; yet you well know, it may sometimes
be requisite fob a perlon acceded, to Drove another
guilty, in oruer to evince hisown innocence. -
were not as Correa as note of the republi,o .am
umittee, bis tonduß at tht time of farming and a
- opting the Conftirution vas as evincive of his at
achment to it, and to the liberties <f mankind, a,
can be produced in fav,,r < f any perlon.
The conduct of Mr. Adams in writing hi,boot
and il:e principles they contain to influent the
convention from without, and the condod of Mr.
Hamilton within it, co eperaring to llablilh mon
archy seem to be the tw, leading fo&s upon winch
the Committee rely, to prove an early ploc or
combnatioii in this country against liberty and
republicanism, an which they Uy has been fyftem
ai!c J!y purlucd to thdtime; ail winch follows, is
afb rtion acLdedurttoa. Y u ftethat, as to the firft,
they totally far! in point < f proof, arid in the I.ft,
that tb.-y <<|ually fail in application. Let their alfer
tions now oe examined.
The atUrtions are rather insinuations in pages 3d
arid 4"b that the mon&chifts, as they call the fede
taliits, all, hated the Cooftitution, anti therefore
signed, advocated and effeded its adoption ; &
that the republicans were well pleased with it, and
therefore opposed it ; and that the Fcjeralifts have
lince tyfttmaocally attacked thr Conftituti n, and
that the Republi ans h*'ve fupporied it, ar c foe ri
diculousto merit a lerious anfuer. mat only
fay that [hole infijiuaii<ms are totally / a ^ ; and the
Co nmiitec mult have bluflied when they wrote
them, both for their folly and falfhood.
^ page fb it is averted, that " both Mr. Adams
and Mn Hamilton art known by leading federalifts
to be monarchies in principle, " and of courte, to
be enemies'to our federal constitution." It is
within the knowledge ofall of you, that the people
who call thtmtelvcs ext lufive rerfbiicans are fre
quently making declarations, that such and such
men arevery ban men,and monarchists; and if you
ask them how they know, or what proofs they hive
against them, they ;re liable to get into a pet and
fay, "We know it is so," “ and every body knows
it," and "the federalifts themfelve s all know it."