The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1780-03-22 00:00:00, page 1

My Lords and Gentlemen,
AT a time when the trade of this kingdom is be
come in some measure the particular object of public
attention, I could with that the general tranquility
had been so established as that you might have leisure
to deliberate on so important a fubjed. But I flat
ter myfelf, that at this very interesting crisis you will
not fuffer any considerations of interest, however
valuable, to abate your efforts or interrupt your una
nimity. I have received his Majesty's express orders
to aflure you, that the cares and perplexities insepa
rable from a state of war have not prevented his royal
attention from being extended to the interests and
distress of this kingdom. The money which has been
remitted to this country for its defence while England
had every reason to apprehend a formidable am imme
diate attack, is a convincing proof of his affectionate
regard. Full of solicitude for the felicity of his peo
ple, his Majesty will readily concur with his Parlia
ment in proper measures to reconcile the common
interests of all his fubjeds.
I have the pleasure to inform you, that since the
last session of this Parliament his Majesty's family is
increased by the birth of another Prince. May that
Providence which continues to add to his domestic
felicity protest the honor of his crown and the hap
piness of his people.
Gentlemen of the House of Commons,
With infinite pain I find myfelf necessitated to in
form you, that from the extraordinary deficiencies in
the revenue, the very liberal grants made in your last
session have not proved fufficient for the necessities of
government, so that, much against my inclinations
and notwithstanding my utmost efforts, there are
great arrearages for which you must provide.
His Majesty's paternal attention to the interests of
his people, his solicitude to effect whatever can possi
bly be done to avoid the necessity of increasing the
public burdens, have engaged him to command me
molt graciously to declare to you, that in every de
partment the utmost ceconomy shall be used that is
confident with the honor of his crown and the real
interests of the nation.
I have ordered the public accounts to be laid be
fore you, with the other necessary papers. I doubt
not but your known loyalty to the King and attach
ment to your country will animate you to go as far
as the national abilities will admit in making pro
vilion for the necessary lervices and honorable sup
port of his Majesty's government.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
The united efforts and vast military preparations of
the House of Bourbon seem only to have re-animated
the courage and opened the resources of the brave
and loyal fubjeds of his Majesty in this kingdom.
My only concern is, that the deficiency in the Trea
lury has prevented me from giving that happy dif
polition its greatest and most constitutional effect, by
a vigorous execution of the militia law.
I am assured, that whatever dangers may threaten
us from abroad, you will not fuffer them to divert
your attention from domestic regulations, and that
among the several fubjeds which deserve your con
sideration, the protestant charter schools and ma
nufactures of linen will continue to be objects of your
most serious attention. The double tie of inclination
and duty induces me to co-operate with you in these
measures, and in every other which may tend to in
crease the prosperity of this kingdom, and serve its
true interests. Nothing will ever give me so much
real fatisfaCtion as using my efforts to contribute to the
welfare of Ireland, nor can I render a more accepta
ble service to my sovereign than that of contributing
to the happiness of his people.
The Commons having retired and the Speaker re
ported the speech, Sir Robert Dean moved for an ad
dress of thanks. Richard 11. Hutchinson seconded
him, in a laboured panegyric on the advantages and
happiness of all kinds which Ireland enjoyed under the
best of kings, and under the best administration pos
sible. He entered into a detail of the advantages de
rived and to be derived by Ireland in greater abun
dance from Britain. He said that the King and Par
liament at Westminster were disposed to concur in
any thing that might be advantageous to Ireland ; that
the interest of the whole empire ought to be prefer
red to partial views of state, &c. &c. &c.
This is wonderful, said Mr. Gratton ; let us recur
to faCts. The speech we have just heard is the mat
ter before the house: It contains nothing explicit,
nothing fatisfadory : It appears calculated only to
THE Parliament being met, his Excellency +he
Lord Lieutenant made the following Speech to
the two Houses:
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. lII.]
DUBLI N, October 12.
WEDNESDAY, March 22, r 7 Bo.
pacify the people ; it leads to nothing which can ef
fect it. His Majesty has received from his fubjefts of
Ireland addresses demanding a free exportation. Do
not addresses on so important a fubje^t deserve some
answer ? Is the people of Ireland unworthy of the no
tice of Britiih Ministers ? Have the servants of the
crown, reading among us, no regard for the interests
of this kingdom ? Are not those servants representa
tives ofthe people ? Why then do not they speak out ?
Are our calamities of so hidden a nature, that they
ought not to be spoken of? (Here he gave the most
pathetic and eloquent description of the unhappy state
of Ireland.) It is clear we have nothing to expect,
since no attention is paid to the addiedes of the peo
ple, though backed with the solicitations of the
crown-officers themselves. Ireland must therefore
rely only on its own courage ; from the efforts of its
inhabitants only can it expect redress of its grievances,
and extension of its commerce. I alk if found policy
can dictate an opposition to those efforts, either here
or elsewhere, and if that opposition can be made with
out danger ? Why then do we not in our address
speak, as the people, have spoke in theirs? Have we
less resolution than the people have shewn ? Shall the
Commons of Ireland difeover less firmnefs than the
populace have shewn ? Are we become so degenerate,
so contemptible, as to fear the censure of England
more than we do the cries of our manufacturers ?
Mr. Gratton then proposed the following amend
ment to the address: "We pray your Majesty to be
assured, that with the greatest reluctance we ap
proach you on this occasion. But the constant bleed
ing °!.the revenues by absentees, and the unhappy
prohibitions on our trade, have produced so heavy ca
lamities, that the natural support of our country has
tailed, and our manufacturers die in want, and famine
stalks in our streets. The only means of reviving the
expiring commerce of this miserable part of your Ma
jesty's dominions, is to open a free trade, and fuffer
your Irifli fubjeCts to enjoy their natural and native
rights." Lord Westport seconded the amendment.
Sir Henry Cavendilh recommending loyalty, could
not but grant, that the general pulse of the nation in
dicated the last degree of a consumption. He pro
posed a committee of the whole, to take into conside
ration the Rate of the nation. Mr. Ogle recapitu
lated the grievances of Ireland, and emphatically ob
served, that the embargo was altogether impolitic.
The distress of this kingdom is twofold. The peo
ple are reduced to beggary, and the state to bank
ruptcy. The Commissioners of the public revenues
can prove the firft, and I would with them to declare
on their oaths if the reftriCtions on our trade have not
caused it ; if this part of our distress is not effected by
the prohibition by England of exporting woolens? If
this kingdom can support its inhabitants, though it
is not half peopled ? Jf, when the continent of Ame
rica shall be opened tor their reception, our people
will not go there in crouds, rather than languid in
their native country, the victims of English tyranny,
or die by famine, in consequence of an aft of the
English Parliament ? I would with them to fay, if one
rich merchant or trader is to be found in this king
dom? A kingdom exhausted by a balance of trade
for many years against her, and by the continual ab
solution of revenue by absentee landlords, and at this
instant owing its exigence only to the associations.
But this expedient is only momentary ; we must have
something more essential done.
As to the state of bankruptcy to which the king
dom is reduced, it is the effect of prodigality with
out bounds, and licentioufuefs and violence unre
strained, which prevail. Unbounded prodigality with
limited means—Unbridled licentiousness and violence
unintermitted. I need mention only one instance.
We have seen the Attorney-General compel the mer
chants of Cork to sign an illegal obligation as a col
lateral security to an illegal oath!
The public charges in time for peace, of this im
poverished country, amount to one lixth part of what
Supports England. What proportion is there be
tween the abilities of the two countries ? What is the
object of this expence ? Infamous pensions granted to
the most infamous men! Will those infamous men
whom we support, vote against an extension of our
trade? Will they vote against the means of enrich
ing themselves ? Alas ! to what extremities have these
Ministers reduced the kingdom ! Our poverty insult
ed by the speech from the throne! To be told, in
order to difeover more effectually to us our state of
beggary, that the officers of the crown who reside
here have drawn upon England for 50,000!. sterling,
without which the troops could not have encamped ;
while it is well known that the ill conduct of govern
ment alone has enervated its aim, and plucked from
its hand the sword of defence.
T H E
_ If we mean real service to this kingdom, said Sir
Edward Newenham, this is not yet fufficient. Let
us open our hearts: Let us tell' the King, that as
long as his fubjeCts are miserable, oppressed, and de
ceived, his reign can be neither fortunate nor glori
ous. Let our address be adequate to the circum
stances of the times, and the situation of our country.
Is any person within these walls able to juftify the
conduct of the Britiih Ministry to this country ? Is
there any one (who has not abjured the interests of
Great-Britain as well as Ireland) who can put his
hand on his heart, and fay that the Ministry have
supported the honor of the two kingdoms, or pro
vided for their fafety ? Treating us with contempt,
and adding insult to negleCt, they have filled up the
measure of our misfortunes. They hope, but ! trust
in vain, to faddie us with the deficiencies occasioned
by the loss of America. His name who originally
fomented all our troubles, is written on the infamous
lift of pensions paid by us. The name of Francis
Bernard; a name fatal to the honour of Britain, to
its glory and happiness. This man's tyrannical sys
tem, tending to subjugate every thing, and there
fore agreeable to the Ministry, was fatally adopted.
Being absolutely absorbed in their horrible contest
with America, they have neglected every measure for
the preservation of these kingdoms.
Altho I am thankful to our friends for what they
have done in England to procure an extension of our
trade, yet 1 don't approve of the means they have
employed. We are an Independant Nation.
We have a Parliament of our own; and our own
Courts of Judicature; why then shall we ask favors
from any Parliament whatever ? Let us ourselves pass
a&s for the necessary extension of our trade. We
will try if a Minister can be found so hardy as to pre
vent the effect of those aCts. We have attained the
age of manhood, and need not the tutelage of a cruel
step-mother, nor ought we to rely on the insidious
promises of ajealous lifter. Whatever obligations we
have heretofore been under to Britain, they are more
than doubly pa?d. Our braze soldiers and sailors
have enabled Britain to conquer the East and Weft-
Indies. The plains of America, and the fields of
Germany, attest the bravery of the Irilh. Thou
sands of our brave countrymen have left their lives
there. What has Ireland obtained in return? In the
East we are forbidden to trade. In the Weft we are
restrained. Germany and other parts of the Conti
nent would take off from us large quantities ofwool
ens. But the cursed British inquisition has hitherto
prevented it. What obligations have we then to
Great-Britain ? Will their assistance in the glorious
revolution of 1688 be mentioned ? I fay glorious, tho'
I well know it is not so called in the for, calendar.
But I call every revolution glorious which compels a
bad, a weak, and obstinate Prince, to abdicate a
throne which he has disgraced, and restores to a peo
ple entire, the rights, liberties, and immunities which
it may have loft a long time, in the general political
balance of Europe. Certainly fiich a revolution is a
greeable to the spirit of the constitution ; it is found
ed on a right inherent in the people.
Before we engage to pass any grants, let us name
a committee to take into consideration the state of
The government, said he, on this occasion, has shewn
fiich oppression and duplicity, that to save my life, I
Should not be tempted to rely on its promises.
As for myfelf, said Mr. Flood, I approve of the en
quiry moved for. I hope the day of relief is at hand.
But the Speech before us is ambiguous on this fubjeCt.
It promises every thing, yet it promises nothing. How
does it comport, for instance, with the King's pro
mises, at the close of the last session of the Britilh
Parliament? I cannot also avoid observing, that tho'
the King is held forth as the best of Kings, yet this
poor kingdom has hitherto experienced none of his
kindness. Alter having expatiated on the national
distresses, he finilhed with observing, that notwith
standing ail these things, as unanimity was so essenti
ally necessary at present, he would vote against the
amendment.
Mr. Recorder spoke little, but expressed himfelf
with much boldness. Said that neither the Peers nor
Commons of England had a right to restrain the com
merce of Ireland. '' It is, said he, a usurpation in
them. What did I fay? It is a tyranny, which ought
immediately to be luppreffed. An honourable mem
ber hopes the day of relief is at hand. I doubt it:
We are no longer to hope and expert, and wait ; the
propcreft time to go to the King, is the hour of ad
versity. Let us be firm in our language and in our
resolutions. We must take our measures against the
Ministers, who having loft America, involve this
kingdom in the system of their infamous politics. I
will vote for the amendment."
[Numb. 117.]