The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-06-26 00:00:00, page 2

A -'
f> ' *»»»■*•’> 10UBNAL.
No. vi. ' .
To Mr People of the UmrtD SftTis
Although the writer of these letter*
hat come to the conclusion in his own mind
that be fa under no obligation to keep con
+> ended, either the secret documents upoi
which Congress have acted, or the stent
r debates of that body, yet various considers
i ’ tions seem to require, previously to en
tering upon the developement which must
result from such a determination, that cer
5 tain objections to this course of conduct
should be mqt and resisted.
Each member of Congress, as a solemn
fatrMuctioo to the solemn duties of his high
Station, is obliged to take an oath to sup
./ port the constitution of the United States.
* In addition, therefore, to those powerful
1 ' motives to duty, which are ever operative
F < upon an honourable mind, in every scene
and situation of life, the man who is called
by the people to perform a part of the
t great task of legislation, must commence
bis work by calling God to witness that he
Wilt M all rimes support the constitution
from which he derives his power, in its
true spirit aud ad its parts. It will be said
that sithough the letter of this constitution
Only authorises Congress to keep secret a
portion of their ‘Journal,” yet the fair
construction is that their documents and
debates should also remain uhdivulged—
This must be mere matter of opinion. One
Will think the spirit of the constitution is
one thing, another that it Is something else.
Toths writer it appears that the spirit
* of tbs constitution is publicity, and that
Che power to keep even the journal secret,
Il an anomaly in the system. With him
this important consideration derives new
force from the reSection, that the secret
proceedings to which be is inclined to di
rect his first attention, respected the exer
cise of powers peculiarly belonging to the
House of Representatives, as the guardians
of the publick treasure. Could-it ever have
been contemplated by the people, during
the formation of the Constitution, that lawa
should be passed with closed doors, laws
too, which should impose heavy contribu
tions to the publick purse f Laws which
should dram the treasury for objects Which
no mortal could have had in view, at the
time of the organization of the govern
ment t Laws calculated to abandon the ‘
x high character of the nation, as an fade,
pendent republick, and to convert the peo
ple, not only agsvist their will, but without
their knowledge, into humble suppliants
' for favour and mercy nt the fact of a fo
reign power I
Could such things be,
And overcome us, like a summer's cloud,
Without our special wonder I
It fa impossible that such can be the spi
•*» fit of our excellent frame of government.
W It Is a spirit of liberty, not a spirit of des-
f potum. It is a spirit of rations! limitation,
' Mt a spirit of indefinite extension. It is a
gririt tf republican honour, not a spirit of
national degradation.
j Again, it wiM be said, that although the
letter of this part of the constitution may
( justify the course which is now purmed, yet
the-lettcr of another part of that instrument
ft h conclusive to the contrary. “ Each House
may determine the rules of its proceed*
I Ings,” Ac. It will be contended that tbr
f House of Representatives have established
- Certain rules upon this point, and having
acted clearly within the purview of its con
j Stltwtional powers, its act in that case is
vaUd and binding at all times, and upon
. all persons. This objection has been anti
r . cipated, and has already been met by the
V obvious, and it is humbly presumed, un
-1 ' answerable remark, that the rules of the
’ House are binding upon members only, and
V * upon them only while they continue mem*
. hers. The rules are made for the purpose
of regulating debates and decisions. They
are in no sense laws of the land. It is a
rule, that members shall address the
Speaker in a certain manner; 1t is another
that they shall speak io a decorous style,
end shall be silenced if they do not; it is
another, that they shall speak but a cer*
tabs autnber of times upon a question; it
h another, that their votes shall be collect
ed, and the decision announced in a parti
cular iorm. These, and every other " rule”
that can be mentioned, rebate to the tem
porary regulation of the proceedings of a
legislative body. So completely are all
these rules (tmpoiary in their nature and
character, that each successive House as
sembles without any rule whatever, and
the Clerk of the preceding House, himself
officially defunct as well as every other
member of that House, calls for the votes
of the faembers for a speaker, because
some step must be token, or the House can
■•ver organise itself! The •• rules’* are
to precede the formation of “ laws,” and
to eq>ble the two Houses to form them,
but have no binding force upon any person
k without the walls of the Capitol, or beyond
the time for which the members who make
them ire elected. The constitutional pow
er to ** punish members for disorderly be
haviour, and, with the concurrence Of two
thirds, expel a member,” is connected with
the power, to determine " rules of proceed
. kg” and this connection shews clearly
> that it was not contemplated that the
FttOM rUK CAROLINA MKSSKNGEt.
Tux result of Mrs. Hamilton's ap
plication to Congress, for the pay due to
her deceased husband, is at disgraceful to
the Republick as it fa unjust to his widow,
and insulting to the memory of the depart
ed hern. After having fought' by the side
of Washington in the war of the revolu
tion, and having contributed by his valour
to the Independence of his country, his wi
dow and children are told, go, starve! in
the midst of that country and people; who
revel in the blessings of freedom which the
arm of their husband and father wrested
from our enemies 1
The civil labours of General Hamil
ton were no less splendid and useful than
his military exertions. After the ratifica
tion of peace had secured our Indepen
dence and given us a rank among the na-.
tions of the world, the General, conjointly
with Ms. Ma bi son and Mr. Jay, pre
pared the minds of the people for an effi
cient government, by the publication of a
series of numbers tinder the title of “ The
Federalist.”
When the new constitution was adopted
by a majority of the states, and the im
mortal Washington placed at its head,
this enlightened and discriminating patriot,
selected General Hamilton for the head
of the Treasury Department. His lumin
ous reports to Congress, his urgent recom
mendations for the payment of the publick
debt, which lie emphatically called " the
price of liberty,” and the admirable system
which he adopted m his department, will
continue to receive the meed of applause
when the present generation shall have
passed away.
When the injuries insults of France
had been heaped upon us beyond the pow
er of patriotism tobear, and Washing
ton was once more called from the enjoy
ments of domestick retreat to head the ar
mies of bis country, General Hamilton
was particularly selected by him, and re
commended to the President, as the person
most fit to be second in command; that he
might head the troops if an unfortunate ac
cident should deprive them of their chief.
Io the exertions of General Hamilton
it is owing, that, the war-worn soldier of
the revolution now receives a stipend from
the government for his support; and it
waa from motives of delicacy and honour
that he made no application for the pecu
niary reward for his own services, while
he was instrumental in procuring it for
others. While he ftved his talents at the
■bar placed him beyond the reach of want;
but when the hand of death had closed hie
eyes upon the world, and robbed wife
and children of their protector and, sup
port, it was found, froji the narrow cir
cumstances in which they unfortunately
were left, that the pay which was due to
the General from the United States would
essentially contribute to their comfort and
relief. The application was made and re
jected by the Senate.
Notwithstanding the acknowledged me
ritofbis military and civil services; not
withstanding the acknowledgment that the
money was due to him; notwithstanding
a bill for their relief had passed the House
of Representatives, the Senate threw It out,
and left the widow and the children to
scramble- through the world as well as
they can, unheeded and neglected'
Weil, indeed, may Republicks be charged
with ingratitude, when Washington,
the father of hh country and the admira-
The writer could never for a moment
entertain the idea of violating his oath to
support the constitution of his country.—
Sooner should his arms drop from his
shoulders, and his tongue become mute
forever. But having given to the publick
the reasons which convince his own mind
that he fa not about tq be guilty of such a
violation.be must now act under the im
presaion of a sense of duty to the cause of
Liberty and National Independence, pa
ramount to all other considerations.
ing on the score of duty that can prevent
him from making as full a disclosure of
concealed documents and del', ites, as he
may deem essential to the great object he
ttas in view. But duty fa one thing, policy
another. A certain sense of decorum and
propriety, always to ba regarded.
Ail things that may be lawful may not be
expedient. The government should be
treated with aome respect, even when it
has ceased to respect itself. However, as
the point of duty has been made clear, that
of policy will only be incidentally examined
in the progress of the main subject, to the
vieyr which the reader will be introduced
without, further delay. •
• ' ■
rulers sWkll operate upon parsons* other
dian meynbers, or upon members beyond
tbetimofor which the House should be
(elected, which should make such rules,
rhe letter of, the constitution does not,
therefore, enable the House to do more, in
this respect, thpn “ determine the rules of
ita proceedings,” that is, the rules that
shall govern to proceedings while it exists,
and neither letter nor spirit authorises the
House to impose, by any such rule, an in
junction of secrecy upon any individual
whatever, upon any subject whatever* be
yond the period of its own constitutional
existence.
he writer they appear to be, there is noth
If these arguments be conclusive, as to
Letters from Hamburg of the 6th inst.
mention the resignations of Copnt Bernstor,
Prime Minister at Copenhagen, and his
brother. Minister for foreign affairs. The
cause of these resignations is said to be the
pertinacion obstinacy of his Majesty the
King of Denmark, In his adherence to
what fa called the Continental system, ia
cpmpliance with the wishes of France.—
For some time past the laws of France
have prohibited raw sugars from being in
troduced into the Continent, which, never
theless, found their way by a circuitous
route. Means were likewise devised to
get them exported into France as refned
sugars, which were not prohibited ; the
Danes, by a certain proces at Holstein,
Tonningen, and other places, so far suc
ceeded in refining raw sugars, that they
found an easy introduction into FArncc and
other parts of the Continent. As soon as
the King ofDenmark was acquainted with
the means nse<(to delude, as he conceived,
the French Government, he ordered a stop
Usbe put to the practice. The mercantile
part of the Danish nation, feeling them
selves sorely agg ieved on the occasion pe
titioned again and again to be suffered to
proceed in the system of refining, but with
out effect. The Prime and Foreign Minis
ters, fully peaaauded of the neosssity of
encouraging the importers of colonial pro
duce, are said to have seconded most
strenuously the effort of the Petitioners, but
to no purpose; and the result was as be
fore stated, their resignation.
, . Lisbon, May 2.
“ The only news I have to communicate
fa, that we are in constant expectation of
being attacked—The enemy have been for
some time tolerably quiet; but within
these few days, our out picqutts report that,
their force has greatly accumulated. We
are busily employed in the construction of
additional batteries, and mounting guns,
for the protepion of this city. Troops
from England are landing every day, and
the Marines from the fleet in the Tagus
come on shore to Unprove Biemylves in
dicipline, and to assist in working the guns.”
Mr. Whitbread stated to the House, that
if the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs
was in his place, he was prepared to ask
him some questions relative to the late
correspondence with America. He did
not intend to make any (notion, as he had
looked into the papers, and found it unne -
cessary.
In consideration of the large sums of
money which are yearly sent out of thia
country for cuffis* Government has
adopted the resolution that it is not to re
main any longer an article of trade, but
that it shall be taken under the immediate
management and superintendence of Gov
ernment, In the same manner astobacco.
The importation of sugar remains un
prohibited in the Austrian dominions, and
the reasons is because it constitutes a neces
sary ingredient of several medical prepa
rations.
Information has been just received, that
the Island of Lissa, situated in the Adri
atick Sea, has fallen into 'our possession.
From such an acquisition, it la reasonable
to expect that considerable advantages
will result, it being very commodiously
situated to form a depot for the introduc
tion of merchandise into Germany'; both
British manufactures and colonial produce.
, Const antinoplb. March 18.
The English Envoy, Mr. Adair, has ob
tained fi sm his Government the permis
sion to return, which*he requested, and
wiH soon depart. Mr. Cam!>g, (nephew
By the packet which brought the Cadiz
mail, M. Colon, (Columbus,) a lineal de
scendent of the grunt navigator and nephew
of the Duke of Vereguas, arrived in this
country.—This gentleman fa to be attached
to the Spanish Legation residing at this
court.
Itioaofthe world, was refused a sum to
mark the spot where hfa ashes repose, and
thewife and children of Hamilton are
refined the means of support l
Will it be believed, that. • nation call
ing itself “the most enlightened in the
world;” a Republick, the only one in ex
istence, fa capable of rewarding the heroes
who have achieved their Independence,
with, such neglect f Who Will risk their
lives and lose their property in a contest,
when the champions of liberty are treated
with such cold indifference ? Who will
make their breasts a rampart against
the enemy ip defence of their beloved
country, when he knows that his family
will be sent adrift into the world, without
protection or support ? Oh ! Guardian an
gel of my country, cover such base ingrati
tude with the mantle of oblivion, that the
world may not know how the family of
one of our most distinguished citizens and
excellent patriots have been rewarded for
his services. BELISARIUS.
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
May 14.
tffln
LONDON, May 15.
Malta, March 16.'
Vienna, April 13.
To avert if that were possible, the in
dignation of the Americans from the out
rages of the moat absurd and
at the same time the most barefaced at
tempts are made to throw dust into the
people's eyes.
After this ceremony finished, therC'-ap
peared a proclamation of the Vice-King,
calling upon all good citizens who should
have or know of any of these seditious pa
pers, to give immediate notice to the civil
authority on pain of amercing.
The whole square was lined with troops
of cavalry and in fantry; and a concourse
of at least a hundred thousand persons fill
ing extent of this square, the tops
of houses, steeples and balconies, who had
united to pronounce the publick Anathe
mas with which a religious and faithful na
tion condemns in its heart a tyrannick usur
per, who io his dreams thinksit his. De
struction to the Bonapartes and live Fer
dinand VII- resounded through the air at
the moment the v||e Proclamations were
thrown into the file—(his was the general
voice which like a torrent shook on his
throne the demon of rebellion and discord,
and hurled him to destruction.
The Due of Cadore's insulting letter to
General Armstrong, is to be sure a very
villainous production, (says these French
minions;) but yet it is not to be put in com
parison with Mrs. Pinkney's appearing
at the Queen of England’s levee, in a gera
nium velvet petticoat, with a few diamonds
(value probably 1 or 200 dollars) in her
head-dress.
The portrait of our beloved and legiti
mate sovereign Ferdinand VII. was eleva
ted in the grand square, in front of which
was constructed a pyramid, where in the
presence of a Notary and Constables of
the Court, the publick Executioner set fire
to the despicable and indecent proclama
tion of the Quixotte King.
The plundering and burning of our ships
and cargoes In the ocean, by the French,
is truly monstrous; but yet it fa nothing
compared to Mr. Pinkney's drinking a
glass of wine at an English sheep-shearing.
The last act of N*jlfiollyon'a villainy
was the condemning of the American ves
sels and cargoes, enticed into hfa ports
and those of his Allies, and appropriating
the proceeds to his private use—such an
outrage was indeed never before known
since man became civilized—but it
thing in comparison with Lord Wffijealey
taking six weeks to reply to a letter smtten
by Mr. Pinkney.
Such are the flimsy arguments used by
these parasites. Can they seriously be
lieve the Americans to be such fools and
gudgeon? as to attend to such stuff t Are
they not afraidof exciting the indignation
of the people by insulting their understand
ings with such shametui stuff and rant f
The Natiortal Intelligencer of Friday
has very few remkrks on the late despatch
es. The editor says the information is now
placed in the most unquestionable shape as
it has an official stamp. This elamfi"
might have been put upon the information
long ago, If our administration had seen
fit. But for certain reasons it has been
thought politick to withhold the govern-
The faithful City of Mexico, in conjunc
tion with the illustrious Vice-King, gave
yesterday a single proof of their energy,
«nd the contempt in which they hold the
vile efforts of the detestable Joseph Bona
parte to subvert our royal minds. During
last week, and while the faithful were cele
brating (he mystery of our redemption, and
imploring at the foot of the altar assistance
in these trying times, there fell into tiie
hands of the Government, through an act
of Divine Providence, a number of Procla
mations which the infamous Joseph Bona
parte had sent to America by faithless
emissaries, equally ignorant as himself.
These proclamations abounding with
promises, threats, foolishness, perfidy and
brutality met the reception they justly
merited, jt hying ordered that they should
be committed to the flames, which was
done yesterday morning, with all the so
lemnity usual in cases of flagrsnt delin
quency.
Aosutlxmaw from the Havana, ha.
favoured us with papers of that place to the
3d inst. from which we have made a few
translations for this day's Gazette. We
also understand from him, that it was un
commonly sickly in the port of Havana,
attended with great mortality.
of the late British Secretary of State,) will
reiqfiio here as £harge d* Affaires.
Four ships, with provisions, have ar-'
rived in our Jtarbour, which has given
great satisfaction to the people, as we have
been much in want of a supply for some
time. filVe are sorry to say, however, that
50 merchant ships have returned. from
Odessa, without having been permitted to
make any purchases. • *
25p tfte JBailN.
PHILADELPHIA, June 15.
.Arta of French Printera.
NEW-YORK, June 18.
Taa Dasparcaaa.
[translated ]
Mexico, A/iril 26, 1810.
Freeman'a Journal.
Under the head of More Warnings
Duane makes the following assertions
"The French chief has avowed his de
termination to abandon every idea of cma
merce with Asia, and with North as well
as South-America. This is the fatah of
his overtures to England for a peace.
" France offers to Great-Britaio to aban
don all claims to colonial possessions, and
to exclusive commerce with South-Ame
rica ; and to colonial possessions, and com
merce with Asia ; and to commercial con
nexions or treaties with North*America., .W
as the basis of a peace with
" One of the best informed Americana u
now in Europe thinks It probable that
Great-Britain will accept these terms of
compromise, as the basis of a treaty,
leaving both parties in future to pursue
their commerce unmolested, where it does
not countervail those overtures.**
meat etem/i until now; and forwMßrf
that very atamft millions of American pro
perty has fallen into I 'the bands er Bona
parte, which might have been saved. To
prove that <NOTMMntity*nt have been in
possession of th nation for a long
I'me, a letter z from Mr. Armstrong to Mr.
'Madison, while Secretary of State, dated
so long ago as the beginning of the year
1806, and received in this country soon af
ter, and then published, Is undeniable
proof. This letter was not published with
an “ official stamp”—it was one of the do
cuments suppressed by the arch juggler
Jefferson. But somehow or other it crept
out. That it is genuine no one ever de- «
nied ; though the government refused to
put gtamfi upon it. It may not- be impro
per to cMI to the minds of our readme, the
reason given on the floor of Congress for
suppressing the documents at that liras
It was, that the publication might endanger
the fieraonal tafety <f Mr. Armatrong.
The Intelligencer candidly acknowledges
that the despatches add very little to our
atock ofinformation I What wi||the mer
chants wfib have tent property to Franca
think of this. Our government knew all
this before ! they knew that there was
prospect of civil treat meat from Bonaparte.
He bad declared that we should be his
" alliea or his enemlca,” that we should
fight for him or againat him. Mr. Arm
strong told them so tn February, 1808. He
told them there was no hope. And with a
spirit becoming an American, expected our
government to take ita ground. Our gov
ernment knew the decision of Napoleon—
they knew when he had once taken mis
ground that he would not recede. Did
they take their ground ? No—they flatter
ed the people with false hopes—they cried
peace when they knew there was no
peace!—They instructed General Arm
strong to disgrace himself and his country,
by mean and pitiful supplications, which
at length produced the insolent letter of
the Due de Cadore. The haughty Duke,
to prevent our government from suppress
ing this insult as well as pocketing the af
front took care to publish the letter to the
world, before it was presented to ear min
ister. Thi*insolent letter was published
in this country long before the adjourn
ment of Congress j but it had not the “of
ficial stamp;” and the good friends of
France declared it to be a British forgery.
It would not do to atamfi it then, it would
have turned the northern elections; and
Governour Gerry would not have had an
opportunity to sing hallelujahs to his “ sn
peremiDent” friend, the “ paragon” Bona
parte. Whether the people will consider
electioneering intrigues a sufficient reason
for the Executive to withhold his official
stamp from such important information
time must detemnine. Some ef hfa friends,
we apprehend, will feel a little sore on thia
business, they will think be has assessed
them rather too high at this elactfan, A*
to the people fa general, especially those ,
who have been duped by the false informa
tion propagated by our government, to vote
for such men as Govemours Langdon,
Gerry and Tompkins, we suspect they
wish by this time, they bad their votes
back again. But their repentance comes
too late; their votes, like the property of
our merchants have gone for the benefit of
Bonaparte, and all they can expect in re
turn is insult and contumely.
The despatches, however, have added
to our atock information. They have
given us information, and with the “ offi
cial stamp” on it too, that Bonaparte has
sequestered a government vessel sentout
for the purpose of “ effecting a national
remittance.” That he has refused on the
representation of General Armstrong to
give up this vessel, but has “ ordered the
case to be brought before the Cduncil of
Prizes, where condemnation necessarily
awaits her.” The Emperour then treats
our government with as little ceremony as
he does individuals—he seizes and sells
(heir property wherever he can find jt,
and no doubt, had the John Adams had a
valuable cargo on board, he would have
laid bis insatiable “ paw” upon her. We
are then reduced tu the situation of one
of Bonaparte's conquered kingdoms. We
may hail Holland as our brother, and Spain
and Italy as our sisters. Our government
with Bonaparte goes for nothing—the
Bourbons and the Prince of Orange are not
so much despised by him, as is the Presi
dent of the United Slates.— Evening Poat.