United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-02-27 00:00:00, page 2

>rmation come here, left it should go
out to the people.
If the information we want is refuf
^d, without any reasons being aligned,
I do hot fee what business we have to
do here. Do gentlemen mean to drive
us from this floor ? Are they ready to
fry our services are no longer wanted ?
Iffor us to alk a thing is enough to
make it denied,; if no answer is given
to our arguments; if we are listened to
only to indulge the laugh of infotent
,power, I think the sooner we go home
the better. We (hall at lead save the
money of the nation. And lam Satis
fied,if this conduct be pursued, we ffiall
not only he justified, but it will be ex
pected by the nation that we no longer
keep feats which are not merely useless
but burthenfome to the country.
Mr. Goddard said, That he had un
til this time consoled himfelf with an
idea, that, whatever measures might be
adopted the present feffion,he,and those
with whom he acted, would at lead
have been permitted to underhand the
principles upon which those measures
would be fapported. This consolation
he had derived froma declaration,made
at an early period of the session by an
honorable gentleman from Virginia ?
(Mr. Giles) that economy of informant
tiouv^as not whathe wished to bfrprac- 4
tifed.
Fer tie U. S. ORACLE.
NUMBER 111.
TO THE
Independent Eltfrors of N^-Hampfoir^.
MR.!, is recommended to your
favor as a man who will intro
duce economy among us.
I do not know that we are at present
destitute of this very ufeful virtue. I
believe there is no State in the union
where it is better underwood, or more
ftridlyobferved in practice, tho' we are
not in the habit of making quite so
much noise about it as some of our sis
ter dates, where there so less of the re
ality. lam willing to admit, and this
is the extent of my concession, that My.
L. will talka great deal about economy:
So does Mr. feffixfon, and yet we find
that Mr^ Dawson was sent to France
merely fcr the purpose of carrying Out
the Treaty at an expence exceeding the
whole annual charge of our Govern
ment. "What reason have we to believe
that Mr. L. will be more frugal and
economical than our prefentGovernor ?
Are his-carriages,houfe, furniture, stile
of living; the evidences of his econo
my ? They are just as good evi
dences of that, as noisy, empty profef
fibns of love to the people,are proofs of
true patriotism. It is an old faying
that aliens speak louder than wdrds.
Let its try Mr. Lhby this test. He was
a member of the State Legislature last
year-—here an'opportUnity was afford
ed him to give us proofs of his econo
my as well as abilities. It has long
been the opinion of some of the best
men among us, that one session of the
Legislature was fufficientdor the year.
Every branch of the Legislature the
year before last, concurred in this opin
ion ; and I am confident that no one
ad of theirs ever received more general
and hearty approbation of the people.
In consequence of the opinion e^preff
ed by the general Court and which
was known both to the people,and their
Representatives, and there being no ur
gent business to be done, it'was pro
posed to have but one feffiop,a measure
which would save the State, near ten
thousand dollars,and prevent the neces
sity of railing a tax. This economical
arrangement was opposed by Mr. L.
and his democratic brethren fromPortf-
But of that Solitary consolation, he
had this day been bereft. We have
already made such advances in the sys
tem of economy, as to have arrived at
a point, where it is thought neceflary
to practice economy of information. He
inferred this from the mariner in which
the resolutions, which had been called
up, had been treated. Several motions
had been made, to inftruA the commit
tee of ways and means to inquire into
the expediency of reducing the duties
upon certain imported articles, necessa
ries of life ; they had been uniformly
repelled. Gentlemen wished, when the
flourifhing condition of our finances
enabled us to reduce taxes, to take a
view of the whole ground —to compare
with each other, the fyltem of internal
and external taxation.
To enable us to do this, a refoltition
had been offered, the object, of which
was to obtain, from the proper depart
ment, information necefiy to this pur
pose—that alfohadbeen repelled. Ano
ther resolution is now offered, which
has in view the fame obje&, relating to
another fubjed. Gentlemen teem de
termined to dispose of that also, in the
fame manner, by a silent vote.
Mr. G. said thathe could not be per
suaded but what gentlemen,would can
didly review the course they had a
dopted, and yet fuffer us to have, from
the public offices, the information ne
cessary to enable us to act correctly up
on the business before us.
The question was taken and it puffed
in the negative. Yeas 37, Nays 57.
Political.
mouth, and elfewhcre, is the journals
will teffify. It is true they found them
selves in the minority—But this vote
-furnilhes us with a practical expedition
of the professions of these Gentlemen
about economy.•
The friends of Mr. L. urge another
claim to your fuffrages—His attach
ment to the cause of republicanism.
A writer in the Ledger a democrat
ic paper, has been torturing his brain
for some time, to convince the citizens
of the State that there is in Portfmowh
an Aristocratic party,, inimical to our
free government and equal rights.
For myfelf I am free to declare,that
I should look for the monster in Ports
mouth sooner than in any other part
of the State : Ido not mean the aris
tocracy of reason or morals, but pride,
haAghtinefs, and an overbearing arro
gant disposition to didare to the people.
But I do not feel much alarmed on this
account. This good writer who has
contributed so much to the repose of
his reader may dismiss his fears and
indulge himfelf with a little repose.—
Depend upon it the people of tire coun
try do not feel apprehensive of being
fubjeded to slavery by the people of
Portsmouth or any other town in the
,tate. They are under no more ap-=
jprehenfion about the dangers arising
/from Aristocracy, than they are of be
ing deceived by the mere profeffions
of republicanism. It is a common trick
in the old world,and it long ago found
its way here, for every ambitious dem
agogue to put on the masque of patri
otism, to vociferate the language of
liberty, equality, patriotism, &c. On
the other fide of the At antic, this
masque @sfome times been allowed to
cover the most glaring inconsistencies.
But our Citizens are not so easily de
ceived : they immediately fufped the
wearer of some mifehievous defign.and
experience juftifies the suspicion. Ro
bespierre was the greatest Patriot in
France, and Julius Cesar in Rome.
Mr. L. is the greatest Republican in
this State. So we are told: But we fee
him riding in his Coach, living in a
Palace, faring sumptuously every day.
Nothing is more fallacious than mere
profellions. A greater than Mr. L.
complains in plaintive strains of the in
justice done to the poor labourer in di
minifhmg the hard warnings of induflry
by the exadions of Government : And
yet this very man, reader, is the owner
of Raves who labour for him above. If
fellow-citizens you know of any man in
the state who is not a Republican, I en
treat you to withhold your fuffrages
from that man. But for Heaven's fake
do not estimate people's political charac
ter by their profeflions, and do not pre
fer him who bellows the loudest about
his republicanism.
As to Mr. L's abilities I am not dis
posed to fay any thing on the fubjed.
Every one of my fellow-citizens can,
weigh them for himfelf. It will not re
quire large scales or heavy weights. If
1 know my own heart I am incapable
of harbouring a with to diminish a flock
I confider as at best but fender.
I have sometimes heard it said that
we ought to eled a man for our Gov
ernor whose political creed shall be in
harmony with that of the President of
the United States. Now Ido not fee
any very strong reasons in favour of
this opinion. It is generally said by
the orthodox fed that men are desirous
of power—that the possession of it nev
er fails ttytutn the brain and lead to
abuses; at least this was said. Mr.
Jefferfon /a; been of opinion that the
danger to our liberties is to be appre
hended from encroachments on the
part of the general Government, and
not from tlic individual Rates. With
out giving any opinion as to the cor
re&nefs of these sentiments, I believe
we are all agreed that it is the duty of
the general and state .Governments to
watch each other. Iho not mean that
this duty should be performed in the
manner it was by the oppofers of the
great and good Washington —in calum
niating and opposing every measure of
the adminiftratien ; this is equally to
be avoided as the other extreme—blind
and implicit faith. If Mr. L. takes his
creed from Mr. J. and the Virginians,
it must have a little the appearance of
a Farce to fethim to watch them. Lov
ers are very much in the habit of watch
ing their miftreffes,but they only watch
fjrfmiles &.favors,and are generally sup
posed, however good their intentions
may be, not very quick-sighted in dis
covering faults when they really exist.
The great blessings to be derived from
a Philosophic President, who fees so
many errors in Walhiugton & Adams,
and so much virtue and merit in Du
ane, Charles Pinckney, Beckley, Cal
lender and others, their oppofers—l
fay these bleflingswe (ball share in com- ;
mon with others as citizens of the U
nited States. Surely these will support
Some pains have been taken by those
who wish for a change of Chief Magis
trate, to represent the office as of no
consequence, and as requiring neither
talents nor great refpedability of char
acter. In this they may have had a
double design. In the firft place to
produce indifferer.ee in the minds of
the peaceable and virtuous part of the
community to the ele&ion ; and in the
second place to enable them the more
easily to farniffi a suitable candidate to
fill the office.
us one year longer under , the oppressions
and tyranny of'Gov. Gilman.
Let us be cautions of overwhelming
, dur citizens with too much good all at
;Once./ Like provisions to familbed men,
it may deftrpy, inßead of nourishing
them 5
Pennsylvania has been brought by
degrees to bear her' excels of bliss.—
Mifflin prepared the way for M'Kean,
and both were harbingers of the great
Jefferfon. lam confident that the last
fwould hardly have been deemed a blef
fin g$ if the people had not been gradu
ally prepared by the two former. Mr.
Jefferfon you know is bufity engaged in
removing harmbny to social intercourse.
After we have had the benefit of his
labours another year we (hall be pre
pared for the political millenium,which
now reigns in the city of New-York,
in the state of Pennsylvania, &c. &c.-
I have endeavoured to notice the
principal arguments I have met with
in c^nverfation and in the newspapers
in favour of Mr. L's election to the
chair. If I have not done him justice,
if I have omitted any of his claims, es
timated his merits too low, —or imput
ed any thing to him which he does not
deserve—you my fellow citizens will
correft the procedure. It is my sin
cere desire that you would do him jus
tice. Think of him and his pretensions
as you ought to think, but think sober
ly, and if his merits require it at your hands
thrust out of office the man who has
hitherto enjoyed yeur confidence, that
you may reward one more righteous
than he—then will be fulfilled the pro
phecy that on Mr. L's return to the
State, our political horizon would
change—the fun of federalifm set—and
the bright orb of democracy arise, arid
those who hitherto poße(fed your confi
dence should possess it no more. I.
would not conceal from you that by
a&ing thus you will acquire the esteem
of Virginia and her numerous depend
ents. I have no doubt that the news
of your having renounced your old er
rors and difearded your old servants,
will give unspeakable pleasure to many;
and that it will adorn the dirty columns
of every democratic news-paper in the
union. If you are prepared for this
state of degradation there is one at least
who cannot accompany you. He would
infinitely 'rather have the feelings of
the difearded servant than share in the
character of the ungrateful master.
ft may be said, have not the people
the right of electing whom they please ?
Are they obliged to continue the man
in office, as long as he may choose to
remain in their service? Certainly- they
have this right, and assuredly they may
ele& whom they please without beirig
called to account before ^ny earthly
tribunal. They will not reeled the
present chief Magistrate if they think
him unworthy of their confidence. But
do the people entertain this opinion of
him ? Has he done any thing to forfeit
their esteem ? Nothing of the kind has
come to my knowledge I have not
even heard him accused. But I have
often heard it observed by his enemies
(for enemies good men will always
have)that he had been in long enough,
that it was time to change. Do these
men expea that this will influence your
votes against Go'v. Gilman ? Remem
ber it is the friends of Mr. L. who fay
this. It is they who tell you that the
Governor has enjoyed the public con
fidence long enough. At the fame time
they tell you that Afr. L. has enjoyed
it longer. It is now gone from Mr. L.
in some measure ; it is to recover, to
soothe him, that it is to be taken away
front another.
They also tell.you that friendfhip for
the Governor induces them to with
hold their fuffrages and to give them
for Mr. L. and tharyou cannot do a
more acceptable thing to Gov. Gilman
than to turn him out.
In annual offices it is always taken
for grarited that the person in office is
a candidate, 'if he does not publicly
decline ; and that if ele&ed, he is bound
'to serve. ' I have not heard that Gov.
Gilman has manifefted a desire for of
fice at any time. One gentleman in
deed has told us that he used his influ
ence for him with the Legislature on a
certain oceafion. But I believe he did
not venture to fay that ahy body was
so foolifh as to request it, whoever did
I am ready to admit is unfit to be Gov
ernor or to sustain any office among
sensible men. So far from being for
ward to obtain high offices ; so far even
from seeking or indeed greatly de
siring such offices is the present Gov
ernor, that I will venture to fay (and
I address myfelf to thousands who
know the fa&) that, he never fought
any office—that it was in compliance
with a very general wish manifefted in
every part of the state, and perhaps in
every town, and not from inordinate
ambition, love of power, or to gratify
a filly vanity that he fuffered himfelf to
be a candidate at firft for the office he
now holds. I will go farther, I believe
he is now as ready toobey the public
will (if such is the public will) in retir
ing from office, as he ever was to enter
upon it. But Ido not believe it will
give him pleafuie, when he is again a
"candidate for the chair, to have another
preferred before him. If he has the
confeioufnefs of having a&ed hitherto
faithfully, uprightly and disinterestedly
in your service, I do not believe that it
will tend tofoothe or gratify his feelings
to learn, that bis conduct has no longer
your approbation,—the belt reward he
ever did or ever could receive. Public
confidence and esteem are property e
-n°ugh called rewards, when they are be
stowed on those who merit them —when
they cerise to be bellowed it will always
be tak?n for granted that they 'are no
longer merited. It operates as a repeal
of the aa from the beginning. It is
like money paid on a bad consideration;
the whole is recalled, and the late pro
prietor, like him who has been robbed
of his good name is left poor indeed.
You have been advised to difiniG a
faithful servant from your employment
to do him honor. Is your service dis
honorable ? It is said, and truly said,
that, when vice and wicked men bear
sway, the post of honor is a private sta
tion. I can easily figure to tnyfelf a
state of society in which promotion
would be disgrace—But is that our
character ? Is it diigracefal to be plac
ed at yous head? The time may come
when the best men would prefer being
citizens under any Governor to being
Governor over such citizens. But we
are not fallen upon filch evil times.
The voluntary fuffrages of an enlight
ened and independent people confer
honor not disgrace. When it (hall be
in the power of a few in the capital or
elsewhere, to make a Governor, the
thing formed will be like the makers.
The Golden Calf will referable the work
men who fafhioned it. LUCIUS.
NUMBER IV.
TO THE
Independent Electors of New-Hampfoire.
-0—
WITHIN the last two years many
of you have deubtlefs heard
another objection, of a general nature,
urged against the re-election of the pres
ent chief magistrate—namely : that the
spirit of republican government requires
that there should be a rotation in office.
I do not pretend to any great (kill
in constitution-making, and I am ready
to acknowledge that 1 am too dull to
difeern the whilom and utility of this
doftrine, which is to be found in fomel
constitutions, though not in burs.
I can easily fee and admire the wif-1
dom of the elective principle—that the ;
people at dated periods should have the !
privilege of electing the best men to of-I
fice:—That there should be some qnal-I
, ificatron as it refpeds age, and perhaps !
property, both of the electors, and the|
eligible^, may be also wife and proper.;
But I fee no reason for abridging the
power of the persons entrusted with the 1
important office of eledting :—and I |
can easily demonflrate that this doctrinej
of rotation inuft always operate injuri- |
oufly, where it operates at all.
If the person affected by the rotation
principle, is a bad man, we are bound
to presume that his chara&er will be a
fufficient exclusion ; that he will not
be chosen on that account. In this case
then, the principle of rotation is unne
cessary, and useless. But if the person
affected by the principle of rotation,
happens to be a good man, and every
way qualified for the office (and it is
only in such acafe as this, that the prin
ciple can have any operation) the peo
ple fliall not choose him. Why not ?—
Why—why—because he is evdry way
qualified and the people wish to ele&
him :—One would think that this was
the very reason why he ought to be el
igible and adually eleded.
Apply the obje&ion to the case before [
us Governor Gilman is either* ) :
good a man as to attra& public confi-!
dence, or not. If the latter, I trust he|
will be rejeded without recurring either
to the letter or spirit of a rotation prin
ciple ; He will be rejeded because he
ought not to be chosen :—lf the former,
then you are called upon to reject him,
for the 'ftrobgeft reason in the wpfrld,
namely, because be is fit for the office,
and the people wish to choose him—
and it is pretended that there is feme
thing in the spirit of our Constitu
tion, which requires this strange pre
posterous conJuft. # I believe it is no
where to be found, but in the spirit of
opposition to one candidate, and in the 1
spirit of favor to another. lam fenfi-|
ble that the oppofers of Gov. Gilman's'
te-eledion have an advantage in bring
ing forward this formidable objedipn. If;
they can persuade you not to re eled I
him, because he has your confidence
and esteem, and richly deserves them, ;
they know that their opponents cannotl
turn the yaffle weapon against their candi
date. But I entreat my fellow citizens
to confider, that this defertytipn of per
sons—those possessing in a high degree
the public confidence, are not yet to be
found in the exciton bill: and that it is
time enough to be on our guard against
the good when they become mifehievous,
and when we have done watching the
bad. We do not ad upon these wife
maxims in ordinary life.—We do not
think it an objection to a man in rela->
tion to any employment, that we have
had experience of his fidelity, diligence,
and integrity. Who ever heard of a
client looking out for a new lawyer to
tranfod his business, because be had
found from experience (if the thing be
possible) that 'his present attorney was
honest, and faithful ;—or changing his
pbyfician, because he had found him
fkilful and reasonable in his charges ?\
What husbandman difeards a laborer;
because he bas been diligent, capablej
and attentive to his intereß? I know'
the reason sometimes given fo# the doc
-1 trine of rotation in politics—that good
I men may acquire ap undue influence.
[I agree that in any society, unless it be
I very corrupt, they will, they must have
influence. But I contend that the in
fluence is due, andfofe, and salutary, and
that they are not more likely to abuse it
to unworthy purposes than ambitious,
worthtefs, noisy, empty fellows. Ido
not thinkthat our liberties depend on the
condua of one man good or bad; but
if I find the Government in the hands
I of a good man, I may watch him, but
I shall not be in haft: to dillrutl him.
I Much pains have been taken to give
circulation to a very short sentence of
condemnation as it refpe&s the re-elec
tion of Gov. Gilman : “ He has been, in
long enough." We find this in the mouths
of some good men. When they are
asked—has he made a fortune out of
! the public ? they will readily answer no.
Has he negle&ed your business ? has he
wafted your money ? has he abused the
trust by preferring worthless men to of
fice ?— Who is ready to answer these
qaeftions in the affirmative ? Is he
grown insolent in office : Is he haughty
and proud, supercilious, difficult of ac
cess ? Is he become vain because he
is the mirror of your Majesty ? All
who can julHy charge him with either
of these faults or foibles, will do well to
withhold their fuffrages from him
But let not those who are of a different
opinion—those who believe him to be
difmterefted -attentive to the public
bufinefs—frugal of the public money—
careful to feled the best men for office—
in his cohdudand behaviour, mild, af
fable, easy of access, and modest, yet
firm. Let all these, I fay, seriously con
fider whether it is not their duty to fup
pert him with their fuffrages ? I feel
confident that they will find themselves
in a very large majority ; if not, they
will at least have the fatisfaaion result
ing from an honest difeharge of duty.
It is not an easy talk to draw living
characters. If the picture exceeds the °
original in beauty, the public will deny
the likeness, and the labor will be loft.
If it falls below it, this affords just cause
of offence to the man and his friends.
I shall attempt only the outlines, and
leave it to every elector to fill it up as
truth and justice dilate.
\ Gov. G. was educated in the princi
ples of our revolution. He was a youth
when it commenced. His father, many •
of you Rill remember, and he is remem
bered as one of the earliest and mod de
cided of our revolutionary patriots, in
the true sense of the word. He was ap
pointed the firft Treasurer, and sustain
ed the office till his death in 1783 -
Like the other State offices of that day,
his was an office of great labor, great
responsibility, and little emolument,
when faithfully executed. But his high
est eulogium springs from his perfed in
tegrity, and I may fay unfufpe&ed hon
esty, amid opportunities and tempta
tions, arising from the unsettled Rate of
affairs. There were no checks, and
scarce any controui over the office. Ev
ery cent of the public money which
came into his hands has been account
ed for. Is there another State in the
union, of whose treasurer at that period,
the fame thing can be said—another
state who can boast of equal good for-•
tune ? I know of none. The Gover
nor succeeded his father. Though a
young man he was then one of our del
egates in Congress, and,poffeffcd a large
portion ofpublic confidence. I appeal
to every citizen who served in the legis
lature during his continuance in the of
fice of Treasurer, for testimonials of his
zealous efforts with them to put our
finances into a regular and proper Rate ;
to devise and execute plans to liquidate
and fettle the public debt, and provide
for its ultimate difeharge. If much is
due to the enlightened legislators of
that day for what they did, fomethihg
is surely due to him who aßifled in the ~
formation and in the execution of their
wife measures. I may also appeal to
those whose business it has been to ex
amine our accounts in the treasury de
partment, whether the most perfed ex
adnefs and scrupulous accuracy have
not uniformly charaderized them all.
Let them fay whether the public have
loft a cent by his want of ikill, want of
-attention,„want of frugality or economy
during all the time he had the manage
ment of our finances : and let the op
pofers of the Govpruc, name the State
of whose Treasurer (he fame thing
can be laid. Have not all those who
have tranfa^ed butwefs with him as
Treasurer, or since his elevation to the
chair, found him easy of access—ready
to oblige—attentive to, every duty—
difiarerefted —benevolent and sincere ?
lam far from holding him up as a
perfect man ; but 1 belje^e there are
few men with fewer defers, or posses
sing qualities better fitted for ufefiilnels,
both public and private. What public
trust has he violated ? What official du
ty has he omitted ? What facrifice has
he made on the altar of popularity ?—
None ! He has hitherto furnished a
living proof that firmnefs and indepen
dence of mind, joined with integrity
and talents, ma, be popular. Gov, G.
has not been in the habit of addressing
himfelf to the popular passions, and pop
ular prejudices. To be candid, Ido
not think his talents, lie in that way.—
His popularity has never been of the