The United States oracle of the day — Portsmouth, N.H., 1800-01-04 00:00:00, page 2

thro' the channels or party pauions.—
Thus the policy and will of one coun
ry are fubjeded to the policy and
avid of another..
There is an opinion that' parties in
free countries are ufeful checks upon
the administration of tlie government,
and serve to keep alive the spirit of
Liberty.—This within certain limits
is probably true, and in governments
cf a monarchal call, patriotism may
look with indulgence, if not with fa
vor upon the spirit of party. But in
those of the popular charaXer, in gov
ernments purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. From their
natural tendency it is certain there
will always be enough of that spirit
for every salutary purpose. And
there being constant danger of cxcefs,
the effort oughtgo be by force of pub
lic opinion, to mitigate and assuage it.
It is a fire not to be quenched; it de
mands uniform vigilance to prevent
its burning into a flame, left instead
of warming it, should consume.
It is important likewise, that the
habits of thinking in a free country,
should inspire caution in those etitruft
with its administration, to confine
themselves within their refpe&ive con
stitutional spheres, avoiding in the ex
ercise of the powers of one department
to encroach upon another. The spirit
cf encroachment tends to consolidate
the powers of all the departments in
one, and thus to create, whatever the
form of government, a real despotism.
A just estimate of that love of power,
and proneness to abuse it, which pre
dominates in the human heart, is fuffi
cient to fatisfy us of the truth of this
pofitipn. The neceflity of reciprocal
checks in the exercise of the political
power ; by dividing and distributing
it into different depositories, and con
stituting each the guardian of the
public weal, against invasions by the
others, has been evinced by experi
ments ancient and modern ; some of
them in our country, and under our
own eyes. To preserve them must be
as necessary as to institute them. If,
in the opinion of the people, the dis
tribution or modification of the con
stitutional powers be in any particular
wrong,let itbe corrected by an amend
ment in the way, which the conffitu
tion designates—But let there be no
change by usurpation ; for though
this, in one instance, may be the in
strument of good, it is the customary
weapon by which free governments
are destroyed—The precedent must
always greatly overbalance in perma
nent 'evil, any partial or transient bene
fit which the use can at any time yield.
Os all the dispositions and habits
which lead to political prosperity, Re
ligion and Morality are indispensable
Supports. In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism, who
wquld labor to subvert these great
pillars ofhuman happiness, these firm
eft props of the duties of men and cit
izens, The mere politician, equally
with the pious man ought to refpeX
and to cherish them.—A volume could
not trace all their connexions with
private and public felicity. Let it
simply be aiked where is the fccurity
for property, for reputation, for life,
if the sense of religious obligation de
left the oaths which are the instruments
of investigation in Courts of Justice ?
—And let us with caution indulge the
supposition, that morality can be main
tained without religion. Whatever
may be conceded to the influence of
refined education on minds of pecu
liar ffruXure ; reason and experience
both forbid us to exped that national
morality can prevail in cxclufion of re
ligious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue
or morality is a neceflary spring of
popular government. The rule in
deed extends with more or less force
to every species of free government.
Who that is a sincere friend to it can
look with indifference upon attempts
to Shake the foundation of the fabric ?
Promote, then as an object of pri
mary importance, institutions for the
general diffusion of knowledge. In
proportion as the ftru&ure of a gov
ernment gives force to public opinion,
it is effcntial that public opinion should
be enlightened.
As a veiy important source of
Strength and security, cherish public
credit—One method of preferring it
is to use it as sparingly as poflible ; a
voiding occasions of expence by culti
vating peace, but remembering also
that timely disbursements to prepare
for dangers, frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it: A
voiding likcwife the accumulation of
debt,not only by Shunning occasions of
expence, but by vigorous exertions in
time of peace to difchafge the debts
which unavoidable wars may have oc
casioned, not ungenerously throwing
upon posterity the burthen which we
curfelves ought to bear. The execu
tion of these maxims belongs to your
representatives, but it is necessary that
public opinion should co-operate. —
To facilitate to them the performance
of their duty, it is essential that you
should praXitally bear in mind that
towards the payment of debts, there
must be revenue ; —that to have re-
The great rule of conduct for us in regard
to foreign nations, is in extending our com
mercial relations, to have with them as little
political connection as poffble. So far as we
have already formed engagements, let them
be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let
us stop.
Europe, has a set of primary interefls, which
to us have none, or a very remote relation.
Hence she niuft be engaged in frequent ton
troverfies, the causes of which arc effen
tialiy foreign to our concerns. Hence
therefore, it niuft be unwise in us to im
plicate ourfclves, by artificial ties, in the or
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi
nary combinations and collisions of her friend
fllips, or enmities.
Our detached and distant fituation,invites &
enable usto pursue a different course. If we re
main one people, under an efficientgover^mc/f,
the period is not far off, when we may defy ma
terial injury from external annoyance; when
we may take such an attitude as will caufc the
neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon,
to be fcrupulbufly refpe&ed : when belligerent
nations, uhder the impossibility of making ac
quisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the
giving us proyocation; when we may choose
peace or war, as our interest, guided by jus
tice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar
a situation ? Why quit our own, to stand up
on foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving
our destiny with that of any part of Europe,
entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils
of European ambition, rivalfhip, interest, hu
mour or caprice?
'Tis our type policy to fleer clear of perma
nent alliances, with any portion of the foreign
Iworld1 world ;fo far, J mean, "as we are now at liber
ty to do it; for let me not be understood as ca„
venue there tihufl be taxes—and none
can be devised which are not more or
less inconvenient and unplcafant—that
the intrinsic embarrassment infepera
ble from the feledion of the proper
objects (which is always a choice of
difficulties) ought to be a decisive mo
tive for a candid conftru&ion of the
conduct of the government in making
it, and for a fpfrit of acquiescence in
the measures for obtaining revenue,
which the public exigencies may at
any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations —cultivate peace and harmony with
all— Religion and Morality enjoin this con
dud; and can it be, that good policy does
not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of
a free, enlightened, and (at no distant period)
a great nation, to give to mankind the mag
nanimous and too novel example of a people
always guided by an exalted justice and bene
volence. Who can doubt that in the course
of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary advantages
which might be loft by a Ready adherence to
it ? Can it be, that Providence has not con
neded the permanent felicity of a Nation with
Virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recom
mended by every sentiment which ennobles
human nature. Alas! is it rendered impoili
blcby its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular Nations,and pas
sionate attachments for others should be cxclud-,
erf ; and that in the place of them, just and a
micable feelings towards all should be cultivat
ed. The Nation, which indulges towards a
nother an habitual hatred, or an habitual fond
nefs, is in some degree a Have. It is a slave to
animosity or to its affection, either of which
is fufficient to lead it astray from its duty and
its interest. Antipathy in one nation against
another difpofcs each more readily to offer in
sult and injury, to lay hold of flight causes of
umbrage, and to be haughty and intractaole,
when accidental or trifling occafious of dil
pute occur.
Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, enven
omed and bloody contests. The Nation,
prompted by ill will and resentment, some
times impels to war the government, contra
ry to the belt cah-utotoi, of policy. The
government !„s^^R!s participates in the na
tional propensity, and adopts through passion
what reason would rejed; at other times, it
makes the animosity of the nation subservient
to projects of hostility inßigated by pride,am
bition, and other finiftcr & pernicious motives.
The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liber
ty, of Nations has been the vidim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one
nation for another, produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating
the illusion of an imaginary common interest,
,in cases were no real common interest exists,
and iofufing into one the enmities of the o
thcr, betrays the former into a participation in
the quarrels and wars of the latter, without
adequate inducement or justification. It leads
also to concessions to the favorite nation of
privileges 'denied to others, which is apt doubly
to injure the Nation making the concessions ;
by unnecessarily parting with what ought to
have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy,
ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the par
ties from whom equal privileges are withheld:
And it gives to ambitious, corrupted or delud
ed citizens (who devote themselves to the fa
vorite Nation) facility to betray, or facrifice
the interests of their own country, without
odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gild
ing with the appearances of a virtuous , sense
of obligation, a c^imendable deference for
public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public
good, the base or foolifli compliances of ambi
tion, corruption or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innume
rable ways, such attachments are particularly
alarming to the truly enlightened and inde
pendent patriot. How many Opportunities
do they afford to tamper with domestic fac
tions, to practice the arts of fedudion, to mis
lead public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils ; such an attachhient of a small
or weak, towards a great & powerful nation,
dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the ingduous wiles of foreign in
fluence (I conjure you to believe rue, fellow
citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to
be confanti, awake; Since hiftcry and experi
ence prove that foreign influence is one of the
most baneful foes of Republican Government.
—But that jealousy to be ufeful, must be hn
partial ; elic it becomes the instrument of the
very influence to be avoided, iußead of a de
fence against it.. Exceflive partiality for one
foreign nation, and excessive dißike of another,
cause those whom they a&uate to fee danger
only on one fide, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other.
Real patriots, who may refill the intrigues of
the favorite, are liable to become fufpeded &
odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the ap
plause arid confidence of the people, to furreii
der their interests.
O^ the last Oracle cee gave the Official
orders of the to. James M'Henry, Efi. Secretary
of War,that Funeral Honors be paid at all the mili
tary p^,&all the Officers toar mourning 6 months.
,able of patronizing infidelity to cirifting en
gagements. I hold the maxim no lek appli
cable t< Tpublic than to private aff^, that
hohefty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
therefore let those engagements be obferyed in
their genuine sense. Butin my opinion, it is un
necessary, & would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep^ourfelves, by
suitable establishments, on a refpe&able drfen
five posture, we may fafely trust to temporary
alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all na
tions, are recommended by polity, humanity
and interest. But even our commercial poli
cy, should hold an equal and impartial hand ;
neither fending or granting exclufiyc favours
or preferences—-confuting the natural course
of things ; diffusing and diverfifying by gentle
means, the streams of commerce, but forcing
nothing; eftabliihing, with powers so disposed,
in order to give trade a Ruble course to define
the rights of our merchants, and to enable the
government to support them; conventional
rules of intercourse, the best that present cir
cumftanccs and mutual opinion will permit,
but temporary, and liable to be from time to
time abandoned or varied as experience & cir
cumstances shall dictate ; conftant!y keeping
in view, that 'tis folly in on & nation to look for
disinterested favours from another; that it
must pay with a portion of its Independence
for whatever it may accept under that char
acter; that by such acceptance, it may place
itfelf in the condition of having given equiva
lents for national favours, and yet of being re
proached with ingratitude for not giving more.
There can be no greater error than to expert,
or calculate, upon real favours from nation to
nation. 'Tisaki illusion which experience must
Cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these
counsels of an old affectionate friend, I dare
not hope they will make the Arong and lad
ing impression I could with —that they will
controul the usual current of the passions, or
prevent our nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked the destiny of na
tions : But if I may even flatter myfelf, that
they may be productive of some partial bene
fit, some occasional good ; that they may now
and then recur to moderate the fury of party
spirit, to warn against the mifehiefs of foreign
intrigue, to guard against the impostures of
pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full
recompense for the solicitude for your welfare,
by which they have been dictated.
How far n the difeharge of my official du
ties, I have been guided by the principles
which havebeen delineated, the public records
and other evidences of my conduct must wit
ness to you and to the world. To myfelf, the
assurance of my own confeience is, that I have
at least believed myfelf to be guided by them.
In relation to the Rill subsisting war in Eu
rope, mj Proclamation of the zzd of April,
1793, ii the index to my plan. Sanctioned
by your approving voice, and by that of your
Representatives in both Houses of Congress,
the spirit of that measure has continually gov
erned me; uninfluenced by any attempts to de
ter or divert me from it.
Though infreviewihg the incidents of my ad
ministration, 1 am Unconfeious of intentional
error : lam nevertheless too sensible of my de
feats not to think it probable that 1 may have
committed many errors. Whatever they may
be, l fervently beseech the Almighty to avert
or mitigate the eyh, to which they may tend.
I Shall also carry with me the hope that my
country will never cease to view them with
indulgence; and that after forty-five years of
my life dedicated to its service, with an up
right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities
will be consigned to oblivion, as myfelf must
soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying bn its kindness in this as in other
things, and actuated by that fervent love to
wards it, which is so natural to a man who
views jn it the native foil of himfelf and his
progenitors for fcveral generations; 1 antici
pate with pleasing expectation that retreat in
which I promise myfelf to realize, without al
loy, the fwect enjoyment of partaking, in the
midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign in
fluence of good laws under a free government,
—the ever favourite objeX of my heart, and
the happy reward as I trnft, of our mutual
cares, labours and dangers.
After deliberate examination, with the aid
of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fa
tisfied that our country,under all the circum
stances of the case, had a right to take & was
bound in duty and interest to take a neutral position.
Having taken it, I determined, as far as Should
depend on me, to maintain it with moderation.
The considerations which refpea the right
to hold this condu&, rt is not necessary on this
occasion to detail. I will only observe, that
according to my un^erftanding of the matter,
that right, so far from being denied by any
of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually
admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral condud may
be inferred, without any thing more, from the
obligation which justice and humanity impose
on every nation, in cases in which it is free to
ad, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace
and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing
that condu& will best be referred to your own
reflexions and experience. With me, a pre
dominant motive has been to endeavour to
gain time to our country to fettle and mature
its yet recent institutions,and to progress with
out interruption, to that degree of strength &
consistency, which is necessary to give it, hu
manly Speaking, the command of its own for
tunes..
Geo. WaJhhgton.
United States, IJtb Sept. 1796.
UNITED STATES NAVAL ORDERS,
Navi; Department, Dec. lOtb, 1799-
THE President with deep affliction, an
nounces to the Navy and to the Marines,
the death of our beloved fellow-citizen GEO.
WASHINGTON, Commander of our armies,
and late President of the United States ; but
rendered more illustrious by his eminent virtues,
and a long series of the mod important services,
than by the honours which his grateful country
delighted to confer upon him.
Desirous that the Navy and Marines should
express in common with every other descrip
tion of American citizens, the high sense which
all feel of the loss our country has sustained in
the death of this great and good man ; the Pre
sident directs that the vessels of the Navy, in
our own & foreign ports, be put in mourning for
one week, by wearing their colours half mall
high ; and that the Officers of the Navy and of
the Marines, wear crape on the left arm, below
the elbow, for fix months.
BEN. STODDERT.
Gen. WASHINGTON'S letter,
Oiihis accepting the Command of the
American Arm, in 1798.
Mount-Person, 131 b July, 179&
BEAR SIR,
I HAD the honor, on the evening
of the nth inst. tp receive from
the hand of the Secretary of War, your
favour of the 7th, announcing that
you had, with the advice and consent
of the Senatqappointel me "Lieuten
ant Genera! anti Commander in chief of
all the armies raised or to be raijed for the
service of the United Staler"
I cannot express how greatly affed
ed I am at this new proof of public
confidence, and the highly flattering
manner in which you have been plead
ed to make the communication ; at
the fame time,lmuft n|t conceal from
you my earned wish, that the choice
had fallen upon a mah less declined
in years, and better Qualified to en
counter the usual vicifl/tudes of war.
You know, Sir, what calculation I
had made relative to the probable
course of events on my retiring from
office, and the determination I had
consoled myfelf with, of clofng the
remnant of my days in my present
peaceful abode ; you will therefore
be at no loss to conceive and appreci
ate the Filiations I must have experi
enced, to bring my mind to any con
clusion, that would pledge me, at so
late a period of life, to leave fcencs I
sincerely love, to enter upon the bounds
less field of public a^ion, ince slant
trouble, and high responsibility.
Ic was not possible for me to remain
ignorant of, or indifferent to, recent
tranfafeions.
The conduct of the DireHory of France
towards our country, their itfdious boftili
ty to its government ; their various practi
ces to withdraw the affections of the people
from it ; the evident tendency of their afts,
and those of their agents to countenance
and invigorate oppofttien ; their disregard
of falemn treaties and the lams of nations ;
their mar upon our defencelifs commerce :
their treatment of our Minfers of peace,
and their demands amounting to tribute,
could not fail to excite in me corres
ponding sentiments mith those my coun
trymen have so generally expressed
in their affedionate addresses to you.
BELEIVE ME, SIR, NO ONE
CAN MORE CORDIALLY AP
PROVE OF THE WISE AND
PRUDENT MEASURES /Your
ADMINISTRATION. They
ought to irfpire universal confidence, and
will, no doubt, combined with the •
state of things, call from Congrefsfuch
laws and means as will enable you
to meet the full force and extent of
the crisis
Satisfied, therefore, that you have
sincerely wished& endeavored to avert
war, arid exhaufed to the last drop the cup
of reconciliation, me can rosith pure hearts
appeal to Heaven for thejuftice four cause,
and may confidently trust the final refull
to that kind providence q.vho has heretofore,
and so often fgnally favoured the people
of tbefe United States.
Thinking in this manner, and feel
ing how incumbent it is upon every
person, of every description to contri
bute at all times to his country's wel
fare, and especially in a moment
like the present, when every thing we
hold dear and sacred is so seriously
threatened ; I have finally determined to
accept the commission of Commander in
Chief of the armies of the United States,
With this reserve only that I shall not
be called into the field until the army
is in a situation to requite my presence,
or it becomes indispensable by the
Urgency of circumstances.
In making this reservation. I beg it to
be underlined that I do not mean to
withhold any affiflance to arrange and
organize the army, which you think I
can afford. I take the liberty also to
mention, that I must decline having
my acceptance considered as drawing
after it any immediate charge upon
the public ; or that I can receive any
emoluments annexed to the appoint
ment, before entering into a situation
to incur expence.
The Secretary of war, being anx
ious to return to the feat of govern
ment, I have detained him no longer
than was necessary to a full commu
nication upon the several points he
had in charge.
With very great refped and ariifi
deration, I have the honor to be
Dear Sir, your most obedient hum
ble Servant,
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
JOHN ADAMS,
President of the United States.
From a Correspondent.
s Q-The Roman Ladies mourned for
Brutus a whole year. The Females
of America are certainly not inspired
with a less ardent attachment to their
country, or with less love for those
who have defended its rights.
A Correfeofot vould thereforefiggeft the propri
ety of mingling with their ornaments some token of
sorrow, upon the present mournful occasion. That
when the flranger pases by, be may observe and
fay, " Behold; how they loved him." — That
when the youthful warrior looks at this badge of
grief, be may remember WASHINGTON, and
emulate bis virtues. So will the Spirit of our
beloved Chief smile benignant!, upon bis daughters.
66 Quis defidefio fit pudor,aut modus,
“ Tam cari capitis ! "
Municipal Honors.
.Gen. WASHINGTON'SFuneraI.
GEORGETOWN, DEC. 20.
ON Wednesday last, the mortal part of
WASHINGTON, the great—the father
of his country and the friend of man, was con
signed to the tomb, with solemn honors and
funeral pomp,
A multitude of persons assembled, from ma
, ny miles around, at Mount Vernon, the choice
abode and last residence of the illustrious chief.
There were the groves—the Spacious avenues,
the beautiful and sublime Scenes, the noble man
sion—but alas ! the august inhabitant was now
n o more. That great foul was gone. His mortal
part wal there indeed; but ah! hour affecting!
how awful the fpedacle of such worth & great-'
nefs, thus, to mortal eyes, fallen :—Yes ! fallen !
fallen!
In the long and lofty Portico where oft the
hero walked in all his glory, now lay the Shroud
ed corpse. The countenance Rill composed and
serene, seemed to express the dignity of the Spi
rit, which lately dwelt in that lifelefs form.— l
There those who paid the last fad honors to the I
benefa&or, of his country, took an impreffive,|
a farewell view.
On the ornament, at the bead of the coffin,|
was inferibed Surge ad judicium—about the §
middle of the coffin, Gloria Deo—and on the l
silver plate, GENERAL|
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
Departed this life, on the 14th December '99, &.68■
Between three and four o'clock, the found of [
artillery from a vessel in the river, firing 'min?■
ute guns, awoke afrelh our solemn sorrow—the
corpse was moved—a band of music with mourn
ful melody melted the foul into all the tender
ness of woe.
The procession was formed and moved on in
the following order :
Cavalry,.) Witb arms reversed, f Guard,
Infantry,) J 1
Music,
Clergy,
The Generals borje wish bis saddle, holders &ptfols.
Pali Bearers ^ CORPSE } Pall Bearers.
—I-
Ccl.Smms, ■ Col. Gilpin,
Mourners.
Masonic Brethren.
Citizens.
" An union offueb various talents, and such vir
tues, is indeed a phenomenon ; and as bifor, does not
furnijb a frail ar inflance,fo ages will probably pass
array, before another WASHING TONJhall Jbine
fc the world.
The Tammany Society are to wear crape in their
bats for three months.
In consequence of the tfiaing intelligence of the
death of General Washington, Mrs. Adams' Draw
ing room is deferred to Friday the 17tb, when the
Ladies are refpeafully rejufied to wear white,
trimmed with black ribbon, black gloves and fans, as a
token of refpea to the memos, of the late President of
the United States. The Ladies of the off _ ? rs of the
general government will please to wear black.
DEC. 21.
At a meeting of the Pennsylvania Society of the
Cincinati, it has been unanimous, Rfolved that the
members wear mourning, connneaed with the Badge
of the fociqy,during 6 months ; that a Jiri, oj black
ribbon pacing along the centre Os the ribbon oj the or
der, be added on this occasion ; and that Maj. fack
fon be requeued to prepare and pronounce an Eulogi
um on the charaDer of Gen. Waftiagton ; and that
the fame be delivered on the lid F+b. next,
Senate of Pemifylvania.
" Oh Washington! thou Hero, Patriot Sage,
Friend of all climates, pride of every age;
Were thine the laurels which the world could
raise,
The mighty harvest were penurious praise."
« For as the Stars, which gild the vault of night,
Unnumber'd, pour effulgence on the fight,
So Chiefs and Senators in Crowds abound,
But rare as Comets Washingtons are found."
At PHILADELPHIA.
Three general difeharges by the infantry—
the cavalry, and I I pieces of artillery,which lin
ed the banks of the Potomack back of the vault,
paid the last tribute to the entombed Comman
der in Chief of the Armies of the United States,
and to the venerable departed Hero.
The fun wu now setting. Alas ! the Sun
of Glory was set forever. No the name of
WASHINGTON—the American Prefidentand
General; will triumph over death—the uncloud
ed brightness of his Glory Will illuminate future
^ges.
We are informed, that in refpea to the memory of
our deceased and illustrious fellow-citizen GE OR GE
WASHINGTON, the Episcopal churches in this
city (of which be Was a member,) are to be bung in
black, for several months. The pulpits, organs, life,
together with the pew in Cbrijl Church formerly
occupied by the General, ate to he entirely Jbrowded
in black.
When the procession had arrived at the bot
tom of the elevated lawn on the banks of the
Poromack, where the family vault is placed, the
cavalry halted,the infantry marched towards the
mount and formed their lines—the clergy, the
Masonic brothers, and the citizens defeended to.
the vault, and the funeral service of the church
was performed. The firing was repeated from
the vessels in the river, and the founds echoed
from the woods and hills around.
A letter from Alexandria, after relating the death
of our beloved General Wajhington, concludes a; fol
lows :—“ Alexandria is making a< rangements to
Jbew its high efeem for him. We are ail to elfc
our bonfes, and a& as we should do if one of our
family had departed. The Bells are to toll daily until
be is buried, which will not be until Wednesday or
Tburfday. He died perfeßl, in bis fenfrs, and from
Dr. Dick's account perfectly reigned. He observed
that be bad nofear of death, and that bis affairs
lucre in good order, that be bad made bS swill, and,
that bis public bujiftefs was but two days behind band,'
At NEWPORT—4// bufnefs was fafrended
for a day ; the bells tolled. The M.W.Gjand Mas
ter of Masons has direPed mourning for nine days.
At NORTHAMPTON— BeIIs tolled.
“ Refolded, That in tejlimor.y of our gratitude and
i” re fp e ri to the memory of a cbasaßerfo defcrving in
all fitwtions, 'whether as a Soldier, a Statesman, or
a Man, as the late Gen. WaJhington, the members
of this boufe will wear a black crape on the left arm
due ing the present session."
The boufe of Representatives have adopted a Jimi
lar resolution.
At ALEXANDRIA.
DEATH OF WASHINGTON.