The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-10-01 00:00:00, page 1

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Voyages & Travels.
Vol. I.]
"Ourstate governments are losing
their respect for the general govern
ment, and their conduct more than
that of individuals, indicates a dispo
sition to revolt. *****Pennsylvania
to be sure has some apology in the to
tal incapacity and profound ignorance
of her present governor" [elevated to
the chief magistracy by a majority of
more«han 30,000 votes, comprising
the whole democratic strength of the
state]" but, after all, the "true
cause is to be found in the imbecility
of the national councils. Their con
duct has neither merited nor command
ed respect abroad or at home, and it
only requires another Burr to shake
our republican istitutions to their cen
tre-",
"It is becoming a very prevalent
opinion that our constitution is a rope
of sand, and that ro person need sub
mit to our government who does not
choose to do so, unless he be a poor
man or a very honest man."
" Our chief hope of salvation must
rest on the patriotism of the people
who must speak through the twelfth
congress.—Meanwhile we must pa
tiently endure the insults and indigni
ties that may be flung at us by the
great and the little tyrants that infest
the world, and our government will
bear it with their usual dignified mod
eration.” ,
These strictures, though more than
usually severe upon the democratic ad
ministrations both of the general and
state governments, areso just, and de
pict, in such vivid colours, the debase
ment to which our country has been
reduced by weak and corrupt rulers,
as well as the absolute necessity of mak
ing an immediate change, both of
men and measures, in order to save the
nation from utter ruin, that the editor
deems it. his duty to copy them into
the Gazette. In doing this he is aware
that he subjects himself to the reiterat
ed charge of inveterate hostility to
the institution, government, and rulers
* In other words we have relied for our
protection upon the system of terrapin poli
cy sb highly extolled by the French and
Jeffersonian democrats— Ed. U. S. Gaz.
+ Witness the present office holders, civil
and military, under the government of the
-U. States, and that of most of the individual
states. „ Bid
“ Honest men obey the Jaws from a
sense of duty ; rascals break them and
rise into wealth and power, -,-while the
men of probity are alone the suffer
ers; the government seems to act up
on the policy of the most despicable
of the Steuarts, to depend upon the
men of virtue, and secure all th<
" rascals in the country” by impunity
and countenance."
" The dignified moderation men
boast that notwithstanding^!! the kicks
and cuffs which we have received from
belligerents, this nation remains at
peace, and that we will pot be driven
into war by either of the contending
powers. If this were true, we should
be somewhat like a man, who after
being beaten all over the house by his
wife, at length takes refuge under the
table. This station he maintains with
the utmost dignity, notwithstanding
the orders of his wife to come out,
and thus disobeying her in this instance,
declares himself master of his house."
" The United States have about as
good a claim to independence as the
man under the table. We have suf
ferred ourselves to be abused in every
way that hatred could invent, and we
resent it by running - under the table —
and with dignified moderation declar
ing that we will not come out."*
" The present situation of the UnL
ted States is most deplorable. W^
have been played with as a boy plays
with a shuttlecock."
" Lool; at our situation at home!
The construction of the laws left en
tirely to the secretary of the treasury,
who assumes as much power of en
forcing or mitigating them at his
pleasure, as the popes formerly ex
ercised over men's consciences, and no
enquiry on this subject has been in
stituted by congress, who appear to
have no opinion of their own—that
can stand the test of three days opposi
tion to Mr, Gallatin."
From the U. S. Gazette.
A deplorable picture of the present
state of our public affairs under the
gestion of Jeffersonian democracy.
POLITICAL.
EXTRACTED.
EXETER, (N.H.) MONDAY, OCTOBER 1, 1810.
of his own country, and to the princi
ples of republicanism generally ;of
corruption by British gold ; and of all
the other base motives which are
usually ascribed to those who have for
nine years attempted to awaken the
people of these states to a sense of the
degradation and ruin which must inev
itably ensue from the servile, tempori
sing and partial policy adopted by the
leaders of democracy. Against such a
charge he has always scorned to set up
a defence; nor will he now enter any
other plea to it than the simple declar
ation, that the extracts are literally
made from an editorial article in the
Aurora of this morning. Whatever
may be the motives of the editor of
that paper, it is to be hoped that the
influence of British gold is not among
them. One thing is well known, that
Napoleon is not well pleased with our
abandonment of the terrapin system of
Embargo and Non-Intercourse.,
b The question whether the system of
French policy will end with the death
of Bonaparte, is discussed in the fol
lowing able manner.
"Let us not "lay this flattering
unction to our souls." Let us not
rest one atom of our security on the
vain hope, that fortune may give us
what we neglect to earn from Pru
dence. Philip may be sick—Philip
may be dead ; —but Philip will leave be
hind him a successor and a people with
the same views, and nearly with the
same means, at which we are now ap
palled. The French power is undoubt
edly of the most awful magnitude; and
the Emperor has been vigorously in
strumental in maturing its collossal
growth ; yet, if as we have endeavour
ed to show, the organization, which
affords such facilities to the military
operations ofFrance, depends no long
er on his individual genius, nor even
on the continuance of popular ambition,
then we must still repeat our inability
to believe, that his death will restore
the independence of Europe. Almost
all his subjects are become soldiers.
Even while they groan under the ty
ranny which they have unwarily ad
mitted, they still lust for conquest ; and
such a lust is not to be extinguished
with the life of an individual,, even
though that individual be Bonaparte.
He has himself made a provision for
the continuance of the national erergy,
by fixing the succession to watch and
guide it. He has splendidly fortified
that succession with an advanced guard
of allied & kindred princes, and with a
body guard of hereditary nobility ; &,
even if these great precautions should
fail to secure the empire fer his descend
ants, it must yet be remembered, 'that
the restoration of European independ
ence is something quite different from
the downfall of the new dynasty.
" It certainly is not impossible, that
his death when it does occur, may
rouse the ambition of his generals, and
that the people may weaken themselves
by discord'; but they must be strange
ly altered in their feelings, if they ad
mit any British expeditions to interfere
in the election ; or, indeed, allow us in
any way to profit by their intestine hos
tilities. They showed the world, at
the commencement of the revolution,
how little they were inclined to the
interference of foreigners ; and if such
was their temper at that time, what
may we expect it to be now, when a
contest of almost seventeen years has
exposed our imprudence, sharpened
their animosity, and advanced them so
near to the realization of all their airy
hopes and. magnificent desires? is it to
be conceived, that.the loss of a single
chief will break in a moment the per
vasive impulse of hostility and conquest
that now sways the whole mass of the
French nation ? Have we begun to be
lieve that the great events of our time
are produced without causes ? Or, that
an accident will put an end to a statei
of things which has resulted from the I
combination of so many natural cans- 1
es ? This is not an age of magic. Bon-i
aparte is a commanding genius—but f
he is no necromancer: and yet, as if 1
the whole were a nurse's fairy tale, I
we seem to believe that the destruction 1
of that giant is—to break a talismane
and destroy an enchantment —and that, <
all at once, as is the fashion in such i
stories, the castleis to fall down spon- a
taneously—and the chains of fair ladies I
&cafflive princes to fall off of themselves v
—and the party to join chorus in praise a
Mr. Walsh & the Edinburgh Review.
[continued.] Q
of England's knight-errantry—and
" all live very happy afterwards." No!
the spells by which he wrought, are—
the boldness of his designs, -the unity
of his attacks, the skill of his disposi
tions, the abilities of his generals and
commissaries, the rapidity of his move
ments, and his contempt of inisgnificant
objects. And it will be strange indeed,
if, among the vast multitude of enter
prising spirits, whom his example, and
the events of his day, have created or
set in motion, no successor shall be
found who has sufficiently profited by
the lessons of the great master of the
state, to take advantage of the temper
of the people, and lead it onward in its
present direction."
The Reviewers then advance the
opinion that the power of France may
in time be seriously impaired, if not o
verthrown.,
" We do not think, then, that there
is no chance of our being able to crush
the power of France by direct hostili
ty and agression ; but still we are of o
pinion, that by skilful and cautious
policy, we may reasonably hope to
disable it. This, however, we must
do by gradual and cautious means ; and
trust to the natural and regular, though
steady course of human affairs, for that
effectual co-operation, which cannot
be hoped from alliances and intrigues.
If we should find it unsafe, or actually
impracticable, to procure peace for
ourselves, at least we ought not to dis
turb the quiet of the Continent. Ev
ery agitation that we can now excite
there, is a fresh advantage to our ene
my: it furnishes him with an object
for the employment of his troops—
with lands to reward his leaders—and
with victories to amuse his people, we
should rather endeavour to keep the
states of Europe so completely tran
quil, that he shall have no cause or ex
cuse for war—no resistance to dread—
no plots to punish. If we could but
behold the French forces inactive, we
might hope to behold them subdued :-
they are irresistible only when in mo
tion; and they could continue in mo
tion no longer, if the continent were,
quiet; for the maritime hostilities of
England, who must then be the only
opposing power, could afford no em
ployment whatever to a military
force ; and as to their marine, the very
idea of a competition is absurd. At the
present time, every thing, if it be left
to its natural course, seems tending to
such a condition of repose. The states
that border upon France are ruled ei
ther by the kinsmen, or by the vassals
of Bonaparte ;—all but the Spanish
chiefs, who have only a little hour to
strut and fret. sThe more remote em
pire of Russia is still in peace; and in
peace it must remain, or be crushed
without mercy, and without hope of
restoration : for she seemed powerful
only by the prudent reserve of Cathar
ine. The succeeding governments,less
sagacious, have experimentally shown
us how much we overvalued the re
sources of their country.
" What then ? it may be said—Are
we to congratulate ourselves on the
helplessness of all the States that might
head against France? Certainly ; —
if We are convinced, as it appears we
should be, that nothing can be expect
ed from their exertions, while every
thing may be hoped from their repose.
When action and renown had ceased,
what should induce the French people
with jfatier.ee to support the oppres
sions they suffer? Would not the mul
titude soon begin to discover, that,
though their burthens remained, the
equivalents for which those burthens
were borne were totally withdrawn ?
—that the government was still seizing
their persons, draining their purses,
checking the cultivation of their lands ?
—prolonging the slavery of their
friends at camps no longer either use
ful or glorious—-abridging every en
joyment—scorning every complaint?
—in a word, persisting to bear down
the rights and liberties of a great peo
ple, without performing any one a
chievement that could extend the pub
lic dominion, or recompense the na
tional pride ? For a short time, in
deed, they might continue to suffer &
submit ; but when a year or two had
rolled away, with what feelings would
they view their rulers ?—Like other
mobs, they would begin to grow re&.
sonable on a reverse ; and, having
conquered as much as they could, they
would pretend to despise conquest •
and ask what the poor were to gain
by the protraction of the war,—and
whether glory would pay the taxes — I।
^4 all th^ oUtf @flble qu&ttornh
which are so little in vogue with en
thusiastic mobs, and yet occur so read
ily to mobs that are out of humor ; &
this feeling of discontent and disgust
would be diligently fomented by alt
those turbulent adventurers who are
invariably bred by the disorders of ^
state —men who hate whatever is ; and
with them, would join the irritated and
numerous body whom personal of
fences, or envy, had excited against the
government —and the active friends and
spies of foreign states —and the reason
able few who could understand the ad
vantages of freedom—and the busy in
formers who are fond of popular e
quality.
" If the dawnings of such a spirit,
however, were now to appear in
France, the government would be con
strained to do one of these two things ;
—either it must weaken the national
power, by disbanding a part of its
forces, which, in itself will be an ob
vious advantage to us ; or it must free
the French nation from her burthens,
by permanently quartering the troops
in distant parts of the Continent, to
be supported from the tribute of con
quered states, where any thing is to
be found which they can levy—and, as
to the rest, from the distribution of
conquered lands. —Then a love of in
dolence, luxury and property, will
quickly succeed, in the breasts of the
soldiers, to the enthusiasm of war ; —-
their habits will be new modelled—►
their arms begin to rust in sloth—and
local attachments will supersede the
restlessness natural to homeless adven
turers. Thus, that power, which can
not be snapped asunder, may be grad
ually dissolved.
" If such a state of things could be
brought about, and it seems by no
means impracticable, the policy of
Great Britain would be simple and
easy. If peace should still be unat
tainable, she must continue her mar
itime exertions with all possible vig
our, and preserve, on thesea, that un
equalled authority which alonecaa bal
ance the supremacy of her rival on the
land !-—encouraging and protecting her
commerce; —extending it wherever her
flag can enter ; —but above all, adopt
ing a most liberal and consiliating^
policy to the states not immediate],
engaged in the war ; —and returning
to that broad and proud principle of
honour which, amidst all her infatua
tions, never deserted her, till she ac
quired a taste for invading the rights
and the property of neutrals.
" Lord Nelson is said to have advis
ed, that a large disposable force should
be kept constantly ready, at a moment',
notice, to annoy the coasts of the ene.
my ; —not always by long^concerted f
regular descents, butby all those modes
of vexatious and obstructive warfare
which are so completely in the power
of an unresisted maritime belligerent.
However, the mode and application of
our naval hostility must be left to the
decision of those whose professiona'
experience makes them most compet.
ent to estimate the plans and hit
that, from time to time, are suggested.
All that we venture to urge is, Jha
absolute necessity of restricting our n
selves, throughout Europe, to a war
simply maritime. Thus, we should be
fighting only where we could ensure suc
cess; & reserving our military resources
for times when they might be services
bly employed. Such times, too, tfoukl
at length arise ; and we should then be
prepared to take advantage of thea,
Those countries whose cessions i
submissions have purchased their "
pose would be gradually recrui Q
the lr population and resources ir,
season of quiet; and insensibly acot
,g a power that migl# be t xerQ
last in a really vigorous tor i,'
of the continental states - ^eder^cy
acy where the people sh^vfd
terestj^a confederacy have an
better judgement, &! °^ with
Though the tr %,J^CT^
could furnish, areJ,, th ° Se "^
with the 1e,% of ,
^^ ° f ^^^ ^^
way t/ CT would go a fa ,
while rhV ° " e eq^brium ; for,
t * f ? r ,.° n ° ne side bad beea
Phasing and improving, by diligent
Gaining and recruiting,—that of Bon
aparte would have been degenerating. |
y disuse, toward the level of a new I
and inexpert militia. It would datur-|
ally decline in its numbers, its habits,l
arid its spirit. Thus France would # I
have lost and her opposers would have
gained: and then, if a coalition could I
be formed on solid principles, it might I
indeed conduce to the deliverance of■
'[No. 20.