The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1781-04-11 00:00:00, page 1

Number 11.
Mr. COLLINS,
IN my former number I have endeavoured to pre
scribe fonie remedies against the procuring or
meritorious cause of our disease ; I will now pre
sume to offer some against the efficient cause. In
No. 111 of my former essays I have laboured to shew
that the chief was the depreciated state of our cur
rency, with the different authors and causes of it. It
has afforded me much pleasure to fee the several re
medies, prescribed for its cure, applied in succession,
with encouraging success.—Commissions on purchas
es of the Quarter-Masters and Commissary depart
ments have ceased —Those departments called to re
gular settlements of accounts —Laws ena&cd against
foreftalling—Calls by taxes made on the citizens for
the flipport of the war, the money press slopped—Re
solves and laws paffed,for finking the enormous fam of
continental money, at its current value; and to supply
its place, by new emidions, on proper and fafe funds for
the support of its value. —Let the honest among those
who have the management of our publick affairs now
fay, whether their profped of carrying on the contest
is not much more encouraging, (notwithstanding the
yet remaining difficulties) than it was a year and half
ago ? Though my former lucubrations exposed me
to insult and abuse ; yet I felt happy, in a confciouG
nefs of my sincere and honest pursuits of my coun
try's welfare ; and now feel an additional happiness, iu
feeingthe main ofmy fentiments,then delivered, jelli
fied by the publick and general condud of the Uni
ted States. Beholding thus my dear native country
emerge from the labyrinth of ruin, how can I forbear
interesting myfelf in her future preservation and wel
fare ? I therefore hope my fellow-citizens will in
dulge me in offering some important remedies against
a relapse into the fame, or a worse catastrophe, which
I (halt endeavour to do, with like liberty and candor.
These prefervatory remedies I shall reduce to the fol
lowing heads.
I. Let every friend to bis country exert bimfelfto pre-
Tent the depreciation of the new currency. The neces
sity of this is so well attested, that it requires no far
ther proof. This remedy is the more urgent, as nu
merous enemies will be again employed for the base
purpose of depreciation. Government has made use
of probable means to prevent it, and give the new
emissions a ready circulation. But former lodes, par
ticularly on outstanding debts and distant payments,
have so intimidated the community, that probably
ueceffary precaution will deter them from any truh,
unless it be unavoidable. I fubrnit it to the wisdom
of the Legislature, whether an additional chufe, that
if the money foould again depreciate against al! our ef
forts, that in such case the debtor fooald be obliged to
pay the tr^ value at the time of contraction, would not,
in some measure, remove this difficulty, and prove
a bar against depreciatory, who have found it gnarly
to their interest, in paying off debts with a small part
•of its true value. If any such or a similar remedy
cannot provide, we mutt bear this inconvenience till
our money has again established its credit. Much
will depend upon the due execution of the laws. I
therefore with to fee the example of some countiesin
New-Jersey, imitated by all others, namely, that some
prudent and judicious gentlemen, of approved attach
ment to their country, associate for these purposes;
and, agreeable to their pledged honour, to promote,
without favour or affection, the due execution of such
salutary laws. Such aids, added to the Imall quan
tity which is to be in circulation ; the pledged faith
of the different Rates to redeem it at the price of gold
and silver ; the interest it bears, which will induce
the holders, in case it should be undervalued, to pre
serve it until so redeemed, which will still diminilh the
quantity, and again force an appreciation ; I fay, all
these together, afford a well founded profped, of
the preservation of its value. It is undoubtedly the
interest of every citizen, not devoted to the detesta
ble business of fpeciilation, to preserve the value of
the new emissions. Let, therefore, every one free
ly part with what is needed and he can spare, at the
current market price. Some may reply, tories who
have only fold for hard caffi, have been gainers. I
answer, if whigs had not been so much intoxicated
with a love for great quantities of continental, tories
had never been such gainers.
I forefee the greatest danger from the gentlemen
merchants and traders. The cramped and danger
ous situation of the American trade, affords them so
great an opportunitv for extortion. Few of our ports
are open, and therefore a vast extent of country must
resort to them. Those from a distance must be sup-
[VoI. IV.] The l^' mb > 172.]
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
WEDNESDAY, April it, 1781.
plied, let the price be what it may, so the extorti
onate price, becomes the current. Those of one state
must be supplied at the port of another. The mo
ney of this state is no legal tender there ; nor are the
laws of this against the depreciation, in force there.
Perhaps the only remedy against these dangers may
be, Let us resolve, and put our resolution into exe
cution, to buy nothing but what is a neceflary con
venience of life, and be as frugal aS pohible in the
use of that, leave all the rest in their stores. This
would soon teach the extravagant, frugality ; make
the extortioner court cußom ; and save millions to
our diltrefTed country. And if the merchants of those
ports, by frivolous pretences, should begin to under
value the money of neighbouring Rates; then it will
behove those Legiilatures to provide effectual reme
dies. Per example, those of New-Jersey might ef
fectually provide for itfelf and the state of New-York.
Her harbours are full as commodious and advanta
geous as those of Philadelphia. In such case foe ought,
at all events, to procure her neceflary importations,
and prevent, as much as poflible, any intercourse with
those merchants.
Another danger is, the foreign traders bring more
valuable cargoes, and as the articles for their return,
are more scarce than heretofore, more bulky arid of
less price, these gentlemen, generally keep a balance
of our currency in their hands ; rather than entrust it
to the care of others or take it with them, they will
give more than the current exchange. This immedi
ately becomes a precedent to others. Though it is
not to be supposed, that, foreign merchants would
choose to fuffer personal inconvenience or loss, for
the fake of our publick advantage ; yet these gentle
men, while here, must be fubjed to our laws; and
ought in no wife to be fkreened from punishment, in
a matter of such importance to the United States.
Here, my fellow countrymen, is one of bur great
est dangers. O! that we might become wife, espy
our danger, and prevent it while in our power.
2. Another such remedy I conceive to be, that all
our publick measures be so conducted, as to deprive our
enemies, as much as poflible, of all hopes of conquest.
This might spare millions of money, and oceans of
blood ; the inseparable concomitants of the long con
tinuance of war. On this subject our most fefious
attention ought to be drawn.
1. To the arm,. It seems evident, that every nerve
should be exerted, to fill the refpe&ive corps by in
liftments during the war, to their full complement.
Inliftments for short periods, creates an enormous
expence ; —fills the lines continually with raw and
undisciplined troops ; —and leaves the commander in
chief frequently in fad dilemmas. Such circumstanc
es feed our enemies with sanguine hopes, that they
~?1 fawner or later prove our ruin. Also every pre
caution should be used to prevent all welifounded and
just causes of murmurs and complaints in the army.
No promise or engagement should be made to it, but
what was possible to perform, and punctually accorn
plilhed. I conceive it as a matter of importance to
proper military discipline, that officers treat their sol
diers with the Rrideß justice and humanity ; this
undoubtedly affords energy to the execution of mar
tial law, and creates reverence and refpe& instead
of hatred and malice mixed with slavish fear.—The
late difeontents in our armv, have undoubtedly af
forded our enemies additional hopes of its dissoluti
on, and of course, an easy conquest. I hope such
disagreeable experience will teach prudence for the
future.
2, No less than the army does the accomplishment
of our solemn confederation demand our most serious at
tention. The unaccountable delay of this important
matter, may one day prove of fatal disadvantage to the
nation: and our enemies probably recoiled the fate
of the seventeen United Provinces, in their struggles
for Liberty with Spain ; when the intrigues of that
then court found ways and means to draw ten of
them from the union, and again fubjed to slavery and
insupportable miseries. And when the height of de
bates, concerning the interest and advantage of par
ticular provinces, infected the remaining seven to such
a degree, as caused infufferable loss and eminent dan
ger to the whole nation —when even the heroick
Prince of Orange was almost drove to despair, and
offered to resign his command and retire. To such ex
tremes did paltry views of particular interests re
duce such a people, and the diftrelling, though the
strongest and cleared motives of felf preservation, urg
ed them to the solemn and indissoluble confederati
on ; which, forever after, has proved the impregna
ble bulwark to that republick.—And must the fame
bitter root of particular interest produce such destruc
tive fruits to us ? The unjust claims of one state, ob
stinately maintained, may cod that dear, and cause
the others to partake of the bitter cup. It is possi
ble, that, while danger lays at every door, members
of one state can persevere in a claim at such dreadful
hazard ; which, if obtained, would unavoidably cause
it to fink under the weight of its own burthen. I
bvilh the accomplishment of this important matter*
may fuffer no longer delay; as a buoy to the finking
hopes of out enemies. Add to this,
3. The quant of neceflary power in the conceive bod)
of the United States, It is hot the number of Rates in
the uhion, or oftheir delegates in council, which can
procure our preservation or deliverance, but thepow^
er and abilities they poflefs. However great the power
of extensive America may be, what may ; t avail, if it
cannot be brought: to a neceflary point, to fruftrate
the views of our enemies ? Howevet great our re
sources, what benefit can they afford, if they cannot
be brought forth for a seasonable supply ? An essen
tial defeft in most republicks is a want of neceflary
power, in their representative body, which Causes
dilatory operations, and frequently pernicious con
sequences to the commonwealth. Of all others, the
American republick seems to have neglected this
leading principle, in their constitution. While eve
ry Rate has been engaged in its own; the general one
has been neglected. And lam fully persuaded, that
this is the chief cause of our most distressing calami
ties. It is true, we have a Congress, a Council of the
United States. But are they much more than a mere
Council. Ihe adts of that august bodyhave often rais
ed in my mind the idea of a strange novel in the po
litical world. They fay, be it refoived, that such and
such things be recommended to the refpedive Rates.
Then if a mere majority in either branch of any Le
gislature gives a negative upon the measure, ten to
one, if the whole is not void, however necessary it
may be. Beflde the pernicious delays, which attend
such a course of business, the different Legiilatures
cannot possibly be competent to judge of matters, else
where debated upon proper materials. A want of rat
ceffary power in Congress may endanger the chain of
union. For instance, Congress has parcelled out to
the different Rates, their refpe&ive quotas of supp lies
for the support of the war. Suppose one, two, or
three states, on some pretended excuses, refufed to
comply, what then ? must the others make up their
deficiencies, or must the army fuffer, disband, and the
country be loft? It seems evident, that every depart
ment in an empire, ought to enjoy such powers as are
necessary for the discharge of its offices for the good
of the community, Therefore all such powers as be
long to the policy or good and wholelome govern
ment of each individual state, ought to be and re
main unalienable. But the powers by which the ge
neral matters and concerns of the empire are to be
managed, ought to be lodged in Congress, agreeable
to such general outlines, particulars ought to be
squared. It may be said, it is dangerous to entrust
Corgrefs with too much power. I answer, what ik
too much ? what is neceflary for the well-being and
fafety of the whole, cannot be too much. Why is such
power more dangerous in Congress, than in the re
fpe&ive Legiilatures? are not its members annually
elected from among our citizens, daily liable to mix
again with them in the private Rations of life, and
so become again one with them ? or is it because the
Legiilatures, and not the people, appoint them :
Then the danger originates from the Legiilatures ?
If so, it might be remedied by dividing each state in
to circles, and the people themselves to appoint their
delegates. This objection therefore rather insinuates
some secret views, than real danger. To Congress
ought to belong the disbursement of the publick fi
nances ; but a fufficient check against danger here,
would be, that the different Rates had a free and in
controulable right, to infpedt the national accounts,
to inftrud their delegates, and to impeach and pu
nish them for maladministration.
The chain of my ideas has already led me into
lengths, which forbids me to proceed at prefect. I
remain, Sir, &c.
Feb. 8, 1781. A true Patriot.
An ORDINANCE,
Relative to the Capture and Condemna
tion of Prizes.
THE United States in Congress assembled, taking
into consideration, the implacable war waged
against them by the King of Great-Britain, and judp
ing it inconsistent with their dignity, as a free and in
dependent nation, any longer to continue indulgen
ces and exemptions to ahy of the fubjeds of their ene
my, who is obstinately bent upon their deftrudion or
subjugation, have thought it proper to ordain and of.