The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-05-06 00:00:00, page 1

/% bare just received a Fork-Town Paper of the z^th
u/t. from which we have extracted the following
feirited Proceedings of Congress.
In CONGRESS, April 2% 1778.
f^ —* HE Committee to whom was referred.
' | Y the General's letter of the 18th, con
taining a certain printed paper lent from
Philadelphia, purporting to be t^e draft
of a bill for declaring the intentions of
the Parliament of Great-Britain, as to
the exercise of what they are pleased to term their
rfht of imposing taxes within these United States;
ard also the draught of a bill to enable the King of
Great-Britain to appoint Commissioners, with pow
ers to treat, consult and agree upon the means of
quieting certain disorders within the said States, beg
leave to observe,
That the said paper being industriously circulated
by emissaries of the enemy, in a partial and secret
n anner, the fame ought to be forthwith printed for
the public information.
The Committee cannot afeertain whether the con
tents of the said paper have been framed in Philadel
phia or in Great-Britain, much less whether the fame
a e really and truly intended to be brought into the
Parliament of that kingdom, or whether the said Par^
liament will confer thereon the usual folemnitics of
their laws. But are inclined to believe this will hap
pen, for the following reasons:
iff. Because their General hath made divers feeble
efforts to set on foot feme kind of treaty during the
last winter, though, either from a mistaken idea of
his own dignity and importance, the want of infor
mation, or some othet cause, he hath not made ap
plication to those who are invested with a proper
authority.
zdly. Because they suppose that the fallacious idea
of a cessation of hostilities will render these States
remiss in their preparations for war.
3dly. Because, believing the Americans wearied
with war, they mppofe we will accede to their terms
for the fake of peace.
4thly. Because they suppose that our negociations
r.ay be fubjedt to a like corrupt influence with their
d abates.
jthly. Because they expert from this step the fame
^Teds they did from what one of their ministers
thought proper to call his conciliatory motion, viz.
that it will prevent foreign powers from giving aid
to these States ; that it will lead their own fubjeds
to continue a little longer the present war ; and that
it will detach some weak men in America from the
cause of freedom and virtue.
6thly. Because their King, from his own fh'ewing,
hath reason to apprehend that his fleets and armies,
instead of being employed against the territories of
these States, will be necessary for the defence of his
own dominions. And
ythly. Because the impracticability of subjugating
this country being every day more and more manifeft,
-is their interest to extricate themselves from the
rar upon any terms.
The Committee beg leave further to observe, That,
ipon a supposition the matters contained in the said
paper will really go into the British Statute Book,
Key serve to show, in a clear point of view, the
veaknefs and wickedness of the enemy. Their
Weakness,
ift. Because they formerly declared, not only that
hey had a right to bind the inhabitants of these
States in all cases whatsoever, but also that the said
inhabitants (hould absolutely and unconditionally sub
mit to the exercise of that right. And this submis
sion they have endeavoured to exact by the sword.
Receding from this claim, therefore, under the pre
sent circumstances, shews their inability to enforce it.
zdly. Because their Prince hath heretofore reject
ed the humblest petitions of the Representatives of
America, praying to be considered as fubje&s, and
protected in the enjoyment of peace, liberty, and
fafety; and hath waged a most cruel war against
them, and employed the savages to butcher innocent
women and children. But now the fame Prince pre
tends to treat with those very Representatives, and
grant to the arms of America what he refuted to
her prayers.
3dly. Because they have uniformly laboured to
conquer this continent, rejecting every idea of ac
commodation proposed to them, from a confidence
in their own strength. Wherefore it is evident, from
the change in their mode of attack, that they have
loft this confidence. And
4thly. Because the constant language, spoken not
only by their Ministers, but by the most public and
authentic ads of the nation, hath been, that it is in-
NEW'JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. Lj
WEDNESDAY, May 6, 1778.
compatible with their dignity to treat with the Ame
ricans while they have arms in their hands. Not
withstanding which, an offer is now about to be
made for treaty.
The rfiefodnefs and infacerity of the enemy appear
from the following couhderations.
ill. Either the pills now to be passed contain a
direct or indirect celhon of a part of their former
claims, or they do not. If they do, then it is ac
knowledged that they have facrificed many brave
men in an unjult quarrel. If they do not, then they
are calculated to deceive America into terms, to
which neither argument before the war, nor force
since, could procure her client.
2dly. The firft of these Bills appears, from the ti
tle, to be a declaration of the intentions of the British
Parliament concerning the exercise of the right of
imposing taxes within these States. Wherefore, should
these States treat under the laid bill, they would in
dire&ly acknowledge that right, to obtain which ac
knowledgment the present war hath been avowedly
undertaken and prosecuted on the part cf Great-
Britain.
3dly. Should such pretended right be so acquies
ced in, then, of conlequence, the lame might be
exercised wheriever the British Parliament should find
themselves in a different temper and diJpoJnion; lince
it mult depend upon those, and such like contingen
cies, how far men will act according to their tor
mer intentions.
4thly. The laid firft Bill, in the body thereof, con
taineth no new matter, but is precilely the lame*
with the motion before-mentioned, and liable to all
the objections which lay against the said motion, ex
cepting the following particular, viz. that by the mo
tion actual taxation was to be iulpended, so long as
America should give as much as the raid Parliament
might think proper : Whereas, by the proposed Bill, it,
is to be lulpendcd, as long as future Parliaments con-,
tinue of the fame mind with me present.
Stilly. From the second Bill it appears, that the
British King may, if he pleases, appoint Commission
ers to treat and agree with those whom they please,
about a variety of things therein mentioned. But
such treaties and agreements are to be of no validity
without the concurrence of the said Parlaiment, ex
cept so far as they relate to the fujpenfon of hostili
ties, and of certain of their a^s, the granting of par
dons, and the appointing of Governors to these love
reign, free and independent States. Wherefore, the
said Parliament have referred to themselves, in ex
press words, the power of setting aside any luch trea
ty, and taking the advantage of any circumstances
which may arise to fubjett this continent to their
usurpations.
6thly. The said Bill, by holding forth a tender of.
pardon, implies a criminality in ourjuftifiable relift
ance, and consequently, to treat under it would be
an implied acknowledgment that the inhabitants of
these States were, what Britain hath declared them
to be, Rebels.
ythly. The inhabitants of these States being claim
ed by them as fubjedts, they may infer, from the
nature of the negociation now pretended to be set on
foot, that the said inhabitants would of right be af
terwards bound by such laws as they should make.
Wherefore any agreement entered into on such ne
gociation might at any futuretime be repealed. 'And
Bthly. Because the said Bill purports, that the
Commissioners therein mentioned may treat with
private individuals ; a,meafure highly derogatory to
the dignity of national character.
From all which it appears evident to your Com
mittee, that the said Bills are intended to operate
upon the hopes and fears of the good people of these
States, so as to create divisions among them, and a
defection from the common cause, now by the blef
ling of Divine Providence drawing near to a favour
able issue. That they are the sequel of that insidious
plan, which, from the days of the Stamp-ad down
to the present time, hath involved this country in
contention and bloodshed. And that, as in other
cases so in this, altho' circumstances may force them
at times to recede from their unjustifiable claims,
there can be no doubt but they will as heretofore,
upon the firft favourable occasion, again display that
lust of domination, which hath rent in twain the
mighty empire of Britain.
Upon the whole matter, the Committee beg leave
to report it as their opinion, that as the Americans
united in this arduous contest upon principles of com
mon interest, for the defence of common rights and
privileges, which union hath been cemented by com
mon calamities and by mutual good offices and af
fection, so the great cause for which they contend,
and in which all mankind are interested, must derive
THE
For the New-Jersey Gazette.
THOUGH I never had any apprehensions that
Great-Britain could reduce us to her iniquitous
terms of unconditional submission by the force of
her arms; I was not without my suspicions, that as
soon as flie difeovered the impracticability of her pur
\ pose, flie would attempt, by the stratagem of nego
. ciation, what flie found unattainable by her military
prowess. Accordingly in the desperation of Lord
North to subdue us by war, he is now determined
(and I fufped from his incessant blunders, with the
help of a better head than his own) to divide us by
insidious proposals, to gain time for reinforcing the
British troops, while he expeds to divert us by a ri
diculous accommodation, from augmenting our own.
To prevail upon the nation to lay aside ail thoughts
of conquest with which he has constantly flattered
it, he is obliged to acknowledge such mortifying
truths as no other consideration would have extorted
from him. " Our army," fays he, "is great; our
navy is great ; but the refinance of America is great
er ; and the war has lasted longer than was at firft ap
prehended. To strengthen our force, and continue
the war upon the present plan, is attended with too
great an expence of men and money ; an expence
which conquest itfelf would not balance." It is
therefore evident that he quits his pursuit of con
quest only from the want of men and money neces
sary to effect it. But incapable of executing his ori
ginal languinary design, what does he substitute in its
room? Only to trick us into that fame taxation un
der a more specious form by dint of artifice, into
which he could not beat us by the length of his
sword. For what is the right of taxing the merchan
dize of a trading people which Britain now proposes,
but the right of drawing from them what sums she
pleases? Would not the farmer, would not the arti
ficer, would not every citizen of America who con
sumes any of the commodities, upon which a duty
was imposed, pay the tax of the price advanced in
proportion to the duty ? And in the extensive man
ner in which the draught of the bill is worded, of not
imposing any duty, &c. except only such as may be ex
pedient to impose for the regulation of commerce, will
not their Parliament (which is intended to be the sole
judge of this expediency) impose just what duties it,
shall think proper? Will it not think it expedient to
debar us from trading with any nation except their
own, and with themselves at their own prices ? And
thus from the most glorious profpea of being the
happiest and most flourifhing people upon the face
of the earth, by appointing our own rulers and trad
ing with the whole world, we are voluntarily to re
sign ourselves to the most ignominious bondage, and
to facrifice our commercial interest to a nation that,
while we were connected with them, abused the ex
ercise of their regulating power to such an oppressive
degree, as constituted one of the principal causes of
our revolt. And what can be more provoking than
for Great-Britain, after acknowledging the superi
ority of our arms, to propound such a controu! over
our commerce as we remonstrated against before the
commencement of the war; and which would infal
libly render us and our remotest posterity the slaves
and tributaries of a nation venal, corrupt, abandon-
its success from the continuance of that union,
Wherefore any man or body of men, who should
presume to make any separate or partial convention
or agreement with Commissioners under the crown
of Great-Britain, or any of them, ought to be con
sidered and treated as open and avowed enemies of
these United States.
. And further your Committee beg leave to report
it as their opinion, That these United States cannot,
with propriety, hold any conference or treaty with
any Commissioners on the part of Great-Britain, un
less they shall, as a preliminary thereto, either with
draw their fleets and armies, or else, in pbfitive and
express terms, acknowledge the Independence of the
said States.
And inasmuch as it appears to be the design of the
enemies of these States to lull them into a fatal secu
rity—to the end that they may adwith a becoming
weight and importance, it is the opinion of your
Committee, That the several States be called upon
to use the most strenuous exertions to have their re
fpe&ive quotas of continental troops in the field as
soon as ppffible, and that all the militia of the said
States be held in readiness to 2d as occasion may
require.
The report being read, and debated by paragraphs.
Refolded unanimoufy, That Congreß approve and
confirm the said report.
Publi/hed by order of Congress,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
[Numb. 23.]