The United States oracle of the day — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-08-15 00:00:00, page 1

you lee in this, to merit the execrations
• which have been bellowed on the mea
sure ?
Here then, fellow-citizens, is an open
and solemn protest against til princi
ples and opinions of our opponents,
from a quarter,which,as yet, they dare
not arraign.
In referring to this speech, we think
it proper to make a pul''c declaration
of our approbation of' contents: We
view it as, virtually, a candid retraction
of past misapprehensions, and a pledge
to the community, that the new pi eft
dent will not lend himfelf to dangerous
innovations ; but, in effcntial points,
will tread in the heps of his predeces
sors.
But we think ourselves warranted to
derive from the fame source, a con
demnation (till more extensive, of the
opinions of out adversaries. The speech
characterizes our present government,
“as a republican 'government, in the
full tide of fuccefsful experiment." Suc
cess in the experiment of a government,
is success in the practice of it, and this
is but another phrase for an administra
tion, in the main, wife and good.—
That administration has been hitherto
in the hands of the federalists;
As to aftanding army, there is none,
except four final! regiments of infantry
infufficient for the service of guards in
the numerous posts of our immense
frontiers, Rretching from Niagara to
the borders of Florida, and two regi
ments of artillery, which occupy, in the
fame capacity, the numerous fortifica
tions along our widely-extented sea
coast. What is there in this to affright
or disgust ?
If these corps are to be abolished,
substitutes must be found in the militia.
If the experiment shall be made, it is
easy to foretel, that it will prove, not
a measure of economy, but a heavy
bill of additional cost ; and like all o
ther visionary schemes, will be pro
ductive only of repentance, and a re
turn to a plan injudiciously renounced.
This exposition of the measures
which have been represented to you as
abuses, no longer to befuffered (mark the
strength of the phrase,) will, we trust,
serve to fatisfy you, of the violence and
absurdity of those crude notions which
govern our oppofers, if we believe them
to be sincere.
exoneration of the accused. What do
To the Electors of the State of ftw-York.
[Concluded. ]
IIS to the British treaty, it is fuffi
cient to remind you of the extravagant
predictions of evil persons to its ratifi
cation, and to atk you, in what have
they been realized ? You have seen our
peace preserved; you have seen our
western posts surrendered : cur com
merce proceed with success in its wont
ed channels, and our agriculture flour
ish to the extent of every reasonable
with. And you have been witnesses to
none of the mifchiefs, which were fore
told. You will then conclude with us
that the clamours against this treaty
are mere ebullitions of ignorance, of
prejudice, and of fadion.
As to the /edition law, we refer you
to the debates in Congress, for the mo
tives and nature of it—More, would
prolong too much this reply, already
more prolix than we could wish. We
will barely fay, that the moR essential
object of this ad is, to declare the
Courts of the United States competent
to the cognizance of those Handers a
gainst the principal officers and depart
ments of the federal government,whicli
at common law, are punishable as li
bels ; with the liberal and important
mitigation, of allowing the truth of an
accusation, to be given in evidence, in
In the speech of the new President
upon afTuming;ihe exercise of his office,
we find, among the articles of his creed,
“ THE HONEST PAYMENT OF OUR DEBT
AND SACRED PRESERVATION OE THE
public faith.'’ —The funding system
the national debt, the British treaty,
are not, therefore, in his conception,
abuses, which, if no longer to be tol
rated would be, of course, to be abol
ished.
Happily for our country, however,
there has just beamed a ray of hope,
that these violent and abfu^d notions
will not form the rule of conduct of the
person whom the party have recently
elevated to the head of our national af
fairs.
PORTSMOUTH, N. H. Printed and Published cvery SATURDAY
Laws &c. of the Urited
POLITICAL MISCELLANY.
GENERAL HAMILTON'S
ADDRESS
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR.
OF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY, RELIGION AND MORALITY ARE INDIVISIBLE SUPPORTS WASHINGTON'S ir™
<be Otiteti ^tates
SATURDAY, AUGUST 15, 1801.
The answer to this is, that under the
administration of Mr. Clinton, the Rate
possessed large resources, which were
the substitute for taxation. The duties
of imposts, the proceeds of confiscated
property, and immense tracts of new
land, which, if they had been providen
tially disposed of, would have long de
ferred the necessity of taxation. That
this was not done, Mr. Clinton, as one
of the commissioners of the land-office,
is, in a principal degree, responsible.
Under the administration of Mr. Jay,
the natural increase of the Rate has un
avoidably augmented the expence of
the government, and the appropriation
of large sums, in most of which all par
ties have concurred, to a variety of ob
jects of public utility and necessity, has
so far diminished the funds of the Rate,
as, in the opinion of all parties, to have
required a resort to taxes.
The principal of these objects have
been, i. 'j'he erection of fortifications,
and the purchase of cannon, arms, and
other warlike implements, for the pur
pose of defence. 2. The building and
maintenance of the date prisons ; in
the laudable experiment of an amelio
ration of our penal code. 3. Thepur
chafe front Indians, of lands, which,
though re-fold, have not yet been pro
ductive of revenue. 4. The payment
of dower, to the widows of persons,
whofeedates had beemconfifeated. 5.
Large appropriations for the benefit of
common schools, roads and bridges.
6. The ere&idn of an arsenal and pub
lic offices in the city of Albany.
In vain are you told, that you owe
your prosperity to your own indußry,&:
to the bleflings of Providence. To the
latter,doubdefs you are primarily indebt
ed. You owe to it, among other bene
fits, the constitution you enjoy, & the
wife administration of it, by virtuous
men, as its instruments. You are like
wise indebted to your own industry.—
But has not your industry found ali
ment and incitement in the salutary op
eration of your government—-in the
piefervation of order at home—in the
cultivation of peace abroad—in the in
vigoration of confidence in pecuniary
dealings—in the increased energies of
credit and commerce—in the extension
of enterprize, ever incident to a good
government well administered. Re
member what your situation was im
mediately before the establishment of
the present constitution. Were you then
deficient in indußry, more than now ?
If not, why were you not equally prof
perons ? Plainly, because your indußry
had not at that time the vivifying in
fluences of an eßicent, and well con
duced government.
'1 here is one more particular in the
address, which we cannot pass over in
silence, though, to avoid being tedious,
we must do little more than mention
it. It is a comparison between the ad
ministration of the former and present
governors of this Rate on the point of
economy, accompanied with the obser
vations, that the former had (hewn an
anxious solicitude to exempt you from
taxation.
All thole, of whatever party, who
may desire to support the moderate
views exhibited in the presidential speech
will unite againit the violent projects of
the men who have addrefed you in fa
vor of Mr. Clinton, and against a can
didate, who in all past experience, has
evinced, that he is likely to be a fit in-
Rrument of thefc projects.
Fellow-citizens, we beseech you to
consult your experience, and not listen to
tales of evil, which exiß only in the
language, not even in the imaginations
of those who deal them out. This ex
perience will tell you, that our oppof
ers have been uniformly mirtaken in
their views of our conftitutien, of its
ad minift ration, in all the judgments
which they have pronounced, of our
public affairs ; and consequently, that
they are unfaithful, or incapable advis
ers. It will teach you, that you have
eminently prospered under the system
of public measures, pursued & support
ed by the federalists.
In doing this, he prudently antici
pates the loss of a great portion of that
favor which has elevated him to his
present Ration.—Doubtless it is a just
forefight. Adhering to the profellions
he has made, it will not be long, before
the body of the antifederalifts will raise
their croaking and ill-omened voices
against him : But in the talents, the
patriotism, and the firmnefs of the fed
eralifts,he will find m ire than an equiv
alent for all that he shall lose.
'i'is to his honour, that his benevo
lence is as large as his estate. Let his
numerous tenants be his witnesses ; —at
tached, as they are, to him, not by the
ties of dependence,(for the greatei part
of them hold their lands in fee simple,
and upon easy rents,) but by the ties
of affection, by those gentle & precious
cords, which link gratitude to kindness.
Let the many indigent and dißreffed,
who have been gladdened by the be
nign influence of his bounty, be his
witnesses. And let every reflecting
man well confider, whether the people
are likely to fuller, because the ample
fortune of a virtuous & generous chief
magiftrate,places him beyond the temp
tation of a Job, for the accumulation
of wealth.
We forbear, to can rafs minutely, the
personalities, in which our adversaries
have indulged. 'Tis enough for us,
that they acknowledge our candidate
to possess the good qualities which we
have ascribed to him; If he has inher
ited a large estate, 'tis certainly no
crime.
We shall not inquire, how ample
may be the domains, how productive
the revenues, how numerous the de
pendents of Mr. Clinton, or how his
ample domains have been" acquired.—
'Tis enough for us to fay, that if Mr.
Van Renlfelaer is rich, Mr. Clinton is
not poor : and that it is at least as inno
cent in the former, to have been born
to oppulence, as in the latter, to have
attained to it, by means of the advan
tages of the firft office of the Rate, long,
very long enjoyed,—for three years, at
least, too long, because, by an unlawful
tenure—contrary to a known majori
ty of fuffrages.
We shall not examine how likely it is
that a man considerably passed the me
ridian oflife, and debilitated by infir
mities of body, will be a more ufeful &
efficient governor, and more independ
ent of the aid of friends and relatives,
than a man of acknowledged good sense
of mature years, in the full vigour of
life, & in the full energy of his faculties.
We shall not discuss how far it is
probable, that the radical antipathy of
Mr. Clinton, to the vital parts of our
national constitution, has given way to
the little, formal amendments which
have since been adopted. We are glad
to be aiTured, that it has. It gives us
pleasure, to fee proselytes to the truth ;
nor shall we be over-curious to inquire,
how men get right, if we can but dis
cover, that they are right. If, happily,
the poffeflion of the power of our once
detested government, shall be a talis
man, to work the conversion of all its
enemies, we shall be ready to rejoice,
that good has come out of evil.
But, we dare not, too far, indulge
this pleasing hope. We know that the
adverse party has its Dantons, its Ro
befpierres, as well as its Brifets, and its
Rolands ; and we look forward to the
time, when the feds of the former will
endeavour to confound the latter, and
their adherents, together with the fed
eralifts, in promifeuous ruin.
In regard to these feds, which com
pose the pith and efi'ence of the anti
federal party, we believe it to be true
that the content between us, is indeed, a
war of principles—a war between ty
ranny and liberty, but not between
monarchy and republicanism —lt is a
contest between the tyranny of Jaco
binifm, which confounds and levels
every thing, and the mild reign of ra
tional liberty, which rests on the basis
of an efficient and well balanced gov
ernment, and through the medium of
stable laws, (belters; 'and protects, the
life, the reputation, the prosperity, the
civil and religious rights of every mem
ber of the community.
Hence it is evident, that the differ
ence which has been remarked to you,
in refpeCt to taxation, has proceeded
from a difference of circumitances, not
from the superior providence or econo
my of the former, o' *from the improvi
dence or profufion of the exiting ad
minillration. Our opponents may be
challenged to bring h ae to Mr. jay,
the proofs of prodigality, and they
may be told, that the parity and integ
rity of his conduct, ; relation to the
public property have ever for a mo
ment, been drawn into question.
'Tis against these feds, that all good
men should form an indifl'oluble league.
To resist and fruftrate their machina
tions, is alike essential to every prudent
and faithful administration of our gov
ernment, whoever may be the depofi
tarics of the pewer.
^Mio^^\ F^^
Hol. Xi.
N/) . -45
Morning, by WILLIAM TREADWELL, &CH Printers of the .
States, in New-Hainplhire.
ference ? a sincere and resolute inten
tion in him, to embrace every proba
ble means of Rifling the virulence of
the two parties,, He would not the
disinterested and ardent lover of these
dates, flattered himfelf,drive from their
offices men, who had (hewn themselves
anxiously bent upon, and capable of
difeharging with faithfulnefs, the du
ties of their Ration. Neither would
he deal out exclutively to his friends &
partizans the loaves and fifhes of our
government,wherever merit was found,
whether dressed in the garb of federal
ifm or antifederalifm.* By pursuing
this line of conduct, he would have en
f^red to himfelf the confidence & warm
ed fopport of all the estimable part of
the nation. A man who tries to pur
chase immortality of glory by making
himfelf the weather cock of party spirit
and licentioufnefs,is engaged in a hope
less undertaking. A Roberfpierre may
sway the fceptre for a day, month, or
year, but it cannot be long before it
must drop from his hands. Kind pro
vidence has beneficently ordained, that
vice shall never obtain an absolute do
minion over virtue. The wretch who
would pollute his hands with the blood
of his friend, in order to mount the
ladder of power, may for a time by his
success, dazzle the eyes of the world,
and hear his name loaded with a profu
fion of encomiums. The deformity
of his mind however, cannot be long
concealed. As soon as the penetrat
ing eye of justice has unfolded it, his
credit will begin to dwindle. If for
tune should make it her province to
continue him in power till he finks into
his grave, fte cannot after his death,
hand down his memory to posterity un
* Ic was hoped its cmims to public trulls
would be considered by him equally strong.
Mfrs. Willet £fl O'Connor,
THESE papers are not written to
depreciate or to ill with unpleas
ant feafations a man, who has reached
a high degree of celebrity. Wide is it
from my difpofitiori to cause a moment
of unwholesome uneasiness to the dwel
ler of the humble cottage, or the proud
inhabitant of the princely aud magnii
ceut palace. Natnre his ; rn^re QCT
my mind, in legible and indeligible
characters, a command, never to occa
sion unnecessary pain, even to the vilest
and refufe of society. If however by
rebukes they may be formed, she in
joins me not to spare their feelings. It
has from my earließ youth,been a prin
ciple with me to point out the faults
in the conduct of my acquaintance,if by
it I can reasonably reclaim them.
From my knowledge of the President
of the United States, I had believed,
that he was a man, whose integrity was
unimpeachable, and whose zeal for his
country's weal was of the mod ardent
kind. To fee America renowned thro'-
out the world for the arts and sciences,
for her magnanimity and impartiality
in her intercourse with other states, and
for a government whose distinguishing
traits mould be wisdom, justice, and
freedom, were I have often declared,
the reigning desires of his bosom. This
praise, Sirs, was not the effufion of ad
ulation. It was a tribute I religiously
believed due to his merit. But, since
he has occupied the prefidcntial chair,
his conduct has not been blameless,
fip?° this period errors and acts of in
jufbee are justly chargeable to him.—
They have not,however,as I fain would
hope, proceeded from corrupt motives,
but were the effects of a mistaken judg
ment.
From nis inaugurating speech, I had
flattered myfelf, that be would do eve
ry tiling within the pale of his power,
to reconcile the two parties, which have
nearly effeded the subversion of our
happy form of government. Their ani
mosity has been such, as to make old
and sincere friends rancorous and irre
concileable enemies; and to such a pitch
has it lately been carried, as to portend
that the fun of American glory and in
dependence, was about to set forever.
We were told by the President in his
speech, that we were all republicans, all
federalifts. He went so far as to fay,
chat the difference in the political sen
timents of the friends of Adams & him
felf was scarcely difcernable: in fine,
that there was almost a perfed coinci
dence of opinion among the people of
the United States.
From these avowed and undisguised
declarations, what was the natural in-
Oracle of tl)e Bap.
PRICE I DOLLAR 50 CENTS ' Per Annum
CONON-No. I.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, THIRTEENTH YEAR.
From the Norfolk Herald.
It was not then believed that this
(hurt paragraph would be made the
mighty instrument of calumniating, &
even damning, the charaftir of the Pre
sident. We pG/Teffed not the admira
ble penetration of difeerning in such a
measure a full demonstration that Mr.
Jefferfon entertained the fame religious
opinions with Mr. Paine, that he indis
criminately approved every ad of Mr.
Paine s life, and that he took this mode
of evincing his secret pleasure in the
calumny, alledged to have been cast
by Mr. Paine upon the character of
General Washington.
We imagined that it was possible for
an individual of one set of religious
principles to feel ch irity for the misfor
tunes of a fellow mortal of another set
or of no religious opinions whatever ;
we imagined that virtue was not exclu
sively confined to one kind of political
sentiments ; and we imagined that a
country might feel grateful for the dis
tinguished Services of a man, rendered
in a period of difficulty and danger,
though such a man might afterwards
avfr opinions which some might think
g^d, others might think bad,Bc others
might think indifferent.—But we have
discovered our mistake, & we find that
not only freedom of opinion is to be
difeountenanced, but that a spirit of u
niversal good will is of all possessions
the mod dangerous.
At the time we inserted the paragraph
alluded to, we entertained great doubts
of its correctness ; but for the reasons
above Rated, we thought no more of
it. As however, it is our invariable de
sire to diffufe truth, and as far as we
can, to repress error, convinced thaty
our fellow citizens only require correct
information to form true opsins of
public men and public measures, we
will Rate, from sources on which we
can depend, the circumtluces that
have given rife to the Paris paragraph.
We underßand that Mr. Paine wrote
to Mr. Jefferfon, before he was elected
Prelident, Rating to him a strong de
fine to return to America ; but also
Rating his apprehension, from informa
tion possessed by him, that if he came
in a private vessel the English would be
likely to intercept the (hip, make him
their prisoner, and convey him to Eng
land, where his liberty, and perhaps
life might be endangered. He there
fore requested, in case Mr. Jefferfon
(hould bee ele&ed President, and a na
tional v,ffel (h)uld be sent to France,
he might be permitted to take a ptifige
in her fob this country. This letter
Mr. Jelferfon answered and gave the
permition required.
On this explanation we shall make
no farther comment than to fay, that it
is made-, not from any refpeft for, or
fear of that intolerant spirit which is a
disgrace to our country, and which eve
ry good man th >uld difeountenance,
but from a regard to that class of our
citizens, who withghe bed intentions,
unfortunately fuffer others to think for
them,and are of consequence sometimes
deceived.
North Carolina —agrees >l, to the canfus late
ly taken —contains 4,8,103 inhabitants; —of
which 133296 are fl <ves—Thefe numbers inti
tle it co Twelve reprefent&tivci to Congress ;—
two more than it now fends.
Bullied with his vices. Turn over the
leaves of the maffy volumes that relate
the story of man, and in tliem you will
tee the characters of crowned heads,
victorious generals, & celebrated ftatefc
mm, depicted in odious and hateful
colours, became they have obeyed the
fyren voice of depravity.
10 merit and obtain, then, desirable
and lotting praise, we muR take vir ;e
for our guide. To catch the affections
9' g o °^ men, we mut come up to our
engagements, and Ih?'.v onrfelves too
luaepenJ^c to be directed by faction,
too ambitious of valuable fame to be
flayed by persona lintereß, and too
confeious of the inviolabilty of our du
ties, to give a loose to the reins of re
venge, and the fuggeßions of iniquitous
afpirmg, and accursed nartizaas.
We inserted, fame days since, in the
National Intelligencer, an article, re
presented to be taken from a Paris pa
per, which Rated Mr. Paine to have
received an affectionate invitation from
Mr. Jefferfon to return to this country
and offering him a passage in a nation
al ship.
From the W.ISUJNGTON FEDERALIST.
" r . Jefferfon's correspondence with
TOM PAINE.