The New Hampshire gazette — Portsmouth [N.H.], 1798-04-11 00:00:00, page 1

- Erom the Middlesex Gazette.
SR e
+ “f ALomedicut Paper.]
%@t Farmers and othar indufbrious
R citizens of America.
. Friends and fellow ritizens,
cAT a time the most important,
~ A'X the most interesting, and I may
_fay the most awful that ever our coun
_try beheld, give me leave to address
you ; auagwhat I {haﬁﬁtgga& on
a fair, candid examination, shall ap
pear to you reasonable, and consist
ent with your knowledge of the na
ture of men and things, I beg that
you will fuffer your condu& to be
influenced by it ; but if not, that you
will lay it aside, with the common par
ty publications, which you find in
your newf{papers. ‘
~There exiits in all ¢ivilized nations
two classes or descriptions of men.
One are laborers, men who produce
by their indoftry something to the
- common stock of the community.
This class is made up of farmers,
mechanics, &c. The second class
are such, as live on the stock of the
community, already produced, not
by their labour, but obtained by their
art and cunning, or that of their an
cestors. Thele are, for the most
part Merchants, Speculators, Priests,
Lawyers and men .employed in
the various departments of govern
ment. All of this class, except the
rich heirs, get their living by thinks
ing, not by labour, by the various
arts which draw the produéions of
labour into their hands without work
ing themselves. Men will eternally
Pursue their own interefl, nwhen they
- clearly perceive avbere it lies. - The in
terest of this class of people is diredt-
Iy opposite, for the most part, to that
of the persons who labour. *Tis their
intereft to put the affairs of the na
tion into such a state, that artful men.
can get the earnings of the laborious,
into their own hands, What are the
means by which this is to be effected !
* By creating a national debt to specu
late in. By the colle&ting a great re
¥enue, which calls for mmnumerable
offices—by building of Frigates and
fending ministers to foreign courts—
- by the establishment of banks, by
which the rich are enabled not only
to lend their money on interest, but
even their bank notes ; for every per
son who gets a note out of the bank,
pays fix ga cent. per annum interest
on it. Butabove all these a&ts of go
vernmental juggling, stands the %u-,
finefs of making and carrying on of
war : In this the opportunities of ag
grandizing the drtful few at the ex
pense of the indufllrious many, are
~ mnnumerable. It would be a loss of
- time to attempt to recapitulate them,
besides I dare fay yon have too full 2
zecolle&tion of commiflioners, contrae
tors, &c. to render it neceflary.
You engaged in along and bloody
- war with Great Britain—for what ?
“To secure the fruits of your dabours
to yourselves, and to obtain equal
xights and privileges. This war at
* an immense expense of blood and
treasure, you terminated gloriously
- for yourselves and for the cause of k
~ berty. - You then rested from your
- zoils in too great security—You sup
- posed that tﬁ_,:‘m‘s of oppreflion, be
_Atlantic. - But in this yon were mif
‘taken—Hiiman pature is the fame in
all countries. *Tis not enough in
any %Ma field of corn ;
- weap his crop. -~ You have, particular-
S TgerSions s e
faltures .have been unrepresented.
=R J g "
;W, ; ~=,; 1G ~ . .
,& : éj"% "w;%”: ' «%”‘*
f? ¥ ﬁ’ ol ’a imt % ‘:A l
4% 4 s‘*;‘; }g e ..’ & kdﬁ W’
‘*ﬁg”% %st theiti so oflave
"i%i < dgi‘w, We g ~.?&P{a
Vol. XLll.—Numb. 2159.]
PORTS MOUTH: (New-Hawmpsuirg)— Pusrisuen svery WEDNESDAY MORNING BY JUOAN MELCHER, PainTeEwr To THE STATE, AT HIS Orrice CORNER OF MARKET STRELT,
’%{, : o SR WHERE SUBSCRIPTIONS FOR THIB PAPER, ADVERTISEMENTS, AND ARTICLES OF INTELLIGENCE ARE THANKRFULLY RECEIVED. N :
Peto Bampshire Gasette.
when the deareflt interests of their
country are at stake. %z
The time is alarming, a single step
more may plunge us into semedilefs
evils. It is now a long time that
you have given up your affairs into
the hands of artful men. And what
have they done for you ? what is the
effe@ ? At the close of the revolution
the image of liberty was enftamped
on every heart ; we looked with a
kind of horror on the Britith plans of
opprefion. Is mot the case far dif
ferent now ? have we not adopted, in
almost every instance, the spirit, if not
the forms of their oppreflions ? Has
not every external and internal cir
cumstance contributed to enable the
g;vernment to appear to advantage ?
ave you not paid a great revenue ?
I fay you ; (for although it has not
been laid direétly on your shoulders,
yet industry and labour finally pay
for every thing) and what has be
come of jt ? Tgo what ufeful purpose
has it been applied ? Is our national
debt much diminished ? No ¢ are our
magazines stocked with the articles
necessary for a war ? No ; has any
{yftem of national education been a
dopted ? No, have they united our
country, and fanned the flame of pa
triotism ? No ; -But now let us confi
der what they actually have done.—
They have deliberated about the pa
per of the United States, till most of
them and their conneé&ions have made
their fortunes.—They have establish
ed banks by which the industry of the
country pays an interest of fix per
cent per annum for almost all the
Joney in circulation, they have been
at an enormous expenie to build a Fe
deral City in Virginia ; for what ?
For a place to cane and spit in. They
have, as far as was in their power, a
lienated the feelings of the people,not
only from the fpirm,but the very name
of republicanism. - They have taught
the people, that the Presipsny can do
no wrong, and that all are jacobins,
democrats, diforganizers, and enemies
to their country, who dare to doubt
this doétrine. They have incurred a
prodcggious expense, by fending their
faithful servants, to nearly all the Eu
ropean courts, m the chara&er of mi
nisters. But their master piece of art
has been to detach our country from
France ; and join it in close league
with Great Britain. This has been
their favorite obje&®, and this they
have too fatally accomplished.
That it is to our glover'nmcnt, that
we are to attribute this, I can bring
innumerable proofs. I appeal to your
own candor, to your own hearts to
fay, whether you were not, in the
firft stages of it, much attached to the
French revolution. And what have
been the causes of the different ogn‘-
ion which you now entertain. Has
it not been by the quarrelli;lf of our
government with allgheir Mmifters ?
And do you really believe that they
have all been such dreadful animals
that it was impoflible to live with
them ? Or do you not rather believe,
that our government deemed it ne
cessary ; that so slley might more
effe@tually destroy their influence with
the people 2 When Mr. Liston the
‘Britith minister conspired with Mr.
Blount to commence a war in the
very bosom of the United States, (and
idhas _been clearly proved that he
,) what has been done in confe
‘quence of it 2 Has he been sent home?
No ; has he been reproached in the
ﬁcmmental papers ? No; but when
. Gdhet only named an appeal to
the people, how did our government
take the alarm ? This was thought a
crime, fufficient to draw on him the
‘and the abuse of all their feribblers, -
it ot Sk oy w 2
_them been so construed, asto deprive
them of almost all the advantages,
fee were meant to be secured to them
‘made by Mr. Jay, and the circum.
Mtances that attended the making of
it—and then fay whether the French
T iy
R e'r:;, . ;” 8 2LI
— QUR COUNTRY’s GOOD OUR CONSTANT AIM —
WEDNESDAY, April 11, 1708.
of your governors, or the newspapers
whlyfhuagm their service ? Ng:rall
is still as death—but have you not
heard the French continually vilified
and abused—called monflers, robbers,
atheists, &c.—You certainly have, and
that long before their depredations on
our commerce commenced. ‘I “will
state two facts, which of themselves,
I think. would be fufficient to con
vince every rational mind, that our
government has adted a part in fa
vor of Great Britaim, and injurious to
republicanifin-<They are thefe~—All
Frenchmen and their friends are ex
tremely diflatisfied—all Englishmen
and old tories perfe&ly approve of
the conduét of our government. Now,
do you seriously believe, that Englith
partizans and old tories alone, are in
the right 7 And that all republicans
in France and America are in the
wrong ? I believe you have toomuch
good sense to be so completely duped
and deceived. Let me 3gain call on
you to come forward and exert that
good sense. A thousand considera
tions impel you to it. We are now
about entering on a war ; not with a
natural, not with an ordinary enemy ;
but with the nation which saved us
from the rapacious jaws of Britain
now become a republic like our own
—a nation which has aftonithed the
world by its matchless enel}ies—-;
with thirty millions of men fufhed
with vi¢tory and the consciousness of
their strength. Where are the Euro
pean nations which have opposed
them ? Look at Holland, at Spain,
at Germany, at Portugal, at the com
bined despots of the world; and what
has been the result of their conneé&ion
with Britain, and their war with
France ! What have they not loft ?
And what have they gained but infa
my and diigrace ? And what reason
have we to expe&t a happier fortune ?
Qur diftarice will not prote® usi—
‘There may be peace hetween France
and Great Britain the day after we
have entered into the war. What
then is to prote& us? It would be
but an amu(gment to France, in that
case, to annihilate our commerce, and
if not subdue, yet to impoverith and
ruin us by invasion, :
The expense of a war, at best would
be 2 most oppreflive burthen, at the
least thirty millions of dollars per an
num, And where is the money to
be obtained ? Not by borrowing in
Eurape, for no such thing can pofli
bly be done—Not from mercantile
business ; because very little will then
be carried on—No, you industrious
farmers and mechanics, will have to
pay it ;—you will have to fight those
battles, which the.folly and madness
of others have provoked. For be as
sured that nothing is more true, than
that you will have to bear all the heat
and burthen of the day. Did you
ever know one of those idle, artful
gotry take the musket ind bear the
igues of war ? No—they are al
ways the officers, the infpeétors, the
contradtors, &c. &c.—Since then, fel
low citizens, you are the ﬁerfons who
are to sustain all the evils of a war,
it is proper you should judge of its
exped!'ency. If you determiie, that
it is bﬁ; you will the more cheer
fully and firmly -support it. But be
not deceived and hoodwinked into so
important a 3 tranfaflion, as a war with
France. You have not hitherto been
fufficiently attentive to examine for
yourselves—you have been mislead,
have pretended, that all your south
ern brethren were influenced by a de
ﬁreugumd of Britith debts—that
New England was the exclusive abode
of liberty. This is not the case;
these are but tricks to bias your judg
what they fay ; why do they not
which they so much etol { Why are
mnmthu sixteen hundred
otes smfmmﬂﬁ
in the whole slate of Conneicus 3
,“:? i ; ‘ﬁt HE: i
;" L T T
= From the CENTINEL.
The Felo de Se ! !—Na. V.
Or, MUNROE convified of inconfifien
¢y infidelity, and ingratitude ; from
My felloas citizens !
WE have as yet perused the five
Y. firft letters only of the cide
vant & apologizing Minister, and have
cursorily contrasted them with his fa
bulous narrative, & what has been the
candid result ? We have detested two
palpable and irretrievable contradic
tions as to the mode of his reception.
We have found him; not barely neg
lefting to demand an acknowledge
ment of our rights and reparation for
our awrongs, but tamely surrendering
‘with the profufion of a prodigal the
dearest interests of his country. Plead
ing Enilty as to the racr, we have
seen him resorting to pitiful fubter
fuges of werds, and seeking a tempo
rary shelter in the weakness of his un
derﬁanli?. ot
Already an injured. and vindi¢tive
country has seen even #his miserable
" defencedemolifhed,and has beheld the
confefled deserter of his duty exposed
without a Fig-leaf. Before we proceed
to the examination of any further con
fefions of the Minister, I would jult
recal the attention of r‘% readers to
the last letter under discussion. = Mun
“roe conscious, that his ne‘gl,e& to de
mand the performance of the treaty
_of 1778, was the result of his can
awiffyto promote the interelts of France
wid willie gto jultify himfelf to the
President, like ‘other confeience flruck.
- Hence we find that after alledging
~a'beliefythat a design tohold usto the
tive of the commiittee to demand a
- been wrong 'in his firft opinion, énd
RTINS e
interefled to attend ele@ions. This
being once accomplished, profeflional
men can appoint such persons, as will
belt serve their own private purposes.
I again appeal to your own know
ledge ; have you known the persons
who have represented you ? And can
you believ_c tha; there is not fome
thm§l wrong, when you do net so
much as know the persons whom you
fend {) be your agents; Perhaps you
have been jold, that they were great
lawyers ; and therefore do you ne
cessarily conclude they must be good
statesmen ? Let me tell you thata
man may speak fluently at the bar,
and not understand every thing elfe’
—he may obtain great sums ofg. mo
ney, and not be the most proper per
son to dispose of your hard earned
pence, no : those are ‘the most pro
per persons to appropriate money,
who know with how much difficulty,
and toil it is obtained.
Is it not a mockery to call that a
government of the people, where the
people really have no share in the di
re&tion of it ? But it will be answered
that the laborious* part of the com
munity may appear and vote, if they
please, as well as other men. I know
that, and therefore do I address you.
I therefore call on you to rouse, and
to improve that privilege, before it is
too late. ' Your country and all that
is dear to you demand it—Let us
know whether the citizens of Virgi
nia and those of New England are
naturally such implacable enemies ;
or whether their leaders have nat
taught them to quarrel ; that they
may the better effe® their own pri
vate purposes.
Our citizens are plundered abroad,.
and divided at home.—These things
do not happen without a cause—they
do not come of chance.—ls they did,
and you had properly exerted your
selves, our fitnation would be truly
deplorable.—But if you will but think
and a& for yourselves, these evils may
fill bé remedied.—Be not deceived
—the fault is yours,—you mutft effe@®
the cure.
A Iﬁlbw citizen who does not be
ieve in executive infallibility.
dicate the rights of. your country ?
But I leave you covered with blufthes
to confider ; ,
Another text== Munro’s 6th
e
Mr. Munroe’s 6th letter was writ
ten Nov. 20; 1794, in which after
reciting foriie business of Mr. Gardo
guis with his own comments, he fays,
¢ In the close of this affair T'was in
vited by the diplomatic members of
the Committee of Public Safety to a
conference on a new topic. I wasin
formed it was their intention so press
the war againfl England in particular—
but that they were diftrefled for funds,
and was asked could any aid be ob
tained from the United States ? I
told them I was fatisfied if it was in
their power it would be rendered ;—
that I poffefled no powers on the fub
jeét and could only advise of the proba
bility, and that I would put my ideas
on paper, &c.”” ~ Mr. Munroe accor
dingly did give them a written pro
je& pointing out zhree modes by which
¥rance might draw into her coffers
the wealth of the United States, and
he expressed his hopes ¢ thit Mr.
Adet, who was then coming here,
would be prepared to carry this pro
je& into effedt.” _ ,
In this letter he speaks of having
mentioned to the Committee the dan
ger of a war with England, and ad
drefing himfelf to Randolph, he fays,
¢ if the United States ever mean to
assert those rights (referring to dif
fputes with England and Spain) the
present is of al%-’ others the most suit
able moment.” And again referring
to Dutch affairs he fays, “in any e
vent it will produce such efleét that
if America firikes the blow her own in
terest ditates and which every other
consideration prompts it must be de
cisive, and if not ruinous to the for
tunes of that prond and insolent na
tion, will certainly fec's'e us the eb
jelts we have in view.” k.
Speaking of the Jacobins whose hall
was now shut t:lp by order of the Con
~vention, he aflerts, ¢ that body was
-constantly at work to undermine and
impair the regular and constituted au
thority of the government.—Mode
rate measures were found to be only
a flimulus to greater excesses.”
? Memorandum.
- Randoph’s letter of the 25th of Sept.
exprefles some anxiety to hear from Mun
roe afler the arrival in France of Le
Blane, Fauchet’s Secretary. . Randslph
also expresses an opinion that our expec
tations of compensation, pasts, &'¢. from
the English will prove illusory. But this
letter was not received by Munroe until
the day after his Loan Project had been
delivered to the Committee in mwriting.
This _appears by Munroes th lettery
dated 2d 'Dec. 1794,
- COMMENTARY.
If the measure of the Minister’s fol.
ly, of his indiscretion, of his infidelis
ty, had not already been full, the pre
sent step would of itfelf have over~
flowed it ‘lt was folly, because he
ought to have known, that his pros
mises would prove illusory. It was
indiscreet, because it direétly commit.
ted the neutrality of his country—and
it was unfaithful, as it was a dire®?
- iolation of his inftruéions.—On pe
rusing his letters in America, the Mi.
nifter appears to be struck with the
‘bold irregularity O%hit own proceed~
ings and flattering himfelf that many
would read his narrative, who would*
rot submit to the labor of wading
through his documents, he round!
asserts that when the' proje@ 5
fleecing ' the United States by aloan
was firlt PW to him, he instant.
1y referred d mﬂ*” our Ad
- ministration—see bis narrative page
XlV.—When we confront Mr. Mo
roe the historian, the memorialift of
‘bis own fame, with Mr. Munroe
the minister, Wﬂu former
fo lie under a mistake. -He did not
yefer the French' wmﬁﬁ;‘m
‘ed th lm and
e s
@ﬁw Sk ] i TNy
1 :M“*‘ o ; :\ﬁ'ﬁ‘f :%é’@“f»‘%n *a:‘*a?i‘,“ *’ﬁi’?ﬁé}f«% uﬁ:\‘ “ "»
MoosipidnabasaS e con sl o L et o i
[9f. pr. Annum,