The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1783-03-19 00:00:00, page 2

the minister. Unconditional independency had been
granted to the Americans. If what was said on that
fubjeCtin the address meant any thing, it meant
that. Not even a truce, or cessation of hostilities,
had been obtained as the price of so important a
concession. Whatever be the nature of the peace
between this country and France, or at whatever
time it may take place, at all adventures, and in all
cases, the Americans are independent. The offer
of independence is unqualified, unconditional, irre
vocable. The navy is allowed to be in the highest
state of perfection. The epithet glorious has been
applied, and not improperly applied in this bulwark
of the nation. Let it then be remembered, and I
give warning that I shall remember, that when
the peace was made, if it shall be made, the state
of the British navy was glorious. His lordship then
reasoned on the important fubjeft under cenfidera
tion from history, and particular treaties, some of
which were on record in the journals of the British
parliament. When Philip the third of Spain, treated
with his revolted fubjeCts of the united provinces of
the Netherlands, on the footing of independence, he
obtained, as the price of his concession, a truce of
twelve years, a truce from the year 1609 to 1622,
the commencement of the reign of Philip IV. He
obtained indemnity and oblivion for all the partizans
of his government, and the free exercise of the ca
tholick religion, if they ihould choose to remain in
the low countries, without any Ihare of political
power ; or they were permitted to retire with their
effects to any part'of the Spanish dominions. And
at the peace of Munftcr, the Spanish nation, by per
severance in arms, retained ten out of seventeen pro
vinces, more than two-thirds of the whole, in va
lue and extent of territory. Why ihould hot Britain
follow this example of perseverance ? Why should
foe relinquish all her colonies without reservation ?
The Dutch deferred their alliance with France, in
order to make a feparatc peace with Spain at Mun
fier; so, if we reason from human nature, displayed
in the conduct of nations, is there ground to hope
that the Americans might one day renounce their
connection with France in like manner. It is well
enough known, continued his lordship, that when
his majesty's troops took possession of Charieftown,
the French did not hesitate to deciare, at different
times, that they did not think that it was possible
to wrest the whole of the thirteen colonies from
Britain. France, even ambitious France, was avow
edly of opinion, that you might retain the southern
provinces—feu are doing yourselves, what the united
power of your enemies could not force them to do.
The political vessel, on board of which you are pas
sengers, is in the midst of a Form, which the has
long weathered, and from an impatience of toil, you
advise to run her into the enemy's port. Nature
had placed Britain in the neighbourhood of a pow
erful, proud and ambitious rival, envious of her
prosperity and glory. America and Britain united,
the knew were able to refill the attacks of Europe
confederated against them. It was her object to
dissolve the union that formed so mighty a power,
and this the has effected at a time when the die was
call, when fortune favoured, when the scale was
turned. He did not reason concerning the illegality
of making peace on the terms he fufpeded were
proposed, but concerning the political wisdom of
such a measure or expediency. But while his lord
ship allowed the right of making peace or war, in
general to the crown, a dismemberment of the em
pire could not be made without the authority of the
eitates of the kingdom. It had been affirmed in
the speech, that his majesty had resolved to acknow
ledge independence to America, having collected the
sense of parliament. He contended, that the sense
of parliament on that fubjeCt had not been collected.
The house of commons, indeed, had resolved that
offenfive war ought not to be carried on any longer
against America ; but that quellion had never so
much as been before the house of peers. His lord
ship then spoke on the fubjed of American loyalists,
and hififted that they ought not, either in justice
or good policy, to be abandoned; but that they
should be restored to the full enjoyment of ail their
privileges and estates. Here too he reasoned from
history ; from certain articles r^fpeding the indem
nity of the Catalonians, in a peace concluded, about
half a century ago, between Spain and England,
from the case of the fubjt&s of France and Holland,
who were mutually pardoned and restored to their
privileges, upon a truce or peace between these
powers^ When firft a peace was talked of, when
the house of commons determined to give up offen
five war against America, it had been advanced by
those who advised that measure, that there were per
sons in London authorized to treat for a separate
peace between America and Great Britain ; but up
on enquiry, no such persons were to be found. A
negociation is opened at Paris, under the eye and
direction of the French ministry ; under their vigi
lant and penetrating eye, that saw, and pursued in
variably the interest of the monarchy. Great-Bri
tain, in the midst of the most noble atchievments by
sea and land, receiving on the bended knee the law
from revolted fubjeds, in alliance with her inve
terate foe, was a fpedacle he could not behold
without indignation and grief. He conjured their
lordships to confider that the loss of America would
!>e felt by Great-Britain in a double proportion.—
'or what was taken from the scale of England was
hrown into that of France. His lordship spoke al
so against all fanciful innovations in the conf.ituti•
on.—He adverted also (but this in the hurry of
writing, we omitted to mention in the proper place)
to a disposition common to all nations, but parti
cularly observable among the English, to depreciate
what they are obliged to part with, and to magnify
the importance of every new acquilition. The im
portance of America to this country had been di
minished by certain writers; but a man of plain and
blunt understanding like himfelf, could not raise his
views to that sublimity of (peculation which was ne
cessary to impress a conviction, that the loss of A
merica was not an essential loss to this country.
The earl of Shelburne, from a regard to unanimi
ty, would not have risen to fay any thing that might
wear the afpecl of debate, if he had not been called
up by the noble lord who spoke last. He maintain
ed that unconditional independence had not been
granted to the Americans: that the offer that had
been made was not irrevocable § and referred the
noble lord to the words of the address, which he
repeated with emphasis, infilling, that if fair, ho
nourable, and equal terms could not be obtained
from France, the ally of America, then the offer
(a word on which he laid great ftreis) might be with
drawn, and would cease aid determine. He spoke
with contempt of Spanish politicks, and alledged
that he did not think it fair argumentation to reason
from what happened to the Spaniards two hundred
years ago, to what happened now to Great-Britain.
if there were certain circumstances of similarity be
tween the history of Philip iil. of Spain and the Dutch,
and that of George 111. and the Americans, there
wire also many circumstances; of didimilarity. He
vindicated the character of the American Commifiion
ers, from the insinuation that they were under the di
rection of France. He said, that he believed them,
in his conference, to be men of ftridthonour, and
that as far as they were bound, they would fulfil
their engagements to France. But still, their con
duct towards Great-Britain, he believed to be free
and unconstrained; and he did not know, that they
were in the lead influenced by the court of Ver
sailles. Every exertion, he allured their lordships,
should be made, in order to obtain an honourable
peace. His Majesty's ministers were fully authorized
to make peace from the sense of the Parliament and
of the nation; and although the house of commons
did not constitute Parliament, yet his Majesty, had
other ways of finding out the sense of the nation,
than by the resolutions of that house. His Majesty
had the privilege of making peace or war, and the
views and convictions, on which he made either,
he might derive from various sources. He had en
deavoured to find out some means of restoring Ame
rica to this country, before he had granted an offer
of independency, this offer, he said, was to him a
bitter pill. He repeated the profcilions he had made
when he came into administration, and proteffed
that he was determined to abide bythem, He came
into power with an intention to put an end to the
accursed American war: he had endeavoured, and
would still endeavour, to revive habits of intercourse
and affection between America and England,. before
these habits should be entirely extinguished ; before
French habits should take root in America ; before
a new generation Ihould spring up with habits, and
prejudices holtile to Britain. He came into office
with a view to bring about economy in the civil
lift, and to effed an equal representation of the peo
ple in Parliament: these were his objects, and these
he would pursue. If America was to be given up,
he infilled that it was the last administration, that had
forced the prefcut, to make so great a facrifice.
He was not the author of the Bolton port bill, of
the duty on tea, or of the declaratory aft respect
ing America. He answered lord Sandwich, by pay
ing him compliments on his openness in Parliament,
his experience and ability in negociation. He could
not, without egregious impudence, fay how far he
would follow his advice ; but he profefled a just re
gard to bis opinions. As to innovations, he hoped
that to restore the rights of the people to be repre
fciited in Parliament, would not be considered as
an innovation. His lordship concluded with a
panegyrick 011 the talents and virtues of his colleagues
in office.
Earl Fitzwilliam reminded lord Shelburne of the
tenor of his speeches in June and July last, when he
seemed to indicate a disposition to maintain the de
pendence of America on Britain, and allied him whe
ther any thing had happened to cause an alteration
in his resolutions ? He alledged also, that some of
those a&s which had contributed to separate Ame
rica from Britain, bad been palled when lord Shel
burne was a secretary of state.
Lord Stormont also pressed the minister cn this
head, and called to his remembrance his assertion,
that '' The son of England's glory would set, when
ever independence should be granted to America."
That fun is now set, continued his lordship ; not a
ray of light or hope ; all is utter darkness and hor
ror. I will not, said his lordship, press this point
into any indelicate expressions concerning particular
assertions or dates : but certainly there was a time
when the noble lord did maintain doctrines very
different from those which seem to govern his con
duct at the present moment. He follows, he fays,
with reluctance, the dictates of the people. But
surely the voice of the people is not with this uncon
ditional surrender of America. —Lord Stormont ob
served, that the minister derided Spanish politicks.
PHfLADELP II I A, March 15.
Further advices by the Washington Pactyty
Captain Barney.
We are indebted to a kind correspondent for a com
munication of the following articles of a treaty,
between Great-Britain and the United States of
Ameiica, agreed on at Paris the 30th of Novem
ber last.
Articles agreed upon by and between Richard
Olwald, Esquire, the Commissioner of his Bri
tannick Majelly, for treating of peace with the
Commissioners of the United States of America,
in behalf of his said Majesty cn the one part,
and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John
Jay, and Henry Lawrens, four of the Com
millioners of the said States, for treating of
peace with the Commissioner cf his said Ma
jesty, on their behalf, on the other part —to be
inferred in, and conftilute the treaty of peace
propoled to be concluded between the Crown
of Great-Britain and the said United States,
but which treaty is not to be concluded until
terms of a peace shall be agreed upon between
Great-Britain and France; and his Britannick
Majesty shall be ready to conclude such treaty
accordingly.
WHEREAS reciprocal advantages and mu
tual convenience are found by experience
to form the only permanent foundation of peace
and friendfhip between Rates, it is agreed to form
the articles of the proposed treaty on such princi
ples of liberal equity and reciprocity, as that par
tial advantages, those feeds of discord, being ex
cluded, such a beneficial and fatisfadtory intercourse
between the two countries may be established, as
to promise and secure to both, perpetual peace and
harmony.
Article 1. His Britannick Majesty acknow
ledges the said United States, viz. New-Hamp
shire, Maffachufet's Bay, Rhode Island and Pro
vidence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, New-
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir
ginia, North-Carolina, South-Carolina, and Geor
gia, to be free, sovereign, and independent States;
that he treats with them as such; and for himfelf,
his heirs and fucceffbrs, relinquishes all claims to
the government, proprietary and territorial rights
Politicians, however, he said, who could retain ten
out of seventeen provinces, were more to be com
mended, however weak they might be supposed to
be, than those able negociators, who of thirteen re
tained none. The Spanish minister who aded for
the court of Madrid at the peace of Munfler, was
as abe a politician as ever exited: and of all the
multifarious negociators, that were now employed
by England in Paris, there was not one whole cha
racter would fuffer by a comparison with that mini-
Lord Shelburne replied, by giving a history of the
circumstances, and the views with which he had
come into office. He had fretted and tormented
himfelf, he laid, in order to find out feme other
meant than those he had been obliged to use for the
purpose of regaining America ; and all to no purpose.
The duke of Richmond went deeply into the his
tory of the American war, which he endeavoured
to prove had been occasioned wholly by the last mi
niJhy. He added, that he had predicted the sepa
ration of America from Great-Britain. He then
praised the naval exertions of this administration.
He said, that Gibraltar had been laved, not solely
by General Elliot, although be had done his duty,
but chiefly by Lord Howe, whose conduct, he de
clared, had been fingulariy fkiiful, and indeed un
paralleled in the naval hitlory of Britain. It was
an honour, he said, to their lordships, that he had
taken his feat among them in that house. But, as
to the last administration, he could only fay, that
not mere than eleven ships could be had for admiral
Pigot, when he went to the Weft-Indies.
Lord Sandwich asked where the present admi
nittration got all the ships they had sent to the
relief of Gibraltar? I will answer (said he) all the
noble duke's insinuations, by declaring, what he
cannot controvert, that there is not at present in
his majesty's service, a ship that was not built, add
in commission too, when 1 left the admiralty. His
lordfliip infilled, in opposition to the duke, that
Gibraltar had been saved, not by lord Howe chief
ly, but almoll solely by general Elliot. I do not
fay, said he, that lord Howe did not do his duty,
and that too with ail possible expedition. But who
set fire to the Spanish gun-boats? Who furnifhed
the stores that enabled t|ie garrison to hold out be
fore the ai rival of lord Howe? Gibraltar was in es-
Act relieved when the attack of the Spaniards and
French was baffied, with such mighty daughter, by
the brave garrison, under the conduct of their brave
leader. I must observe too, continued his lordship,
that of forty fail of transports, I am well informed,
not above 28 reached the port of Gibraltar.
The motion, with the amendment, was agreed to
nemine contradicente, and ordered to be presented
to his majesty by the lords with white haves.