The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1786-10-09 00:00:00, page 2

Rev. and dear fir,
DURING our pallage to Madeira, I was a prey to
the most gloomy thoughts. Though I had well
deserved all I met with, and the captain might
have been juftified if he had carried his refentmeut
Rill farther, yet my pride at that time suggested that
I had been grossly injured, and this so far wrought
upon my wicked heart, that 1 actually formed deligns
against his life, and this was one reason that made me
willing to prolong my own—l was sometimes divided
between the two, not thinking it practicable to effect
both. —I was now capable of any thing—to appearance
I was given up tojudicial blindness—l had not the least
fear of God before my eyes, nor, so far as I remem
ber, the lea!t fenlibiiity of conf-ience. —I was possessed
of so strong a spirit of delation, that, after death, I was
persuaded, I should cease to be. Some intervals of sober
reflection would at times take place, and when I have
chosen death rather than life, a ray of hope would come
in, though there was little probability for such a hope,
that I should yet fee better days—that I might again
return to England, and have my withes crowned, if
I did not willingly throw myfelf away. In a word,
my attachment to Mrs. N , was now the only
restraint I had left. Though I neither feared God nor
regarded man, I could not bear that foe could think
meanly of me when I was dead —this tingle thought,
which had not retrained me from a thousand smaller
evils, proved my only and effectual barrier against the
greatest and most fatal temptations.—What, humanly
speaking, would have been the consequence of my
continuing in that situation, I cannot fay ; but Pro
vidence, when I little thought of it, was working my
deliverance. —Two things 1 had determined when at
Plymouth, that I would not go to India, and that
I zuould go to Guinea —both were accomplished, but
not in my own way. On the morning we were to
fail from Madeira, after being there some time, I was
late in bed, and had llept longer, but that an old
companion in jell, cut down the hammock in which I
lay —this forced me to dress myfelf, I was very angry,
but durst not resent it.—l went upon deck, where I
frw a'man that moment putting his cloths into a boat,
who told me he was going to leave us. Upon en
quiring, I was informed, that two men from a Guinea
snip, which lay near us, had entered on board the
Hartwick, and that the commodore, Sir George Po
cock, had ordered the captain to fend two others in
their room. My heart instantly burned like fire—l
begged the boat might be detained a few minutes—l
ran to the Lieutenants, and intreated them to inter
cede with the Captain, that I might be dismissed up
on this occasion—though I had disobliged all these
officers in their turns, yet they had pitied my case,
and were ready to serve me now. The captain who had
refuted to exchange me at Plymouth, though at the re
quest of Admiral Medley, was now cafily prevailed on.
I believe, in little more than half an hour, from my
being asleep in bed, I saw myfelf difeharged, and
fafe on board another ship. This was one of the ma
ny critical turns of my life, in which Divine Provi
dence was pleated to cause many unexpected circum-
Rances, to concur in almost an instant of time. The
fllip I went on board was bound to Sierra Leon, and
the adjacent parts of what is called the Windward
coajl of Africa. The commander I found was ac
quainted with my father; he received me very kindly,
and made fair profeffions of afliftance, and I believe
he would have been my friend; but without making
the lead advantage of former mistakes and troubles, I
pursued the fame course, nay, if possible I acted much
worse. On board the Harwich, though my principles
were totally corrupted, yet, as upon my firft going
there, I was in some degree Raid and serious, the re
membrance of this made me alhamed of breaking out
in that notorious manner I could otherwise have in
dulged. But now entering among Riangers, I could
appear without disguise ; and I well remember, while
I was passing from the one ihip to the other, one rea
son why I rejoiced in the exchange, was, " that I
now might be as abandoned as I pleased without any
control" —and from this time I was abandoned in
deed, little if any thing ihort of that animated de
fcriptiun of an almoß irrecoverable Rate which we
have in xd. Peter 2d. chap. I not only finned with
a high hand myfelf, but made it my Rudy to tempt
and seduce others upon every occasion ; nay, I eager
ly fought occasion, sometimes to my own hazard and
hurt.—This carriage loft me the favour of my new
captain— not that lie disliked my wickedness any fur
ther than it affected his intercft ; but I became care
less and disobedient—besides I had a little of that un
lucky wit, which can do little more than multiply
troubles and enemies to its possessor.—Upon some ima
gined affront I made a song, in which I ridiculed his
ship, his deligns and his person, and soon taught it to
the whole fhip's company—and he was no Rranger
either to the intention or the author. Such was the
ungrateful return I made for his offers of friendfllip and
protection. I Ihall fay no more of this part of my
Rory—let it be buried in eternal silence ;—but let me
1101 be silent from the praise of that grace which could
pardon—that blood which could expiate such fins as
mine—yea, the Ethiopian may change his skin, and
the Leopard his spots, since I, who was the willing
live of every evil, have been spared as a monument
Almighty mercy.—Thus I went on for about fix
lonths, by which time the ship was preparing to leave
me coast. A few days before she failed the Captain
died—the mate succeeded to the command, and I was
upon luch terms with him, that I made no doubt, if
I went with him to the Weft-Indies, he would put me
on board a man of war, and this to me was more
dreadful than death—to avoid it I determined to re-
The Life of John Newton, in a ferics of letters
to the Rev. Mr. HawEis-continued.
:LETTER VI.
main in Africa, and amused myfelf with many golden
dreams, that here I should find an opportunity of im
proving my fortune. There are Rill upon that part of
the coast of Africa, a few white men fettled, and there
were many more at the time I was firft there, whose
business it was to purchase flaves', &c. in the rivers and
country adjacent, and to fell them to the ships at an
advanced price. One of these who at firft landed in
my indigent circumstances had acquired considerable
wealth ; he had lately been in England, and was re
turning in the veßfel I was in, of which he owned a
quarter part. His example impressed me with hopes
of the fame success, and upon condition of entering
into his service, I obtained my difeharge. I had not
the precaution to make any terms, but trusted to his
generosity. I received no compensation for my time
on board the ship, but a bill on the owners in Eng
land, which was never paid, for they failed before my
return. The day the vessel failed I landed upon the
island of Benanoes, with little more than the clothes
upon my back, as if I had escaped from Riipwreck.—
January 17, 1763.
,[To be continued.]
£ ====== == ^^.======»^
American Intelligence.
BOST O N, Sept. 13.
Agreeably to adjournment, the inhabitants of this
town afl'embkd in Faneuil-Hall, on Monday lafr,
when the committee appointed for that purpose, re
ported their draught of an address to his excellen
cy the governor, and a circular letter to the several
towns in the commonwealth, which were accepted
with scarcely a dissenting voice, as follow, viz.
To the Inhabitants of the town of
Friends and Fellow-Citizens,
r T'HE inhabitants of the town of Boston can never
I remain the unconcerned fpedators of the distress
and calamity of their fellow-citizens in any part of
the commonwealth.
Your generous friendfhip to us, evidenced as well
by your liberal donations as otherwise, when we were
particularly fu ffering in the great cause of our coun
try, can never fail to warm our hearts with the high
est sentiments of friendfhip for you ; —and we arc per
suaded that the exertions we were then called to make,
for our common fafety, have yet a place in your kind
remembrance.
Thus united, as we conceive, in fcntiment and af
fedtion, as well as in intereß, with that cordiality
which must and ever will subsist amongst a virtuous
and enlightened people in a free country, we take the
liberty to address you on those commotions which have
too widely spread within the commonwealth. You
will fuffer us to reason on this occasion, with a free
dom which is the part of sincere friendfhip; for we
do assure you, that our country can never feel a po
litical or civil evil which we will not cheerfully bear a
part of until our joint exertions can obtain a constitu
tional redress.
We do not conceive it to be our duty to decide
whether the grievances, mentioned by the conventions
in some of the counties of the Rate, really cxift or
not ; but we beg leave to submit it to your dispassion
ate and candid decision, whether, if they have a real
existence, the tumultuous methods adopted by some
assemblies of men within the government, are the pro
per meafurcs to obtain redress.
When we dissolved our connection with the empire
of Britain, we then (politically speaking) had it in our
election to remain in a Rate of nature, or to ordain
for ourselves such form of government as we chose.
We were then in a Rate recognized by the firft article
of the declaration of rights, " free and equal," and
nothing but our own voluntary consent, given in a
solemn compact, could reduce us to a form of civil
government. It required no great share of wisdom,
however, to difeern, that unless we threw ourselves
into that Rate, we could neither defend ourselves
against a foreign invasion, or be preferred from the
depredations of wicked and abandoned men amongst
ourselves. Therefore, " the people inhabiting the ter
ritory" " called the province of Massachusetts-Bay,"
by a voluntary affectation, formed a social compact;
an d, in a solemn appeal to the great Legislator of the
universe, " the whole people covenanted with each
citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, to
" be governed by certain known and eßablifhed laws,
" for the common good and security of all." By the
fame solemn compact, the powers of legislation and
the authority for the due execution of the laws, were
provided and established; and we then did, and as yet
do conceive, that all was done with such caution and
reftridions, that no man or body of men, who Ihall
invade the rights of the smallest individual, can pds
with impunity. In the fame compact, the people fd
lemnly agreed to support the constitution for the space
of fifteen years, and made ample provision for the
revision of it at the end of that period, if it should
then be thought necessary.—There is no officer either
high or low, within the commonwealth, who does not
derive his whole authority from the people, and who is
not amenable to a proper and adequate tribunal for his
conduct.
There are indeed evils which are common to the
whole human race, founded in the depravity and im
perfection of mankind ; and there are others, the un
happy lot of some countries, arising from their situa
tion, or the deep-rooted habits of the people possessing
them ; both which are alike incapable of being cured
by any ads of government, or exertions of human
power, but must be left to accidents and changes of
time for a remedy. Should corrupt and designing men
inflame the spirits of the people to demand of their
lulers, the removal of such evils, their own reflections
would sooner or later point them to their mistake.
If grievances have arisen in the government, surely
the voice of the people may be taken without flying
to arms :—and no one can with to dissolve our happy
constitution, unless another is substituted in its place ;
for a state of anarchy is to be dreaded above all other
calamities, because there is no evil which it does not
involve. But to us, as we Ihall take leave by and by
t> submit to your confidcration, consequences would
flow from such a Rate as would cause each true Ame
rican, within the commonwealth, even to regret that
he had ever tasted the sweets of civil freedom.
Is it possible, that any considerate man should sup
pose that we, as a people, ought to, or can be ex
empted from the calamities and difficulties incident to
human life? Were we not at all times aware that there
is no medium between a state of government and a
Rate of nature? And that the latter is at all times a
Rate of warfare, where no man has a property in even
the produce of his own labour, but only a precarious
possession, maintained by force? Or did any among
us vainly believe that we could enjoy the bkffings of
government without An expence attending it ? As well
might they exped that the earth would yield her fruits
without tillage, and that man could subsist without
labour and pain.—The unalterable laws of nature have
fixed it, that the path to political, publick or private
happinels, is directed alone through industry and fru
gality; and we surely ought to submit to the common
lot of humanity without repining, because it is one of
the firft dictates of religion.
We arc very sensible that the habits of luxury con
traded in the late war, from the vast quantity of goods
imported and the too great profufion of money, together
with receiving and giving unlimited credit, have in
volved many families in diftrels, and have much di
minished our abilities for paying those just debts con
trasted in the day of our trouble, as the price of our
freedom : —but shall we, because many of us are now
distressed, entail ruin upon our pollerity! Let us lay
aside the deftrudtivc fafhions and expensive fupet Unities
ot the day ; be sober, temperate and indutirious;
and, by the blcffing of propitious Heaven, we shall
soon retrieve our circumßances, and cßablilh our pub
lick credit.
When we confider the nature of the present com
motions, it presents to us the very important quc/lion,
whether we shall cxift as a nation upon the earth ?
If the citizens of the state labour under grievances
which can be redressed by the ads of the legislature,
we conceive that their privileges in this case can ne
ver be enlarged, for the general court are chosen an
nually by the people; and though in one year om
complaints are not attended to, yet we can in, the
next election place men in power who will answer
our reasonable expectations; and we are constrained
to fay, that we are ignorant of the time whence re
prefentatives of the people in this state have not duly
attended to the inßrudions of their constituents.
Some towns have indeed given inftrudions contrary to
the sentiments of the majority in the state, and they
therefore have not succeeded ; but is not this always the
case when in society the compact is for the minority
to submit to the majority ? Let the majority be ever
so much in the wrong, is there any remedy, within
the reach of nature, compatible with the ideas of so
ciety and government? To fay, the majority ihall not
govern, is laying, either that we will reduce ourselves
to a state of nature, or reject the ideas ot civil liber
ty? eftabhfh a despotism, and be fubjed to the sove
reign pleasure of one man.
We then beg you to confider, whether intruding
our repreftntatives who serve us in the legislature, is
not our great remedy against any ills we fuffer, and
which are within the compals of human power to re
dress.
As we have taken leave to hint to you the mode in
which, under the government established by our com
monwealth, we conceive all grievances ought to be re
medied; we will now beg your patience, and earncftly
solicit your candour, while we mention some of the
consequences which we think must flow from a conti
nuance of the present commotions. —As an introduc
tion to this part of our address, we will take a retro
fpedive view of our late situation, and compare our
present with that in which we should have been, had
not the noble exertions of America, in defence of the
dearest rights of mankind, prevented it.
Taxed by Great-Britain, unconßitutionallv and ille
gally, the quantity demanded was not the object of
the important Rand then made—but the obvious in
tention of reducing to absolute fla^ry, to a prince
an island at three thousand miles distance, the people
of a whole continent, demanded an opposition wor
thy of the blood and treasure expended in it.—Our
publick assemblies, in towns and eifewhere, were pro
hibited; and every precaution taken to deprive us of
the enjoyment even of social pity and joint complaint---
a handing army, cruelly hostile, as well from their
deep-rooted picjudices as the sanguinary nature of
their errand, supported at our own expence, was em
ployed to prostrate us before each haughty minion who
chose to insult and plunder us.---Where then was the
dignity of man ? And where, had they succeeded, could
the heaven-born idea of civil freedom, been entertained ?
Even a fight for the sweets ot liberty would have been
treason! How reverse of this is our now happy
situation ? Subjeded to no laws, but such as are made
by a legislature of our own election, agreeably to the
form of government established by our own consent,
taxed by our own reprefcntativcs only, and control
ed by no authority but what is derived from ourselves.
While we contended for a jewel of this immense
value,. Rill invaded on evciy fide by the scourging arm
of despotism, how solemnly did we appeal to that
Being who fees the inmoß recesses of our hearts? And
Low facrcdly did we pledge our lives and fortunes to
each other, and to our Congrels, in the glorious con
test ?—And shall we now accomplish the wishes and
fulfil the prediction of our enemies in meanly receding
from all our engagements?