United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1802-03-27 00:00:00, page 1

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MOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
AT WASHINGTON, FEB. 19, 180 L
CT Debate on the bill received from the
Senatejntitled," An Afl to repeal certainafls 1
refpefling the organization of the Courts of
the United States."
—o—
— Bayard.—.
MR. Chairman, I matt be allow
ed to express my furprize at the
course pursued by the honorable gen-I
tieman from Virginia, [Mr. Giles] in
the remarks which he has made on the
fubjeCt before us. I had expede^that
he would have adopted a different line
of conduct. I had expected it as well
from that sentiment of magnanimity
which ought to have been inspired by a
sense of the high ground he holds on the
floor of this house, as from the profef
fions of a desire to conciliate, which he
bas so repeatedly made during the ses
sion—we have been invited to bury the
hatchet,and brighten the chain of peace.
We were disposed to meet on middle
ground—We had assurances from the
gentleman, that he would abstain from
reflections on the past, and that his only
wi£h was that we might unite in future
in promting the welfare of our common
country. —We confided in the gentle
man's sincerity, and cherished the hope,
that if the divisions of party were not
bani Shed from the houfe,its spirit would
be rendered less intemperate. Such
were our impressions, when the mafic
was suddenly thrown aside, and we saw
the torch of discord lighted and blazing
before our eyes. Every effort has been
made to revive the animosities of the
house, and to inflame the passions of the
nation. lam at no loss to perceive why
this course has been pursued. The gen
tleman has been unwilling to rely up
on the Rrength of his fubjeCt, and has
therefore determined to make the mea
sure a party question. He has proba-;
bfy secured success, but would it not
have been mere honorable and more
commendable to have left the decision
,f a great conflitulional question to the
understanding and not to the prejudices
of the house. It was my ardent with to
difeufs the fubjeCt with calmness and
deliberation, and I did intend to avoid
every topic which could awaken the
sensibility of party. —This was my tem
per and design when I took my feat
yesterday. It is a course at present we
are no longer at liberty to pursue. The
gentleman has wandered far, very far
from the points of the debate, and has
extended his animadversions to all the
prominent measures of the former ad
minißrations. In following him thro'
his preliminary observations, I necefla
rily lose fight of the bill upon your table.
The gentleman commenced his Stric
tures with the philosophic observation
that it was the fate of mankind to hold
different opinions as to the form of gov
ernment which was preferable. That
some were attached to the monarchical,
while others thought the republican
more eligible. This, as an abftrad re
mark, is certainly true, and could have
furnished go ground of offence, if it had
not evidently appeared that an allusion
was designed to be made to the parties
in this country. Does the gentleman
suppose that we have a less lively recol
lection than himfelf of the oath which
we have taken to support the constitu
tion ; that we are less sensible of the
spirit of our government, or less devot
ed to the wishes of our constituents ?
Whatever impression it might be the
intention of the gentleman to make, he
does not believe that there exists in the
country an anti-republican party. He
will not venture to assert such an opin
ion on the floor of this house. That
there may be a few individuals having
a preference for monarchy is not im
probable; but will the gentleman from
Virginia, or any other gentleman af
firm in his place, that there is a party
in the country who wish to establish mon
archy ? Insinuations of this fort belong
not to the legislature of the union—
Their place is an fiction ground or an
ale-house. Within these wallsthey are
loft; abroad, they have had an effed,
and I fear are dill capable of abusing
popular credulity.
We were next told of the parties
which have existed, divided by the oppo
site views of promoting executive pow.
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, TWENTY-SIXTH YEAR.
Wttb States
Portsmouth
PORTSMOUTH, N.H Printed and Published every
Kol.Xll.} ,SATURDAY, MARCH 2.7, 1802.
Os ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD to POLITICA L)
prosperity, RELIGION and MORALITY are indispensable >
supports. WASHINGTON'S Legacy.
er and guarding the rights of the peo
ple. The gentleman did not tell us in
plain language, but he wiffied it to be
understood, that he and his friends were
the guardians of the people's rights,
and that we were the advocates of ex
ecutive power.
I know that this is the distinction of
party which some gentlemen have been
anxious to establish ; but it is not the
ground on which we divide. lam fat
isfied with the constitutional powers of
the executive, and never wished nor at
tempted to encreafe them ; and Ido
not believe that gentlemen on the other
fide of the house ever had a serious ap
prehension of danger from an encreafe
of executive authority, No, Sir, our
views as to the powers, which do and
ought to belong to the general and date
governments, are the true source of our
divisions. 1 co-operate with the party
to which I am attached, because I be
lieve their true object and end is an Eon
eft and efficient support of the general gov
ernment, in rhe exercise of the legitimate
powers of the constitution.
I P ra y to God I may be mistaken in
the opinion I entertain as to the designs
of gentlemen to whom I am opposed.
Those designs I believe hostile to the
powers of this government. State pride
extinguishes a national sentiment.—
Whatever power is taken from this gov
ernment is given to the Rates.
The ruins of this government aggran
dize the Rates. There are Rates which
are too proud to be controlled. Whose
sense of greatness and resource renders
them indifferent to our protection, and
induces a belief, that if no general gov
ernment existed; their influence would
be more extensive and thejr importance
more conspicuous. There are gentle
men who make no secret of an extreme
point of depression, to which the gov
ernment is to be funk. To that point
we are rapidly progressing. But I
would beg gentlemen to remember,
that human affairs are not to be arreft
:ed in their course, at artificial points.
The impulse now given may be accele
rated by causes at present out of view.
And when those who now design well,
with to flop, they may find their pow
ers unable to resist the torrent. It is
not true that we ever wiffied to give
a dangerous strength to executive pow
er. While the government was in our
hands it was our duty to maintain its
constitutional balance,by preserving the
energies of each branch. There never
was an attempt to vary the relation of
its powers. The Struggle was to main
tain the constitutional powers of the ex
ecutive. The wild principles of French
liberty were scattered through the coun-.
try. We had our jacobins and difor
ganizers. They saw no difference be
tween a King and a President ; and as
the people of France had put down
their King, they thought the people of
America ought to put down their Presi
dent. They who considered the con-
Ritution as securing all the principles
of rational and practicable liberty, who
were unwilling to embark upon the
tempestuous sea of revolution, in pur
suit of visionary Schemes,were denounc
ed as monarchists. A line Was drawn
, between the government and the peo
!ple : and the friends of the government
were marked as the enemies of the peo
ple. I hope, however, that the govern
ment and people are now the fame: and
I pray to God that what has been fre
quently remarked, may not in this case
be discovered to be true, that they who
have the name of people the most
often in their mouths, have their true
inter efts the most seldom at their hearts.
The honorable gentleman from Virgi
nia wandered to the very confines of the
federal administration, in search of ma
terials the most inflammable, and most
capable of kindling the passions of his
party.
He represents the government as seiz
ing the firft moment which presented
itfelf, to create a dependent monied in
terest, ever devoted to his views. What
are we to understand by this remark of
the gentleman ? Does be mean to fay
that Congress did wrong in founding
the public debt ? Does he mean to fay
that the price of qur liberty and inde
pendence ought nOT to have been paid ?
Is he bold enough to renounce this mea
sure as one of the federal victims mark
ed for deftru&ion ? Is it the design to
tell us that its day has not yet come,
but is approaching : and that the fund-[
।^^^ffi
ing system is to add to the pile of fed
eral ruins ? Do I hear the gentleman
fay we will reduce the army to a Sha
dow we will givethe navy to the worms;
the mint which presented the people
with the emblems of their liberty, and
of their foverignty, we will aboliffi —the
revenue Shall depend upon the winds
and waves ; the judges Shall be made
our creatures, and the great work Shall
be crowned and consecrated by reliev
ing the country from an odious and op
pressive public debt—These Reps, I pre
sume, are to be taken in progression.
The gentleman will pause at each,
and feel the public pulse. As the fe
ver increases he will proceed, and the
moment of delirium will be Seized to
finiSh the great work of deftruftion.
The assumption of the Rate debts has
been made an article of dißinCt crimin
ation. It has been ascribed to the worst
motives; to a design of increasing a
dependent monied interest. Is it not
well known, that those debts were part
of the price of the revolution ? That
they rose in the exigency of our affairs,
from the efforts of the particular Rates,
at times when the federal arm could
not be extended to their relief ? Each
Rate was entitled to the protection of
•the union, the defence was a common
burthen, and every Rate had a right to
expect that the exper.ces attending its
individual exertions in the general cause
would be reimbursed from the public
purse. I Shall be permitted further to
add, that the United States, having ab
sorbed the sources of Rate revenues ex
cept direCt taxation, which was requir
ed for the support of the Rate govern
ment, the assumption of these debts
were necessary to save some of the Rates
from bankruptcy.
The internal taxes are made one of
the crimes of the federal administra
tion. They were imposed, fays the
gentleman, to create a host of depen
dants on executive favor. This lup
pofes the paR administrations to have
been not only very wicked, but very
weak. They lay taxes in order to
Strengthen their influence ! Who is so
ignorant as not to knew that the impo
sition of a tax would create an hundred
enemies for one friend: The name of
excise was odious : the details of col
lection were unavoidably otfenfive, and
it was to operate upon a part of the
Community least disposed to support
public burthens, and most ready to
complain of their weight. A little ex
perience will give the gentleman a new
idea of the patronage of this govern
ment. He will find it not that danger
ous weapon in the hands of the admin
istration which he has heretofore sup
posed it ; he will probably discover that
the poison is accompanied by its anti
dote ; and that an appointment of the
government, while it gives to the ad
ministration one lazy friend, will raise
up against it tenmdive enemies.
No ! The motive ascribed for the
imposition of the internal taxes, is un
founded, as it is uncharitable. The
federal administration, in creating bur
thens to support the credit of the na
tion, and to supply the means of its pro
tection, knew that they risked the fa
vor of those upon whom their favor de
pended. They were willing to be the
victims when the public good required.
The duties on imports and tonnage
furniShed a precarious revenue ; a rev
enue at all times exposed to deficiency
from causes beyond our reach. The in
ternal taxes offered a fund less liable to
be impaired by accident ; a fund which
did not rob the mouth of labor, but was
derived from the gratification of luxu
ry. These taxes are an equitable dis
tribution of the public burdens. Thro'
this medium the Weftern country is en
abled to contribute something to the ex
penses of a government which has ex
pended and daily expends such large
sums for its defence. When these tax
es were laid, they were indifpenfible.
With the aid of them it has been diffi
cult to prevent an increase of the public
debt. And notwithstanding the fairy
profpeas, which now dazzle our eyes;
I undertake to fay, if you aboliSh them
this session, you will be obliged to re
store them, or supply their place by a
direct tax before the end of two years.
Will the gentleman fay, that tne di
rect tax was laid in order to enlarge
*the bounds of patronage ? Will he deny
that this was a measure to which we
I had been urged for years by ouradver
;furies, because they forefaw fa it the
ruin offederal power ? My word for it,
no administration will ever be Length
ened by a patronage united with taxes
which the people are sensible of paying.
We were next told, that to get an
army an Indian war was necessary.
The remark was extremely bold, as the
hon. gentleman did not alledge a Single
reason for the position. He did not un
dertake to State, that it was a wanton
war, or provoked by the government.
He did not even venture to deny, that
it was a war of defence, and entered in
to in order to prote& our bretheren oh
the frontiers from the bloody Scalping
knife, and murderous tom-a-hawk of
the savage. What ought the govern
ment to have done ? Ought they to
, have estimated the value of the blood
, which probably would be Shed, and the
amount of the devastation likely to be
committed before they determined on
resistance ? They raised an army, and
after great expence and various fortune,
they have secured the peace and fafety
of the frontiers. But, why was the ar
my mentioned on this occasion, unless
1 to forewarn us of the fate which awaits
them, and to tell us, that their days are
numbered ? I cannot suppose, that the
gentlemen mentioned this little army
distributed on a line of three thodfand
miles, for the purpofo of giving alarm
to three hundred thousand free and
brave yeomanry, ever ready to defend
the liberties of the country.
The hon. gentleman proceded to in
foriri the committee, that the govern
ment, availing itfelf of the depredations
of the Algerines, created a navy. Did
the gentleman mean to insinuate, that
this war was invited by the U. States ?
Has he any documents or proof to ren
der the suspicion colourable ? No, Sir,
he has none. He well knows that the
Algerine aggressions were extremely
embarrafling to the government. When
they commenced, we had no marine
force to oppose to them. We had no
harbors or places of Shelter in the Med
iterranean. A war with these pirates
could be attended with neither honor
nor profit. It might cost a great deal
of blood, and in the end it might be
feared that a contest so far from home,
fubjed to numberless hazards and diffi
culties could not be ma ntained. What
would gentlemen have had the govern
ment to do? I know there are those
who are ready to answer abandon the
Mediterranean trade. But would this
have done ? The corsairs threatened to
pass the Streights and were expeded in
the Atlantic—Nay; Sir, it Was thought
that oUr very coasts would not have
been secure.
Will gentlemen go farther, and fay
that the United States ought to relin
quish their commerce ? I believe this
opinion has high authority to support it.
It has been said; that we ought to be
only cultivators of the earth and make
the nations of Europe our carriers.
This is not an occasion to examine
the solidity of this opinion ; but I will
only aSk, admitting the administration
were disposed to turn the pursuits of
the people of this country from the
ocean to the land, whether there is a
power in the government, or whether
there would be if we were as strong as
the government of Turkey, or even of
France, to accomplish the objed ? With
a sea ' coast of 1700 miles, with innume
rable harbors and inlets, with a people
enterprizing beyond example, is it pos
sible to fay, you will have no Ships or
sailors, nor merchants. The people of
this country will never consent to give
up their navigation, and every admin
istration will find themselves constrained
to provide means to proted their com
merce.
In refped to the Algerines, the late
administration were singularly unfor
tunate. They were obliged to fi^ht or
pay them. The truepolicy wastoholda
purse in one hand and a fwordinthe oth
er. This was the policy of the govern
ment. Every commercial nation in Eu
rope was tributary to these petty bar
barians. It was not eftcemed difgrace
ful. It was an affair of calculation,
and the administration made the best
bargain in their power. They have
heretofore been Scandalized for paying
tribute to a pirate ; and now they are
criminated,for preparing a few frigates,
to proted our citizens from Slavery and
chains. Sir, I believe on this and many
other occasions, if the finger of heaven
had pointed out a course and the gov
ernment h^d pursued 3,^ th" th ^
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, FOURTEENTH YEAR.
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and
Advertiser.
S^rday Morning, by WILLIAM TREADWELL, &C^
PRICE I DOLLAR 50 CENTS Per Annum. [No. 26
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ACKNOWLEDGED.
would not have escaped the censure aid
reproaches of their enemies.
We were told that the disturbances
in Europe were made a pretext for aug
menting the army & navy. Iwillnot,Mr.
Chairman, at present go into a detailed
view of the events whieh compelled the
government to put on the armour of de
fence, and to resist by force the French
aggreflions. All the world know the
efforts which were made to accomplifa
an amicable adjustment of differences
with that power. It is enough to Rate,
that ambassadors of peace were twice
repelled from the Shores of France with
ignominy and contempt. It is enough
to Say, that it was not till after we had
drank the cup of humiliation to the
dregs, that the national spirit was rous
ed to a manly resolution, to depend on
ly on their God and their own courage
for their protection. What, Sir, did
it grieve the gentleman, that we did not
crouch Under the tod of the Mighty
Nation, and like the petty powers of
Europe, tamely surrender our indepen
dence? Would he have had the people
of the United States, relinquish with
out a Rruggle those liberties which had
loft so much blood and treasure ? We
had not, Sir, recourse to arms, till the
mouths of our rivers were choaked
with French corsairs. 'Till our Shores
and every harbour, were insulted and
violated. 'Till half our commercial
capital had been seized, and no fafety
existed for the remainder but the pro
tection of force. At this moment a no
ble enthusiasm electrized the country—
the national pulse beat high, and w<
were prepared to Submit to every Sacri
fice, determined only, that our inde
pendence Should be the last—At that:
time an American was a proud name in
Europe ; but I fear, much I fear, that;
in the course we are now likely to pur
sue, the time will soon arrive, whin our
citizens abroad will be ashamed to ac
knowledge their country.
The measures of '9B grew out of the
public feelings. They were loudly de
manded by the public voice. It was
the people who drove the government:
to arms, and not as the gentleman ex
pressed it, the government which push
ed the people to the X. Y. Z. of their
political designs before they understood
the A. B. C. of their political principles.
But what, Sir, did the gentleman
mean by his X. Y. Z. I mud look for
something very fignificant, something
more than a quaintness of expreflion ora
play upon words in what falls from a
gentleman of his learning and ability.
Did he mean that the dispatches which
contained those letters were impostures
designed to deceive & mislead the peo
ple of America. Intended to rouse a
falfe spirit not justified by events.—
Though the gentleman had no reSped
for some of the characters of that em
bafly : Though he felt no reSpeCt for
the Chief Justice, or the gentleman ap
pointed from South-Carolina,two char
acters, as pure, as honorable and exalt
ed, as any country can boast of, yet I
Should have expected that he would
have felt some tenderness for Mr. Ger
ry, in whom his party had since given
proofs of undiminished confidence.—
Does the gentleman believe that Mr.
Gerry would have joined in the decep
tion, and assisted in fabricating a tale
which was to 'blind his countrymen and
to enable the government to destroy
their liberties ? Sir, I will not avail my
felf of the equivocations or confeffions
of Talleyrand himfelf ; I fay these gen
tlemen will not dare publicly to deny
what is attested by the hand and seal of
Mr. Gerry.
The truth of these dispatches admit
ted, what was your government to do ?
Give us, fay the directory 1,200,000
livres for our own purse, and purchase
fifteen million of dollars ofDutch debt,
(which was worth nothing) and we
will receive your ministers and nego
tiate for peace.
It was only left to the government to
chufe between, an unconditional Surren
der of the honor and independence of
the country, or a manly refinance. Can
you blame, Sir, the administration for
a line of conduct, which has reflected
on the nation so much honor, and to
which under God, it owes its present
prosperity.
These are the events of the general
government which the gentleman has
reviewed in succession, and endeavored
to render odious or suspicious. For all
this I could have forgiven him, be,;