The royal gazette — [Charleston] S.C., 1782-05-25 00:00:00, page 4

B^ the GENERAL EVENING POST.
The following is communicated by a gentleman who h^s the
honour of being particularly and confidentially charged with
the Petition and Representation ofthe Loyalists in America,
to his Majesty, both Houses of Parliament, and. the Nation
in general.
The Humble and Dutiful Declaration and Address of his
Majeflfs American Loyalists,
To the KING'S Moji Excellent Majesty, to both Ilousrs of Par
liament, and the People of Great-Britain. .
" IX7'' '"" Majesty's most dutiful and faithful fubje&s, the
loyal inhabitants of America, who have happily, got
within the protection of the British forces, as well as thofc
who, though too wife not to have forefceu the fatal tendency
of the present most wanton and causeless rebellion, yet from
numberless obstacles, and unexampled' Severities, have hither
' to been compelled to remain under the tyranny ofthe rebels,
and submit to the measures of congrefEonal ufurpatidn, anima
ted with the purest principles of duty and allegiance to his Ma
jesty, and the British Parliament, beg leave, with the deeped
humility and reverence, on the present calamitous occasion of
publick and national misfortune, in the fin-fender of I.ord
Cornwallis, and the army under his Lordship's command, at
York-Town, humbly to entreat that your Majesty, and the
Parliament, would be gracioufiy pleated to permit us to offer
'this renewed testimony of loyalty and attachment to our most
gracious Sovereign, and the British Nation and Government;
■and thus publitkly to repeat our most heart-felt acknowledg
ments for the infinite obligation's we feel ourselves under for
the heavy expences that have been incurred, and the great' na
tional exertions that have been made, to fare and refeue us,
and your American colonies, from impending ruin, and the
accumulated diftreffes' and'eahfmities of civil war. For such
diftinguiflied proofs of national care Mid regard, we confefs
ourselves utterly unable to make that adequate return which
cur hearts, replete with the most dutiful and gratefolfcnfa
tions, most willingly offer, but which we hate not wordsf^f
ficient to express. Our fufferings as men, and our duty as loy
al fubjefts, point out to us at once, the propriety, inourpre
fent situation, of thus publicity repeating our assurances, that
we revere, with a kind of holy enthusiasm, the ancient consti
tution of the American colonies, and that we cannot but la
ment every event, and be anxiously solicitous to remove every
.cause, or suspicion, that might have the most distant ten
dency to separate the two countries, or in any remote degree
to lessen the claim we have to the present aid, and conti
nued exertions of Great-Britain ; specially if it ^ould arise
from any mifreprefent'atibn or distrust, either of our fideli
ty! or our numbers, to intitle us to the future countenance
and protection of that Sovereign arid Nation, whose Govern
ment and Laws, we call ,God to witness, that, in the integrity
-of our fouls, we prefer t'o ^lt others. The local prejudices of
birth and education, and fn'e weight of past and happy experi
ence, conspire together to render, in our breaks, most sacred
and inestimable, our relation to British fubjeds, and British
laws. We deem it more valuable than life itfclf, and, under
the most trying circumstances, have invariably refolvcd, in de
fiance of every hazard, to aflert our right; and as far as in
cur power, in opposition to every other state and kingdom in
the world, to adhere to the nation and country from which we
sprung; and to which, with honed pride, and gratitude, we
acknowledge that we owe both our natural and political exis
tence.
“ Unhappily, indeed, for ourselves, and we cannot but
.think unfortunately too, for Great-Britain,The number of
well affeCted inhabitants in America to the Parent Country
cannot, for obvious reasons, be exactly ascertained. But there
are fads from which the most undoubted and undeniable con
'ciuffons may be inferred, and to which, for want of other evi
dence, we must rectir, retting our appeal upon such proofs to
the unerring and unbiaffed decision of truth and candour.
“ The penalty under which any American fubjeCt inlifts into
his Majesty's service, is no less than the immediate foi feiture
of all his goods and chattels, lands, arid tenements; and, if
apprehended, and convicted by the Rebels, of baling inlifted,
©i prevailed on any other person to inlife into nia Majesty's ser
vice, it is considered as treason, and punished with death:
whereas, no forfeiture is incurred, or penalty annexed, to his
entering into the service of Congress ; but, on tire contrary,
his property is secured, and himlelf rewarded.
“ In the' former case he withdraws himfelf from his family
and relations, without any possibility of receiving any assistance
from, or affording any relief to cither. In the latter, he is fub
je& to no such peculiar felf-denials and real diftreSfes. The
embodying provincial corps in New-York, and fending them
on service to Savannah; or in Philadelphia, and ordering them
to Pensacola, when they might be more ufcfully employed in
the province where they were faife ; the drafting troops from
'the corps, and from under the command of officers with whom
they inlifted, to form new corps, and to give a command to
'other officers—are all measures which have had their difeott
.raging' efforts on the recruiting service.
" The desultory manner also in which the war has been car
ried on, by firft taking ppiTeftion of Boston, Rhode-Ifland,
Philadelphia, Portfmou^i, Norfolk in Virginia, Wilmington
in North-Carolina, &c &c. and then evacuating them, where
. by many thoufan^ inhabitants have been involved in the great
est wretchedness, is another substantial reason why more loy
alists have not inlifted into ' his Majesty's service, or openly
espoused and attached themselves to the Royal cause; yet,
notwithstanding all there difeouraging circumstances, there are
many more men in his Majefy's provincial regiments than there
are in the Continental fervice', , Hence it cannot be doubled but
that there are more loyalists in America than there are rebels ;
and also, that their zeal mutt be greater, or so many would
not have inlifted into the provincial service under such very
unequal circumstances. Other 'reafonsm^ht be enumerated
why many more have not inlifted into his Majesty's provincial
service, if we were not prevented from it by motives of delica
cy and tendemefs to the character of the person to whose ma
nagement the business of that department has been principally
committed.
" We also infer, from the small number of militra collected
by Gen. Green, the most popular and able General in the ser
vice of Congrefa, in the long circuitous march he took through
many of the most populous, and confeffedly the mos rebellious
counties in that country, that there must be a yaft majority of
loyalyh in that part of America, as well as elsewhere. The
presumption becomes stronger, from a consideration of the
well-known fedu&ion and compulsion which were made life of
by the Rebel militia Generals, and other officers, in order to
. Embody the militia, as well as from the mariner in which the
militia are there mentioned by General Green, in his putkick
dispatches in the coarse of one month. In that ofthe loth of
March he fays, “ Our militia have been upon such a loose and
66 uncertain footing ever since we crossed the Dan, that I could
" attempt nothing with confidence." In his next of the i6th,
in giving his account of two brigades of militia, confiding of
three Captains; ten fabaiterns, and 561 rank and tile, he re
turns two Captains, nine fubalterhs, and 55% rank and file
miffing, betides one regiment, of which he could get no return,
and adds, “ those mating arc supposed to have gone home."
According to the reports of the Generals and field officers,
very few were killed or taken, most of them having thrown
%way their arms, and abandoned the “ field early iu the a&ibn."
Tn that of the 30th he writes, that " nothing but blood and
" Daughter have prevailed among the Whigs and Tories, and
" their inveteracy against each other must, if it continues, de
" populate-tliis part of the country." Surely whole brigades
throwing away their arms, ts.lreturning home, and all that
fort ofcondutt, itoaft carry with it the most prefumpftvVevi
dence, not only of their disaffection to the measures of Con
greis, but of their loyalty and attachment to his Majesty, and
the Britilh nation and Government; 'Specially if you tafe into
the account this well-known fad, that the Rebels Live recruit
ed the Continental army,, arid in all in dances'affrmbled the mi
litia, by deceiving some, terrifying many, and driving more,
to aff.lt in their military operations. On the contrary, the
service of the loyalists has in all c'afy been ready and volunta
ry; in many uufolicitcd, and in some unnoticed, if not re
" If it mould be faid x if fuchis the number and difpdfition
of the Loyalists in America, how comes it to pass that they
have not been of more importance to his Majesty's service ? We
answer, might it not with equal propriety be enquired, why
his Majesty's, forces have not o,o^ fmly mffivered the just ex
peditions of the nation? And might hot the question with
greater propriety be put to his Majelly's Commanders in A
merica? a due deference to whom, We trust, will be thought
the most decent apology for our waving the mention of many
more ofthe true and undeniable causes which we have it in out
power to aflign.
“ And permit us to adi^ that it is only from modesty, and
a with to avoid' both the appearance and imputation of felfrih
orientation, that we decline entering into a particular enume
ration of such proofs of allegiance and fidelity, from the
contira and fuS'eriugs of American Loyalists, as have never
been equalled by any people, in any site, or in any country.
We cannot, however, refrain from hinting at fume incon
testable advantages the Loyaliits have been of, in affording'&p
plies to the Royal Aimy+by anting as guides and pilots, and
(independent of those employed in the provincial line) as militia
and partisan troops As corps of refugees, they have been
too often diftinguiflied by the Zealand gallantry of their be
haviour, to need the mention of any particular instance; if
they did, we might refer to the affair of the Btock-hotife, op
polite Fort knyphaufen, #fiere Capt., Ward, with, about
seventy refugees, withdood and repuls'd the attack of Gen.
Wayne, at the head of three chofeu brigades of Continentals.
As a militia, anting by themselves (for we trike no notice of
the many thoufuuls that at different times, particularly in
Georgia and South-Carolina, have attached themselves to the
Royal Army) a final! party, some time ago; under the com
mand of one Bunion, went.from Loiig-Jflaud to Connecticut,
and there furprized and took prisoner a rebel Major-General,
named Syllaman, and several other officers.
“ A party of.ridlitia also net long ago went ' from Wilming
ton, in North-Carolina, sixty or seventy miles into the coun
try, and took Major-General Alhe, with two or three field
officers, and some other persons, and brought them prisoners
to his Majesty's garrison at Wilmbigon. Another party of
rhilitia lately went near two hundred juries up into the. so^ntry
from Wilmington to a place called Hillfborough, and with a
body of fix or seven hundred militia; attacked a party of rebel
troops, whtr Were there as a guard to the rebel legulatui?;
then fitting at that place, and toolc the rebel Governour, Mr.
Burke, several of his council, eleven - continental officers, and
about one hundred and twenty of the troops, prisoners, whom,
the militia delivered to Major Craig, who commanded the
King's troops at Wilmington.—Other more voluntary alerts,
performed by the loyalists in South-Carolina and elsewhere,
might be mentioned without number. Surely such are not
timidfriends. We defy the most incredulous opposer of Ame
rican loyalty, as well as the most determined advocate for
Congressional ufurpatidn, to point out a fingk inftance-whenein
the like has been done, or attempted by the rebel militia; or
that they have in any instance voluntarily assembled in such
numbers, or attempted any military atelwevemcuts whatever,
without the exprtfs orders and coercidii of their tyrannical
rulers.
“ The efMblidling civil government, and farming a militia
in a colony as soon as ever the rebel army is drove out of it,
is the belt measure that can be adopted to make the loyal in
habitants importantly ufeful to the King's interest. If is the
higher political absurdity that ever was thought of, to ima
gine that,z Colony is to be retained, and the peace and good
order of Government restored by mere force of arms and 1 mar
tial law, and that too without tire partial aid and concurrence
of its inhabitants. And it is. equally preposterous to expert
that aid and concurrence, without some regard is paid to the
prejudices and inclinations ofthe people. They ihould be trea
ted with confidence, and honoured with notice, by being ap
pointed to aid offices of civil government ; the protecting au
thority and perfuafi^e influence of which is the only measure
that can extend to, and connect the people of a British pro
vince in one common intcreft and voluntary ffibmiffion. A
province, thus restored to the influence of civil government,
arid the exertions of the militia, the natural force of the coun
try, the Royal army might proceed to the next, ever keeping
the rebel forces in front. Thus, province after province,
might and would be speedily reclaimed to their former happy
and most eligible situation of Britiffi fubjeds.
" The policy of prosecuting the American war is strikingly
obvious for many reasons; but particularly as it affords the
most encouraging hope that can poflibly be held out to his
Majesty's loyalists to, perlevere in < their principles and exer
tions, at the fame time that it affords a. number of fafe ports
to the Royal Navy, during the war. It is also political, in
order to prevent vast numbers of distressed people from going
to England, and throwing themselves and families, helpless and
ruined, upon national bounty for maintenance and support.
It is humane and jtfft, from a consideration of the repeated
declarations that have been made, that " it was the gracious
and firm resolution of his Majeriyand the British nation to per
severe in every just and neceflary measure for the redemption
of his Majeriy's faithful American fubjefts from the tyranny
and oppreflion of Congress, and restoring them to the protec
tion and benefit of British laws." 'Lhe importance the posses
sion of some part, if not the whole', of the revolted colonies,
must be of, as an afylu'm for Loyalists, as well as the weight it
would be of in fixing the preliminary articles, arid in influen
cing the definitive treaty, whenever such an event Ihould take
place, Qrongly inforces .the political propriety and necessity of
the American war. It also appears to be apolitical and neces
sary meafiire, in order to detain the rebel forces in the revol
ted colonies, for there can be no doubt, if his Majesty's troops
were withdrawn from thence, but their views and operations
would be immediatelyturned towards the province of Quebec,
t< )the Northward, and the British Welt-India Blands to the
Southward, and when the contiguity of the one, and the pro
ximity of the others, to the revolted colonies, is considered, it
is not improbable to suppose from the connexion now subsisting
between America and France, Spain and Holland, but that by
the united forces of those powers, in those adjacent ifhinds,
co-operating with the Americans, that the Britiffi islands must
be immediately taken ; and that all the Continental pofTeflions
of Great-Britain would, soon after, be irrecoverably loft. If
we take into our view the effect the abdication of America must
have upon the minds of people, and the unavoidable intercourse
there ever has been, and must continue to be, from the mutual
wants and fupplics of each other, it would be folly to imagine,
but that many ofthe inhabitants of Quebec, and the islands
would from various motives, and with different views, under
such circamfkinces contribute in some measure towards facilita
ting their own reduction, and battening the surrender to some
Mother power. If Great-Britain can maintain a naval fuperiorfo.
ty in the American seas, the Continent, with proper conduct,,
is undoubtedly retainable. If ffie cannot, her insular poffef
'fions in America arc Fill less tenable than her Continental, for
this plain reason, that the former are more assailable by naval
force than the Tatter. Consequently the profccution of the A
merican war with magnanimity and vigour appears to 113 as the
beff, if not the only measure for re-animating his Majefty'^
Loyalists in America, to a strenuous exertion of their most
difting^ifhed endeavours, for difeouraging the efforts of the
rebels, for dispiriting the hostile powers of Europe, and for
maintaining the dignity, and preserving the exterior territories
of % Britiffi nation and empire.
Refying, with the fulled confidence, upon national justice
and companion to our fidelity and distresses, we can entertain
no doubts but that Great-Britain will prevent the ruin of lie*
American friend's, at every rille fliort of certain deftruftiori to
ncrfelf. But if compelled by adversity or misfortune, from
the wicked and perfidious combinations and designs of nume^
rous arid powerful enemies abroad, and more criminal and
dangerous enemies at home, an idea ihould be formed by
Git^-Britain, of relinquishing the American colonies to the
ufurpati% of Congress: we thus solemnly call God to witnefy
that we think the colonies never can be so happy or so free as in
a conftikitional connection with, and dependance on Great-
Britain; convinced as we are, that to be a British fubjeft, with
all its consequences,. it to 1 l>e the happiest and freeft member of
any civil society in the known world; we therefore, in justice
to our memories, in duty to ourselves, and in fidelity to pofle
rity, mult not, cannot refrain from making this publics de
claration and appeal to the faithful fubjeCts of every govern
ment, and the companionate sovereign of every people, in eve
ry nation and kingdom of the world; that our principles arc
the principles of the virtuous and free; that our fufferings are
the fufferings of unprotected loyalty and persecuted fidelity;
that our cause is the cause of legal and constitutional govern
ment throughout the world ; that oppofcd by principle to re
publicanism, and convinced, from recent observation, that
brutal violence, merciless severity, relentless cruelty, and dis
cretionary outrage, arq the distinguishing traits and ruling:
'principles of the present fy fteraof Congreflional republicanism,
our aversion to it is unconquerable, irreconcileable. That we
are attached to monarchical government from past and happy
experience, by duty and by choice. That to oppose infurredti
ons, and to listen to the requests of people so circumstanced as
lye are, is the common interest of all mankind in civil focicty.
That to support our rights is to support the lights of every tub
jed of legal government ; and that to afforc ns relief, is at
once the duty and Security of every Prince and Sovereign on
earth. Our appeal, therefore, is just; and our claim to aid
and affiftarice, is extensive and universal. To our lawful Sove
reign, his Parliament, and People, it is firft and most dutifully
preferred. But if reflecting 011 the uncertain events' of war^
and finking under the gloomy profpeCts of puhlick affairs, from
• the divisions and contests unhappily existing in the great coun
cils of the nation, any apprehensions Should have been excited
in our breads with refpe& to the issue of the American war, we
humbly hope it cannot, even by the most illiberal, be imputed
to us as an abatement of our unshaken loyalty to our most
gracious Sovereign, or of our unalterable predilection in fa
vour oPtlie British Nation and Government, whom may
God long protect and prefers; if, in conftquence thereof;
we thn^humbly implore that your Majesty, and the Parlia
ment, would be graciously pleafcd, in tenderness to our fears,
and in pity to our distresses, to solicit by your Ambassadors at
the courts of foreign Sovereigns, the aid of such powerful and
good allies, as to your Majesty and Parliament, in your great
wisdom and discretion may seem meet. Or if such a meafurc
Should in any manner be thought incompatible with the dig
nity and interest of our Sovereign, and the Nation, we most
humbly and ardently Supplicate and intreat, that by Deputies,,
or Ambafladors, nominated and appointed by your Majesty's
Suffering American Loyalists, they may be permitted to solicit
arid obtain from other nations that interference, aid, and alli
ance, which, by the bleffirig of Almighty God, may, in. the
last fatal and ultimate extreme, save and deliver us his Maje
sty's American Loyalists, who, we maintain, in every one of
the colonies, compole a great majority of the inhabitants, and
those too the firft in point of opulence and confluence, from
the ruinous system of Congressional independence, and repub
lican tyranny, detecting rebellion as we do, and preferring a
ffibje&ion to any power in Europe, to the mortifying debase
ment of a state of Slavery, and a life of insult, under the ty
ranny cf Congressional ufurpatian."
LATELY PUBLISHED,
And to be sold,
By ROBERT WELLS & SON,
In one Volume Quarto, price Two Guineas,
POLITICAL ANNALS of the present United Colonies
from their settlement to the peace of 1763, compiled chiefly
from records, and authorifed often by the insertion of state
papers.
Ilfaut eclairer I'bifleire fear les lots, et les lois par I'bijioirc.
Montesquieu.
_By_— ° R ° E CHA LME RS, Esq.
On Thursday the 6th of 'June next, quill be fold, at publick
Sale, before the Exchange, between twelve and One o'Clock,
THAT' VALUABLE BRICK HOUSE in King-street, No.
JL 100, and LOT of LAND, containing in front on King-street
50 feet 9 inches, and in depth 191 feet and a.half; on the back or
weft line 87 feet 9 inches ; the house and out-buildings are well built,
and in want of very little repair ; late the property of Cato Pfo, seized
on execution, and fold by order of the Board of Police.
Cbarlfown, 14/b Tkfcv, 1782. JOHN DAVIES, Sheriff.
To be Sold at publick sale, before the Exchange, on Monday
the 3d Day of %ue next, at 12 o' Clock precifob,
AVERY valuable GANG of NEGROES, upwards of
fifty, amon^ft whom are many very valuable families, and
a number of ufeful Boys and Girls; late the propertv of Mrs. Eliza
beth Butler, deceased, Seized on execution, and fold by order of the
Board of Police. JOHN DAVIES, Sheriff.
Cbartytown, 26th April, 1782.
UN away from the Schooner Polly, a Negro know named
Pompey, he is about 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high, and well let,
speaks good Engliih, is very artful, and, it is supposed, will endea
vour to pass for a free man ; he was formerly the property of Mr.
Stone, bricklayer; and had on when he went away, a blue fear
nought jacket, and brown corduroy breeches. Any person that will
apprehend the said negro, and deliver him to Alexander Mills,
No. 14, Tradd-ftreet, or to the Warden of the Sugar-House, Shall
eceive TWO GUINEAS reward.
A QUARTERLY Communication of the Provincial Grand
Lodge will be held in the Lodge Room at the State-House, on
Thursday the 13th of June next, when and where the Masters and
Wardens of the several regularly constituted Lodges, holding under,
and acknowledging the jurifdidion of the Provincial Grand Lodge,
are desired to attend by themselves, or Proxies, precifcly at 7 o'ckg
in the Evening. B, Order of the G[and Mftr.
Gbarlufmn, lad M,, 51^