The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1786-11-13 00:00:00, page 3

honour of writing to your excellency, was dated the
13th of September, 11 o'clock at night. lam now
to inform your excellency that in the afternoon of
the 18th of the fame month, when I progressed al
most 43 miles, as I was superintending Surveying the
eighth range, I received from major Hamtramck, by
express, the intelligence refpeding the hostile inten
tions of the Indians, contained in the enclosed pa
pers, No. I and 2."
( No. I. )
Weftmoreland county, fs.
The deposition of George Brickell, of the county
aforefaid, taken the 13th of September 1786. —De-
pofeth and faith, that he left Ottaway river, about
fifty miles below the Lower Sandusky, the 6th of
this intt. September; that there were 1700 Indian
warriors assembled at the Shawanefe towns, and that
their number in a short time would be 2000; that
their intentions were to strike firft the Wheeling set
tlement and lower down the Ohio; that all the na
tions were joined, and held a treaty on the sth, at
Lower Sandufl<y, which began early in the morn
ing and lasted till after dark; that they had lately
brought into the Shawanefe towns thirteen or four
teen scalps, and four prisoners, two of which were
women, whom the Indians burned before the mens'
faces: the men were to share the fame fate in a few
days: that the womens' names were Moore, one the
wife of a captain Moore, the other her daughter;
that Samuel Healer, who had this summer removed
to the Indian country from Wheeling settlement, and
his family, were all killed; that a captain Caldwell
read his papers among the Indians, particularly land
warrants, as he told this deponent; that this depo
nent believes from these and other circumstances, and
from the information given him by every person in
that country, the whole of the, Indian nations are
determined to strike in the fall, when they get their
corn secured, excepting the Cornplanter, who has
refufed to join them as yet; that there has been a
reinforcement of troops at Detroit, this fall, in three
vessels, but does not know the number ; that one
Williams, a half blooded Indian, told the deponent
and the others with him, that if the Indians knew
they were informed of what was going on, they
would be killed before they got home: and further
this deponent faith not.
Signed, GEORGE BRICKELL.
Sworn and subscribed before
GEORGE WALLACE.
Thomas Girty of Pitt townlhip, who was in com
pany with the before-mentioned George Brickell,
depofeth and faith, that the before-mentioned Wil
liams told him that the Indians were going to war;
Williams had this information from one Abraham
Kuhn, a white man, who is married to an Indian
woman, by which means he is made a Wyandott
chief; that this deponent went into the council-house
on the 3d instant, and saw the Indians fitting in coun
cil, and upon being informed who this deponent was,
they were silent; and that this deponent was alked
frequently if Hutchins was gone to run the line,
which this deponent denied, and was told at the
fame time, that the Indians meant to cut him off and
all his men; that the Cherokees and Shawanefe
chafed Cayafuta, when he went to Mingoe town with
a speech to the Indians desiring them not to go to
war with the Americans, and would have killed him,
had he not made his escape; and further this depo
nent faith not.
Signed, his
THOMAS f GIRTY,
mark.
Sworn and subscribed before.
GEORGE WALLACE.
( No. 2. )
Fort-Pitt, Sept. 14, 1786.
A man, who, for many reasons wishes his name not
to be known, makes the following report:
" TH if he was made prisoner fix years ago, by
the British and Indians, and has since generally re
sided in the Indian country; that he left Lower
Sandusky the sth inst. that in the course of last spring
the nations on the waters of the south fide of Lake
Erie, on the Miami and Wabash, held frequent
councils amongst themselves; that afterwards some
from each of the nations went to the northward to
hold a council with the fix nations; that a great
number of chiefs were in council a considerable time,
at a place to the northward of Lake Ontario; that
no interpreter or person who understood English, or
was not called in this council, was admitted; that
the Wyandott chiefs were there when Mr. Springer
(a messenger from captain Hutchins) arrived at the
Upper Sandusky, and returned to the Lower Sandusky
the day, or the day before that Mr. Springer set off
from Upper Sandusky to go back to captain Hut
chins. (Upper Sandusky is distant from Lower San
dusky thirty miles) —That seventy warriors of the
fix nations were expe&ed soon after; who, with
the chiefs of the Wyandotts, Delawares, &c.
were to go to the Shawanefe towns, where a
large body of Indians were already collected with
hostile intentions; —the reason of their being already
assembled, is their having received information that
their country is to be surveyed, which they are de
termined to oppose at all events —This is not only
the sentiment of those already assembled, but that of
the young men of the Indian nations; who fay that
they will put their old men, women and children be
hind them, and will defend their country to the last
extremity; if they are beaten, they will destroy what
they cannot carry off, and remove to the setting of
the fun—they will give up all within the Pennsylva
nia line, for that they have promised, but no more.
They are determined that the line now cutting by
Pennsylvania, shall bound them to the sun-rising, and
the Ohio shall be the boundary between them and the
Big Knives. They frequently enquired if captain-
Hutchins was out; and fay, that the moment they hear
of his beginning to survey, 500 men will march from
the Shawanefe towns to cut him off — That this will
be the case, the informant verily believes, for they
seem greatly exasperated, and they are more united
and better prepared, in all refpeds, for war, than
ever they were during his residence amongst them.
He adds, that just before he left Lower Sandusky,
he was informed, that some of the men intended to
kill Mr. Springer, who was then at Upper Sandusky;
that he immediately dispatched a man and horse to
bring him to where he was, but Mr. Springer was
gone before the arrival of the man at Upper San
dusky; that he was told, that when the purport of
Mr. Springer's meflage was known at the Shawanefe
town, the young men were so angry at it, that they
would not fuffer their chiefs to hold a council, which
is customary when they receive any news of conse
quence : he further fays, that thirteen scalps and four
prisoners were brought into the Shawanefe towns;
that two of the prisoners (women) were burned; they
were mother and daughter, of the name of Moore;
their names were known by papers found with them."
I do certify that the above is a true copy of the
intelligence delivered by the above-mentioned person
to me.
(Signed) WILLIAM FERGUSON.
Published by order of Congress,
CHARLES THOMSON, Sec'ry.
••<> "-<>" / s>^»@>^,<@-<>^H<>.
TRENTO N, Novem. 13.
At a joint-meeting of the honourable the legisla
ture of this date, on fuefday last, Lambert Cad
walader, Abraham Clark and James Schuur
man, Esquires, were appointed delegates to repre
sent this state in Congress, the ensuing year.
At the anniversary meeting of the proprietors of
the Trenton Academy, on Tuesday evening last,
Moore Furman and James Ewing, Esquires, and
Messrs. Stacy Potts, Conrad Kotts and Isaac Collins,
were by ballot, elected trustees; and the hon. David
Brearley, Esq. and Samuel-Witham Stockton and
Samuel Leake, Esquires, and Messrs. Benjamin Pit
field, John Singer and Francis Witt, were appoint
ed visitors for the ensuing year.
l>'^<> o @9<g<@<®>> •<>•••<
The Life of John Newton, in a fries of letters
to the Rev. Mr. Havs£i^---continued.
LETTER VIII.
Rev. and dear fir,
MY last informed you that the conviction I was
so unwilling to receive in a date of fafety,
was deeply impressed by the apprehensions of ship
wreck. During this awful dispensation, I waited with
fear and impatience to receive my inevitable doom.
But when I saw beyond all probability there was
still a hope of respite, and heard about fix in the
evening, that the ship was freed from water, there
arose a gleam of hope. I thought I saw the hand of
God displayed in our favour. I began to pray—l
could not utter the prayer of faith. My prayer was
like the cry of the ravens, which yet the Lord does
not disdain to hear. I now began to think of that
Jesus whom I had so often derided. I recollected
the particulars of his life, and of his death—a death
for fins,, not his own; but, as I remembered, for
those who, in their distress, should put their trust in
him. And now, I chiefly wanted evidence—the
comfortlefs principles of infidelity were deeply rivet
ed, and I rather wished than believed these things
were real fads. You will please to observe, that I
collect the strain of the reasonings and exercises of
my mind in one view; but I do not fay that all this
passed at one time. The great question now, was
how to obtain an assurance that the scriptures were
of a divine inspiration, and a fufficient warrant for
the exercise of trust and hope in God. I now deter
mined to examine the new testament more carefully.
One of the firft helps I received was from the pro
mise in Luke xi. 13 —here I found a spirit spoken of,
which was to be given to those who afl< it : upon this I
reasoned thus, if thisf^f is true, the promise in this pas
sage must be true likewise: I have need of that very spirit
by which the whole was wrote, in order to under
stand it aright. He has here engaged to give that
spirit to those who ask. I must therefore pray for it,
and if this word is of God, be will make good his
own word. My purposes were strengthened by John
vii. 17. I concluded from thence, that though I
could not fay from my heart, I believed the golpel,
yet I would for the prelent take it for granted; and
that, by studying it in this light, I should be more
and more confirmed in it. If what I am writing
could be perused by our modern infidels, they would
fay, for I too well know their manner, that I was
very desirous to persuade myfelf into this opinion.
I confefs I was; and so would they be, if they far/
as I did at that time, the absolute necessity of some
expedient to inteipofe between a righteous God and
a finful foul. Upon the gospel scheme 1 saw at least
a peradventure of hope; but on every other fide I
was surrounded by black unfathomable despair.
The wind was now moderate, but fair. We be
gan to recover from our consternation, though we
were still greatly alarmed by our circumstances—all
our calles of. provision had been beaten to pieces by
the violent motion of the ship—all our live stock had
been washed overboard—and all the provisions we
had saved, except the filh I mentioned we had caught
for diversion, and some food which used to be given to
the hogs, would have subsisted us but a week, at
scanty allowance. Our fails too were mostly blown
away. Thus we proceeded with an alternative pre
valance of hopes and fears. My leisure time was
chiefly employed in reading and meditating on the
fciipture, and praying for mercy and inftruaion.
Things continued thus during four or five days,
till one morning the shouts of the watch upon deck
awakened us, by proclaiming the fight of land—in
cohfequence of this gladdening profpe& our brandy,
which was now little more than a pint, and the resi
due of our bread, were by the captains orders distri
buted among us. But we had been too prodigal of
our bread and brandy. Our land was literally in the
clouds—yet we comforted ourselves because the wind
was fair—but alas ! we were deprived of this hope
likewise—that very day our fair wind subsided into
a calm—and the next day the gale sprung up di
ri&ly against us, and continued so for more than a
fortnight afterwards. Provisions now began to grow
very short. The half of a salted cod was a day's
subsistence for twelve people. We had plenty of wa
ter, though not a drop of strong liquor—no bread
hardly any clothes, and very cold weather. We had
inceflant labour to keep the ship above water. Mucli
labour and little food wafted us faft, though but
one man died under the hardship. Yet our fufferings
were light in comparison of our just fears. We could
not afford this bare allowance much longer, but had
a terrible profped of being starved to death, or re
duced to feed upon one another. Our expectations
grew darker every day, and I had a further trouble
peculiar to myfelf.
The captain, whose temper was quite soured by
distress, was hourly reproaching me as the sole cause
of the calamity, and was confident that if I was
thrown overboard, and not otherwise, they should
be preserved from death. He did not, indeed, intend
to make the experiment; but the continual repetition
of this in my ears, gave me much uneasiness, espe
cially as my conscience seconded his words; I thought
it very probable that all that had befallen us was on
my account. I was at last found out by the power
ful hand of God, and condemned in my own breast.
However, proceeding in the method I have described,
I began to conceive hopes greater than my fears—
efpecially, when at the very time we were ready t
give up all for loft, and despair was taking place i
every countenance, the wind came about to the ver
point we wished it, and continued till we were one
more called up to fee land, and were convinced
was land indeed. The next day we anchored in Loug
Swill)', in Ireland, just four weeks after the da
mage we sustained from the sea. About this time :
began to know that there is a God who hears and an
fwers prayer. How many times has he appeared so
me since this great deliverance? Yet alas ! how ur
grateful! how diftiuftful is my heart unto this ver
hour.
Forty Shillings Reward.
RAN away on the 2d inst, from the fubferiber,
negro man named SAM, aged 25 years; he
about 5 feet 6 inches high, square shouldered and we
made, steps quick, and is an adive fellow—over h
right eye is a frefh fear from a cut he lately receives
He plays on the fiddle, is talkative and fond of ftror
liquor: he had on when he went away a Ihort bh
livery coat, cuff's and collar white, much worn an
dirty, an olive coloured jacket, homespun trowfer
good shoes, flowered copper buckles, and an old roun
hat bound with black ferret. He was late the proper!
of John Lawrence, Esq. in Burlington, where he
well known. Whoever secures the said negro in ar
gaol, shall have the above reward and reasonable e>
pences. ROBERT L. HOOPER.
N. B. His wife is a free black woman, and used 1
live near Mount-Holly, but has removed to Philade
Trenton, Nov. 4, 1786.
[To be continued.]