The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-07-27 00:00:00, page 2

Tbe “ republican minority, M as it hi*
been called, ha* had innumerable difficul
ties to encounter. ’ While their old associ
ates reproached and denounced them for
abandoning their party in particular in
stances, their political opponents reproach
ed and denounced for not abandoning
their party in all things, and for not con
vincing the people that their nld connex
ions were trui'ofs and the slaves of a fo
reign power. Tl,<: g<>od old maxim, eat mo
duo-in rebus, baa iteen hughtd to scorn.
Y«i are in all .things against os if you are
not in all things for us, has been tbe “ Ana
thema,” and the “ Maran-atha,” with
which the geaiots of the day have attempt
ed the destruction of all who would not
subscribe to their dogmas. And this mad
ness qf many for the gain qf a few has well
nigh ruined our country. The idea of a
“Third Party,” indeed, is absurd and must
be forever abandoned. But tbe idea of the
existence of a class of men, meriting, in
every point of view, the character of inde
pendent a nd disinterested politicians, should
be cherished with delight, as to explode it
is to explode Freedom and the Constitution.
The men composing the republican mi
noritf. well know that were in the
direct path tn power. They were not so
vain as to believe that they could carry
“ The People'* with them in theirretreat
from the administration. On tbe one hand
*feara the loaves and fishes, on the other
wMoquy, denunciation, poptriaf contempt.
They took the course wh|ch duty pointed
out. And whatever they may suffer from
Slmb present generation, posterity will not
do iri/ustlse to their memory.
These remarks have been deemed pro-
F* as introductory co the developement of
political scenes of peculiar delicacy. A
political informer is an odious character
The boy who tells tales out of school is al
ways despised. To bring into publick view
‘the mere peccadilloes of one’s party would
Certainly be very cooteniptible. Bat to
publish secret machinations which tend to
the destruction of tbe character and hon
our, if not the independence of the country,
ought not to be considered as otherwise
than honourable.
Appended to this letter is the confidential
message of President Jefferson to Congress,
of the 6h of December, 1805. Some pub
licity was some years since ft ven toil, by
A writer in The Enquirer, who called him
self “ Decius. * It iyrtcessary that it should
now be read reflected on as the foun
dation of .ments which are soon to fol
low. ,
APPENDIX—No. 1.
‘bn tbe 6th of December, 1805, the fol-
Liwing confidential message was received
.from the President:
The depredations which had been com*
milted on the commerce of the United
States during the preceding war, by persons
under the authority of Spain, are sufficient
ly known to all. These made it a duty V>
require from that government indemnifica
tion for our injured chi sens. A convention
was accoidingly entered into between the
minister of the United States at Madrid,
•nd the minister of that government for
foreign affairs, by which it was agreed that
spoliations committed by Spanish subjects,
and carried into ports of Spain, should be
paid for by that nation, and that those com
knitted by French subjects, and Carried in
to Spanish ports, should remain for further
discussion. Before this convention was re
turned to Spain with our ratification, the
transfer of Louisiana by France to thr
United States took place : an event as un
expected as disagreeable to Spain. From
that moment she set med to change het
conduct and disposition towards us. It wa*
first manifested by her protest against the
right of F- nnCe to alienate Louisiana to us,
Which, howrver, was soon retracted and
4 the right confirmed. Then high offence
Was manifested at the act of Congress
establishing a collection district on th<-
Mobilie. although by an authentick decla
ration immediately made, it was expressly
confinetfto our acknowledged limits ) and
she now refused to ratify tbe convention
Signed by her owo minister, under the eye
of his sovereign, unless we would consent
to alterations of its terms, which would
have affected our claims against her, for
spoliations by French subjects carried into
Spanish ports.
• “To obtain justice, as well as to restore
friendship, I thought a special mission ad
viseable, and accordingly appointed James
Monroe, Minister Extraordinary and Ple
nipotentiary, to repair to Madrid, and in
conjunction with our Minister resident
• there, to endeavour to procure the ratifi
cation of the former convention, and to
aoma to an understanding with Spain, as
vto the boundaries of Louisiana. It appear
ed at once, that ker policy was to reserve
herself for events, and in the mean time to
keep our differences in an undetermined
Mate. This will be evident from the pa
pers now communicated to you. After
nearly five months of fruitless endeavour
to bring them to some definite and satis
factory result, our Ministers ended the con
' frrences, without having been able to ob
tain indemnity for spoliations of any de
scription, or any satisfaction as to tbe
boundaries of Louisiana, other than a de
claration that we had no rights eastward
of the Iberville, and that our line to the
west was one, which would have left ui
trot a string of lAd on that bank of the ri
ver Miariastppi. tyue Injured citizens werg
thus left without any prospect of retribu
tion from the wrong doer, and as to bouqt
dary, each party was to take Its own course.
That which they have chosen to pursue,
will appear from the documents now com
mgpicsted. They authorize the inference,
that it ia their intention to advance on our
poeseaeione, until they shall be represaed
by an opposing force. Considering
Congress alone ia constitutionally invent
ed with the fiower of changing our condi
tion from peace to war, I have thought i
my duty to await their authority for using
fores in any degree, which could be avoid
ed. I have barely instructed the officer*
stationed in the neighbourhood of the ag
gressions, to protect our citizens from vio
lence, to patrole Within the borders actual
ly delivered to us, and not to go out of them,
bat when necessary to repel an inroad, rtt
to rescue a citizen or his property, and the
Spanish remaining at New-Orleans, are
required to depart without further delay.
It ought to bo noted here, that since the
late change • in the state of affairs in Eu
rope, Spain has ordered her cruisers and
courts, to respect oar treaty with her.
“ The conduct of France, and the part
she may take in tbe misunderstandings be
tween the United States and Spain, are
too important to be unconsidered. She was
prompt and decided in her declarations,
that our demands on Spain for French spo
liations, carried into Spanish ports, were
included in the settlement between the
United States and France. She took at
once the ground that she had acquired no
right from Spain, and had meant to deliver
us none eastward of the Iberville; her si
lence as to the western boundary, leaving
us to infer,f tbe opinion might be against
Spain in that quarter. Whatever direction
she might mean to givq to these differences,
it does not appear that she has contem
plated their proceeding to actual rupture,
or that at the date of our last advices from
Paris, her government bad any suspicion*
of, the'hostile attitude Spain had taken
here. On the contrary, we have reason to
believe, that she, f France,) was dispoaed
to effect a settlement on a plan analogous
to what our ministers had proposed,| and
so comprehensive as to remove as far as
possible, the grounds of future collision aqd
controversy on the eastern, as well as the
western sidl of tbg Mississippi.
“ The present crisis in Europe is favour
able for pressing such a settlement, and
not a moment should be lost in availing
ourselves of It. Should it pass unimproved,
<>ur situation would become more difficult.,
Formal war is not necessary, it is not pro
bable that it will follow; but the protection.
y our citizens, the spirit and honour of
our country, require that force ahould b
imposed to a certain degree. It will pro
bably contribute to advance the object of
peace..
“ Bat the course to be pursued, will fe
quire the command of means, which u be
longs to Congress exclusively to yield or
deny. To them I communicate every fact
material for their information, and tbe
documents necessary to enable them to
judge for themselves. To their wisdom
then I look for the course lam to pursue,
and will pursue, with sincere zeal, that
which they shall approve.'*
* Coalition between Austria, Russia, and
Great-Bcitain, it is presumed.
■j Leaving Mr. 'i alleyrand “ to infer," that it
would afford bint a second glorious occasion of
dipping hta hands into our pocket*.
I Otir Ministers had proposed to surrender
our claims to compensation fur the withholding
of the right of deposit st New-Orleans, and for
spoliations, Spanish as well as French, and to
establish the Collorado as the western bounds
ry of Louisiana. Although the Collorado is a
vast distance to the west of the existing limit
between the two nations, it was evident, from
the face of our despatches, that our Ministers
in agreeing to establish that river as the boun.
dan', bad been obliged to exceed the antliority
oftlieir instructions; (the government of the
United States claiming to the Rio Bravo)—
This proposition (the ultimatum on our part)
was rejected at the Court of Madrid with dis
dain; and tlius ended the negotiation. Yet
France, it seems, was disposed to a settlement
on “ analogous terms,” although Mr. Talley,
rand had, in the most dictatorial style, de
clared that our claims on Spain for French spo
liations carried into Spanish ports, " inuat be
abandoned."
Wk have received the first number of
•• The American Republick," printed by
Humpiirky Marshall, Esq. nt Frank
fort, Kentucky. Being badly packed up,
to come so great a distance, a considerable
part of the paper is defaced ; but there is
enough of it in preservation to convince us
that the talents and patriotism of the edi
tor have not been overrated. We give the
following extracts as a sample-
“ Conquest is the object of Bonaparte :
That of conquering Great-Britain first;
because that would make the rest easy.—
But if Great-Britain is conquered, It must
be through the United States. If the Uni
ted States should lend themselves to Bona*
parte, and become a party in the war
against England, 1 own that 1 think the con
quest of England practicable to France ;
but I consider the fall of the United StatiS
as the most certain and inevitable conse
quence. Nay, more, the conquest of the
United States I should consider certain
to Bonaparte, whether Great-Hritain was
conquered or not, were the United States
From the Lancaster Journal.
-rnment, *nd to predispose the pnblick
mind for the crisis, when Bonaparte would
deem it convenient to tell us, that some
one of his adherents was gvr
country has heretofore escaped hie con
quest where hie soldiers have been admit
ted. Fraternity with him, io death i re
sistance alanr gives life; and that to be
effectual moot be timely. But suppose tbe
United State* will not go to war with Eng
land, at the wish, and for the purpose of
helping Bonaparte, to conquer England,
will not Bonaparte make war on them?
That he will., I consider as extremely pro
bable. In fact, at this time, according to
recent accounts, his decrees are littfo short
of An dpen declaration of war, and hls prac
tical expositions ofthem, are nothing short
of plunder, confiscation, imprisonment and
death, the worst effects of war. Bonaparte,
whose mode of treating the United States
ha* varied with thoobjects of his policy;
having tried the effect of embargo, fcc. and
finding that nothing short of war between
them and Groat-Britain would answer his
purpose, has several times told them that
they were at war with England ; which,
however, the good sense of the nation hav
ing hitherto denied, and being still like
ly to deny, (tbe efforts of his agents and
emissaries to the contrary notwithstanding,)
he appears to hake lost his patience, and
to be determined that the submissfoh, or
conquest of IM United States, shall pre
cede that of' England. Ah, there is the
rub,” The conquest of the United States,
may in his estimation, be necessary to the
conquest of Great-Britain. Nor do I per
ceive a more ready or probable way, by
which he cap effect the conquest of one,
than through the instrumentality of the
other. The nne most easily conquered, is
»hen the first In the scale of means to ac
complish his end. What then is he forth
with to make war on the United States for
’ the purpose of conquest ? No, he will only
capture, confiscate, imprison and destroy
Wessels, cargUas and seamen, by way
' friendly caution <• us, until he sees and
XtfoWiJ Whether we will or not, accommo
date our national differences with Great-
Rritain. Should he find our rulers possess
cd of firmness and magnanimity sufficient
tn accommodate our differences with Eng
land, a thing which he will not readily be
lieve, after the experience of the past, and
under the lash of his whip; why then, he
proclaims open war. No, perhaps he may
not so far counteract the efforts of his
friends in the United States, as to declare
open war ; but he will carry it on against
them by ail the means in his power. And
what if we will not accommodate with
England ? Why then he will, by way of
keeping up the idea of his power, and of
our love and-reverence for him, still plun
der and confiscate our property, and im
prison our seamen.
“ What then is to be done ? Let us be
American republicans; let us discard par
ty spirit, and party maxims; let us refrain
from the crooked and perfidious politicks
which have degraded our country
ed our name with reproach, and our con
duct with shame ; and let us return to the
open, honest and manly policy of Wash
ington. Let us be faithful to the princi
ples of an honest neutrality. Let us ac
commodate our differences with either na
tion, according to existing circumstances,
preserving our own right a, conceding
those of others, and- compromising such
as may be doubtful. But let us be pre
pared to maintain our national indepen
dence ; and to repel aggressions on our
rights and property, whether inflicted by
France or Great-Britain.”
Information from the Missouri, states,
that a general Indian War rages between
the Paune, Panckas, Maha, Otto, Missou
ri, Sinex, Shawonie and Osage tribes and
their allies. Several of the Shawonie tribe
have been killed by the Osagcs, while
hunting on the Gasconade. •
The Hornet will sail from New-York be
tween the 25th and 31st of July, for France
and England. Her commander will take
charge of mercantile and other letters for
Europe. ,
The President of the United States is at
Montpelier; the Secretary of the Treasu
ry on a ' isit to New-Yoi k ; and the Secre
tary of War on a visit to Boston.
The Secretary of the Navy has inform
ed a correspondent in Savannah, under the
date of June 21st—* That Commodore
Decatur is now under sailing orders with
0
to eng ijpi in the war. Such a step would
produce, in effect, all thq'qpnsfqueucecf
40 afliancu with France. One ««f these
would he the admission of French troops in
to the United State*. The name of friend
ship. and ll»e pretence of aifl,- would dis
arm suspicion, and palsy resistance.to their
wishes of position and accommodation;—
they would possess themselves (4 the moot,
advantageous situations in our Country p
>hey would possess the advantages of vete
ran troops 1 every means would be UsW to
corrupt the influential member*of the gwv-
ST. LOUIS, (Louisiana,) June 24.
25p tbe mailjtf.
PHILADELPHIA, July 19.
WASHINGTON, July 15.
capitulation of the arguments it enforces, is
to be found in the former part of the letter
which we now publish. Mr. Gallatin’scom
munication shall appear in our next paper,
together with some other documents on the
same subject, which are promised to ap
pear in ffte next National Intelligencer, if
on perusal they shall be found important.
Despatch from the Hon. David Erskine
to Mr. Secretary Canning, dated Wash
ington, bth December, 1808.
The National Intelligencer, of July 18,
contains two letters from Mr. Erskine to
Mr. Canning, explanatory of the views of
the American Cabinet, in December, 1808,
four month* before his arrangement, which
took place in tbe following April. The
same paper also contains a personal com
munication for the Intelligencer, from Mr.
Gallatin, respecting the second letter of
Mr. Erskine, and tending to remove the
impressions which that letter is calculated
to excite in the indignant bosom of every
independent American. Our limits will al
low us only to publish this despatch; as
Mr. Gallatin’s explanation occo|)ies two
columns of tbe Intelligencer.
The fret despatch of Mr. Erskine is not
particularly interesting, and Indeed the re**
Sir— ln the course of several private in
terviews which I had with Mr. Gallatin,
the Secretary of the Treasury, and with
Mr. Smith, Secretary of the Navy, I have
collected from them that their sentiments
coincide with those of Mr. Madison, which
I have detailed at some length, in the pre
ceding number of my despatches respect,
ing the proper dourse of conduct which
ought to be pursued by the United States
in their present situation, although they had
differed as to the propriety of laying on the
embargo as a measure of defence, and had
thought that it would have been better to
have resorted to measures of a more de
cided nature at first, but that now they had
no other means left but to continue it for a
short time longer, and then in the event of
no change taking place in the conduct of
the belligerents towards tbe United States,
to endeavour to assert their rights against
both powers; but if either should relax in
their aggressions, they said they would vote
for taking part with that one against thr
other which shodld continue its aggres
sion.
Captain Coggeshajl, who arrived here
yesterday from Tonningen, (which place
he left the 9th ult.) informs, that the day be
fore he sailed, it was reported, and by many
believed, that Russia, Turkey and Sweden
had determined to* join England against
France. The British had a very large fleet
of ships of war in tbe Bakick, -and k was
supposed from this circumstance, that the
above coalition was probable.
Mr. Gallatin remarked to me, that the
resolutions which were proposed by the
committee nf Foreign Relations in their re
port to the House of Representatives, and
which had already passed In the committee
of the whole House, and would perhaps
sonn pass into a law, seemed to him to re
move two very important grounds of dif
ference with Great-Riitain, via. the non
importation act, as applicable to her alone,
and the President’s proclamation, whereby
a squadron nf our ships to cruise from
HamptiHt-Roqd* southwardly, ,which will
tend, 1
privateer* which Mve been infesting k for
some time past.” . J '
ALBANY, July j*. ‘ --
DISGRACEFUL OUTRAGE.
On Friday afternoon, Miw laclpon the
British Minister arrived In thia city on his
.way to Niagara, and took at Mr.
Gregory's Eagle tavern. Lau jit night,
After the' citizens, (the democrats except
ed,) had generajly retired to bf 4» ** the
most numerous and Respectable” collec
tion of ** THt »An¥Y” ever witnessed in
this cky, (save when the ox was devoured)
assembled in front of Mr- Gregory’s house
with an effigy, to which they immediately
set Are, at the same time setting op the
most savage howliags and yelling* ever
hoard without the precints of the wigwam.
The alaym ofyißK was spread, the bells
rang, and tbe fire-men and others assem
bled—. When '* tax yARTY,” dispersed—
Previous to thio, however, Mr. Gregory,
indignant at the insult offered to his house
and hia'guests, and believing the surround
ing buildings, ficc. were much exposed, (the
wind being very high.) rushed out, alone
and unprotected, to endeavour to extin
guish the fire. But he was immediately
assailed by the rioters, with club* and
stones, knocked 'down and very'severely
wounded. A watchman, and one or two
friends, came up in time to save his life ;
though threatened and menaced by the
mob.'
Several of the persons concerned in this
scandalous affair have been taken up and
bound over: but it is to be feared that the
instigators of the mob will escafte detec
tion, It is ascertained that a considerable
sum was raised ".somehow andspmrwAere”
for the purchase of liquor, &c. to inspire
"tmk jarty” with proper feelings for
the occasion.
BOSTON. July 23.
Additional National Documents.
NEW-YORK, July 24,
These observations he made at that time
for the purpose of contrasting the senti
ment sqf Mr. Madison with those of the
President, as he knew that I must have
observed that Mr. Jefferson never spoke
with approbation of any thing that was
British, and always took up French topicks
in his conversation, and always praised the
People and country qf France, and never
lost an opportunity of shewing hie dislike
to Great-Britain.
; the ships pf Great-3rir»i«» w <re excluded ~
I from the ports of the United States, whilst
those qf France were permitted to enter,
but bow, by the nnn-inierranrse law, hoth
powers were placed on the same footing ;
M did not pretend t*say that this measure
had been taken fryv any motives A con
cession to Great-Britain; bat as irr feet
those consequences followed, be conceived
they might be considered as removing the
two great obstacles to a conciliation. This
he wished might be the case, as he« inti
mated to me that such steps were about to
be taken by Congress Upon another vefy
important subject of the differences between
the two countries, as might have a further
effect in leading to a favourable adjustment
of them. He informed tpe, that a law was
about to be proposed to Congress, and which
he believed would pass, to interdict all
American vessels from receiving on beard
any foreign seamen, under heavy penalties
or forfeitures, and that already the ships
war of the United Stateshad been ordered
pot to receive any, and to diechargp such
as were at that time on board. This sub
jeet is also alluded to by Mr. Giles, the
Senator, in his speech, Who is high io the «
confidence of the government, and It i« said,
is to be Mr. Madison’s Secretary of State.
Mr. Gallatin also said, 'that be knew that
ft was intended by the United States to'
abandon the attempt to carry on a trade
with the colonies of belligerents in time of
war which wusnot allowed in time of peace,
and to trust to tbe being permitted by the
French to carry on such trsde in peace, so
as to entitle them to a continuance ef it in
time of war. <
In this manner he observed all tM points
nf differences betwerit Grest-Britain and
the United States, might be smoothed away
(was his expression) and that the United
States would be willing W) put the inter
course with Grest-Britain upN<perfect
footing of reciprocity, and Walla eiseream
sent to the arrangement that of
both nations should pay the 4Wte»6qtir< re
ciprocally, or place each
the footing of the most favoured natiofi.
I have no doubt that these communlca
tines were made with a sincere desire that
they might produce tbe effect of concilia
tion, because it is we|t ►nown that Mr.
Gallatin has long thought that the restric
tive and Jealous system of non-imfiortation t
laws, extra duties, and other mt A s of t
checking a free trade with Great-sYitain
have been erroneous and higfity injurious
to the interests' of America s he informed
me, distinctly, that he bad always enter
tained that opinion, and that he had uni
formly endeavoured to persuade the Presi
dent to place the conduct of Great- BrMb
and France towards the United States in a
fair light before the publick. He seemed
to check himself at tha moment he waa
speaking upon that subject, and I could
not get him to express himself more dis
tinctly, but I could clearly collect from hip
manner, and from some slight insinuations,
that ha thought the President had acted
with partiality toward* France. For he <
turned the conversation immediately upon
the character of Mr. Madison, and said
that he could not be accused of haying such
a bias toward* France; and remarked that
Mr. Madison wa* known to be an admirer
of the British constitution, to be generally
well disposed toward* tbe nation, and to be
entirely free from any enmity to it* general
prosperity. He appealed to me, whether
I had not observed chat he frequently spoke
with approbation of its institutions, it* en
ergy and spirit, and that he waa thoroughly
well versed in its history, literature and
arte. . .
At the close of my interview with Mr.
Gallatin, he said in a familiar way—“ You
see, Sir, we could settle a treaty in my pri
vate room in two hours, which might per
haps be found to be as lasting as if it was
bound up in all the formalities of a regular
system ; and might be found as reciprocal
ly useful as a treaty consisting of tweftty
four articles, in which the Intricate points
of intercourse might be in vain attempted
to be reconciled to the opposite, and per
haps, jealous views of self-interest of the
respective countries.”
I have taken the liberty of detailing to
you the substance of this unofficial con
versation with Mr. Gallatin, in order to ex
plain to you the grounds upon which I have
formed my opinion that the members of the
present government, who it is expected will
belong also to the next, would be desirous
of settling the differences of the United
States with Great-Britain, to enable them
to extricate the country and themselves
from the difficulties in which they are In
volved; for it is now, 1 believe, determined
that Mr, Gallatin will accept his present ■
office under Mr. Madison, which was at
one time doubted. The character of Mr.
Gallatin must lie well known tqjou, to be
held in the greatest respect iotifidlountry
for his unrivalled talents as aftißMler
' \ * * • w.