The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-07-30 00:00:00, page 2

frig from them the state of their public
affairs—Should their whole conduct be
n unison with this system, and should
the consequences be discoverable in the
discouragement of all honest industry,
* the disregard and contempt of the laws;
the increase of idleness, fraud, perjury,
oppression, and all manner of wicked-
I boss, and the great impoverishment of
the Country —
If, I say, at any time, a Faction
composed of such men, should by such
,Tokens, obtain the rule over us, and
;administer the Government in such a
manner, it would then behove every
citizen, who loves his Country who
values the blessings of liberty, or the
comfort! of society 4 who feels the ties
of natural affection for those that may
survive him, whose whole soul is not
absorbed in his own present personal
, rase aud self-gratification, seriously to
look about him, and strenuously to
J exercise his Constitutional privileges,
I and by his example and persuasion to
, I encourage others, in rescuing our Coun
try from that ruin in which such a
course must soon terminate.
From the Connecticut Mirror.
1 ^ Science of draining money from the
I TREASURY.
I —ln the last Mirror, we gave our
f readers an extract from the. letter of
B the Hon. Mr. Stanley of North-Car
:olina to his Constituents, giving a.com
■ ' parative view of tire expensed of the ar
, my and navy under the administrations
a of Washington and A(|ams, and that
I of Jefferson. That comparison did
I not furnish a result very flattering to
I (he economical character and proses
, 1 sions of the latter. Th^ week we
give another extract from the same
r publication, containing a statement of
,[ the,whole receipts and expenditures
{ J of the treasury of the United States,
.{I from the first establishment of the gov-
L I ernmeut, viz. the 4th of March, 1789,
H do*n to the first of January, 1810.
W This result, will not gratify the econo
-14 I mists of our country, any more than
I the other. Mr. Stanley professes to
take his statement from a report of
Mr. Gallatin's, of course, it is to be
* j presumed that the account is as favor-
B i able for the Administration, as the facts
Q I would any way warrant. And as the
■ letter has.been for a considerable time
F before the public, and no charge of in
correctness, that we have seen, has
been made against it from any quarter,
we take it for granted that it is cor-
K Tect. If so, what conclusion ought to
■ 'lbe made, respecting the professions &
■ practices of the man, who could whine
so pathetically over the dangers to
■ Iwhich the " mouth of labour" might
■ be exposed ?
" In obedience toa resolution of the
(House of Representatives, the Secre
tary of the Treasury transmitted " a
m 1 statement of the annual receipts into
the treasury from the 4th of March,
F 1789, to 31st December, 1809, and a
■I statement of the-amount of debt annu
■Lally incurred and reimbursed during
■ mhe same period."
By this statement it appears,
''''at the receipts into the treasury,
from the 4th of March, 1789, to
'"" Dec. 1800, during the admin
istration of Washington and Adams,
including all the loans, amounted to
eighty nine millions, five hundred
_ eighty eight thousand, six hundred
■ & eighty three dollars, 89,588,683
^hatduring the same period there was I
fpaid on account of the principal of
the debt, the sum of twenty two
re millions, four hundred and sixty
thousand, nine hundred and six dol.
lars, - 22,460,906
■ I That the receipts from the Ist January,
1801,to January 1, IslO, during the
administration of Jefferson a°dMad
ison, amounted to one hundred and
Itwenty onc millions, two hundred
and thirty nine thousand, two hun
' deed and fifty three dollars,
A 121,23'9,253
L And the paymerits on account of the
Eprincipal of the debt in the same pe
riod, to forty four millions, eight
■ hundred and sixty five thousand sev-
L en hundred arid forty eight dollars,
4'4,865,748
These statements with those of the
l^penses of the military and naval
t establishments, already given, enable
me to place the management of our
U money matters, before you in another
important point of view.
■ The federal administration receiv.
■ & cd in i~ yeaYs, including all loans,
89,588,683 dollars.
They paid on account
m of the principal of the
debt, 2^,465,906
The army, 18,592,12
The navy, 10,928,956
And left in cash in the
1 ' e " ur ''’ April Ist, 180 T, 1,794,052
53,781,026
Balance expanded in 12
clears on other objects,
iz. salaries to officers of
ffiUr^^m^V foreign miu-
•isters, interests on thedebt
incurred in their own time,
and generally such expen
djtures, which with ap
pointments in the army &
navy, from the patronage
of the administration—-
thirty five millions, eight
hundred and seven thou
sand, six hundred and fifty'
six dollars.—at the rate of
two millions, nine hundred
and eighty three thousand
dollars per year. 35,807,656
—— - _____
$89,588,683
Jefferson & Madison have
received, cash in the
treasury, April, 1801, 1,974,052
Receipts into the treasu
ury from Jan. 1801, to
Jan. 1, 1810,-9 years
-one hundred aml twen
ty-one millions, two
hundred and thirty^nine
thousand, two hundred
aud fifty-three dollars, 121,239,253
123,033,306
They have paid in the
same period,
For the principal of the
debt . 44,865,748
For the army 12,349,557
For the navy 12,717,022
They have cash to the treas
ury Ist Jan. 1810,. 3,817,977
$73,750,304
Balance, expended in
nine years upon other ob-,
jects, such astsalaries to
officers at home ministers
abroad, &c. &c. as above,
including the monies dis
posed of by the patronage
of government beyond ap
pointments in the army
and navy, forty-nine mil
lions, two.hundred and
eighty-three thousand dol
lars, 49,283,000
—at the rate of five mil
lions four hundred & sev. r
cnty-five thousand, eight
hundred and eighty-nine
dollars in each year,
$123,033,306
Here is a result that the dullest may
understand, and most obtuse must
feel. Jefferson and Madison have re
ceived of the people's money in nine
years, thirty-three millions, four hun
dred and forty-four thousand (33,444,
000) more than was received by Wash
ington and Adams in twelve years.
And giving Messrs. Jefferson and
Madison full credit for all payments
on account of the principal of the
public debt, the army and navy, and
for the money in hand, they have ex
pended in nine years, forty-nine mil
lions, two hundred and eighty-three
thousand dollars (49,283,000) or five
millions, four hundred and seventy-five
thousand eight hundred and eighty-nine
dollars, (5,475,889) in each year in
salaries, foreign ministers, &c, and
such expenses before mentioned,includ
ing the benefices distributed by the
patronage of government: while the
disbursements of the two federal ad
ministrations, to the same objects,
were less than three millions a year.
FEDERAL EXTRAVAGANCE
gress.
"Against the administration of Mr.
'Adams 1 in common with many others
did and do yet entertain a sentiment of
hostility, and have repeatedly cried out
:against it for extravagance and for
profusion, and for waste, wanton waste
of the.public resources. I find how
ever, upon consideration, whether from
the nature of man or from the nature
of things, or from whatever other
cause, that that administration, grossly
extravagant as I did then and still do
believe it to have been, if fried by the
criterion of the succeeding one, teas a
pattern of retrenchment and economy
—and I ask the House to put the
question to themselves, whether we
are likely to see atany future period
an administation more economical than
that of which we have just now taken
leave?—and, this I say without mean
ing to cast the slightest imputation on
the present; the person now at the
head of affairs has at least in one re
spect, conducted himself in his high
office in a spirit dear to my heart ; it is
the Spirit of a gentleman. The first
session of CongresSjOnder the last ad
ministration was a period of retrench
ment. Throw the session of last sum
mer out of the question, and this must
be the session of reform under the
present. Have we any reason to con
clude from what we have seen, or
hoard, that we clin look forward^ to
'I
' •« ,
Extract from the Speech of John Ran
dolph on the reduction of the Navy,
delivered at the last session of Con-
AND
DEMOCRATIC ECONOMY
COMPARED!!
any perticy more economical than that
of the administration of which we have
just taken leave ? I wish to be clearly
understood that in the year 1800, in
which our expenses amounted to
3,418,000 dollars, we had three 44
gun frigates, six frigates from 44 to 32,
two of 32 of a large size, four of 32
smaller, eight from 32 to 20, three
sloops of war and four brigs from 18
to 16, and five brigs and schooners,
front 14 to 12 guns, employing a total
of 7296 seamen. This administration,
too, it should be remarked, not oMy
built every frigate, every vessel of re
spectable force ; yes, sir, built them
from the stamp, which the U. S. now
have, but many others which have been
since sold and the proceeds of which
have gone into the Treasury. At this
time, then, when the U. S. had this
formidable force, afloat, when nearly
8000 seamen were employed; I know,
the documents only state 7300, but I
am told from the best authority there
were nearly 8000 ; when our j/ag a?
least triumphed in our dun seas ;
when we had nothing of that system
of drawing within our shell which the
gentleman from Connecticut so justly
derides: when we had not reached the
soft shelled state in which we are plac
ed by the non-intercourse lafr ; at that
time the navy of the U. S. cost nearly
three millions & a half, making for each
seaman about 472 dollars. I know,
sir, that these statements, are dry, but
they are useful in proportion as they
are dry. According to the statement
which my colleague (Mr. Bassett) has
made, arid which he has told you not
only came from the Secretary of the
navy, but was in the secretary's own
hand writing, the number of seamen
which he had last year in employ was
2723, which cost the nation 2,427,000
dollars; forcach man employed, with
in a trifle of 900 dollars. Now, sir,
if every seaman under the last adminis
tration cost double the expense which
was incurred for the same man under
the preceding one, if the same system
is continued, we have no reason to
doubt that the seamen next year will
cost double of their present expense.
But even suppose the expense to remain
the same as it now is; will the repre
sentatives of the American people agree
to maintain a naval force which costs
us nine hundred [within 13] dollars
per man, the use* of which no man
has attempted to guess, much less to
demonstrate ?
I wish to be indulged iri a little
farther comparative political anatomy.
I believe, sir, that the same good results
in politics from comparing the merits
of different administrations that results
in medicine and surgery from the dis
section of the human body—-that
they are fairly to be tried by the
same rules.—l find then that in this
year 1800, the estimated pay of the
officers is 391,000 dollars, and that
the estimated pay of the seamen in the
same year is 818,000 dollars ; and yet,
sir, by the estimate now before me,
and which any gentleman can turn to,
. made for the year 1809, the subsist
ence of the officers, their pay and that
of the seamen, amounts only to
296,000 dollars, a sum less by near
ly an hundred thousand dollars,
than the estimated pay alone of
of the officers in 1800, whilst the ex
penses of the whole establishment ap
proach for the last year within one
million of dollars of the expense of
the year first mentioned. ,I am at a
loss toaccount for these manifest incon
sistencies, and I might say solecisms
in our political arithmetic. We have
a navy which we are told employs
2700 men, which costs within a third
as much as a navy employing.nearly
8000 men ; and yet, whep we c&e to
compare the great objects of expense,
to wit, pay and subsistence of the of
ficers and seamen, the reward of valor
and merit, we find a contrast which I
believe no man in this house is pre
pared to explain.
Now, sir, for the vtholesubject (thank
God !) is now before us ; let us look at
the expenses of the marine corps. I
have always understood that marines,
were necessary in proportion to the
extent of the navy ; that such a force
is put on board of every ship of such
a number of guns. I find that ire the
year 1800, when we had nearly forty
ships of war in commission, manned
with nearly 8000 men, the expense of
the marine corps amounted to 162,000
dollars; and in 1809, when we have
ten or fifteen vessels of all.sorts, man
ned with 2,300 seamen, the expense of
the marine perps amounts to 211,000
dollars ; and yet, sir, if We look at the
items, there does not seem to be a very
great variance between some of the
niost important; for instance I finQ
that the clothing in 1800 was estimat
cd at 33,000 dollars, in 1809 at but
32,000 —-and yet the troops whose
clothing costs 1000 dollars less, cost
in the aggregate 50,000 dollars more.
But if we look at some of the items of
this account, we shall be struck at
once with the difference. The pay and
subsistence for instance, in 1800 was
*, THE last received National In
telligencer, contains two letters (and
promises two more) from Mr. Erskine,
the late British Minister, to Ms. Can
ning: They form part of the corres
pondence laid before the British Par
iiament, and printed by its order ; and
relate to the situation of public affairs
in the United States, and conversations
with the Heads of Department, previ
ous to the conclusion of the Conven
tion of April, 1809, between Mr. Smith
and Mr. Erskine. The general topics
in these letters having already been*
worn thread-bare, the re-discussion of
them at this time, is wholly unnecessa
ry. But in one of the letters Mr.
Erskine more than insinuates, that in
one of the conversations with Mr.
Gallatin, the latter admitted the exist
ence of an influence in President Jef
ferson favorable to France, and preju
dicial to Great-Britain. This letter it
seems was communicated to' Mr. Gal
latin, before it was published in the
Intelligencer, as we find ap answer to
it from Mr. G. in the same paper in
which the letter is given, and in which
Mr. Gallatin denies ever having enter
tained or expressed the sentiments
which Mr. Erskine insinuates he had.
That the public may form; an opinion
whom they ought to credit—the Eng
lishman or the Frenchman— we have
extracted Mr. Erskine's charge, and
Mr. Gallatin's answer to it. Mr.
Erskine's letter is dated 4th December,
1308, in which after mentioning the
private interview he had had with
Messrs. Gallatin and Smith, and the
observations made therein on the points
of difference between Great-Britain &
the United States, and the measures
which would remove them, [which the
public are already in full possession of]
the British Minister adds as follows: —
: ^Centinel.
Mr. ERSKINE's LETTER.
" I have no doubt tliat these com
munications were made with a sincere
desire that they might produce the ef
fect of conciliation, because it is well
known that Mr. Gallatin has 'long
thought that the restrictive and jealous
system of non-importation laws, extra
duties, and other mbd& of checking a
free trade with Great-Britain, have
been erroneous and highly injurious to
the interests of America ; he informed
me, distinctly, that he had always en
tertained that opinion, aud that he had
102,000 dollars. I have been at the
pains even to note the prices of the
most material articles of provisions, &
find that in the old estimate beef is rat
ed at 13, pork at 14, flour at 10 dol
lars per barrel, whilst iri the last year
the same articles stood in the estimate
at 14, 18 and 8. The material article,
Hour, being much lower than in 1800,
and the market value of the others al
so, I believe the inference would neces
sarily follow that the subsistence ougft
to have been cheaper. But, sir, look
at their establishment at the navy yard ;
and I believe we shall want no ghost,
certainly no argument of mine, to shew
the cause of this difference of expense.
Then come the navy yards. Os
these that at Washington alone has
cost nearly one half of the sum ex
pended on them all. Well might my
colleague say it was worth as much as
the whole when it had cost as much—
when indeed we have witnessed a con
siderable, town and the most flourish
ing town too in this wide region called
the city of Washington, buHt out of
the public treasury.
Yes, sir, we have economised until
we absolutely have reduced the annual
cost of a seaman from 472 dollars, as
it was under the very wasteful expen
diture of Mr. Adams' administration,
down to the moderate sum of 887 dol
lars ! We have economised until a pal
try fleet, consisting of vessels built to
our hand, to say nothing of those that
have been sold and the warlike stores
of which have been retained and pre
served, which fleet was built, equipt
and every cannon and implement of
war purchased under the old adminis
tration, has cost us twelve millions of
dollars, when it ebst the preceding ad
ministration but nine! Is this no ar
gument for reduction ? The gentleman
from Connecticut (Mr.Danajtells you
he does not wish an annihilation but a
reform of the naval establishment. Sir,
as long as a single chip remains in that
navy yard, you will never see any thing -
like reform—as long as. you have a
chip of public property, one chip of
live oak belonging to the United States,
you will have a man riding in his car
riage, with a long retinue cf deputies
and clerks, to take care of it. And,
sir, if the gentleman from Connecticut
does not mean utterly to disgust the
people of the United States against a
navy, if in truth he is a friend to a
navy, he ought to join and put down
this navy yard,' and not, with my
friend from North Carolina (Mr. Ma
con) keep it up in hopes that the enor
mity of the evil will at some time or
other correct itself."
ERSKINE and GALLATIN.
Mr. Erskine to Mr. Canning, dated
4th December, 1808, which principal
ly relates to a conversation between
Mr. Erskine and myself. This took
place at my house, and without any /
previous appointment; but as Mr.
Erskine hadduring the preceding week
conversed with Mr. Madison on the
same topics, and the result had been
communicated to me the day before by
Mr. Madison, I was prepared for the
subject ; and every sentiment I uttered
was in perfect unison with those of the
President and of the Secretary of
State."
[Mr. Gallatin then goes on to ex
plain the above conversations, and the
conditions expected by the United /
States from Great-Britain which he
says Mr. E. omitted or did not distinct
ly explain. These have also been fre
quently before the American public.
Mr. G. then proceeds :—]
"Put there is part of the despatch
in which I cannot for a moment ac
quiesce.,„
;From casual expressions imper
fectly understood, and incorrectly stat-'
ed, and from what he calls "my man
ner and slight insinuations, Mr. Ers
kine infers that I thought that the Pres
ident (Mr. Jefferson) had acted with'
partiality towards France,,and that I
had attempted to contrast Mr. Madi
son's sentiments in that respect with
those of the President.
"That Mr. Erskine's object was
to use the change of Presidency as &>
uniformly endeavoured t& persuade the
President to place the conduct of
Great-Britain and France towards the
U. States in a fair light before the pub
lic. He seemed to check himself at
the moment he was speaking upon the
subject; and I could not get him to
express himself more distinctly, but I
could clearly collect from his manner,
and from some slight insinuations, that
he thought the President had acted
with partiality towards France. For
he turned the conversation immediate
ly upon the character of Mr. Madison,
and said that he could not be accused
of having such a bias towards France;
and remarked that Mr. Madison was
known to be an admirer of the British
constitution, to be generally well dis
posed towards the nation, and to be
entirely free from any enmity to its
general prosperity. He appealed to
me, whether I had not observed that
he frequently spoke with approbation
of its institutions, its energy and spirit,
and that he was thoroughly well vers
ed in its history, literature and arts.
" These observations he made at
that time for the purpose of contrast
ing the sentiments of Mr. Madison
with those of the President, as he knew
that I must have observed that Mr.
Jefferson never spoke with approba
tion' of any thing that was British, and
always took up French topics in his
conversation, and always praised the
people and country of France, and
never lost an opportunity of shewing,
his dislike to Great-Britain.
" At the close of my interview with
Mr. Gallatin, he said in a familiar
way, "You see,. Sir, we could settle
a treaty in my private room in two
hours, which might perhaps be found
to be as lasting as if it was bound up
in all the formalities of a regular sys
tem ; and might be found as recipro
cally useful as a treaty consisting of
twenty-four articles, in which the in
tricate points of intercourse might be
in vain attempted to be reconciled to
the opposite, and perhaps, jealous
views of self-interest of the respective .
countries."
" I have taken the liberty of detail
ing to you the substance of this unof
ficial conversation with Mr. Gallatin,
in order to explain to you the grounds
upon which, I have formed my opin.
ion that the members of the present
government, who it is expected will
belong also to the next, would be
desirous of settling the differences of
the United Slates with Great-Brit
ain, to enable them to extricate the
country and themselves from the
difficulties in which they are involved ;
for it is now, I believe, determined
that Mr. Gallatin will accept his pres
ent office under Mr. Madison, which
was at one time doubted. The charac
ter qfMr. Gallatin must be well known
to you, to be held in the greatest re
spect in this country for his unrivalled
talents as a financier & as a statesman.
There cannot, I think, be any reason
able doubt entertained that he is heart
ily opposed to French aggrandizement,
and to the usurpations of Bonaparte.
He was an enthusiast in favour of the
French Revolution, in the early peri
od of it, but has long since abandon
ed the favourable opinions he had en
tertained respecting it, and has view
ed the progress of France towards uni
versal dominion with jealousy and re
gret."
EXTRACTS FROM
, Mr. GALLATIN'S Answer.
" Amongst the papers lately laid be
fore the British Parliament respecting
American affairs, is a despatch from