The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-04-27 00:00:00, page 2

and impudence of the Vendean General
• who dragooned us out of a rightful and
profitable trade to an independent Island,
the threatened language to our Minister at
Faris, the violation of a solemn treaty, the
confiscation of property, and burning of our
vessels, have not failed to effect. The ty
rant has slapped one cheek, and we have
ly against the rash experiment. The ex
amples of history quickened the sensibili
ty of their delicate nerves to prevent the
calamties of war, aud the belief that the
graceful sacrifices in proportion as the tone
was rendered more insulting in which they
were demanded. But what has excited
universal astonishment among the friends
of peace, and inortificgjion and disappoint
ment in the French party, is the manner in
which the tyrant has received the last
sacrifice which we have made to gain his
favour and purchase his forbearance. So
certain was the democratick party that
the dismissal of Mr. Jackson would prove
an adequate price for the repeal of the
French decree that they undertook to an
nounce the revocation of the Berlin and
Milan edicts as certain. But it seems that
however willing the American people are
to be juggled by Madison and Bob Smith
Napoleon is not to be taken in or duped by
their piddling contrivances. It would have
been a wonderfully popular thing indeed
if in return tor Mr. Jackson’s dismissal the
French decrees should have been repealed
and trade revived to the continent. But
as a war withiEngland, not a mere height
ening of difficulties and increase of irrita
tion, is the lowest price affixed to the re
peal of the French decrees, the tyrant
paused awhile to see whether the dismissal
would produce actual hostilities between
America and Great-Britain. True, the
work went on well when the news of the
dismissal was first received in France.—
For instance, a deputation of merchants,
or rather a few of the tyrant’s creatures
were instructed to represent to his Impe
rial Highness that as trade had found a
new and an unprofitable and illicit channel
a’nee his decrees had been promulgated, It
would he adviseable to modify them, and
the relaxation recommended was to ope
rate beneficially to the United States.—
But it should be carefully borne in mind
that although, the sudden and new dis
covery was made by the deputation of
merchants immediately upon its being
known that Jackson was dismissed, the
Emperour did not permit the modification
to take place. And why? because the
price of that modification, (that is actual
war,) had not been paid. What would
pass for payment among men who draw
bills without funds, was paid; but this
would not suit Bony who always requirts
the “ ready rhino'* He thought at the
first glance, that the dismissal of the Bri
tish Minister might lead to a war, and he
no doubt made large calculations upon the
spirit, pride and irascibility of the British
ministry to bring about such an event im
mediately, hence the origin of the deputa
tion of merchants. But why did the mat
ter rest here ? we will tell, how, as most
like it was, in our opinion. Mr. Secretary
Smith it will be recollected, in his teal to
preserve the popularity of his party by re
al going his case with Mr. Jackson, after
that Ministers dismissal, had sealed his
bps, and to take a kick at him while he
private life, the lessons of experience to be
dtawr. from the conduct of individuals sim
ilarly situated as the two belligerents,
teach us that the coward and hypocrite,
while he professes the strictest impartiali
ty, will always by indirect means, espouse
•• in fact if not in form,” the quarrel of
the strongest party. Availing himself of
ehances, he will claim his full share of
merit and applause, in the event of cither's
overthrow. ,
Although the apprehensions of England's
destruction, and their ungovernable preju
dices pricked on our rulers to take part
against England, their ruling passion, the
true love of power, pleaded most eloquent-
popularity of no administration could with
stand the effects of a ruinous and unsuc
cessful war, have proved pur best safe
guard and protection. But although the
alternate threats and persuasions, the in-
justice, perfidy and outrages of France
have failed to make us a party to the war,
we have hot been indolent or inactive in
ooutr footing our aid to produce the event
nearest the tyrant’s heart. A succession
of measures not to be mistaken in their ob
ject and character shew, that the Ameri
can government, for several’years, have
thrown their weight into the scale ot
France, and laboured ** might and main”
to crown the ambitious schemes of Napo
leon with success. Nor have we been
h invariably puriued, in cases of danger
by that description of men, who esteem
prudence the better part of valour.”—
To make ft iends with bis supposed ‘’hi
st! ument in ihe hands of Providence,” and
tu avert his wrath when England shall
have received the yoke, he resolved to go
all lengths, without the purlieus of actual
hostilities, in assisting France. Even in
coaxed or inveigled into this unnatural ca
operation. We have been whipped into it
by insolence, abuse and injustice. What
could not be accomplished by the hauteur
meekly turned the other.—For every kick
w - have received we have done new hom
age, and enhanced the value of our dis-
As the dismissal of Mr. Jackson was
known and announced in the Intelligencer
some days before the despatch ,to Mr.
Pinkney was published, the news no doubt
was, as we are informed to be the case,
received in France' before the despatch
was received there. Hence the deputation
of merchants and the steps for a modi
fication of decrees. But we can readily
picture to ourselves the Emperour’s disap
pointment and rage, when instead of his
receiving the stipulated priceof his decrees,
our Minister at London was "particular
ly instructed" to leave no doubt upon the
mind <f Marquis Wellesley, that our de
sire was UNniMiNtSHED to continue upon
terms of rntEDDSHIP and mutual tu-
Tsttßsr. Nothingmoreafterthiswasheard
of the deputation <f merchants. His Im
perial Highness concluded that the British
Minister would not declare war after Mr.
Pinkney solemnjy assured them that Ame
rica sincerely desired peace, and he knew
very well that the United States could not
declare war, because they were not pre
pared for it, and Mr. Gallatin, the Minis
ter of Finance, had reported to Congress,
that there was not money enough in the
treasury to defray the ordinary expenses
of government, much less to engage in an
expensive and calamitous contest with the
only power that can injure us. Now it to
our full belief and unbiassed conviction that
the Emperour thinking himself trifled with
and having his patience wearied and ex
hausted, will be seized with one of his ac
customed paroxisms of Imperial anger, and
if he does not declare war, will at least
continue in the commission of those acts of
outrage and violence, which do, in fact,
amount to the only kind of war he can wage
against us, and to this kind of injustice and
hostility, he will perhaps superadd the de
tention or imprisonment of all American
citizens wifein the jurisdiction of France.
So far from being an evil, we should esteem
such an avowed evidence of his enmity as
a national benefit, because our merchants
would then know with what security their
property could be trusted within his grasp.
French influence which our de
struction would be at least curbed, and
there would be some hopes of obtaining re
dress for past injuries and insults which
have deeply stained the national character,
whilst it has grievously afflicted thousands
of our merchants and honest citizens.
“ You are particularly instructed, (says
Mr. Smith in this paragraph,) in making
those communications, (the zeal of Mr.
Jackson, &c.) to do it in aananner that will
leave no doubt of the undiminished desire
of the United States to unite in all the
means the best calculated to establish the
relations of the two countries on the solid
foundations of justice, of friendship and of
mutual interest.**
waa down, issued • pleading to which Mr.
Jackson could not reply, and as this novel
proceeding furnished a fair opportunity to
misrepresent and fabricate facts at plea
sure, it was thought adviseable to publish
the despatch to Mr. Pinkney in order to
influence ’he elections to the eastward, by
exciting a war feeling against England.—
The publication of this despatch has turn
ed out to be a most rash and injudicious
measure. Our crafty rulers have over
shot their mark. In attempting to kill
two birds with one stone* it will be found
that they have mis’sed both. The despatch
to Mr. Pinkney contains one fatal para
graph which has knocked the whole
scheme in head as to France.
When Jay’s celebrated treaty expired,
under which our country flourished and
our citizens were enriched, Bonaparte’s
power had assumed a formidable and
threatening appearance. Indeed even then,
the absurd idea began to gain ground, that
England would fall. His influence was
felt in all quarters of the globe, but no
where more than in these United States,
as manifested by the devotion of our Ex
ecutive to his fortunes, and the strong par
ty which advocated his cause in this coun
try. This devotion was betrayed by the
neglect of our government to renew Jay’s
treaty, which it was in their power to do.
Mr. Jefferson omitted to renew it, first be
cause he heartily espoused the French
cause, and secondly, because he had pre
viously laboured to make that treaty un
popular, and dreaded the loss of populari
ty, which would follow its renewal. Un
der that treaty it is known, that “our East-
India trade increased from one million to
ten millions of dollars per annum”—” our
revenue from six millions to twelve, and
that our commerce was protected and our
flafc respected hi every sea.”
To the shameful and ruinous omission to
renew the treaty, followed the ridiculous
•nd weak non-importation act, which was
evidently designed to prevent any favoura
ble issue to Mr. Monroe’s mission, for it
could not be expected that England would
make any corteessions, while • rod was
then held over her.- But fearing that good
might, notwithstanding, grow out of Colo
nel Monroe's mission, he was particularly
instructed to come to no terms, unless
Great-Britain, whose power depends upon
her navy, would give up the right of claim
ing her own seamen. This injunction
placed upon our minister, defeated the ne
gotiation.
Next follotAd the rejection of Pinkney
and Monroe's treaty, without ever >ub-
touting it to the Senate, the canttitutiooal
advisers of the President. This was done
at a time when every shadow of doubt bad
been removed as to Mr. Jefferson's deter
mination not to accept of any terms which
the most friendly ministry in England
would grant us, and his refusal to lay it
before*the Senate proceeded from an ap
prehension that its discussion in that body
would raise a sufflcient party in the coun
try to force its adoption upon our govern
ment.—The advantages it embraced, and
all the immense good it would have pro
duced were contumellonsly thrown away.
This succession of ominous circumstances
followed by a total and desperate act of
government, dictated by France, which is
never mentioned by any honest American,
without exciting feelings of bitter regret
and keen indignation—the EMBARGO—
a permanent law, taking from our citizens
altogether the right tu trade, under the spe
cious name of regulating commerce. Be
fore the people qctually compelled govern
ment to abandon this destructive and dis
graceful measure, it was found that it
could not be enforced without overleaping
constitutional limits.—The measure being
originally recommended and adopted by
the command of France, the administra
tion was content to receive her aid to en
force it, which in fact was most liberally
given. The Bayonne decree was promul
gated for that purpose* an d notwithstand
ing the acute sensibility which made our
fastidious Secretary bounce at the bare sug
gestion that England, by compact, should
execute a law of Congress, the embargo
law was rigidly enforced by a French de
cree. Of Bonaparte’s American embargo,
it is unnecessary t< add more—the people
hissed it offi and France alone is left to la
ment its exit.
Bui oar government finding it impractica
' bla any longer to cooperate with the Em
perour by means of the embargo, thought
to make atonement for the repeal by sub-’
stituting in its stead the No»-In ter
course Act.—This act, though it ap
parently placed the commercial vessels of
France and Great-Britain in the same pre
dicament, could not possibly operate upon
both in the same manner. In other words,
as France had nd commercial shipping, its
whole weight, as was intended, could fall
on England only. Here our government,
however, overshot the mark.—Because the
substitute to the embargo fell short of ac
tual war with England, Bonaparte has de
nounced it, and lest our government should
conceal from his friends in the United
States, his anger on the occasion, caused
his denunciation to be published to the
world, and ” directed all American ves
sels in his territories and countries under
his influence to be confiscated.’* Among
these countries are Italy, Holland, Spain,
Austria, Sweden ; and we ask what will
be the fate of our merchants and insurance
offices, if his threat be extended to Russia,
which without a recent rupture, |s among
the countries under the influence of France ?
Ruin stares many an honest merchant in
the face. But our government cares not
a jot for commerce, add hence our mer
chants have no considerable claim to their
solicitude.
The well known proclamation against
England, by which we took redress
affair of the Chesapeake into our Own
hands, and ended in the rejection of
Mr. Rose's terms, is well known and has
been ably discussed. It confirmed all the
former opinions entertained of Mr. Jeffer
son’s hostility to England, and proved with
what eagerness he sought opportunities to
increase the irritation, and multiply the
difficulties existing between the two coun
tries.
But while we have been endeavouring to
aid the course of universal despotism, at
the expense of our commerce and prospe
rity, the power which we have jointly la
boured to cripple arw* subvert, has flourish
ed In a greater degree than she has expe
rienced at any former period. We have
to our own ruin, for several years, com
bined against England, and the result is,
that her commerce has been more exten
sive and her revenue greater than at any
period since the war with France com
menced. With men of sense and honesty,
this would be held as a lesson so instruc
tive and salirtltty, as to produce a final
abandonment of all our suicidal measures ;
but it seems Granny Macon is disposed to
give England a few months longer to re
flect, and if she do not then surrender, our
restrictive energies are once more to be
brought to bear against her with their usual
efficacy. Providence preserve us from such
politicians! I
The desire to involve us with England,
has not been betrayed more glaringly in
any of the preceding measures, than in the
treacherous arrangement with Mr. Ers
kine. This was a deep laid scheme, cal
culated to deceive the most sceptical man
in the community, but the trick begins to
be universally understood, and it cannot be
muchlonger before its effects will work
wonders in purifying our councils of the
corruption that infects them. Out of that
measure grew the more extraordinary and
unjustifiable act of Mr. Jackson's dismis
sal, which but for the temperance and
forbearance of the British cabinet, would
havt cast the United States into the em
i braces of France. W’haj course England
But while our government has been
making the enormous sacrifices, and doing
these numerous wrongs to England to grati
fy France, how has the latter treated our
humiliating conduct, our detestable mean
ness and cowardice ? In the true spirit of
cruelty and tyranny—just as it merited.
He has not only brow-beat and insulted our
ministers at his court, but he has turned
their language into that of unexampled
meanness, submission and obsequiousness.
He has extorted from us every thing that
is dear to a high minded, proud people ;
hot only our treasures and our rights, but
we have been forced by mere threats, to
surrender the nation's honour. He has in
flicted upon us every wrong and ihsult
which could have been devised in a state
of open war, and we have not dared to re
monstrate in the language of freenrten ; as
an independent nation would be.constrain
ed to da Even our last portentous sacri
fice which we have made by dismissing
•Mr. Jackson has not assuaged the tyrant’s
animosity ; but in return for our sacrifices
we are even told that in addition to the
further confiscation ef American property,
violence has been offend to the persons of
our unoffending citisens. Let men of sense
and reflection draw for themselves the con
trast between the two governments. They
will pronounce that England is patient and
temperate under all her wrongs, while
France does some new outrage for every
act of submission on our part.
To conclude—it appears pretty evident;
Ist. That it is the policy of Bonaparte to
keep up a belief in our cabinet that he
never means to come to terms with the
United States until they shall engage in
actual hostilities with England—2d. That
our executive will never act with sinceri
ty in their attempts to renew a friendly in
tercourse with England so long as the pow
er of Bonaparte last or his resentment con
tinues to be dreaded—and 3d. That the
United States will hardly declare war
against eifeer belligerent.—An American
would imagine, if a spark of courage or
patriotism remained nnextinguithed in Mr.
Madison’s breast, that after the receipt of,
the Due De Cadore’s letter, 'be would have,
recommended some measure to Congress, -
dictated by those proud and elevated feel
ings which warmed American bosoms in
the early part of our President's life, but
instead of this, he has not only concealed
the dispatches from Congress, knowing
that although his own coward heart might
make him tremble, the people would
have the spirit to resent the outrage offer
ed to their honour, but he has basely coun
tenanced an attempt to impose the belief
upon the community that a treaty has been
made with France. When such a system
of mystery, fraud and lying is encouraged
by the good and amiable Mr. Madison,
what have the people to hope ?—Under
such circumstances, can a change in our
affairs for the better be expected, while
the democratick party continues in pWer ?
Nay, even if our cabinet find itself com
pelled by the presure of circumstances to
direct a treaty to be agreed to by our min
ister in England, can it be doubted that
they will contrive to shuffle out of it upon
receiving a gracious nod from Bonaparte ?
We cannot therefore help thinking that
the first great event that will relieve our
country and secure our future safety, will
be meeting the hostilities of France, in a
manner becoming an independent nation.
It has been rendered certain that our gov
ernment can make no greater sacrifices
than they have done to gratify the Empe
rour—these sacrifices failing, and it being
now officially signified to the President,
that a pledge to take part against England
is required by the Emperour, cannot
see in what manner a war with France
will be averted. France has struck the
first Mow by robbing us of millions, k ia to
be seen whether Mr. Madison will pursue
the Quaker policy. The war is actually
commenced by Bonaparte, without the no
•tice of a formal declaration, but as two
blows are necessary to make a battle, it is
to be seen whether we will
selves or submit.
will take, remains to be aseartaifled, fet
while we discard all doubt as to her de
duct being strictly calm, dignified, and
magnanimous, we are well convinced that
the publication of the correspondence be
tween Mr. Pinkney and Marquis Welles
ley, and the history of their conferences
will shew that the insoleace and falsehoods
of Robert Smith have bech duly comment
ed on, and excited the same feelings which
animated every honourable bosom In this
country,
In the decision may the departed spirit
of Washington, and of those sainted heroes
who sealed our independence with their
blood, descend into our councils and guide
their deliberations. .
COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.
1 he bill on this subject, called" Macon's
bill, No. 2,” was taken up. Mr. Gholson
withdrew his amendment to it; and Mr.
Johnston moved two additional sections,
one of which revives the two sections of
the Non-Intercourse Law, for excluding
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Wednesday, April 18.
Contre##.
foreigfi armed vessels frofe ear waters
and the other for laying an additional duty
of fffgper cent, en «H English and French
goods, preduco, fcc. tasported. gp These
new duties are t stake place immediate J 'S*
on the parting of thJ bill. < .
After mudb debata-and a variety of mg-. '
tions were decided on, the first DMUMI * '
was agreed to, ayes 53—and the < t
ayes 59. ,« '■ ♦ J ”
Other amendments ,trere me > when r
the committee rogind reportc.. ae bill.
The House immediately took it up. A
motion tp have the amended bill printed
was negatived, 59 to 43. The amendments
were agreed to. That laying an addition- >*
a/duty of fifty percent, passed —ayes 59,
noes 22.
Friday, April 20.
Leave of absence was asked and obtain
ed for the following gentlemen from Mon
day next.—Messrs. Seaver Root, Holland
and Matthews. ,
A letter from General Wilkinson to the
Speaker was read, asking the Hwise to ap
point an impartial tribunal to inquire into
his conduct, that he might have an oppor
tunity to confront his aceusers, and meet
the calumnies which have beta propagated
against him. There was a fetter inclosed,
from General Wilkinson to the Secretary
of War, dated the 18th of October demand
ing an investigation of his publick conduct.
Mr. Randolph from the committee to
whom the subject was referred, reported a.
bill to reduce the naval establishment of the
United State*. [This bill authorises the
sale of all.the gun-boats—all the frigate*
except three, and all the other armed
vessels, except three ; reserving the guns
aud equipments; it is also proposed to re
duce the marine corps.) Referred to a
committee of the whole, and ordered tod)©
printed.
• On motion of Mr. Taylor, the House re
turned the consideration of the bill to con
tinue in force the charter ef the bankoi th©
United State*.
An amendment authorizing a suspension
of the restrictions as to the nation revoking
its edicts was also adopted. Several addi
tional amendments were negatived ; when
the question, shall the bill be engrossed,
and read a third time ? was carried— yeas
60, nays 18.
Thursday, l9.
A bill repealing the non-intercourse law,
interdicting the entrance ef the waters of
the United States by the armed vessels of
Great and France, and imposing
ap additionally of 50 per cent, (to take
effect from the date of the law,) on all
goods, wares, and merchandise, imported
from Trance and Great Britain, or their
dependencies, has passed—6l to 48.
A resolution has also passed to adjourn
Congress on the first of May—s 9 to 47.
Mr. Swoop moved to strike out from th,
9th to the 62d line of the bill to introduce *
section to the following effect To author
ite the President and Directors of the Bank
after the fourth of March, 1811, to aug
ment the capital stock of said Bank 12,000
shares, provided the United States shall
become proprietor of said shares, and that
the Bank shall receive in payment five
m illions worth of United States stock, bear
ing an interest of three per cent. And
that after the fourth of March, 1811, they
shall be authorized further to augment the
stock of said Bank 12,500 shares, the
United States being proprietor ; provided
the dividends on the stock shall have ave
raged for the last three years, eight per
cent, per annum.—The Secretary of the
Treasury to be a director est-officio.
A long debate rose which continued until
a late hour. Mr. Swoop spoke in favour of
his amendment. Mr. Taylor opposed It.—
Mr. Love at great length against the bill—
he was not much in favour of the amend
ment, but liked it better than the original
bill. Messrs. Findley, Pitkin, Mumford,
and J. Stanley were against the amend
ment, and in favour of the original bill.
Several other gentlemen spoke against
the amendment, and in favour of the bill,
when the House adjourned without taking
any question.
Nothing definitive has been done on the
bank bi*. Owamotiea <• strike out the
first section of the bill, reported by Mr.
Bayard, the Senate were equally divided,
and the motion consequently loot.
F or the short time it has been in exist
ence, perhaps no paper in the union, the
Whig even included, has invented more
barefaced falsehoods than the Boston Pa
trio/. The last article of the description
named is as follows :
From the Boston Patriot.
’’ THE TRUTH OUT AT LAST.
•• The friends of Mr. Erskine having de
manded in Parliament, the instructions
given to him, No. 1 and 2 were exhibited.
No. three was insisted on, but the ministry
declined producing it-pad being prissad,
a vote was ultimately obtained, that it was
not prudent to exhibit Nb. three. It waa
in Na 3, as his fripnds assert, that Mr
BALTIMORE, April 21.
FALSEHOOD EXPOSED.
25p ttje |Daifa.
IN SENATE,
Thursday, April 19.