The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-05-26 00:00:00, page 1

Mr. Collins,
I Find in your yzd No. a piece of Az. Dunham,
a Commissary and Superintendent Chief, which
seems to verify my apprehensions that an at
tempt to investigate the catfa of our national
calamities, would cause pain in the affected members.
It appears to me that the spirit of that performance
difeovers the symptoms of venal and corrupt servants
of a hate. Its bold and arrogant face seems intended
to ftifle the most distant advances to a discovery of
corrupt and mal-adminiftration in the servants of this
empire. It, however, behoves that gentleman to
know, that we esteem ourfeives as yet a free people,
and as such challenge it as our right and duty, in
case the Rate is involved in calamities, by the mif
condud of any of its fubjeds, to offer our welfound
ed suspicions of any class of men, particularly the
servants of the state, in order to rouse the commu
nity, and thereby find out more particularly the au
thors of their misery. These servants of the public
have an extensive field of action, and thousands of
opportunities to cloak their villainy, of which citi
zens may have fufficient evidence of its lurking some
where in such department, without being able fully
to fix and prove it upon individuals. It is evident
from the whole scope and tenor of my fcveral num
bers in your paper, that my charges against the
Commissary department is to be considered in that
point of view. And in order to support my charge
as far as in this refpedt bound, I appeal
1. To matters of fad, which by long and common
report have become of public notoriety. Let Mr.
Dunham, as well as numbers of my fellow-citizens,
bear evidence to the truth of the following cases.
I. Whether our army, when at the Valley-Forge,
after a severe campaign, have not been in an alarm
ing want of supplies of provilions?
2. Whether provisions were not then as plenty as
they have been since?
3. Whether Congress had not about or before the
time of this catastrophe happened to our brave fullering
army, fixed and limitted the pay of the gentlemen
of this department ?
4. Whether the reasons for Congress taking off this
fixed and limited pay, and allowing so much per
cent, has not been that they could not otherwise get
the army properly supplied?
If these matters are founded in fad, I ask Mr.
Dunham what probable reason can be assigned for
them, if it be not that fixed salaries give these gentle
men not such favourable opportunities for embez
zling the public money as the other ? And what mult
the community judge of the hearts and views of men
who were the causes of such calamities and dangers
to our army, while it was in their power to have pre
vented it ?
2. Among a number of probable particular cases,
I beg leave to mention two, of which I was informed
in a manner which carried all the appearance of truth.
,The one was, a gentleman of unquestioned vera
city, informed me that a purchaser for the army en
quired of him, whether he had hour to spare : after
he had told him that he had to the amount of a
considerable quantity, without asking any price,
offered him double the current, to the furprize and
astonishment of the owner, who declared to me, he
would never have thought of asking above the half.
I ask Mr. Dunham, whether such a step had not a
natural tendency to raise the price throughout the
whole of that wheat country, to double its former ?
Another declared to me as a matter of faft, that
a certain gentleman of that department, made it his
business to purchase flour not only as Commissary,
but also as a trader. When he was called upon for a
supply, and the current price pobably not enhanced
fufficient for his view, kept his own in store, and
procured from the citizens, even under pretext of
pressing it : Bis own he dhpofed of to the continent,
when advanced prices gave him an opportunity to
answer his purposes. I ask Mr. Dunham, what he
thinks our citizens have a just right to infer from
such conduct ?
The truth of these instances I have no reason to
doubt : could I have hoped that a regular process
against them, would have effected the cure of the
general evil, without removing the cause, and my
circumstances would have allowed me to travel
hundreds of miles for carrying on such a prosecution,
I would have been disposed to have done it.
If I had no.other reason than the general murmurs
and clamours of the community, I humbly conceive
myfelf juftifiable in what I have asserted refpe&ing
that department, for they seldom or never happen
without some foundation.
3. Permit me to leave to Mr. Dunham himfelf,
the determination of two questions. First, Whether
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. ll.]
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1779.
his office as Commissary and Superintendent Chief,
has not brought him in within the space of a year or
two, a sum amounting to double, treble, or fix or
ten fold, to what he had made all the foregoing part
of his life ? If so, whether the duties of his Ration
require so much more fatigue, hardship and danger,
than officers of superior rank in the army, (who, in
stead of making, have been obliged to fink large sums
of their private property) which in justice and equity
require io much more ? If the firft is answered in the
affirmative and the latter in the negative, I submit
to the judgment of my fellow-citizens, what influence
such unjuit and exorbitant demands upon cur publick
treasury, must have on our national calamities ?
The esteem of Mr. Dunham, I assure him, affeds
me very little ; and I cordially submit it to the judg
ment of my candid fellow-citizens, whether I deserve
the character of a general calumniator, though I do
not publickly acknowledge to have been guilty of a
fault, in what 1 have asserted respecting the Com
missary department.
I apprehend it a matter of indifference to Mr.
Dunham where the True Patriot re/ides, or whether
he is a Divine, or a quondam fudge or Prudent. It
is of more concern to him to know, that 1 have not
limited my charges against the Commissaries in the
State of New-Jersey in particular, but that depart
ment in general. And if that holds true with respect
to any of them, where-ever they may be, my charges
are fufficiently supported.
I find, however, that Mr. Dunham endeavours to
take me on the ground that I have levelled tae charge
against him in particular, because, as he aflerts, I
have made no exceptions. If I have not excepted
him, it is because he must judge himfelf to be among
the guilty ; for I have plainly and fully excepted the
honefl and innocent. What else can be the import of
the phraife I made use of— to punifo the guilty among
them ? I candidly own that charity constrains me to
believe and hope, that there are a few honest and in
nocent in that department. But Mr. Dunham has
my leave to rank himfelf among the guilty.
Any thought even to suspect one of that depart
ment capable of being guilt; of any part of the
charge, is so vile, with Mr. Dunham, as seems to
put him almost to a nonplus for words to express it.—
Sir, your passions seem to have thrown your ideas
into confufion. Only recollect it must be the mif
condud of some in our community, that have brought
these calamities upon us. Among twelve Apostles
one was capable cf being a traitor: But you seem to
rnfintiate that the whole of your fraternity are inca
pable of having any influence on our present evils
complained of. So you attribute a greater degree of
fandity to them than twelve Apostles. —No wonder
that luch a man Ihould despise the fanaity of a
modern Divine, as well as the importance of a quon
dam President or Judge. —Some persons mus be fuf
pefled, I therefore, in order to avoid his severe cen
sure, beg his directions and permission who to fuf
pebt.
To Mr. Dunham's knowledge and belief, no part
of my charge is true ; yea, he knows the reverse to
be true, and can prove it by a thoufahd instances.
O! Stupidity! Effect of phrenfy ! —Go on, Sir, prove
yourfelf and all the gentlemen of that department
innocent, as to any part of my charge, or else you
will be in danger of not supporting that good cha
racter you insinuate to have deserved. As you, Sir,
have here given your belief to the publick, permit
me to declare, that I believe you guilty of some part
of my charge. It is probable, Sir, that confcioulnefs
of guilt has prompted you to this performance, in
order thereby (if possible) to avoid more particular
suspicions. And suppose you Ihould render a full,
and, to appearance, just account, I shall not esteem it
fufficient proof that you are free and clear of any
part of my charge.
Asto the spirit and composition of this performance,
and his sneer at the farmers and tradesmen, and my
flattery of them, I leave him to reap all the benefits
from, he has a right to expert.
April 23, 1779. A true Patriot.
Mr. Collins,
Please to give the following observations a place in
your Gazette.
To the JERSEY FARMER.
Sir,
1A M much obliged by your second publication,
which I have now before me, and shall endeavour
to bring all my brother electors into your measures
for securing our happy constitution from any further
innovations, by leaving out at the next election every
member who has accepted any office of profit under
the present government, let his qualifications in other
T H E
refpeds be ever so great, as being the only sure
means to preserve our constitution from every suspi
cion of corruption.
But what thall be done to prevent the further de
preciation of our bills of credit. It is lamentably
true, as the True Patriot juftl, observes, that publick
virtue seems to have left almost all ranks of people
among us, except the officers and soldiers of the con
tinental army, whom I hold in the highest veneration.
They endure every hardship, and expose themselves
to every danger, and even to death itfelf, with a pa
tience and fuffering (some few excepted) that is hard
ly to be paralleled in any history now to be met with;
whilst people of almost all ranks in the United States
are become engroffers, speculators and foreitallers,
some of the quartermasters and commissaries of pur
chases not excepted. It has been often said that
the quartermaster's department is very lucrative ;
that they will return to citizenship with the fortunes
of Nabobs or Sultans, which I am induced to believe,
as I fee persons of ail ranks and characters fond of
becoming deputies in order to partake of the emolu
ments of that very beneficial office. I was always of
opinion that every servant of the publick ought to
have an adequate or rather a generous faiary annexed
to their several offices ; this in all tree governments
is reasonable, and which 1 apprehend is right; but
is the present apportionment right ? This is
the enquiry. I am informed the Quartermaster-
General, with his two assistants (whose characters
are unexceptionable) draw a commission of one
per cent, on the amount of all money paid in
their departments. They appoint a Quartermatter-
General in each Rate —he draws one and a half per
cent, on all money paid by him. He then appoints
deputies at each post, and assistants almost without
number, either on commissions or monthly pay, on
all which the commissions are taken. Can this be
right? I mutt submit it to that honourable body under ,
whose government I with to live.
In the next place, let us in general, if I may use
the expression, besiege the Congress of the United
States with our petitions, praying that they will
(amidst the many dissipating feenes, jaunts of pleafurc,
luxury and fafhions of pur enemies, that are eagerly
gone into by almost all ranks of people among us)
adopt one salutary measure, constantly pradtifed by
our enemies, to prevent monopolizing and extortion.
No sooner do they get possession of a finall island,
but an ordinance is immediately published, limiting
the prices of all kind of produce, manufactory and
merchandize. Surely the Supreme Power that
governs the United States, can with one resolution,
draw the line of limitation for all the prices of in
ternal produce, manufactory and- labour, leaving
importation free, only restraining engrossing, &c.
This, together with annual taxes equal to the expen
diture of the current year, is a measure I believe
will (like the Cortex of Peru in a fever) be a sovereign
remedy for restoring our bills of credit to the value
mentioned on the face of them. On this criterion
depends the trial of whig and tory. The true whig
will molt cheerfully submit, and endeavour to carry
the regulation into effeCt, by every means in his
power ; whilst the tory, altho' chargrined to his very
foul, will fecmingly grin an applause. This is a
measure that our enemies are uling every means in
their power to prevent taking effect, well knowing it
would destroy their pernicious plan for enslaving us.
I am well aware, and expert to hear the old trite
observation, that trade will regulate itfelf. I know it
will in ordinary cases, but we are concerned in an ex
traordinary one ; a cause of the firft magnitude, in
which the lives, liberties, and every thing dear to
three millions of people, are at stake. The means
are in our power, and surely where inevitable neces
sity is contended for, the dispute must be short, long
arguments are unnecessary. If what has been already
published will not alarm and convince, I shall con
clude that the delusion will continue, altho' one
Ihould be sent from the dead. Here let me adopt the
language cf a Cato, and cry out, O Liberty ! O my
Country! O my Friends! Or that of a Cato's
son—
• “ Is there not some chosen curse,
Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven,
Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin."
I could not remain any longer a silent fpedator, and
have just mentioned what I sincerely with may be
improved and carried into effia. That the inde
pendence of the United State nay be finally elta
blilhed, is the fincert dt fire ai ayer cf
A Tradesman of New-Jersey.
May 18, 17,9.
%NUMB. 77.]