The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-05-13 00:00:00, page 1

The INDEPENDENT WHIG. [No. 1.1
I HAVE seen, in a late Philadelphia paper, a Speech
of the British Minister in the House of Commons,
introducing two bills relating to the American dis
pute, of a conciliatory complexion. Though they
had not yet affirmed a legal form, we may venture to
give them the fame credit as if they had. The unli
mited complaisance of parliament, on every occasion,
to the will of the Minister, will allow no room to
doqbt their dutiful compliance in this instance.
1 'congratulate my country on the victory she has
gained; a victory which, if rightly improved, mult
produce the most decisive consequences to American
independence. To establish and maintain our rank
in the scale of nations, we have only to determine it
Shall be so : A moderate exertion of good sense,
perseverance and vigour, will soon put us in posses
sion of the object of our wishes. Th^ most sanguine
of our enemies must now be convinced, that the
phantom of military conquest has vanilhed, and that
the ministry of Britain are making the last effort of
despairing impotence.
The contrast between their former and present con
dud is Striking. Instead of boasting promises to lay
America at their feet, to reduce her in a single cam
paign to unconditional submission, they are compel
led to adopt the language of mean concession, and
hypocritical extenuation. Experience has taught them
What all wife men knew from the beginning, and
what, if it had been properly attended to, would
have deterred them from a profusion of blood and
treasure, to purchase disgrace to thcmfelves and ruin
An A CT for granting a bounty upon Wool,
Flax and Hemp, raised and fold vuitbin
the State of Neiu-Jerfey.
WHE REAS increasing the quan
tity of Wool, Flax and Hemp,
in this state, may be of singu
lar advantage to the inhabitants
thereof :
Sect. I. Be it Enacted by
the Council and General Assembly of this slate, and it
is hereby enabled by the authority of the fame. That
from and after the publication of this aft, any per
son railing and felling, within this state, either wool,
flax or hemp, shall be entitled to receive from the
publick, as a bounty on the fame, the sum of one
filling per pound for good merchantable Sheep's
wool, nine-pence per pound for good clean well
dreffed flax, and four-pence per pound for like hemp,
so raised and fold by any person residing within this
state, to any inhabitant of the fame; which bounty
shall be paid to any person who shall raise and fell
any of the aforefaid articles over and above the
quantity fufficient for 'his or her family's use, upon
his or her producing a receipt for the fame from the
purchaser, fpecifying the feller's name, the exaft
weight of the article fold, with the time and place of
sale, the truth of which receipt shall be attested on
oath or affirmation before anyjuftice of the peace of
the county in which he resides, and, being exhibited
to the treasurer of the state, he is hereby authorifed
and directed to pay all such sums of money as shall
be expressed in all receipts so taken, attested and ex
hibited, and the fame shall be his fufficient voucher
for the payment of so much out of the state treasury.
a. And BE it further Enacted by the authority
aforefaid, That this aft shall continue and be in force
fentvroft^rs after the publication hereof, and from
thence to the end of the next fitting of General As
sembly, and no longer.
Faffed at Princeton, April ,4, 1778.
A true copy,
JOHN HART, Speaker.
To the Printer of the New-Jersey Gazette.
SIR,
lINTEN D in the course of a few numbers to
prove, that the proposals of reconciliation, which
the Britifli Ministry are now making, can proceed
only from a conviction of the impossibility of succeed
ing in the war—That it would be ruin to America to
come to an accommodation with Britain—That our
Independence is either already ratified and a war de
clared in Europe, or that both the one and the other
must very speedily happen—That instead of listening
to terms of compromise with Britain, our honour,
interest and duty demand we should redouble our es
forts to give the finifhing blow to the remains of Bri
tish power in America, and to secure to our country
Peace, Safety and Independence. Yours, &c.
A. B.
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. I.]
STATE OF NEW-JERSEF.
W,E DNESD AY, May 13, 1778.
What are we to do upon this occasion ? Are we
to listen to the offers of a delusive and dishonourable
compromise—Are we, in the moment of triumph,
to renounce the prize for which we have fought and
bled—to plead guilty to the charge of rebellion, and
accept insulting pardons from men, who have done
all that vindictive rage could invent, to enclave and
ruin us? Every honest American heart must swell
with indignation at the idea.
The conduct which the British ministry seem now
to be pursuing, is so humiliating and inconsistent with
all their former arrogant pretensions, that it cannot
fail to fink them into contempt in the eyes of all
Europe. It is a plain demonstration of their weak
ness and inability to succeed in their designs by open
force ; and it is no less an evidence of their folly,
if we believe they can have any serious expectations
of our accepting the conditions they propose, and
returning to a state of dependence, at a juncture
when every thing favours our hopes, and promises
a speedy conclusion of the war on our own terms.
How can they imagine we would ever trust our-,
selves again in the power of men, who have once at
tempted the subversion of our liberties, and who have
prosecuted the views of despotism with all the vio
lence and malignity of which it is capable ? What
security can we possibly have for their Sincerity at
this time ? All the contrivances of the molt fraudu
lent policy have heretofore accompanied their pro
ceedings: It is most conformable to the experience
we have uniformly had, to suppose the measure, at
present in agitation, may be an artifice to ensnare and
disunite us—to damp our exertions, and detach us
from those connections in Europe, which are essential
to our support. If they could effect these purposes,
however hopeless their profpeds may now be, it
would give an intirely different turn to affairs, and
render us an easy prey.
The terms which are offered, on the most indul
gent conftrudion, are degrading and inadmissible in
themselves. After the part we have taken, Should
they be embraced, they would expose us to the ri
dicule of all mankind; but were they ever so flatter
ing and Seemingly desirable, it would be unfafe and
impolitic to close with them. The British ministry
are Still the fame men ; the British army and navy
are not to be withdrawn ; but, on the contrary,
frefh reinforcements are coming out. If, tempted
by the allurements of peace, we were to be thrown
off our guard—were to relax in our military prepa
rations, or were to take any Steps, that might disgust
those powers to whose assistance we look up, pre
texts would easily be found to put an end to the ne
gociation, and renew the war. Once seduced from
any political engagements we may have entered in
to, we could not hope to be trusted or countenanced
again; but mult rely solely on our own internal
strength and resources, for our preservation.
But let us admit that the ministry are Sincere in
their proposals of accommodation, —can any man of
sense believe it possible for a durable and cordial
union ever to exist again between the two countries ?
What charm can be invented to heal the animosities
that have so long rankled in the bosoms both of
Britons and Americans—or to extinguish their mu
tual jealousies, and restore that confidence which is
the parent of harmony ?—America can never forget
the injuries and cruelties of Britain, or cease to fuf
ped men, that have exhausted all the Stores of in
trigue and violence, to deprive her of her rights.
Britain can never forgive the wound her pride has
received from the fuccefsful refinance of America ;
and will never behold with complacency, the grow
ing prefperity of a country, which must one day and
at a period not far remote, become the most dan-
gerous rival of her power and consequence.
Exclusive of these considerations, were we to be
reunited —it would be impoflibie for human wisdom
to draw the line of dependence, so accurately; but
that there would be a field open 'for perpetual discus
sion and altercation ; which mist soon precipitate us
into frefh convulsions. On one hand, any exercise
of power, the least doubtful, would be looked upon
as an intentional encroachmert; on the other, the
most modest murmurs, again/ grievances, real or
to the nation they have betrayed. They begin to be
sensible that the idea of fubjugacing this Continent by
force of arms, is chimerical and vain. They fee,
with confufion and terror, that the probable issue of
all their meafares is the independency of this coun
try, and it's union with the natural enemies and ri
vals of Britain ; which, they are at length brought
to acknowledge, will be fatal to her. To prevent
this, if possible, as the daft aft of a drama, replete
with absurdity, they hold out terms of accommo
dation.
THE
TO BE SOL D,
AT publick VENDUE, for ready money only, on
- Monday the 18th day of May, at the house of
Robert Norris on Whatnung Plains, Several tracts of
land, lying and being in Morris-town and HanoVer,
on Whatnung Plains : A plantation whereon Thomas
Coe now lives, about 131 acres of good land, 10 acres
of meadow land and more may easily be made ; there
is a good frame house and barn on laid trad, with a
good orchard : Another tract of about 3 acres, with
a good house on it, very convenient and commodi
ous for a merchant: A lot of land about 8 acres,
with a young orchard of near 50 apple-trees on it:
A lot of wood-land, lying on Whatnung mountain ;
likewise a very good forge-fire with all the privileges
thereto belonging. The above-said lands and pre
mises were formerly the property of William De
mayne, absconded, and to be fold by us the fubferi
bers, by virtue of an attachment levied on said land
by suit of Thomas Coe, plaintiff, against Williara
Demayne, defendant. The vendue to begin at ten
o'clock in the morning of said day, where due at
tendance will be given by us
JOSEPH WOOD, )
3 w* JOSHUA LAMBERT, >Auditors.
RICHARD JOHNSON,)
N. B. All persons indebted to the estate of William
Demayne, abfeonded, either by bond, bill, or book
debt, are requeued to make speedy payment to the
Auditors by the above-mentioned time, or else they
may expert to be dealt with as the law directs.
TOBE SOL D.
ON E Ton of Castings, very Suitable for making of
Salt ; they consist of two pans four feet long and
three wide, two kettles, each containing forty-five
gallons, and one ditto seventeen gallons For further
particulars enquire of the Printer,
ReSentment and Policy would concur for our de
ftrudion.—A King and Ministers, whose ambition
has been disappointed, and whose passions have been
irritated, by opposition, will never patiently fee us
in the enjoyment of privileges, which were the ob
jects of it: conscious too, that they have loft our
affections, they will of course distrust our attachment ;
and left the increase of population and resources
should revive the ideas of independence, they will
prattife all the arts of corruption to disseminate their
influence, and undermine our governments. Let it
not be imagined, that any thing which has happen
ed would keep them from attempts of a Similar na
ture hereafter. There is a certain infatuation in des
potism, which is unfufceptible of cure. Tyrants
n<y be taught caution by refinance, but they can
never be taught either wisdom or justice. Theymay
change their mode of attack and substitute cunning
in the place of force ; but they will neither relinquish
the lust of dominion, nor desist from efforts to obtain
it.—-When royal and ministerial influence may have
been, propogated by every device that ingenious des
potism can contrive—when ancient rivalßlips may
have been rekindled and new difeords fomented be
tween the different dates —who can fay that we should
ever be able to confederate again in a general and
systematic opposition, to the usurpations of Britain ?
Or if we did, that the affairs and dispositions of Eu
rope would be so favourable co our designs as they
are at this time ?—P rhaps those nations'who are in
terested iri our independence may be embroiled in a
war that more immediately concerns , them —perhaps
they may be engaged in ou.r pursuits—or they may
be unwilling to afford aid and protection to a people,
who had once drawn them into a quarrel and then
deserted them, to take part with that very power
against whom they had lent their affiftance.'
Were we to come to a compromise with England,
the Situation of those who have taken an aah rt
in the war, would be truly deplorable. W :he
enemies to their country would be courted and ho
noured, they would be insulted, perfecrrted, and
despised. Abjeft and miserable at home, we should
be still more abjeft and miserable abroad No coun
try would afford us an asylum from infamy. Ame
rican meanness would become proverbial throughout
the world, and every nation on earth would point
the finger of derision at us, for abandoning, in the
fl-11 career of fucceis, a work so happily begun, and
letting flip the golden opportunity of Securing inde
pendence to our country, and laying the foundation
of an empire, which would be the envy and admi
ration of mankind.
imaginary, would be deemed the effects of impati
ence or government and a determined spirit of revolt.
One fide or other would take the alarm, and cither
America, would be enslaved, or must appeal again to
the sword for her deliverance.
1 [Numb. 24.]