United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-07-30 00:00:00, page 1

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From the Washington Federafift.
—0-
HE warmth of the following Ad
dress of Dr. Baker difeovers the zeal
of a genuine American and the solici
tude of a father He describes at a dif
lance the gathering dorm, which has
deluged Europe with blood and like a
faithful centinel warns the inhabitants
of its approach. In the day of trial we
me, depend upon the exertion of every
true patriot whatever rfrir be his polit
itical Sentiment now; let u„ not there
fore neglect the warning voice of any
man, who is Sincere and anxious for the
welfare and happiness of his country.
The time is faft approaching when ac
tions not profeffions, will be the ted of
chara^er, when delofion can no longer
wear the garb or Republicanism. Each
day the Scales of error are dropping
from the eyes of Americans, and the
\ dangerous tendency of those measures
which they have lately advocated with
such ardent heal, Begin to be develop,
ed ; and the motives ana characters of
their authors mud soon be difeovered.
The honed democrat is surprised to find
the man, on whom he had placed s uc h
reliance, pursuing a course so diamet#
tically opposite to hrs profeffions.—ls
it pebble that the maa„whofe republi
canism and philanthropy has beenTo
much extolled, can be guilty of intole
rance and persecution ? Can he whole
virtues have been frequently the theme
of culogiam, become the patron of an
infidel and the Supporter of Deism ?
Can he contribute to deftroythe biight
eft hopes of man, and rob the poor &
distressed of their only consolation ?
Can the real friend of his country che
rish in his bosom the'revHer of Wash
ington ! We find these reflections mak
ing a deep impreflion on the minds of
the admiiecsot Mr. Jefferfon; princi-:
pally upon those who have been 'delud
ed, who have taken council rather from
an animated enthusiasm in favor of Li
berty, than from the dilates of sober
judgment. Warmly attached to the
principles which gave birth to our re
volution, it was but to set up the cry of
“ toryifm and monarchists,” and you
enlided their prejudices ; and the sweet
founds of “ republicanism and love of
rhe people" lured their affections. An
animouty was created in the one case,
and friendfliip generated in the other ;
not because the charges against the for
mer were tide, or the profeffionof the
latter sincere —They were the watch.'
wordsby which they used to rally their
patrons, by which they roused to op
pofirion, or conciliated esteem. Art
ful demagogues took advantage of this
zeal, and directed it to their own ag
grandizement. When the passions are
once enlilted, it is in vain to oppose to
them the voice ofreafon, They must
be fuffered to spend their force, and to
depend upon the hour of calm reflec
tion to make atonement for their errors.
This hour is faft approaching. Men
are waking as from a dream, and are
:fy+prifed to difeover the evil tendency
of ffi%Raga@res which they have hi
therto advocaF&MFe dangerous ambi
tion and tyrannical condad of those
whom they have heretofore fapported
with such enthusiastic ardor. —There is
but one more Step to a,correct decision —
These reflexions have arifji from ob
serving the frequent objeXrons which
are made both in public and private a
gaintt the preßnt rulers by their friends.
%Ve have seen them Stated with gieat
forcetftnd elegance in the oublie recan
tations which have been made, and in
the objeXicns which have been openly
urged by tlxfc who dill adhere to the
democratic party. Mr. Davis has
pointed out the danger arising from
the aspiring ambition and predominat
ing influence of one or two large Hates;
yet lie is opposed to the only men who
are capable of curbing the one and
coUDteraQing the others Dr. Baker
reprobates with proper indignation the
principles and condua of Paine, whilst
he advocates the cause of those men
who support & encourage him. Great
allowance should no doubt be made for
(he pride of opinion and the force, of
long habit and rooted friendship. But
(hefe glaring inconsistencies should lead
them to refled —to trace the origin of
their principles, and the foundation of
their present attachment.—There is a
" fond of good sense in this country,"
which wants but to, be called into ac
rion, and delation will vauifh. If the
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE TWENTY- SEVENTH YEAR.
©titter ^tat^
Portsmouth
PORTSMOUTH, N. H. Printed and Published every
rol. XIII.] SATURDAY, JULY 30, 1803.
Or ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL)
prosperity, RELIGION & MORALITY are indispensable,
SUPPORTS.— Washington's Legacy. j
C +" T -==■=■■■■&■■■■ —■__p CT3CT _ w ___-~rrt
people will but look back to the arts
whicli have been practifed upon them,
to gain their approbation and support,
lifI if they will but compare the profeffions
I which were lavishly made, the princi-
I pies which are solemnly advocated,with
I the pradre*which have finrebc'- i pur
.iuedthey cannot long remain the dupes
,of pretended friends and hollow patri
j ots — What can be more reasonable
; than to call on the people to think and
I ad for themselves ? What more ration-
I al than to afli them to lay aside their
prejudices, and to judge of measures
without reference to names or authori
ties ? Is it right to encourage vice and
infidelity, to become ungrateful, and to
traduce the charader of Washington,
b'ecaufe Such condud is fandioned by|
Mr. Jefferfon ? Is an opposition to the'
laws, or a disregard of the public in-|
tereft juftifiable, because the example|
has been set by Gallatin ? Is it proper ;
that one Bate should govern the union,;
because the Frefident and Secretary arel
from that State ? Is this a fufficient ex-1
cufe for permitting such a man as John 1
Randolph to govern the whole legifli-;
live body ? On what other principle i
shall we account for an American Con
gress being led by the nose by so con
temptible an imitation of man, or aw-
;ted into fear and silence by his pettish
jfreaks and fretful irritations ? Repre
.fencing a few thousand slaves does not
give the privilege of bringing into the
houle of representatives the absolute
command and capricious whims of a
;roafter» We can only then account for
I it from the dangerous devotion to the
will of one stare, to the absolute sway
which She poffefTes in our councils. We
are far from intending any particular
reflexions against the date of Virginia,
She possesses many citizens of exalted
talents, of pure and corred principles,
;and warmly attached to the Constitu
tion of the United States. It is there
fore more blameable in her to be the
Servile tools of such men as Giles and
Randolph. It would be difgraceful
to the United States to be ruled by one
State, however superior to the others in
numbersand talents. But it is doubly
so to be governed by men whose ta
lents are contemptible, not only when
compared to those in the United States,
but even in comparison with those of
their own State.
0— —
From the Washington Federally.
—o—
— Mr. Samubl H. Smith, Editor of
the National Intelligencer.
Sir,
Born within the territory of the U.
States, —Educated under the benign
influence of chrihian revelation, and
happy in a society where the adicns of
men are tested only by the morality of
Gospel dispensation, I have reach'd my ;
fifty fourth year before I found a man !
living in this country, daring enough|
publicly to question the Divinity of the
one or the superior excellency of the o
ther, It has remain'd for the wretch
ed Paine,to be this monument of Apof
tacy ; and for you, Sir, our republican
printer, to give publicity to his princi
ples. Fdo not mean to enter into a dis
quisition upon religion! Chriftanity
Stands upon pillars of Adamant ; and
has flourish'd " in immortal youth un
hurt amidst the war of" infidels, the
wrecks of virtue, and the cruSh of na
tions—and BiShop Watson has " dif
folv'd into thin air the baseless fabric'
of your Rhine's “ Age of reason,” tho'
cull'd from the choicest sweets of infu
riated diforganizers. Nor will I ar
raign your motives for thus obtruding
upon your readers such offensive writ
ings. I. will leave these lock'd up in
your own bosom, a Source of pain or
pleasure for your hours of Serious re
fl-Xion. But whilst your patrons a
mong the native Americans will wave
this enquiry, they cannot forget the
melancholy confluences in other coun
tries which have Succeeded such begin
nings ! Sir,,we are not diftruftful—^but
we will be vigilant we will not be i/i
--fulted—we will rally around the repub
lican Standard, but we will not pass the
Rubicon. We will never desert the
genuine republican principles of Seven
ty fix ; but we will arreit at the Thres
hold the blasphemous monster, which
has delug'd the old world with the
blood of man, even though he assails
us under the dignified Shield of a Gov
vernmental Editor.
The Republicanifro of Americans is
L^fflP^^^ mb^i^n
r ff W
the happy medium in the political
world, between.fce Iron ha id of Mon
archy and the hcentioufnefs of unre
strained Demccr.i Like the meri- e
dian on our globe '. v ° .n.
pics—Cancer a l: :,.n ..re : :
;err .<.i of one— religion and virtu
the limits of the other. Upon theSe
pillars we have built the constitution —-
upon this ground we find “ the point
of temperate liberty"—from this post
we vanquish'd high-toned Federalism ;
from the fame Strong hold we will erpfh
infidelity. The glittering trappings of
royalty approach'd us under the garb
of Federalism —rhe insidious profanity
of fugitives from justice now aSfails un
:der a mask of Republicanism —The
I collision of these important principles art
;fully wielded too by imported cbam
;pions, has unfortunately excited a party
I Spirit among our people! They have
i each inflam'd the minds of their fol
-Ilowers and seize a moment of zealous
Ifupportlfupport to enlitthem into measures of
deftruXion.— But it will be found that
I the great mats of our native citizens,
I whether Federal or Republican, alike
labhors the doXrine of both.—The hon
est federalist and honest republican are
nearly allied. They will always be
Sound in the fame ranks upon the ap
pearance of a common enemy. They
will unite at our political meridian where
the constitution, religion, and virtue
have fix'd their empire^— Cr :M7 these
Sources they will derive their h pinefs.l
They will learn to forgive errors pro
ceeding from good intention, and form
a column of experienc'd Strength,whicli
intrigue can never more annoy.
Seriously imprefs'd with the truth of
these observations, we are at a loss to
conceive from what policy,what Strange
infatuation, a man of your niderftand
ing Should publish the hateful writings
cf Paine. The friends to the aJmiri
ftration “in all assaults of their ene
mies" have resorted to your columns as
an emblem of our moderation—as an
evidence of official tranfadion, and is a
fountain of pure principles. How is it
then you now wrest from us these re
sources ? Why have you wrought into
daggers our Shields of defence, and left ;
them to be grafp'd by the hands of our
adversaries ? The highway man may
urge for his justification the Sufferings
of a sick wife and Starving children—
and the cruelties of the savage are ex-#
tenuated by the customs of bis ancestorsl
—but you fir, exhibit, to the world a I
phenomenon in the catalogue of crimes 1
which can admit cf 110 plea. Excuse j
the effufions of an elderly man, whol
has children and grand children,whom|
he tenderly loves ! you cruelly endea-;
vor to blight my blossoms with the poi-!
son of deism ; you would float the giaf
, fy pellicles of the aged eye with tears
I of misery 1 I had taught my progeny
'to be grateful to General Wethington
ifor his Services recorded in the hearts of
his countrymen and Stamped upon the
page of faithful history—you published
an appendix by Paine,calculated to tar
nilh his glory arid fully paternal influ
ence. But his fame will livethrough
future ages while there cannot be found
even one to chaunt a-requiem for his
fallen enemies. I had engrafted bn their
tender minds the unerring principles of
a Christ. You publish'd Paine's letter to
Samuel Adams, denying the obligation
of his holy laws. I had implanted
in their innocent bosoms a firm belief
that our republicar.ifm was founded
upon religion and virtue. You have
publish'd Paine's Seventh letter,where it
is marShal'din an opposition extreme.
I have always imprefs'd them with the
morality derived from chriftianity only.
In the Same letter religion and morality
are arrang'd as avow'd enemies—what
then, in the name of heaven, I ask,
can be the policy of thus blading the
budding virtues of our offspring with
the poisonous Shafts of infidels ? why
now are your publications brought in
evidence against republicanism by our
adversaries at the bar of public justice ?
In vain can I look for your apology in
the liberty of the press, because you
wav'd the publication of my letter to
Mr. Hoxton, disclaiming Paine—and
you avail'd yourfelf of it in publishing
Paine's attack upon the memory of
Walhington. In vain too dol resort to
the tolerationof religions opimon-for the
fame toleration which protests infidels
must surely defend a erriftian —-and as
we had left Paine in the quiet enjoyment
of his creed ; from no power under
Heaven, by no rule of juflice can he
rightfully thus disturb the peace of o
thers — No, Sir, the reflecting mind io
, left to wander thronghall thed.uk and
dreary mazes of doubt and apprihen
'* in—-not ever cherry vST°rs do ny
|bofom can lull into relt its fan forebod
ings! t Wm. Baker.
Maryland, P. Georges ]
County, June 14/6 1803. J
, #^~i&•.^.^Xc&r^-3TTst-=tre— •==-=■-•-■*i»»*.»^ | M > r.'^-»»-
Counter Declaration of tie French
Gwermnent.
0
PARTS, MAT XX.
CONSERVATIVE SENATE.
Sitting of tie 24th Flareal.
(Concluded frnm our last )
T —o—
— the present difeuffion, policy
Speaks the fa ne language as honor.
If the British Government is at liberty
to conform, or not conform, to its
I engagements ; if it is permitted to the
IBritish Government, to make a distinc
tion in the Treaties which it concludes,
between the Spirit and the letter ; —if
mental restrictions are allowed, as au
thorised exceptions ; if whatever con
stitutes an object of convenience to Eng
land is to be the umpire of the meaning
of political conventions where will be the
end, the termination of the concessions,
which the British Government flatters
I itfelf that it can wrest from the weak-
I nefs of France: what will be the mea
*fure of the Sacrifices and humiliations,
!which one may dare to impose upon
I her ? To day, the convenience of Eng
,land exafts a guarantee against France
;and England retains Malra. In for
; mer times, the convenience of England
I required a guarantee against France
I and Dunkirk was destroyed ! and an
;Englifh commiflary dictated the law in
a country in which the French flag
waved ! Tomorrow, the convenience
of England may demand a.guarantee
against the progress cf French indudry,
& a proposal may be made for a Tarif
of commerce to airest and check the
progress of our industry.
If we repair our ports ; if we coaftrue
a Mole ; if we dig a Canal ; if, by any
' mode of encouragement, we improve
our manufactures,&c. a demandis made
upon us, to degrade our ports ; that our
canals shall be choaked up, and our
manufactures ruined. It is demanded,
ithat France shall become poor ; that
I it Shall be disarmed to foit the conve-
Inience of England, and that it Shall
Igive a fufEcient guarantee toits govern
i ment.
Whether we confider the principles,
lorI or examine the consequences, we are e-
I qually Struck with furprize at the injuf-
I tice and the Scandal of these preten
! fions. Supposing, that such a demand
weie Submitted even to the verdict of
an English jury wquld they hesitate a
single moment to reject it upanimouflyi -
The Government of the Republic
has the right to feel surprised, that the
British Ministry Should deem itfelf an
thorifed to suppose that France would
submit to such a degree of humiliation.
On what ground has it believed, that
the actual and existing government of
France would, in inglorious repose lose
Sight at once cf the remembrance of
what it had atchieved, and of all its
duties.
Are our Provinces less extenfive,or is
our population decreased ? Are we
no longe the farce Nation, which made
a Sacrifice of every thing to ourjuft and
indispensable interests? And if, after
our success, we have displayed an ex
traordinary moderation, to what other
Source can this moderation be imput
ed than to the juflice of our cause, and
the conviction of our force?
The Undersigned, in laying belote
his Excellency Lord Whitworth, these
observations, conceives himfelf author
ifed in making the remark, that the
moderate conduct of the whole of the
French Administration, during two en
tire months, which constitute one Series
of provocation and offence, and not
withstanding the deep impreffibn which
such conduct cannot fail to make, ought
to cause him to appreciate the'real
character of the French Government.
Yet, under all these circumstances, at
the very time; that in confequfuc.e of
lits profound silence after reiterated in-
ISults, the Government of the Republic
Ihad the right to expert that reparation
would be given, or, at leatt that a ter
mination would be made to. insult— at
a time when, abstain from prejudging
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, .FIFTEENTH YEAR
- ^r^y ana
Advertiser.
Saturday Morning, by Will'm& Dan' L. Tre r
Price <\ - L ar a\ d ri fty cen is PER ANN r A> ••
. : i
(CT ADVERTISEMENTS reif^/, ^c^fa^ inserted COMMU
nications duty attended to—and every Favor thankfully acfnott
? edged. ^ul-ya^.noul
the final arid ultimate result which as
j fairs might take,it has militated noth
: ing but affection and eagerness toinvef
tigate the means, which were capable
I of bring proposed, in order to coucili
; # ;e and Satisfy the:EnglUh Geverament;
1 at this very time and under these pecu
-1 liar circumstances, his Excellency Lord
Whitworth by order of his Govern
ment, made verbally and without con
} fencing to give any written declaration
, the following demands to the Under-
Signed vie
t. rhau England Should retain Mal
ta for ten years.
2. That England Should be put in
pofTeffian of I^arapedofa.
3. That Holland Should be evacua
ted by the French troops.
His Excellency, Lord Whitworth
Ifurther declared,that their Proposition
formed the Ultimatum of his Court,
and that, in case of a Refufal, he had
instructions to leave Faris, in the course
of Seven days.
The Undersigned has no hesitation
to declare, that there is no Precedent of
such Form being given to so imperious
an Ultimatum.
And on what ground ? Is war at
tended with no Inconveniences to any
cfher-Powrr th-m.us ? Does the Eng
ldh Ministry believe the French N,
tion to be so feeble,that in circumdaiy
ces, where Points of the utmost Import,
rance are under consideration it does
not think itfelf bound to conform, on
its part, to the usages which obtain a
mong the Governments of all civilized
Nations?
1 Or is it not rather,that the Sentiment
of Injustice, which weighs upon the
confeience of a Public agents, as upon
that of a Private Man, has prevented
the Britith Government from Signing
the Demand which it made, and that
it has endeavored, by a decisive Step, to
reserve to itfelf, a; a future opportuni
ty, the capability of effacing the Train
of its real Pretensions, and to deceive
and mislead the public opinion, as to
the cause and origin of the rupture ?
Or, lastly, is it that the Minivers of
his Britannic Maietiy have ill appreci
ated the character of the First Consul ?
have they flattered themselves with the
hope, that they Should be able, by dint
of provocation, to exasperate, or inti
midate him; to cause him to forget the
interest of the Nation, or to goad him
to any aft of eclat, which they might
afterwards be able to parody and miß
represent to Europe, as the Initiative
of War ?-
The Fir& Confu), more than any
man that exists, knows the evils of War
because he is better acquainted than a
ny other man, with its calculations and
its chances, He is of opinion, that in
the circumflances in which we are at
present placed, the Erlt Care of a Gov
ernment ought to be directed to the
Cataftiophe and the Calamities, which
may result from a new War ; he is of 0-
pinion,that it tea primary Duty not on
ly not to give way to the impulse of
Irritation but to make ufeof every means
to enlighten,to moderate the impetuous
Passions of the Multitude.
The undersigned, confining himfelf
to the form of his Communications on
the part of his Excellency Lord Whit
wo; th, requests of him to Observe that
verbal and fugitive Observations are
mfufficient for the Difeuffion of such
immense interests, all the Motives of
which it is customary to difenfs in the
councils of Nations, after the molt ma
ture Deliberation. In these Councils,
and undef'fuch circumstances, nothing
is judged indifferent : the Forms, nay
the veiy Expressions are weighed, ex
amined, debated, canvaflfed, apprecia
ted, and Serve always as well co deter
mine, as to juftify the part,which it be
comes neceiiary to take. ri
If such an imprudent,fuch an indecent
violation of all forms had been commit
ted by France, what would not have
been Aid, what wquld not have been
written by England ; there is net a fin
glt Orator in the two boufes of Parlia
ment, who would not have declared,
that this deviation from the rules gen
erally eflablifhed between Nations in
important circumllances, was an ont
r°ge offered to the Englilh Nation. In
the l opinion of all, an offence of this
kind would be regarded as an adequate
motive to break off all further Negoci
tion.
. With refpe€lto the- bafa cf the pro-*
posed Ultimatum, the undetfgned h ,c