The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-09-29 00:00:00, page 1

A Circular Letter from the Congress of the Crated States
of America to their Conjlituente.
[Concluded from our laflf\
f ffi ^ HIS point being eftablilhed, the next
Hqueftion is whether the natural wealth,
value and resources of the country will
be equal to the payment of the debt.
Let us suppose for the fake of argu
ment, that at the conclusion, the emif
tions thould amount to 200,000,000, that exclusive
€1 hipplies from taxes, which will not be inconlide
rable, the loans Ihould amount to 100,000,000, then
the whole national debt of the United States would
be 300,000,000. There are at present 3,000,000 of
inhabitants in the thirteen states : three hundred mil
lion of dollars divided among three million of people
would give to each person one hundred dollars : and
is there an individual in America unable in the course
of eighteen or twenty years to pay it again ? Suppose
the whole debt assessed, as it ought to be, on the in
habitants in proportion to their refpeCtive estates,
what would then be the share of the poorer people ?
Perhaps not ten dollars. Belides, as this debt will
not be payable immediately, but probably twenty
years allotted for it, the number of inhabitants by
that time in America will be far more than double
their present amount. It is well known that the in
habitants of this country encreafed almost in the ra
tio of compound interest. By natural population they
doubled every twenty years, and how great may be
the host of emigrants from other countries cannot be
afeertained. We have the highest reason to believe the
number will be immense. Suppose that only ten thou
sand should arrive the firft year after the war, what
will those ten thousand with their families count in
twenty years time ?—probably double the number.
This observation applies with proportionable force to
the emigrants of every successive year. Thus you fee
great part of your debt will be payable not merely by
rhe present number of inhabitants, but by that num
ber swelled and encreafed by the natural population
of the present inhabitants, by multitudes of emigrants
daily arriving from other countries, and by the natu
ral population of those successive emigrants, so that
every person's share of the debt will be'conftantly di
miniihing by others coming in to pay a proportion
of it.
These are advantages which none but young coun
tries enjoy. The number of inhabitants in every coun
try in Europe remains nearly the fame from one cen
tury to another. No country will produce more peo
ple than it can subsist, and every country, if free and
cultivated, wi'l produce as many as it can maintain.
Hence we may form some idea of the future populati
on of these states, Extensive wildernesses, now scarce
ly known or explored, remain yet to be cultivated,
and vast lakes and rivers, whose waters have for ages
roiled in silence and obfcurby to the ocean, are yet
to hear the din of indulhy, become subservient to
commerce, and boast delightful villas, gilded spires,
and spacious cities riling on their banks.
Thus much for the number of persons to pay the
debt. The next point is their ability. They who en
quire how many millions of acres are contained only
in the fettled parts of North-America, and how much
each acre is worth, will acquire very enlarged and yet
very inadequate ideas of the value of this country.
But those who will carry their enquiries further, and
learn that we heretofore paid an annual tax to Britain
of three millions Gerling in the way of trade, and flill
grew rich ; that our commerce was then confined to
her ; that we were obliged to cari y our commodities
to her market, and consequently to fell them at her
price ; that we were compelled to purchase foreign
commodities at her stores, and on her terms, and
were forbid to establish any manufactories incompati
ble wirh her views of gain ; that in future the whole
world will be open to us, and we Ihall be at liberty
to purchase from those who will fed on the best terms,
and to fell to those who will give the best prices; that
as the country encreafes in number of inhabitants and
cultivation, the productions of the earth will be pro
portionibly encreafed, and the riches of the whole
proportionably greater: Whoever examines the force
of these and timilar observations, mutt finile at the
ignorance of those who doubt the ability of the Unit
ed States to redeem their bills.
Let it also be remembered that paper money is the
only kind of money which cannot " make unto itfelf
wings and fly away." It remains with us, it will not
forfake us, it is always ready and at hand for the pur
pose of commerce or taxes, and every industrious man
can find it. On the contrary, should Britain like
Ninevah (and for the fame reason) yet find mercy,
and escape the florm ready to burit upon her, she will
find her national debt in a very different situation.
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vot. It]
WEDNESDAY, September 29, 1779.
Her territory diminifoed, li^ people wafted, her
commerce ruined, her monopolies gene, the rauft
provide for the difeharge of her irnmenfe debt by tax
es to be paid in specie, in gold or silver, perhaps now
buried in the mines of Mexico or Peru, or still con
cealed in the brooks and rivulets of Africa or Indoftan.
Having shewn that there is no reason to doubt the
ability of the United States to pay their debt, let us
next enquire whether as much can be said for their
inclination.
Under this head three things are to be attended to :
ift. Whether and in what manner the faith of the
United States has been pledged for the redemption of
their bills.
2d. Whether they have put themselves in a political
capacity to redeem them, —and
3d. Whether, admitting she two former propositi
ons, there is any reason to apprehend a wanton vio
lation of the public faith.
lit. It mutt be evident to every man who reads the
journals of Congress or looks at tne face of one of their
bills, that Congress have pledged the faith of their
constituents for the redemption of them. And it mult
be equally evident, not only that they had authority
to do so, but that their constituents haw actually ra
tified their a&s, by receiving their bills, palling laws
eftablilhing their currency, and punishing those who
counterfeit them. So that it may with truth be said
that the people have pledged their faith for the re
demption of them not only colleCtively by their re
presentatives, but individually.
2d. Whether the United States have put themfilves
in a political capacity to redeem their bills, is a ques
tion w hich calls for more full discussion.
Our enemies, as well foreign as dorndliq have la
boured to raise doubts on this head. They argue that
the confederation of the hates remains yet to be per
fected ; that the union may be dissolved; Congress be
aboljfhed, and each Rate ^fuming its delegated pow
ers proceed in future to hciu life exercise all the rights
of sovereignty appertaining to an independent Rate.
This portion being attorned, they next proceed to
assert this event to be probable, and in proof of it
urge our divisions, our parties, our separate interests,
diltinCt manners, former prejudices, and ©any other
arguments equally plausible and equally fallacious.
Examine this matter.
For every purpose effcntial to the defence of these
states in the progrel's of the present war, and necHfary
to the attainment of the objects of it, these Rates now
are as fully, legally and aofolutely confederated, as
it is possible for them to be. Read the credentials of
the different delegates who composed the Congress in
1774, 1775, and part of 1776. You will find th;rt they
establish an union for the express purpose of opposing
the oppreflions of Britain and obtaining redress of
grievances. On the 4th of July, 1776, your represen
tatives in Congress, perceiving that nothing lets than
unconditional fubmiflion would fatisfy our enemies,
did in the name of the people of the Thirteen United
Colonies declare them to be Free and Independent
States, and " for the SUPPORT of that declaration,
" with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
" Providence, did mutually pledge to each other their
" LIVES, their FORTURES and their SACRED
" HONOUR." Was ever confederation more for
mal, more solemn or explicit : It has been expressly
assented to and ratified by e^ery Rate in the union.--
Accordingly, for the direCt SU PPORT of this decla
ration, that is for the fuppert of the independence of
these states, armies have been railed, and bills of cre
dit emitted and loans madeto pay and supply them.
The redemption therefore of these bills, the pay
ment of these debts, and :he fcttlement of the ac
counts of the several Rate; for expenditures or ser
vices for the common benefit and in this common
cause, are among the obieds of this confederation ;
and con fequently while all cr any of its objects remain
unattained, it cannot, so fa -as it may refpeCt such
objeCts, be dissolved, conliknt with the laws of God
or man.
But wr are persuaded, aid our enemies will find,
that r<r union is not to cur here. 1 hey are mistaken
when they suppose us kepttogether only by a fcnfe
of : -lent danger. It is a fid which they only will
dilpuA, that the people ofthefe states wcie never so
cordially united as at this da,. By having been obliged
to mix with each other, former prejudices have worn
off, and their several man era become blended. A
fcnfe of common permanen interest, mutual afle&ion
(having been brethren in afli&ion,) the tiesof consan
guinity daily extending, coilant reciprocity of good
offices, similarity in language, in governments,' and
therefore in manners, t he imx>rtance,weight and fpler.-
dor ol the union, all confpir in forming a strong chain
of connection, which muftforever bind us together.
THE
The United Provinces of the Netherlands and the Uni
ted Cantons (^Switzerland became free and independ
ent under circumllances very like ours : their independ
ence has been long cilabliihed, and yet their confe
deracies continue in full vigor. Whit reason can be
aligned why our union should be less lasting ?.or why
Ihould the people of these states be supposed less wife
than the inhabitants of those ? You are not uninformed
that a plan for a perpetual confederation has been pre
pared,and that twelve otthe thirteen states have already
acceded to it. But enough has been said to shew that
for every purpose of the present war, and all things in
cident to it, there does at preient exist a perfect solemn
conteceration, and therefore that the states now are
and always will be in political capacity to redeem their
bills, pay their debts, and fettle their accounts.
3d. Whether, admitting the ability and political
capacity of the United States to redeem their bills,
there is any reason to apprehend a wanton violation
of the public faith ?
It is with great regret and reluctance that we can
prevail upon ourfches to take the least notice of a
question which involves in it a doubt so injurious to
the honour and dignity of America.
The enemy, aware that the strength of America lay
in the union of her citizens, and the wisdom and in
tegrity ol those to whom they committed the directi
on of their affairs, have taken unwearied pains to dis
unite and alarm the people, to depreciate the abilities
and virtue of their rulers, and to impair the confidence
reposed in them by their constituents. To this end
repeated attempts have been made to draw an absurd
and fanciful line of diftinCtion between the Congress
and the People, and to create an opinion and a belief
that their interests and views were different and op
posed. Hence the ridiculous tales, the invidious in
sinuations, and the whimsical fuipicions that have been
forged and propagated by disguised emissaries and
traitors in the garb of patriots. Hence has proceeded
the notable dilcovery that as the Congress made the
money they also can destroy it ; and that it will exist
no longer than they find it convenient to permit it.
It is not surprising that in a free country, where the
tongues and pens of iuch people are and must be li
cenled, such political heresies fliould be inculcated
and diffufed, but it is really astonishing that the mind
of a hngle virtuous citizen in America fliould be in
fluenced by them. It certainly cannot be necessary
to lemind you that your representatives here are cho-
Icn from among yourselves ; that you are or ought to
be acquainted with their several characters; that they
are lent here to speak your sentiments, and that it is
conllantly in your power to remove such as do not.
You luiely are convinced that it is no more in their
power to annihilate your money than your independ
ence, and that any aft of theirs for either of those
purposes would be null and void.
W e should pay an ill compliment to the underftand
mg and honour of every true American, were we to
adduce many arguments to shew the baseness or bad
policy ol violating our national faith, or omitting to
pursue the meafurcs necessary to preserve it. A bank
rupt taiihkls republic would be a novelty in the poli
tical world, and appear among reputable nations, like
a common prostitute among chaste and refpeftable
mations. Ihe pride of America revolts from the idea;
air citizens know for what purpose these emiflions
were made, and have repeatedly plighted their faith
tor the recicmptioi aof them ; they are to be found in
every man's possession, and every man is interested in
then being redeemed; they must therefore entertain
a high opinion of American credulity, who suppose
the people capable of believing, on due reflection,
that all America will, against the faith, the honour
and the interest of all America, be ever prevailed up
on to countenance, support or permit so ruinous, so
Jiffracetul a mealure. We are convinced that the ef
forts and arts of our enemies will not be wanting to
draw us into this humiliating and contemptible fitu
atiofi. Impelled by malice, and the suggestions of
chagrin and disappointment, at not being able to bend
our necks to their yol e, they will endeavour to force
or seduce us to commit this unpardonable fin, in or
dci to tubjeC tus to the punishment due to it, and that
we may thenceforth be a reproach and a by-word a
mong the nations. Apprized of these consequences,
knowing the value of national character, and impres
sed with a due sense of the immutable laws of justice
and honour, it is impossible that America should think
without horror of Inch an execrable deed.
If they neither our ability or inclination to difeharge
the public debt, are juftiy qucftionablc, let our con
duct correspond with this confidence, and let us res
cue our credit from its present imputations. Had she
attention of America to this object been unremitted
(For the remainder fee the fourth page.)
[Numb. 92.]