The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-09-30 00:00:00, page 1

the most important offices in the State. And it ap
pears probable, that this has lead our author to his
hints on this head. —If this matter be, however, ma
turely considered, and traced in its natural tendency
and consequences, I humbly conceive it will be found
very impolitick and exceeding dangerous to the jafety
' and well-being of the State. To make this evident,
let the following particulars be considered :
I. The property of the community is entrusted in
the custody of their representatives. If they ihould
have the distributing of the lucrative offices among
themselves, consequently the falarie's annexed to them
also ; which, in fad, would be faying, Friends take
as much as ye need. Common prudence dilates our
duty not to lay such powerful temptations before
the most virtuous men, to whom such important trait
is committed.
gives to those in authority, and to fubjeds, juf,
equitable, and proper; and hope they may be duly
noticed and improved to valuable purposes : Yet, I
must confefs, I was sorry to fee the one that Mr.
Whig has animadverted upon, among the rest.
To deliver my sentiments with candor and since
rity on that fubjed, I must acknowledge that it does
not appear unjujl to me, to entrust the legislature with
other offices. As those gentlemen are supposed (at
least in the opinion of those who eledt them) to be
th^ wisest and most virtuous in the community, it
seems just and prudent to entrust them with other
Mr. Collins,
IN taking a review of those pieces in your Ga
zette, which have a particular relation to the
policy of New-Jersey, I found that T. W. was
the friend, to whom the letter in your thir
teenth number, was addressed, and not the
author. I beg your readers to excuse my in
advertency. In this review my attention was par
ticularly attracted by the two essays of the Eledor,
in your 14th and 28th numbers ; as also the remarks
of a Whig on the sentiments and advice he gave his
countrymen refpeding offices somewhat lucrative to be
given to gentlemen in legislative or executive authority
fwithin this State, on supposition that the Elector's
sentiments were unjust and prejudicial to the State.
Was the language this Whig makes use of, the best
calculated to convince the Elector of his error, and
to expoie the dangerous tendency of his tenet to pub
lick view ? What could that gentleman have aimed
at, in comparing this performance of the Elector to
a mendicant brief? In so strongly expressing his suspi
cion of the author's veracity ? The one declares be
never bad any pofl of honour, nor never expected any.
The other cannot help thinking he is either already a
representative, er experts to be one at the next election,^ c.
Do you, Sir, intend the promotion of publick good
by such prostitution of charity ? Suppoling it to be as
you fufpe&, will that alter the nature of the thing ?
If it is just, equitable and beneficial to the commu
nity in its own nature and tendency, its being affirm
ed to be so by a representative or Justice of the Peace
will not make it the contrary. I heartily detest such
treatment of authors and arguments; and am furry
to fee a good fubjed thus abused.—l do assure the
Whig, that I know not who is the author of the pieces
signed an eledor. (Heis at his liberty, if virtue will
permit him, to fufped my veracity.) If I, however,
may be permitted to judge from the performances of
both authors, I beg to be indulged with the'full per
suasion, that the Elector knew full as well that pro
aris et focis was a metaphorical expreflion, and what
the literal translation of it was, as the Whig his
poetry ; and that he flipt it in upon bis readers with
much more propriety, in the chain of his reasonings,
than the Whig his criticisms.
Though I esteem many of the hints this author
2. The offices in a state ought to be difhibuted in
such a manner as would make it the interest of the
individuals who bare them, to keep a jealous watch
over each other, and so prove a spur to a faithful dis
charge of their duty. This proves the molt power
ful preservative against corruption; and may always
be effeded, if these matters are properly regulated
and directed. But such engrossing of offices by the
legislature would have the diredly contrary effect. It
is obvious to every one, how natural it is to excuse a
fault, if it may tend to promote our interest: And
what wide door would this open for collision and cor
ruption ? For the fame company to have the command
of the pudlick's purse, and themselves become en
titled to receive it.
3. Though reason didates that the community
ihould support its officers in a dignity becoming their
different stations; yet prudence direds, that they
ihould not squander the publick money in support of
luxury^ or to give them an opportunity to amass
elates for themselves and families. slide's, that this
[Vol. I.], T H ^ [Numb. 43.]
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
WEDNESDAY, September 30, 1778#
is betraying the trust reposed in them, it is the most
powerful temptation for the worf of men to seek the
offices from wicked principles, and with pernicious
views; and after obtained, to neglect their duty and
abuse their power. If the misery and ruin of states
are candidly traced in hidory, this will be found to
be their genuine and universal source.
It thus appears from what has been observed on
this fubjed, that the prohibition of the legislators en
joying any other office of profit in the constitution of
New-Jersey, was founded in prudence, and calculated
for the fafety of the State. I have therefore been much
furprized at some of the reasons the Elector gives in
support of his opinion, viz. Lucrative offices are to be
given as a reward or indemnification to legislators. A
mazing error in politicks ! Why should other offices
be more lucrative than the legislative ? Whence do
lucrative offices derive their income ? Is it not from
the community ? Why then this round-about way to
reward our legislature ? Must they firft add such sa
laries to-those offices, as will well reward them after
they get them : Be perhaps one year a legislator, in
order to obtain the office, and then decline, to im
prove the opportunity for lucre or gain by it. Must
thus the door be opened for the State to maintain
hundreds of Inch, by their lucrative offices ? —I delift !
I here also observe, that it would be prudence in
our legislature to avoid giving offices of profit to their
families. As it is natural for a parent to provide for
a child, it exposes them in force degree to the fame
dangers, at lealt to the suspicion of their constituents.
Our community has never been fufkciently fenhble
to what danger they were exposed under the former
government; where the King had the gift of all the
offices, and the period of their ^ffembly was seven
years. The present drained and ruined state of Bri
tain shows to what you were liable, even exclusive of
all the tyrannic!: acts palled since the year 1763. I
cordially congratulate yea on your happy deliverance
frora such great and imminent danger. Heaven has
now placed you in the possession of as many and va
luable civil and religious privileges as ever a people
enjoyed: A gracious reward for your patriotic de
fence of your lives, liberties and property. It is now
become a matter of undoubted fad, that our savage
enemy despairs of subjugating the free-born lons of
America by force of arms. Their whole foul is now
bent upon bribery,flattery and deceit ; and their whole
view is only to disarm us, and then to do with us
what feemeth good in their eyes. Their present con
duct has frequently brought me to recoiled that of
Philip the Ild, King of Spain. After he had carried
ruin and deftrudion, unheard of murder and Daugh
ter throughout the Dutch United Provinces, finding,
however, that they colleded strength and had become
determined, he began to view his success as doubt
ful; and unable to prosecute the war to effect, he
a— d his court bent themselves upon cunning and de r
cert. They proposed to the Dutch, by the Duke of
Parma, the full enjoyment of all their liberties, pri
vileges and franchifes. Thereupon a treaty was set
on foot and concluded. In this was granted to the
States General whatever they demanded. And for
the security of the Dutch, this treaty was not only
signed and Solemnly swore to by the Duke, but also font
to Spain, and fgned with the King's own hand, and
it was called The eternal Edict. What was the con
sequence ? Towns and fortreffes were given up to the
King's possession: And from that very moment their
infernal plans were laid to renew their former prac
tice, in perfect disregard of this solemn treaty. Im
mediately the war broke out again, and burnt with
redoubled fury. The Dutch had to recover, at the
expence of blood and treasure, what they had given
up by this treaty. An event which the patriotick
Prince of Orange had plainly foretold them, laying
it down as a maxim, that crowned heads never look
upon themselves as bound by any treaties with /^jech
they deem rebels, longer than they fee an opportu
nity to revenge the pretended injury offered to their
crown and dignity. If America ever returns to a
dependence on the crown of Great-Britain, I doubt
not but the will have the fame game to play, let the
treaty be ever so plausible. An event which, lam
persuaded, never Hiall happen, unless God intends it
as the greatrft of puniihments for our manifold and
aggravated national fins. It affords me a heartfelt
pleasure to fee that all the golden apples of the foa
dow of liberty and peace held forth by the Commis
sioners, treated by Americans with utter disdain;
and that they remain determined not to part with
their independence but at the hazard of their lives
and fortunes. Let the briber, Governor Johnftene,
resign ; let him gratify himfelf in his phantom, that
great numbers among us are thirsting for such a peace:
I, however, rejoice in being fully assured that there are
none among johnftonc's number, no, not even in those
parts which have most severely felt their galling yoke,
and remain most expoled to the fury of their resent
ment, but only such as have throughout the whole
courte of this contest proved to be either daflardly
cowards, or abandoned traitors: And so will every
friend to his country regard the man, that dare open
his mouth in favour of such a peace.
While Heaven has thus far trailed upon our just
exertions in felf-defence, what solemn obligations are
incumbent on us to improve our advantages there
from accruing to us, for the good of society and the
glory of the Allwife, Supreme Disposer of human
events? Here is afforded me an opportunity of offer
ing feme important hints to my fellow-citizens ; per
haps future time may afford me more leisure, or an
abler hand undertake it, which will afford me the
greatest pleafure^ I cannot, however, avoid offering
a few.
First to you, the Honourable the Legislature of this
State. Conlider, Gentlemen, what an important of
fice you fid. You are the.reprefentatives of a free,
people; to ygu they have entrusted their purses, the
defence of their lives, and their dear-bought liberty.
To you they look up for whoifome laws To you
they have entrusted the appointment of civil and mi
litary officers; and to you they have made them re#
fpouhble. O! what glorious opportunities are put
into your hands, to promote the happiness of this
people. In the dark ages of pagaiiilm, a Lycurgus
has taught the Spartans, and a Solom the Athenians,
what incomparable benefit wife, judicious, and honest
legislators may be to society. It is then undoubtedly
your auty, privilege and advantage to itudy and en
act laws, not only just in their nature, but also cal
culated for the benefit, advantage and fafety of the
State ---To take effectual care that the laws are duly
executed. Let laws be ever so wholesome, what good
will they promote, ilnot executed? Such neglect is
to the State, as the cancer or consumption to the
human body ; it fucks the vitals, destroys the vigor,
produces a languor in the whole system, and finally
causes death. Every Justice, every Judge ought to
be noticed by the members of the legislature ; also the
Attorney-General. He is now a servant of the State
by your appointment. That important polt is cn
trufted to him, not for his private emolument, but
for the good of the community. Your duty demands
that you take effedual care that the mulcts, which
the laws demand, and ought to go in the coffers of
the State to alleviate the taxes, be not applied to his
own use, by compounding with the guilty, and so
screening them from public justice, &c. as has been
too much the case under the former government.
To you, your constituents look up for the punish
ment of neglect of duty, or mal-adminiftration. You
know where our constitution has lodged that power.
Surely your enacting laws is with a view that they
should be executed. Fear not the frowns of a ne
gligent or wicked officer. Depend upon having the
approbation of God, and the most virtuous part of
the community, and also their support, in the most
vigorous difeharge of your duty. A few examples
will be Sufficient to teach others their duty.
Permit me also, my fellow-citizens, to address a
few hints to you, especially at this time, when your
annual election is at hand. I entreat you to consider
how much your welfare depends upon a proper and
judicious choice. Only recollect that your property,
lives and liberties are to be committed to the custody
and disposal of the persons you are about to eleft:
Therefore do not indolently leave to others to chufe
for you. Go, fee and hear, and ad from noble prin
ciples. Be not influenced in your votes by the gaudy
appearances of riches, or bribery. Be not swayed by
friendship, consanguinity, or felf-intereft, but only
by the following motives:
1. The constitution of New-Jersey justly reftrids
your votes to persons profefing a belief in the faith of
any protejiant fed. If the person be otherwise proper
ly qualified, no diftindion of protefant denominations
ought to influence eledors. Whatever denomination
of protestants he profeffes to be of, let him not show
by his condud that he makes religion an engine of
state. If he makes not practice of paying homage to
the Divine Being, in attending upon publick worship,
(which all protestant denominations profefs) believe
him to be an atheiji, or at best, a delft in disguise :
For Jews, papists, mahommetans and pagahs, as well
as protestants, profefs and pradife a publick worship
of the Deity. Also those who difeover a disposition
and inclination to luxury, gaming, drunkenness, ex
tortion, profane swearing, and such like vices, which
prove the bane as well of civil as of religious focitty.
Persons of such a charader seem to endeavour to be
tray and deceive their God and the interest of society.