The United States oracle of the day — Portsmouth, N.H., 1800-01-04 00:00:00, page 1

a (ilia regard to all the considerations
appertaining to the relation, which
binds a dutiful citizen to his country :
and that, in withdrawing the tender of
Service which Silence in my Situation
might imply, I am influenced by no di
minution of zeal for your future inter
est ; no deficiency of grateful refpe&
for your past kindness: But am Sup
ported by a full conviction that the
step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance
hitherto in the office to which your fuf
frages have twice called me, have been
a uniforfa Sacrifice of inclination to the
opinion ofduty, and to a deference for
I what appeared to be your desire. I
I constantly hoped, that it would have
Ibeen rauch earlier in my power conlift
| ently with motives, which I was not at
I liberty to disregard, to return to that
I retirement, from which I had been te
/ludantly drawn. The Strength of my
I inclination to do this, previous to the
Ilaft election, had even led to the prepa
f:ration of an address to declare it to you;
Ibut mature reflection on the then per
, plexed and critical pollute of our affairs
§ with foreign nations, and the unani
, mous advice of persons entitled to my
, confidence, impelled me to abandon the
a idea.
To the People of theUNiTED States.
Friends and Fei/ozu-Citizens,
THE period for a new election of a
Citizen to administer the executive
government of the United States, be
ing not far distant, and the time actual
ly arrived, when your thoughts mud
be employed in designating the person,
who is to be eloathed with that impor
tant trust, it appears tc me proper, es
pecially as it may conduce to a more
diftind expreflion of the public voice,
that I should now apprise you of the
resolution I have formed, to decline be
ing co^dered among the number of those
out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the fame time, to do
me the justice to be assured, that this
resolution has not been taken, without
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, TWENTY-FOURTH YEAR. T FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, ELEVENTH YEAR.
©? ^nttefc States frag, ®rade of fye Da?.
u—^—^m^^Mt^c—^-^^i^ „ %(pi§F V '—^===-==^^
<Printed and Published every SATURDAY. MORNING, by & °° CHARLES PEIRCE, No. 5, Daniel-llreet, Portsmouth, N.II.
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SATURDAY, JANUARY 4, 1800. N 0.12 AX. PRICE 1 DOLLAR 50 CENTS Per Annum.
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OF ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL PROSPERITY, RELIGION AND MORALITY ARE INDISREN SI ELE SUPPORTS. v/ASHINGTON's LAGACY.
ue to my services, they were temporal
ry, I have, the consolation to believe,
that while choice and prudence invite
me to quit the political foene, patrict
ifm does not forbid it.
George Washington
First President of the UNITED STATES,
on defining, being considered a
the FRIEND of MAN,
LIVES !
^ „ IMMORTAL in bis LEGACY!
judgment was capable. Not uncon
feious, in the outset, of the inferiority
of my qualifications, experience in my
own eyes, perhaps Rill more in the eyes
of others, has strengthened the motives
^.diffidence of myfelf: And every day
the increasing weight of years admon
ishes me more and more, that the Shade
cf retirement is as necessary to me as it
will be welcome. Satisfied that if any
circumstances have given peculiar val-
g,As a Tribute of Refpea to the Memory of
the Illustrious Patriot and Hero, GEORGE
WASHINGTON, —his invaluable Legacy
addressed to the fcveral Legislatures of Feder
ate America, at the moment of his leaving
the Presidency of the Union, will be ftatedly
republiShed 16 THE UNITED STATES'
ORACLE OF THE DAY, on the ift of
January, in every year, for TEN YEARS to
come. This we promise on the hope of ex
tended life, and Should life to us be denied,
it will be given in folenin charge to those
who succeed.
I rejoice, that the Rate of your con
cerns, external as well as internal, no
longer renders the pursuit of inclina
tion incompatible with the Sentiment
of duty, or propriety : And pm persua
ded whatever partiality may be retain
ed for my services, that in the present
circumstances cf our country you will not
disapprove of % determination to retire.
The impreSlions with which I firft
undertook the arduous trust, were ex
plained on the proper occasion. In
the discharge cf this trust, I will only
fay, that I have with good intentions,
contributed towards the organization
and administration of the government,
the best exertions,of which a very fallible
THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY,
AND
CANDIDATE FOR THEIR FUTURE SUFFRAGES.
4, May the best blcffings of Heaven defeend on
the wife Counsels of the glorious dead / and
every American listen to the voice of the de
parted, as if he spake from the ikies, with the
trumpet-tongue of an Angel.
Washington
The ADDRESS of the late
In looking forward to the moment,
which is intended to terminate the ca
reer of my pulflic life, my feelings do
not permit mdto fafpend the deep ac
knowledgmen |of that debt of grati
tude which I orc to my beloved coun
try, fcr the m/ny honors it has confer
ferre^on me , still more for the fted
fait confidence with which it has fup
portei me ; and for the opportunities
I havt thence enjoyed of manifesting
my inviolable attachment by services
faithful and .persevering, though in
ufefufnels unequal to ray zeal. If
benefits have resulted to our country
from these services, let it always be
remembered to our praise, and as an
instructive example in our annals, that
under circumstances in which the pas
sions, agitated in every direction were
liable to millead, amidst appearances
sometimes dubious, —viciflitudes of
fortune, often difeouraging in fitua
tions,in which not unfrequently, want
of success has countenanced the Spirit
of criticism—the constancy of your
support was the essential prop of the
efforts, and a guarantee of thespians
by which they were effected. Pro
foundly penetrated with this idea, I
Shall carry it with me to my grave,
as a strong incitement to unceasing
vows, that Heaven may continue to
you the choicest tokens of its benefi
cence—that your union and brotherly
affection may be perpetual—that the
free Constitution, which is the work
of your hands, may be sacredly main
tained—that its adminiftrati on in ev
ery department may be damped with
wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the
happiness of the people of these states,
under the auspices of liberty, may
be made complete, by so careful a
preservation and so prudent a use of
this blessing, as will acquire to them
the glory of recommending it to the
applause, the affedien, and adoption
of every nation which is yet a Gran
ger to it.
Here perhaps, I ought to Hop.—
But solicitude for your welfare, which
cannot end but with my life, and the
apprehension of danger natural to that
Solicitude, urge me on an occasion, like
the present, to offer to your solemn
contemplation, and to recommend to
your frequent review, some sentiments
which are the result of much reflection,
of no inconfid^able observation, and
which appear to me all-important to
the permanency of your felicity as a
people. These will be offered to you
with the more freedom, as you can
only fee in them the disinterested
warnings of a parting friend, who can
possibly have no personal motive to
bias his counsel. Nor can I forget,
as an encouragement to it, your indul
gent reception of my sentiments on a
Former and not dissimilar occasion.
The unity of Government which
constitutes you one people, is also now
dear to you. It isjuTyfo; for it is a
main pillar in the edifice of your real
Independence, the support of your
tranquility at home, your peace a
broad ; of your fafety ; of your pros
perity ; of that very liberty which you
so highly prize. But, as it is easy to
forefee, that from different causes and
from different quarters, much pains
will be taken, many artifices employ
ed, to weaken in your minds the con
vision of this truth ; as this is the
point in your political fortrefs, against
which ^e batteries of internal and ex
ternal enemies will be moil constantly
and actively, (though often covertly
and inlidioufly) directed, it is of in
finite moment that you should pro
perly eßimate the immense Value of
your National Union, to your collec
tive and individual happiness ; that
you should cherish a cordial, habitual
and immoveable attachment to it ; ac
customing yourselves to think& speak
of it as of the palladium of your politi
cal fafety and ptofperity, watching for
its preservation with jealous anxiety ;
discountenancing whatever may sug
gest even a suspicion that it can in a
ny event be abandoned ; and indig
nantly frowning upon the firft dawn
ing of every attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest,
or to enfeeble the sacred ties which
now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement
Interwoven as is the love of liberty
with every ligament of your hearts,
no recommendation of mine is neces
sary to fortify or confirm the attach
ment.-
These confederations speak a per
suasive language to every reflecting
and virtuous mind, and exhibit the
continuance of the Union as a prima
ry objed of a patriotic desire. Is
there a doubt, whether a common
government can embrace so large a
sphere ?—Let experience fclve it.—
To lillen to mere speculation in such
acafe were criminal. We are author
ifed to hope that a proper organiza
tion of the whole, with the auxiliary
agency of governments for the ref
peSive subdivisions, will afford a hap
of Sympathy and interest. Citizens,
by birth or choice, of a common
country, that country, has a right toj
concentrate your affections. The name ]
of American, which belongs to youl
in your national capacity,muft always •
exalt the just pride of patriotifm,morel
than any appellation derived from 10-;
cal discriminations. With flight Shades
of difference, you have the fame reli
gion, manners, habits and political
principles. You have in a common
cause fought & triumphed together ;
the Independence and Liberty you '
poiTefs are the work of joint councils,
and joint efforts, of common dangers,
Sufferings and fucccffes.
But these considerations however
powerfully they address themselves to
your sensibility, are greatly outweigh
ed by those which apply more imme
diately to your interest. Here every
portion of your country finds the mod
commanding motives for carefully
guarding and preserving the union of
the whole.
The N^th in an unreftraiied inter
course with the South, protected by
the equal laws of a common govern
ment, finds in the productions of the
latter, great additional refotrces of
maritime and commercial enierprife,
and precious materials of mtuufac
ing industry. The South in the fame
intercourse, benefiting by the agency
of the North, fees it agriculture grow,
and its commerce expand. Turning
partly into its own channels the sea
men of the North, it finds its particu
lar navigation invigorated—and while
it contributes, in different ways, toi
nourish and increase the general mass
of the national navigation, it looks
forward to the protection of a mari
time strength, to which itfelf is une
qually adapted. The Eafl in a like
intercourse with the Weft, already
finds, and in the progressive improve
ment of interior communications, by
land and water, -will more and more
find a valuable vent for the commo
dities which it brings from abroad, or
manufactures at home. The H^eJi
derives from the Erst supplies requisite
to its growth and comfort—and what
is perhaps of still greater consequence
it must of necessity owe the secure en
joyment of indispensable outlets for
its own productions to the weight, in
fluence, & the future maritime strength
of the Atlantic fide of the union, di
rected by an indifloluble community
of interest as one notion. Any other
tenure by which the IQ? can hold
this essential advantage, whether de
rived from its own separate strength,
or from an apostate and unnatural
connection with any foreign powers,
must be intrinsically precarious.
While then every part of our coun
try thus feels an immediate and par
ticular interest in Union, all the parts
combined cannot fail to find in the
united mass of means and efforts,
greater strength, greater resource, pro
portionably greater security, from
external danger, a less frequent inter
ruption of their peace by foreign na
tions ; and what is of molt inestimable
value ; they mutt derive from Union
an exemption from those broils & wars
between themselves, which so fre
quently afflict neighbouring countries,
not tied together by the fame govern
ment ; which their own rivallhips a
lone would be fufficient to produce,
but which opposite foreign alliances,
attachments and intrigues would fti
miilate and embitter. Hence, like
wise, they will avoid the necessity of
those overgrown military establish
ments, which under any form of go
vernment are inauspicious to liberty,
and which are to be regarded as par
ticularly hostile to Republican Liber
ty : In this sense it is, that your Union
ought to be considered as a main prop
of your liberty, and that the love of
the one oughtgo endcar to you the
preservation of the other.
py issue to the experiment. 'Tis well
worth a fair and full experiment.—
With fiich powerful and obvious mo
tives to the Union, affe&ing all parts
of oar country, while experiment fnall
not have demonstrated its impractica
bility, there will always be reason to
diltruft the patriotism of those, who
in any quarter may endeavour to
weaken its bands.
matter of serious concern, that any
• ground Should be furnished for cha
raßeriting parties, by Geographical dis
criminations—Northern & Southern —-
Atlantic and Weftern ; whence design
ing men may endeavour to excite a
belief, that there is a real difference of
local interests and views. One of the
expedients of party to acquire influ
ence, within particular diftri&s, is to
misrepresent the opinions and aims of
other diftrids. You cannot shield
yourselves too much against the jea
lousies and heart burnings which
spring from those misrepresentations ;
they tend to rendor^ r ~g' ty other,
those who ought to be bound togeth
er by fraternal affe&ion. The inha
All obftruSions to the execution of
the laws, all combinations and associ
ations, under whatever plausible char
acter, with the real design to direct,
controul, counteract or awe the regu
lar deliberation and action of the con
stituted authorities, are deßruCtive of
this fundamental principle, and of fa
tal tendency. They serve to organ
ize faction, to give it an artificial and
extraordinary force—to put in the
place of the delegated will of the na
tion, the will ofa party, often a small
but artful and enterprising minority
of the community : and according to
the alternate triumphsof different par
ties, to make the public adminillra
that with Spain, which secure to them
every thing they could desire, in ref
ped to our foreign relations, towards
confirming their prosperity. Will it
not be their wisdom to rely for the
preservation of these advantages on
the union by which they were pro
cured ? Will they no'fhenceforth be
deaf to those advisers, inuch there are,
who would fever them from their
brethren, and conned them with
aliens ?
To the efficacy and permanency of
your Union, a government for the
whole is indispensable. No alliances,
however ftrid, between the parts can
be an adequate substitute ; they must
inevitably experience the infractions
and interruptions which all alliances
in all times have experienced—Sensi
ble of this momentous truth, you have
improved upon your firft essay, by
the adoption of a constitution of gov
ernment better calculated than your
former for an intimate Union, and
for the efficacious management of
your common concerns. This gov
ernment, the offspring of your own
choice, uninfluenced and unawed, a
dopted upon full investigation and
mature deliberatinon, completely free
in its principles, in the distribution of
its powers, uniting security with en
ergy, and containing within itfelf a
provision for its own amendment, has
a just claim to your confidence and
your support. Refped for its author
ity, compliance with its laws, acqui
eience in its measures, are duties en
joined by the fundamental maxims of
true liberty. The basis of our politi
cal fyflems is the right of the people
to make and to alter their constitu
tion of government. But the con
stitution which at any time exits, un
til changed by an explicit and authen
tic ad ot the whole people, is sacredly
obligatory upon all. The very idea
cf the power andthe right of the peo
ple to establish government, pre-fup
pofes the duty of every individual to
obey tile established government.
unfounded were the suspicions propa
gated among them, of a policy in the
general government and in the Atlan
tic States unfriendly to their interests
in regard to the Migifippi ; they have
been witncffes to the formation of two
treaties, that with Great Britain and
bitants of our weftern country have
lately had a ufeful lesson on this head.
They have seen, in the negociation by
the Executive, and in the unanimous
ty with Spain, and in the universal
fatisfadion at that event throughout
the United States, a decisive proof how
ratification by the Senate, of the Trea-
In contemplating the causes which
may disturb our Union, it occurs as
Ition the mirror cf_,e ill concerted @
1 and incongruous projects of faction ra
ther than the organ of confident and
wholesome plans digested by common 0
councils and modified by- mutual in
terests.
However combinations or affheia
tions of the above defcriptiom may
now and then answer popular ends,
they are likely in the course of time
and things, to become potent engines,
by which cunning, ambitious and un- ffi
principled men, will be enabled to
subvert the power of the people, and M
to usurp for themselves the reins of ra
government ; destroying afterwards,
the very engines which have lifted *
them to unjust dominion.
Towards the preservation of your Y
government, and the permanency of
your prelent happy Rate, it is requi- @
site not only that you Readily dis
countenance irregular opposition to r
its acknowledged authority, but also
that you refill with care, the spirit of ^
innovation upon its principles, howe-^
ver specious the pretexts. One meth- |^
od of assault may be to effect, in the
forms of the constitution, alterations
which will impair the energy of the
system, and thus to undermine what ra
cannot be diredly overthrown. In _
all the cliunges to whicli you may be
invited, remember that time and hab-%
it are at lead as necefiry to fix the „
true character of government, as of o
ther human institutions ; that experi- p
ence is the surest standard, by which
to tell the real tendency of the exist
ing constitution of a country—that
facility in changes upon the credit cf
mere hypothecs and opinion, erpofes
to perpetual change, from the endlcfs
, variety of hypothesis and opinion ; —
and remember, especially, that for «
; the efficientmanagement ofyour com-H
mon interest, in a country so exten- |
five as ours, a government of as much
vigor as is confident with the perfect
security of liberty, is indispensable.—
Liberty itfelf will find in such a gov
ernment, with powers properly dis
tributed and adjusted, its surest guar-E
dian. It is, indeed, little else than a &
name, where the government is too E
feeble to withßand the enterprises of U
faßion, to confine each member of
the society within the limits prescribed
by the laws, and to maintain all in
the secure and tranquil enjoyment of
the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you,
the danger of parties in the date, with
particular reference to the founding of H
them on geographical diferiminations.
Let me now take a more comprehen- W
five view, and warn you in the most
solemn manner againtt the baneful cf
feds of a spirit of party, generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is infe- M
parable from our nature, having its
root in the Rrongeft patlions of the ha
man mind. It exißs under different ra
Shapes in all governments —more or H
less ftifled, controuled, or reprefled ;
but in those of the popular form, it is
seen in its greatest rankness and is tru
ly their word enemy.
The alternate domination of one H
fusion over another, Sharpened by
the spirit of revenge, natural to par
ty diffention, which in different ages
and countries has perpetrated the ra
most horrid enormities, is itfelf a ffi
frightful despotism—But this leads at
length to a more formal and perma
nent despotism. The disorders and
miseries, which result, gradually in
cline the minds of men to Seek fecuri- R
ty and repose in the abfolnte power
of an individual ; and sooner or later
the chief of some prevailing fadion, ffl
more able or more fortunate than q
his competitors, turns this disposition
to the purposes of his own elevation, &
on the ruins of Public Liberty.
Without looking forward to an ex
tremity of this kind (which neverthe
less ought not tq be entirely out of
tight) the common and cont nual mif
chiefs of die spirit of party are fuffi- a
cient to make it the interest and duty
of a wife people to difeourage and re- ffl
drain it.
It serves always to diftrad the Pub
lie Councils and enfeeble the Public
Administration. It agitates the com- 8
munitv with ill-founded jealouties and H
falfe alarms ; kindles the anhnotity of
one part against another, foments oc
cafionaliy riots and infurredion. It W
opens the door to foreign influence Ba
and corruption, which find a facilitat
cd access to the government itfelf