The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-07-30 00:00:00, page 3

respect, or ascribe to him opinions on
the subject of our foreign relations at
r variance with those of Mr; Jefferson.
'' I knew those surmises respecting
Mr. Jefferson to be altogether desti
tute of foundation. ''To hate, in the
most indirect manner, Suggested or
countenanced a belief in them would
have been direct falsehood. So far
from having even by my silence, acqui
esced in insinuations of that nature;
when Mr. Erskine once, and once on
-Ily dropt a hint to that effect, intimat
|* ing a supposed hostility to England,
', and that the President had not placed
D_J her conduct in a fair Jight before the
public, I immediately repelled the
charge, and among other observations,
reminded him that the only time when
the British government had, by the
the proposed equalization of duties,
made an approach of a liberal and con
ciliatory nature towards America, it
was immediately met by the President
who had expressly recommended the
^subject to Congress in his messsage;
and that the plan had been defeated by
, the clamour of that party in America,
iwhich was considered the best dispos
ed towards Threat-Britain. That, on
that occasion, a change took place in
my manner is Very probably; but Mr.
Erskine has ascribed it to a source
very different from that which occa
>stoned it. I had very lately been zeal
ously employed in repelling thecharge ;
h a charge which I never could hear
I without indignation. Eight years of
the most intimate intercourse, during
which not an act, nor hardly a thought
respecting the foreign relations of A
merica was concealed, enable me confi
dently to say, that Mr. Jefferson nev
er, had in that respect any other object
in view but the protection of the rights
' of the United States against every
foreign aggression or injury from
whatever nation it proceeded, and has,
in every instance, observed towards all
the belligerents the most strict justice
land the most scrupulous impartiality.
1 His character stands not in need of this
A\ declaration :It is due to myself."
# TIIE New-Hampshire Patriot of the
24th. current contains a piece over the
signature of Philo, which cannot be
A " suffered to pass Without some few of
L the animadversions, to which it is ex
f posed. Without any observations on
■ the character, conduct or views of the
reputed author, all which arc sufficient-
Ri Jy vulnerable, we shall proceed direct
ly ly to the object of this paper.
The first column of the address is
■ ' taken up by some very correct obser
vations on the commerce of the United
States; but the attempt of the writer
to prove that the present dominant
Iparty have " a strong attachment to
L it," although plausible, arc altogether
fallacious. "At an early period of
h f its existence," says he, “ the Repub,
I Mean Administration voluntarily aban
, doned taxation and placed its whole
dependence on commercial duties—-
{, Surely then it would be absurd to sup
-1 pose it could be unfriendly to that
,' which formed its entire support." If
by commerce is meant the exchange of
Il the surplus produce & manufactures of
one country for those of another, no
,/ man in his senses ever believed the re-
I & publican administration wefeunfriend
) ly to it. It is presumable that, at the
f present day, no administration, in any
ICountry on the globe, can be accused
, I©f any thing so absurd. But if by
commerce we understand the business
h of making this exchange, by export
ling in our own bottoms, navigated by
I) our own mariners, these articles apd
g 4 importing, in like manner, their pro
ceeds, in such foreign articles as we
■ I have occasion for, which is certainly
1. what every one understands by the
W form, his argument proves precisely
I 'nothing: For it is the same thing to
the revenue whether the articles, from
the importation of which it arises, are
1 imported in our own or in foreign bot
vms.
:We lose, it is true, the revenue aris
/ $ 0g from the profits of the native mer
fhants; but this will be fully cpippen
£ ited by the discriminating duties, and
£ robably overbalanced. If ro&Con^
COMMUNICATIONS.
argument to induce the British Minis,
try to alter, their measures towards A,
inerica; and that the opinions thus as
cribed to me were his own, is sufficient
ly obvious from the whole tenor of his
despatch. But the inference as it re
lates to me is totally erroneous ; And
Mr. Erskine must have mistaken my
assent to the existence of surmises of
partiality in Mr. Jefferson towards
France for an acquiescence in the truth
of them.
“ I might with truth have spoken
of Mr. Madison, not as feeling any
particular admiration for the British
constitution and institutions but as hav
ing neither bias or enmity towards
France or England. But 1 never could
or did contrast his sentiments in that
For the Constitutionalist.
gress could at any time augment them,
or raise the impost and tonnage so as
to make up the defunct. It is to this
business and motto the exchange itself
that the republican administration are
accused of being unfriendly. Perhaps
the assertion will hardly be credited,
but is strictly true, that a wish has been
expressed on the floor of the House of
Representatives of the United States
by influential members, in open de
bate, that " the United States had not
a vessel, on the ocean, larger than a
coaster." And probably nothing but
a fear of the consequences to the party
has prevented the adoption of effectual
measures to reduce our commerce to
this state. As the argument of Philo
does not go to disprove the enmity
of the republican administration to
commerce in this proper and popular
sense of the Word, it must be seen that
it entirely falls to the ground. Wheth
er they have in fact exerted a guardian
vigilance and parental care to protect
it" is left to the decision of those con
cerned in it. We presume their opin
ion materially differs from, that of Phi
lo. In this argument we see the so
phistry of the writer, and may learn
to appreciate his candourand honesty.
Philo asserts that " twenty thousand
American mariners impressed from our
vessels are now in the service of Eng
land." If this were expressed in fig
ures candour would compel one to con
sider it as.a mere error of the press,
and the writer would only be request
ed to correct it. But As it is in words
at length, it must be considered as a
flagrant and intentional violation of
truth-—a downright, gross lie. An as
sertion, in which he would not besup
ported even by the shameless effronte
ry of an Austin or a Duane. We de
fy,him to prove by authentic docu
ments that there are now in the service
of England one twentieth part of this
number of real Americans. There are
probably more American seamen now
ip the prisons of France, than there are
on board the British navy. We here
see that as little confidence can be
placed in the round assertions of Philo
as in his arguments.
To prove the impartiality of our
government to the two great belliger
ent powers, Philo asserts that " while
it has resisted the encroachments of the
British it has eqiraily repulsed every
aggression of the French," and in a
note refers to Armstrong's letter to
Champagny, But when was this let
ter written? Not till after the govern
ment had, with the tameness and pu
sillanimity of slaves, submitted for sev
en or eight years to every insult and
injury which the cupidity and injustice
of Bonaparte could devise—mot till he
had,almost without the,hadow of a pre
tence, & in Violation of the first princi
ples of the law of nations, seized on &
confiscated all the American property
in his ports & those of the countries un
der his controul, amounting to many
millions of dollars. A strong proof this
—and what is vulgarly called a knock
me-down argument. Had such a let
ter been written four or five years ago
it would have done the writer and the
government that employs him much
honour. But considering the timeand
the occasion, it only proves that they
are capable of being goaded into spirit
enough to kick.
But " Mr. Jefferson," says Philo,
" so far from indulging the smallest
bias of favouritism or partiality for
France, resisted the improper preten
sions of Mr. Genet with the same talents,
sincerity and earnestness, that he ex
ercised in combating the British minis
ter/' Who does not know that Mr.
Jefferson. Was then acting under the no
ble-spirited WASHINGTON? Who
does not know that in all diplomatic
correspondences carried on at the seat
'of government, the Secretary of State
is obliged to express the sentiments of
the Executive of which he is merely
the organ; whether they agree with his
own or not? And who does not re
collect that at the very time Genet ac,
cased ,Mr. Jefferson of having a lan
guage official, and a language confiden
tial, counteracting by one the effect of
the other ? .If Philo does not, the p^b.
Jie does s Besides it was always sup
posed that the President himself and
Mr. Hamilton had a great hhnd in that
able correspondence.
But Philo says that Mr. Adams had
a high opinion of Mr. Jefferson and
Mr. Madison and wished to send one
of them to Negotiate with (he French
Government, The talents of these
gentlemen are unquestionable; and
their known partiality to France was
the very reason why he wished to send
one of them to negotiate with it; for
he knew that such was its enhiity to
$e Federal Administration that it
would not treat with any agents that
were friendly to ft. The experiment
had been fairly tried by President
Washington and had completely failed.'
Besides he certainly could and would
havegiven whomsoever he seut instruc
tions, which should Have restrained
them from sacrificing the rights or in
terests of the country ; and any treaty
they might have made would Lave
been under the controul of the Execu
tive.< Philo himself knows too well
the effects of a change of political prin
ciples to think it strange that Mr. Ad
ams should now, since his death-bed
conversion to democracy, speak favour
ably of Mr. Jefferson, and endeavour
to exculpate him from the charges
which lie against him—charges which
well required something more than the
declarations of a political turncoat to
remove.
To comment upon" every groundless
assertion and sophistical argument of
Philo would extend this paper beyond
all reasonable bounds. Enough has
been said to shew the public how little
dependence can be placed in the form
er, and what force this can allow the
latter. In regard to the impartially of
the present administration 1 shall only
add that whoever will carefully or even
cursorily examine the tiles' of the Na
tional Intelligencer, the government
paper, will find a continued series of
the most malignantinvectives against the
Britishtgovernment, and of mean and
cringing apologies for Bonaparte. He
will see a spaniel licking the bloody
jaws of the fell Hyena, opened to de
vour him, while he is insolently snarl
ing at the comparatively mild and gen
erous Lion. ANTI-PHILO.
MR\BEALS,
AMONG the distinguished charac
ters presented to the public, as Candi
dates for the next Congress, I notice
with regret, the name of the Hon. Jo
siah Bartlett. Mistake me not Mr.
Printer—a want of qualification in the
learned Doctor, is by no means meant
to be insinuated by the word regret—
as a suggestion of the kind, would bring
the whole literati about my ears. As
proof in point, I now invite you to
contemplate the majestic exterior of
that Gentleman—his suavity of man
ners—his manly, graceful, dignified de
portment—his knowledge of the hu
man heart, and of the world—his can
did, independent mind, soaring above
party distinctions—his political expe
rience, and senatorial eloquence—his
perfect knowledge of, and readiness in
using, all the hardest words in Physic
—and above all, his far remove from
quackery in every thing. ; All these
endowments put together Mr. Printer,
must give the lie direct to an idea, that
he is not " supereminently" qualified
for any, and for every thing.. But
alas! we cannot spare him., Should
the faculty give him their influence,
their motives must be selfish, as none
can rise to eminence while he is in the
practise. Does the politician pretend
to be in favour of his Election, then
mark him also, as self, not patriotism
must be his motive in wishing to send
the Doctor out of the State, particular
ly at a moment when he is upon the very
point of being talked of for Governor.
He is a rare character Mr- Printer, a
very rare character, and his talents
must not be lost jn ri mob, like that of
Congress, who would never have sa
gacity to find out, or honesty to ac
knowledge his worth —particularly the
southern members, as they never would
acknowledge talents to be congenial to
our climate. I will mention another
objection, which is, of awful magnitude.
These fellows you know, are very
fond of shooting, arid it would be per
fectly characteristic in the Jockeys to
breed a wrangle with the Doctor, as his
talents must excite their envy—and such
is his sense of honor, such his high
toned spirit —that Ive .would doubtless
descend to their level, though proba
bly he never pulled a pistol's trigger.
Then we should lose him forever Mr.
Printer—the Ladies lose their Doctor
—the State its Politician ! No more
should we behold him travelling about
at his own expense—offering, unsplic
ed his medicine and advice, and at a
r very small advance too. No more
would the Senate of liis native state,
hear from his susive lips, unanswera
ble arguments, ih favour of concilia
tory measures ! He must not go Mr.
Printer —he must not go.„
How ridicnloM-,hQW humiliating it
is, that we should sometimes laugh at
observations we despise. But so it is.
The other day in conversation with a
rattle-headed fellow, the Dog had the
impudence so say, that should the
Doctor go to Congress, 'he would wag
er a beaver hat, that when his name
"was called on a qupstion -=th*t fotyea,
he would answer yes-urn. I was very
angry, as you may suppose, butmany
people will laugh when hi a'passion—
and |p did I. Now Mr. Printer, not-.
withstanding I am from principle, artd
for reasons before assigned, decidedly
opposed to his Election^yet truth and
justice compel me to declare, that I
think the foregoing a base —a ground
less, insinuation; and allowing him a
reasonable time to familiarise himself
to the rules, regulations and customs
of Congress, say two or three sessions
at most—l will wlger twenty beaver
hats, that he would not, even once in
For the Constitutionalist.
which he left the 10th June, and in
forms, that some affairs of out-posts
had taken place between the allied
English and Portuguese armies,; and
the French on the frontiers ; and that
an important battle,was hourly expec
ted. No apprehensions were enter
tained in Lisbon of the speedy posses
sion of that city by the French.
,EXTRACT OF A LETTER. ; ,
" Lisbon, June, 1810. American,
produce can be sent here to a good
market;, with perfect safety, at least to
the end of the year.".
FURTHER FROM PORTUGAL-
To the outline of the preceding, fur
nished by Capt. 'Davis, a file of Lisbon
papers to the Sth ,J.une< enables, us to
add, That on the 1 4th May, the French
Princeof Esling [Massena,] arrived at
Valladolid having previously visited the
centre of the army at Salamaucha. —
He has probable chosen this position to
digest and direct great operations, a
gainst Portugal,, The French force
which is to execute them, form a line
nearly the length of Portugal.—The
right commanded by the Duke of A
brantes [Junot] is at Astorga ; —Thq
centre, under the Duke, of Elchingin
[Ney] near Cindad.Rodrigo; and the
left under Count Regnier, in Spanish
Estremadura. . These operations will
not only be extensive, but from these
lection of so able a captain as Massena,
and such experienced Lieutenants as
Ney, Junot and Regnier, to execute
them, they must be important and
complicated. To oppose this force,
the British have in Portugal some of
their best and most popular Generals ;
but unless more reliance can be placed,
in a regular onset, on the Spanish and
Portuguese militia, than experience
has appeared to warrant, their, force
is much,inferior in effective strength
to the French; the latter having re
ceived much stronger reinforcements
than the former—the veteran troops
from the garrisoned cities forming part
of these reinforcements —their places
being supplied with new troops. If
a general battle is fought (which we
do not think the English commander
will risk), it must indeed be bloody;
and he decisive of the fate of the cam
paign, if not,of the Kingdom.,
fit is worthy remark,that two of the
French Generals, (Junot and Regnier)
advancing op Portugal, have hereto
fore, been defeated by two of the
English Generals inPortugal. It may
be, that Napoleon has assigned to
them their present situations to give
;them opportunity to rfipe off what he
may consider disgraceful spots on their
sabres ; and if he has so done, he has
doubtless fdrnished the necessary means
to effect the end, , , ; ~.,
fr.,The hatred ofttie French by the
Portuguese is represented to be as in
veterate as were to be expected from
the barbarities exercised by the former
when they traitorously overran the
kingdom, before they were driven
therefrom by the Engtish.
len times, substitute the word yes-um
—for yea. f
But before I close permit me briefly
to state one other conversation I late
ly had with a person of at least as much
impudence as the one just noticed, and
submit the issue of the case to the pub
lic— >r which may be most proper, to
his numerous customers. I had as
usual been very profuse in my com
mendations of the Doctor's usefulness
as a practitioner. I had stated in the
strongest terms my full conviction, that
his loss (to this vicinity iq particular)
would be irreparable—-that I know of
no man, or number of men, in whom
the Ladies in particular could place
such confidence. But the quizzing fel
low, with whom I held the conference,
discovering in the very turn of his eye,
more wit than sincerity, observed, that
notwithstanding the Doctor's popular
ity, he would t^ave an ample substi
tute behind him. This put me on re
flection, and after mentioning the names
of all the members of thedifferent Med
ical Societies, published in the New-
Hampshire Register, I challenged him
to select his man. But to this he very
deliberately replied, that neither of the
persons mentioned were even thought
of by him. I then asked him if he was
going out of the State, of do Europe,
or where the D- -I he wa3 going for
his pretended substitute. His answer
was, no where— 1 then with confidence
renewed my challenge—calling upon
him again and again to fulfil his prom
ise—When the half witted. Ctlley fel^
low, finding himself entangled in his
own-folly, made his reply; and who
or what do you think this famous
substitute can be? iWhy, (restrain if
possible your riscables Mr. Printer,)
it is no more nor less than the Doctor's
little saddle bags. Q.^
Capt. Johnson arrived from Lisbon,
EXETER,
MONDAY, JULY 30, 1810.
— —CTTOTCG)®G@|^^>]^ ^@Q — — .
AFFAIRS in PORTUGAL.
/Y RATEFUL for past favours and
like the world, still soliciting for
new :—The Subscriber respectfully ac
quaints his friends, and the public in
general, that he has lately received di
rect from the manufactories at Lynn,
an elegant and extensive assortment of
Goods in his line of business, viz.—,
Ladies', Misses' and Children's KID
and MOROCCO SHOES,, various
colours and sizes ; Men's, Boy's and
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Men's and Youth's DATS. ..
CT All the above articles, will be soldi
cheap for cash or approved credit.
*** Orders from the. country strict
ly attended to and the smallest favours
duly acknowledged.*
BENJ. LOVERING, juk.
Exeter, July 30, 1810.
Just received and for sale at
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th WILLIAMSON'S Celebrated
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Copy of a note, and extract ofa letter
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;<Washington, 26th Jan. 1808.
" Th : Jefferson presents his compliments
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ry fine steel Pen he has been so kind as to
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Auction. ?
THIS day, at 4 o'clock P. m. gt,
the Court House, in Exeter, a ?
bout twenty acres of MOWING
and PASTURING LAND, .lying
near Little River Bridge, on the road
to Kingston,. lately owned by Mr.
Amos Blanchard.
Conditions made known at the sale.
3. EMERY,
July 30, 1810. /
District of Maine, to wit :
BE IT REMEMBERED-That
on the second day of July, in the.
thirty-fourth year of the Independence
of the United States, David Hazel
tine, of the said District, hath depos
ited in this office, the title of a book %
the right whereof he claims as author,
in the following words, to wit. “ In
structor in Martial Music ; contain
ing Rules and Directions for the Drum
and Fife; with a select collection of
Beats, Marches, Airs, B§c. By David.
Hazeltine:" : .
In conformity to the Act of the
Congress of the United States, entitled,
" An Act, for the encouragement of
learning by securing the copies of maps,
charts .and books to the authors and.
proprietors of such copies,, during the
the,times therein mentioned." And
also " An, Act supplementary to an
Act, entitled an Act for the encourage
ment of learning by securing the copies
of maps, charts and books, to the au
timers and proprietors of such copies,
during the times therein mentioned, &
extending, the benefits thereof to the
arts of designing,, engraving and etch
ing historical and other prints."
Henry sewall, c^
JUST Published, and for sale at the
Bookstore of C. Norris <§- Co,
Exeter and by E. Little § Co. New-,
bury port, ,'
"A Treatise of the Law, relative to
Merchant Skips and Seamen,.in four
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the Navigation thereof.—3.Of the Car
riage of Goods therein.—4., Of the
Wages of Merchant .Seamen. ——By
Charles Abbott, Barrister at Law.
The Second American from the Third
London Edition, with Annotations—
By Joseph Story, Esq. Counsellor at
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\ , . of Maine District.
A true Copy as of Record.
Attest. H. Sewall, Clerk.
Boot, Shoe & Hat Store.
(# The above work is now in the
press of C. Norris & Co. July 30.
Abbott on Shipping.
July 30.