The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-07-23 00:00:00, page 1

had so unremittingly endeavoured to establish ? It cannot for
one moment be believed. The charge, that the federalists are
endeavouring to establish monarchy in this country, is without
foundation. No proof can be adduced to satisfy a candid mind
it is so. If you ask, what evidence have you of the fact? ii^
^ stead °' evidence you receive round assertions. If the
Federal Administration was so bad, how did they keep peace
with all nations ? How did our commerce flourish beyondall for
mer example? How was our treasury replenished ? The answers
are plain—lt was owing to the wisdom of those men, who then
administered the government: But the scene is now changed.
Since our government has received the atttention and foster
ing care of a JEFFERSON and his political adherents, our
revenue has been constantly declining, our respectability as a
nation, constantly decreasing, and we have now arrived to a
point of degradation^ never before witnessed since the forma
tion of our present government. This is a fact which cannot be
denied, flow are we to e^trzcafe^ourselves and our govern
ment from this sad dilemma into which Jefferson and his fol
lowers, have plunged us. By paying particular attention to
the choice of our rulers. Let us then my Fellow-Citizens on
the next Congressional Election give our suffrages for such
men as have been taught in the School of Washington, men of
undoubted talents and integrity, men selected from the differ
ent orders in society, men, who will ever oppose unnecessary
and oppressive Embargo and Noh-intercourse Laws, men, whp
will have the good of the country and happiness of the people
at heart, such men are the.abovc, and such only deserve your
suffrages. 'ft AN ELECTOR.
[REPRESENTATIVES FOR THE 12th CONGRESS.]
Men devoted to the UNION OF THE STATES, and the
RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE—who will preserve inviolate
the FEDERAL CONSTITUTION.,,
Hon. GEORGE SULLIVAN,
„ WILLIAM HALE,
„. JAMES WILSON,
„ ROGER VOSE, and
„ DANIEL BLAISDELL.
* ■ro^^XdOtt^c^ -—
^, To the Free and Independent Electors of
New-Hampshire.
YOU will be called upon my Fellow-Citizens in the course
of a few weeks, to exercise the most important right secured
to you by the Constitution — The right of Electing Five men
to represent you in the Congress of the United-States, two
years from the fourth of March next —And as your political
happiness depends much upon the men you choose for your
rulers, it is your indispensible duty in making that choice, to
select those men, who are the best informed in the science of
government and best qualified to administer it ; men, free from
passion and prejudice, whose motives are pure and information
correct. In making this choice, always keep in mind, that
you have a common cause to maintain ; the welfare and happi
ness of your country, and its constitution to preserve. It ought
not to be an object with you to support a party, to please
boisterous and ambitious demagogues, but your sole object
Should be the good of your country.
The situation of America at the close qf the revolutionary
war was truly humiliating—Destitute of a government with
sufficient energy to carry any measures into effect. But as
soon as peace was established, and the danger of invasion fre
zhoved, a meeting of delegates from the different States assem
bled for the purpose of forming a Government for the States—
A government was formed and obtained the name of the fed
eral government. WASHINGTON, the man who had
fought our battles, and led our armies on to victory, was by
the unanimous voice of the people called to preside over us.
Those who were in favour of that government, were called
Federalists, those who were opposed trfit were called Anti-
Federalists. Under the administration of Washington and
Adams, our government increased in respectability and wealth,
which exceeded the most sanguine expectations of its support
ers. Notwithstanding the Federal Administration had raised
the nation from poverty, distress and wretchedness, to pros
perity and happiness, you were constantly told by the Anti
federalists and their adherents, that the Federalists were friends
to monarchy and were plotting the destruction of the Constitu
tion. Ido not pretend the federalists were perfect, they com
mitted errors, but they /were errors of the pardonable kind.
But their main object was, the good of the,country and happi
ness of the people. Can it be supposed Washington, who
did more for this people than any other person, who refused all
pecuniary reward, wished to destroy the very government he
Vol. I.]
WASHINGTON TICKET.
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
AGAINST THE INSIDIOUS WILES OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE, THE JEALOUSY OF A FREE PEOPLE, OUGHT TO BE CONSTANTLY AWAKE Washington.
EXETER, (N.H.) MONDAY, JULY 23, 1810.
moment, to the (public) message of the President, Jef
ferson, at the commencement of that session. It indi
cated in terms the most unequivocal, that the United
States were on the eve of war with Spain. Speaking
of the injuries received from that power, the message
said, " Some;< fthem arc of a nature to be met by force
only, and all of them may lead to it. I cannot theiefore
but recommend such preparations as circumstances call
for." The message, indeed abounded in that ambigu
ity of expression, & in that generalization of censure
upon " every belligerent,'' for which the luminous
mind,of that remarkable man was distinguished. Spain
was particularly complained of —the general censure
upob“ the belligerents," was evidently meant for Great
Britain bits nothing was said of France. Mark
this— not one word of France! Yet the President
had in his possession documents from. General Arm
strong announcing to him, in the most perfect of all
official forms, that as it respected the difficulties which
appeared to exist between the American and Spanish
governments, there was in fact, as Mr. Randolph,
soon after said in the- House of Representatives, "no
Spain." Speaking of Spain among other matters, the
President said," Propositions for adjusting amicably
the boundaries of Louisiana have not been acceded to."
In a private message soon after he said " It is the po
licy of Spain to reserve herself for events." Yet this
arch deceiver knew that the reason why the bounda
ries of Louisiana could not be adjusted with Spain
was that France would not suffer Spain to adjust
them with the United States upon any terms whatever!
And he was guilty of the most unprincipled conduct in
telling Congress (this he would not say to the Amer
ican People and the World) that it was the policy of
Spain to reserve herself for events, wheh his agents
abroad had informed him that it was the policy of
France to reserve Spain for events! (The public dics-
sage was sent to Congress on the 3d of December,
and the private message only three days after.) The
'' illustrious Jefferson," the only man on earth of
whom the writer is at this time disposed to speak with
severity, and that, he appeals to his God for the truth of
the assertion, for no private or personal reason, well
knew that from the very origin of the negotiations in
reference to the purchase as well as boundaries of Loui
siana, the government of Spain was suffered to take
no step whatever without applying for the commands
of France, am# was in the constant habit, at every
stage of the business, of sending to know what those
commands were, facts which will not be denied by either
of our Ministers who have been concerned in those ne
gotiations, or by their private Secretaries. And yet
this Man of the People-—thjs President of the '' good
old United States"—told Congress, in the private mes
sage, IWe have reason to believe that she (France)
was disposed to effect a. settlement (between the U.
States and Spain) on a plan analogous to what dur
Ministers proposed." What a horrible violator of
Truth ! When he said this, he knew that if France
" was disposed to effect a settlement." it would be
"effected" in one moment. But there is much virtue
in that word, "analogous." Analogous to what ?
" Our Ministers," in the offers they made, " proposed"
to RELINQUISH OUR CLAIMS FOR SPOLIATIONS, BOTH
SPANISH AND FRENCH, merely to obtain a
boundary for Louisiana ! For Spanish spoliations alone
it is Said we have lately been offered Eight Millions
of Dollars ! The " analogous," therefore as the pri
vate documents do not shew that our 'Ministers; in
making those offers, said any thing about buying
Florida, undoubtedly meant this —FRANCE WANTS
MONEY, AT LEAST EIGHT MILLIONS, BE
SIDES THE RELINQUISHMENT OF ALL
CLAIMS FOR SPANISH AND FRENCH SPOLI
ATIONS, AND MUS^ HAVE IT,
It was originally intended, by the writer of these
papers, to “ unfold the history," as well as to " dis
play the character," of French Influence upon the af
fairs of the United States. This was precisely the pledge
which he gave to the Public. It was his object to
examine in succession the various viands and the differ
ent dishes of the great political entertainment which
France has given to the United States— ab ovo usque
ad mala —from the egg to the apple of Thomas Jeffer
son's noble feast of Embargo. But there is a certain
impatience and ardour in the public mind which the
writer must suffer to influence, his conduct, though he
will not suffer them to govern it. As a public writer,
he knows his rights, and will maintain them with a firm
and proud independence. The Public have their rights
also. They may manifest impatience, they may exercise
all the powers of criticism, they may read or not read
as they please. But here they must stop. Thewriter
will listen to advice but he will repel dictation. Some
appear to require volumes in a moment upon a subject
which has required the reflection of years in merely
deciding upon the proper mode to be pursued, and
every step in the progress of which, in his own poor
judgment, demands great deliberation and great cau
tion. Sucll shall be disappointed. Such shall not
be obeyed. The author will, in this case, be , governed
by one of the few Jeffersonian maxims upon which he
now sets any value, and will " manage his own affairs
in his own way." The cool judgment of the Public,
however, will be greatly respected. In deference to
it, we now exhibit new, extraordinary and most inter-
POLITICAL MISCELLANY.
esting information, to the American People.
Descending then at once, to the memorable session of
1305 —6, the reader's recollection is recalled, for one
LETTERS UPON FRENCH INFLUENCE.
No. VIL
To the People of the United States.
From the Freeman's Journal.
As it is probable, that the wisdom,
magnanimity,' firmness, and, justice of
our Administration, and the majority
in Congress, will have been abundant
ly commemorated in toasts, and senti
ments, on the anniversary of Independ
ence, we re-publUh an extract from a
high-toned democratic paper, (& what
is better, an Irish democratic paper,)
the " Whig," entitled —" Extract
from the New Dictionary, as adopted
and exemplified at Washington.” r
If these remarks of Mr. Irvine are
just, surely we have no great reason
to toast our Administration, or their
supporters. If it be indeed so, that
the ministerial majority in Congress is
made up of fools and blockheads, their
friends out of Congress ought to say
but little about them. If these re
marks are unjust, we congratulate the
Jeffersonians throughout the country,*
on the modesty, and decency, which
these foreigners manifest towards those
who have lifted them from the kennel,
General Armstrong, at length, tan
talized beyond endurance in this busi
ness, and well knowing that there was a
snake in the grass, applied to M. Tal
leyrand to know w hat the united States
must expect from France, should they
go to war wrh Spain. The General
wrote to the President (and the Presi
dent incautiously suffered this to go
to Congress in the mass of confidential
documents) —" M. Talleyrand was in
stantaneous, prompt, unequivocal in his
reply. IF YOU GO TO WAR
WITH SPAIN, FRANCE CAN
NEITHER DOUBT NOR HESI
TATE!! SHEMUSTTAKE PART
WITH SPAIN!!!"
Thus early was the criminal man,
who then pretended to administer the
Executive Department of the Govern
ment of the United States, informed,
officially, by his own confidential agent,
of the inflexible determination of the
Emperor Napoleon to contfroul /Uie
conduct of the United States in its for
eign relations, and thus early, as we
shall soon abundantly prove, /did he
submit to such controul. These facts
infinitely momentous beyond ^ny thing
in our recent history, havebeen con
cealed from the good People of the U.
States, from 1805 to 1810 - 4
The confidential message so often al
luded to —the confidential documents
which accompanied it—the attempt of
Mr. Jefferson to make Mr. Illandolph,
as chairman of the committee to whom
the private message was referred (the
independent and honest Macon being
then the man who named committees)
the tool of the Executive to bring for
ward, in conclave, a proposition to ap
propriate Two Millions ol\ Dollars,
with a view to supercede the measures
which it seemed must naturally grow
out of the message, as it contained ! not
a hint about money, and did contain
many hints about war—the conversa
tion between Jefferson and Randolph,
involving the indignant refusal of the
latter to" act the dishonorable part as
signed him—the substance of conver
sations between the same gentleman
and Mr. Madison and Mr. Gallatin,
on the samesubject —the (sort ofMcom
mission issued to Mr. Bidwell! and
General Varnum, as Managers om the
House of Representatives, and Knights
of the Back Stairs, when it was ascer
tained that Mr. Randolph would Op
pose the administration—the sub-cty
cnses, and, other manoeuvres of tty
" new leaders" —with the result—will
be reviewed in secession. For the\
present, with the leave of the Public,
we will take a little time to PAUSE AND
I REFLECT.
The Editor of the Connecticut Mir
ror has of late been very laudibly em
ployed in exposing the frauds of the'
democrats, under the head of “ Science
of draining money from the Treas
ury." He has proved, from public doc
uments, that during the 8 } ^rs of
President Jefferson's administration,
there have been drawn from the Treas
ury, for the said President's accommo
dation and convenience, just 76,000
dollars more than were drawn for the
accommodation of President Washing
ton, during the 8 years he was in of
fice. Yet, according to democratic
newspapers and tavern orators, Wash
ington was a British partizan—an aris-.
tocrat—a federal prodigal—and Jeffer
son a patriot, greatly concerned to
save the people's money anil ease the
the mouth of labour.—o! Americans
how have you been deceved.
N Tren. Fed.
Moderation tergiversation ; du
plicity ; all things to all men: disre
gard of principle.
Responsibility —A scare crow ; ter
rific goblin; a devil, shunned alike by
the President a.I congress—despised
by the judiciary ; an excuse for stand
ing still—the apology of knaves; the
gibberish of fools.
Eloquence —Words; strong lungs.
; Courage (idem quod) Spirit —a ve
hement speech.
Energy —a string of resolutions,
presented yesterday, and withdrawn
to-day.
Profound —equivocal ; unintelligi
ble; that which contains five or six
meanings, (more or less.)
Independence —resolving to day, not
to submit, but rescinding the resolu
tion to-morrow.
Despatch of Business —Talking and
intriguing for five months, without do
ing any thing.
Patriotism—weighing English cuffs
against French kicks, and quietly set
tling the account.
Constitutionality —Selling a charter
for a bribe.
IGeneral1 General Welfare—The interest of
one paramount to that of ninety-nine
|Convincing argument —Dollars and
cents.
' Right —Profit ; gain.
Wrong —Loss; no money.
Perspicuity —Drafting a law, so
worded, that the secretary of the treasu
ry must tell folks what it means.
Brevity —Eighteen sections instead!
of a dozen of lines ; dividing a thing:
Into a hundred parts, instead of taking
it in the lump.
1 Forsight —to shut the door where
the steed is stolen.
- Panacea—Words, speeches and res
olutions.
,Simplicty of manners —Set forms of
introdoction at the levee, every Wed
nesday evening; excluding gentlemen,
dressed in boots, unless said gsntlemea
happen to be members of congress,'
whom it is expedient to indulge, to
sooth, to caress and flatter.
Super eminent talents— -Caution ;
mystery ; timidity; something hid in a
napkin, seen or understood by—no
body.
„ Regard for neutral rights —“ Re
solved that neutral rights be suffered to
shift for themselves."
The National Intelligencer has the
assurance, to vaunt and boast of the
conduct of the democratic papers on,
the recent intelligence of Bonaparte's
robberies. It pretends that the fede
ralists are quite astounded with the
manly tone and impartial conduct of
these papers, and that they are com
pletely deprived of all colour of pre
tence hereafter, in ascribing to the
democratic presses any French predi-|
lections. Now,|where is the founda
tion for all this. This very National
Intelligencer itself, has never found
either ' % time or room," to express one
pointed'' reprobation," as he terms it,
against these robberies, so ruinous, so
flagrant, so insulting, since the arrivals
of the John Adams, who brought then\
I
and made them men of importance;.lf
we are not mistaken, there is a proverb
which begins thus—" Set a bezoar on
horse-back," &c. If, however, the
people of the democratic States, should
really follow the directions of " Brig
adier General Duane," and Mr. Baptis
Irvine, &c. &c. and turn out the
" blockheads" which now represent;
them, what course will they take next ?
We have never understood it to be
claimed by any body, that the Jeffer
sonians of our country could be fairly
represented by integrity and talents.
should it then be thought proper to
give up the blockheads, we she not
but they must choose Duane, and Ir
vine, and such like, and at least let
the knaves, for once, have a fair dele
gation.—Con. Mirror.
Extract from the New Dictionary, as
adopted and exemplified at Wash
ington.
Dignified moderation —Passive obe
dience ; forbearance ; non resistance ;
submission ' to every indignity.
Honourable Retirement —runriig a
way from an enemy ; blocking one's
self up in one's house, barricading the
doors to " occlude" the pursuer.
Free Trade —Capture ; sequestra
tion ; confiscation.
Republicanism —Any thing or noth
ing.
From the Baltimore Whig, a Demo
cratic Paper.
[No. 10.