The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-08-05 00:00:00, page 1

In CONGRESS, July ^, 1778.
A LETTER signed Carlisle, H. Clinton,
Wm. Eden," Geo. Johnitone, dated
New-York, July 11, 177^ and direct
ed “ To his Excellency Henry Laurens
the President, and others the Members
of Congress," was received and read,
whereu pen Congress came to the following resolution:
Whereas, Congress in a letter to the British Com
miflioners of the 17th of June last, did declare that
they would be ready to enter upon the consideration
of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent
with treaties already subsisting, when the King of
Great-Britain should demonstrate a sincere dispositi
on for that purpose ; and that the only lolid proof of
this disposition, would be an explicit acknowledg
ment of the Independence of these States, or with
drawing his fleets and armies: And whereas, neither
of these alternatives have been complied with, there
fore.
Refolded, That no answer be given to the letter of
the iith instant from the British Commiflioners.
Ordered, That the said letter and the foregoing re
solution be published.
Extract from the Minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
The letter from the British CommiJJi oners is as follows :
To his Excellency HENRY LAURENS, the Presi
dent, and other the Members of Congress,
Gentlemen,
WE received soon after our arrival at this place,
your answer to our letter of the loth of June,
and are sorry to find on your part any difficulties
raised which must prolong the calamities of the pre
sent war.
You propose to us as matter of choice one or other
of two alternatives, which you state as preliminaries
necessary even to the beginning of a negociation for
peace to this empire.
One is an explicit acknowledgment of the Indepen
dence of these States. We are not inclined to dis
pute with you about the meaning of words: Butfo
far as you mean the entire privilege of the people of
North-America to dispose of their property, and to
govern themselves without any reference to Great-
Britain, beyond what is necessary to preserve that
union of force, in which our mutual fafety and ad
vantage consist: We think, that so far, th'eir inde
pendency is fully acknowledged in the terms of our
letter of the loth of June. And we are willing to
enter upon a fair difeuffion with you, of all the cir
cumstances that may be necessary to insure or even
to enlarge that Independency.
In the other alternative you propose, that his Ma
jesty should withdraw his fleets and his armies.
Although we have no doubt of his Majesty's difpo
fitibn to remove every fubje& of uneasiness from the
colonics, yet there are circumstances of precaution
a^ainft our ancient enemies, which joined to the re
gard that must be paid to the fafety of many, who,
from affedion to Great-Britain, have exposed them
selves to fuffer in this contest, and, to whom Great-
Britain owes fiipport at every expence of blood and
treasure, that will not allow us to begin with this
measure. How soon it may follow the firft advances
to peace on your part, will depend on the favourable
profpea you give of a reconciliation with your fel
low citizens of this Continent and with those in Bri
^in. In the mean time we assure you that no cir
cumstance will give us more fatisfadion, than to find
that the extent of our future connexion is to be de
termined on principles of mere reason and the consi
derations of mutual interest, on which we are wil
ling likewise to rest the permanency of any arrange
ments we may form.
In making these declarations we do not wait for
the decision of any military events. Having deter
mined our judgment by what we believe to be the in
terests of our country, we shall abide by the declara
tions we now make in every polhble situation of our
affairs.
You refer to treaties already subsisting, but are
pleafcd to with-hold from us any particular informa
tion in refped to their nature or tendency.
If they are in any degree to affect our deliberations,
we think that you cannot refufe a full communication'
of the particulars in which they consist, both for our
confederation and that of your own constituents, who
are to judge between us whether any alliance you
may have contrasted be a fufficient reason for conti
nuing this unnatural war. We likewise think our
selves entitled to a full communication of the powers
by which you conceive yourfclves authorized to make
treaties with foreign nations.
And we are led to ask fatisfadiOß on this point.
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. L]
WEDNESDAY, August 5, 1778.
because we have bbferved in your proposed articles of
confederation, No. 6 and 9, it is Bated that you should
have the power of entering into treaties and alliances
under certain reftridions therein fpecified, yet we do
not find promulgated any aft or resolution of the as
semblies of particular States conferring this power
on you.
As we have communicated our powers to you, we
mean to proceed without reserve in this business, we
will not suppose that any objection can arise on your
part to our communicating to the public so much of
your correspondence as may be necessary to explain
our own proceedings. At the fame time we assure
you, that in all such publications, the refpeft which
we pay to the great body of people you are supposed
to represent, shall be evidenced by us in every poffr
ble mark of consideration and regard.
We are, with perfect respect, Gentlemen, your
most obedient and most humble lei vanes,
CARLISLE,
H. CLINTON,
Wm. EDEN,
GEO. JOHNSTONE.
New-York, Jul, iith, 1778.
Published by order of Congress,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
In CONGRESS, July 9, 1778.
Ordered, That all letters received by Members of
Congress from any of the British Commissioners, or
their agents, or from any fubjedt of the King of
Great-Britain, of a public nature, be laid before
Congress. Extract from the Minutes,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
In consequence of the foregoing order, the follow
ing letters were laid before Congress.
To FRANCIS DANA, Esquire.
[PRIVATE.)
Dear Sir,
IT gives me great pleasure to find your name among
the lift of Congress, because I am perluaueu, from
personal knowledge ot me and my family and con
nedions you can entertain no iealoufy that 1 would
engage in the execution of any commifiion that was
inamicable to the rights and privileges of America,
or the general liberties of mankind. While on the
other hand your character must be so well known,
that 110 man will fufpe& you will yield any point that
is contrary to the real interdt of your country, and
therefore it will be prefuraec we will lose no oppor
tunity from falfe punctilio of meeting to difeufs our
differences fairly, and that if we do agree, it will be
on the most liberal, and therefore the most lasting
terms of union. There are three faffs I with to as
sure you of. First, That Doctor Franklin, on the
29th of March last, in difeuffing the fevered articles
we wish to make the balls of our treaty, was perfect
ly fatisfied they were beneficial to North-America,
and such as fire should accept. Second, That this
treaty with France was not the firft treaty that France
had exacted, and with which Mr. Simeon Deane had
put to fca, but granted and acceded to after the
sentiments of the people of Great-Britain had fully
changed, after the friends to America had gained their
points for reconciliation, and fblely with a view to
disappoint the good effects of our endeavours. You
will be pleafcd to hear the pamphlet wrote by Mr.
Pulteney was a great means of opening the minds of
the people of England to the real state of the question
between us, and that it has run through 13 editions.
The third sass is, that Spain unasked, had sent a
formal message disapproving of the conduct of France.
All these I will engage to prove to your fatisfaftion.
1 beg to recommend to your personal civilities my
friend Doctor Ferguson. He is a man of the greatest
genius and virtue, and has always been a steady friend
to America. Private. * ° • • '
If you follow the example of Britain in the hour of
her pride, infolcnce and madness, and refufe to hear
us, I kill expert, Since I am here, to have the pri
vilege of coming among you and teeing the country,
as there are many men whose virtues 1 admire above
Greek or Roman names, that I should be glad to tell
my children about. I am, with esteem and affection,
Dear Sir, your friend and servant,
GEO. JOHNSTONE.
Philadelphia, June 10, 1778.
A true copy compared with the original,
Examined in Congress July 16, 1778,
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
To General JOSEPH REED.
SIR,
YOUR near and worthy relation Mr. Dennis de
Berdt has made me happy by favouring me with
THE
a letter to you. I have been informed by General
Robertson of your great worth and consequence in
the unhaopy disputes that have subsisted between
Great-Britain and her descendants. Your pen and
your sword have both been used with glory and ad
vantage in vindicating the rights ot mankind, and of
that community of which you was a part. Such a
conduift as the firft and superior of ah human duties
must ever command my warmest friendship and ve
neration.
In the midst of those affecting feenes, my ccle
voice has not been wanting to flop the evils in tner
progress, and to remove on a large and liberal ft 1g
the causes of all jealou y —that every febjeft of the
empire might live equally free and secure in the en
joyment of the bleffngs of life—not one part depen
dent on the will of another with opposite interests, but
a general union on terms of perfect security and mu
tual advantage.
During the contest, I am free to confefs, my wishes
have ever been that America might so far prevail as to
oblige this country to fee their error, and to reflect and
reason faiily in the case of others, heirs to the fame
privileges with themselves. It has pleaded God in his
justice so to dispose of events that this kingdom is at
length convinced of her folly and her faults. A com
mission under parliamentary authority is now ifiued
for fettling, in a manner consistent with that union
of force on which the fafety of both parlies depend,
all the differences that have or can subsist between
Great-Britain and America, short of a total repara
tion of interests. In this cornmiffion lam an unwor
thy associate, though no man can feel the desire of
cementing in peace and friendfhip every member of
what was called the British empire Wronger than my
felf; yet lam fcnfible it might have fallen to the lot of
many persons better qualified to attain the end pro
posed. All I can claim is ardent zeal and upright in
tentions: And when I reflect that this negociation
must depend much mnrp tipon pprfoA int^eri+v than
refinement of unoerftanding',where a sensible, mag^
nanimous people will fee their own interest, and care
fully guard their own honour in every transaction, I
am more inclined to hope from the good will I have
always borne them, I am not altogether unqualified
for the task.
If it be (as I hope it is) the difpofi'ion of good men
in the provinces to prefer freedom in conjunction with
Great Britain to an union with the ancient enemy of
both—ls it is their generous inclination to forget de
cent injuries, and recal to their remembrance former
benefits, I am in hopes we may yet be great and 1 ap
py. lam sure the people in America will find in my
brother Commissioners and myfelf, a fair and chear
ful concurrence in adjusting every point to their uf
moft wish, not inconsistent, as I said before, with a
beneficial union of interests, which is the object of
our commission.
Nothing could surpass the glory you have acquired
in arms, except the generous magnanimity of meet
ing on the terms of justice and equality, after de
monstrating to the world that the fear of force could
have no influence in that decision.
The man who can be instrumental in bringing us
all to aft once more in harmony, and to unite toge
ther the various powers which this contest has drawn
forth, will deserve more from the King * and the
people, from patriotism, humanity, friendfhip, and
all the tender ties that are affeded by the quarrel and
reconciliation, than ever was yet bestowed on hu
man kind.
* A Member of Congress, <who zvas <with the army
at the time of the evacuation of this city and entered if
immediately after, received a billet from a Lady, some
of cohofe friends had gone off nuith the enemy, praying
the pleasure of his company. After some comerfation
about them, and the necessary introduaory conversation,
foe told him in plain terms, on the part of the nuriter of
this letter, that if be would use bis good offices in pro
curing a reconciliation, he should have 10,000 guineas
and any honours or offices be could ask from a grateful
Sovereign, hinting at the fame time that an answer
was expeded. Ie which the Gentleman replied, That
be was not worth purcbajing ; but even if be was, the
King was too poor to buy him. From this anecdote cue
learn, that so much of what was said to the Court of
France as related to the fending over money was true,
tbo' it seems the price was not, as they pretended, ac^
tually flipulated, for which the Members of Congrefe
were to fell their country and their fouls. I cannot irty
remarking that corruption must have pro-rated the
hearts and underflandings of the British leaders beloqsr
contempt, or they never would have dared thus to rifaut
every thing upon the wholefalepur,chafe of a Body whofe'
authority being derived from the people, will crumble
to pieces the infant they vary from the popular opinion#
[Numb. 35.]