Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1794-02-13 00:00:00, page 2

As to the fecund object of the resolu
tion, he had been always of opinion that
it is the trde way of accomplishing the
ends proposed. He had ever joined the
gentleman who brought this fonvard, in
considering the regulating of foreign (hip
ping, a principle of great importance to
the interest of the United States, and
whenever an answer (hiH be obtained
from our minister abroad, by which the
state of the prefenl negociation (hall ap
pear to be unfavorable to the United
!{tatcs, lie would be ready to enter fully
into the measure, and hoped then there
would be a perfect unanimity in that
committer, which Would greatlv ensure
the efficacy of the measure. But as
there was reason to expert the iflue of
the negotiation in a short time, he should
be unwilling to agree to any measure of
this nature having a principle of retalia
tion for its obiedi, till the real grievance
could be known, and of conrfe the com
mittee better capable of judging of the
adequate remedy. He was averse from
On the whole Mr. Boudinot observed,
that, while the duties already laid on the
farmer, mechanic, laborer and other citi
zens of the United. States, were fufficient
ly high for the support of government and
the protection and encouragement of our
home manufadtures, while higher duties
must in the end fall on those who are al
ready opprelfed with those duties that are
neCcflarv ; wliile our citizens cannot avoid
the duties by a supply from home manu
fathires or those of foreign nations in alli
ance with us ; while he was of opinion
that nations not in alliance, cannot be af
fected by duties paid by our citizens, he
did not think this the time to encreafe the
duties on articles which must be consumed
in the United States, for purposes which
it cannot clearly Sc. indubitably be proved,
will answer very eflential and important
ends to our government and its citizens.
Mr. Boudinot fai-I, he bad carefully a
♦oided faying any thing about the Algc
rines, because although in his private opi
nion l»o thought circumstances bore hard
againll Great Britain; yet as a legislator
he could rot lay his C lger on the evidence
?nd fay this or that proves the fact, and
as he bdieted some fadtshad been miltak
en, he was afraid of acting without ade
quate proof. Bciides, although lie was
at firtl uHcAfd by the fuggeflion, yet on
carefully investigating she prccefs of the
b'ifinefs, he thought he could fee reasons
which might render it poflible that Great
Britain had it good excuse for her couduft
independent of American confederations.
Every gentleman knows that Holland had
a confiderabk trade with Portugal, which
ilie was obliged to carry on with a convoy
of men of war on account of the Algcrines.
Portugal had three or four ships continu
ally cruizing 011 the failre account. Great
Britain (with these states) was engaged
In a was* with Trance, whose fleet not
withltauding all her difficulties was rather
fuperiof to that of Great Britain, It be
came then a coniiderable objedt vvilh Great
Britain to emancipate these (hips of her
allies from other ferviccs, so ao to operate
with her in the common cSufe. Again it
v.at pofliMe that Great Britain by pro
moting t hia truce with Holland and Por
tugal might find it ealier to persuade the
Algerines to declare war agsinft France
the common enemy ; this we are told has
been accompli (lied, and if so, must have
been a coniiderable obje£t with Great Bri
tain. If then these rcafons might have o
perated with Great Britain without ref
pedt to America, we ought at kaft to
wait till we are better acquainted with
facts, and this we may soon reasonably
expett from our foreign ministers, efpeci
aliy when we are officially told, that the
British agent who accomplished this truce,
had not heard from his court for eighteen
months.
Mr. Boudinot then observing on tbe
patriotic conduct of our merchants, with
regard to their obedience to the revenue
laws, which he thought did them.greater
honor than could be claimed by (hose of
any other country, warned the committee
againit carrying the matter too far, he
warned them not to make it t}»«;beil trade
on lair calculation, that one merchant
ciHild p'irfue, to defraud the government
oT the duties. When once fmnggling be
came-f biili'fiefs which the rnei chants ge
nerally thought themielves jullilicd in, it
V'ould be like powerful aflailants getting
poflFeition of a It rang fortrefs, it woutd not
be ealy to diilodge them. It was out of
the power oi laws to pi event finuggling,
if ale merchants once determined to a-
duj't it,
In answer to a remark, that British
credit in Virginia does not appear to have
generated British influence he observed,
that the natural jealousy of and aversion
to foreigners, who do almost all the com
mercial business in that state, naturally
couuterafts the influence of that credit,
hut where no such countera&ing cause ex
ills, where mercantile tranfa&ioni are car
ried on by natives a (Tided by foreign cre
dit, there he believed the natural depen
dance of borrower on lender gare deep
Some gentlemen, had, to be sure, redu
ced ths question to very narrow ground,
when they chose to throw on one fide as
inapplicable the injuries wc fuffer from
Indians and Algerines and the injuries
our commerce endures from pointed com
mercial regulations, and when all these are
put out of the question they triumphantly
ask, where are your grievances ! They go
further and attempt to (hew that America
is as favored in a commercial point of view
as (he has a right to expect. The regu
lations against us in the Weft-Indies are
not grievances because they are of an an
cient date, that they are part of an uni
form system and that there is nothing in
them particularly pointed at Americans.
This, he believed, is a mistake ; there
is an express law since the year 1780 ex
cluding all articles from the Weft-Indies
unless carried there under particular cir
cumstances and in Briti(h veflell. This is
an injury ftriftly commercial.
He hoped it would be allowed that
this is a commercial as well as political
injury. He enumerated ths other injuri
ous reftri&ions imposed on our trade by
Great Britain, contrary to the law of na
tions and every colour of right, and then
said, that finee we fuffer in blood and
trenfure, it becomes proper to enquire
whether we can bed refill, with arms or
by making regulations in the ipirit of
those proposed, the effects of which will
be felt by them in the diftrefles of their
fubjedls. The committee had been told
by gentlemen who opposed the resolutions
how incapable we are of supporting any
but a defenfive war, our only alternative
then is something like the resolutions, is
to withdraw from them at lead the sus
tenance they receive from us.
Mr. Nicholas was aftonifited that the
gentleman poffelled-fo little American feel
ing, as so often to repeat the enquiry he
had just made, or that he (hould attempt
to divert the attention of the committee
by a frivolous diftinftion between com
mercial and political considerations. The
friends of the resolutions had supposed it
unnecessary to enumerate, they conceived
that every American must feel the wrongs
we fuffer, and they offered the resolution
ao a counter-terror. It appeared, howe
ver, that they were mistaken and must
be under the necessity of enumerating
grievances; it is necessary to tell the
gentleman of the hostilities of the sava
ges on our frontieis, of the murder of
our citizens & plunder of our settlements
—he must be told of the commercial ad
vantages wrested from onr hands, by that
mean policy which lets loose the Algcrincs
upon our defencclefs merchantmen.
forcing any nation into a commercial trea
ty with us. It ought to b6 a voluntary
att„and he was for allowing the fame
freedom of action to other nations, we
claimed for ourselves. But when \ve
could not obtain a reciprocity of benefits,
he tl«ought we had the undoubted right
of sonferiing a reciprocity of rfcltrictions.
Ilis idea was, when we did proceed on
this principle, we (hould make old and
wife nations our example, and copy their
aits. This could give no reasonable of
fence;, birt if offence was taken, the an
swer would be obvious and convincing.—
Great Britain by her commercial regula
tions had role to power and opulence ;—
This gave us a right to copy her exam
ple, anil whenever the executive jjave us
information that .negociation was ineffec
tual, Mr. Boudmot was ready to pursue
this remedy, as the only salutary and ef
fectual one, but as this period had rot
yet arrived, he (hould wait with some de
gree ot patience for the iffiie, which as a
friend to both countries he hoped would
be a favorable one, and (hould according
ly vote for the present, againll the reso
lution now before the committee.
After Mr. Boudinot had spoken, Mr.
Ames role, and remarked that it had been
repeatedly asserted in a vagae manner that
our commerce is unfavorably (ituated, he
irilhcd the fpecific grievances dated and
the facts on which they are said to be
founded vouched for. One fadt is worth
a dozen theories.
Mr. Dayton remarked, that the inju
ries we have received from Great Britain,
had been painted in very strong colours,
and when a remedy is proposed, it turns
out to be only a set of regulations on pa
per ; the insolence of Britain, is contrast
ed with American weaknefi. If we real
ly labor under wrongs, something more
effe&ual than the measures proposed should
be contemplated ; but firft it is our duty,
to endeavor to obtain redress by pacific
means, and before irritating measures are
adopted, we should be well affureU that
redress has been refufed.
He concluded with some observations
on Great Britain's present backwardness
to make a treaty of commerce with us;
indeed, he wondered how we could expe A
a treaty, from a nation that trampled on
our prostrate rights, and how we could
wi(h one, with a nation which persisted in
not executing some of the raoft important
points in the last.
Some members of the committee had
infilled that the resolutions are a dishonor
able mode of refitting, and a mean mode
of making an attack, that is, that we are
to give out of our own hands the weapons
with which we can fight, and take up
those which we cannot wield,
He then went into a comparative view
of the ability of the United States, to sup
port a commercial conflict with Great Bri
tain, and bring her to reasonable terms,
and (hewed how sensibly a diminution in
our consumption of their manufa&ures
would effect her, and excite a rivalfhip
here and in France, to afford a fufficient
supply. The distress we (hould occasion,
it had been said, would induce Great Bri
tain to go to war with us. The mifchief
would spring from them, from their obsti
nate adherence to the measures (he had a
dopted, to our injury.
Much had been said on the propriety
of permitting trade to regulate itfelf.—
He approved of the position, but when
re(lri£lions are laid on one fide, to restore
the equilibrium contrary reftriclions mult
be laid. We have no reasonable hope of
a repeal of those injurious reft ritt ions or a
redress of grievances from Great Britain.
At 3 time when these were a fubjetl of
negociation {he has let loose the Algerines
upon us ; what then are we to expect as
the iflue of those negociations ? Would
an individual in similar circumstances ex
pect an amicable settlement ! In the ex
iting state and nature of the grievances
we complain of, it is extravagance in the
extreme to expe£l tbey can be fettled by
negociation. When matters are doubt
ful, recourse is had to amicable settlement
—but if a man stabs my wife or child
will I call on him to explain himfelf ? No,
I will have recourse to my power over him
and procure fatisfaftion. The extent and
nature of the injuries we experience, put
all negociation out of the qucflion.
He dwelt on the propriety of the re
gulations, as the best weapons in our pow
er, to obtain fatisfa&ion.
He then took notice of the allusion
Mr. Dexter had made to the body politic
comparing it with the natural body, and
contended that our body politic, cramp
ed by Britilh trammels, will not acquire
the strength it it calculated to acquire, a»
speedily as if they were removed.
He adverted to the unnatural state of
our commerce with the Bri'tifh Weft-In
dies, which, though dependant on us for
neceflaries, give us laws, and fay we (hall
not carry those neceflaries in our own bot
tom®, except when they are in fear of fa-
mine.
commodities.
A commercial treaty with Great Bri
tain, it is said, is nil desirable, because,
that we have with France is not benefici
al. Gentlemen Ihould recolleift the date
of that treaty, that when it was made we
had not much to give, and therefore not
a right to expect much, The committee
had been told that France had cheated us
when they made the treaty with us» be
cause it imposes some hardships now (he is
at war. This is owing to a contingency
unforefeen at the time of making the trea
ty, and if we had been involved in war
firtl, it with as much propriety might have
been said that we had cheated them.
root to that influence: But the measures
prspofed do not go to the deftrilttion of
credit, but only tend to present its abuse.
It has been (aid, that and Portu
gal could supply Great-Britain and her
dependencies with grain and flour. Fie
wondered at the argument being brought
forward as it is notorious that those coun
tries are among our beli markets for those
Mr. Madison few fio ground to hope
sth. Resolved, that the determination
expressed by the Democratic Society, to
abide by our national engagements, and pre-
Jerve our national friend/hips, is a flagrant
inttance of inconsistency ; for " Pacifi
cus" afTerts, that interell and not honour
or gratitude ought to be the bond of na
tions, and he is our bible. Tliat any in
sinuation against him or the President, is a
proof of impudence and presumption, as
experience teftifies that a man who has
once done right, can never do wrong.
6th. Resolved, that although we have
not had the spirit to resent the outrage*
committed upon our trade by the British,
nation, and that although we .have not
fulfilled the terms and spirit of our treatr
with France, we ought to resent with all
our strength, the attempts of France to
retaliate upon her enemies, and oblige her
by all the energy in our power, to observe
a scrupulous exactneis in her engagements
with us.
7th. Refolv-ed, that the oirtrages of
fered to our trade, or citizens bv Great-
Britain,. will probably be podded in a
much more proper manner, or with more
grace and compajpon, much more easily ob
tained by the ftitmij/ive conduct of our
national Congress, and the long tried for
bearance of our Executive, than by the
intemperate suggestions, and noisy decla
mation* of any ragamuffin society, or of
the people, wishing to bawl itfelf into po
litical confcquence, or to latvl the govern*
mept into honor and jujlice.
Bth. Resolved, that rhc trade of Ame
rica has been the means of proftratinjj her
4th. Resolved 1 , that although-the public
faith has been pledged to France, to gua
rantee her Weft India pofTeffions, and to
admit her to certain privileges, to the ex
clusion of the Briti (li nation, all person*
or societies, who dirctllym indirealy ftiall
endeavourto preserve out national engage
ments, are guilty of a breach of our fund
ing intcrrjl, and ought to be confidcred as
enemies to America.
' 3d. Resolved, that it is highly politic
and generous, for any citizen of America
publicly in Congress and out of Congress,
to pour forth illiberal abuse against the
French nation, merely because they are
I the enemies of Great-Britain, and the
combined powers : We fay politic, becaufcr
powerful nations may thereby be conciliat
ed to lend a helping hand to our views,
and assimilate our government to theirs ;
we fay generous, because France assisted
the rabble of this country, to a [fume their
station in government, and thereby fruf
trated the good intentions of our beloved
mother country. And because France
may by her influence and example, deflroy
those feeds of aristocracy and monarchy,
which have been sown with so much secre
cy and care, and which we have so sedu
lously cheri (hed.
ift. Resolved, that.it is the una Tunable
right of flocl-holden, flock-jnhbers, lank
direSors, and /peculators to d'fcufs with
freedom, all fuljeSs f public concern, and
that as no other person or persons are seiz
ed with this right, as they alone have the
genuine interell of the public debt at
heart, it being the paramount interest of
America, to which all other interefls ought
to submit.
2d. Resolved, that the high profeffioiis
of dilmtereffed patriotism, held out by
those persons who are not •within the vortex
of the funding fiflem, are very equivocal
proofs of their public virtue; and that e
very man may be fufpe&ed of treason,
who dares question the republican tendency
or virtue of that system.
for redress from negociation, we r.uift he
fatisfied that that resource has failed. Ke
could not fee, admitting we are injured,
that we are bound by honor or prudence,
to resent the injury, by the last appeal, ttf
arms. It is bed, he conceived, to try
whether a more pacific weapon may not
prove even more effe&ual. We can make
use of none against Great-Britain, more
effectual than commercial weapons, in that
part, their commerce, that country is mod
vulnerable. He thought this the most
eligible time for the exercise of those
means moll clearly in our power.
AT a meeting of the paper Noblemen
of the United States and the emijfaries of
the Britijh government, to take into confi
deratiou the resolves of the Democratic
Society, irredeemable public debt in the chair
—the following resolutions were unanil
- adopted.
From the General Advertiser.
(Delate to be continue J.)