The South-Carolina & American general gazette — Charlestown [S.C.], 1777-05-29 00:00:00, page 2

By the Author of COMMON SENSE.
[Continued from our las ]
r,ERHAPB it may be alked, why was the motion past
if there was at the fame time a plan to aggravate the
1 Americans not to listen to it? Lord North assigned
cue reason himfelf, which was a hope of dividing them.
This was publickly tempting them to reject it ; that if in
case the injury of arms fhonld fail of provoking them fut
ficiently, the insult of filch a declaration might fill it up.
But by raffing the motion and^etting it afterwards rejected
in America, it enabled them, in their wretched idea of
politicks, among other things, to hold up the Colonies to
fore gn powers with every possible mark of disobedience
and rebellion. They had applied to those powers not te
supply th e Continent with arms, hmmuntion, &c. and it was
De^ebhry they (liould incense them against us, by assigning,
on their own part, some Teeming reputable reason why. By
dividing, it had a tendency to weaken the States, and
likewise to perplex the adherents of America in England.
But the principal scheme, and that which has marked their
character in every part of their conduct, was a design of
precipitating the Colonies into a Rate which they might
afterwards deem rebellion, and under that pretence put
an end to all fut are complaints, petitions or remonstrances,
by seizing the whole at once. They had ravaged one part
or the globe, till it could glut them no longer; their pro
digality required new p under, and through the East India
Article tea they hoped to transfer their rapine from
that qu rter of the world to this. Every designed quarrel
has its pretence; and the fame barbarian avarice accom
paned the Plant to America, which ruined the country that
produced it. . . - - .
That men never turn rogues without turning roots, is
a maxim, sooner or later, univerfilly true. The commence
ment of hostilities, being in the beginning of April, was, or
All times, the worst chosen : The Congress were to meet tue
tenth of May following, and the distress the Continent .e t
at this unparalleled outrage gave a liability to Ihat Boay,
which no other circumstance could have done. It iuppreded
too all inferior debates, and bound them together by a ne
cessitous affedion, without giving them time to differ upon
trifles. The buffering Ikewife, foftened the whole body of
the people nto a degree o pliability, which laid the prin
cipal foundation stone o' union, order and government;
and which, at any other time, might only nave retted and
then faded away unnoticed and unimproved: But Pro
vidence, who bed knows how to time her misfortunes as
well as her immediate favours, chose this to be the time :
And who dares dispute it?
It did not seem the disposition of the people at this trins
to heap petition upon petition, while the former remained
nnanfwerd : Ihe meaihre, however, was carried in Con
grels, and a second petition was sent ; of which I shall
only remark, that it was fubmillive even to a dangerous
fault, because the prayer of it appealed solely to, what is
cal ed, the prerogative of the Crown, while the matter in
dispute was conteffed to be constitutional. But even this
Petition, flittering as it was, was ft'll not To harmonious as
the chink of cash, and consequently not fufficiently grateful
to the tyrant and his ministry, From eve y circumstance it
is ev dent, that it was the determination of the British court
to have nothing to do with America, but to conquer it fully
and absolutely. They were ceram of success, and the
field of battle wzs to be tie only place of treaty. lam
confident there are thousands an, .tens of thousands in
America who wonder now they fliould ever think other
wise; but the fin o' that day was the fin of civility, yet it
Operated against our present good in the fame manner that
& civil option of the devil would against our future peace.
Independence was a doarine feayce and rare even
towards the conclusion of the year 1775: all our politicks
had been founded on the hope or expedition of making
the matter up, a hope, which, though general on the fide
of America, had never ente ed the head or heart of the
British court. Their hope was conquest and confifcation.
'Good Heavens ! wh t volumes of thanks does America
owe to Britain ! What infinite obligations to the fool, that
fills, with paradoxical vacancy, the throne! Nothing but
the (harpeft essence of villainy, compounded with the
ftron%eft diftdiation of folly, could have produced a men
struum that would have effected a reparation. The Con
gress in 1774 administered an abortive medicine to Inde
pendence, by prohibiting the importation of goods, and
the fucceding Congress rendered the defe still more danger
ous by continuing it. Had Independence been a fettled
system with America, (as Britain has advanced) she ought
to have doubled her importation, and prohibited in some
degree her exportation. And this fiogle circumstance is
Sufficient to acquit America before any jury of nations
of having a Continental Flan of Independence in view;
a charge, which, had it been true, would have been ho
nourable, but is so grofly falfe, that either the amazing
ignorance or the wilul dishonesty of the British Court is
effectually proved by it.
I h e second petition, like the firft, produced no answer;
it was scarcely acknowledged to be received ; the British
court were too determined in their villainy even to aft
it artfully, and in their rage lor conquest neglected the
necefibry Subtleties for obtaining it. They might have
divided, diftrafted, and played a thousand tricks with us,
had they been as cunning, as they were cruel.
This last indignity gave a new spring to Independence.
Those who knew the savage obstinacy of the King and the
jobbing gambling spirit of the court, predicted the fate of
the petition as soon as it was sent from America; for the men
being known, their measures were easily forefeen. As
politicians v r e ought not so much to ground oar hope on
the reasonableness of the thing we ask, as on the reasona
bleness of the perlon of whom we ask it: Who would ex
peft diferction from a fool, candour from a tyrant, or
guftice from a villain ?
As every profpeCt of an accommodation seemed now to
fail faft, men began to think ferioufiy on the matter; and
their reason being thus ftript of the talk hope which had
long eucompdffed it, became approachable by fair debate ;
yet still the bulk of the people hesitated ; they startled at the
novelty of Independence,without once considering that our
getting into arms at firft was a more extraordinary novelty,
and that all other nations had gone through the work of
Independence before us. Thay doubted, likewise, the
ability of the Continent to support it, without reflecting,
that it required the fame force to obtain an accommodation
by arms as an Independence. If the one was acquireable, the
other was the fame; because, to accomplish either, it was
necessary that our strength should be too great for B itain
to subdue; and it was too unreasonable to suppose, that,
with the power of being matters, we fliould submit to be
Servants*. Their caution, at this time, was exceedingly
* In this ftatc of political suspense the pamphlet Common
The AMERICAN CRISIS, No 111.
misplaced ; for if thy were able to defend their* property
and maintain their ii;hts by arms, they consequently were
able to defend and support their Independence; and in
proportion as these nen saw the necessity and rightness of
the measure, they hoieftly and openly declared and adopt
ed it, and the part ttey have acted lince, have done them
honour, and fu ly etablifhed their characters. Error in
op nion has this peculiar advantage with it, that the fore
moft po nt of the ontrary ground may at any time be
reached by the sudden exertion of a thought; and it fre
quntly happens in fer imental differences that some striking
circumstance, or foue forcible reason, quickly conceived,
w:11 effect in an inftast what neither argument nor example
could produce in an we.
I find it impossible in the small compass I am limited to,
to trace out the progefs which Independence has made on
the minds of the different classes of men, and the several
reasons by which they were moved. With some, it was a
p^ffionate abhorrence against the king of England and his
ministry as a set of savages and brutes; and these men,
governed by the agory of a wounded mind,were for trusting
every thing to hope and Heaven,and bidding defiance at
once. With others, it was a growing conviction that the
scheme of the Britifheourt was to create, feiment and drive
on a quarrel for the fake of confifeated plunder: Men of
this cast ripened into Independence in proportion as the
evidence encreafed. While a third class, conceiving it was
the true interest of America, internally and externally, to
be her own matter, gave their support to Independence,
step by step, as they saw her abilities to maintain it enlarge.
With many it was a compound of all these reasons ; while
those, who were too callous to be reached by neither, re
mained, and still remain Tories.
The legal neceff, of being Independent, with several
collateral rcaions, is pointed out in an elegant, rn^d^rly
manner, in a charge to the grand jury for the diftriCt of
Charleftown, by tne Hon. William Henry Drayton,
Esq; Chief-Tuftice of South -Carolina. This per ormance,
and the Address of the Convention of New-York,
are pieces, in my humble opinion, of the firft rank in
America.
The principal ctufes why Independence has not been so
universally supported as it ought, are, fear and indolence ;
and the causes why t has been opposed, are, avarice, down
right villainy, and hfl of personal power. There is not filch
a being in America as a Tory from conscience: Some se
cret defe<ft or otheris interwoven in the character of all
those. be they men or women, who can look with patience
on the brutality, luxury and debauchery of the British
court, and the violations of their army here. A woman's vir
tue mull fit very lightly on her who can even hint a favour
able sentiment in their behalf. It is remarkable that the
whole race of proftitirtci in New-York were Tories; and
the fcbemes or fupperting the Tory cause, in this city,
for which fevera. are now in gaol, and one hanged, were
concerted and carried on in common baudy houses, assisted
by those who kept them.
The oonnedion between vice and meanness is a fit ob
jedtfor fiti e, but when the satire is a fad, it cuts with
the irresistible power of : diamond. If a Quaker, in de
fence of hisjuft rights, hi; property and the chastity of his
house takes up a mufket,he is expelled the meeting ; but
the present king of England, who reduced and took into
keeping a fitter of thetfocety, is reverenced and support
ed with repeated teftimcnies, while the friendly noodle
from whom she was taken, (and who is now in this city)
continues a drudge in the service of his rival, as if proud
of being cuckolded by a cieature called a king.
Our support and success depend on such a variety of
men and circumstances, that every one, who docs but wish
well, is of some use: There are men who have a strange
aukwardnefs to arms, yet have hearts to rifle every shilling
in the cause, or in support of those who have better talents
for defending it. Nature, in the arrangement of mankind,
has fitted some for every hrvice in life: Were all soldiers,
all would starve and go n*ed, and were none soldiers, all
would be slaves. As diftfraion to Independence is the
badge of a Tory, so affifton to it is the mark of a Whig;
and the different services jf the Whigs down from those
who nobly contribute evey thing, to those who have no
thing to render but their vifhes, tend all to the fame cen
tre, though with differen degrees of merit and ability.
The larger we make the crcle, the more we shall harmo
nize, and the stronger we shall be. All we want to shut
out, is difaffeftion, and tht excluded, we must accept from
each other such duties aswe are best fitted to bestow. A
narrow system of politicks like a narrow system of religion,
is calculated only to fourthe temper, and live at variance
with mankind.
Sense made its appearance, and the success it met with does not
become me to mentions Dr. Franklin, Mr. Samuel and John
Adams wete severally ffoken of as the fiappofed Author. I had
not, at that time, the pleifure either of personally knowing or being
known to the two last Gentlemen. The favour of Dr. Franklin's
friendfllip I poflefled inEngland, and hay introduction to this part
of the world was through his patronage. 1 happened, when a
school boy, to pick Up apleafing natural history of Virginia, and
my inclination from that day of feeing the western fide of the
Atlantick never left mt. In October, 1775, Dr. Franklin pro
posed giving me such materials as were in his hands, towards
compleating a history ,f the present tranfaCtions, and seemed
desirous of haying the firft volume out by the next spring. I had
then formed the outlines of Common Sense, and finifhed nearly
the firft part; and as 1 fippofed the Dolor's design in getting out
a history, was to open the new year with a new system, I ex
pefted to furprize him with a production on that fubjeC t much
earlier than he thought ts; and without informing him of what I
was doing, got it ready for the press as faft as I conveniently
€?uldj and sent him the firft pamphlet that was printed off.
All we want to know in America is fimp T y this, Who
is for Independence, an, /who is not ? Those who are for
it, will support it, and the remainder will undoubtedly fie
the reasonableness of their paying the charges ; while those
who oppose, or seek tc betray it, must expert the more
rigid fate of the gaol andthe gibbet. There is a kind ofbaftard
generosity, which, by being extended to all men, is as
fatal to society, on onehand, as the want of true gene
rosity is on the other. Alax manner of adminiftring justice,
falfely termed moderation, has a tendency both to dispirit
publick virtue, and promote the growth of publick evils.
Had the late Committee of Safety taken cognizance of the
last testimony of the Quakers, and proceeded against such
delinquents as were concerned therein, they had, probably,
prevented the treasonable plans which have been concerted
lince. When one villain is fuffered to escape, it encou
rages another to proceed, either from a hope of escaping
likewise, or an apprehension that we dare not pumifh. It
has been a matter of general surprise, that no notice was
taken of the incendiary publication of the Quakers, of the
tab. of November last: A publication evidently intended
to promote (edition and treason, and encourage the enemy,
who were then within a day's march of this city, to pro
ceed on and possess it I here present the reader with a
memorial, which was laid before the Board of Safety a
“ A printed paper, dated the 30th of November, and
figged " John Pemberton," whom we suppose to be an in
habitant of this city, has lately been dispersed abroad, a
copy of which accompanies this. Had the framers and
publJhers of that paper conceived it their ^uty to exhort
the youth, and others, of their society, to a patient fub
mffion under the prelent trying visitations, and humbly to
wait the event of Heaven towards them, they had therein
shewn a Christian temper, and we had been silent; but the
anger and political virulence with which their inftru&ions
are given, and the abuse with which they stigmatize all
ranks of men, not thinking like themselves, leave no doubt
on our minds from what fp;jit their publication proceeded :
And it is difgraceful to the pure cause of truth, that men
can daily with words of the molt sacred import, and play
them as mechanically off as if religion consisted only in
contrivance. We know of no instance, in which the Qua
kers have been compelled to hear arms, or do any thing
which m ght (train their cor science ; wherefore their ad
vice “to withjiand and refufe to submit to the arbitrary in-
JlruEbonc and ordinances of men," appear to us a talfe alarm,
and could only be treafonabiy calculated to gain favour
with our enemies, when they were feeminyly on the brink
of invading this State, or, what is (till worse, to weaken
the hands of our defence, that their entrance into this city
might be made practicable and ealy,
"We disclaim all tumult and drorder in the punishment
of offenders ; and wish to be governed, not by temper but
by reason, in the manner of treating them. We are fenli-#
ble that our cause has fuffered by the two following errors ;
firft, by an ill judged lenity to traiterous persons in some
cases; and fecondiy, by only a passionate treatment of
them in others. For the future we disown both, and will
to be Ready in our proceedings, and fcrious in our punish
ments.
few days after the testimony appeared. Not a member of
that Board, that I converted with, but expressed the highest
detestation of the perverted principles and condufl of
the Quaker junto, and that the Board would take the
matter up; notwithstanding which, is was fuffered to pass
away unnoticed, to the encouragement of new a&s of
treason, the general danger of the cause, and the disgrace
of the State.
“ Every State in America has by the repeated voice of
its inhabitants, directed and authorifed the Continental
Congress to publifha formal Declaration of Independence
of, and Separation from, the oppreffiye king and parlia
ment of Great-Britiin ; and we look on every man an ene
my who does not in some line or other give his assistance
towards fupportingthe fame ; at the fame time we confidcr
the^ offence to be Lightened to a degree of unpardonable
guilt, when such persons, under the ihew of religion, en
deavour, cither by writing, speaking, or otherwise, to sub
vert, overturn, or bring reproach upon the Independence
of this Continent <8 declared by Congress.
", The publishers of the paper, signed " John Pember
ton," have called ii a loud and passionate manner on their
friends and connexions, to " witbfland and refufe" obedi
ence to whatever * infractions or ordinances" may be pu
blished, not warranted by(what they call)" that happy
" CONSTITUTION UNDERWHICH THEY ANDOTHERS
"LONG ENJOYED TRANQUILITY AND PEACE." If
this be not treason, we know not what may properly be
called by that name.
" To us it is a matter of surprise and astonishment, that
men with the word " peace, peace" continually on their
lips, should be so fond of living under, and supporting a
government and at the fame time calling it “ happy," which
is never better pleased than when at war—that hath filled
India with carnage and famine—Africa with fiavery—and
tampered with Indians and Negroes to cut the throats of
the freemen of America. We conceive it a disgrace to this
State to harbour or wink at such palpable hypocrisy. But
as we frek not to hurt the hair of any man's head, when,
we can make ourselves fafe without, we wish such persons
to reftcre peace to themselves and us, by removing them
selves to some part of the king of Britain's dominions, as
by that means they may live unmolested by us, or we by
them; for our fixt opinion is, that those who do not de
serve a place among ns, ought not to have one.
“ W e conclude, with requesting the Council of Safety to
take into their confederation the paper signed " John Pem
berton , and if it (hall appear to them to be of a dangerous
tendency, or of a treasonable nature, that they would com
mit the signer, together with such other persons as they cart
difeover were concerned therein, into custody, until such
time as some mode of trial (hall afeertain the full degree of
their guilt and punishment ; in the doing of which, we wish
their judges, whoever they may be, to disregard the man,
his connexions, interest, riches, poverty or principles of
religion, and to attend to the nature of his offence only."
[To be continued.]
*^*%*¥XW^
RUN away from the subscriber the 12th instant, his
Negro By TOM, about fifteen years of ,ft flout and
wall made, and is well known in town and at Dorchester. Who
ever will take up the fiid boy and feed him to the \v oik house,
may receive FIVE POUNDS reward ; but if any perlon will give
information of his beirg harboured and employed (which I have
reason to believe be is) a reward of FIFTY PJUNDI will be given
on conviction of the person so offending.
§ JOHN BENFIELD.
To the Honourable the COUNCIL of SAFETY of the
StaetfPENNSYLVAMIA.
At a meeting of a reputable number of the inba itants of the
city of Philadelphia, improved with a proper sense of the
jujb.ee of the cause wb cb this Continent is engaged.in, and
animated with a generous fervor for supporting thefame, ib
was refolded, that the following be laid before the Board
of Safety :
" XXT' ^ r °''' s liberality of sentiment to all men ; with
VV this diftiniflion only, that those who do not deserve
it, would become wife and peek to deserve it. We hold
the pure doctrine of un verfal liberty of conscience, and
conceive it our duty to endeavour to secure that sacred
right to others, as well as to defend it lor ourselves; for
we undertake not to judge of the religious rectitude of
tenets, but leave the whole matter to him who made us.
" We persecute no man, neither will we abet in the
persecution of any man lor religion fake ; our common re
lation to others being that of fellow citizens and fellow
fubjeds of one civil community; and in this line of con
nection we hold out the right hand of fellowlhip to ail
men. But we Should conceive ourselves to be unworthy
members of the Free and Independent States or
America, were we unconcernedly to fee or buffer any
tre finable wound, publick or private, directly or indi
rectly, to be given against the peace and fafety of the fame.
We enquire not into the rank of the offenders, nor their
religious persuasion; we have no business with either, our
part being only to find them out, and exhibit them to
justice.