The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1781-08-01 00:00:00, page 1

H OUSE of COMMONS, November 27, 1780.
A' r uon was made by Daniel Parker Coke, Esquire,
member for Nottingham, seconded by Lord Lewif
ham, member for the county of Stafford, and after
various amendments put by the Speaker in the fol
lowing words, " That the thanks of this house be
given to Sir Henry Clinton, Knight of the most
Honourable order of the Bath, and Commander in
Chief of his Majesty's forces in North-America;
and to Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot, Commander in
chief of his Majesty's fleet in North-America ; and
to the Right Honourable Lieut. General Charles
Earl Cornwallis ; for the eminent and very impor
tant services performed by them to his Majesty
and this country, particularly by the reduction of
Charles-Town by the army and navy under the
command of Sir Henry Clinton and Vice-Admiral
Arbuthnot, and by the late most glorious victory
obtained by Lord Cornwallis at Camden."
Very early in the debate Mr. Wilkes said,
Mr. Speaker,
I Rife to express my hope, that the Honourable
gentleman, who made this motion, will consent
to its being withdrawn, because I think it is impos
sible that the united effort of the noble Lord in the
blue ribband (Lord North) and the several gentlemen
who have attempted it, Should succeed to render it
palatable to both sides of the house, and he has de
clared, that he had rather it should be withdrawn
than meet a single negative. I think it, Sir, my duty
to oppose this motion, as originally intended, of
which the notice was given, refpe&ing only Lord
Cornwallis and all the subsequent amendments, be
cause in my idea every part ofit conveys an approba
tion of the American war; a war unfounded in prin
ciple, and fatal in its consequences to this country.
I condemned it at the beginning, and have regularly
opposed its progress in every stage, both in and out
of parliament. The eminent and very important
fercices to his majesty and this country, mentioned
in the motion, I entirely disapprove, and copfequent
1, shall withhold the poor pittance of my thanks and
gratitude, where I do not think them merited, in a
war of glaring injustice and wretched policy. I do
not mean, Sir, to derogate from the high heroic cou
rage, and superior military virtues, of Lord Corn
wallis, I admire the splendor and brilliancy of those
qualities, which dazzle in my countryman as they
did in Julius Casfar, and I equally lament that they
are called forth to action in the fame bad and mis
chievous cause, the attempt to overturn the liberties
of his country. The Roman too possessed, as the
Hon. gentleman fays of Lord Cornwallis, nice and
delicate sentiments of honour. He was certainly an
accomplished gentleman, perhaps the most accom
plished of any in the history of mankind ; but he car
ried on a wicked war against the constitution of the
free country in which he was born, and therefore
under the strongest obligation to support. In the
fame light I confider the war now carrying on against
our brethren in North-America; and if an arbitrary,
but implacable, administration had succeeded in the
plan of dragooning the colonists into unconditional
fobmiffion, I believe that the liberties of England
would not long have survived those of America, and
the vital principle of freedom, which now pervades
and animates this Island, except perhaps a few clans,
very far north, must have been extinguished. Every
friend of the constitution, saw eanly^in the support
of the American cause, a vindication of the rights of
Englishmen, against an old exploded usurpation of
the Stuarts, revived under the third prince of the
house of Brunswick.
Sir, I hope to be forgiven, if I repeat at the begin
ning of this new parliament, the sentiments which I
more than once submitted to the last, and even in
the firft session of 1774. lam still convinced that the
war with America originated in tyranny and usurpa
tion, in the unjust attempt of taking money from the
fubjed in the colonies without his concurrence, in
levying taxes on the people there against their con
tent. 1
This has ever been the favourite maxim of des
potism. In opposition to this illegal claim the immortal
Hampden shed his blood. Such an attempt against
the fundamental rights of the people fully warranted
our virtuous and free ancestors to begin the civil war,
which brought the tyrant Charles to the fcaffold.
The American cause, therefore, I mean the primary
cause of this destructive civil war, is the cause of
every Englishman, who values our excellent consti
tution; a constitution for several years in a decline,
which has of late received many stabs in its vital
parts. This right of the people to withhold, or
grant, their own money, this power of the purse,
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDA Y, August I, 1781.
which includes that of the sword, alone secures the
existence of parliament, our annual meeting within
these walls. This marks the difference between the
limited monarch of our island, in a mixed govern
ment, and the eastern despot, or the arbitrary sove
reigns of France and Spain. We then in a particular
manner, with a singular propriety, ought to stand
forth the guardians of this right to all the fubjefts of
this state.
The sentiments, Sir, on the rights of our brethren
in the colonies, which I have now the honour of deli
vering here, I imbibed from Lord Cornwallis, who
enforced them with great energy a few years ago in
another house of parliament. His Lordlhip in a solemnf o
lemn argument in the house of peers, in conjunction
with four other rcfpeftable characters,* strenuously
denied any right we had to tax the Americans, while
they continued unrepresented in the British senate.
It was in the debate on the motion for the commit
ment of the Declaratory ACt. His Lordship's opini
on likewise of the wisdom of the measure, after con
demning the theory, may be gathered from his words
in the examination before this house in May 1779,
" I never saw a stronger country, or one better cal
culated for the defensive." Mr. Pitt in this house
with a boldness of imagery, and glow of colouring,
which his eloquence always gave, did justice to the
difrnguilhed patriotism of the band of the five illus
trious heroes, as he named the small number of
peers, who on occasion of the opposition to the De
claratory Act approved themselves the friends of free
dom. He did not forefee the daughter of our fellow
fubjeds in the fame cause by one of that band of il
lustrious heroes at the glorious victory at Camden.
If there is any change of sentiment on this important
question in his Lordihip's mind, we have no parlia
mentary evidence, on which it can be founded. It
can only be surmised from his Lordship's eagerly
soliciting a command against the Americans at the
firft breaking out of a war, which originated from
the unworthy purposes of passion and party, and
since endeavouring by fire and sword to enforce a
taxation of the colonies, although as a member of
the legifl>tive body, he formerly did not hesitate to
pronounce it equally impolitic and iniquitous. If
arguments of great and irresistible weight have been
urged for so total and wonderful a change, they are
carefully concealed. The motives of conyidion, or
rather of this miraculous conversion, are easier guess
ed than with delicacy explained. As a peer, his
Lordship ftipports American freedom, and votes
against an ignominious badge of bondage on the co
ionifts ; as an officer, the fame earl solicits a command
in America to enforce that injustice of which he com
plains, and is a&ive to rivet the chains of flavcry
on the free born inhabitants of the new world, and
the defeendants of Englishmen. In such a cause I will
not give thanks to genius and courage united, but ill
directed, productive of no good, but infinite mif
chief. I will never fail, Sir, to express my concern
and anguish, when I fee great military talents thus
triumph over the superior civil virtues of the citizen,
when I observe mere lawless force and violence re
ceive the aid of valour and distinguished ability to
overturn a fabrick of freedom and justice, cemented
by the belt blood of our ancestors. Such military
glory is purchased too dear. It is a kind of wretched
anti-civic crown, which must disgrace the sanguinary
brow of every unfeeling, unprincipled conqueror.
A good man will indignant turn his eyes from laurels
and palms of victory stained with the blood ofdeferv
ing fellow-fubjeds facrificed to the sordid views, to
the lull of power, to the rage of a tyrannical ad
ministration. The palm of consistency at least, the
honourable gentlemen who made the motion will at
all events scarcely think of offering to Lord Corn
wallis. That will be worn, and I hope long with
the applause of his grateful country, by another noble
earl, (the earl of Effingham) who rose superior to
the falfe glory to be acquired from his profeffion,
when called upon in an unjuftifiable cause ; and
honourably preferred the line of duty to his country
and its constitution, to the fame and renown of
brilliant atchievements which his natural ardor pant
ed after. Lord Cornwallis, Sir Henry Clinton, and
Admiral Arbuthnot, I will not consent to thank, for
I confider them as having drawn their swords a
gainst their innocent American fellow-fubjeCts, and
without provocation bathed them in their blood.
The noble (Lord Beauchamp) who spoke last, fays
that our thanks would come with great propriety to
Lord Cornwallis, and the other two officers, because
the thanks of this house were voted on the taking
* The Earls Poulet, Cornwallis, and Shelburne,
Vifeount Torrington, and Lord Camdens
THE
of Quebec, and the late success of the gallant Rod^
^ey. Does not the noble Lord observe a striking dif
ference in the three cases ? The surrender of Quebec
was, perhaps, the most important and brilliant tri^
umph over France of all the splendid victories of the
glorious war. It was the conquest ofthecapital of
the perfidious Gaul in the new world. Sir George
Rodney's late defeat and capture of the Spanish men of
war at this critical moment merited the warmest
thanks, and most esteemed rewards of his country.
In both cases we were destroying the overgrown
power of the house of Bourbon, the inveterate, a.
vowed enemy of this nation. I think with Hanni
bal, hoflem qui Jeriet mibi erit Cartbaginienfa. I hold
to ^ e the best E^fhman whose efforts
' • ' he boldest , th e most spirited and fuccefsfal
against France and Spain, especially against toeirna+
val power, which by the criminal negligence of our
has risen to such an alarming greatness.
I will from my heart thank that mao. I will vote
to decree him every honour of the senate and people.
On the house of Bourbon should we call down all
the thunder of the war. We ought, Sir, to blush
at the cruel ravaging and desolation of the country
and the mercilcfs daughter of the inhabitants of our
colonies, in a foolifh, angry quarrel, carefully fo
mented at last to a bloody war, railed on a bafdefs
fabrick, which perhaps in the end may scarcely leave
a wreck behind. Our Generals and Admirals have
already totally ruined some of the most fiomifhiug
, par , °. thlß c° n vulfed empire, and destroyed num
berlels industrious, brave fellow-fubjefts, equally en.
titled with themselves to the protection of the laws
and executive power. Are these, Sir, the eminent
and very important fervfces to his Majesty and this
country, for which the honourable gentleman flatter,
ed himfelf with obtaining for our commanders the
unanimous thanks of this house, of the represent.
atives of the people of England?
It has been said, Sir, by, the honourable gentleman
this m ° ti ° n ' that the Americans are now
actually leagued with France and Spain against
this country. Ido not doubt the existence ofa tri
ple league between America, Spain, and France, but
I know the provocation, and I have good reason to
believe the alliance is only defenfive and temporary
Ido not allude to commercial treaties. France and
Spam now appear to the world as auxiliaries to the
United States of North-America. The firft alliance
with France was made with great reluctance by A
merica on the four of the present necessity. It was
n °' thought of, until in our domestic quarrel we
called in foreign forces to cut their throats, until the
mercenary German, or rather Cappadocian, princes
fold them fubjeCts, like cattle, to an administration
expert 111 every fpecics of bribery and ruinous con
trad, until long after our negociation for Ruffian
troops to be sent to North-America had been reieft.
ed in terms of contempt and horror. The late uni
on between America and France is so unnatural,
that I am fatisfied whenever you offer, with sinceri
ty and cordiality, honourable terms, accompanied
with the security America will expect, it will be dis
solved. Your conduct hitherto has drawn closer e
very tie between them. If you improve thg late
most glorious victory at Camden, to bring about this
neceflary p< ace with America, then will be the mo
ment to rejoice, to join in thanksgiving for the sal
vation of Great-Britain, as well as America."
Sir, I will not thank for victories, which only tend
to protract a deftruftive war. I should rather have
laid for some transitory, deiufive gleams of success
in this unjuft,and providentially unfortunate Ameri
can contest, this bellurn fine hojie, as such a state of
arms was defined by the ancients. Not a single
Frenchman or Spaniard in arms against us fell at this
most glorious victory at Camden, but Romani mifcent
acies. Is it probable that this most glorious victory
will lead to an honourable p&ce ? Ifit does not, but
is the cause of continuing the war, I shall deem it a
publick calamity. Peace, peace with America can
only save this finking state, and give us permanent
prosperity. We are already nearly exhausted, yet
continue bleeding at every vein. Peace ought to be
had on almost any terms; for from the estimates oh
our table, the expence of this war continued a few
years longer will bankrupt the nation, the populati,
on, commerce and navigation of which are visibly
declining. I confider peace as of absolute necessity
for ourselves, for the internal state and independence
of our own island, in the present crisis of horror and
almost despair. I would fubferibe to almost any con
ditions to obtain it; because I believe the North-A
mericans would then readily quit an unnatural alli
ance, into which they have been driven, by our more
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