The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1780-11-01 00:00:00, page 2

oneof which is, because the whole is payable in a
few places in a country, and it likewise operates
with the greatest case and equality, because as every
one pays in proportion to what he consumes, so peo
ple in general consume in proportion to what they
can afford, and therefore the tax is regulated by the
abilities which every man supposes himfelf to have,
or in other words every man becomes his own asses
sor, and pays by a little at a time when it suits him
to buy. Betides, it is a tax which people may pay or
let alone by not confirming the articles; and though
the alternative may have no influence on their con
dud, the power of choosing is an agreeable thing to
the mind. For my own part, it would be a fatis
fattion to me, was there a duty on all forts ofliquors
during the war, as in my idea of things, it would be
an addition to the pleasure of society, to know,
that when the health of the army goes round, a few
drops from every glass become theirs. How often
have I heard an emphatical wish almost accompanied
with a tear, " Ob, that our poor fellows in the field
bud fame of this !" Why then need we fuffer under
a fruitlefs sympathy, when there is a way to enjoy
both the wish and the entertainment at once ?
But the great national policy of putting a duty
upon imports is, that it either keeps the foreign
trade in our own hands or draws something for the
defence of the country from every foreigner who
participates it with us.
Thus much for the firft half of the taxes, and as
each state will best devise means to raise the other
halt, I shall confine my remarks to the resources of
this state.
The quota then of this state of one million and
sixty thousand pounds will be one hundred and thirty
three thousand two hundred and fifty pounds, the
half of which is sixty-six thousand fix hundred and
twenty-five pounds ; and supposing one fourth part
of Pennsylvania inhabited, then a tax of one bushel
of wheat on every twenty acres of land, one with
another, would produce the sum, and all the present
taxes to cease. Whereas the tythes cf the bishops
and clergy tin England, exclusive of the taxes, are
upwards of half a bushel of wheat on every single
acre of land, good and bad, throughout the nation.
In a former part of this paper I mentioned the
militia fines, but reserved speaking to the matter,
which I shall now do: The ground I shall put it upon
is, that two millions sterling a year will support a
fufficient army, and all the expences of war and go
vernment, without having recourse to the inconveni
ent method of continually calling men from their
employ merits, which of all others is the molt expen
sive and the least substantial. I confidcr the revenue
created by taxes as the firft and principal thing, and
fines only as secondary and accidental things. It
was not the intention of the militia law to apply the
militia tines to any thing else but the support cf the
mi ilia, neither do they produce any revenue to the
state, yet these fines amount to more than all the
taxes ; for taking the muller roll to be sixty thousand
men, the fine on forty thousand who may not attend,
will be sixty thousand pounds sterling, and thofewho
mutter, will give up a portion of time equal to half
that sum, and if the eight classes should be called
witbin the year, and one third turn out, the tine on
the remaining forty thousand would amount to
seventy-two millions of dollars, besides the fifteen
fidihugs Oil every hundred pounds property, and the
charge of seven and a half per cent for collecting in
certain inßances, which on the whole would be up
wards of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds
sterling.
Now if those very fines disable the country from
railing a fufficient revenue without producing an equi
valent advantage, would it not be to the ease and in
teref of all parties to encreafe the revenue in the man
ner I have proposed, or any better, if a better can he
denied, and cease the operation of the fines. I would
Rill keep the militia as an organized body of men, and
should there lie areal ncetffity to call them forth, pay
th< m out of f hc piaper revenues of the Rate, and en
creafe the t ACS a third or fourth per cent, on those
who did not att 1. My limits will not allow me to
go farther into this matter, which I shall therefore ciole
withethis remark ; that fines are, of all modes of re
venue, the must unsuited to the mind of a free coun
try. When a man pays a tax, he knows the public
ncc ffry requires it, and therefore feels a pride in dis
charging his duty ; but a fine seems an atonement for
ncgled of duty, and of conlequence is paid with dis
credit, and frequently levied with severity.
I have now only one fubjett more to speak to, with
which I fnali conclude, which is, the resolve of Con
gress of the i,&fh of March last, for taking up and
funding thep lent currency at forty for one, and is
suing new money in its Read.
The sum then to be raifcl next year will be one
minion and sixty thousand pounds: One half of
which I would propose should be raised by duties On
imported goods and prize goods, and the other half
by a tax on landed property and houses, or such other
means as each Rate may devise.
But as the duties on imports and prize goods must be
the fame in all the Rates, therefore the rate per cent,
or in what other form the duty shall be laid, must be
ascertained and regulated by Congress, and ingrafted
in that form into the law of each Rate; and the mo
nies arising therefrom carried into the treasury of
each Rate. The duties to be paid in gold or silver.
There are many reason, why a duty on imports is
the most convenient duty or tax that can be collected, 1
Every one knows I am not the flatterer of Congress,
but in this instance they are right ; and if that measure
is supported, the currency will acquire a value which
without it, it will not. 'But this is not all: It will
give relief to the finances until such time as they can
be properly arranged, and save the country from be
ing immediately double taxed under the present mode.
In short, support that measure, and it will support you.
I have now waded through a tedious course of dif
ficult bulinefs, and over an untrodden path. The
fubjeCt on every point it could be viewed was entan
gled with perplexities, and enveloped in obscurity,
yet such are the resources of America, that flic wants
nothing but system to insure success.
COMMON SENSE.
Philadelphia, Oflober 4, 1780.
(Poftfeript to be injerted in our next.)
[ No. lI.J
To the Legislature of the State of New-Jersey.
Gentlemen,
ICOME now to perforin my promise, and do what
but for the bounds prescribed me, I should have
done in my last.
Congress, at a time when they supposed the par of
exchange (or in other words the quantum of depreci
ation) throughout the United States, taken collec
tively, was at about forty for one, with design to give
stability to their currency, and in some measure to
supply their treasury, determined 011 a new emission
at specie value ; to fectire which from depreciation,
they set a triple guard upon it, resolving, ift, That
none of it should be emitted in any state, until that
state had established a fund for the redemption of the
quota assigned to it. 2d, That it should bear an an
nual interelt of five per cent, to be paid in specie, or
bills of exchange 011 our Commissioners in Europe.
3d, To prevent any depreciation arising from the
quantity, it was determined that no more than a cer
tain fpecified sum should be emitted, and not even
that, but upon a proportionable quantity of the old
being firft brought in and deftrdyed.
Thus circumstanced, nothing but the unaccount
able caprice incident to Luman nature in certain situ
ations (and I believe not that) can depreciate it.
I know much has been laid against this measure as
being a breach of public faith, and have often heard
persons rail against Congress for having broken faith
with the people. I confefs my idea has always been
that Congress were the repreientatives of the people,
and therefore that the Congress and the People were
the fame, and that the ^ds of the one were the ads
of the other, confequentiy that to fay the Congress
had broke faith with the people, was, in other words,
to fay that the people had broke faith with themlelves,
were deceiving and imposing upon themkives, which
is absurd.
The idea that Congress and People are two diftinft
bodies, pursuing separate imcrelts, is, I know, a fa
vourite one with our enemies, and by them inculcat
ed on us by every art in their power. Admitting this
plea, let us look back to our firft associations, on the
faith of which Congress have acted ; we there in the
most solemn manner pledged our lives and fortunes,
and every thing we held dear and sacred, to lupport
them in such measures as Ihou:d appear to them nc
ceffary for maintaining and securing the rights and
privileges of America. One of the measures then ab
folutcly necessary was striking bills of credit, on this
our faith so solemnly pledged. Have we then, agree
ably to these our obligations, thus freely entered in
to, supported these bills ? or have we through inte
rested (net to fay worse) motives, fpight of every ef
fort of Congress, fpight of our own plighted faith,
not only fuflered them to depreciate, but actually as
sisted in the depreciation, and thereby deceived Con
gress in theirjuft expectations, and disappointed them
in their best endeavours. Ifthis then is the case, and
deny it who can, for justice fake let the blame lie at
the right door, and Congress be forever acquitted.
But to return from this digrthion to the conse
quences which the resolutions for a new emission had
on this state, permit me to observe, that from a pau
city incident to popular governments, it was long ere
our legislature came into the measure to effect ; during
which time the continental treasury became more and
more exhaulted, while we were hili performing ser
vices which they were unable to pay us for, and fur
nifliing Applies for which we ourselves undertook to
pay, thereby emptying our own coffers with little
profpeC tof again filling them, except with certificates,
and rendering us unable to procure a fufficient quan
tity of the old emissions to exchange for the new. But
what had a particular effect on the new emission was,
that during this interval the old had considerably de
preciated, and our legillature, with a mistaken view
of adhering strictly to the resolution of Congress, fix
ed the exchange between the new money and conti
nental at one for forty, and yet in thedame law de
clare the new equal in value with gold and silver ;
here then is a direct contradiction, the exchange be
tween gold and silver and continental being upwards
of sixty for one when the new money firft made its ap
pearance ; the new emission therefore was at firft as it
were suspended in equilibrio between the two; but
as the taxes were levied in continental, and the new
to be received but as one for forty in them, it was easy
to forefee which scale must preponderate. Accord
ingly the new is by common content, as well as by
Lw, fix<d at forty times the value of continental;
whereas it is evident that on the fame principles, had
it not been for the unlucky forty-for-one clause, that
is, had it been in nowise connected with continental
but received in taxes at the specie exchange, it would
with the lame case have been fixed at ipecic value.
What I would therefore propose is, that the law
should be amended, and that specie should be the
standard-value of the new emission, and that it should
be received in continental taxes at the specie exchange
be that what it may, for it appears to me the greatest
absurdity to fuppoie that in private dealings it should
pass at one value, in public at another. This I con
ceive would likewise effectually take off the odium of
" breach of public faith" from the meaiure.
I come now to confidcr the case of the certificates ;
and here I have already observed, that the state is
considerably indebted to the continent, if then we
could take on us the debts due from the continent to
individuals, and get credited for the amount with
Congress, we should thereby not only pay off our pre
sent debt to them, but hand considerably in advance,
for which we should be entitled to intcreft. Ibis,'
considering the prelent situation of our treasury, mav
be thought a romantic scheme, but perhaps on fur
ther consideration it nay not be found so wild as at
firft it would appear, nay, so far from being difficult,
it may, infteau of laying any further burthens on the
people, be made a considerable easement to the pre
sent; the plan is simple, the path is plain. What is
the complaint of the people against the certificates?
That they cannot with them pay their debts, their
taxes, &c. Now to whom are these debts, these tax
es to be paid ? We are told, and most of us know very
well, that there are immense debts due to the state
from the commissioners and purchasers of forfeited
eltates, and from several counties on account of ar
rears of taxes, &c. the whole of these therefore might
be received in certificates, valued according to their
dates and the time when the debts and taxes became
due, and to difeharge the remaining certificates, let
a fufficient sum be itruck in bills of credit by thi• state
on the lame foundation as thole emitted curing the
last war, and to be redeemed, in shorter periods, in
the fame manner.
'Two objections will, I forefee, be made to this
scheme.
I. That the credit of the state is not fufficient to
venture so large a draught upon it.
I aufwer, that during the last war no doubt was
made 01 our ability to redeem any lum which we might
find necessary to emit; and 1 am bold to fay, that
New Jertey, even in its present exhausted Rate, is a
ble to lupport double the amount of the then emissi
ons, and if we may look forward to the end of the
war, and anticipate the advantages which we shall
probably then ynjoy, 1 think no man will ever doubt
the credit of the ftate.'
2. T" c fc coil d objection is, that we shall be over
run with the quantity of money, and that it will de
preciate merely from that circumstance.
To which I answer, the quantity will be trifling to
what we should at firft blulh suppose, when those
countleis thousands are reduced to their real value,
(which every holder ofa certificate woufd gladly re
ceive) the vilion dilappcars, and we shall find no such
shocking addition to oui current cash, especially when
we confider the present scarcity and the constant calls
we fhail be under the necessity of making to enable us
to furnifh our supplies foi the army.
To illustrate these observations I shall venture at a
calculation, and suppose that after the debts due to
the state are fully paid, the remaining certificates will
amount to twenty motions of dollars, and that the
rate of exchange at which they ought to be paid, tak
ing them collectively, is as one for fifty, then fay this
sum shall be redeemed within ten years, the amount
is fifteen thousand pounds annually ; a sum barely e
qual to the late finking fund, and less by thirty-five
thousand pounds than was in circulation on the fame
looting at the end of the last war, with the advantage
of being redeemed in three years lets time; and will
any perlon suppose the credit of this state irifufficient
for that sum, or that the quantity can cause a depre
ciation.
Thus have I attempted to shew the cause of our dis
tresses, and to point out a remedy. It lam wrong in
the firft inttance, lam probably so in the last. How
e/er it is conceded on all hands, that in our present
situation fomethmg decisive must be done. If a bet
ter plan should be proposed, by all means embrace
rt ?" n °'’ an " '' " a " a PP' ar to y° u that the present
will fix a Randard to our long fluctuating cash ; will
give it liability and currency ; will difeharge our debt
to the continent, and put us on a rcfpeCtable footing
there ; will case the people from the burthen of their
certificates; will enable them to pay not only their
arrears of taxes and debts due to the state, but also
debts t° and contracts with each other, and
thereby enable all to pay their current taxes without
dißrefs; if it will not only do this, but enable us in
future to purchase our supplies for the army with
^ a "ft '^' n y° u w '" not hesitate a moment to adopt
To linger is to die ;" indecision will be our ru
in. hile the l^giflature are wavering and uncertain,
the people will be doubtful and suspicious. iWe are
at that crisis when, unless some effectual remedy is ap
plied, we penfh. We are at that crisis when a proper
remedy fkilfully applied, will perform wonders, and
loon raise the body politic to frefli life and vigour.
_SCIPI O.
vn ^ ° S T 0 N > °^l2.
Yesterday a ship of 20 guns, prize to the Mifflin
privateer, arrived fafe in port. She was bound from
New-York to Newfoundland.