The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1781-10-24 00:00:00, page 1

(Mr. Fox's Speech concluded. )
1 Cannot suppose that there is one member of
parliament weak enough to think that any
thing can be done against America, however,
the house appears more inclined than ever to
continue the war, and that from the opinion of those
who have a personal interest in its continuation.
Mr. Galloway has said at the bar of the house, that
mine-tenths of the inhabitants of America were de
voted to Great-Britain. And yet what have we
been able to do. If Mr. Galloway had told me so,
I Ihould have asked him what he did in England,
and why he was not with the friends of govern
ment in America. lam not astonished to find that
one meets none but loyalists in America, for they
fay that England is overrun with American rebels.
Every man who manifefts his horror for war, is
shamefully ftigmatifed rebel, and is thrown perhaps
into a prison under the smallest pretext: whilst the
American refugees are not only fuffered, but paid
for traducing the belt characters. These refugees
print in the publick papers the blackest libels against
those who form the most refpedable part of the
Legislature; and they are kept in pay for that pur
pose. There are, however, amohgft the refugees,
some who deserve to be diftinguiffied from the rest ;
they are those who have really been martyrs to their
principles, and drove from the continent for their
unhappy attachment to the Britilh government.
God forbid that I Ihould blame all sentiments of
benevolence and charity towards people of that cha
racter, for differing with them in political opini
ons, I am sensible that they merit much pity, and
some honour, just as those who, by a similar error,
have been obliged to pass the remainder of their
days at St. Germains, or at Rome. But the greatest
number of those who are pensioned by Britilh gene
rality, as wronged in their colonies, have been
formerly the mod ardent champions for the Ame
rican cause, which they did not abandon 'till after
a falfe Speculation, and they thought it began to
decline.. These renegadoes are at prefect the chief
favourites of the ministry, who employed them to
write libels against the lead repreheufible and most
refpedable personages in the .kingdom. One of
them has had the impudence to calumniate one of
my nearest relations, a Lieutenant-Colonel in Ame
rica, by representing him as a traitor to his country,
and charging him diredly with having availed himfelf
of his rank in the army to keep up a correspondence
with the enemy. There are persons attached to the
service of their country, and working coriftantly for
the publick good, who are exposed to the venom of
these villains, paid by the Miniilry for the calumny
winch they spread. It is on account of the part
which I have acted in Parliament, and the constant
oppolition which I have (hewn to the American war,
that the person whom 1 speak of has been pointed
out by the mercenary pen of a refugee, as a suitable
object for his calumny. Whilst such infamous cha
racters dare calumniate men so commendable for
their rank and fcrvices; whilst myfclf, who knows
the purity of my intentions, have been equally a
mark for their arrows, can I forbear lookmg on them
with indignation? But as that matter is soon to be
tried by a court of justice, this is not the time to
treat of it—ls the pretender when he left England,
had been told by any person that the nine-tenths of
the people of England were for him, with a strong
army on foot ready to operate in concert with him,
and on that they had demanded fuccours from the
King of France, would Lewis the XIV. have granted
any? He undoubtedly would have answered in this
manner: If the nine-tenths of the Englilh are for the
pretender, if they have a numerous army on foot, I
certainly have no occasion to fend an army into
England to put the pretender on the throne,—lt is
in this manner that Lewis XIV. would have reasoned,
and it is thus the House of Commons Ihould have
reasoned in confluence of Mr. Galloway's report.
Alas! The five-tixths of the people of America are
our friends, and y^t there is not one stroke (truck in
our favour, not a symptom of loyalty in the conti
nent! It is thus our government is played with, and
is duped by a sett of men who live by its credulity.
But lately a lilt was demanded of the American re
fugees who received pensions, and that was refufed.
The Ministry find their account in hiding this lift,
and in not telling the publick who those pensioners
are.
After all what have they done? Has the Britilh
army as yet effected one fihgle thing? If we ask the
Minister what fort of an army General Wafnington
has got, he will answer, that they are in want of
clothing, that they have conlumed their provision,
that they have no ammunition, and that they arc
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. IV.]
WEDNESDAY, October 24, 1781.
reduced to almost nothing. But if you ask them
what army General Clinton has, they will agree in
telling you, Oh! it is cempofed of the fineft men
in the world, the soldiers are the flower of the Britilh
army, they are well fed, well clothed, they abound
in magazines of ammunition of every fort ; they are
full of ardour, fluflied with the numberless successes
they have had, and breathemothing but the love of
future glory; and with al this, what prodigies have
we effected? Although the American army has every
thing necessary to excite pity in an enemy, yet that
poor miserable army has <u yet been subjugated:
quite the contrary, they have made refinance and
have braved that superb, and formidable Englilh
army, who has had too vr.h them the nine-tenths
of the people of America, so that it becomes really
a matter of cpriofity to knew how it could possibly
happen that all the English army, with the nine
tenths of the Americans . their command, have
been kept in check, and ( mineered over by only
one-tenth of the Amerce 5, who areTupforted
only by a poor difeouragee army, in want of every
thing.
Things being in this situation, I cannot explain
how it could happen that n m Ihould be so obstinate
ly bent on continuing this war. There has been in
all times, men who held v-ry dangerous doctrines,
men unrounding the throve, who put every tiling
at work to insinuate, that the power and authority
of the Crown was diftintt and qppofite to that of
the people; they have alleged, amd that in fad was
the truth, that in time or war, the power of the
Crown was greater than in time of peace; but i£the
power of the Crown was nd so great, it was more
glorious when in time of peace and prosperity, it
was founded on the constitution and the affections of'
the people; it was the virtues of the sovereign, in
conciliating the affections jud attachment of the
people which formed the melt solid basis ofhis pow
er. What reason have we to hope to day that our
arms will be more prolp r<is in America, than they
were formerly. Does the courage of the Ministers
revive at the news from Holland, of a second action
between Lord Cornwajlis and General Greene, in
which the arms,of the former have been triumphant?
We have won a number of victories last year. We
have been covered with laurels. The thanks of the
house have been voted to several Generals and Ad
mirals, for Lord Cornwallis, tor Sir Henry Clinton,
for. Admiral Arbuthnot, for Rodney, and God knows
who. but what fruit have we drawn from our vic
tories? After all, I fee no reason to think that it
would be advantageous to submit the question to the
house. It would be better those under the Crown
only Ihould be refpofiblc, than to give power where
there is no will. In 1775, when Lord North pre
iented to the house the conciliatory bill, he declared
explicitly at leveral times, that he would never depart
from it. Nevertheieb, this fame Lord has come to
the house himfelf in 177& and there propoled a bill
which Should be sent to Lord Carlille, and the other
Committiuners in America, 0:0 make an offer to the
Americans ,of their taxing thcmfelves. Astoapeace
with that country, 1 do not think that it can be ob
tained this year, nor the next, nor seven years hence,
nor even in fifty, it the present system continues.
The noble Lord dare not make peace; he has assured
this house, that he would bring the Americans to
their knees, and he has not yet had candour enough
to confefs that he was mistaken.
Mr. Fox drew a picture of the different and con
tradictory filiations in which Ministry arc. When
the war with America broke out, what was their
argument? Shall we give up the trade with America?
No, they could not think of that, the trade is too
precious to lose; but when it was loft, the Mini
sters changed their tone; and then, it was only for
taxation they fought. Very soon however both trade
and taxation was abandoned, and then, the whole
dispute turned on the independence of America,
which they told us, we could not give up on any
pretext known; after all this, we must yet grant
them independence. Mr. lox sighed, to think that
the war must be continued, that the poor must be
fruftrated in the means of Supporting themfclves by
their industry, and the rich deprived of the tale and
pleasures of life. In fliort, he looked upon every
tax imposed in consequence of the war, as robbery
made on the publick. He finished his long and warm
I'pecch, by observing, that the war with America
would never finifh whilst the present system was con
tinued, But the moment in which that system chang
ed, good to both countries would result from that
change. In a word, he declared, that this war was
so unjust in its principles and absurd in the pursuit,
that it must be ruinous in its consequences, and con
T H E
Mr. Hartley's motion was rejected; the 12th of this
month, Mr. Fox, who had announced one pretty
similar, made another speech, of which we (hall
give the lubftance; it may be looked upon as a
commentary on Lord Cornwallis's letters, and a
continuation of the firfl of this war.
WHEN Mr - Hartley's motion was rejected,
ays he, by a plurality of votes, the objection which
ecided its fate, rested on the supposition, that on
the moment in which that great question was agitate
°, it was probably decided in America, by a com
pleat victory over the rebels ; Lord George Germaine
declared positively, that the victory was signal, dtci
i°/""' " iat '" expected the particulars; it was
therefore determined that the war ihould be continu
ed, to which that victory must put a speedy period.
" ed Particulars me .orb ed, they are de
pohted in an authentic paper; even in the Court
Gazette. Let us take a view of them, if we have
the courage, il we can support the frightful view of
accumulated disappointment, of fruitlefs. massacres,
impotent valour and perseverance at the last gasp:
I dale not fay, that this pretended Guilford victory
caiiies in its forrowful consequences every mark of
the most decisive defeat, not to fay dire disgrace
and Ihame. I dare not fay the brave Cornwallis
fled. He would die with grief was he ever to learn
that this house resounded with that word consecrat
ed to disgrace; No, that brave officer did not fly
, conquered; he planted the royal standard on the
held of battle, but if he had been vanquished, what
worse could possibly have happened him than what
has? He did not run, but he found himfelf under
the dreadful and mortifying necessity of retiring
with some precipitation; history does not fnrnifh
any example that I know of, where a conqueror, in
the moment of victory, has been obliged to turn
his back to the enemy; to give up all the advan
tages which he owes to his bravery and good conduct.
Lord Cornwallis was reserved for the misfortune of
furnifhing that example to posterity ; he did not fly,
but in fine, if he had been vanquished what would
lie have done? He would have quit the field of battle,
and approached the sea shore precipitately, where
he might expert to find an asylum and some fuccours ;
that is precisely what he has done; his victorious
ai my abandoned the field of battle; he renounced
every ulterior object of his expedition, and retired
in haste to the sea fide, to put himfelf under the
protection of our fleet!
But Lord Cornwallis did not fly:—he con
quered ;—he planted the King's standard on the field
of battle: it is himfelf who informs us cf all these
circumstances; he lays he has just gained a signal
victory, but by the word signal he does not mean
profitable or decisive; that officer, as judicious as
brave, does not confine himfelf to a barren relation
of the affair at Guilford: he gives us at large acom
pleat view of his situation pad, present and to come;
in laying before our eyes a plan of the expedition
with which he was charged; he invites us to exa
niine it, and calculate the inafs of advantages or dis
appointments which probably might or Ihould result
fcomit. His great object was to penetrate into North-
Carolina, there to protect the loyalists, and give
them an opportunity of rising in favour of govern
meiit; he docs not lay who gave him reason to hope
(it is easy to fee that inch information must come
from the Ministry) that he should find in that pro
vince legions of loyalists ready to draw themfclves
up under his colours, but he gives us to underhand
that he had hopes of it. " I reckoned, fays he, on
numerous friends, but I found only timid friends,
and rebels whole hatred is inveterate; two hundred
unfortunate men had either more courage or more
sincerity, they ventured to unite with us, endeavour
ed to join with us, they were intercepted, cut in
pieces, and malfacred in cold blood!" It is evident
that when the Minister allured us, when the dange
rous deserters assured us at the bar of the house that
we had, elpecially in the southern provinces, nine
tenths of, the inhabitants for .us, the Minister was
deceived, the deserters deceived us. What do we
fee in the other parts of the picture which Lord
Cornwallis presents to us? an enumeration of num
berless obftaclcs which we have been told an hundred
times exists in every part of America, and which are
invincible; they do not arise from the disposition of
the minds of the people only, they exist in things
inanimated, as much as muninds the highest exalted
by the love of liberty and independence ; a river, a
wood, a rock, a marth, a hill, a ravine; at every
hep bravery finds a new opposition, prudence finds
fequently he would vote, that the question mi^ht be
taken again into consideration.
[Numb. 200.]