The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-02-04 00:00:00, page 1

SIR,
IE ST the poison of your precepts fliould
mislead the ignorant and credulous, or
corrupt the honest, I have ventured, v,ith
much deference to abler pens, to make a
J few observations on some of the mod re
" markable passages in your celebrated let
ter to His Excellency our Commander in Chief.
Great pains and many words have been used to
palliate your former condud, and reconcile it with
the part you now ad ; —you have found it an Her
culean labour, and it still rests in the fame place
where you began. That the grass is green, is felf
evident; that the fun fiiines, needs no demonstra
tion ;, and that you have aded the molt bale and trea
cherous part, is a truth that wants no proof. As
well might you attempt to reconcile jarring elements,
as to dupe us into a belief of the integrity of your
heart. " You wished to follow ypur countrymen as
far only as virtue and the righteousness of their cause
would permit you ;" that is to fay, as far as your
interest and fafety were concerned, then you was
their man: But by forfaking us at this time, it
would lead us to infer, that with you, every principle
of virtue and humanity have likewife.abandoned us.
You shudder at the idea of an independency, and
vet fuffered Mr. Hancock, " who has nothing but a
foft mild address to atone for his want bf every other
qualification necessary for the Ration he fills.”—Re
demptura nulla virtutc a vitiis—l fay you fuffered this
cypher of a man to attack you by furprize'with a
commission, and dub you a cliaplain. j.is true, you
fay you was much distressed, but, qu^renda pecunia
primum est, virtus noft nummos —youd conscience
afterwards became easy, and your pockets were
lined: At the fame time you infinuatejhat you ut
terly deprecated /^ service ; being.inconfiftent with
your new-adopted faith of absolute submission and
non-rehfance. The danger of the cpifcopal church,
left it fliould fall into anarchy, by absurdly praying
for the tyrant we oppole, is one specious reason for
your lapfus; and, to prevent that misfortune, you
adopted a conduct which you now confefs your sen
timents reprobated at that very time. But perhaps
you may be one of those who believe, “ that it is
lawful to do evil, that good, may come of it."
How often, with pleasure, have I heard you de
claim on the blessings of liberty, the horrors of a
despotic government, and exhorting us to firmnefs
and unanimity! But, alas! little did I then think
you " spoke a language foreign to your heart," and
that your foul was all deceit and treachery. Your
good sense and found judgment were not proof a
;ainft the popular torrent and the violence of party,
so as a lamb to the daughter you were borne down
by the general voice.
Like all young sinners, you soon became familiar
with vice, and reluctantly preached a sermon to one
of the city battalions, encouraging them to stand faft
in their opposition. You afterwards became well
acquainted witli that monjier independency, and
teem never to have discovered its Gorgon head till
we had been defeated on Long-Bland, loft the city
if New-York, and our affairs in that State wore a
melancholy afpeCt. These circumstances, I lay,
(truly terrifying to little minds) determined you at
once to get out of the fappofcd scrape as well as you
could ; you wyre conscious at the fame time, how
fatal such an inconsistent step would be to your cha
racter as a man of virtue, as a man of honour, and
therefore cautioudy concealed the reasons of your
resignation from the candid publick, till, like a true
poltroon, you fheltcred yourfelf under the arm of
hat very power, which, from the sacred pulpit, you
exhorted us to oppose. It is needless to prove the
necessity of that definitive measure, which you hold
forth as the chief cause of your defection, it having
been often and wifely demonstrated, but only to
mention it as ,far as it interferes with your apology.'
You ebnfidered it as a bug-bear, " held up in terra
rem to frighten our oppressors into some terms, but
not as a measure to be persisted in at all events
that is to fay, if military parade and threats were not
fufficient to intimidate the foe, to concede those pri
vileges which you have often acknowledged to be our
just and natural rights, and which no powers ought
to divest us of —then to fit down patiently, bow the
neck to the yoke, and bare the shoulders to the
tafh. " This, indeed, is a splendid maxim in the
ory," but the experiment applies so strongly to the
feUfes, that even you, Sir, have not Stoicism to re
duce it to practice.
I pass by your remarks on the result of the confe
rence between Lord Howe, his Britannick Majesty's
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
To theRe vERE nd JACOB DUCHEi
[Vol. I.]
WEDNESDAY, February 4, 1778.
Commiffion,er, and the Committee of Congress, not
being conclusive arguments against the necessity of
independency.
" All the world," you fay, " are convinced that
the illustrious Personage to whom you write, is en
gaged in the service of his country from motives per
fectly disinterested." It is a catholic faith, that no
action can be praise-worthy, whole principles are
unjust and cruel, and which is not only malum in fe,
but pra&ifed to obtain the most villainous and per
nicious ends. On the other hand, it is acknowledg
ed by you, for yourfelf and the whole world, that
be is engaged to serve his country, and that from the
most laudable motives; how then can you be so in
consistent, after such declaration, to dissuade from
that honourable service. To bring ruin and ueftruc
tion on our country, or to fuffer others to do it,
cannot certainly be calledfo uing it ; but an opposite
conduct implies benefits, favours, and every good
gift that can be conferred, and which at this very
time you amply confefs, are the motives of action
in the Personage to whom you write.
“ But," you again fay, " could you have had the
least idea of matters being carried to such a dan
gerous extremity as they are now ?" Or in words
tantamount, Had you any profpe& of the hardihips
of war, of marching and counter-marching, cold
and heat, wet and dry, hunger and third ; but a
bove all, of coming tp battle ? I myfelf, one of your
mod intimate acquaintances, who have known you
near twenty years, could not believe you would have
persisted. And now to prove, that from the measure
of independency has flowed a degeneracy of repre
sentation, corifufion of .councils, and numberless
blunders; that the most worthy characters have
withdrawn, and are succeeded by fools and mad
men, we have your ample testimony: And who had
a better opportunity of knowing the characters of
those Gentlemen, than their own Chaplain, after
preaching up Liberty for two months and three weeks
to them ?
No candid person can believe, from the general
tenor of your letter, you ever meant it should have
the effect proposed, otherwise you would not have
begun with such illiberal, falfe, ungentlemanlike
aspersions on the greatest body-politic in America,
the only power which could bring about that impor
tant change for which you lolicft. The firft who
meet the fire of your pen, are the Delegates from
Virginia. You recapitulate the virtues of the deceas
ed and superannuated, or persons who, after long
and faithful services, had retired to manage their
private affairs, which had fuffered by their absence,
or to be more immediately aiding the public busi
ness of their own States : I fay, some of these afore
faid causes affeCt every Gentleman whom you have
thought proper to diferiminate from the rest, and
daub with fulfome adulation. Even the members of
your own State, or the catholic Carroll, do not hold
you in a more contemptible view than those very
men who have been the fubje&s of your flattery.
In the New-England States it is well known, even by
our enemies, that the general voice is for supporting
our independency at all events ; those people being
unanimous, their elections cannot be called the result
of a low faction. Certainly then, under such cir
cumstances, men of virtue and property, men of wis
dom and experience would be chosen to represent
them—men, who having the real interests of their
country at heart, would be the properest guardians
of their rights and privileges. That the Congress
have loft their influence, the following circumstances
will prove to be falfe —The paper currency circulates
freely under their credit; the camp is stored with
every neceflary ; their troops have taken one power
ful army, and ftronglv blockaded the other —These
are faCts, among thousands, that give the lye to your
assertions.
Notwithstanding our illustrious General is the idol
of his army, and tho? by his death or captivity we
fliould experience a most heavy and sensible loss ; yet
the principles upon which we have taken up arms
are such as indissolubly cement our interests and
consequently our powers. The merits of our cause
are the fame now as at firft, only our opposition is
more confirmed by accumulated injuries and aggra
vated insults. Be assured, we never mean to quit
the field, to expose our country to the ravages of a
foe, whose tender mercies are death and cruelty.
Happy for America ! we have officers amongst us,
who, by imitating the conduct of our great General,
(if under the circumstances you mention) would ar
rive at such a military perfection, as might in a
great measure supply so capital a loss.
To your bitter sarcasms on our army, I reply —■
That some of our men are, and all have been un-
THE
Since the Declaration of Independency, the ground
of our contest is materially changed; and it is not
rights and privileges for which we now fight, but
dominion and empire are the objects of both parties.
Britain is endeavouring to reduce us to conquered,
provinces, and again to monopolize our trade. Why
then this immense expence of blood and treasure ?
when you tell us that " new channels are continually
opening, that will, perhaps, more than supply the
loss of the old"—It is only changing the navigation,
from America to Europe, and the loss of our trade,
and manufactures will never be felt by England.
The whole navy of Great-Britain is not fufficient'
to block up all our harbours ; and though fortreffes
are taken and battles loft, the victors have ever rea
son to lament the conquest. Every day their army
moulders away, whilst ours, like the Hydra, en
creafes two-fold ; and notwithstanding they now pos
sess our unfortunate capital, I may justly cry out
with you, " How unequal the contest ! how fruitlefs
the expence of blood,!"
After 'recapitulating every difeouragement calcu
lated to terrify weak minds, like an able logician^,
you draw an inference as foreign from the premises,
as probably you and I will be, before this letter
reaches you. Ergo, " Under so many difeouraging
circumstances, can virtue, can honour, or the love of
your country prompt you to perfevefe ? Humanity it
felf (and then a stroke of flattery) calls upon you to
desist." The very idea of virtue implies difficulties
and disappointments ; was it not so, patriotism would
degenerate into licentiousness, and liberty be of no
real value.
True it is, that where-ever our army encamps, it
becomes somewhat burthenfome to the inhabitants
of the vicinage : But observe the progress of the Bri
tish spoilers—murder, rape, robbery, and burning,
mark their footfteps —And though sometimes they
may pursue, they as often fhamefully retreat, and
continue the devastation which they (not we) have
begun.
Wisdom dictates a glorious and happy peace, and
humanity withes for it; but accommodation teems to
imply dependence : A facrifice which I am confident.
America will never make. You call upon His Ex
cellency in the name of the whole Continent, tex
make this deftru&ive facrifice, and to become " the:
friend and guardian of his country"—by withdraw-.
ing his protection.
"As a full and conclusive apfwk t? the two follows
disciplined, is a truth that needs no controverting,
only that our eppofition thereby becomes more
glorious. True it also is, that we have Sometimes
given way before superior numbers and advantageous
attacks; but our misfortunes, therefore, are not so
be imputed to cowardice. No, Sir, every Gentle
man of candour in the British army must acknow
ledge that we are not cowards: Mr, Duche himfelf„
was he not under the influence of fear, must ac
knowledge it. And tho' many of our officers are
men who heretofore never shone in private life, mor^
than in the character of honest citizens or farmers
yet we have numbers who have held the most con
siderable pofis in government, and highly refpe&ecL
as private Gentlemen, such whose names have often
reached your ears, and whom you have not been,
ashamed to profefs a friendship for,,exclufive of those:
Gentlemen who surround his Excellency's person.
As to our little fleet, which you have already an
nihilated in idea; believe me, that does not form
the nerves of our opposition. Your arguments against
the probability of a French war, and the sine-spurt
anecdote of a certain speculative French trader, 1
purposely omit, leaving the event in the hands of all
revealing time, which doubtless we shall have no
cause to be diffatisfied with. We do rot court the
friendfhip of England, its inhabitants have never
done us any material service ; on the contrary, they
have voted ample supplies to hire foreigners to fpilL
our blood unjustly; they never exerted themselves
to effeft ; it was once in their power to have spared.
the lives of our butcher'd countrymen —to have pre
vented the tears of many widows and orphans, now
deprived of their dearest connections by a band of
hireling Scotch and German ruffians. We know that
the spirit of the whole nation is in full activity against
us, and we have already experienced the effects of
that humane spirit, which you fay is united and de
termined. Some few noble patriotic fouls are yet
left in both Houses of Parliament, though you have
the consummate assurance to fay, they are without
charaaer and without influence, whose steady oppo
sition has no other motive than despair, vengeance,,
and disappointment—But America will ever have ±
grateful sense of their merits, ih spite of the calumny,
of theirs and our enemies.
[Numb, io.]