The United States oracle of the day — Portsmouth, N.H., 1801-08-01 00:00:00, page 2

We are aware that it may be said, he
has sustained with reputation, and now
holds, several offices in the City, Town,
and County,—but it will be remember
ed that none of them are byrecent pro
motion ; his office of Mayor he holds
by Charter during the pleasure of the
Legislature ; and he is continued as
Judge of the County Court, and Town
Clerk, because the people of this State
are not in the habit of neglecting those
who once enjoyed their confidence by a
long course of ufefulnefs.
Knowing the man as we do, we do
not hefitatexo fay that he cannot, with
out aid, perform a single official ad.
It may be laid that the appointment
was with a view to the aid of his lon
Abraham Bithop, Esq. and that he is
to be the real collector. We presume
the business must be done by him if
done at all ; Yet we cannot be led to
believe that the President would.know
ingly appoint a person to the dilcharge
of duties, to which he was incompe
tent, with a defignthat they should be
performed by his son. If however this
was the case, we explicitly date, that
Abraham Bishop, Esq. is so entirely
destitute of public confidence, so con
spicuous for his enmity to commerce,
and opposition to order, and so odious
to his fellow citizens, that we presume
his warmed partizans would not have
hazarded a recommendation of him.
Knowing these facts of which we must
believe the President ignorant, and re
lying on assurance, “ that he will pro
mote the general welfare, without re
garding diftindions of parties" we che
rish the idea, that cur grief at the re
jedion of Mr. Goodrich, will not be
augmented by the continuance of a fa
ther utterly unqualified for the office,
or of a son so universally condemned.
We assure the President that the fen-,
timents thus expressed, are the senti
ments of the merchants and importers
of the Diftrid. That such a class of
citizens should be heard patiently, and
their well founded complaints redressed,
if practicable, we are fully persuaded.
If it be an object, “ to reftote harmony
tofctial intercourse," and if a decision
“ at the bar of public leafon ' be wor
thy of attention, surely such a portion
of the community will not plead in
vain, for a reconsideration of this ap
pointment, and that such an important
office may be filled by a person compe
tent to the performance of its duties,
and in feme degree acceptable to the
public. Signed BY
Yercmiab Atwater, Elias Sbipwan, A
brabam Bradley, Abel Burnett, and
others, to the number of eighty per-,
THE undersigned, Merchants re
siding at the port and within the
tiirtria of New-Haven, refpeafully re
^ondrate agaipft the late removal of
Eiizur Goodrich, Esq. from the office
as Collector for the Diftricl of New-Ha
ven, and the appointment of Samuel
Biihop, Esq. to fill his vacancy. As
the ground of our remonstrance we re
present that the office while filled by
Mr. Goodrich was conducted with a
promptness, integrity and ability, fatis
fadory to the mercantile interest of this
Diftria—a promptness and ability not
to be found in his successor.
Samuel Bishop, Esq. will be feventy
eight years old in November next. He
is labouring under a full portion of
those infirmities which are incident to
that advanced period of life. With
these infirmities, and an alarming loss
of eyesight, though he was once a de
cent penman, it is now with difficulty
he can even write his name. He was
never bred an accountant —nor has the
course of his business ever led him to
an acquaintance with the most simple
forms of accounting. He is totally
unacquainted with the system of Re
venue Laws, and the forms of doing
mercantile business, and is now too far
advanced in life, and too much enfee
bled both in body and mind, ever to
learn either. A man whose age,
whose infirmities, and the want of the
requisite knowledge is such, is unfit to
be the Collector for the District of
New-Haven.
Believing the character of E. Good
rich, Esq. as an officer to be unexcep
tionable, we lament that it should be
conceived necessary that a change in
the administration must produce a
change in the Subordinate officers, and
in this instance we have especially to
lament that certain measures have suc
ceeded in deceiving the President so
far as'to induce him to appoint a man
to an important office, who does not
possess those qualifications necessary for
the discharge of its duties. We hesi
tate not to fay, that had the President
known the circumstances and situation
of the candidate, he would have reject
ed the application. To prove this, let
fads be submitted to the consideration
of the President.
sons.
We certify that the signers of the
foregoing Remonstrance arc the ow
+f the Merchants of Nero- Haven, on the appoint
ment of Samuel Bfoop, Esq. CoMedor of the
9,nen ue of that Port, in the place of Elizur
Goodrich, Ei*q.
^ THOMAS JEFFERSON, Est
President of the United States.
REM ONSTRANCE,
Washington, July 12.
GENTLEMEN,
I HAVE received the remonstrance
you were pleased to address to me, on
the appointment of Samuel Bishop, to
the office of Collector of New-Hayen,
lately vacated by the death of David
Austin. The right of our fellow-citi
zens to represent to the public function
aries their opinion, on proceedings in
teresting to them, is unquestionably a
constitutional right, often ufeful, some
times necessary, and will always be ref
peftfully acknowledged by me.
Os the various Executive duties, no
one ascites more anxious concern than
that of placing the interest of our fel
low-citizens in the hands of honest men,
with understandings fufficient for their
Ration. No duty, at the fame time, is
more difficult to fulfil. The know
ledge of characters pofTefTed.,by a sin
gle individual is of necedity limited.
To seek out the best through the whole
Union, we mult resort to other infor
mation, which, from the best of men,
anting disinterestedly and with the
pureit motives, is sometimes incurred.
In the case of Samuel Bishop, however,
the fubjed of your remonstrance, time
was taken, information was fought, and
such obtained as could leave no room
for doubt of his fitnefs. From private
sources it was learnt that his under
handing was found, his integrity pure,
his character unstained. And the offi
ces confided to him within his own
Rate are public evidences of the esti
mation in which he is held by the Rate
in general, and the city and township
particularly in which he lives. He
is said to be the Town Clerk, a Justice
of the Peace, Mayor of the City of
New-Haven, an office held at the*will
of the Legislature ; Chief Judge of the
Court of Common Pleas for New-Ha
ven county, a court of high criminal
and civil jurifdi&ion, wherein most
causes are decided without the right of
appeal or review ; and sole Judge of
Court of Probates, wherein he singly
decides all questions of wills, settlement
of estates reflate and intestate ; ap
points guardians, fettles their accounts,
and in fact has under his jurifdiaion
and care all the property real and per
sonal of persons dying. The two lad
offices, in the annual gift of the legisla
ture, were given to him in May lad.
Is it possible that the man to
whom the legislature of Connecticut has
so recently committed trulls erf such
difficulty and magnitude, is * unfit to be
the Collector of the district of New-
Haven,' though acknowledged, in the
fame writing, to have obtained all this
confidence " by a long course of ufeful
nefs ?" It is objected indeed, in the re
monstrance, that he is 77 years of age:
but, at a much more advanced age,
our Franklin was the ornament of hu
man nature. He may not be able to
perform in person all the details of his
office : but if he gives us the benefit of
his under Handing, his integrity, his
watchfulnefs, and takes care that all the
details are well performed by himfelf
or his necessary assistants, all public
purposes will be answered, The re
monstrance indeed does not alledge that
the office has been illy conduced but
only apprehends that it will be so
Should this happen in event, be assured
I will do in it what shall be just and
necessary for the public service. In
the mean time he should be tried with
out being prejudged.
The removal, as it is called, of Mr.
Goodrich, forms another fubjed of
complaint.—Declarations by myfelf
in favor of political tolerance, exhorta
tions to harmony and affection in social
intercourse, and to refpe& for the equal
rights of the minority, have, on certain
occasions, been quoted and mifeonftru
ed into assurances that the tenure of
offices was to be undisturbed. But
could candor apply such a conflruc
tion? It is not indeed in the remon-'
ftrance that we find it : but it leads to
the explanations which that calls for.
When it is considered that during the
late administration, those who were not
of a particular fed of politics were
excluded from all office; when by a
Ready [ urfuit of this measure, nearly
the whole offices of the United States
were monopolized by that fed ; when
the public sentiment at length declared
itfelf, and burst open the'doors of hon
or and confidence to those whose opi
nions they more approved ; was it to
be imagined that this monopoly of of
fice was still to be continued in the
hands of the minority ? Does it violate ,
th§ir equal rights, to assert some rights
in*the majority also ?Is it political into
lerance to claim a proportionate share
in the direction of the public affairs ?
Can they not. harmonize in society un
\& they have every thing in their own
hands ? If the will of the nation, mani
fefted by their various elections, calls
ners of more than seven eights of the
navigation of the port of New-Haven.
(Signed)
ISAAC BEERS,
President of the Bank, and of the. Chamber
of Commerce in New-Haven.
ELIAS SHIPMAN.
President of the New-Haven InJurance
Company.
THE PRESIDENTS REPLY.
Gen. HAMILTON'S ADDRESS
TO THE
Electors of the State of Neit-York.
FELLOW-CITIZENS,
WE lately addressed you, on the
fubjeift of the ensuing election
for Governor, and Lieutenant Gover
nor; recommending to your support
Stephen Van Renffelear and James
Watson. Since then, we have seen the
address of our opponents, urging your
preference of George Clinton and Jere
miah Van Rensselaer.
The whole tenor of our address carries with
it the evidence of a difpefition to be temperate
and liberal ; to avoid giving occasion to mutual
recrimination. It would have been agreeable
to us to have seen a like disposition in our ad
versaries, but we think it cannot be denied, that
their address manifefts a different one. It ar
raigns rhe principles of the federalifts with ex
treme acrimony, and by the allusion to Great-
Britain, in the preposterous figure of the man
(tlf, attributes to them a principle of adion,
which every signer of the address knows to
have no existence, and which, for its falfehood
and malice, merits indignation and disdain.
' So violent an attack upon our principles, juf
tifies and calls for an exhibition of those of our
opponents. To your good sense, to your love
of country, to your regard for the welfare of
yourfelfa and families, the comment is fub
niitted.
The pernicious spirit, which has aduated
many of the leaders of the party, denominated
anti-federal, from the moment when our na
tional confrftution was firft proposed, down to
the present pt riod, has not ceafcd to display it
felf, in a variety of disgusting forms. In pro
portion to the profpe6 t of success, it has in
creased in temerity. Emboldened by a momen
tary triumph in the choice of our National Chief
Magistrate, it feerns now to have laid aside all
reserve ; and begins to avow projects of disor
ganization, with the fanaion of the must rc
fpe&abie namesof the party, which before were
merely tire anonymous ravings of incendiary
newspapers,
This precipitation in throwing aside the maik,
will, we trust, be productive of happy effects.
The remonstrance laments " that a
change in the administration must pro
duce a change in the subordinate offi
cers," in other words, that it should be
deemed necessary for all officers to think
with their principal. But on whom
does this imputation bear? on those
who have excluded from office every
shade of opinion which was not theirs ?
or on those who have been so excluded ?
I lament sincerely that unessential dif
ferences in opinion should have been
deemed fufficient to interdict halfkhe
society from the right and the blessings
of felf-government ; to prescribe them
as unworthy of every trust. It would
have been to me a circumstance of great
relief, had I found a moderate partici
pation of office in the hands of the ma
jority ; I would gladly have left to
time and accident to raise them to their
just share, But their total exclusion,
calls for prompter correctives. I shall
correct the procedure ; but that done,
return with joy to that Rate of things
when the only questions concerning a
candidate shall be, is he honest ? is he
capable ? is he faithful to the Constitu
tion.?
for an administration of government
according with the opinions of those
clewed ; if, for the fulfilment of that
will, displacements are necessary, with
whom can they so justly begin as with
persons appointed in the lafl moments of
an administration, not for its own aid,
but to begin a career at the fame time
with their fucceiTors, by whom they
had'never been approved, and who
could scarcely exped from them a cor
dial co-operation ? Mr. Goodrich was
one of these. Was it pioper for him to
place himfelf in office, without knowing
whether those whose agent he was to
be, could have confidence in his agen
cy ? Can the preference of another, as
the successor of Mr. Austin, be candid
ly called a removal of Mr. Goodrich ?
If a due participation of office is a
matter of right, how are vacancies to
be obtained ? Those by death are few,
by resignation none. Can any other
mode than removal, be proposed ? —
This is a painful office ; but it is made
my duty, and I meet it as such. I pro
ceed in the operation with deliberation
and enquiry, that it may injure the
bed men least, and effect the purposes
of justice and public utility, with the
least private distress : that it may be
thrown as much as possible on delin
quency, on oppression, on intolerance,
on anti-revolutionary adherence to our
enemies.
The following Address to the Electors of the
State of New-York, written some time since,
by General Hamilton, contains so much
solid truth, found sense, and political informa
tion, that it cannot fail of being highly agree
able,as well as ufeful to every impartial reader.
It contains a refutation of all the charges bro't
by the Jacobin party-against their opponents,
and a complete vindication of the Federal
Administration, under Washington and
Adams, against all the fhafts of envy, malice
and ignorance; particularly relative to the
Funding SvJiem, the National Debt, the Taxes
conftihrting the public Revenue, the Britifo Treaty,
the Federal City, the Mint, and Maufokum, the
Sedition Lam, and a Standing Army.
Whoever will persist, after a cool and dispas
sionate reading el this address, in inveighing
against the pad administration, and unquali
fied censures of those particular meafurcs
alluded to, must be wholly destitute of integ
rity, or understanding —either a knave or a
simpleton.
I tender you the homage of my high refpeß.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
To Elias Shipman, Efi. and others
members of a Committee of the >
merchants of New-Haven. J
It will frrve to (hew, that the mischievous de
signs ascribed to the party, have not been the
effufions of malevolence, the inventions of polit
ical rivalship, or the visionary forebodings of an
over anxious zeal; but that they have been just
and corred inferences from an accurate estimate
of characters and principles It will serve to
(hew, that moderate men, who have seen in our
political struggles, nothing more than a compe
tition for power and' place, have been deceived ;
than in reality the foundations of society, the
eflential interests of our nation, the dearest con
cerns of individuals, are flaked upon the event
ful contest. And by promoting this important
difeovery, it may be expeded to rally the vir
tuous and the prudent of everydefcription round
a common standard ; to endeavour, by joint
efforts, to oppose mounds to that dcftrudlive
torrent, which, in its diftanc murmuring, seem
ed harmlcfs, but in the portentous roaring of
its nearer approach, menaces our country with
all the horrors of revolutionary phrenzy.
To what end, fellow-citizens, has your at
tention been carried across the Atlantic, to the
revolution of France, and to that fatal war of
which it has been the source? To what end are
you told, that this is the most interesting conflict
man ever witnessed, that it is a war of princi
ples—a war between equal and unequal rights,
between republicawifm and monarchy, between
liberty and tyranny ?
What is there in that terrific picture which
you arc to admire or imirate ? Is it the fybver
fion of the throne of the Bourbons, to make
way for the throne of the Bonapartes ? Is it the
undillinguifhing massacre in prisons and dun
geons, of men, women, and children ? Is it the
sanguinary justice of a revolutionary tribunal,
or the awful terrors of a guillotine ? Is it the
rapid succession of revolution upon revolution,
erecting the transient power of one set of men
upon the tombs of another ? Is it the assassina
tions which have been perpetrated, or the new
ones, which are projected ? Is it the open pro
feffion of impiety in the public assemblies, or
the ridiculous worship of a Goddess of Reason,
or the still continued fubflitution of Decades to
the Christian Sabbath ? Is it the deftru&ion of
commerce, the ruin of manufactures, the op
pression of agriculture? Or, is it the pompof war,
the dazzlingglareof fpltndid victories,heblood
ftained fields of Europe, the fmoaking cinders
of desolated cities, the afflicting fpeclacle of
millions, precipitated from plenty and comfort
to beggary and mifcry ? If it be none of these
things, what is it ?
Perhaps it is the cxiding government of
France, of which your admiration is fclicited?
Or, was the allusion to France and her revo
lution, to the war of principles of which you
have heard and intended to familiarize your ears
to a war of arms, as one of the blessings of the
new order of things? Fads which cannot be
millaken, demonstrate that in the early period
of the French revolution, it was the plan of our
opponents to engage us in the war, as associates
of France. Butatthislatehonr,when eventhepre
tence of supporting the cause of liberty has van
ifhed,when acquisition & aggrandizement have
have manifcftly become the only, the exclusive
obje&s of this war, it was surely to have been
expelled that we should have been left to re
tain the advantage of a pacific policy.
If there are men who hope to gratify their
ambition, their avarice, or their vengeance, by
adding this country to the league cf northern
powers, in the fantaftic purpose of an extension
of neutral rights, the great body cf the people
will hardly, we imagine, fee in this projed ben
efits fufficiently solid and durable to counter
balance the certain facrifices of present advan
tages, and the certain fufferings of positive evils,
inseparable from a Rate of war.
Let us now attend to some other parts of this
extraordinary address.
You are told, that there are manyin the bosom
of our country, who have long aimed at unequal
privileges, and who have too well succeeded;
by arrogating to themfclves the right to be
con fidered, as the only friends of the constitu
tion ; the guardians of order and religion, by
the lavish abuse of their opponents, and by rep
resenting opposition to particular plans of ad
ministration, as hostility tQ the government
itfelf.
What is meant by this aiming at unequal
privileges ?
If we are to judge of the end by the means
Rated to have been used, the charge amounts to
this, that the federalifts have fought to retain
in their own hands, by the fuffrages of the
people, the exercise of the powers of the gov
ernment.
[To be continued.]
Behold in this magic lanthern of republican
ism the odious form of real despotism, garnish
ed and [defended by the bayonets of mere than
five hundred thousand men in disciplined array.
Do you desire an illufiration of the practical
effea of this despotic system; read it in the
last advices frem France. Read it in the exer
cise of a power by the chief consul, recognized
to belong to him by the conservatory senate, to
banish indefinitely the citizensof France without
trial, without the formality of a legislative a&.
Then fay where can you find a more hideous des
potism ?—Or, what ought ye to think of those
men who dare to recommend to you as the bi
ble of your political creed the principles of a
revolution, which in its commencement, in its
progress, in its termination, (if termination it
can have, before it has overthrown the civilized
world) is only fitted to serve as a beacon to warn
you to Shun the gulphs, the quicksands, and the
rocks of those enormous principles ?
Surely ye will applaud neither the wisdom nor
the patriotism of men, who can wi(h you to ex
change the fair fabric of republicanism, which
you now enjof, modelled and decorated by the
hand of Federalism, for that tremendous form
of despotism, which has sprung up amidst the
volcanic eruptions of principles at tear with all
the past and present experience, at war with the
nature of man.
Here, fellow citizens, let us, on our part, in
vite you to a folcmn pause. Mark, we be
fcech you, carefully mark, in this rcfult, the
fruit of those extravagant and noxious princi
ples, which it is desired to transplant into our
happy foil.
Behold a consul for ten years elected not by
the people, but by a conservatory senate, felf
created and fclf-continued for life : a magiftratc,
who, to the plenitude of executive authority,
adds the peculiar and vast perogative of an
exclusive right to originate every law of the
republic.
Behold a legislator elected, net by the people,
but by the fame conservatory senate, one branch
for fourteen, the other for ten years—one
branch with a right to debate the law, propos
ed by the consul, but not to propose—another
branch with a right neither to debate or to pro
pose ; but merely to assent or dissent ; leaving
to t^e people nothing more than the phantom of
representation, or the useless privilege of defig
naxing one tenth of their whole mass, as candi
dates indiferiminately for the offices of the state,
according to the option of the conservatory
senate.
Thirdly. Mr. Goodrich never tuas removed,
and consequently never appointed.
Perhaps I ought to ask pardon for my divi
fiou of the fubje&, but I submit it to all candid
logicians if the answer docs not warrant it.
First. The public good requires a change of
officers. Here I beg leave to ask the following
questions—Did not Mr. Goodrich, Col. Chefler,
Col. Dunham, Col. Giles, Gen. Miller, and a
host of others, whom you have displaced, per
form the duties of their offices, to entire appro
bation ? Then they are not punishable for " de
linquency or oppreflion. But they were attach
ed to the administration of Washington arid
Adams and for this they are to be stigmatized
by the President.—Yes, the President who pro
nounced for that conciliatory Speech on the 4th
of March, has found them guilty of belonging
to a" Sect ' possessed of such intolerance ard
anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies,"
that they are proscribed as unworthy of trust —
unnuortby of trust, since the " doors of honour &
and confidence have been burst open" to Ed
vard Livingflor,fames Linn, Joel Linvis, Charles
Pincinev, and Mr. Daufon our extraordinary
envoy to the Republic of France, and to Thorn*
as Paine ! .'I
In the case under consideration, you fay, such
information was received as to leave no room for
doubt. If you had pointed to the private
sources of information, the people could have
judged—You here mentioned only the public
evidences.—These ax the various offices holdcn
by the Collector. He is Justice of the Peace
Mayor of the city, Judge of the County Court
of Probates. To several of these he was ap
pointed in May last. The question is then tri
umphantly put, could the Legislature cf Con
ne&icut have conferred these trulls on a person
unfit to be the Collector of New-Haven ? The
remonstrance, aware that this argument had
been furnifhed to the President, anticipated it
and gave a facisfadory reply. It may be further
remarked that your information refpeding the
powers of a Judge of Probate, is defective. He
cannot definitively decide any question involving
property to the value of a dollar —an appeal lies
from every order or decree to the Superior
Court. But what is the Rate of the argument ?
Nearly one hundred merchants—many of whom
are very refpe&able, and all of undoubted ve
racity, declare to you that, without a direct aid,
he is incapable of performing a single official
ad. The fad is not denied, but a system of the
oretical reasoning is adopted to prove that it
cannot be true. It should be remembered that
opposing faft by argument is always dangerous,
though sometimes grateful to a philosophic
mind. The Legislature would not appoint a
man judge who is unfit to be Collector. But
will you receive the opinion of so “ anti-revo
lutionary a legislature as Connecticut, for proof?
This fame legislature deemed Mr. Adams or
Mr. Pinckney a more suitable man to be
President than yourfelf—they, in your opinion,
greatly erred in this—might they not err al
so in appointing a judge ? It is also well known
to every man of the flighted observation that
men are frequently continued in office beyond
the period of their ufefulnefs from an extreme
relu—ance at removing them—a reluctance of
ten felt by good men—often, by great men tho'
rather unf&Jbionable at this day. But if the argu
ment be found, it will prove, that men are al
ways qualified for the offices to which they are
appointed This may very wifely be deemed
a valid argument by him who holds the power
of appointing, though it appears to me rather of
“ anti-republican tendency." Indeed by this
logic the marshal! of Vermont—of Pennsylva
nia, the supervisor of New-Jcrfcy, &c. &c.may
be well qualified for their offices though with
out it, all honed men would be astonished.
The remonstrance further declares that S.
Bishop will be 78 years old next November, and
that he labours under a full portion of the in
firmities incident to that period of life. The
answer is, " Ac a much more advanced age our
Franklinwhs the ornament of human nature."
The inference is irresistible—is Franklin was
unimpaired at 80, your colle&or must be.
Franklin difarmeri Heaven of its fire, Ergo Esq.
Bishop can. If S. Bishop had been 100, then
we should have heard of Henry Jenkins who
died at 168, or of Thomas Parr who married
a feCond wife at 120 and was blessed with a
child by her. Such reasoning may be conclu
sive, but 1 prefumc few mcn ; are fufficiently en
lightened, to difeern its force. Indeed the ex
tent of it is this, Franklin at 80 was tle orna
ment of human nature, Jenkins lived to 168, Parr
gave undeniable proof of vigor at 120 — Ergo
Esq. Bishop is fit to be collector at 77 — quod
Erat demonfirandum*
The answer is then directed to that part of
the remonstrance which complains of the re
moval of Mr. Goodrich. Here you labour to
establish three positions :—
First. The public good requires a change of
officers.
To THOMAS JEFFERSON, Ejq.
President of the United States.
T si,
I. HAVE read the remonstrance of the Mer
chants of New-Haven again ft the appointment
of Samuel Bishop, Esq. Collector of that port,
with your answer. As these proceedings are
now made public, by your permiffion,® a dis
cussion, at the bar of public reason, cannot be
imprepcr. You acknowledge the right of re
m°°',i°gi and promise always to refpeCt it.
This is candid but yet no great condcfccnfion.
Lt will be recollected that Mr. Genit was juf
tified by your " Sect" in appealing to the
people against the conduct of this govern
ment towards him as a Foreign Minister.
Indeed the merchants of a considerable city,
might justly complain, if a free correspondence,'
should be denied to them, by a public fundion
ary, who is in the habit of indulging it to Mr.
Mazzei, Thomas Paine, and other obfeure in
dividuals.
Your answer recognizes the difficulty of ob
taining correct information refpecbng charact
ers. This is easily believed. Indeed while the
car of a President shall be opened only to one
party and this party containing individuals
hungering for the “ loaves and fiihes" of office,
information will be incorrect; and if the " dif
interedednefs and purity" of heart, of which you
speak, should happen to be wanting, the difficul
ty might arise to Inch a height as to fill all
honest men with dismay.
Secondly: Mr. Goodrich %uas appointed in the
last moments of Mr. Adams' administration, and
therefore ought to be removed.
But did not many of these gentlemen take
the field and brave danger and death for our
independence, while the man who now pro-,
scribes them was, at eale, as Governor of Vir
ginia, ®r writing his philosophical notes ? Were
not many of them appointed by Washing
ton, while as yet ro party exited ? Os wbat,
have they been guilty ? or what except abhor
rence to the man, to whom you hiveaffigned
the faireft page of hiftory for his atchuvawetas
in the field, and to whom the justice o lpoftr
ity and rhp honesty of this age, will give an e
qually honourable page for his wisdom and
greatness in the Cabinet.