The Mirrour — Concord, N.H., 1794-06-09 00:00:00, page 1

From the Maryland Journal.
k* T7E shall take the conversation of today
VV from the work of a celebrated modern
author, varying only in a few particulars from
the original.
The young Lyfis had listened to the decla
mations of the sophists against publick meafl
ures and the irroft virtuous members of trig
> Republick, tillKe conceived himfelf qualified
to manage its affairs. _ '
C T) E it enaaed by the Senate and
SECT. I. House of Representatives of the
United States of America, in Congress assembled,
That the President of the United States be,
and he is hereby authorized to require of the
executives of the several States, to take effec
tual measures as soon as may be, to organize,
arm and equip, according to law, and hold
in readiness to march at a moment's warn
ing, the following proportions, refpeaively,
of eighty thousand effective Militia,
officers included, to wit :—From the State
of Georgia, 1333 ; from the State of South
carolina, 3550 ; from the State of Northca
rolina, 7331 ; from the State of Kentucky,
102 ; from the State of Virginia, 11,377 ;
from the State of Maryland, §4lB ; from the
State of Delaware, 1256 ; from the State of
Pennsylvania, 10,768 ; from the State of
Newjerfey, 4318 ; from the State of New
york, 7971 ; from the State of Vermont,
2139; from the State of Conne&icut, 5881;
from the State of Rhodeifland, 1697 ; from
the State of Massachusetts, 11,885 ; from
the State of Newhampfhire, 3544.
Sec. 2. And be it further enaaed. That the
militia aforefaid, shall be officered out of the
preferit militia officers, or others, at the op
tion and discretion of the constitutional au
thority in each State refpedively.
Sec. 3. And be it further tHafled, That the
President may, if he judges expedient, au
thorize the executives of the several States,
to accept any independent corps of cavalry,
artillery or infantry, as part of the detach
ments aforefaid, provided, they shall volun
tarily engage as corps in the service.
Sec. 4. And be it further enaaed, That the
said militia shall not be compelled to serve a
longer time, in any one tour, than 3 months
after their arrival at the place of rendezvous :
And that, during the time of their service,
besides their pay and other allowances, which
shall be the fame as the tioops on the military
establishment of the United States, they shall
receive at the rate of one dollar and 60 cents
for clothing, per month.
Sec. 5. And be it further enaaed, That the
President of the United States be requeued to
call on the executives of the several States to
take the most effeaual means, that the whole
of the militia, not comprised within the fore
going requisition, be armed and equipped
according to law.
Seci 6. And be it further enaaed, That this
Aft shall continue and be in force, for the
space of one year from the next session of
Congress, and no longer.
Frederick Augustus Muglenberg,
Speaker of the House of Reprefentatrvn.
John Adams, Vice-President of the United
States, and President of the Senate.
Approved—May the gth, 1794.
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
President of the United States
From the Gazette of the United States.
MR. FENNO,
THIRD CONGRESS of the UNITED
STATES,
AT THE FIRST SESSION,
Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia,
in the State of Pennsylvania, on Monday,
the zd of December, one thousand seven
hundred and ninety three.
An ACT directing a Detachment from the Militia
of the United States.
% following article lately appeared in a Balti
more paper, it contains observations pertinent to
the prejentpoflure of affairs in the United States.
Observations, which in m, opinion, are more
worthy of attention, than the contents of a tbou
farid columns of European intelligence—we rep
robate transatlantic connexions, politics and
manners in appearance—but what is the faX ?
If we could receive an uninterrupted supply of
European newspapers, it may be doubted wheth
er it would appear from the American publica
tions, that the people of the United States, ex
ited as a nation ; or had a government, o* any
independent interest of its own. C.
[Vol. IL— Num. 85.]
LAIK of the UNION.
Political Miscellany.
CONCORD.
©tie ^imir.
the Republick ; upon what objefts this rev
enue is raised ; whether it serves to encour
age industry ; whether some objects are not
too highly taxed ; whether others might not
be rendered more productive ; or whether it
would not be to the advantage of the Repub
lick to derive the whole revenue from other
objects than those which at present produce
it ? You have, no doubt, fully considered
these points. No, my father, I have never
thought of them. These things have not
occupied the sophists. You know at least to
what purposes the revenue is applied, and
certainly your intention is to diminish all im
proper expenditures. I cannot fay that I
have clearer ideas upon this article. The
sophists tell you, said Apollodore, that the
publick debt consumes a great part of the
revenue and think that those, to whom the
Republick gave its bonds, ought to have re
ceived the money due upon them, and not
the persons to whom they have been assigned.
You understand this diftinftion no doubt.
Clearly said Lyfis. You can resolve me then,
whether, the public would have been let's
taxed by paying the one in preference to the
other. Lyfis was again silent.
Since, Lyfis, you know so little concerning
,he receipts or expenses of government, let
us renounce, for the present, the design of
procuring new wealth to the Republick by
increasing the one, or diminishing the other.
But my father, would it not be impossible to
increase the wealth of the Republick by go
ing to war ? That would depend on the ad
vantages gained over the enemy, and the
richnds of the countries you might conquer,
compared with the wealth which the Repub
lick must expend in obtaining these advan
tages ; but to obtain them, and before deter
mining on war, is it not necessary to calcu
late the force which you can employ against
the enemy and ascertain the force which he
can oppose to yours.
You are right, fays Lyfis. Tell me 'hen
what is the state of our army and marine,
whether it be increased, and how in time of
war the money is to be raised to maintain it.
You will inform me also of the troops and
vessels of the enemy. I cannot recite to you
the whole at once, said Lyfis. Perhaps you
have it in writing, I fliould be very glad to
fee it. No I have not.
I presume then that you have not yet had
time to apply yourfelf to such calculations ;
the situation of our frontiers has without
doubt attracted your attention : you know
the number of soldiers we maintain in the
different posts ; you know also that certain
feints are not fufficiently defended and that
there are others absolutely without defence ;
you will of consequence urge in the General
Assembly the necessity to augment this garri-
My son, said Apollodore, 1 learn that you
burn with a desire to reform the laws and
change the administration. I wifll it, repli
ed Lyfis, hesitatingly. It is a beautiful pro
jed, said his father, to give to the Republick
better laws than it enjoys at present, and
more virtuous men to condu& i(s affairs than
those, who served it with so much celebrity
in its most disastrous periods, and so much
prudence and wisdom since being veiled with
civil authorities. If it succeeds you will be
enabled to be ufeful to your relations, to your
friends, and to your country. The Repub
lick will no longer confider Solon as the wis
est legislator, nor Aristides as the justest
citizen.
At these words the young man trembled
with joy. To accompfifh that objeft, con
tinued Apollodore, will it not be necessary to
carry into the General Assembly a great va
riety of information, and to have rendered
eminent services to the Republick, in order
to obtain the confidence of the people ?
Without doubt, said Lyfis. What services
then, replied his father, have you ever ren
dered the people, that they should withdraw
their confidence from those who have served
i', to repose it in you, who have not ? Lyfis
was silent to prepare an answer. After wait
ing some moments his father continued, you
do not rank, among your ufeful information,
what you have collected from the declama
tions of the sophists, not the facility with
which you can repeat their insinuations. If
you believe what they fay, you must be in
poffetfion of the proofs upon which they sup
port it. Lyfis seemed difeoncerted, he had
never heard of the proofs. But waving this
point, said Apollodore, if the matter was to
promote the welfare of a mercantile house,
you would firft think how you could furnifh
it with a capital, and establish its credit : In
like manner, you would think of serving the
state by increasing its wealth, and establish
ing its credit, such is my idea, said Lyfis.
Tell me then the amount of the revenue of
MONDAY, June 9, 1794.
BY E. RUSSELL.
The present is certainly a critical moment
to this country, and the afpe& assumed by
Greatbritain well calculated to lead to hoffil
ities. Admitting, however, the spoliations
of her fubjeds to have been authorized by
their courts, still by prudence, and firmnefs,
and solid preparations, we may compel retri
bution, and avert war ? but to procure the
one and prevent the other, it will be abfo
lotely neceflary to combine and employ the
whole efficacy of these several agents. Our
prudence will lead us not to ask too much ;
our firmnefs not to relax from what is right ;
and our preparations to inforce our demands.
The general interest is no doubt conned
ed with the preservation of peace ; nothing
therefore, should be neglected which may
conduce to that end ; nor any thing attempt
ed which might rashly disturb it ; but as sub
stantial preparations to repel hostilities and
obtain justice, have always been found one of
the most effedual means which a nation can
employ to prevent war, it becomes therefore
the general interest, that provisional military
preparations should be entered into with a
I'pirit and vigor proportioned to the case.
But in such a situation of things, may we
not fafely repose in the measures which Con
gress may adopt, and upon the wisdom of
our executive, to give them that operation
best calculated to avert the storm, or dire& it
against those on whom it ought to fall.# In
the mean while are we not bound, as good
citizens, to conduct ourselves individually,
according to the stria rulesof neutrality, till
such time as Conprefs shall declare us no
longer at peace ; for uhlefs the behaviourof
individual, corresponds with that of govern
ment, all attempts of the latter to prevent
war must become abortive.
Baltimore, March 14, 1794.
son and reform that, I, replied Lyfis, I shall
fay that the whole ought to be disbanded ;
they have not difebarged their duty. And
how are you sure that our defiles are badly
guarded ? Have you been upon the ground ?
No, but! conjecture It. It is proper then to
recontider this matter, and in place of coo
jedure to have certainty.
You have heard that the commerce of the
Republic by the pillars of Hercules, is great
ly interrupted by pirates. Do you think
that the state ought to fit out some gallies to
protest it in those seas ? I think said Lyfis,
th?tbwill be much better to restrain it. But
as the Republic has no gold and silver mines
to resort to, —you are aware that rhe only
legal way in which it can obtain money to
supply its wants or promote internal indufiry
is by trade ; in these modern times the pow
er and prosperity of a state depends greatly
on its wealth, and that wealth upon its com
merce. If you reftrid the latter you una
voidably lessen the former.
Alas ! my father, one would never be a
politician if it is necessary to attend to all
these details. Is there a head of a house, re
plied Apollodore, who does not watch inces
santly over the wants of his family and the
means to supply them ? But if all these fright
en you, suppose in place of undertaking the
care of 800,000 families (the amount of those
of the Republick) you were to try whether
you can put in order your uncle's house,
whose affairs you know are in very bad con
dition. I could bring it about immediately
if my uncle would follow my advice. And
can you sincerely believe, Lyfis; that all the
Athenians, your uncle included, would be
more easy to be persuaded ? Beware, beware
my son, left a vain love of being diftingui/h
--ed by the capricious multitude should make
you gather shame instead of laurels. Are you
not confeious how imprudent and dangerous
it would be to undertake the great interests
of a state without understanding them ; and
how much you would have been ridiculed
had any other person but a father been a wit
ness to your folly ? Numerous examples will
teach you, that in offices the rcoft important,
admiration and esteem are the fruit of know
ledge and wisdom, blame and contempt of
ignorance and prelumpticn.
Lyfis took leave of his father, and rejoin
ed the declaimers, who excited the multitude
to disorder and disobedience, as the ihorteft
road to popularity and a fliare in the admin
istration.
I shut a book which I never open without
receiving inftrudion to seek amusement in
the conversation of soy fellow citizens. J
listened, and heard in all complaints on the
depredations on our trade, by the fubjeds of
powers who would have the United States
to confider them as friendly ; but among the
various modes of relief, which were every
where suggested, none of them seemed to me
capable of obtaining justice or affording pro
teaion.
contentment, where it enjoys a feene of felic
ity ; although the body may be environ'd
with the claws of oppression, a confeioufnefs
of willing and doingjuftice, affords more fef
tive dainties to the honest foul, than the loud
est bursts of undeserved applause, founding
from a thousand deluded throats.
Notwithstanding the depravity of human
nature, and the lamentable degeneracy of
morals, yet there are but few, if any, who do
not make strong pretentions to honesty ; and
often take more pains to appear what they
HONESTY,
IS the noblest of moral virtues ; this alone
places the possessor above the servile fear,
and criminal anxiety, which harraffes the
niggardly minds of the felfilh and the base.
This virtue, when it appears in exercise, adds
luftre to the most illustrious charader ; and
gives us, however unwilling, a prepc ffeffion
in his favour. It feats the foul in a state of
The spring quarter begins on the ziftof
March, with the month Germinal, or the ger
minating month, which ends on the 19th of
April. Flareal, or the blossoming month,
begins on the loth of April, and ends on the
19th of May. Prereral, or the haymaking
month, begins on the 20th of May, and end,
on the 18th of June.
The summer quarter commences with the
month Meffidor, or the month of harvest ; it
begins on the 19th of June, and ends on the
18th of July. Fervitior, or the month of fer
vidity, begins on the 19th of July, and ends
on the xyth of August. And on the 18th of
August, begins Fruaidor, or the month of
fruits, which ends on the 16th of Sept.
Os the five days that follow the 16th of
September, the firft is dedicated to the fe Ri
val of the virtues ; the second, to that of ge
nius ; the third, to that of labour ; the 4th,
to that of opinion ; the fifth, to that of rec
ompenses. The intercalary day, which hap
pens every four years, is to be called thefas
culottide. It will follow the five supernume
rary days, and on it all the citizens are to re
new their oath of fealty to the Republic.
The French having commenced their era
with the year 1792, their leap year will coin
cide with ours, at least until the year 1800;
but, as their intercalary day will follow the
five supernumerary days, so as to answer our
21st of September, the days above fpecified as
the firft and last of every month, from the
last of Pluvois, inclusively, which will then
fall on the 19th of March, to the end of their
year, must be set back one day.
The astronomical division of the day, is
into ten hours, each of which is subdivided
into 100 minutes, and each minute into 100
seconds. Thus each of their hours will equal
two hours and 24 minutes in our calculation;
their minute will be nearly one and a halfof
ours ; and their second will be somewhat
less than ours.
[As the French date all their accounts accord
ing to the neev fob they have adopted, it is pre
f.-med dur readers quill be gratify in the insertion
of the followtog expianutton of their Calendar.
f -|-'HE French year is divided into four
l quarters, each containing 3 months.
To each month are allotted thirty days, and
these are distributed into decades. The five
remaining days art to be considered as fupcr
numerary, and are dedicated to national fef
tivals, The days of each decade are denom
inated, from tbtfr numerical order, pimidi,
duodi, tridi, quartedi, quintidi, fcxtidi.fepi^,
oaodi, rcrodi, decani Os these the last is COII
- as a day of relaxation.
The year commences with the autumnal
quarter ; of which the firft month has re
ceived the appellation of ‘vendemiaire, from
vendemia, vintage. This month begins on
the zzd of September, the day on which the
Republic was established, in the year 1792,
frclD which the French have begun a new
era, so tha: our September 22, 1792, is by
them called the firft day of the firft year of
the Republic. Vendemtaire, or the vintage
month, ends on the 21st of Odober. Bru
maire, or the fog month, begins on the zzd
of Odober, and ends on the zeth of Novem
ber. Frimaire, or the rime month, begins
on the 2111 of November, and ends on the
20th of December.
The winter quarter begins wi;h the month
Nivas, or fncwy month, on the zift of Dec.
This month ends on the 19th of January :
and on the zcih begins Ventos, or the windy
month, which ends on the ißih of February.
Piuooif, or the rainy month, begins on the
19th of February, and ends on the 20th of
March.
The French Calendar.
From the Analytical Review.
[Price 75. per ann.)
KEWHA M.