The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-03-17 00:00:00, page 1

, [Vol. ll.]
• [No.!.] ,
Mr. Collins, so
IN my last address to my fellow-citizens I ob
served, That nubile Heaven bad thus far J'miied
on ourjuft exertions in felf-defence, the mofl so
lemn obligations were laid on us for improving
the advantages therefrom accruing, to the good
of Jociety, and the glory of the allwife Disposer
of human events. The substance of this position I
have seen warmly held forth by resolves of Congress,
proclamations and messages of His Excellency our
Governor to our Representatives, and their answers,
and also echoed to by many pieces in the public
prints. —This produced the molt agreeable feeling
and encouraging profpeds, in the minds of the virtu
ous part of our community. —I, for my part, flattered
myfelf that this important truth would have had such
influence on the minds of our citizens, that in pro
portion as the clamours and confufions of war ihould
decrease and leave opportunities for cool reflection,
we Ihould have vied with each other to be foremoft
in promoting that happiness of society we had pretended
to contend for, and the glory of that Being which has
given such remarkable success to our feeble efforts.
But alas! alas ! how disagreeably am I disappointed.
After serious reflection on the present prevailing dis
position and conduct of this people, we would be
almost persuaded it is not the fame it was two years
ago. —This change truly affeCts my heart. I fee the
danger my dear country is expofmg itfelf to, and
sincerely lament it, wishing, with the tendered emo
tions of my heart, to fee it preferred. Providence,
however, has been pleased to place me in such a
sphere of action, as leaves me no other opportunity
for serving my country, save only by offering such
warnings and advice as I truly esteem subservient to
its happiness and welfare, and my warmest addresses
to the gracious Sovereign of the universe, to preserve
it in its bleeding druggies. JEroma conilioufnefs of.
honest intentions, I humbly hope for the serious at
tention and candid judgment of those I presume to
address.
Nations, like persons, have their birth, growth,
manhood, declining age and death, health and vigor,
weakness and decay, and the procuring causes, of
both.—Our political birth and existence, among the
empires of this world, we have received by the bold
and noble declaration of the thirteen United States,
pronouncing them free and independent.—ln our
growth and' advance to manhood constitutions for
civil government have been formed and approved,
legislators appointed, who have and daily do enact
laws for the wholefom@ government of the commu
nity, officers appointed and commissioned for the
execution of those laws, and courts of justice and
equity opened. Thus is the policy for the preserva
tion of order and the distribution of justice cftablilhed.
As to our growth for common defence, we have the
fatisfadion to fee formidable armies raised, well
armed and disciplined, a numerous and determined
militia ready for their support, plenty of military
stores provided, equitable alliances formed and form
ing with powerful nations, guaranteeing our indepen
dence. And what adds to all this is the valour, in
trepidity and bravery of our troops, manifefted to
the world by their chearful enduring uncommon
ba,dihips ; in one campaign forcing the flower df the
British army to lay down their, arms; and in the
last, driving their main body out of the field into
their lurking holes. All which is no small addition
to our national strength. —The rapidity of our politi
cal growth is real matter of aftoi|ifhment to the
world, and affords us cause to declare this to be the
Lord's doings, and to be marvellous in our eyes.
However amazing great this our growth has been
in the space of three or four years, yet it is undeni
ably evident from the present circumstances of our
national affairs, that some malignant disorder has
seized upon our body politic, and threatens at kaft
an interruption of our advances to manhood, if not
a political diffblution.---As a true friend to my bleed
ing country, I behold with real grief and concern
its conyulfive struggles under the severe attacks of
the malignant distemper, and sincerely wilh to fee
some able physicians step forth and tender the effec
tive remedies for its recovery.---A confeioufnefs of
inability prevents my ranking myfelf with able state
physicians. However, as some dangerous and violent
disorders are frequently cured by common practition
ers, the causes of them being easily investigated, and
the prescription of their remedies simple, lam thereby
emboldened, and from an impatient desire for the
recovery of my country, strongly urged to offer her
my best endeavours for that purpose.
In order to proceed in this business, with some de
gree of regularity, I Ihall give my fellow-citizens a
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
WEDNESDAY, March 17, 1779.
few inconvertible proofs that our new empire labours
under some fore and dangerous disorder, and then
point out the several causes, with prescriptions for
remedying them and avoiding their dangerous effects.
To be convinced that this infant empire labours
under tome fatal and dangerous disorder, let the fol
lowing particulars be considered, and it is manifest,
1. From that remarkable loss and decay of public
spirit and patriotism. When these carry sway in a
State, we behold the bulk of the community ready
to facrifice their personal case and private interest to
promote the public weal, and to exert their all in its
common defence, in which the political body is en
abled to exercise its whole force and vigor. Aslong
as the noble Spartans despised riches and inured them
selves to all the hardlhips and fatigues of war, with
a view to serve and defend their country, Sparta was
invincible. While the citizens of Rome preferred
the enriching of their State to that of themfeives as
individuals, Rome was not only unconquerable, but
also spread the arms of couqueit and dominion over
distant nations. Both these nations have seen the
day that their disinterested patriotism and public
Ipirit were vanished, and a fe|fifh principle of love,
of riches, ease, luxury and diflipation succeeded
them. The effe&s of which were defeats,difappoint
ments and finally ruin. Glorious and blessed pa
triotilm and public spirit was, but two or three years
ago, the governing principle and diltinguifhing cha
radefiftic of the brave Americans. But what is it now?
Directly the reverse. We daily fee the busy multi
tude engaged in accumulating what they fondly
call riches, by foreftalling, extortioning and imposing
upon each other. Can it be denied but the commu
nity , at large aft as tho' they had agreed to plunder
the State between them, each exerting himfeif to get
the greatest snare of the booty. Here government
fits as indifferent fpedators, while Quarter-Makers
and Commdiaries, the undid trader, the farmer and
the mechanick, 'are contending for the prey; and
they who get the greatest booty, are daily wallowing
in diflipation, venality and luxury, at a time wherein
thousands arc groaning under the weight of intolera
ble diftrels. —For evidence to the truths I have here
asserted, I appeal to the community at large. To
them I leave it to judge whether such a iituation of
our affairs can hold long !
2. I hat this empire labours under some fatal and
dangerous disorder may also appear from the unequal
divifon of property in the space of so /bort a time. —
Experience of all ages has proved that a just and
equitable increase of property has been the constant
reward of continued industry, sobriety and economy.
But is this the case with us? Far from it. Thou
iands of the most honest and refpedablc citizens of
America, who obtained their possessions by the hard
industry, continued sobriety and economy of them
fclves or their virtuous ancestors, mutt now behold
many men whom they looked upon in the commence
ment of these troubles (if I may be permitted to use
the language of the most patient of men) as such
whose fathers they would have disdained to have ft
ewitb the dogs of their flock, raised to immense wealth,
^or at leaß to cairy the appearance of a haughty, su
percilious and luxurious fpendthrift ; while the^ must
look upon their estates as devoted to enrich such, or
mortgaged to Support their extravagance. The feel
ings of thousands will attest the truth of this asser
tion. Can it be possible that such a State is found,
who affords or permits such abuse?
% A third.lymptoin is a general decay and loss of
social virtues, even to the undermining of that confi
dence which the community ought to place in the auguJl
Afembly of their Representatives. —Charity, harmony
and mutual confidence are the sinews of society ; in
dividuals are the members hereby united and enabled
to exert their force for the benefit of the whole. In
proportion as these relax, the State shakes andtrem
bles under paralytic attacks, until it exceeds a certain
degree, and then an incurable national palsy ensues.
This dangerous decay will evidently appear from a
few examples. When Boston was blockaded, what
generous exertions were made throughout all the rest
of the continent, in order to alleviate their distresses
and encourage them to perseverance ? The' last year
Congress having become sensible of the many oppor
tunities for monopoly, foreftalling and extortion, and
their pernicious and dangerous effects upon our pub
lic affairs, warmly recommended to the Legislatures
of the different States, the passing of laws for the
regulation of prices; Pennsylvania published a bill,
New-Jersey immediately enacted a law for that pur
pose. Commissioners were sent from different States,
who agreed upon a general plan of regulation. What
was the consequence ? The middle States, then the
only feat of war.,who had the supplying of our army
THE
with provisions, immediately complied with the gene
ral plan. Maflkchufets-Bay, though their Commif
honers had agreed, refufed, with some of the southern
States. The only prevailing reason to oppose so
necehary and salutary a measure in that critical con
jundure could be, having their ports more open, to
be ^t liberty to improve their opportunities of ex
tortioning upon their differing brethren, inarticles of
foreign trade. And if long and general report may
be allowed any degree of evidence, even that Boston
before-mentioned, was the chief agent in this oppo
htion. Monstrous ingratitude ! Bale uncharitable
ncis! I ermcious policy ! Under the effeds of which
Arm rica totters and threatens to.give her last gasp
it not speedily relieved.—Need I repeat the anecdotes
and remarks on monopoly and general extortions?
1 only oblerve, that these monstrous vices have in
a gieat meature destroyed mutual confidence and
charity among us. What advances the vices of roa
bce and discord have made, is evident from the ac
cursed and murderous pradice of duehing, of late
become to much.in vogue among the Gentlemen of
°™ Army ; and also the many publications filled
P erlQnal reflections and virulent invedives.—
While the impartial publick views and treats their
vii nience with ditdain, they cannot but feel anxioufly*
engagedinthe matter of their debates, because they
are deeply mterefted in it.—When we read Mr. Deane's
address, we would readily conclude that there was
some formidable scheme of treason hatching against
vs, which is ready to burst upon us, with all the at
train of nufery and ruin; That Mr. Deane
had recovered the plot, and as a true friend to Ame
rica, had endeavoured to reveal it to Congress, but
that Congress had been to much engaged in more
important matters, that he had not been able to ob-•
tain an audience for that purpose, during all the time
^° m n h "™"' a t u " lll ' le publication of his address.
Mr. Paine, on the other fide of the question, charges
Mr. Deane of endeavouring, by many unjust means,
to make a prelent of Two Hundred Thousand Pounds,
an American debt. He also insinuates, that Congress
received the evidences of this intended fraud, together
with # the treaty entered into with France, but that
at !l°!'?: T f ° entireI Y tak ' n up with the
treaty, that they became wholly inattentive to this
atrocious fr^d.-fo it be possible that such publi
cations should tad of filling the minds of a free people
with jealous Jufptcions and perplexing concerns ^ There
certainly is a possibility of both charges being true.
Are there not many instances of accomplices in vil
uiiny getting to loggerheads, and then difeovering
each other ? It is highly probable that there is villainy
lurking lomewhere. What appears to me more
alarming tnan either or both of the charges (supposing
the ? to ° e true ) 13$that theymuft retort upon Con
§,+ hey are appointed as the guardians of the
liberties lives and properties of the people. In com
mitting the care of such invaluable treasures to them,
they confide in their vigilance and integrity. —lt must
^'Y S unaccountable to the judicious among
n at C o ,"^' B should be engaged from the time
of Mr. Deane s arrival to the publication of his ad
in fitters m °re important than those he pub
lished. Are treasonable practices against the State
to be ranked amongst its trivial affairs? How could
Congress know what was of it without an inquiry >
How long a time would it have required to have found
out the purport of what Mr. Deane had to commu
nicate in the audience he had frequently requested ?
How could they know that the matters he had to
communicate were trivial or of the last importance,
without such inquiry ?—As to the other charge,
what intricate importance was there in this noble
and equitable tieaty, that could so entirely en^rofs
their attention, as to make an intended fraud in the
lum of £.200,000 foreign debt, to escape it, even
when they had just received the evidences of it, and
this inattention to have continued till the publication
of Deane's address ?—Add to these, the immenle
national debt we are involved in, in the space of four
years. When the community behblds the conduct
of Quarter-Matters, Commissaries, and the whole
host of their Deputies, the immense films it is gene
rally repotted and believed they engrofy, induces
them to alk, Are these not the servants of Congress ?
Is Congress only ignorant of these abuses, which the
whole publick beholds with grief and concern ? Does
Congress know what becomes of the public money.---
Can it be possible that ever the greatest part of our
national debt has been accounted for ? The investi
gation of answers to such queries would add too much
fuel to the suspicions already kindled in the breasts of
my fellow-citizens, than that I flial lattempt it.—.
The Arid secrecy which Congress seems to enjoin on
its Members, with refpe<ft to almost all its business,,
[Numb. 67.]