The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-10-08 00:00:00, page 1

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AGAINST THE INSIDIOUS WILES OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE, THE JEALOUSY OF A FREE PEOPLE, OUGHT TO BE CONSTANTLY AWAKE .Washington.
If then, sir, as a philosopher, you
have been accustomed to Compare cau
ses with effects, let me ask, in review,
ing your administration, if you have
felt those consolations which have pow
er to disarm the reproaches of enemies
and to bluett the arrows .of infective?
Are there but few if any acts of your
administration which you can recall
with pleasure to your mind ? Through^
out the desert tract of your politics,
is there a genial spot on which the
moral eye Can rest with satisfaction?,
Have you strengthened the founda
tions of the liberties; have you aug
mented the opulence; have you exal
ted the character of this people; Or,
have you prepared the causes of their
future greatness and prosperity ? No.
But you have given a fatal shock to
their liberties; you have degraded
their character; and along with a beg
gared exchequer, have handed over to
your successor, the principles of a ru
inous policy. You began by saving
the people's money, and you ended by
leaving them in beggary. One was
tempted to think you had studied in
the sordid school of Diogenes ; so far
did you carry your ideas of political
abstemiousness. It was this saving
spirit that made you destroy the naval
defence of your country. In the ze
nith of your political economy, sir,
we find the cause of those injuries and
indignities which our national honour
has sustained. I need not remind you,
sir, that the affair of the Chesapeake,
that rankling wound which perhaps
has set perpetual disunion between this
country and Great-Britain, is to be
ascribed to your policy, which did not
foresee that to be respected it is neces
sary to be feared. Ido not say we
might suddenly hare a maritime force
capable of mastering the triumphant
Retired from public business in
to the shades of your beloved Monti
cello, your mind i§ at ease, to contem
plate the trifluerice of your councils on
the destinies of your country. Noth
ing can be more favorable than your
present situation to such a view. In
retirement the passions lose that ar
dour which disturbs the accuracy of
the reasoning power. Reflection there
disenchants objects of that deceitful
lustre that attracts in the hurry of the
transactions of life. The man who
has not enlarged his understanding and
settled his principles in retreat can nev
er appear on the theatre of public life
with credit and distinction. The pas
sions, heated & inflamed in the chase
of honours, never suffer the under
standing to acquire that solidity tthich
forms the leading feature of every great
mind. It is the same when choice
leads, or disappointment forces the
statesman into retiremerit. The bus
tle of men and things settles dotrn into
the calm of philosophy. Then comes
the voice of an approving conscience
arid whispers those gratulations, the
sweetest that a virtuous mind can know.
All that he has left behind him iri the
tract of ambition is as dtist. The
pomp and pageantry of office disap
pear, and the mind strong in its own
integrity, shines out with a majesty
that the gilded drapery of power would
only debase;
One self approving hour whole years out
weighs
Os senseless clamours and of loud huzzas ;
And more true joy Marcellus exiled, feels
Than Caesar With a senate at his heels.
STR,
LETTER TO THOMAS JEFFERSON,
POLITICAL.
CIDEFALT PRESIDENT.
• ••6
FROM THE SPIRIT OF '76
EXETER, (N. H.) MONDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1810.
fleets of Britain. But there was a I
time when this country did not want a
band of martial virtues to strengthen
and adorn that navy which has inglo
riously perished under your parsimo
nious administration. There is an
elasticity in republicanism calculated
to lift thesoul to the mostdaring height
Os energy and heroism. Let the march
of our little army across the deserts of
Barca—Let the well fought action at
Tripoli bear testimony how much a
handful of freemen can atchieve, when
opposed to armies of slaves, I hon
our the lively patriotism of those gen
tlemen, wl;o have raised a memorial to
the fate of their brother officers who
gallantly perished in defending the
rights and honour of their country.
But I blush for that country, when I
am told that this monument was the
result of private bounty. But Why do
I mention this ? The grave of Wash
ington lies undistinguished; on whose
ashes Athens would have raised her
temples, and Rome would have built
the citadel of her empire. But he
lives in t'^e affections of hi^ country
men. You have expended a portion
of the public treasures in purchasing a
waste of territory, in annexing to your
country, New-Orleans, that focus of
sedition and revolt. Had even this
sum instead of ministering to the deso
lating ambition of a foreign tyrant,
been applied to the repair and conser
vation of our little maritime force, we
should not now have to stoop with
submission to our injuries ; nor should
we hate had the mortification of seeing
one of the dearest articles iri the char
ter of freedom violated by the man
dates of a military satrap. Allow me,
sir, to cite to you the sentiments of a
great and wise man* oil the subject of
(economy. —" (Economy is a distribu
tive virtue, and consists not in saving,
but in selection. —Parsimony requires
no providence, no sagacity, no powers
of combination, no comparison, no
judgment." Allow instinct, and that
an Instinct riot of the noblest kind,
may produce this false ©economy in
perfection, the other economy has
larger views. It demands a discrimi
nating judgment, & a firm sagacious
mind: It shuts one door to impudent
importunity, only to open another and
a wider to unpresumirig merit. If
none but meritorious services or real
talents were to be rewarded, this na
tion has not wanted and this nation
will not Want the means of rewarding
all the service it ever will receive,
and encouraging all the merit it ever
will produce. No sfate since the
foundation of Society has been impov
erished by that species of profusion.
In saving money, I soon can count up
all the good I do ; but when by a cold
penury I blast the abilities of a nation
and stunt the growth ofits active en
ergies, the ill I may do, is beyond cal
culation. You commenced your po
litical career by pulling down with a
quadrimanous activity what the wis
dom of your predecessors had built
up. Sir, it is an easy thing to pull
down. Fury and incapacity ma, in
one day destroy more than the wisdom
of ages can erect. No sooner were
you seated in the presidential chair
than you invaded the sanctity of that
tribunal on which the fate of our li
berties is suspended. Every institu
tion was in danger of falling before the
fury of your partizans. I speak riot
of the quality and nature of the changes
they effected. Their briarean hands
Would have demolished alike, the use
ful and the bad. Itwas not, sir, the
enlarged and liberal conceptions of a
"Edmund Burke,
statesman, but the narrow spirit of
leveling, that led you to mark with
your disapprobation every measure of
the federal administration. You came
reeking from the school of Condorcet,
and would have instituted iri this coun
try that beautiful series of experiments
by whicli the philosophers of France
so illustriously benefitted theirs. You
would have taught us to imitate the
sanguinary excesses of that people un
til! some chief like Bonaparte arose to
chain down the spirit of revolt.
We can remember the insolence of
France supported and encouraged by
your party, which only the inflexible
virtue and unshaken integrity of Wash
ington could repress. Under his au
spices we escaped the baleful contagion
of her revolutionary politicks.-—But
you, sir, have almost rendered nugato
ry the exertions of that great man, by
enslaving us to her will, how that she
is armed with the power, and arrayed
in the pomp of despotism. But I en
courage the hope that Americans will
not tamely surrender their liberties.
The spirit of '76, which resisted the il
legal claims of a British ministry, will
contend for the altar of freedom against
the banditti of Gaul. But other prin
ciples than those of your temporizing
successor will be called forth by the
event. With our swords we purchased
our liberties, & with our swords wemust
defend them.—The memory of the man
whom you have laboured to dishonor
will inspire the bosom of my country
men. Happy America if she had still
continued to make his precepts, his
virtues and example, the base of her
republic. But you know how they
have all been set aside, arid by what art
your wretched policy has triumphed,
over his Wise arid magnanimous lessons.
It was for this, you rewarded every
creature that had been branded With
his displeasure. It was for this you
honoured the miscreant Duane with
the epaulets of an American officer.
—But when you, sir, along with
Duane and every venal libeler shall be
forgotten ; when the proud dome of
the capital shall have fallen, the name
of Washington will survive; for it will
be engraven on the hearts of the virtu
ous and the good. A plain unsophis
ticated Understanding combined with
virtuous feelings, is preferable to the
fripperies of philosophy and the prin
ciples of a libertine. In virtuous
minds the path of honour is direct ; and
where there exists no desire to soften
the reproaches of conscience, there no
sophistry can shake the principles of
virtue in the heart. The case of one,
is a creature weak arid infirm of mind
and incapable of any useful or valua
ble attainment. The other forms a
character fertile in every great and good
qualification. In one we recognise
your portrait, sir. In the other we
see the mind arid virtues of Washing
ton. The strength and directness of a
mind like his stand strongly opposed
to the instability of your Watering and
desultory judgment. By the sure in
stincts of a virtuous heart he perceived
truth and resolutely adhered to her
perceptions. Uneducated in the wiles
of a Mazarine, he despised the misera
ble jugglery of state secrets; and by
his candor and ingenuousness put vice
and dishonesty to the blush. Had he
studied iri the school of Voltaire or of
the national assembly, he would, like
you, sir, hate been a curse to his coun
try. You came into power after' this
great man bad paid the debt of nature ;
and it has been a misfortune to frour
country, that while you possessed just
philosophy enough to make you a scep
tic, you wanted the lights of a superior
understanding to reclaim you from it#
errors. Your public conduct has cor
responded with the principles of your
character and understanding. Too
cowardly to resent the insults of youg
country abroad, you never wanted
courage to invade its liberties aj horned
Under your baleful torch the constitu—
tion of your country has pined away,
and cannot be renovated by any reme
dy short of & total expulsion of your
party from power. The constitution
of the United States is the result of tha
wisdom of past ages, and not the crude:
and unfinished offspring of theoretic
politics. It consists of separating
constituted authorities, civet the integ
rity of Which the people are to keep &
constantand unremitting watch. When
this fair system becomes corrupt ;
when the parts on which it consist#
harmonize with the purposes of a sin
gle man, the shadow remains^-but the
spirit of liberty is fleet. This fair sys
tem, sir, you have endeavored to cor
rupt ; for the decrees of its power,
have hung Upon your nod. You ob
tained by factious influence the com+
plete subserviency of that body to -
your views. You have united against
freedom those powers which the fra
mers of our constitution wisely parti
tioned otit in its defence.Every symfe
tom of morbid weakness and strengths
was apparent on the face of your ad
ministration. At one time thespring^
of government were so relaxed that wet
might properly bate been said to haver
no government at all ; at another the,
were animated beyond the tone even
•f civil despotism. Is there nothing;
criminal in having thus corrupted one
of the fairest systems of policy which
human wisdom has erected? Is it of
no consequence that you have left the
pernicious fruits of conduct along with:
the still more pernicious effects of your
example to your Successor; and that
you have devolved on him the odious
task of accomplishing, by one act, that
scheme which your genius had tha
hardihood to conceive ? A war with
England, sir, would realize the hopes
of your party, and fix the destinies o£
this country forever. It would lead!
to the establishment of a powerful mil
itary force—the suspension of some of
our most sacred laws—the dissolution
of morals and consequent submission:
to Bonaparte. " When I contemplate
the character of this man, bis immea
surable resources for war, arid the ge
nius and promptitude with which ho,
conceives and executes the most stu-.
pendous schemes of ambition, I trem
ble for my country." This gildedl
serpent has long cast upon us those#
glances with which he first faeinatex
in order afterwards to devour.—,
The Subtle Bonaparte ministers fa
these corrupt affections more fatal to
republics than invading armies. Hei
first violates the chastity of the strugc
gling half consenting victims, a„ n d them
with his ruffian dagger he stifles at ones
the voice and remembrance of the pol
lution. Every noxious animal that ±
corrupt State of manners produces is
searched for; all the explosive materi
als that a new & cru;dc state of society
engenders, are prepared in unguarded
moments for the subversion of your
liberties. Under various disguises lurk,
the secret foes of our country. Undec
many specious appearances of patriot
ism burn the hot and intemperate fires
of ambition. These are not the hair
brain fancies of an alarmed and unqui
et imagination. They are irresistible
conclusions from known facts.—What
do I say ? They contain the history of
the last sixteen years. Sir, it is an age
of revolutions in which we live. Pow-
CT and dominion are placed within the
[No. 21.