The New Hampshire gazette — Portsmouth [N.H.], 1810-01-30 00:00:00, page 6

Political Miscellany.
BRITISH INFLUENCE.—Letter 1.
ot
T the Editor of the I.\:j_w Hampshire Patriot.
- STR—There has long existed in cur country
a faion of corrupt and unprincipled men,whofe
nniform ambition has been to raise themselves
on the ruins of the republic. This party, well
known' under the denomination of the Efex
Funts, once held the reins of our national gov
-ernment, and enjoyed the unlimited coifidence
of the .American people. This confidence was
obtained by a careful concealment of their de
signs ; by unbounded profeflions of patriotism ;
and, above all, by the mean, burt fuccefsful arti
fice of incorporating with the principles and
measures of their political opponents all the
horrors and madness of the French revolution.
No man who recalls to his mind the senseless
clamor, which in #zinetyfix was raised by this
party against French ambition and French in
fluence among us, can for a moment be fuprif
ed at the unnataral popularity, which the. par
tizans of England obtained ; or wonder that
they succeeded, for a thort time, in drawing in
%o » partial approbation of their measures, men,
1o whose virtue and intelligence the nation had
committedd the defence of her dearest rights. —
Happily for the United States, this infatuation
o longer exists.
' But the federal party,fir,though not now pof
" fefled of executive control, is yet triumphant in
fome,and powerful in several of the States. Tho’
small in number, it fill continues to be refpe&ta
' ‘ble for its wealth ; proud of the abilities of its
Jeaders ; and eminent for its information. But
_its wealth has been converted to the support of
- tenets obnoxious tothe fir@t principles of the con
flitution ; its abilitics are prostituted to the.de
fence of aggreflions from abroad, or to the ex
citement of discord and commotion in the bos
om of the State; while its knowledge and its
information are rendered not merely useless, but
even dangerous to the community, by the a
bandoned purposes to which they have with too
lamentable a success been devoted.
You will not understand, by what has been
~ here advanced, that I mean to accuse the Fed
eral party en maffe of being enemies to their
country, or friends to a foreign power. No
. one, I think, will be foolifh or wicked enough
to make such an assertion, or attempt its proof.
At leall, it does not belong to me. On the
contrary, I would carefully distinguish between
the abused simplicity of the disciple, and the
detestable imposition of his crafiy teacher : be
tween the integrity of the party, and the falfe
hood and deception of its political leaders. The
great body of the people, of whatever party or
denomination, are honest and upright—are vir
suons, and wish well, we doubt not, to the gov
- erament of their choice, to the honor of their
country, and, above all, to the independence
and union of the fßates. Dopt many of them
_ havebeen deceived and led astray by falfe ac
cusations and malicious reports ;fo that, while
pursuing the dowofall of our republic, and pro
moting the interests of her most inveterate foes,
they- fill think themselves ¢ doing God service.”
- The fame excuse cannot, however be extend
¢d to the conduét of their: leaders. 7key are
pot ignorant 3 #hey have notbeen deceived.—
The ealy und honorable path of duty ky open
~ before them ; and if they have mistaken the
way, it is not for want of information, but thro’
"design. . Power and dominion are the ﬂaﬂﬁg_
~ obje@s ‘of their ambition ; and it is on the al
tars of these grim idols that their daily facrifices
are performed. They ﬁﬂg«’:}"ém more to seize
- with audagious hands the helm of slate ;to af
cead the fears of power, and tegain the holds of
__government, from which the ju indignation
-of teir couniry bas banished them, pever more
of such 3 faltion, let bim calmly and difpaffion
| “;z‘.af*ﬂ G g Aet '»:f the fed
valueit Need I look back to the arrangement
made last spring to discover, when all parties,
from the most red hot democrat to the maddest
federalift, were crying out to him—well done !
Settling all our disputes with the European bel
ligerents, would give him a fame, that would
last aslong as freedom thould be refpe@ed.
Sir, the ‘people in the southern states have of
ten been charged with a wish to go to war with
England. This charge has always been con
founded. That they have felt great resentment
at the vile treatment we have received from both
France,al}d England, is undoubtedly true. How
arly man could think they wanted war, only for
the fake of war, is unaccountable to me. They
are an agricnlture people, and if you please, a
slave holding people ; agriculture and domestic
manufa&ures are their pursuits, and they want
no protedting duties to encourage or aid thent
‘2o make their hbomefpun. 1f these people really
want war only for the fake of war, they must
be either mad or fools. Every man in the house
does know that they are not in a situation to
catch by privateering the fat London ships or
the rich India {hips. But if they a&ually want.
€ war, how happens it, that in the year 1803,
when the table was overloaded with petitions
from the people of large towns in the middle and
the eastern tates, declaring that they could not
tive under the Britith orders in council then in
force, and which were not half equal to what we
have since felt, that they withitood a torrert,
which would have drove the nation into a war
with this very Englznd ? How an ofinion so
entirely without foundation should have gainad
credit is indeed wondeiful. The face of the
country, the population, and the pursuits of the
people ought to have convinced every man that
that opinion was erroneous. If we wanted
war and the President wanted it with G. Dritain,
it is zange that no attempt was ever made to
get it.
of the Embargo and Non-Intercourse laws.—
Now that the phrenzy has f{ubfided, by which
so many honeflt- men were borne away ; now
that the passions and the interests are no more,
‘which concealed for a time, from the apprehen
sion of the pablic, the attrocity of the measures
pursued ; I am persuaded that there is no man,
not tainted with the scab of political leprosy,
who recolle&s. the proceedings of the Mafa
chufetts legislature, or who has read the inflam
matory sentiments contained in the federal town
meeting resolves, can for a moment hesitate to
pronounce, that such as has been described, are
really the designs of the leaders of the federal
A separation of the States was then {poken
of as a neceflary and inevitable consequence of
the measures pursued ; though it is certain that
no party but their own are, or ever were, in
clined or disposed to bring about so difatrous
an event. A union of our interests with those
of Great Pritain, and an imme-iate declaration
of war against France were recommended as
the only sure meaos of saving us from the hor
i rors of a perpetual Embargo ; and of securing
our commerce from the predatory attacks of
England and France. All the evils we fuffer
ed were attributed to the decrees of the latter
power, while the orders of Great Britain were
palliated or excused, as the neceflary effe® of
} retaliation and f{elf-defence. lln short, the fame
party, which in the Senate of the United Stites
" had the effrontery to declare, in the face of rea
foa and of fa&, that * England had done us no
essential injury,” though our public prints were
at that very time loaded with daily accounts
of the capture and condemnation of our vessels,
the impreflment of our seamen, and the murder
of our citizeps—this party, thus humble under
the tyranny of Great Britain, thus fubmiflive
to her lordly commands, called, in the last
year’s legislature of Massachusetts, upon the gov
ernment of the Union ¢ to unfurl the republican
banners against thelmperial standard of France.’
The exiflence ther of a party devoted to Eng
land cannoy/ with the leatt thadow of truth be
denied. Satisfied on this head, the firlt ques
tion which every honelt American, which every
friend of his country, will anxionfly demand is,
what are the means which this powerful fadion
- poflefs 2 These I conceive, Sir, wil} be found
principally to arise from BriTisn INFLuence
in our country. It is my/intention, should the
r ries of letters, the extent of this influence, and
present paper be received,to point out,in a fe
-the numercus and powerful furces from which
} it is derived. Such a service is eflential to be
- performed, and ought long since to have been
' attempted. ‘ DECIUS.
BRITISH INFLUENCE—Letter IL
To the editor of the Neav Hympfhire Parict
Sir—llt hasbeen the unifgrm observation of
inteliigent foreigners, both ¥eglith and French,
who have occasionally vifitell our-shores, * that
though we have succeeded jn throwing off the
yoke of the Englith poaver, wJ ftili remaingin our
habits of thought, in cur md¢des of aéion, and
the general features of our national charaéter,
in a great measure subjects of the Britith king.”
Jealousy may have had some share in suggesting
this observation to the French, while the naticn
al vanity of the Englih, vnwilling to believe
that they have entirely loft their authority in the
United States, bas undoubtedly done much to
wards producing in them a similar belief.—
Making, however, all due allowance for these
effeds, it mult Rill be acknowledged that there
is too much of truth in this degrading remark ;
it muit be acknowledged, that we bave not yet
aflamed, as the only obje& of our approbation
and support, that truly American charaéier,which
our situation {o imperioully demands; and
which, while it freed us (rom the thraldom of a
foreign power, would quickly banifth from our
party disputes those odious accusations of sub.
ferviency to Britain, or dependance on France,
which both parties now think themselves entitl
ed {o liberally 10 bestow on each cther. 1t is
not neceflary for me 10 remark upon the glory
of such an achievement ; upon the {plendor of
that day, in.the future annals of cur country,
when the American people shall unitedly -ex.
claim-=« Ay fcngth have we succeeded in ac.
complifhing what our ancestors began. 7%y
refilted the open attacks of a foreign power|; ae
have boflled the secret influence of an insidious
government. Qurs was by far the harder task,
and proportionably great is the bappinels we
enjoy.” Let the exertions of cvery patrior be
employed speedily to introduce this a_ufpiééous
day. ;
It is not, Sir, from the conquering armies of
France, em:ployed in continents) warfare ; por
yet from the viftorious pavies of Great Britgin,
that America bas, comparatively speaking, any
thing to fear. They have no lsifure, had they
the inclination, to undertake the copqueft of the
United States—and should it be attempted, they
have not the power to crown it with filccefs,—
For no political maxim is moore certain than this,
that a free people, united, in their exertions, and
faithful to the cause they have espoused; can
never be subdued by the open and avowed hos
tilities 6f a mercenary power. The brotherhood
of American freemen would indignantly chafe
from our shores the multitude of slaves, whick
the unhappy regions of Europe have -.tO'?)ax'e.
It is therefore secret influence, & not open force,
agaioft which we have to guard. Our danger
arises, not from the strength of the enemy, but
from the weakuoefs of the defence which we our
selves may be disposed to attempt ; from the
prevalence of our prejudices, from the force of
our inclinations, and the uohappy bias which in
terelt or ambition may have given to the minds
of too many of our citizens. When these are
sgainh s ; when pablic eniment, te iyl
itimate support of a republican government, is
g“wm ithe fide of :fomgn P‘g)‘”m the bul
gﬂmf our fafety is from that moment remov
ed, and the people are alieady more than half
1 dﬂ not U ’ g "_‘that our
own country, f net arreled i Ber Progses by
the g«bﬂ' citigens, will soon be re.
duced to the degrading situation here described.
England,whofe rulers have perhaps'at no period
entirely laid aside the rancor excited by 6ur re.
volutionary war— England, the inveterate ene
my to American Independence,pofleffes, and ev
er has poflefled, the most ample and alarming
means of influencing, through the medium of
public opinion, the decisions of our national gov
ernment on every question of importance, in
which her caprice or ber ambition happens 1o
interfere with the intere or prosperity of the
United States. Extraordinary as this propofi.
tion may at fitft fight appesr, it is nevertheless
capable of the most perfe&t and complete de.
monftration. The sources of British influence
to which I refer, and which it is my intention in
some subsequent letters to examine, may be re.
duced to the following heads :— Dofeent, Lan.
guage, Literature, Furi[pradence, and Commercial
relations.
From these sources, Sir, are derived the real
and only formidable firenpth, which the enemies
of our national independence possess. Their
bare enumeration cannot fail 1o excite, in the
jealous breast of every friend to his country, the
mokt serious apprehensions, least the frieedom of
his mind may bave been enflived, through the
icfluence of his feelings or his prejudices, his
knowledge or his interef. Interwoven as they
are with the texture of society, and conne&ed
with the ordinary avocations of commen life,
with our public institutions, with the sources of
our information, and the extent of our power,
with the distribution of justice ard the clegant
accomplishments of life, théy form on the whole
a strength of oppcefition,a ferce and inclination,
against which nothing can secure us, but the
most wakeful vigilance of cur ablest politicians,
aided and encouraged by the hearty concurrence
of every class of American citizens.
Tbhe sources es foreign influence which I have
enu:nerated, while they constitute the evils.from
whose operation we have most to dread, are un
fortunately of that peculiar caftagainft which
we are lealt able to defend ourselves. They are
infufed into the cup of fiiencthip ; they mirgle
with the portion of love ; and steal unperceived
tbrough the feciet aveiunes.of the heait, around
whose minuicft fibres, with the affe@ions they ex
cite,are they indissolubly entwined. The Ru-ious
retreat of the scholar is decorated with the lite.
rary trophies of Britith glory ; the pride of our
judiciary rests on the cquity of Briufh jurifpru-
Jence—~while the wealth of our merchants ; the
comiort and convenience of cur citizens : even
the charms of beauty are heightened and im
proved, by the prevalence of Britith manufac
tures'in our ceuntry. Thisin the geruine source
of English influence in the Unitec States. These
are the powertul pleaders, who are continually
ringing in our willing ears the high praises of
Britain ; who palliate her coffences ;' who jufli
fy, to our partial inclinations, the condué& she
putfues, and when we demand reparation for
the accumu'ated injuries and aggreflions we
bave fultained, infuits us, Sir, with the haughty
aflurance that «“ England bas done us ne essen
tial injuiy.” ; DECIUS.
“NOIION>S.” What are nosions ?
According to envoy Jackion, they are the
honefi claims which America has upen the gov.
ernment c¢f England.
The demand for the liberation of our seamen,
is therefore a aotion.
The freedom of our trade is a notion.
The honor of our flag is a neticn.
Mr. Eifkine’s arrangement is a nolion. '
These aye all, quoth Mr. Jackson, *¢ motions
erronécufly entertained,” and they must give
way 10 % praflical flipulations.”
And what are thele * praé@ical flipulations 27’
They are—
To allow Great Britain to blackade, afor pa
tery the entire coasts of Eurcpe.
To permit her to cut off American commerce
to Europe, in order that English merchants xzay
carry it en exclufvely themselves.
To fuffer our'flag to be insulted and trampled
Jpen without {uitable atcnement.
To put up with the insolence of Mr. Canning
and the insolence of Mr. Jackson.
To submit 1o the contirnzl and unbounded
impreflment of cur seamen. And
To acknowledge an inherent right in her to
regulate commerce by orders in council. '
Such are Mr. Jackson’s **praétical flipulations)’
—{uch are the stipulations which he would {ub
fiitute for our legitimate rights, which the fame
Mi. Jackion calls' notions.”> And these rights
are “‘erronecufly” supposed by us to be so firong
that Great Britain will cease to infrirge them ;
in other words, England will * never ceaie” to
violate them. This, to befure, is plain enough ;
if Mr. Jackfen had been so plain in all the other
parts of his letter—if he bad, cn the affair of
Eifkine’s arrsngement, fhufled no more than be
has done on this point, the tories could nct hage .
held up their beads in his bebalf. But (and it
is remarkable) wherever be fpezks of the arbi
trary doélrines of his own goverrmenr, he is op
en and audacicus—wherever he speaks of the
conflituted authorities, or the claims of Ameri
ca, he covers himfelf with 2 multitude of words,
If then our rights, in the eye of England, are’
mere * notions,” mere cyphers, it is clear that
England means to persevere in her ontrages—
it is manifeft the means to proceed in the course
she has done-~to plunder, impress and murder.
And shall we submit ? Shall-we yield to _B'ri;i{k
plundering, and impreflment, and mwurdering ? |
Not at all.. We disclaim the new- fan%led’ no- ‘
uions of Champagny as much as we disclaim the |
despotism of ;:Ee French emperdn; we ask for
nothing but what the law of nations jußifies.—
We sk, and will in6it op, immunity from im.
preffment of our seamen ; a free transit for bona
ﬁaﬂw%wwwvﬁ the ocean, with- |
out paying dutids in Englifli ports :in fhor, |
e reqmet (6 he tocated as & nestial Mathen |
ought 10. be treated by belligerents. If they '
P Seate SR A sS b SRR sg R N Mes Tl BeG s PR SRR S i e
The con?u& of Great Britaif as 10 the Chel>
apeake, has been markec by no feature of justice
or conciliation—ls this attack upom a nation at
peace with her, was really wnauthorifed, was it
not cue to herfelf to make eveiy atonement, for
her own fuke=—without any requisition from us
—at once to deliver up the seamen, 2nd the in
fclent agent to juflice ? She has dene reither.
1. ds to the seamen, Mr. Jackson agreed to res
store them upon condition that we should dis
charge such of them.as were “ either natural
born yubjecls of his Majeßy, or deserters frcm his
Mzjefty’s service.” This goes even further than
Grcat Britain bad previously claimed = Accor
<ing to this tef}, she is not only to have her own
fubjc@s but some of ovr own citigens— ker o .
fubje &s becanfe they are fubjc&@s, and our citizens,
because they are deserters. _
2. As to Admiral Berkley. Mr. J. is profound
ly silent—but Mr. Cennirg tells our minister,
on the latter’s * mentioning his recent appoirit
ment to the Lisbon station,” that the admiralty
would not be doing him jultice to keep him so
long unemployed * without bringing him to a’
court martial.” Why pot then bring him to tri
al ? If bis trial was to prove that be was wrau
thorifed, that is the very thing which the British
government aver. Was Mr. C. afraid to bring
him to tsial, lealt this avermeént should be difs
And 3. As to bur Proclamation, the unreason.
able proprfition of Mr. Rose was to be granted:
in a neay /bape. 10— B o EE.?IQ; 4
There is one consideration worthy the rew
fl-&ion of every friend to Amwmerica—that the.
Republicapn Administration has prefezved thig
country #:;m war, notwithtanding the violent
attempts of the British partizans. 1o involve ug
in an allianice with England. This is d system,
of policy which has not been accomplished by
any power in Europe. Ruflia, Auflria, Spain,
Holland &c have been brought into this vertex,
and’ America alone bas been dble to reap'an
advantage from all the belligerents without be- -
ing involved in open hostilities. ‘The queflion
then is, whetbér under all circumflances the f.
merican adminiltration have not been more ads
vantageoufly employed in keeping us /rom a war
(both as it ‘velates to gommerce &W pricul
re) than. if they Mad becn emgaged 8 une Ae.
War ike ducliog in ne frs for & peiom
alternative bas fililed, = 0T T
ik SR, BRI e R TR o eA A e RI S i R A
- THE “BRITISH PARTY.”
‘A London ministerial print lately observed
that great reliance might be placed -upon * the
Britijp party in dmerica I’ This was no mistake.
The Britifa government may always rely upon
their pariy in the United States for support and
vindication in every mesfure which their cupide
ity or cruelty may incite them to perform; even
though irs infamy be so manifelt as to find no
jultification amorg the hirelings of ‘their own
metropolis. Many a&s of the Englith rulers
which 10 one ameng themselves was so hardy
as to defend, have found rumerous champions
on our own fhotes. The Chefipeake maflacre
was not only etcufed but jultified by feceral
lealers, while every Englifiman of every char
alter united in reprebating the outrage. What
a meiancholly inttance of American degeneracy.
What a blot upon the national reputation! It
is unfortunate for the ccuntry that this party is
not small in numbers nor in property—and it
is Rill more unfortnnate that proper measures
bave not been taken to Jefeat their tredcherous
plans, to coumerz&@ their unwearied effcrts a
geinft the nation’s interests and render their mals
ice impotent. o taite
If the Democrats would only resolve to throw
away tbat fallidous celicacy, that affe®ed mod
etation which bas permittec toryifm to flourifh,
whet a little vigor would long since have crush
ed it, the 'momentons concerns of the nation
would be better defenced and the indefeafible
rights of the American people sooner rescued
from Britifk tyranny. [ Nat. &yis.
: oy AR D e R
witt ot gfa ds this § i, onder plezs of retaiic
ation, the tyraut of the land ahd IHé. tyrant of
the ocean contipne to. rob, burn, mllfd‘f%?
mprnfonfwggﬁ&’&e bafet of slaves tofub.
mit. There is ot recorded in all history the
aftions of-a people so tame, o servile, so eoh
temptible as we are, if we can, under accumi:.
lated wrongs, and injuries and outrages, yield
to the arrogant & domintering career of [ ance
and England. The vile herd of scribblers who
rally under the banuer of England, who. con.
nive with her minister, who plor and firuggle
agaiuft their native land, who bellow like bulls
or croak like pond-frogs againfl the conftitured
authtrities of the United States, cannor mave
the body of the people to rebelicn—cannot turn
their hearts in favor of G. Britain ; those ferib.
blers are all ¢ boil and bubble ;”’—heated tothe
utterance of calumnies ty Englith guineas; rouf.
ed to exertions beyond their Rrength by what
mouey they get, and by what they hope to get.
They are not the citizens—they are the mere
trumpeters, horn-blowers for Jackson the envoy,
who, fitting at New York, pulls the wires, and
puts such men as Coleman, and Bronson, and
Wagner, [and Patk] in motion. The commu
nity nevertheless wili sand up for their rights .
they will not mind the horn blowers, the bab
bling retainers of Francis James Jackson. Let
the scribblers make as much noise as they please,
and create as much clatter as the ram’s hornssat
Jericho, depend upon it the walls of the conflitue
tion will not f2ll down, the liberties and inde
pendence cf the nation will not be prostrated.—
The rights of the United States are supported
by muttitudes of noble hearts, which, under Di
vine Providence, are willing and able to'prote&@
them. They do not rest upon pen’s points, nor
upon lazy, lounging, out of business Pettifogpers 3
but upon the e ve; and fnews of the furdy yeo
manty, and a hardy race of feafaring men 4. "of
men, in f 4«&, who, whatever Camﬁg or Jack
son may thick of it, will infit and conquer their
rights, whether they be denominated, ** notions™
or otherwise, Virg! drgus.