Russel & Davis' Republican gazetteer — Concord, N.H., 1797-03-14 00:00:00, page 2

Again—" |lt is Efficient for the
juftification of his majtfty, that the
colonies, which form a nation consid
erable as well for the number of their
inhabitants as for the extent of their
dominion, have established their in
dependence, not only by a solemn de
claration, but also in fad: and that
they have Supported it against the ef
forts of their mother country. Such
was, in effe&, the situation of the U.
States when the king began to negotiate
•with them. His majesty had full lib
erty of considering them as independ
ent,,®: as the fubjedsof Britain. He
chose the firft part, because his safe-
TY,he JNTEREST OF HIS PEOPLE,
invariable policy, and above all the
secret projeas of the court of London,
imperiously laid him under the neceffit,?'
—The faret projeAs here referred to
were those of reconciliation on terms
which might fatisfy the United States
and produce a reunion and coalition
for the purpose ot falling upon France.
To avoid the risk of this combined
attack, to avoid greater danger in fu
ture by prevanting the peflibility of
uniting again the great portions of
the British empire,, jeparated in jaa,
and thus efentially to diminish its
power, were the avowed inducements
with the court of France to confider
the United States as independent.
lion further ex-preyed, "that the
Xing being determined to proted ef
feXually the lawful commerce of his
fubjeXs. and to maintain the dignity
of his flag, his majesty has, in con
sequence, taken eventual measures-,
in concert with the United States of
Northamerica." The court of Lon
don chose to confider this notification
as a declaration of war, of which they
accuse the King as being the author,
and represent him as the violator of
laws divine & human, &c. &c. " The
ad, however, which has drawn upon
the king such odious imputations has
for its foundation two inconteftible
truths ; the fifft that at the period of
the 6th of February, 1778, the Antrim
cans bad the public ,§ffion of their in
dependence ; the fecund that the king
had the right to look upon the inde
pendence as existing without being
obliged to examine the legality ofit,
and that no law forbade him to form
connexions with the Americans."
. * 06j.,. 73* t Journals a, Congr^s
April 22, 1778. I 0^.,. 77.
The observations then reciting that
the fruitlefs attempts of the Colonies
to obtain redress from their mother
country, in the mode of Supplication,
had induced them to league together
to maintain their privileges sword in
hand ; and soon after to publish the
Solemn aft whereby they declared
themselves independent, fay"" This
aft which is of the 4th of July, 1776,
induced the court of London to give
way to her resentment ; ffie displayed
her power to chastise the Americans,
and to reduce them by conquest. But
what has been the fruit ot their ef
forts ? Have they not served to dem
onstrate to America, to all Europe,
and to the court of London herfelf,
her importance and the impoffibilit, of
her ever hereafter bringing the Americans
again under ber yoke !" That she had
given this demonstration to America,
is evident by the manner in which
Congress received the conciliatory bills
hastily sent from the court of London
to America, and communicated by
Lord and General Howe. Congress
were then uninformed of the treaties
which their commissioners had lately
concluded at Paris. Yet confident in
the strength and spirit of their coun
try, and of the inability of Britain to
subdue it, they resolved , unanimoofly
to rejeX these overtures for peace and
conciliation, and to hold no confer
ence or treaty with any commission
ers on the part of Greatbritain, un
less, as a preliminary, they withdrew
their fleets and armies, or in positive
terms acknowledged the independ
ence of these states.
^ Having dated these things, they
{ * " ask it there is a sovereign who in
I the fame fijuation with his majesty,
I would not have imitated his exam
!P^."„
Again—f" He (the king of Fra,
shadf had the right to confider as inde-
I pendent the confederate inhabitants
bof an imm<nfe continent, who pre
fferted themselves to him with this
|ch^raXer, especially after their an-
Icient Sovereign had demonstrated, by
I efforts as conrinual as painful, the tm-
I poffibility of bringing them back to obedi
lerne.I erne.
" 1 To complete the juftification
[of his majesty, nothing remains but
I to examine, whether what are called
ireafons of State, could have deter
mined his majesty to conned himfelf
with the Americans. To treat this
*Obs.p. 78. \obs.,. 82. XObh
~ 88. § Obs. ^ 89. II Obs. , 90.
q 0L.,. 91. ** 0b1.fe.92. ft 06/,
~ 95> ^
'' ## It may then be truly faid,that
on examination of the conduct of the
King—it was not only fa# and law
ful, but even necessary as well for the
individual interest of France, as for that
of all Europe."
I will trouble you with but one
more extract from the juftificatory
observations of the court of France.
" ft To deceive the other nations
with regard to the real motives which
have direded the conduft of the
King, the British ministry maintain,
that he entered into treaty with the
Americans, not because he feared the
secret views of Greatbritain, but be
cause he forefaw that the Americans
defeated, difeouraged, without Sup
port, and without resources, were a
bout to return to their mother coun
try ; and that there was not a mo
ment to be loft in reanimating and
confirming them in their opposition.
It was without doubt, for the fake of
this assertion, that the British Minjf
try have thought it beneath the dig
nity of their Sovereign to search for
the period at which France formed
connexions with the U. States, it
might with greater truth be said that
this research did not coincide with
their plan of defence The King is
willing to (pare the British Ministry
a talk so disagreeable and embarrass
ing. by observing for them, that the
question with all the clearness of
whicA it is susceptible, the political
interest of France must be viewed un
der two Different relations ; the firft
refpeXs the other powers of Europe ;
the lecond refpeXs Greatbritain."
I'' In treating with the Americans
'after they became independent, the king
exercised the right inherent in his
sovereignty, with noother view
than to put an end to the predominant
poetry with England abused in every
quarter of the globe." The observa
tions then suggest that by this con
dud the King has effentiaily watched
over the interest of all the sovereigns
of Europe, " by contributing to re
strain a power which has always car
ried to excess the abuse of her Ye
fources."§
The Court of London having
charged the King of France with am
bition, and the prcjeX of demolishing
the power of England, by his en-
ing more will be difeovered in them
(his engagements with the U. States)
on the most accurate scrutiny, than
a diminutionof 4his power, a dimi
nution which England has herfelf
provoked, by a condu& the most un
just and most irregular, and which
the tranquility and happiness of Eu
rope have for a long time required."
" q The most vigilant and con
summate prudence could not devise
adequate precautions against the en
terprizes of such a power, so that the
only means of being secured from it,
was tojeta the opportunity of diminishing
it."
gagements with the Americans, the
observations declare that " || Noth-
;converfations which led to the trea
ties of the 6th of Feb. 1778,aum^-
fiderably pfhrior to the capitulation
;of Gen. 'Burgoyne. Now it is noto
rious that this event elevated the cou
rage and the hopes of the Americans,
'as much as it dejected the British na
;tion, and principally the Court of
London. If then the King has list
ened to the proportions of Congress,
after this period, so difitfrous to the
British, it has not been, and could not
have been for any other reason, but be
cau/e be thought with the United States,
that their independence was thencefor
ward irrevocable."
In these extracts from the observa
tions of the court of France, we fee
an open avowal of her motives for en
'tering into treaties with the United
States during our revolution, but do
such motives afford any firing claims
;to our gratitude ? She rejoiced at the
profpeft of a final separation of the
thirteen colonies from Greatbritain.
She Saw them ereXed by their sol
emn declaration into independent
States; bar during near three years
of our contest she continued waiting
for some fortunate event that sh uld
ensure liability and ultimate fucctfs
to our enterprize. This event took
place in the capture ofa whole Brit
ish army. " Then the King listen
ed to the propositions of Congress,
because he thought with the United
States that their independence was irre
vocable." He then treated with the
Americans, " with no other view than
to put an end to the predominant
power which England exercised in
every quarter of the globe. A dimi
nution of this power (fays the King)
the tranquility and happiness of Eu
rope have for a long time required :
The only means of being Secured
from it, was to jeixe the opportunity of
diminishing it —and be did /size it," be
cause " his safety, the inter
est of his p eop l e, invariable pol
icy, and above all, the secret prfyas
of the Court of London, imperiouJl,
laid him under the neceffit,.''
After these repeated declarations
on the part of France that her only
view in contraaingengagements with
the United States was to diminish the
British power, and thereby promote
the Safety and interest of her own
people and the tranquility of Europe
—very unexpeXed indeed are the
modern claims of boundless and per
petual gratitude ? Nevertheless, ani
mated as we always have been with
sincere desires to maintain those ufe
ful and frieridly connexions with
France which had their foundation
in our revolution, we should have re
mained silent on these claims, had not
the frequency and manner in which
they have been urged compelled their
difeuffion. We are not now dispos
ed to question the importance of the
aid we actually derived from France
in the war of our revolution—nor to
retrad the grateful acknowledgments
that all America has from that time
offered to that nation—we were in
the habit of expressing our gratitude
to her tor the benefits which we re
ceived, although they resulted from
her exertions to advance her own in
terefl and secure ber own fafety. But
if those benefits had beer: rendered
from pure benevolence, from difiiterefted
good will to us, and we bad been re
miss in acknowledging them, is it the
part of generofify, of magnanimiy,
constantly to upbraid the receivers of
their favors with ingratitude ? Do
not such reproaches cancel the obli
gation ? But if for favors apparent
ly generous substantial returns are de
manded, the supposed liberal aft de
generates, and becomes a mercenary
bargain.
If such only are the motives for our
gratitude towards France at the com
mencement of her political and com
mercial connexions with us in the
midst of our war with Greatbritain,
what more can we discover at the coo
CONCORD, Marcb 44.
The 13th of April next, is appoint
;ed a day of public sassing and prayer
;throughout the fta'e of Newhampfh.
I The Rev Stephen Peabody, of At
kinfcn, is to preach the Election
:Sermon in June next.
§At the towrimeeting in this town,
(Judge Walker moderator) the votes
for Governor were as follow :
IJT. Gilman 161
T. Walker 19
Scattering 8
For Senator, John Bradley 130,
James Flanders 11, H. Gerrifh ri,.
2 Scattering.— For Councillor, James
1 Sheafe 69, Joseph Cilley 6, Joseph
[Blanchard 4, feat. 4.— For Register
: of Deeds, Charles Walker 65, Samu
-1 el Brooks 43, James Gray 12, Joseph
;Adams 3.
Wm A. Kent, Representative.
John Odlin, Richard Ayer and John
Eastman, SeleXmen —John Odlin,
,Town Clerk—John Bachelder, Jere
i miah Virgin, and Robert Bradley,
; Constables— Jere. Virgin, Capt. N.
lEaftman, Joshua Thompson, Jona.
Virgin, Samuel Butters, T. Stickney
jun. Abiel Walker, Jabez Abbot,
, Ezra Abbot, Henry Martin, Timo.
; Dow, Abel Baker, Abner Dimond,
!Eph. Carter, Eben. Sanborn, and
IMofes Carter, Surveyors of highways
) —Wm Partridge and Wm Duncan,
Ifence viewers—Deacon David Hall,
I Sealer of wts. and ms.—James Moul
|ton, Wm, Duncan, Daniel Virgin,
In 1781, with the afliftance of a
French army by land and a powerful
fleet by sea, a second British army
was captured.
This event made even the British
government despair of bringing the
United States again under her fob
jection. The minffffy was changed;
arid the parliament passed an act to
authorize the King to make peace.
In the summer of 1782, an agent on
the part of Greatbritain repaired to
Paris to negotiate with the Commis
sioners of the United States. For
fume time Dr. Franklin and Mr. jay
were alone at Paris. The commis
sion toMr Oswald, (the British nego
tiator) authorized him to treat and
conclude a peace or truce with any
commissioner or commissioners nam'd
or to be named by the Colonies or
Plantations of Newhampfhire, &c.
(naming the thirteen) or with any
of them separately, with parts of
them, or with any persons whatsoev
er- Ms. Jay was not fatisfied with
this commission to Mr Oswald ; the
Independence of the thirteen States
was no where intimated. Agreeably
to their inftrudions from Congress to
take advice of the court of France,
the commissioners communicated Mr
Oswald's commission to the prime
minister, the Count de Vergennes.
The count expressed bis opinion that
the commission was fufficient ; that
it was such an one as we might have
expefted it would be : " That ah ac
knowledgment of our Independence,
instead ^preceding, must in the natu
ral course of things be the ffia of the
treaty," This opinion the count con
tinued from time to time to repeat.
Jn short, " It was evident the count
did not with to fee our independence
acknowledged by Britain until they
had made all their uses of us." Mr.
Jay still continued unmoved ; he
centered with Mr. Oswald, and " ur
ged in the strongest terms, the great
impropriety and consequently the ut
ter impeffibitity of our ever treating
with Greatbritain on any other than
an equal tooting —and told him plainly
that he (Mr. jay) would have no con
cern in any negotiatiation in which
we were not considered as an independ
ent people."
[To be continued.]
tfofion cf that war ! Let us exam
ine.