The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-03-03 00:00:00, page 1

From the Pennsylvania Packet.
W. H. D.
To the KING of GREAT-BRITAI N.
SIR, "%- &m, 7&<^/^ ^ ^ §
YOUR royal voice to your Parliament,
on the 27th of November laflf has at
length reached the ears of Freemen on
the western shore of the Atlantic : And,
those Freemen are convinced, it is a
found very different from the roaring
of a Lion, when ladling his nervous tail, and brid
ling his shaggy mane, he means to display the " mod
adive exertions, against all his enemies." Accus
tomed, Sir, as you have been, to have your most
gracious speeches most humbly echoed back to your
flattered ear; it is time that you should receive the
observations of Freemen. As a Freeman, I there
fore take the liberty, Royal Sir, to give my senti
ments upon your late speech to your Parliament.
You begin with telling them, that "you have
called them together in a conjuncture which de
mands their most serious attention." But, as that
most serious attention was, by the necessity of your
affairs, always demanded, as often as you have called
this Parliament together, to what purpose has your
Majesty now pronounced an entire sentence, in which
there is nothing new, but its exigence; and in
which there is nothing inftrudive or informing ?
Without doubt, it was to convince them by your
firft words, that you did not intend to fay any thing
of importance: and, your Majeity's speech well war
rants this conclusion from its firft sentence.
The speech proceeds —" In the time of profound
peace, without pretence of provocation or colour of
complaint, the Court of France hath not forborne
to disturb the public tranquility, in violation of the
faith of treaties, and the general rights of sovereigns,
at firft, bv the clandestine supply of arms to my
revolted fubjeCls in North-America ; afterwards, by
avowing openly their support, and entering into for
mal engagements with the leaders of the rebellion,
and, at length, by committing open hostilities and
depredations on my faithful fubjeds, and by an
actual invasion of my dominions." —Permit me, Sir,
to confider these positions separately. ,
When a war actually existed between America and
Great-Britain, and of such a nature too, as inte
rested all the world in its consequences, and parti
cularly France; and, when at the fame time, the
Imperial and Prussian forces had actually taken the
field, and all Europe was arming by sea and land;
to call such a time, a " time of profound peace," is
certainly not to speak so as to be underftood —nay,
it is absolutely to misrepresent the fad. But, I will
give the conjuncture its proper description, and
examine in what light your Majesty's complaint will
then stand. According to such description it will
Hand thus.
In a time of a dangerous war, which I had com
menced, and which, in its consequences, involved
the interests, and if I succeeded, threatened the
very fafety of France, that Court authorifed by the
law of nations and the general rights of lovereigns to
take measures for her security, without pretence of
provocation, or colour of complaint, hath not for
borne to disturb the public tranquility, by, among
other aCts and doings, committing open hostilities
and depredations on my faithful fubje&s, and by an
actual invasion of my dominions.
Now, Sir, admitting such hostilities, depredations
and invasion to be true, yet, they being made in the
conjuncture I have accurately described, they cer
tainly were not committed without pretence of pro
vocation, or colour of complaint, as your Majesty
asserts they were : nor, in violation of the faith of
treaties, and the general rights of sovereigns. For, in
the firft place, your Majesty had kindled and was
then actually prosecuting a dangerous war, which
put the fafety of France, or at least her interests at
hazard. Secondly, no treaty which you had formed
with France, forbad her to take measures against
that hazard. Thirdly, France by taking fiich mea
sures, and, the open hostilities, depredations and
invasion of which you complain, may be such mea
sures, not only did not violate, but actually and
vigorously did maintain and exercise the general
rights of sovereigns under the law of nations, as
laid down by Grotius, Puffendorf, and every other
civilian. And, Fourthly, the King of Prussia's con
duct, supported by the Crown of Great-Britain, in
invading Saxony, and then obliging the Saxon army
to lay down their arms at Pirna, before the King of
Poland, Elector of Saxony, had committed hostili
ties against his Prussian Majesty, demonstrates the
practice under the law of nations in the conjuncture
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
[Vol. ll.]
WEDNESDAY, March 3 , 1779.
I have described, and juftifies the conduct of the
Court of France in committing, aye, Sir, and in
commencing, as I ihall more pointedly Ihew, had
France done so, hostilities on the faithful fubjeas
and invasion of the dominions of Great-Britain.
But, Sir, Sir, when you had on the 18th and 19th
of June last, by force of arms captured the Licorne
and the Pallas, frigates belonging to the Court of
France ; and that it was after that period, that that
Court firft committed "open hostilities and depre
dations on your faithful fubjeCts," and made " aCtual
invasion of your dominions," it seems somewhat
singular that you should have the boklnefs, in the
face of the world, to charge the Court of France
with having committed open hostilities and depre
dations on your faithful fubjeds, and with having
actually invaded your dominions in time of profound
peace, thereby dijiurbing the public tranquility, and
violating the faith of treaties and the general rights
of sovereigns, without pretence of provocation, or
colour of complaint !
As to the clandestine supply of arms by the Court
of France sent to the people in North-America, be
fore, as you have dated, the formal engagements
between France and the United States; I have no
reason to think that your Majesty has proof on this
point. The Congress know of no such supply ; and
to be sure, they to whom you are pleased to fay
such supplies were sent, are to be thought to know,
at least, as much of this matter as your Majesty.
But, Sir, be pleased to hear what they fay upon this
fubjeCt. They unanimpufly declare, ' That His
Molt Christian Majesty, the great and generous ally
of these United States, did not preface his alliance
with any supplies whatever sent to America." How
ever your Majesty '' hath not forborne" to pronounce
to the contrary.
Nor can the Court of France entering into formal
engagements with Congress at the time-lhe did, tend
to criminate that Court, on the charge of violating
" the faith of treaties, and the general rights of
sovereigns." First, because no treaties subsisting
between your Majesty and the Crowd of France,
precluded that Crown from entering into formal en
gagements with any independent nation. Secondly,
because the engagements of which you complain
were entered into by France, with an independent
nation in the full possession and exercise of fovereign
ty —a compleat foyereignty which had existed for
nineteen months, immediately preceding those en
gagements. '
Nor was the object of those engagements, a viola
tion of the faith of treaties and the general rights
of sovereigns. First, because the object was not to
Interrupt the peace subsisting between France and
Great-Britain, but only to repel the war, if you
should commence it upon France ; and to continue
it, until the independence of the United States should
be fequred by the treaty which should reftorc peace.
Secondly, because the United States, with whom
those engagements were contracted, were at the
time, free, sovereign and independent, and had been
so for nineteen months before; and you were not,
under the laws of nature and nations, entitled to
their allegiance and government. And, Thirdly,
because the general rights of sovereigns, so far from
incapacitating, absolutely authorifed His Most Chris
tian Majesty to enter into those engagements, such
as they were, at the time he did.
Thus, may it please your Majesty, notwithstand
ing your assertions to the contrary, it is clear to
mathematical demonitration,and your Majesty knows
nothing can be clearer, that the Court of France did
not " disturb the public tranquility,^ —nor violate
" the faith of treaties and the general rights of fo
vereigns,—nor fend a " clandestine supply of arms
•to North-America." —Nor din the commit " open
hostilities and depredations on your faithful fubjeas,
and actually invade your dominions, until after you
had actually commenced the war against her, by
capturing the Licorne knd the Pallas, two of her
frigates.
Indeed, so far was the Court of France from even
wishing " to disturb the public tranquility," exit
ing between her and the Court of Great-Britain;
or to violate " the faith of treaties and the general
rights of sovereigns," that five weeks after the had
entered into those engagements of which you com
plain, flie caused her Ambassador, the Marquis de
Noailles, among other things to declare to your
Court, that " the United States of North-America
who are in full possession of independence as pro
nounced by them on the 4th of July, 1776, having
proposed to the King to consolidate by a formal Con
vention, the connection begun to be established be
tween the two nations, the refpeCtive Plenipotenti
TH E
aries have signed a treaty of friendfhip and commerce,
designed to serve as a foundation for their mutual
good correspondence."
"His Majesty being determined to cultivate the
good under/landing subsisting between Prance and Gn^at-
Britain by every means compatible with his dignity,
and the good of his fubjeCts, thinks it necessary to
make this proceeding known to the Court of Lon
don, and to declare at the fame time, that the con
trasting parties have paid great attention not to
stipulate any exclusive advantages in favour of the
French nation ; and that the United States have re
served the liberty of treating with every nation what
ever, upon the fame footing of equality and recipro
city."
" In making this communication to the Court of
London, the King is firmly persuaded she will find
new proofs of his Majesty's constant and sincere dif
pofitiom for peace ; and that his Britannic Majesty
animated by the fame sentiments, will equally avoid
every thing that may alter their good harmony."
This friendly and magnanimous declaration, bore
date the 13th of March last ; but what was your
Majesty's conduct thereupon? Why, on the 17th of
the fame month you sent a thundering message to
your Parliament, acquainting them of this decla
ration—that you had lent orders to your Ambassador
at the Court of France to return from thence—and
that you was " determined to be prepared to exert,
if it shall become necessary, all the force and re
fources' of your kingdoms" against that nation.
'lhus, Sir, by withdrawing your Ambassador, and
fending that meflage, you absolutely made a rupture
in your good understanding and correspondence with'
France ; and cut off the very means by explanation,
of preventing open hostilities being infantly commenced
against you by that Court, in consequence of your
message to your Parliament, declaring to the whole
world your resentment, and that you reserved to
yourfelf to judge of the time when you would exert
" all the force and resources of your kingdoms"
against her. Now, I fay, in this situation of affitirs,
France was under no obligation to fit Bill, until you
had matured your preparations to exert " all the
free and resources of your kingdoms" against her,
when it might be too late for her to resist them. On
the contrary, the law of nations, “ the genera! rights
of sovereigns," and the example of the King of
Prussia in his invasion of Saxony, as I have already
mentioned, clearly, fully and decidedly authorized the
Court of France, instantly to commence open hosti
lities against “ all the force and resources of your
kingdoms," to incapacitate you from " exerting"
them against her. And had France done so, as she
did not, her right to do so, must have been acknow
ledged by all the world. However, your Majesty,
not altogether neglecting the refpeCtyou owe to
your Royal character and the judgment of man
kind, has not chai ged that Court with commencing,
but only with committing open hostilities, depreda
tions and invasion. This is a fad undoubtedly. But
be it also remembered, that that Court committed
open hostilities against: you, only after you had ac
tually commenced them against her. And yet your
Royal Majesty “ hath not forborne" to declare and
to complain, " that in the time of profound peace
without pretence of provocation or colour of com
plaint, the Court of France hath not forborne to
disturb the public tranquility in violation of the faith
of treaties, and the general rights of sovereigns, at
firft, by" doing that which she did not ; " afterwards
by" doing what under the law of nations and the
general rights of sovereigns, foe had authority to do,
" and at length, by committing open hostilities and
depredations on your faithful fubjeds, and by an
[For the remainder fee the fourth page.]
By two Folkfone Cutters, lately arrived in Virginia,
from Gottenburgh, in S weden, we have the follow
ing European Intelligence, viz.
LO ND O N, November 26.
The humble ADDRESS of the Right Honourable
the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament
assembled.
Mfl Gracious Sovereign,
tyE your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal fubjeCts,
Y the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parlia
ment assembled, beg leave to return your Majesty
our humble thanks for your most gracious speech
from the throne.
We have the strongest sense of the importance of
those objects which render the present conjuncture
worthy of the most serious attention.
The disturbance of the public tranquility by the
court of France, without pretence of provocation
[Numb, 65.]