The constitutionalist — Exeter, N.H., 1810-09-10 00:00:00, page 2

went of its truth. They are stub
born facts indeed, for they prove more
than you would lih to understand—
they prove the full force of that insult
ing observation made in the face of
Europe, by the minister of the Impe
rial miscreant, with whom I dare to
acquiesce, and sighing say, alas! 'you
have neither honor nor spirit !'
You know full well the misfortunes
attending our foreign commerce; you
observe the rapacity with which it is
seized and sold, and you must have dis
covered the villany which forms the
spring of action—a vrllany the most
profligate and unprincipled, because
silent and unexpected. You all know
the declarations of your former idol,
(the immortal Jefferson) in his com
munications to the congress, that he
never failed to fan our revolutionary
flame by recapitulating every aggres
sion committed by England, not for-.
getting the most .minute circumstance
of our differences with that power.
Yet when he speaks of France, it is orly
in general terms, generally favourable
in his conception, and glossed over
with a hope of future accommodation.
Why this distinction, but his determin
ed partiality, which fed him on all oc
casions, in spite of his philosophy, to
confess hi, weakness.
You know well his prejudices, and
you now know the consequence of
them, to the mercantile part of your
countrymen. They relied upon ap
pearances, and risked their property
within the grasp of the merciless rob
ber. Now I know you are prepared
to say, that this misfortune is owing
to the removal of the embargo. Yes,
you now console yourselves and your
fellow sufferers, with a most consoling
reflection indeed, the only one you
condescend to adopt, because it is the
only one that does not wound your
pride. ' Had the embargo remained,
this would not have happened' is echo
ed from Georgia to Maine, and by well
meaning sensible, democrats too ; and
who does not know this ? Well, this
is a reason with a vengeance, because in
the event of continuing the embargo
we should have no property at risk,
there would be no danger of losing it.
But surely, gentlemen, you cannot be
serious—nay, 1 would share your con
fusion, di/d I not think that your lan
guage in this respect, savours more in
extenuation of theponduct of the em
peror, than the discovery of the cause
of this calamity.
You may declaim as you please, but
actions speak louder than words. Your
conduct is a comment upon the text
of Imperial turpitude Napoleon
knows his admirers, and he is able to
reward their zeal. If you were to tell
me that Duane, and a hundred more
sucfr fellows were real patriots in the
American cause, I should first consid
er your notions of patriotism, and com
pare them With wy own. It may be
patriotism in Duane to applaud the em.
Deror of France, or the king of Eng.
land; for I do not consider him an
American, either by birth, education
of the governing powers, is more or
less prostituted for the purposes of
party, and made subservient to the
meanest uses. Justice is then most
conspicuous, in returning favor for
favor; profit for profit, and emolu-
Went for emolument ; not according
to merit, but in consideration of pri
rate service rendered by the obscure
and illiterate, to their obscure, illite,
rate and ambitious patrons. In con
sideration of private service, public
honor is degraded ; public justice de
frauded; and the ignorant and ambi
tious elevated to the most important
branches of government.
I do not declaim against republican
principles—l admit their virtue, when
flowing in their proper channels. It
is those only who poison the pure
stream; those who by pretended pat
riotism and love for heg principles, in
sinuate themselves into the good grces
of her admirers, merely for their own
aggrandizement; that I would declaim
against.
I am not disposed to controvert the
excellence and the beauty of republi
canism. I admire and reverence in
stitutions founded on her principles.
I love and respect those who pursue
her interests with a single eye to her
honor and advantage : but I deprecate
the demagogue, who by pretended af
fection for his country, seeks to ag
grandize himself at the expeoce of pub
lic justice ; guided by no permanent
principles of honor ; influenced by no
considerations of utility : those which
every day present themselves to our
view, acting upon motives altogether
abstracted from the general benefit — I
mean the present ruling characters.
I am led to these reflections, on a
consideration of the present state of
this country. I need not recapitulate
circumstances and facts, to prove our
declension from the vital principles of
republican virtue! I need not adduce
evidence of our degradation, which has
been observed and remarked by all
Europe! nay, your own conduct
forms an incontrovertible argu-
the mercantile interest, and affect
that belligerent, which was most inti
mately connected with that interest.
And the other, because, however re
strictive and violent might be its ope
rations, it would be plead as a munici
pal regulation, and save us the impu
tation of active allies; our neutrality
would be well in appearances to all the
parties, while we secretly aided one of
them to the injury of the other. Let not
this excite your surprise; it is not a
recent discovery : it was understood by
the sensible and honest, on the day it
was adopted; and in spite of the rep
utation of its advocates, it was clearly
proved to be a hostile measure.
Gentlemen, 1 deal plainly with you,
for 1 have the interest of my country
at heart ; and that interest is my pride
and my glory. Ido not tell you these
truths to triumphover your weakness ;
I am willing to hope that all of you
are concerned for your country ; if I
did not think so, I should spare myself
the trouble of this appeal : for it is not
vanity that prompts me to expose
your measures—but the love I bear
my country.
Now you will ask for my opinion,
and I Will giveit freely. I wish only
that all would be equally open and un
disguised ! then I am sure, if we fail
ed in our movements,, we should have
this consolation at least, that we under
completely saved to the country.
This then is all your defence, for I
am sure you can advance nothing more
feasible, or more likely to convince a
superficial argumentator. Now taking
it for granted, that had the embargo
continued, Napoleon would not have
seized our property, and a good reason
too, because he could not. But are
we sure we could long subsist without
the action of the vital principle of our
national health and strength ; I mtan
commerce; for it is to commerce we
owe our prosperity, and especially
that exemption from immediate taxa
tion, which is most felt by the landed
interest, and which without this salva
tor, would otherwise be subject to
grevious oppression, and perhaps a
yearly augmentation of it.
I say without commerce, recourse
must ,be had to something equally ef
ficient and productive, and where but
it is not too late : I wish for the sake
of my country it were not ; but I fear
it is. The time I fear has gone by,
which presented a fair opportunity to
maintain our rights—the rights of in
dependence. The watchful jealousy
of the belligerents, was not then to be
tampered with—their mutual hostilities
had involved all Europe and they look
ed with peculiar anxiety to the Amer
ican continent,for some decisive stroke,
which should terminate their resent
ment. At this crisis, an embargo was
thought most expedient, because for
two reasons—first, it would operate
forcibly and almost exclusively upon
the other hand, we know well the
fruits of taxation, which cost a respec
table party all their power and influ
ence! and would the present ruling
party hazard the same consequences ?
Nay, I know they would not; then
why cut off our commerce and with it
the resources of our wealth, by a per
petual embargo, operating equally
destructive with the restriction codes
of Napoleon ?
But I need not §tate further on this
head, to substantiate the fact of our
gaining nothing by alternatives. Let
the time of the operation of the em
bargo, witness to its destructive influ
ence on all classes of the community ;
which convinced its projectors, in de
fiance of their pride and influence, that
they could not save their reputations
by delaying its abolition.
But gentlemen, you now expect my
opinion I supypse, on what ought to
have been done; or what ought now
to be done—for you will doubtless say,
in loan or taxation could this be found.
Now as to loan, who would be willing
to trust a government subsisting upon
its vitals and daily Self devoured ; on
your party? Did his first decree ex
cite the least apprehension with you,
for the welfare of your country, and
have any acts of his since the moment
he became emperor, down to the pres
ent day, been considered in any other
lightjhan the consequence of his con
tinental system, which you are pleased
to admit, was adopted for the preser
vation of his government,, tho' they
unhappily, as you are pleased further
to admit, operate on neutral com
merce. But say you, there was no
alternative between war and embargo,
and as the latter was chosen, the peo
ple were bound to submit to its ope
ration and continuance; and say you,
for I am willing to give full scope to
your argument, had this been the case,
our present losses would have been
or principle! But the effect of such
patriotism I do contend is inimical to
my country, and whatever your no
tions may be, give them any name you
please, they remain essentially the
same.
Has there been a single act of Na
poleon, reprobated by the leaders of
1803; By cash receiv'd ofTimo. ) 1 .
May, Whitney, Register, , x>'
„do.do.ofJosephTucker do. 47,69
Sept. 3.,, do.do.ofH.W.Dwight, )
Clerk for 7 Jury trials,& > 461,34
, 86 Innholders licences,)
Nov. 3. „ do.do.ofJoseph Good-1
win, Esq. surety of S.
Quincy, Esq. by an % I ^8,76
der in favor of Eliab '
Brewer, balance of
Quincy's account, —
, $661,94
These four articles were altered as
follows : —
The first is put down $44,31
The second 45,69
The third 383,36
The fourth 8,76
$482,12
Now from $661,94
Subtract 482,12 ,
Gives you $179,82, the exact sum
intended to be covered'by the false al
teration in the abstract or Copy, filed
in the Secretary's office, and which is
inserted thus :—
Cash received of State,)
June 5, to this time, J
The like is done in two other abstracts,
that of 1805, and that of 1806. That
of 1806, is an alteration of figure 6,
making the county tax stand SIOOO
instead of the true sum, SI6OO.
1 Berkshire Reporter.
The following exhibits the mode by
which Mr. Bidwell intended to deceive
the committee by an alteration of the
abstract or copy, of the account for
1803, making them believe that he had
thus credited the County for $179 62.
The abstract as filed in the Secreta
ry's office, was as follows, to wit :—
stood whdre and how we had missed it ;
we should not be left looking upon
one another with dismayed counte
nances, in search of mysterious cir
cumstances', while our enemies are
busily employed , in turning it to their
advantage. I say then, on the next
election day, choose for your repre
sentatives, men of principle and
firmness, men who understand the
duties of the station they assume.
Let them be instructed to act as be
come freemen, zealous for the hon
our of their country. Recall your
foreign ministers, and send others,
(particularly to the great belliger
ents) who arc known for firmness
and virtue ; instruct them to act
with the most scrupulous exactness,
and let their first official act be, to de
mand of the proper authority in the
name of their government, a full hear,
ing of our grievances. Publish at home
your national manifesto —shew to the
world that America has indeed renov
ated, and asserts her independence
upon just principles. Give full en
couragement to commerce and promote
a spirit of industry in the agricultural
and manufacturing interests. Equip
and man our little navy yet unsacri
ficed ; augment it as circumstances
permit ; fortify your sea port towns,
and ensure peace by being prepared
for war. Now when this is done,
you need not be at a loss to pursue a
proper course of conduct ; for ac
cording as is the result of your foreign
embassy ; so act as becomes a just &
wise nation, studious to deserve es
teem, but firmly resolved to support her
dignity.
If this was done, I hesitate not to
predict, with full assurance of real
ization, much true happiness and peace
to my country. For what signifies
our punctilious nicety of diplomatic
proceeding; either to England or
France ? Surely they are not our
masters ; and are we to wait their
convenient moments to hear us in de
fence of our injured honor ? Are we
tosolicit and supplicate, to entreat &
demand ; and at last thank our stars,
that we were not kicked for our im
portunity.
f Heaven forbid that we should pur
sue this pusillanimous system any
longer—we have pursued it too long
already,.and it is time—high time we
changed our ground.
I am gentlemen, yours, &c.
Waste of public Money. Since the
late discoveries of the waste of the
public money by the democrats, where
by the expense of maintaining the sail
ors in the navy, which in Adams' ad
ministration cost but about 450 dols.
each, now come to near 900 a man
per year, the papers of the party be
gin to quote the heavy expences of the
British government, argue that as
they have not yet come up to these,
they are very honest fellows indeed !
Tren. Fed.
Federalists and Democrats.^ Dur
ing the Federal administrations of
Washington and Adams the annual
expenses of government were a LIT
TLE SHORT OF THREE MILL
IONS A YEAR. During the admin
istration of THOMAS JEFFERSON,
and JAMES MADISON the like ex.
" Never shall I forget so good and
virtuous a people as you are. My last
thought, as well as my last sigh, shall
be for your happiness. On leaving
you I cannot sufficiently recommend
you to receive well the military and
civil officers of France. This is the
only means to gratify his Majesty the
Emperor, on whom your fate, that of
your children, and that of your whole
country depends. And now, as ill
will and calumny can nolonger reach
me, at least so far as relates to you, I
have a well grounded hope, that you
will at length find the reward for all
your sacrifices, and for all your mag
nanimous firmness. — Done at Haerlem
July 1, 1810.
(Signed) “ LOUIS NAPOLEON"
PROCLAMATION.
Haerlem, July 1, 1810.
" Louis Napoleon, by the grate of
God, and the Constitution of the
Kingdom, King of Holland, Constable
of France. Considering that the un
fortunate state in which this country
now is arises from the displeasure
which the Emperor, my brother has
conceived against me ; considering
that all endeavors and sacrifices, on
my part, to support this state of things,
have been fruitless ; considering, last
ly, tliat it cannot be doubted that the
cause of the present state of things is
to be attributed to my having been un
fortunate enough to displease my
brother, and to have lost his friend
ship, and that I, therefore, am the on
ly obstacle to the termination of the
incessant differences and misunder
standings !
“We have resolved, as we, by
these letters, published by our free
will, do resolve to resign, and we do
from this moment resign, the Royal
Dignity of this Kingdom of Holland,
in favour of out well beloved son Na
peleon Louis, and, in failure of him,
in favour of his brother Charles Louis
Napoleon. We further desire, that
according to the Constitution, under
the guarantee of the Emperor, our
brother, the Regency shall remain
with her Majesty the Queen, assisted
by a Council of Regency, which shall
provisionally consist of our Ministers,
to whom we commit the custody of
dur guard, under the command of
Lieut. Gen. Bruno, who shall render
their service to the Minor King of this
Kingdom ; and that the Great Officers
of the Crown, as well as the Civil and
Military Officers of our Household,
shall continue to render their customa
ry services to the same high personage.
" The present act, done and conclu
ded and signed by our hand, shall be
transmitted to the Legislative Body,
and then deposited copies shall be ta
ken, and these letters be published in
a legal manner, and in a customary
form.
(Signed) "LOUIS NAPOLEON.",
" Being convinced that nothing
more for your interests or your wel
fare can be effected by me, but on the
contrary, considering myself as an
obstacle which may prevent the good
will and intention of my brother to
wards this country, I have resigned
my rank and royal dignity in favour
of my eldest son, Napoleon Louis, &
of his brother, Prince Charles Louis
Napoleon. Her Majesty the Queen,
being of right and according to the
constitution, Regent of the Kingdom,
the Regency shall, until her arrival, be
vested in the Council of Ministers.
" Hollanders !
Louis Napoleon, by the Grace of
God and the Constitution of the King
dom, King of Holland, Constable of
France. To all those who may see or
hear, or read these presents, health.
AMSTERDAM, JUNE 20.
The cause of the sudden departure
from this country of his Excellency
the Count de la Rochefaucauld, the
French Ambassador, is imputed to a
grevious insult committed by some
person or pers'ons unknown upon one
of his servants in full livery, for the
discovery of which our Minister of
Police has offered a reward of 3150
guilders—but all the researches hith
erto made have proved without effect.
peaces amounted to upwards of FIVE
MILLIONS FOUR HUNDRED
Thousand dollars a year.
Here is Federal extravagance and
democratic economy. Let every Fed
eral man, woman and child, get this
paragraph by heart—and whenever a
democrat opens his mouth aboutdemo
cratic economy let it be put into his ears
forthwith,— ib.
By arrivals at Boston and N. York.
HOLLAND.
JULY 3.
RESIGNATION OF KING LOUIS?
foreign flew.
" Hollanders !
PROCLAMATION.
In the name of His Majesty Napole
on Louis, by the Grace of God & the
Constitution of the Kingdom, King of
Holland, the Provisional Council of
Regency of the Kingdom of Holland,
to all those who may see, hear, or read
these presents, makes known:
That in consequence of the resigna
tion of the Royal dignity and authori
'ty made by his majesty, Louis Napo
leon, in favour of the Crown Prince,
his Majesty's eldest son, Napoleon, 4
Louis, and his brother Prince Charles
Louis, Napoleon, and J>y virtue of his
Majesty's authority contained in the
open and sealed letters published by'
him on the Ist July, 1810, the Pro
visional Regency has this day consti
tuted itself under the Presidency of the
Minister Van der Heim, waiting the
arrival of her Majesty ' the Queen, as
Constitutional Regent of the kingdom,
and Guardian of the minor King, and
in expectation of the measures ;which
her Majesty shall be pleasedto adopt
relative to public affairs.,
Amsterdam, 3d July\ 1810. ',
(Signed,) VAN DER HEI%,
By order of sh& Pfo^isional
Council of Regency.
A. J. J. 11. VERHEIJEN, *
First Secretary of the Cabinet of
the King.
PROCLAMATION.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs
hereby notifies to the inhabitants of
the capital, by special order of his
Majesty the king, that on Wednesday
next, the 4th of July, the French
troops will enter this capital- As it
is his Majesty's express will and de
sire that the troops of his illustrious
brother may be received and treated in
unsuitable manner,he expects that every
one will concur in receiving those
brave troops with friendship and es
teem, and treat them as is due to friends
and allies and especially to the troops
of the Emperor Napoleon. Thejust
ly famed military discipline, which
besides many other military virtues,
distinguishes these troops, is a guaran
tee to the inhabitants of this capital
for the safety of their persons and
property and also assure these troops
that they will every where be received
and treated as friends and allies, as
every one must be sensible of how
much importance it is to the country
in general, and the capital in partic
ular, to fulfil in this respect the utmost
wishes of his Majesty. —His Majesty,
therefore, trusts that the inhabitants
of the capital, feeling their duty in this
respect,will zealously cooperate in that
which is of such imperative importance
to this city, and to the whole kingdom,
and avoid the destructive consequences
which must ensue, should they, con
trary to all expectations, be guilty of
an opposite conduct.—The above
mentioned Minister.
The little island Scylt is surrounded
,with French privateers, watching the
sailing of American vessels on the
ipoint of proceeding homewards.
Denmark has forbidden American
ships going to Scylt, or any port on
the west side of Holstein, Schleswig
or Jutland, to unload. A total ex
elusion of the Americans is daily ap
prehended —(Abeille du Nord, July
13.)
AUSTRIA.
VIENNA, JUNE 30, 1810.
' A decisive battle has been fought
between the Russians and Turks on
the right bank of the Danube. The
Grand Vizier; beaten, had retired to
Adrianople ; and Silistria had capitu
lated. To obtain peace the Turk
must cede Moldavia and Walla@ia.
The English continue to blockade
Corfu ; but the garrison, several thou
sand strong, under Gen. Donzelot, are
full of confidence.
ITALY.
NAPLES, JUNE 17, 1810.
We expect good news from Calabria.
Qur army are on the Strait of Messina,
and our gunboats line the coasts from
Secilla to Reggio. An east wind will
carry our troops across the strait in
half an hour; and the shores and cur
rents therein, prevent the English fleet
from manoeuvering.
I!FRANCE.
Paris, JUNE 12.--T^e Banker, Mr-
Onward, having made a journey to
England, was, upon Ms return to Paris,
immediately arrested.
(signed,) VANDER CAPELLAN.
Amsterdam, July 2, 1810.
Thirteen Cardinals, banished from
Paris, are confined in the fortress of
Ham, &c. where they are to live in ex
clusion.
Gen. Morand's French division in
this city consists of 8000 infantry, and
600 artillery.
All public and private carriages and
passports are strictly examined at all
the farriers of Paris.
HAMBURG, JULY 18, 1810.
GERMANY.