United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-03-12 00:00:00, page 2

, # ^„<„rt «^n^ % Q.J-. tmsttJhCT^^
From th* Ntw-Tork Herald.
-r The following note, enclosing Mr.
Mgrris's speech, was received by yef
terdo's mail, bnt too lase for publica
tion in the Toit inf last evening. We
prefect our sincere thanks to the gen
tleman to whose polite attention we are
indebted for this very obliging favour,
and loose not a morSr^t in giving pub
licity to the forcible % eloquent speech
of our Senator.—Our readers will re
coiled, that under the administration
of Mr. Adan's, feyeral persons were
appointed justices of the peace for the
Diftria of Columbia, and their com
hriffions regularly made out ; but as
the,were not delivered before Mr Jef
ferfon came into office, he saw fit to,
suppress them. It became, therefore,
It very important question, whether the
President was authorifed to withhold a.
commission which under his predeces
sor had gone through all the forms of
law but delivery. Accordingly, three
of the justices who were in this Situation,
made application to the SuprerheCoUrt
of tire United States for the pUrpofe of
Living thisenquiry Solemnly made and
decided upon. The proceedings on
this fubje& are still pending, and the
parties who militated them have been
advised by their counsel that an extras
from the minutes of the Senate con
firming their nominations, would be
material evidence in their behalf. They
therefore piefented the Memorial which
is Subjoined, '1 he resolution movedin
consequence of it gave occasion to Mr.
Morris's speech.
If party zeal did not extinguish al!
regard for character not enlisted under
its own particular banner, every class
of our citizens would surely feel a pride
in having our State represented by a
man so distinguished for genius, talents
and eloquence, as Mr. Gouveneur
Morris. But all emotions of this kind
are Rifled—ln the mad rage for change,
we fee our country deprived of his Ser
vices,and another foiled into his place,
no more like him, than a Satyr to Hy
perion.
SENATE ofthe UNITED STATES.
On the 28th of January last past, was
presented to the Senate the following
petition, viz.
To the Honorable the Senate of the United
States of America. The petition of Wil
liam Marbury, Robert Townsend Hooe,
and Dennis Ramsay, nrjl refpe&fully
fteweth : —
That your petitioners have been in
formed and verily believe, that John
Adams, while President of the United
States, nominated to the Senate of the
United States, for their advice and con
sent, your petitioner William Marbury,
to be a justice of the peace in the coun
ty of Washington, in the diftrift of Co
lumbia, and your petitioners Robert
Towhfend Hooe and Dennis Ramfay,to
be justices of the peace in the county
of Alexandria, in the fame district ; —
that the laid nominations were duly
taken into consideration by the Senate,
whoon or about the firft day of March,
in the year one thousand eight hundred
and one, were pleased to give their ad
vice and cenfent that your petitioners
fliould be severally appointed to the of
fices afyrefaid ; that commissions were
accordingly in due form signed by the
aid President, and directed to be sent
to your petitioners by the Secretary of
State, but that your petitioners,, from
some cause have been deprived of their
commiflions, and. are reduced to the
heceffity of averting their rights to the
fame in a judicial course of proceeding,
in which as they are. advised it will be
requisite to produce Satisfactory evi
dence of the advice and consent of the
Senate to the appointment-of your pe
titioners to be justices of the peace as a
forefaid, in the district of Columbia.—
Application has been made to the Sec
retary of the Senate for his certificate
that the advice and consent of the.
Senate was given in consequence of
the nominations aforesaid, that your
petitioners Should be appointed to be
justices of the peace in the district of Co
lumbia aforefaid, which your Secretary
has declined giving without the leave
of the Senate. Your petitioners pray
the, p^emifes may be taken into conside
ration, and that your Secretary may be
permitted to give to your petitioners a
certificate in usual form, setting forth
that yopr petitioners having been nomi
nated by the President of the United
States to the aforefaid offices, severally
and refpe&ively of justices of the peace
in the didrid of Columbia, the Senate
advised and confuted to their appoint
ment. And as in duty bound, &c.
William Marbury.
R. T. Hooe.
Dennis Ramsay.
The petition was laid on the table,
&on Monday the 31st January,was cal
led up by Mr.. Howard, and the follow
ing resolution was presented by him for
the purpose of granting in form, the
prayer of rhe petition.
" Refold, That Ure Secretary of the
Senate be direded to give an attested
copy of the proceedings of the Senate of
the 2d and 3d of March, 1801, so far
as they relate to the nomination and ap
po'inrment ofWilliam Marbury, Robert
T. Hooe, and Dennis Ramsay, as juf.
Sees of the peace for the counties of
Washington and Alexandria, in the ter
ritory of Columbia, on the application
of them or either of them."
Mr. Coleman,
I was in the Senate Chamber yes
terday, where I heard and was delght
ed with a speech delivered by Mr. Gov
erneur Morris, one of the Senators of
your State, upon a fubjed which had
excited considerable interest in this
place, and was regarded of no little
importance on account of its novelty as
well as of the principles involved in it.
Upon returning to my lodgings, I
endeavoured to recoiled and commit it
to writing, that the gratification it af
forded me might be in some measure
participated by my fellow-citizens up
on the perusal. A JERSEYMAN.
We have been told that a treaty when
proclaimed by the President is the su
preme law,, and that the previous af-'
lent of the Senate cannot be enquired
into. Gracious God! And is it come
to this, that the Proclamation of out
President shall be the fapieme law of
the land ? That we mull submit to it
without enquiry ? And how is this mon
strous decline supported ? Why we.
are told that because it is not proper in
the case of a common Statute to exam
ine the Journals of the two Houses for
the purpose of knowing whether the af'
sent of each was given, therefore we
must not examine the executivejournal
of the Senate to know whether two
thirds of the members prelent advised
and contented to the ratification of a
Treaty. , But are these cases, at all sim
ilar ? The law is signed by the Presi
dent of the United States, the Presi
dent of the Senate, and the Speaker of
the House, It contains therefore the
belt evidence in the nature of things,
that the fall assent required by the Con
stitution has been given But is this
the case with a treaty ? No. The evi
dence of the consent of this Senate ap
pears only by extrad frora their minutes
made outby their Secretary. And shall
this preclude the enquiry whether in cf
feflffiat assent was given Which your
Secretary has certified ? ..
We have been told by genttar en, who
feemta know all the merits of the c?fe
which is before the court, that the digni.
SPEECH OF
Governeur Morris.
Mr. President,
When I firft rose in this debate, I
felt and expressed much doubt ; but
the better reason appearing in favor of
the resolution, ,I had determined to
vote for it. At present my opinion is
clear and decided—The conviction has
been produced .by the arguments of
those who oppose the resolution. These
contain the must monstrous system of
tyranny that ever, I believe, was bro't
before a national assembly. Permit
me to notice a few of the grange posi
tions which we have just heard.
It has been said by a gentleman from
Georgia on my right, (Gen. Jackson)
that an extract from our Executive
Journal Should not be given to a suitor
in one of our courts, because it may
contain matter to support an impeach
ment against the President, which im
peachment is to be tried before us ; and
therefore we, being judges, Should not
also become parties, by furnishing evi
dence. And yet the fame gentleman
has told us, that upon the demand of
the other House, (who according to
him have a fight to demand every
thing) we are bound to furnifh this
very evidence, if they require it, for
the purpose of bringing and maintain
ing an impeachment. Thus we must
withheld from a fellow citizen the evi
dence needful to support his right, be
cause it may furniln ground for im
peachment,although no question of im
peachment exist. This too, it seems,
is required by the impartiality which
we Should preserve as Judges, before
whom such possible impeachment may
be tried ; but where, there is a question
of impeachment, and where we are in
effect the judges, then forfooth, on the
demand of the other House, we are
bound to furniSh that evidence which
we are bound now to withhold.
We have been told, that the exects
tive officers are all dependent on the
Chief, and ad under his direaions;
that therefore his dignity is implicated
in their a^s—And consequently the
conduct of these agents must not be
questioned, left his dignity be impaired.
What broader shield can be interposed
to Ihelter the agents of executive au
thority ? How can they be mote con
feffediy guarded against all investiga
tion ?
We are further told, that a condem
nation of these agents must affect the
dignity of our First Magistrate. Must
it indeed ? And is therefore no prosecu
tion to be made ; is no condemnation
to take place ? This is indeed the gold
en ?hain let down from Jove to bind
the earth in vahlage. And what be
comes of out President's dignity under
this strange doctrine. A subordinate
agent abuses his trust, violates his du
ty, is guilty of mal-pradtice ; he is ar
raigned ; and because the culprit is
convicted and condemned, is the dig
nity of Government therefore violated ?
We have been told, Sir, by an hon
ourable member from Kentucky, (Mr.
Breckenridge) that a right to exam
ine implies 1 right to correct and con
trouh This proposition has been fre
quently advanced on different occasion:.
I never noticed it, because it appeared
,to carry within itfelf the.fufficient evi
dence ofits fallacy ; but since it is now
again produced, it may be well to give
it one moment's notice. A right to ex
amine whether we agree to a certain
resolution, implies, it seems, a right to
controul our conduct. It may be a
question, in an insurance cause, wheth
er damages was sustained by a violent
^ind at sea. Does the examinatioin
into that fadimply aright to command
(he winds and the seas ? Does the en
quiry whether a ship has periled in the
storm, imply the right to correct and
controul the Almighty ruler of dorms ?
We have been told by* the Member
hft up from Georgia, that the evidence
;afked for by the petitioners is useless,
because, although the Senate may have
approved of them as officers upon the
President's nomination, yet it was in
the discretion of the President to make
or omit the appointment, which alone
could confer a right. That gentleman
# feeras to be perfectly acquainted with
the cause which is depending. He
knows precisely what proof is needful
for the profecu,tor ; and deeming that
which he afksfor to be infufficient,thinks
proper to refufe it.
It appears to me, fir, that this Sen
ate is not rhe proper tribunal either to
examine the merits of the cause, or the.
validity and weight of evidence : these
are the proper fubjeds of enquiry else
where. If we adopt the gentleman's
reafonirg, however, we prejudge the
cause : and I (hall be glad to know, if
this practice be adopted, what case can
exist in which a like refyfal may not be
made. A client is advised by.nis coun
sel to apply to? us for evidence in our
power, as needful to support his rights
—We refufe, because, in our opinion,
that evidence is not alone Efficient. .
the particularcircuroftances of this caA,
he would withhold the evidence asked
for. But will not this establish a gen
eral precedent ? How are precedents
eftabliihed ? Is it usual for judges to
make decisions for the special purpose
of becoming precedents? Nofuch thing.
They give judgment in a aafe which
comes before them, and that judgment
becomes a precedent for subsequent
cases turning upon the fame principle.
I shall be glad to know then, how a dif
tindion is hereafter to be t^ken between
this and other-cases. Here is a suit
pending in a court of justice, and one
of the parties applies for a piece of evi
dence which he is advised is material
to eftablifi his.right.-r-.you refofe it.—
When in another cause, another party
shall apply, on what ground will you
grant that which you now refute ? Will
you again prejudge the cause; and give
them .the proof because you dee'i it
fu ffioent to carry the cause ?
Mr, President, one word more on
that unity of the Executive, which the
gentleman last up is so much attached
to. Although I have already spoken
longer than I intended, I must pray one
moment's attention. That honorable
gentleman thinks there ffiould be a per
fed unity in the Executive power. The
division of it is incontinent with his
ideas of good government, and there
fore; he would admit of no enquiry as
to fads which may have happened in
the course of Executive volition, but
give full credit to the commissions and
proclamations cf the President. These
ideas, fir, confit well with monarchic
institutions. Our sovereign lord the
king, is indeed possessed of the fullneG
of executive power, and may exercise it
at his pleasure ; but as to our sovereign
lord the President, the case is widely
different The American cenftitution
has given to this Senate a wholesome
check upon his sovereign will. But
according to the dodrine which gentle
men now advance, this, check is nuga
tory. Neither the people, nor the,
courts„ftall question his commissions
no: his proclamations. His commif-
ty of the President is involved, in Sr, For
myown part I know nothing of the case,
neither do I with to know, for I bve no
authority to try it. But he gew^men
fay the dignity of the Prefid.<is hivolv.
ed, and that we arein duty bound topro
te& his dignity. But how ? WasrUur
the petitioners afted? They have afl<ed
the evidences! a tad. And how are we
to protest the President's dignity ? By
withholding that evidence. And are gen
tlemen then of opinion that a difciofure
of fads will impair the dignity of our
First Magistrate? Sir, I haveno fuchap
prehenfion. I truSt that our Prefi ent has
arched properly, and that a full enquiry in
to faQs-muft redound to his boner.
Those who offer this resolution, Seen to
think otherwise. But I ask, are they
prepared by their vote to declare tl;at in
jurious opinion? Is there a gentleman in
this senate who, when the yeas and nays
are called, will record his opinion, that,
the dignity of our President can only be
preserved by withholding the evidence
of. faffs ?
But the fame gentleman has told us
he would not eftablilh any general pre
cedent—He would always judge of the
particular circumQar.ee ; and under
Ihim feme confolaticn hereafter that when the
! ftortn was approaching, be bad done bis duty,
I by warning those who had power in their hands,
lof1 of the means they ought to employ in order to
resist it.
I He was fcllf aware that the Executive of
the U. S. had acted —That lie had lent an En
voy Extraordinary to Europe. This was the
!peculiar province, 2nd perhaps the duty of the
President. He would not fay it was uuwife, in
thiaftate ofour affairs, toprepare For remondrance
or negotiation, much lets was he about to pro
pose any measure which would thwart negotia
tion cr embarrass the Executive r On the other
hand he was convinced, that more than nego
tiation was abfolwtely necelTary : that more
power and more means ought to be ' given to
the Prelident, in order to rendertis negotiation
efficacious. Could the President proceed fur
ther, even if he thought more vigorous mea
sures proper and expedient ? Was it in his pow
er to repel or punish the indignity put upon
the nation ? Could he use the public force to
redress our wrongs ? Certainly noc. Tbismuft
be the add of Cbngrefs. They are now to judge
of ulterior measures, They must give the pow
er and vote the means to vindicate, in a be
coming manner, the wounded horror, and the
bed intcreffs of the country.
Mr. R said he held in his hand certain re
folvtions for that purpose, and, before he offer
ed them to the Senate he would very fully ex
plain his reasons for bringing them forward &
preffiog them with earncßoeG as the best sys
tem the U S. copld now pursue.
I; was certainly unnecessary to vlafte the time
of that body in stating that we had a folemii,ex
plicit treaty with Spain. That this treaty had
been wantonly and unprovoked!, violated, not
only in what related to the Miffifippi, but by
the most flagrant and deftrudive spoliation of
our commerce on every part of the ocean where
Spanish armed v c ,els met the American flag. I
These spoliations were of immense magnitude,
and demanded the most serious notice of our
government. They had been followed by an
indignity and a dire& infraction of our treaty
relative to the Miffifippi, which bore an afpe&
not to be dilßmbled or mistaken.
To the free navigation of that river we bad an
undoubted right from nature and from the pe
tition of oar Weftern Country. This right,
and the right of depofic in the island of New-
Orleans, had been folcmnly acknowledged and
fixed by treaty in 1795. Thar treaty had been
in actual operation & execution tor many years.
And now, without pretence of abuse or viola-"
tion on our part the officers of the Spaniffi gov
ernment deny the right, refufc the place cf de
posit, and add the most offenfiue of all insults by
forbidding; us to land or touch their Shores, and
Glutting us out as a common nuifauce.
By whom has these outrages been offered ?
By. those who have constantly acknowledged
our right, 6ist now tell us they are no longer own
ers of the country ! ! ! They Lave given it away /
And betaufe tbef bale no longe, a right tbemfeives,
therefore they turn us out woo bave an undoubted
right— They diffofefs us of that in übicb they dis
claim all right tbemfelves Such an insult, such
unprovoked malignity of conduct, no nation
but this would affect to mistake . and yet we not
only hesitate to take the course which interest
and honour call ns to pursue, but we bear it
with patience, tamenefs,and apparent unconcern.
Whom does this infraction of the Treaty and }
the national rights of this country most inti-|
mately affed ? If the wound of national hohor
be not fenfibiy felt by the whole nation, is there
not a large portion of your citizens exposed to
immediate ruin by a continuance of this Rate of
things ? The calamity lights upon all those who
live upon the weftern waters. More than half
a million of your citizens are by this cut off
from market. What would be the language—
What would be the feelings of gentlemen in this
house, were such an indignity offered on the
Atlantic coast? What would they fay if the
Chesapeake, the Delaware, or the bay of New-
York were shut up, and all egress prohibited by
, a foreign power ? And yet none of these waters
embrace the intcrefts of fomany as the Miffifippi.
The numbers and property affected b, /hutting
this river, are much greater than the blockade of
any Atlantic river would extend to. Every
part of the Union is equally entitled to pro
tedioD, and no good rcafon could be offered
fions. it seems, confer complete authori
ty ; his proclamations are the supreme
law ; he may form what leagues he
pleases with foreign powers, and when
lie ihall proclaim ' them, we are held to
implicit obedietice. To these doctrines,
nr, I take leave to enter n,y dhfent. I
hope that when the rights of American
citizens are invaded, not only the Su
preme Court of the United States, but
the County Court ol the mod.remote
diftrie will dare to examine, to judge, &
to redress. I hope this Senate will never,
by an admission of Such bale rind Slavish
doctrines, surrender the authorities con
ferred on them by our Constitution. —
I hope they w:11 ever be ready to aid
the cause of freedom and justice—and
in this hope, I Shall give my vote for
the resolution on your table.
Senate—-Monday, Feb. 14, 1803.
^ The important Refactions, proofed in
the National Senate, by the Hon. Mr.
Rtfs °f Per.xfyivania, were published in
our lajl. We now have the plegtre 0/
preform? oar reader, with the Speech
which that gentle:sen delivered pr^si us
to submitting bis revolutions. (Pali.
Mr. Ross' Speech,
-In the Senafyfthe United States.
Monday, Feb. 14, I^o3.
MR. ROSS rose and said, That, aidin' he
came from a part of the country where
the late events upon the Miffifippi had excited
great alarm and folidhde, he had hitherto
forborne the expression of his fentitoents, or to
bring forward any measure relative to the un
juftifiable, oppreffivc conduct of the Spaeth
government at New-Orleans. He had waited
thus long in the hope, that some perfob, mote
likely than himfelf to conciliate and unite the
opinions of a majority of rhe' Senate, > ould
have offered efficacious measure, for their con
fideiation. But feeihg rhe feffioß now draw
ing to a elofe without an, Inch piopefifion.be
rcould not reconcile a longer dienee eaber to)),
own sense of propriety, or to the duty he ®wed
to his constituents. He could norcenfeut to
go home without making one effort, howuvei
feeble or unfuccefrful, to avert the calamity
which threatened the wtfrtrn country. Pre
sent appearances, h, confided, but little iuflitj
ed the hope that any thing hr mbht prepofe
would be adopted ; yetir wen Id .<tl.jl afford
why one part fhouid be im attended to than
another.
In the last year, goods to the value of more
than two millions of dollars had been carried
into the weftern country—These goods were
purchased on credit—The consumption of that
merchandize afforded a revenue to ourTreafury
ci . more than three hundred thousand dollars —
The fide of weftcro public lands was calcui^-
ed upon as producing half a million of dolkr,
annually—Large arrearages of internal taxes
were due from that country—The people had
just emerged from an Indian war—They had
overcome the most frightful obftrudions which
had ever presented qhemfelves in the fettlemenc
of a nsw country; and although yet in their
infancy we might promise purfeivcs an honor
able and vigorous manhood, if they were pro
tested as we had led them to e%pe&. After a
little while their strength and faculty of felf
prefervation would be complete ; certainly how
ever they yet needed the kind fefiering hand of
their parent Rates. But if that be now with
drawn, where is the revenue on which you cal
culate ? How can they pay for your lands ?
How can they difeharge arrearages of taxes?
How are they to meet your merchants of Bal
timore and Philadelphia ?—They cannot go to
market—They have no resources but the pro
duce of their farms—You foffer the Spaniards to
lock these up—You tell them their crops may,
nay must rot on th^jr hands, end yet they muff
pay you their debts and taxes. Is this just ?
Will it be Submitted to? These men bought
your land in conQxcc that the Spanish treaty
would be maintained. "All or nearly all your
files are since the date of that treaty ? Now
you fuff r a wanton violation of it without as
effort to remove the ch^rudHon, "and yet call
on them for payment ! This cannot be expelled.
It would not be the rule between honest indi
viduals, for. the faller cf an eCaie, {offering an
eviflion of she purchaser, when he might ;nd
could prevent it, to be entitled to receive the
purchase money,, <
Why Summit to 2 tardy, uncertain negociation
as thee#// means of regaining what you have loft ?
A negotiations ith those who declare they have no
right, ar the moment they strip you of yuur's?
When in poff-ffion, you will negotiate with
more advantage. You will then he in a condi
tion to keep others out. You will be in the ac
tual excreife of jurifdiaion over your whqls
claim—Your people will have the benefits ofa
lawful commerce—When your determination
is known, you will make an easy and honorable
accommodation with any other claimant. The
present pt tenors can have no pretence tocom
plain, for they have no right to the country b,
their own confeffion —The weflern people will
difeover that yon are making every effort the,
could desire for their protection. They will ar
dently fuppott. you in the centeft, if a contest
becomes neccffary--Their all is at flake, and
neither their zeal nor their courage can be
doubted.
Lookat the memorial from the legislature of
tbcMiffifippi territory now on your table. That
speaks a language and displays a spirit not to be
miflaken. Their lives and fortunes are plight
ed to support you. The fame may with equal
truth be asserted of Keßtuckey, Tenneffie, and
the weftern people of Virginia and Penofylva
nia. Is this a spirit to be repressed or put aflee,
by negotiation 1 If you fuffer it to be extin
guished, can you recall ft in the hour of distress
when you want it ? After negotiation has failed ;
after a powerful, ambitious nation shall have ta
ken possession of the key of your weflern coun
try and fortified it :—after their garrisons are
filled with veterans who have conquered in the
East, will you have it in your power to awake
the generous spirit of that country, and difpof-'
fefs them ?—No—Their confidence in such ru
lers will be gone.' The, will be disheartened,
divided, and will place no further dependence
upon you. They must abandon those who ,1
the precious moment of feeing ami ferc-cr fr
Mr. R. said that was far from his Intention,
and he would now examine that fubjed be
cause to his mind, the remedy was obvious.
The experience of all time has proved, that
with nations, as well as with individuals, fub
mi^on to aggteffion and insult uniformly in
vites a repetition and aggravation of the mif
chief. To repel at the outfit is more easy, as
well as more honorable for the injured party.
. Fortunate.y fur this -ountry, th<ie could be
no doubt in the prefert case. Our national
right had been acknowledged and secured sol
emnly by treaty—The treaty had been in 3
Rate of execution. It was now violated and
denied without provocation or apology. Treaty
then wasmo security. The invaded right was
one, the fcchrity of which ought not to be pre
carious. It- was indispensable that the enjoy
ment of it should be placed beyond all doubt.
The p,ower with whom you have the treaty is
either too weak or too unyuft to observe it. He
declared it then to be his firm and mature o
pinion, that this right would never be secure
while the mouth of the Miffifippi was cxclu
fively in the hands of the Spaniards. From
their caprice or enmity we had to apj rehend
constant interruptions and mifunderftandiofc
From the very portion of our country, from its
geographical shape, and from motives of com
plete independence, the command of the navi
gation of that river ought to be in our hands.
&e are now wantonly provoked to take it.
Hostility, in its most ofßufive shape, has been
offered by those who disclaim all right to the
foil and sovereignty of that country, an hoßility
fatal to the well-being of the weftern world.
Why not seize then what is so essential to us as
agnation ? Why mot expel the wrong doers?
Wrongdoers by their own cenfthons^ to whom we
can therefore do no injury. Paper contrasts, or
treaties have proved too feeble. Plant yourselves
on the river, fortify the banks, invite those who
have an interest at stake to defend it ; do justice to
yourselves, when you* adversaries deny it, and
leave the event to HJ M who controuls the fax;
and fortune of nations.
If it comports with yotr calculations 'of ifi
tereft or convenience to fuhrnit tamely to this
outrage, and to witneffthe ruin of cr,.part of
your country for the fake of peace in the resi
due; surely your i^ar cf justice will compel
you to absolve the wekern people from all ob
ligation to pay what it would ruin them to ad
vance, Will you profeeft them in your courts?
Will yoti fell &ir Ti::!e all ty ybsr public of
ficers) Will you net he ccr.ru: withYne loss cf
@ll the lively hopes they bad entertained of
gaining a iffy fortune and anstlw name in the
wild, but aufphious hew ruurhs of the weft ,
Is it not cnotigh th< their day is darkening and
doling at noon'? Surely it will not be though:
reasonable to exedi irtpolhtdities. Ib is unde
niable, however, that by their ruin many of your
own merchants &n the Atlantic co?ft will be
inevitably involved. And great as this evil may
be (certainly of immeuft magnitude) yet the
loss of the affedlions of a whole people, the de
ftruelion of enterprise, and the end of'indußry
and hope ih the weflern tea±l<b incalcnh: 1,
greater.
It may ba said that tkhls an overcharged
description of the evil fide of out affairs, with
out offering any remedy.