The royal gazette — [Charleston] S.C., 1781-04-14 00:00:00, page 4

Parliamentary Proceedings.
House of Lords, Thursday, January 25.
lORD Stormont informed the House that he had a message from
A his Majesty to deliver, which was immediately read by the
Lord Chancellor, and is as follows :
“ George R.
, " His Majfojudges it proper to acquaint tpe House of Lords, that du
" ring the reef of Parliament, be has been indifpenfabl, obliged to direct
" letters of marque and general reprisals to be issued against the States Ge
“ neral of the United Provinces, and their fubje&s.
" The causes and motives of bis Majefy's condufl on this occasion arcft
" so: tb in bis publish declaration, which be bas ordered to be laid before the
"House. ,•
" His Majfy has with the utmost reluctance been induced to take an bof
" tile measure against a State, wbofe alliance with this kingdom food not
'' onlp on thefaith of ancient treaties, but on the foundef principles of good
'' policy.—His Majefly bas used every endeavour to prevail on tbe States
" Genes al to return to a line of conduct, conformable to tbofe principles, to
" tbe tenon by their engagements, arid to tbe common and natural entereds of
" both nations, and bas left nothing untried to prevent, if possible, tbeprefent
" rupture. i
“. His Majesty is fully persuaded that tbe jufice and neceffdy of tbe mea
t fuses be bas taken, quill be acknowledged by all tbe world.—Relying there
" fore on the protection of Divine Providence, and tbe zealous and affec
" tionate support of bis people, bis Majesty has the frmefl confidence, that
" by a vigorous exertion of tbe spirit and resources of tbe nation, be Jball be
" able to maintain tbe honour of bis Crown,and the rights and interests of bis
" people, again, all bis enemies, and to bring them tofifen to equitable terms
" of p eace - o , G. R.
Lord Stormont rose again and moved, " That the papers alluded to
" by his Majesty should also be read to the House, and be laid upon
" the table." His Lordship then presented them. They confided of
eight different papers, including all the memorials, which have been
presented by Sir Joseph Yorke to their High Mightinesses since July
1778, to the final declaration published in the Gazette, Dec. 21, 178°;
and also a copy of a treaty agreed upon by Mr Van Berkel, the Peti
tionary of Amsterdam, and the Congress of the American Colonies,
found in the trunk of Mr Laurens. These were read in their order,
and employed near two hours of their Lordfliips time, Ihe treaty in
particular was so extraordinarily prolix, that Lord Stormont recom
mended it to the House, that those parts only should b: fele&ed
which were pointedly necessary for giving their Lordfliips that infor
mation upon the fubjeft he understood to be before them, which it
required and no more.
This opinion not being acquiesced in by the Duke of Richmond and
the Chancellor, the idea was accordingly waved, and the paper in
question was repeated verbatim. As soon as it was finished,
His Grace of Richmond and Lord Stormont arose at once; the House,
however, decided 'in favour of the Noble Duke, who accordingly pro?
ceeded to fay, that it was by no means his with to enter into petty
squabbles for the priority of speaking, but the observations that he had
to make, and perhaps the motion that he might find it expedient to
propose, were of such a kind as preceded in their tenor and nature,
any that were likely to arise from the Noble Lord. The Noble
Lord, as the official person on this occasion, would doubtless pro
ceed according to the prescriptive plan, to move an address of thanks
in the firftinftance, for his Majesty's gracious message, and of affiirance
in the second, that their Lordfliips would assist him with all their
power and influence in the prosecution of the measure, he had recently
adopted against the Dutch. Before, however, any affiirances of that
kind could be properly made, he had some considerations to submit
to the attention of the House, and therefore it was that he had perfift
cd in the precedency of his pretensions.—Certain papers he said, had
been read to their Lordfliips, which were to influence them on the
opinion they were to entertain concerning the justice and the propriety
of the war in question ; but it was extremely singular that all these
papers were on one fide of the question. All the memorials, &c.
which had been presented by Sir Joseph Yorke in behalf of this
Country, were faithfully submitted to their infpe&ion; but the an
fivers that had been returned, the counter complaints that had been
made, the various Manifeftos which had doubtless been urged, on
the part of the United Provinces, were cautiously retained—not one
of thefekad been produced, How then could the House form a just
, «nd impartial idea what party had been wrong in ultimately produ
cing these unfortunate hostilities, if they were deprived of the power
of taking a complete view of the whole proceedings, of comparing
the original complaintswith the replies that had been returned to them,
and determining by such a profpe& whether they had been unjust, or
we insolent. Before he could undertake to pronounce decisively one
way or another, he should not only think it necessary that all the pa
pers, in any refpe& relative to the question, should be submitted to
their infpe&ion, but that due time should be allowed for cenfidering
them with attention, and for forming their determination with care
and deliberation. This was no time for empty compliment, and if
there was ever a fubjed that required the most serious attention of
their Lordships, that was it. He would therefore read the motion he
intended to make, and begged leave to apprize their Lordships, that
if he finally found it necessary to urge it, the House, by his reading
it, would be fairly put in possession of it, and his motion would
therefore have the firft: claim to be decided upon, whatever subsequent
one might be propofe'd by any other Noble Lord in the course of the
debate^ His Grace's motion was to this purport, that instead of the
address which he expedited to be moved for, the following should be
put—“ That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, requeft
'' ing'him, that he will be graciously pleased to give orders, that
" the several Memorials, Manifeftos, &c. which have been present
" ed to the Court of Great-Britain from the United States of Holland,
" from the firfl commencement of the American war, till the rupture
'' between these two nations, be laid before the House."
Lord Stormont followed the Duke of Richmond, and paid his
Grace some very handsome and well turned compliments on the ge
neral importance and ingenuity of his reasoning. He said he was
very confeious that he laboured under great disadvantages when he
arose at the fame time with the noble Duke, as he was certain that
in so doing he always suspended the delivery of abler sentiments than
his own, and of course "excited inevitable disappointment in their
Lordfliips. It was natural, however, for men to entertain very
contrary opinions, and however high his ideas might he of his Grace's
general abilities, he, in that particular instance before the House,.
could not help being influenced by sentiments diametrically opposite
to his. His Grace had said that the papers which bad been read to
their Lordships were defective—that more were wanting. In his
opinion, if no papers had been produced before the House but his
Majesty's declaration alone, that would have been solely fufficient for
the formation of their opinions upon the fubjeft in question. The
different causes which had united in bringing matters to the last ex
tremity, were there faithfully recorded, and the justice or injustice
of the war might receive an immediate and certain decision by re
ference to that paper only. His Grace had asked, why the answers
which had at different periods been presented to the Court of Lon
don, from the United States, in reply to Sir Joseph Yorke's repeated
Memorials, had not been included in the number of those papers
which were laid before the Houfe?—There was the plainest and the
most fatisfadtory reply in the world to that question ;~ none had been
received ; their High Mightinesses had not condefeended to transmit
answers to these reiterated remonstrances. They puffed them over
in silent neglect, and persevered in their injuries and injustice, with
out an attempt at explanation or defence. The papers, his Lordship
said, which had that day accompanied his Majesty's most gracious
message, were, if properly attended to, so entirely fufficient on this
fubje% that no doubt would remain in the mind, after a due in
vestigation of their contents. With their Lordships permission
(without taking the argument in that wide scale which it admitted)
he would just slate, in as brief a manner as he could, the leading tenor
of the various intermediate steps that had been adopted with refpe&
to the Republick, before the recent rupture took place. A treaty
had been made in 1714, Hating as the predominant and ruling prin
ciple which' it contained, that if either of the two nations should be
attacked, the other should immediately suspend all amicable inter
course with the State which was the aggressor, and in two months be
bound to supply its ally witli certain stipulated fuccours. Now, con
tinued his Lordship, when the hostilities commenced between this
country and France, we neither infilled upon the one nor the other
of these conditions. Though the United States were bound by the.
express terms of a positive treaty, we yet indulged them in the li-
berty of trading with the power in enmity with tit, and made no
requisition of the stipulated supply. When Spain had allo united in
the perfidious confederacy that was formed for the purpose of darken
ing the fplendour, if not of annihilating the' political exigence of
this country, we then thought it necessary to make some application
to our ally. But even at that time we did not attempt to preclude
every species of their commerce, but only to prevent their affixing
our foes with the illicit property of naval stores. We received no
answer to these applications ; no thanks for these indulgencies. When
the increasing exigency of our affairs required more direct and more
urgent demands, our Ambassador had orders to make them, but
with all due decency and,efped.—No effect followed, however; —
they still continuee to furnish the States at open war with their ally
with every kind of stores necessary for their conducting it, and even
took off the duty from several naval articles, in order the more effec
tually to expedite their importation to the hostile countries in ques
tion. They have lately attempted to reconcile their conduct by an
assertion, that though the conditions of the treaty of Breda were by
no means to be disputed or controverted, yet that the particular in
stance in qqeflion was not a cafus feederis, and that therefore they were
not in any 'refpe& affected by it. Notliing couki be so absurd as this;
for the literal terms of the treaty were, that the obligation on the
one power should instantly commence when the other was inimically
assailed from any quarter whatever. Was it possible to fay that we
had not been attacked unprovokedly by France? Was it possible to
fay that we had not been attacked in a similar mariner by Spain ?
What then Could they mean by a cafesfaderis? If these instances did
not come under that description, none ever would or could. Nay,
as a full proof of the reprehensibility of their conduft in this refpe&,
the French had conceived themselves under an obligation to pay some
attention to a similar article. In the treaty of Utrecht, between
that country and this, the fame condition was included as that he
had just mentioned, as constituting brie article of the treaty of Breda.
When our fubjedts in America firft thought proper to revolt from
their due allegiance to the parents state, and when France of course
became amenable for the condition alluded to, they, even they,
faithlefs and unjust as they were, considered themselves bound to pay
attention to it, and though they assisted the Americans privately,
never dared so far to forget the decency of refpeft due to a
solemn treaty, as to give them open and avowed fuccour. Yet
the Dutch had done this;, they had received an American pirate
into their ports: they had permitted him to mount guard in one of
their towns, and had patronifed and protested him—they had made
it their daily and habitual practice to supply our enemies with naval
stores, and at the time that they were under the most positive en
gagements to assist this country, they were .actually fighting for its
foes, for they were supplying them with the materials which were
the sinews of their power, the means without which they could not
have fought at all. Under these circumstances, injurious, treache
rous, and aggravated as they were, his Majesty wis still reluctant to
violate the amity which had subsisted between the States arid this
country, and which had been deemed by the greatest Statesmen of
each nation of reciprocal advantage to both.—Mutuality of obligation,
beyond all question, is the grand basis of every national compact, but
so little had the Dutch been disposed to pradife a concurrence in this
opinion, that their treachery increased with our fidelity, and their
injustice with our indulgence. The immediate cause which had in
duced his Majesty to take the step that he had so long refrained from,
was the difeovery of a most unjust and iniquitous treaty between the
province of Amsterdam, and the Congress of the American Colonies
now in rebellion against this country. The copy of this agreement
had been laid before the House, and, their Lordships had heard tlie
injurious tenour of its contents—wicked and unprecedented as they
were however, what was the fatisfa&ion which this Court received,
when application w^ made through the medium of our Ambassador
for redress and purimiment? After having deferred for some time
paying any attention to our repeated remonstrances, we were at last
answered, that the States had left the matter ad referendum, which
was as much as to fay, they did not care whether any regard was to
be paid to it or no. The grand principal on this occasion, the Pen
sioner Van Berkel himfelf, when lie was interrogated as to his juf
tification for such a conduct, had even the impudence to avow it,
nay, not only to avow it, but to defend and glory in it. The inha
bitants of Amsterdam, who now constitute the reigning faction of
the nation, were daring enough to inform the General Assembly of
the States, that they looked upon this treaty with the Americans as
the execution of an indifpcnfible duty, and that they neither could,
nor would make any atonement for what they had done, unless com
pelled to it.
His Lordship was here interrupted by the Duke of Richmond, who
spoke to order. He said the noble Viscount had no right to re
fer, in his official capacity as a Minister, to papers which were not
before the ' House. That paper, containing an account of the pro
ceedings of the States on this occasion, ought, beyond all dispute, to
have been fubje&ed to the infpe&ion of their Lordships; but as the
noble Lord had not thought proper to do that, he was not authorifed
in introducing any allusion to it at all. This account of Mr. Van
Berkel might be true, or might not be so. But whether there was
any veracity in the narrative or not, could not be a matter of dis
cussion, for there was nothing to refer to as a criterion. A Noble
Lord speaking as a Minister, could not in the nature of things have
any right to advance a fad as the foundation of his reasoning, which
the other Lords could have no opportunity of refuting or replying to,
and therefore the Noble Viscount was most affurediy out of order in
what he had said.
Lord Stormont rose again, and contended that he was in no refped
out of order, because he had alluded to nothing in the firft place that
was not Specifically mentioned in his Majesty's declaration ; and in
the second, the whole history of the tranfadtion in question had been
published in the gazettes of Holland, which might certainly be looked
upon as some foundation for an assertion refpe&ing matters, wherein
the States themselves were so intimately concerned. The noble Lord
now resumed the thread of his argument, and said a few words as to
the policy and expediency of the war with the Dutch. It had been
most erroneously represented, that the question upon this occasion was
in fad, this, Is it, or is it not politicly to quarrel with the United
States? Is or is it not wife tb make that power, at this time, our
enemy ? This, he said, was entirely a mifeonception. We have not
been able to prevent the Dutch from being hostile to us—they have
been our enemies for some years back, in spite of every indulgence
and every just motive to the contrary. Since then, the making them
amicable, as experience has fufficiently evinced, is perfectly out of
our power, the question becomes merely and simply this^—ls it better
to have them as secret or avowed enemies ? Enemies they will be,
and it is for your Lordships to determine, since that must be the case,
which Rate of enmity you would prefer—the open attack, which you
may prepare yourselves to refill, or the dark blow which brings death
before difeovery ? His Lordship urged some other arguments for the
expediency and neceflity of the measure which had been pursued, and
after expressing a firong with that it might have been practicable to
have punched the province of Amsterdam, where the great and go
verning faction of the state manifeftly resided, concluded with moving
an address to the following purport :
" That the thanks of this House be given to his Majesty, for his
" Most Gracious Message. That their Lordfliips lament with his
“ Majesty the disagreeable neceflity under which he has been of
" making an hostile declaration against the States General of the
" United Provinces, but that they are perfectly conscious that he
“ has exerted every possible expedient for the prevention of it, and
" that the prevarication, injustice, and violation of treaty, of which
" the States have been guilty, were the sole causes which influenced
" his Majesty in the step he has taken.—Convinced as they are that
" this war is necessary, as well for the honour of the Crown, as for
" essential interests of the people, their Lordships esteem it their duty
" to assure his Majesty, that they will readily and willingly assist him
“ with their councils and support, and use their endeavours in con
" junction with him, for effecting an honourable and permanent
" peace."
The Duke of Richmond now arose for the third time, and entered
into a regular refutation of the arguments which had been urged by
the noble Lord.—His Grace contended, in the firft place, that tlie
Utrecht Gazette was no authority to refer to for the authenticity of
any circumstance that might occur in that House. How does his
Lordship know we read these Gazettes? May not some of us re
semble that noble Lord's uncle ? He never reads a newspaper of any
kind—never—no never.—Why then does .the noble Lord prelume,
upou the certainty of the fad, that every other Member of this House
actually does read them ? As for the firft argument, his Grace Lid,
which the noble Lord had produced refpefting the treaty of Breda,
that could not in reason be supposed to have any effect in inclining
the Dutch to amity, for as another treaty bad been formed, dispensing,
in a certain degree, with the conditions of that preceding one, they
very naturally felt themselves under a difficulty how to proceed;
and as the supplying the hostile Powers with naval stores was a mat
ter of advantage to them, they conceived themselves guilty of no im
propriety in pursuing it, as it was permitted to a degree in one agree
ment, though prohibited in another.—Repugnant terms in treaties
almost unavoidably destroy the effect of each treaty, and in this in
stance the subsequent agreement of permission to trade produced only
a very common effect, by making the previous condition to the con
trary perfectly nugatory. But what was very extraordinary, conti
nued his Grace, though we fee no transcript of it here, a Memorial
(unless I am very much deceived indeed) was some time ago present
ed to the Dutch, telling them that if they did not comply with such
and such expectations, they would certainly be considered in the esti
mation of his British Majesty as nothing else than a mere neutral
Power.—They did not perform those things you expelled, therefore,
agreeably to your own declaration, they were reduced to a state of
neutrality, and all previous treaties were of course absolved and done
away. Is it then a fault in a certain people that they do not perform
duties in consequences of a compact, when that compact lias been de
stroyed, and destroyed too by the voluntary aft of the other Powers ?
After that Memorial, all preceding engagemerits were superseded,
and this country ceased to have any claim upon the States-General
whatever. This complaint therefore was no just foundation for a
commencement of hostilities, nor would the other European Powers
so confider it. But why was not this Memorial, he had just alluded
to, included in the papers that had been laid before the House ? It
was of infinite consequence, and no fair and impartial determination
could be come to without it. The left argument which has been
urged in defence of this war, is deduced from the league which is repre
sented to have been formed between the Pensioner of Amsterdam
and the American Colonies^ Here I mull draw your Lordships at
tention to a most egregious blunder. It is said that a league bad been
formed between the Colonies and the inhabitants of Amsterdam.
How did the fad Hand ?—What was the title of this treaty, as de
scribed in the exordium of it—" A rough copy of a league to be formed
between tbe American Colonies," &c. This then was only the rough
project of a league. Who could be certain that it would ever have
been compleated ?—Unfigned, unratified, but merely the faint profile
of a possible treaty, and that is to be a fufficient.caufe for violating an
ancient amity, and plunging us into a war under the exhausted cir
cumstances which we are now reduced to.—His Grace recommended
it seriously to the House to take all the dreadful consequences of ac
cumulated war into their consideration; and after having lamented
the corruption which pervaded every part of the political system of
this country, and positively affirming that he would seldom and per
haps never speak in that House again, so long as the present Admini
stration continued in power, he put the motion, which we have men
tioned above, and fat down.
Lord Batburft, in reply to what his Grace said. of corruption, beg
ged leave to olferve, that it was tlie cor;uption of the heart that was
distressing this country, for there were men who " disappointed in
their ambitious views, chagrined at not holding any employment
under the Crown, with malice in their bosoms, and inveteracy in
their envenomed tongues, were eternally endeavouring to ruin Ad
ministration, even at the expence of their country. —A set of men,
who were for ever extolling our enemies and depreciating our
selves, and who took every occasion to harrafs and distress Govern
ment, through ? principle of malice and envy."
Tbe Duke of Richmond replied again, and described the President
of the Council as a known tory in political principle.
Lord Cbeferfeld followed, and defended his own independence as
a senator and a friend to Administration.
Tbe Duke of Chandos spoke next.
Tbe Lord Chancellor entered at large into the merits of the queflion,
and after contending that the House ought not to have any other
consideration than that of giving an immediate answer to tbe King's
message, he took a comprehenlivn view of the arguments that had
been advanced, and the matter that had been gone into by the pre
vious speakers, approving of the measure of proceeding to hostilities,
and arguing that it was at once the most expedient, and the most
proper measure that could be adopted.
Tbe Marquis of Rockingbam, Lord Shelburne, and Lord Camden, se
verally condemned the war commenced against Holland, and strong
ly recommended a reconciliation with that Power.
The queflion being then put upon the Duke of Richmond's origi
nal motion, there appeared
Contents io? n
Not Contents„ 68$ Besides Proxies '
Lord Stormont's motion was carried without a division.
A motion was afterwards made for a Committee to prepare the
address—Granted. ,
The House broke up about twelve o'clock.
[To be continued.]
To-Morrow, tbe igth Day of April infant, at ten o'Clock
in the Forenoon, mill be fold at my Store, No. 47, on tbe Bay,
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Bordered Handkerchiefs
Chintz Gown Patterns
Printed' Cottons
Corded Dimities
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Stocliinets
Dyed Jeans and Fustians
Cambricks and Lawns
A Variety of Ribbons
Morea Gown Patterns
Sagathies „
Duroys
April 13th, 1781. t
To-Morrow, the 19th of April infant, precifel, at 12 o'clock)
<will be fold before the Exchange,
A Valuable Negro Woman used to most kinds of boule
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± WILLIAM RUSSEL.
On Thursday the 3d Day of May next, <will be fold before he
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JA MEd MACMuRRAY, & CO.
No. 54, Queen-street,<
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