United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-10-15 00:00:00, page 1

Mr. Tracy's Address to
The Freemen of Connecticut.
[concluded.)
I KNOW of no designs, in railing these twelve
regiments, but those I have Rated ; and most
firmly believe there were no other, and the vote for
disbanding, was, in the Senate, unanimous. What
the committee call demonftraaion, you fee, is direct
ly in the sac- of every fad, " °'M••is yc.o r
L iievertu r ret, ay toe committee, p. loth, "that Mr.
M'Hcoery, Secretary at War, recommended it to
the officers of that army of volunteersto encourage
the enUftment of that class f men called Old Tories."
I do not believe you ever did, nor do I beleive you
the committee ever did;becaufe!think there never
was such a recommendation.
My purpose in appearing before you, I have said
was not to criminate others bur to defend myfelf,&
the federalifrs, with whom in a public capacity, I
have aded. Therefore, I have nothing to fay of
the eulogy ofthe committee upon the present ad
miniflration, excepting a few words which (ball be
inferred in their proper pl.ee of New-Orleans and
Louisiana. Upon hastily looking over that part
of the address however, I find the common infirmi
ty ofthe committee still operating ; I mean thew
aversion to truth ; which really seems to be lo un
conquerable, that they avoid it when it would ope
rate in their 'favor. They fay that the present ad
ministration have reduced the Army and Navy ;
when the fad is the present administration have in
creafedthe Navy, and ttefomer reduced it. The
increase to which I refer, w^s highly proper, for
the purpose of entiling fuccefsful y against the Tri
politans in the Mediterranean ; it was recommen
ded by President Jefferfon and passed, I believe, u
panimoyfly in the Senate,& probablylo in the House
of Representatives. They also lay, the northern
federalifts universally hold the weftern people in de
reflation ; and for the truth of the assertion they
appeal to you. I cannot conceive why we should
deleft the weftern people, nor why this gratuitous
Hinder was uttered against us ; if you know any
such tiling, I fliall be thankful for information,
both of the fad and its cause.
Thereare many adertions and infinnations scat
tered thro this address of which I have not taken
patticukT notice; the very short time since it fell
Into my bands has prevented the possibility of so
foil an wfwer as could have been wished, and has
left it in my power to take up only the most import
tant points.
In wading through the address we meet with one
uniform barren feene of falfe promises and falle
Conclusions ; federalifts, Handing armies, navies,
old tories, clergymen, Ariftocrars and monarchies
in quick succession flit acrots the stage, like figures
from a magic Isnthern and are immolated with the
dispatch of a French revolutionary tribunal, till we
arrive at the bottom of rite fourteenth page, and
there we find the committee to use their own
words, " coming home to our own St^te of Con
nedicut.
Theenquiry Very bitUrallv occurs here, where
have they* been all thri time? Why have they not
flayed m Connecticut, and convinced the Fret men,
that the pref nt Council ought to be turned out, &
their.own nomination chosen, if that was their ob
jed ? Why it seems that Terr is a very bad set of
men, Scattered all over the Untied States called fed
eralifts, whom the committee pell ve to be or are
pteafed to call, monarchies, and they have called
forth all their energy, through fourteen long pages
to make the freeemeß of Conorfticut believe them
so too. Oor would lappofe, that the next step
would be to (bow, that our upper-house were fede
ralifts, and therefore otgot to be turned out of offi
ce : But the commitrec cautic ufly avoid such a de
claration. They tell you in page 14 and 15, that
" the government ofConnedicut is let in botlilc
array against the existing government ofthe nation
and that many officers of our Stale government are
federalifts, or are ignoran ly ading the part of
federalifts." All ties might be allowed, and yet the
question would recur with undtmioifhed force,what
frsalltbis to our prevent upper-house ? Why are we
not fpecifica ly informed offieir crimes, and of the
grounds of preference, whi® should induce us to
vote for the republican nomination ? It is exceed
ingly apparent why this course was taken by the
rpuhbean committee. They knew, if they mad
a direst and spec tic charge of mona circal princi
ples upon the members <fthe upper-house, or of any
other kind, a defeat was certain ; all their charges
would fail for want of proof. The up|er house
have tranfaded the affairs of the Stale, with great
economy and wisdom ; and their private characters
are as unavailable as thole ofany Legislative body.
Therefore it became a matter of ikdl, a fygeies of
legerdemain, to begin at the formation of our c>n
flitution, and talk of Frefident Adam's books, of
Alexander Hamilton, Timothy Pickering, James
M'Henrv, and all the leading feder, lifts, as monar
chists, to excite if possible, the passions of the free
men, with the potent cry, liberty being in danger
and to insinuate, without a dirtd charge, that the
members of our upper-boule were monarchies and
fn this way obtain their object. In confirm ation
<fthis idea, you hear the democratic republicans
, very day declaring, that they have no personal ob
j dion to the upper-house ; that they are all or the
er ft of them, good men; but that we most be re
.oocdedto the general government; and that our
government, including the upper boufe is at war
# vhh(hat.
'!/< us examine this date of warfare, and find out
AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE TWENTY.S-EVENTH YEAR.
Untteti States''
Portsmouth
PORTSMOUTH, N. H. Printed and Published every
^l. XIK] TUESDAY, OCTOBER 15 , 1803.
Os ALL THE DISPOSITIONS AND HABITS WHICH LEAD TO POLITICAL )
prosperity, RELIGION & MORALITY are indispensable?
supports. WASHINGTON'S Legacy. }
<.-'- trart'^^^^^^^BCMQ^^^^i^^^^^i^Qmtcttettb&J—tt^c^^-w-^:^ -G^tpe-eth tae-..ttpteQ#]te^
if possible, in what it consists. The Committee
have ,roved this fad, in their usual logical manner,
by fayhig " it cannot be denied," and " it is a fad,
of which no min is ignorant." lam really ig
norant of it, and cannot, after all the Com
rcittee fav, obtain fatisfadory evidence of the ex
igence of such a fad. The Committee lay, 00
man who approves of the merfure of theprefirn
adminiftratiou receives the cot .Penance of our
/Sme ^rve^^ r. It is probablelhiv triesn by not
receiving the countenance of government, tharthey
are not appointed to office. Our government, cl
pecially the upper-house, lave very few appoint
ments intheir gift. Field officers ofthe militia,are
appointed by them concurrently with the lower
house, and I believe fevera'l in their nomination,
certainly many in the State who approve the men
furesof the present adminftration, hold commiffiocs
under our State government, and were appointed
when their political charade's were known. The
probability is, that a full proportion of militia offi
cers, according to the refpedive number of the par
ties, are democratic republicans ;—and as to the
few other officers, it may be so ; I have no proof
ofthe contrary but the assertion of the Committee
which I admit with caution. They fay republicans
art fupercededin office. I have never heard, that a
single officer in this State, republican or other has
been turned out of office ; it may be so but I doubt
it. For the fake of argument, however, let it be
exadly as the Committee state : Is that a proof of
hofiility againit the existing government of the na
tion ? What ! because our date government does
not choose to appoint particular men to office, has
the national government a right to resent it? Will
Mr. Jefferfon, or Mr. Granger agree, when they
turn out of office a federalift in this State to make
room for a democrat, that it is putting the national
government in hostile array against the State govern
ment ? What one a6t has our government done, 16
juftify this charge of hostile array ? When a major
ity ofthe national government was federal the State
legislature of Virginia passed a number of reflations
expreflive of their diflatisfa&ion of certain mealures
of federal government ; they contained force strong
expreflions,and were sent to feme ofthe other States,
1 believe all, for the purpose of forminga combina
tion of Legislative opinions against the constitution
ality of those meafuees. Did any body declare Vir
ginia to be in a fate of rebellion, or hoflile-aircy a
gainst rhe general government ? The minority then
in Virginia &.•, and still is, relpedable in point of
numbers, property and talents— Did they claim that
Virginia was in rebellion, because they were not put
into office ? And yet the government of Connecti
cut has taken no step of the kind — Has it ever passed
a single resolution or done any one ad, in the least
difrefpeaful towards the general government ? Does
not even the least attention to this complaint,force
the mind irresistibly to this conclusion, that a set of
office fee kers, are conjuring it up as a stepping stone
to office ?
Further on, in page r§th, is this declaration ;
" The present fiaeoj things cannot long exist, it cannot
be fariona/y, and the bicker ings, between the government
of this State and of the United States must end in recon
ciliat ion, or they muff end in war."
I wish you to turn back topage ^h of the address ;
there is a paflage, which I have purposely passed
over in order to confider it, and the passage lift
quoted from the igth page together. It is this;
(Ipeaking of what the fc Jeralifts have done)" Nay,
liberty iff was fligmatized. The horrors of the
French revolution were said to be the certain fruits of
democracy, that is, of a government entirely under the con-
Seoul of the people.
Where I to give a precise definition of democra
cy, the Committee have furnifhed the words in
<his pafEge, " that is a government entirely un
der the control ofthe people." A republican gov
ernment, like our national government, or the
government of this State, contemplates the peo
ple as sovereign, as to the adoption of a constitu
tion or form of government —sovereign in elec
tions, as to the person whom they will eled, sub
mitting however to all existing constitutional and
legal forms and restraints : But when their re
publican government is thus formed, and their
laws made, who is to control ? the people or the
government !
The government, no doubt ; and in this consists
republican liberty,that theyare governed by laws,
made by men of their own choice, pursuant to a
constitution of their own adoption, instead of the
fickle will of a master, or matters. In a demo
cracy, the people control the government ; and
instead of enjoying any true rational liberty, they
have only the liberty of making themselves, pre
eminently miserable : And therefore it is, that
democracies ever have moved, and ever mull
move, with an awfully rapid Stride to despotism.
They are destitute of that security which a repub
lic affords, that is, equal laws to controul and
proted each member of the community ; but
they control their government (or laws which
are the fame thing)by their passions, which necessa
rily leads them to misery & despotism. This is the
precise course the French took. Under their
firft constitution, the King had a veto on the laws;
the people controled him, and the laws, and so
on from Step to Step, the people controled the
government, till Bonaparte controled both gov
ernment and people, by the most unqualified mil
itary despotism on the face of the earth. This
description of democracy the Committee call
Stigmatizing liberty itfelf. Is this the liberty,
that the Committee pant to eftablilli in this hap
py country ? Our warmest republicans have been
;accufed of entertaining opinions tending to de-
Imocratic licentiousness, which they have resented
very much, and called it federal mifreprefentd
jt in and fabhood ; but here it is an open and
y^c av.jwzi of it, wh-h ii 3&, coincides wth
& declaration or wa, queued above, from the
tyh page. This Lift mentioned quout.-^ ^
tains a truly democratic, jacobinic principle. It
Stands thus when fully dated : We the democrats
are a minority in the State of Connecticut —we
have long tried to persuade the freemen to eled
or the Governor to appoint us to office, which
they will not be persuaded to do ; and now we
inform you, that if you do not eleft or appoint
us, we will cut your throats, and eled or appoint
ourfclves ! From whence is the war to come, if
not from this quarter ? War is certainly threat
ened. The government of Connecticut has no
difpbficion to quarrel with the general govern
ment ; we are peaceably tranfafting our own af
fairs in our own way ; submitting cheerfully to
all the laws of Congress ; as a government, nor
finding fault, even when a difference of opinion
exills. Will the genera: government make war
upon us ? For what ? because we do not eleT
the minority into office ? Can the general gov
ernment constitutionally interfere in either the
elections of the freemen of Connecticut, or the
appointments of our government, and fay who
Shall be elected or appointed ? The government
of the United States dare not do this. I have
no suspicion, not the smallest, that Piefident Jef
ferfon and the present administration ever enter-i
tained an idea of the kind, or ever will. And I
ought to fay it, because such is my belief, that a
great proportion of those who call themselves re
publicans, would shudder at such a thought.l
No, the war which is denounced is just such a
war as was waged in Paris by the Jacobin Club.
A few unprincipled, daring men, who had form
) 1 secret combinations, acting in concert, with
Ididnefs and dispatch, (Led the belt blood of a
generous, unfufpeding people, and destroyed ev
ery veltige of liberty. Can you wonder why
these gentlemen did not sign their address? Iris
boasted, by many honest men, who are Entered
and imposed upon by profeffions of friendship for
the people, and an ardent love of liberty, which
the democratic leaders are constantly making,
that this address is a master-piece for candor and
good sense. Why did not the Committee give
us their names, and take the credit of it ? They
dare not, till it is difeovered how much the peo
ple will bear.
In the fame 15th page they fay, "Republican
ism and federalim can never unite, can never be re
conciled ; they are liberty and flavor), they are terms
of essential opposition.'' Thus you fee the gentle
ness of this Committee : They tel! you in one
breath, be reconciled to us, or you Shall have war;
and that reconciliation is impossible. What are
we federalifts to do ? It is impossible that any
freeman of Connecticut, the descendant of par
ents who braved the dangers of the ocean, and
the wilderness howling with beasts and with fav-I
ages, for the fake of Securing to themselves and
defeendants, the right of thinking and anting in-j
dependently of every man and every thing, the
laws of their country and their God excepted,
fliould be intimidated by such language as the
Committee have adopted.
It may be ufeful to spend a moment upon the
innovations which the Committee fay, republi
cans have at heart ; and which will be adopted,
if we consent that they Should rule over us.
They will “restore elections to freedom from
personal and pecuniary influence ;" that is, they
will make use of the most violent personal in
fluence till they get in, and when once in, take
care that nobody Shall ever fuccefsfully use any
to get them oct. "To the militia extend the
right of fuffrage ;" that is, young men of 18
years old, Shall all vote. The danger that such
young men from avast variety of circumstances,
wilt not give independent votes, should be well
considered, before such an innovation is adopted.
"They will divide the Sta^e into|diftrifts for the
elections of Councillors, and Members of Con
gress." The freemen have now a right to vote
for twenty men to stand in nomination, & twelve
for council, and eighteen in nomination, and sev
en for Congress; your nomination and all security
derived from that wife measure must be given up,
and each of you vote b^t for only one mar..—
The privilege of voting for the whole 12 and 7 re
fpe&ively, altho' I acknowledge it is Sometimes
attended with difficulties on account of each free
man's not knowing all the candidates, is so im
portant, that I should be unwilling to lofc it, un
less great and certain benefit was to be obtained
in the exchange. But other important evils,
will I fear, arile from diliriCting the State. It
will open a door for intrigue, which really seems
to me dangerous at any time, and more so at this,
when the State is divided into parties, whole ac
tivity and spirit were, perhaps, never equalled.
There is an old and g<od maxim, Never make
changes at sea, in a floim !
I have now gone through with this address of
the republican Committee, in answer to the main
Oratte, ana
Advertiser.
Saturday Morning, by W-ill'm & Dan'l. Treadwell,
Price one dollar and fifty cents per ann. [/Vo. 2.
(Jfr ADVERTISEMENTS reasonably and conspicuously inserted— Commu<
{ negations duly attended to—and ever, Favor thankfully acknowl
(EDGED.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, FIFTEENTH YEaR,
proportion contained in it, and to some otht±
matters of less importance, but which could not
confidently with my plan cf dilcuflion, be omit
ted. lam exceedingly deceived, if you do not
join roe in pronouncing this address to be the most
extraordin u, production which has ever appear
ed in Connecticut. The examination of its fob
fiacre o.h ti > reCT ed became if V the fafy
were Q tCov Taied, a 4 d the deductions fairi,
Q[peered to me not a matter of much
I consequence to know, who the Committee were,
I or indeed to make any inquiry merely as tod,
I form. But now, there is, in my opinion, some
importance annexed to this latter inquiry.
Who are this Committee, by whom, and by
whose authority appointed, and what is the real
I objea of this address?
Is it possible that the Comn^te^ could consist
l of the whole, or any part, of nomination ? I
I think it probable, that a part at lead, of the nom
lihation were ofthe Committee, and that this was
I one reason why the address comes out without
lany responsible signature. If this be true, I think
I you will join me in the gratification I feel, that
I they did not sign it. Had they dared to come
;forward and openly solicit the freemen, to leave
I their old, tiled, and faithful rulers, for the ver,
persons who were soliciting ; knowing, as well as
they mutt know, the feelings of their own party,
at least; it would have argued such depravity and
dissoluteness of manners in their partisans, as
would hav been truly alarming. This circum
stance augurs well of the party; since it tends to
prove, that they will not permit the Ready habits
of our ancestors to be prostrated in this important
Iparticular of foticiting votes. They are doubt
-Ilefs, a very great proportion of them deceived, but
1 not perverse ; and will, with proper information
Icorrect their mistakes.
This nomination consists of many of the lead-
I ihg men of the party ; and who, when they have
I held caucuses have always attended ; arid aa
I event so important to their cause, as the forma
: tion of this address, would probably call forth 11
j then strength.
I There is in my mind, R corroboration, that the
Committee and nomination are the fame in sub
stance, from their treatment of the fubjeft of the
treaty, relative to New-Orleans and Lowfiana ; the
benefits of it are, they fav, "above all price." It
cannot have escaped your attention, that a number
of Land-speculators, are, in this nomination. The
probability is, that the source of wealth which a
rose from the file of mountains and rocks in Vir
ginia, for arable land, is nearly dried up; but Loui
siana is certainly to fueb men above all price : It
opens a new and extensive field of speculation; and
is so far off, that almost any thing can be said of it,
without much danger of deteaion. I know noth
ing of the value of Louisiana, and for that reason
am not disposed to fay any thing about it : the con
stituted authorities will soon decide upon the whole
fobjeft ; and with deference to the Committee, it
may be thought by some, that modesty might have
induced them to fay less, till they knew more about
it. Their appointment must have been a felf-Ap
pointment ; and the real obje&s of the address can
jbe no other, than to mislead and to intimidate, with
I falfe statements, and yet avoid all relponfibility.
j Why not come out fairly, and give us their names,
i if they have no cause to ftrve, but that of truth ?
Is the address a fair, candid, and dispassionate ap
peal to the good sense of the freemen, or what is it?
The question is answered by a recurrence to the
fads I have stated, and to the nature of the case.
I would lay before you a summary, so that in one
view, you might have the prominent features of it,
but 1 h^ve already trdpaffed longer on vour time,
than was at firft Intended. Let it fuffice, in this
place, to fay, that the address is uncommonly in
curred, and that charity must be very much ex
tended to suppose the Committee could be ignorant
of a part at least, of the falflioods which they have
presented to the Freemen for truths.
Rat few, if any, fads have been Rated by me,
excepting such as are capable of P r QQf ; but not be
ing able in the short time which rafellowed me,
(ind not enj ying good health) to procure and lay
it all before you ; some few may seem to rest too
much on my own aflertion. This is a fubjea of
sincere regret. But I have been more than fifteen
years in the public service of my native State, Con
nedicur; and more than ten in Congress. This
has led me to an intonate acqrintance with most
ofthe tranfadions, about which this address of the
republican committee is converfint ; and in a great
part of which I have aded officially. I have serv
ed you to the belt of my abilities, and yet it is well
known to many,perhaps all of you, that the quiver
of malice has been exh ufted of its last arrow, to
wound me pandas if it were not fufficieot to wound
me once, th&arrows have been dipt in a venom of
such a pecu lar cast as was calculated to reiteptethe
ftrokc uporrtbe third and fourth generation of my
children. A part of the time, I have been fick.but
this circumstance did not slacken the torrent of cal -
tinnies. The whole of this time I was silent;& my
silence has been conftruded into a confeffion of guilt.
I therefore oue it to my family; as one of your pub
ic servants, to you ; ^nd to myfelf, to come forward
and deny the charges, and claim the juffice of a bear
ing. I likewise claim a right to deny the charges
of this committee in particular against the federahds
with whom I have alwavs aded, and with whom [
am of course implicated in the most o : them. And