United States oracle and Portsmouth advertiser — Portsmouth, N.H., 1803-04-09 00:00:00, page 2

It invites others to prey on that com.
t merce which we will not protest, and
Jhare the wealth we dare not defend.
But let it he known that you (land rea
dy to facrifice the last man and the last
/hilling in defence of our national hon
our, and those who would have availed
will beware of you.
Before I go into a minute confidera
, tion on this inbjeCt, I will notice what
the gentlemen opposed to me have said
-cm the law of nations. But I must ob
serve that, in a conjuncture like the pre
fent,there is more found sense and more
found policy in, the firm and manly sen
timents which warms the heart of my
friend from Delaware, than in all the
volumes upon all the shelves of the ci
vilians. .
He fays, we are told by the Spanish
minister it was unauthorifed. Nofwith
ftanding these assurances, however, my
honourable colleague has,it feems,fome
doubts—But nevertheless he presumes
innocence ; for my colleague is chari
table. The honourable member from
Maryland goes farther, he tells us the
minitier of Spain fays the intendant had
no such authority ; and the minifler of
France too, fays there is no such au
thority. Sit, I have all polfible refpe&
for those gentlemen, and every proper
confidence to what they may think pro
per to communicate. I believe the
Spanish minister has the best imagina
ble difpoiition to preserve peace ; being
indeed the express purpose for which'
he was sent among us. I believe it to
be an objed near to his heart, and
which has a strong hold upon his af
fedions. I refpeft the warmth and be,
devoleace of his feelings, but he must
pardon me that I am deficient in court
ly compliment. lam a republican, and
cannot commit the interests of my
country to the goodhefs of his heart.
What is the Rate of things? There
has been a ceflion of the island of New-
Orleans & Louifianato France. Wheth
er the Floridas have also been ceded is
not yet certain. It has been faid,as from
authority, and I think it probable.—
Now, fir, let us note the time and the
manner of this ceflion. It was at or
immediately after the treaty of Lune
ville, at the firft moment when France
Let us however attend to the results
of those logical deductions which have
Been made by writers on the law of na
tions. The honourable member from
Kentucky (Mr. Breckenbridge) has
told us that Sovereigns ought to shew a
sincere desire of peace, and should not
hastily take offence, because it may be
that the offenfive aft was the result of
mistake. My honourable colleague
has told us, that among the juftifiable
causes of war are the deliberate inva
sions of right, and the necessity of
maintaining the balance of power. He
has told us further,that attempts should
always be made to obtain redress by
treaty, unless it be evident that redress
cannot be so obtained. The honoura
ble member from Georgia near me in
forms us, that the thing we would ob
tain by war should be important, and
the success probable, and that war
should be avoided until it be inevitable.
The honourable member from Mary
land (Mr. Wright) has explained to us
the case cited by the gentleman from
Kentucky, as being a wrong done by
a private citizen. Under the weight
of all this authority, and concurring
with gentlemen in these their positions,
I shall take leave to examine the great
question we are called on to decide. .I
(hall moreover fully and entirely agree
with the honorable member near me in
Another point. He has, with the usual
frapidity of his mind, seized the whole
Object. He tells us, and he tells up tru
ly, that the illand of Orleans and the
two Floridas, are essential to this coun
try— They are joined, fays he, by God,
knd sooner or later we must and will
have them. In this clear and energet
ic Ratement: I fdlly agree ; and the
greater part of what I nave to fay will
be but a commentary on the doctrines
they have advanced, an elucidation of
their positions, and the confirmation of
that strong conclusion.
In order to bring this extensive fub
jed within such bounds as may enable
us to take a diHin& view of its several
parts, I ihall confider, firft, the existing
Rate of things : ?dly, the confeqtience
to the United States of the poffeftion
of that country by France : gdly, the
consequence to other nations: 4thly,
the importance of it to France herfelf :
sthly, its importance to the United
States if possessed by them ; and hav
ing thus examined the thing itfelf in
its various relations, the way will be
open to confider, 6thly, the effect of ne
gociation ; and then 7thly, the conse
quence to be expeded from taking im
mediate poffeflion.
Before I confider the exiting Rate
cf things, let me notice what gentle
men have said in relation to it. The
honourable member from Kentucky
has told us, that indeed there is a right
arretted, but whether by authority or
not, is equivocal. He fays, the repre°
Tentative of Spain verily believes it to
be an unauthorifed aft. My honoura
ble colleague informs us, there has been
a clashing between the governor and
the Intendant.
could take upadißantobje&of attention.
But had Spain a right to make this
cession without ourconfent. Gentlemen
have taken it for granted that she had.
But I deny the portion. No nation has a
riaht t? give to another a dangerous neigh
bor without her consent. This is not like
the case with private citizens, for there,
when a man is injured he can resort to
a tribunal for redress ; and yet, even
there, to dispose of property to one who
is a bad neighbor is always considered
as an a& of unkindness. But as be
tween nations, who can redress them
selves only by war, such transfer is in
itfelf an aggression. He who renders
me insecure, he who hazards my peace,
and exposes rae to imminent danger,
commits an aft of hostility against me ;
and gives me die rights consequent on
that aft. Suppose Great-Britain should
give to Algiers, one of the Bahamas,
and contribute thereby to edablifh a
nett of pirates near your coasts, would
you not confider it an aggreflion ?—
Suppose during the late war you had
conveyed to France a trad of land a
long Hudson's river, and the northern
route by the lakes into Canada, would
not Britain have considered and'reated
it as an aft of direct hostility ? It is a
mong the firft limitations to the exer
cise of the rights of property, that we
must so use our own as not to injure
another's ; and it is under the immedi
ate sense of this reftriftion that nations
are bound to ad towards each other.
But it is not transfer alone. There are
circuraftances, both in the time and in
the manner of it, which deserve attention.
A gen tie man from Mary land(Mr. Wright)
has told you that all treaties ought to be
published, and proclaimed for the infor
mation of other nations. I ask, was this
a public treaty ? No. Was official notice
of it given to the government ofthis coun.
try ? Was it announced to the President
of the United States, jn the usual forms
of civility between nations who duly re-
IpeCt each other ? It was not. Let Gen.
tiemen contradia me if they can. They
will fay, perhaps, that it was the omiflion
only of a vain and idle ceremony. Ig.
norance may. indeed pretend that such
communication is an empty compliment,
which, eftablilhed without use, may be
omitted without offence. But this is not
so. If these be ceremonies, they are not
vain, but of serious import, and are found
ed on strong reason. He who means me
well, ads without disguise. .. Had this
tran(a&icn been intended fairly, it would
have been told frankly. But it was secret
because it was hostile. The FirftCon
ful, in the moment of terminating his dif
ferences with you, fought the means of
future influence and control.,. He found
and secured a pivot for that immense lever,
by which, with potent arm, he means to
subvert your civil & political institutions.
Thus, the beginning was made in deep
hostility. Conceived in such principles
it presaged no good. Its bodings were
evil, and evil have been its fruits, ;.,
We heard of it during the last session
of Congress, but, to this hour, we have
not heard of any formal and regular com
munication from those by whom it was
made. Has the King of Spain? Has the
First Consul of France no means of mak
ing such communication to the President?
Yes, fir, we have a minister in Spain ; —
we have a minifterin France. Nothing
was easier, and yet nothing has been done.
Our First Magistrate has been treated with
contempt ; and through him our country has
been insulted.
With that meek and peaceful spirit,
now so strongly recommended, we sub
mitted to this insult, and what followed ?
That which might have beep expeded ;
a violation of our treaty : An open and
direa violation by a public officer of the
Spanify government. This is not the
case cited from one of the books. It is
not a wrong done by a private citizen,
which might, for that reason, be of doubt
ful nature. No—it is by a public officer.
That officer, in whose particular depart
ment it was to cause the faithful observ
ance of the treaty which he has violated.
We are told indeed that there was a elath
ing cf opinion between the Governor
and the Intendant, But what have we
to do u ith their domestic broils ? The
injury is done, we feel it. Let the fault be
whose it may, the fuffering is ours. But,
fay gentlemen, the Spanish Mipifter has
interfered to corre& this irregular proce
dure. Sir, if the Intendant was amena
ble to the Minifler, why did he not in
form him of the step he was about to take,
that the President might seasonably have
been apprized of his intention, and given
the proper notice to our fellow-citizens ?
Why has he firft learned the offenfive aCt
from those who fuffer by it? Why is he
thus held up to contempt and derision ?
If the Intendant is to be controuled by
the Mlnifter, would fie have taken a step
so important without his advice ? Com
mon ftnie will fay no. But the bitter
cup of humiliation was not yet full.—
Smarting under the lafli ofthe Intendant,
the Minifler soothes you with Kind af
futances, and fends advice boats to
announce your forbearance. But
while they are on their way new in
jury and new insult are added. The In-!
tendant, as if determined to try the extentl
of your meekness, forbics to your citi-'
zens all communication with those whol
inhabit the Shores of the Miffifippi.—\
Though they fliould be flarving, the
Spaniard is made criminal who fliould
give them food. Fortunately the waters
of the river are potable, or else we should
be precluded from the common benefits
of nature, the common bounty of Hea
ven. What, then, I aik, is the amount
of this savage condua ? Sir,it is war! Op
en and direct war. And yet gentlemen
recommend peace, and forbid us to take
up the gauntlet of defiance. Will gen
tlemen fit here and flint their eyes to the
Rate and condition of their country ? I
fliall not reply to what has been said ref
pcAing depredations on commerce hut
confine myfelf to objects of which there
can be no shadow of doubt. Here is a
vast country given away and not without
danger to us. Has a nation a right to
put these States into a dangerous situa
tion ? No, fir.. And yet it has been
done, not only without our confent.pre
vious to the grant, but without observing
the common forms of civility after it
was made. Is that wonderful man, who
presides over the destinies of France, ig.
norant or unmindful of these forms? See
what was done the other day. He di
reded his Miriiffer to communicate to
the eledor of Bavaria his intended move
ments into Switzerland and their objed.
He knew the eledor had a right to ex
pea that information, although the grea
ter part o/jwabia lies between his do
rnriions and Switzerland. And this right
is founded on the broad principles alrea
dy mentioned.
Having thus examined the existent
state of things, I proceed to confider
the consequence to the United States,
resulting from the possession of that
Country ty France. To this effeft I
ffiall suppose the Floridas to be includ
ed in her newly acquired dominion,and
.fha.ll state what I conceive to be the
conduct phich she will pursue. She
will, I presume, confider herfelf as not
bound by our treaty with Spain. De
claring this to <fc inhabitants of the
weftern country,and repelling the claim
of right, she will (as matter of favour)
give them unlimited freedom of trade
to and from New-Orleans. At that
place she will eventually raise a consi
derable duty on exports to pay the ex
pence of her garrisons and of the civil
administration. But to compensate
this, she will probably give an exclu
sive privilege of commerce to her colo
nies, and obtain from Spain and Hol
land singular privileges. Under these
circumftances,let us examine the gene
ral and particular consequences to this
our country ~, .
, The general consequences are those
which affed our commerce, our rev
enue, our defence, and what is of more
importance even than these, our union.
Your commerce will foffer, because you
will no longer hold the means of sup
plying the Welt-India islands fubjed to
your tingle controul, and because all
the exports from New-Orleans, being
of course, in French bottoms,, your na
vigation will be proportionately dimin
ilhed. Your revenue will fuffer as much
as your commerce., The extensive
boundary of more then 2000 miles will
be flocked with goods for the purpose
of contraband trade. The Inhabitants
will naturally take their supplies in that
way. You must therefore multiply
your revenue officers and their affif
taats,an&hile your receipt diminishes
the expence of collection will be encreaf
ed. As to what regards your defence,
it is evident that the decrease of your
navigation and revenue must narrow
your mean's of defence. You cannot
provide the fame, force either by land or
by sea ; but the evil does not flop there.
With this counti y in your possession you have
means of defence more ample, more important,
more easy than any nation on earth. In a short
time all the Weft India Islands, fed from your
granaries, must depend on your will. And in
consequence, all the powers of Europe who
have colonies there, must court your friendship.
Those rich sources of commercial importance
will be as it were in your hands. They will
be pledges for the amity of Others in seas and
dominions far remote.~ ft is a defence which,
though it colls you nothing, is superior to fleets
and armies. But let the resources of America
be divided(which must happen when the French
are masters of New-Orleans)' and all this power
and influence are gone. One half your resour
ces will be in their hands, and they will laugh
at your feeble ^ttemptswith the other half. It
is the intcreft of this country that the possessions
of European powers in the Weft-Indies ffiould
be secured to them. And in this view of the
fubjcd,it is important that the island of St.
Domingo should be fubjeded by France, it
would therefore have been wife to have aided
in that subjugation. There is indeed a special
reason for it beyond the considerations of exte
rior policy. That event will give to your slaves
the conviction that it is impossible for them to
become free. Men in their unhappy condition
As to the depredations on our com
merce, they are numerous and of great
importance, but my honourable col
league has told us our merchants are
in a fairway of getting redress. I own,
fir, I am furprized at this information,
which is, I presume, afate ferret, com
municated from the executive depart
ment. My honourable colleague, who
is the pattern of difcretion,who was the
monitor, and threatened to be the casti
gator of those who, from treachery or
weakness, might betray or divulge the
Tecrets of tlie Senate, cannot possibly
allude to any thing on our files. He
has therefore received this information
from tome other quarter ^nd I feel my
felf much obliged by his kind commu
nication. But he must pardon me, fir,
that until it comes forward in some bo
dy, Ihape, or condition which I can
grasp, I am compelled to withhold my
faith.,
That lever offered my vessel for the
purpose of flopping the Count Migna
marra,is faife ; or that she was ever made
use of for that purpose, is falfe. That I
was rewarded with a French commission
for Inch service, is falfe ; and that I after
wards ever received the appointment of
a Vice-Consulship in this towo; is alfb
falfe. For the truth of these assertions, I
' are appeal to those opposed to me in
politics, Capt. John Gibaut, and others
that were prefent,and to rhe French Con
sul now in Bolton. lam willing also to
appeal To THEM for the truth of the fol
lowing hniple statement, so far as they
can be supposed to be knowing to the
circumstances: In the year 1790 I was
at the lfle of France with the brigantine
Henry, where I met the Count Magna
marra, from whom I had before received
some attention in Pondicherry, as well as
from Governor Conway, who had at this
time transferred his government to the
lfle of France ; and the Count M^gnamar
ra was there 'in a frigate, as Commandant
of the Road. From both those gentle
men ! received marked attention, dining
several times with the Governor, who was
the patron of the Count. At this time the
Count, being a firitt disciplinarian, and
a faithful adherent to those from whom
his authority was derived, enforced the
old rules relating to the government of
the port, and made himfelf obnoxious to
the revolutionists, who composed almofi
all the refpeftable part pf the fociety,as
well as all the.unthinking, reltlefs and
vicious; the last of whom propagated,
with the greatest indnllry, every lie they
could invent to rid themselves of the dn
fortunate Count. They brought the un
founded charge of murder against him, in
order to deceive the honert but unwary
people—a charge of the fame kind as is
now produced against me, in all appear
ance by the fame kind of men, and un
doubtedly with the intention to deceive
and impose upon my honell but unwary
fellow citizens ; or in other words by ly
ing and deceit to carry an election. An
immense ebneourie of people (tie most
artful, deluded,wicked and profligate) as
sembled in the night, erected a gallows,
and prepared to give the alarm, by dis
seminating their falfehoods in the morn
ing. In this way, without any thing be
ing known to be in agitation the < ven
ing before, they so wrought upon the
paffons of many good and virtuous men,
and corttrouling all the vicious, that they
assembled by 8 in the morning near three
thousand, I may fay with propriety po
litical madmen. They were not Ameri
cans, but Frenchmen ; the major part of
whom knew nothing of real republican
liberty, but its name. In this concourse,
I became surrounded by many persons,
asking the ufe.of my vessel to pursue the
Count, who being too humane to shed the
blood of his fellow citizens, although urg
ed to it by his crew, should they attempt
his fl)ip, had quitted her in his barge, to
seek a retreat in Bourbon. Although I
well remember that the many lies they
propagated, made some impression upon
must be impelled by fear and discouraged by 1
despair. Yes—The impulsion of fear must be
Rreogthencd by the hand of despair. Confider
moreover your condition in the wars which are
most likely to happen . These must be either
with # France or England. If with France your
interior is ruined ; if with England the com
merce of the Atlantic States will be distressed,
.and that of the weftern country too, though not
perhaps in so great a degree.' Thus, let, the
war be with which soever of those nations it
may, one half of the United States must be pe
culiarly injured; and in all cases it will be dif
ficult for them to assist each other. The inte
rior has no seamen for naval defence, the sea
board can fend few if any troops beyond the
mountains. This powerful influence of one
-nation on one great division of ocr country,
and of another nation ,n the remainder, will
tend to disunite us. "he ridge cf mountains
will mark the line of diftinft interests. The
effe& of those differing interests will be felt in
your councils. It will be evidenced on this
floor.. Ihfomuft.be the case of long as
man is man. Looft, I pray, at those nations.
The enmity of France and England can termi
nate only by the fubjeaion of one to the do
minion of the other. It mutt be by the complete
exertion of force and the utter impofflbility of
refinance. They are the &#eand Carthage of
modern times. Their implacable spirit will
Simulate them to attempt & division™ of this
country by fentimeots, of hatred deadly as their
own —These efforts will, I hope, be vain ; but
with such powerful engines to operate bn the'
interest and the will; is tnere not dinger to tha r
union so essential to pur pYofperity ? There will
be a conftart druggie in Congress as to the kind
of public force which ought to be maintained.
The one part will desire an army, the other a
navy. The unyielding spirit of party will per
haps prevent the support of either : leaving the
nation completely defencelefs, and thereby in
crcafing thrower of those who may influence
or command our destinies. For let it be re
membered that a nation without public force is
not an independent nation In a greater or
smaller degree she will receive the law from 0-
thers. [To be continued.^\
SALEM, APRIL 4, 1803.
To the Gertlemen Eleflorj fa the Count,
:-of Essex.
HEN a to an is brought forward bv
those who have flifficientconfidence in
him to entruil their public concerns to
his management, 1 conceive it a dutv he
owes to them as well as nimfelf, t 1 bear
with patience the light fquibbings tha r
are to be looked for from his political op
ponente. But when tlie rancour of party
so far misleads men, that he, who reluc
tantly fnffers himfelf to be nominated, is
to become a victim.to the molt malicious
lies and mifreprefeutetions that can possi
bly be engendered in the human brain ;
under such circumstances it is unbecom
'"^ !" a J°" n g man not to fliew his fen
fibihty, and with spirit repel the attack
upon his honour. In defending that, he
defends those from reproach who have
brought him into notice.
It the last Reamer there appeared a
piece signed “ MAC NAMAZZA," in
which I am clearly charged with aiding
and abetting in the afTaffination of the
Count Magnamarra, by the lo rn of my
vessel, and that for this service I was re
warded with a French commission of
Lieutenancy, and was afterwards ap
pointed French Vice-Consul in this
town.
The greatest obstacles oppose at this mo
ment through the Republican territory,
the execution of the laws relative to the
Conferipts, & great numbers oftbofe who
have been called upon to join the ar mi's,
carefully conceal themfelyes, trke rein ^
in other departments, or fly entirely InM
About 20 tons of Hops were receiv
ed last week from New-York and Bre
men. ,
~ TE3. 22.
-We feel much pleasure in being able
to Rate an encreafing demand for our
linen, cotton, fluff, and flannel manu
factures on the Continent, particularly
in Spain. There were, during the last
week, large exports of East India goods
to France and Holland; as also of su
gar, coffee, tobacco, indigo, fpices,beer,
glass, &c.
— o-—. ;
Feb. 26.—The public attention i<
very intent upon the proceedings of the
Franco Spaniards at the mouths of the
Miffifippi, and the sensation they have
caused in the United States. Some
persons are of opinion that the violation
of the treaty will be declared a just and
urgent cause of war, & that troops will
be sent without delay to expel the Span
iards from New-Orleans. The enter
prise, no doubt, i$ not very difficult ;
but we confefs that in the present Rate
of American politics and fadions, we
dare not encourage any hope for any
thing so decisive. [Traveller.
0
LONDON, March 5.
According to letters from Gibraltar, of
the 3th ult. it was generally believed
there that the Donnegal, Sir R. Strachan,
which failed from that place oq the sth,
was defined with other ships on the Me
diterranean Ration to bring home the Bri
tish troops in garrison at Malta. This re
port is not entitled to much credit. The
inftrudions taken out by the Donnegal
could only be communicated to the Ad
miral on that Ration, and were certainly
unknown to the captain and Officers of
the fllip. The rumour probably derived
flrength from the (hurt flay made by the
Donnegal at Gibraltar, having arrived 011
the 4th ,iid put to sea the following day.
The Dutch Legislature in its session,
which has just terminated, has passed a
law for regulating the mode of elections.
The electors, who nominate the Repre
sentatives and superior magistrates are
chosen by the citizens, .nql a.ffembled in
large bodies,but at their own houses ; each
person inferibes hit fuffages on a card, and
those cards are afterwards collected at the.
chiefplaceof the diftrift-.where the result
of the eleftion is made known.
my mind, and that the ch o ash.
against him were such as merited an in
veftigation on the part of the exiftin:
government; although I was a ware:
friend to the French revolution, fanguine
)y hoping it would end in fomethiug like
rational liberty; yet I well remember
Rating my difficulties to the people—-th r
I could not aft in the bufiubfs, not being<
their nation, & fearing I might do wro
as it refpe&ed my own. My vessel w
not employed: they pursued in boats
and brought the Count back. The hone:
and discreet men defended him with thei
bayonets, and carried him to the munic
pality : they there tore his epaulets from
his Shoulders to fatisfy the enraged jaco
bins ; then conveyed him to the assembly;
where he was fuffered to address his op
ponents; whoin afhout pronounced hi?
pardon, and their full fatisfaftioh. After
this I dined with the Count in person, at
the Governor's in my uniform, which 1
am accused of having received as a reward
for procure r his death. I saw and con
verted with him frequently ; and he was
not assassinated till some time after I left
the illand, and then after being called 3
second time before the aflembly,and a fe
cund time acquitted. My commission was
given me for relieving a French vessel cast
on a reef near the island of Coitivi,where
I toiled with my crew for nine successive
da+send- nights, without any fee or re
ward, but^the bafett ingratitude of the
Captain. Theymiin, men of the island
were racked a: the coud^tt ot tnis man
tothat degree, as i was stored by them#
that at the time they fenr me a deputation
requeuing me to wear a Lieutenant's uni
form, and accept of an honorary corn
million, they forbad this villain to wear
a national coat.—lt was an honourable
procedure on their part, and I trust no
diferedit to my felf.
It there is any diferedit attached to me
for anting as pay-mailer, and advancing
my own money to the nufortunateFrench,
who a few years ago took refuge in our
town in such numbers, or in any other
manner ' assisting those miferaßle people,
I am willing to plead guilty to the charge;
but deny my ailing in an official capacity.
The charge of being acceffary to a mur
der, is indeed a high charge ; yet such an
one as I think it would not have been ne
cessary for me to notice, were it told on
ly among thofr who know me. I trust,
after the explanation I have given, that
the ignominy'intended for me, will fall
upon the heads of those who have made
and propagated the infamous calumny.
I art gentlemen,your ver, bumble servant,
ELIAS HASKET DERBY,
FOREIGN ARTICLES.
By an arrival at Bofion. —London papers to tbi
stb Marche
LONDON, FEB. z 3.
A report is still prevalent, that Sar
dinia is to be ceded to Great Britain.
Twelve hundred men are about to fail
immediately from Dunkirk for St. Do
mingo ; fix hundred have already fail
ed from Havre for the fame destination.
> A report of a Commercial Treaty
having been nearly fettled between this
country and France, gains ground.
; On Saturday a Dutch mail arrived,
by which it is said letters have been re
ceived, Rating that M. Schimmelpen-
NtcK, the Batavian Amba.Tador, in this
country, is negotiating a Commercial
treaty.