Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1794-03-19 00:00:00, page 2

The Vice-President ligned the enrolled
bill, entitled " an a£t making appropria
tions for the support of government, for
the year one thousand seven hundred and
ninety four/' also the enrolled " resolu
tion propofmg to the several States an a
■nendment to the constitution of the Uni
ted States, refpe<fting the judicial power,"
and the bill was delivered to the commit
tee to be laid before the President of the
United States, for his approbation.
Refolded, That the President of the
United States be rtquelled to transmit to
the executives of the several States, co
pies of the amendment proposed by Con
gress, to be added to the constitution of
the United States, refpefting thejudicial
power.
Mr. Vining reported from the commit
tee on enrolled bills, that they did this
day, lay before the President of the U
nited States, for his approbation, the bill,
entitled " an ast making appropriations for
the lupport of government for the year
one thousand seven hundred and ninety
four."
The Senate relumed tHe second reading
•f the bill " is addition to the ast for
the punifbmrnt of certain crimes against
the United States," and after progrria,
Mr. Vining reported from the commit
tee for enrolled bills, that they had ex
amined the bill, entitled " an a£l making
appropriations for the support of govern
ment, for the year one thousand seven
hund/ed and ninety four," and that it
wax duly enrolled.
" M . President—The Speaker of the
HouCc of Representatives having signed
an enrolled bill, and an enrolled rcfolu
tion, I am directed to bring them to the
Senate, for the fignatureof the Vice-Pre
fideut."—And he withdrew.
Ordered, That the Secretary desire
the concurrence of the House of Repre
sentatives in this tefolution.
A mefTage from the House of Repre
{entatives, by Mr. B eckley, their Clerk :
The Senate adjourned until 11 o'clock
to morrow morning.
A mefiage from the House of Repre
sentatives, by Mr. Beckley, their Clerk :
Ordered, That the 'further coufidera
tion thereof be podponed.
Ordered, That Mr. Burr, have leave
of absence.
On motion,
. " Mr. President—The House of Re
presentatives have parted a bill, entitled,
" an ast to provide for the defence of
certain ports and harbors in the United
States," in which they desire the con
currence of the Senate.
" They have concurred with the Se
nate, in the resolution of this day, re
queuing the President of the United
States to transmit to the refpeftive States,
copies of the " Resolution proposing to
the several States, an amendment to the
constitution of the United States, refpeft
ing the judicial power."—And he with
drew.
Sixteen enrolled copies of the last men
tioned resolution, were delivered to the
committee for enrolled bills to be laid be
fore the President of the United States for
transmission.
Mr. Vining reported from the committee
for enrolled bills, that they had accord
ingly laid the laid enrolled copies before
the President of the United States.
The Senate resumed the second reading
of the bill " in addition to the ast for the
punithment of certain crimes against the
United States."
jlnd be it further c*aßed, That it shall
not be Sawful to fell within the United
States any veflel or goods captured from
a prince or ttate or from the fubje&s or ci
tizen* of a prince or Hate with which the
United States are at peace, which veflel
or goods lhall have been captured by any
other foreign prince or state or by the fub
jc&t or citizens of such prince or state,
rnlefe fnch veflel and goods (hall have been
fitft carried iotoa pori or place within the
territory of the prince or state to which
the captors belong, but &ch veflels and
guods stall be carried out of the United
States by thole who &aU have brought
then in. And the falc of any veflel or
roods prohibited as aforefaid ftiall be ut
terly void.
kpn&d 10 the Mptiic.
Yeas as—Nays li.
The yeat asd a ays being required by
onfcfirfe of d»- Seoaton prrfcal.
To strike out the 7th feftion of the bill,
as follows:
Wednesday, March 12th, 1794.
On motion,
On motion
Those who voted in the affirmative,
are.
Messrs. Bradley, Brown Butler, Ed
wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackfua, Lang
don, Martin, MonrOc, Robinson And Tay
lor.
MefTrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth,
Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mit
chel, Morris, Potts, Strong and Vining;
The yeas and nays beieg required by
one fifth of the Senarors present,
Those who voted in the affirmative,
are
The Vice-President determined the
question in the negative.
The yeas and nays being required by
one fifth of the Senators present,
Those who votod in the affirmative,
are
" And be it further enabled, That this
ast (hall continue and be in force for and
during the term of fix months, and from
thence to the end of the next feflion of
Congress, and no longer."
It palled in the negative—Yeas 11—
Nays 13.
Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed
wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Lang
don, Martin, Monroe, Robinson, and Tay
lor.
The Vice-President determined the
question in the affirmative.
To adopt the following as an addition
al feftion to the bill, viz.
Mefirs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed
wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Mar
tin, Monroe, Robinson, and Taylor.
Messrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfwoith,
Foster, Izard, King, Langdon, Livermore,
Mitchel, Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vi
ning.
To adopt the following, as an addition
al feftion to the bill, to wit:
" And be it further enaSed, That this
ast (hall continue and be m force, for and
during the term of two years, and from
thence to end of the next feflion of Con
gress, and no longer.
To adopt this 7th feftion,
It pafled in the affirmative—Yeas 12
—Nays 12.
Meflrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth,
Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mitchel,
Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vining.
It palled in the affirmative—Yeas 17
—Nays 7.
The yeas and nays being required by
one fifth of the Senators present,
Those whose voted in the affirmative,
are
Meflrs. Bradford, Brown, Cabot, Ellf
worth, Foster, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson,
Izard, King, Livermore, Martin, Mitchel,
Morris, Potts, Srong and Vining.
Those who voted in the negative, are,
Messrs. Brai'ey, Butler, Edwards, Lang
don, Monroe, Robinson and Taylor.
The yeas and nays being required by
one fifth of the Senators pi efent.
Respectfully inform* Ms Frimd* and
the Public ic general, that he has THIS
DAY oDened a HOTEL in Shippcn-Strett, be
tween Third and Fourth-Sirens, at thr House
formerly ocafpi«d by Mr. Timmons, which
has Lately been greatly improved* and is now
commodious ; where he has turaiflied him-
Iclt with «he befl of LIQUORS, and wiil fur
a.fk a TABLE for Parties, w«h the best provi
iioat the Market* aiioi<L, at any hour, on the
Jborteft notice, from hia Wng experience in
this tine of bufinefi, he fldUrrs Jviuifclf fliall
be able to give faltcfa&ioato all who may plraXe
tofavoetoim with their company.
Meflrs. Bradford, Cabot, Ellfworth,
Foster, Izard, King, Livermore, Mitchel,
Morris, Potts, Strong, and Vining.
Those who voted in the negative, are,
Messrs. Bradley, Brown, Butler, Ed
wards, Gunn, Hawkins, Jackson, Lang
don, Martin, Monroe, Robinson and Tay
lor.
The Vice President determined the
question in the affirmative.
GIFFORD DALLY,
Formerly Keeper of the City Tavern, and
of the Merchants Coffee-Houfe of tb'u
City :—
Those who voted in the negative, are,
On motion,
Those who voted in the negative, arc
On motion,
Those who voted in the negative, are
FkiUidffaia, Jaxuus-y ss, #794.
On motion,
Those who voted in the affirmative, are,
That this bill pass to the third reading
It palled in the affirmative ;
Yeas 12 —Nays 12.
On motion,
Daily's Hotel.
(To be continued.)
Mr. S- laid that although he had been
absent during the discussion of this im
portant subjeCt, yet he could not consent
to give a silent vote, though he had not
the vanity to suppose he could give new
light; yethavingon a queftionof m gnitude
accultomed himfelf to speak as well as vote
his sentiments, he would not n(iw omit it;
he felt the propriety of apologifiug on this
occalion :—lt was said that the measure
was popular, and that the opppfition was
reprobated by the people, if so, it would
be mean and base in him to ill rink from a
participation with the gentlemen, with
whom he J>ad so long acted, with perfect
fatisfaftion to his own mind.
The question was now presented, as
doubtless it ought to be, dire&ed only to
G- B. and propofmg a- discrimination a
gainst her. The object was, to compel
that couHtry to relax the severity of h«r
commercial regulations, and to put her
intercourse with this country, on a more
favourable footing to us. That all this
was to be effected by lefTening our trade
with G. B. and diverting it to other chan
nels.
When to all this it was replied, that
the present conduct of G. B. put such re
gulations at defiance—that so far from
shewing a dread of such a iyflem, (he was
pursuing measures, which as far as in her
power, threatened our commerce with an
nihilation : that at such a time to attempt
by the proposed measures, to bend her
views to our wiihes was absurd. That at
this time, if there was a ray of hope, to
avoid the calamities of war, every mea
sure which was at the fame time irritating
and ineffectual fliould be avoided. To
these objection, it was answered, was war
inevitable, the proposition ought now to
be adopted, as a commercial system to
come into operation, at the conclusion
of the war.—Gentlemen who made this
answer, did not seem to remember that to
render it just, we mult poflefs a certain
knowledge of the events of the war :—
That the relative circumstances of the two
countries, might be mutually altcrel by
thole events, and that which might be
proper now, would be wholly improper
then.
House of Rcprefentativcr.
Friday, March 14.
Jn committee of the whole on Mr. MaJifon's
As this question was merely of a com
mercial i a ure, he had regretted to fee
political considerations intermingled in the
debate. The antipathy that was mani
fefted to cne cou.,t y, and the friendly re.
gard to another, ought not to influence
the decision, Passion (hould he banished,
and just and c'ol calculations, on the
foundation of national interest alone di
rest our determination.
It wasnot nowa question, whetherG. B.
had infli&ed political injuries on this coun
try, whether {he aided the savages of the
wildemefs, in the murder of our citizens,
whether (he had let loose upon us the more
barbarous savages of Africa, or whether
(he had committed piratical t'epredations
on our commerce—if th *fe farts were so,
and justice could not be obtained by nego
ciation, though he should deprecate war
a 6 an evil of great magnitude, yet (hould
justice be denyed us, he should then seek
redress with as much firmn.-fs he hoped as
most men. In such a warfare, he (hould
hope for vi&ory ; there was he believed
no foundation for such hope in the war
&re, contemplated by the p,opofitions be
fore the committee.
He laid it down as a maxim that the go.
Ycrnment of every country, in all its deli
berations ftiould be influenced onlv by
considerations of public good. To do
juliice to all the world, religiously to per
form its contra&s, these were to be scru
pulously obfcrved, for they were always for
the public good. A private man might
indeed, practice disinterested benevolence
to any extent, his humanity and generoli
ty might di&ate—a public man, had no
such authority. Did America he a (Iced,
owe a debt of gratitude to France, whence
derive we the authority to discharge it ?
Is such debt due, who shall calculate thi
amount? How much of the blood, of the
treafwe, of the prosperity of onr country,
will ease us of this load of obligation ! '
He said be did not wish to depreciate
the merit of France, her efforts were glori
ous to herfelf, and beneficial to this coun
[continued.]
Mr. SEDGWICK'S SPEECH
CONGRESS
resolutions.
tiy. That he might, hoover, be per.
mitted to recall the remembrance of the
committee to her conduit. He then ex*
hibited a view of that conduit, front
which he concluded that every thing
which was done, had its foundation in a
cool and temperate calculation of national
benefit. That this indeed, was the only
legitimate motive to national measures.
That other countries could always calcu
late their measures upon national interest,
and he ftneerely hoped the government of
this conntry would do the fame. "To
do otherwise" laid he, " is quixotism—it
it is crusading for the salvation of otherß,
and not ourselves." He hoped therefore,:
that no part of our assent to the propositi
on immediately under coniideration, would
be expected either from gratitude on the
one hand or refeutment on the other,
He said he should proceed to consider
whether it was for the interett of Ame
rica, that this proposition (hould be a
dopted. The objects are to leflen credit,
to controul commerce by diverting it frcm
its ancient channels, to encourage naviga
tion and manufa&ures ; and the motive
was that Great Britain poflefled a greater
portion of our trade than (lie was entitled
to from her disposition and ccndudt to-
wards us,
He could not help premising that the
featuies of the system were strongly mark
ed with a disposition to controul men in.
the economy of private life and the ma
nagement of their fortunes—why else not
permit them to extend their credit when
in their opinion it may be ufeful to them ?
Such measures, for such purpose could on
ly be juitified on a pretence that ourcoun-.
trymen were deficient either in wisdom or
in prudence—-A pretence which if not
insolent, always had, and always would
be found mischievous, because the great
bulk of every community were more com
petent to the management of their own
private concerns than the government wo'd
pretend to be.
The whole fyftcm is dire&ed toward!
Great Britain, and the obje<3 is declared
ly coertion. The confluences molt be
either, I it, that Great Britain would sub
mit; 2d, that (he would withdraw her ca
pital and relinquish a commercial connexi
on with us; or 3d, that flie would coun
teradl our regulations by legislative pro
vilions.
Suppose Great Britain should be com
pelled to fubmiflion, it would not be ima
gined (lie would do it immediately ; and in
the mean we mud fuller much distress. It
was true, he said, we had many other
commercial connexions, but in these we
did almost the whole of the carrying
none of the nations to whom we are thu»
allied having any considerable (hipping to
spare for cur purposes ; nor was there any
probability that they would immediately,
if at all, furni(h us with any considerable
supply. We mud therefore depend on
ourselves. In a country circumstanced at
this was, it was to be expected there would
always be a deficiency of commercial ca
pital ; because there were so many objeflt
to which capital could be profitably ap
plied. The object of the resolution under
confederation, was to divert capital from
branches in which it was at present gain
fully employed to others. The branch
wus at prefant overftccked; yet a diversi
on mull take place, for (hips must be built
or our produce % could rot go to market,
but must perish on our hands. Manufac
tures, too, must be eftablilhed, or our Ci
tizens could not be supplied with the ne
cessaries and conveniences for which they
now depended on other countries; and
they mull do without them until our na
vigation is fufficiently encreaftd. What
effects, he alked, were to be produced by
a direrfion, and tfat immediately, of one
half of our commerce from its ancient and
natural channels ? Was there nothing to
be feared for the preferrotion of the pub
lic credit, wh:ch this commerce was to
lupport ? Nothing for the prosperity and
happiness of oar country >
But what be (aid, appeared atmo& far.
fical to him us this (yiUxa wat, it w» m*
intended to fee prrmaumt. Gcr.tlrr.Kn
said, Great IVitain »cuW not &n»d the
iTiock—(he naojt (übmk; tfcerwy fcberrf,
then, wsti to de
whom we were to
When our wrcfcnk *s4 «wr bsskki
fafturei -efUfcliflaod, Grew Boßkw *s>de{
give over tJ« tWßteft. Tfce* 6*r
might be laid up «* «sr do«kit> Md isstr
manufafhiiiftg capites rejh&d m thofs
branches from »+.tci k wxts m to br. i»V
fiantly withdraw*; fwrtttfefistHatc-Mu',.y