The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1779-05-19 00:00:00, page 2

Mr. Pulteney spoke very long, not in direct reply
nor opposition, but to make proportions of his own,
asserting, it would be better for every man to make
a declaration of bis property upon oath, and to pay
15 shillings for every 1001. than to adopt the ruinous
methods of loans, and such taxes to pay the interest.
He quoted his own pamphlet, and Smith on the
wealth of nations, whom he extolled above all the
writers of the present age.
Mr. Burke could not by any means allow of Mr.
Pulteney's reasoning. He made 110 material objec
tions to the taxes ; but thought travellers Should pay
so much per mile. Upon this hint, Lord North
made an alteration in his motion refpeding this tax.
It now Hands at one penny per mile, for every pair
of horses travelling poll in a chaise ; and all inn
keepers and others to have licences for letting horses,
and to pay five Shillings a year for such licences.
They are to have stamps for every stage printed, from
the Stamp Office, exprefling the number of miles,
and the money collected ; they are to give them to
travellers, who are to deliver them at the turnpike
gates, as a voucher of having paid the money.
Lord North arose and put his propositions, except
ing porter, candles, soap and leather, from the ge
neral tax, which were severally agreed to without a
division.
Further particulars from Lord North's speech.
He said, that though the war should becontinued,
we should still have the means of carrying it on with
vigour, and be enabled to procure as much as we
might quant. If the terms of the loan were hard,
Qur credit was good, and in high reputation ; and
though it might not be thought necessary or proper
in the future prosecution of it to continue borrowing
and funding, means might be devised for railing the
necessary supplies within the year. Such a plan, he
was fatisfied, would be productive of many benefits,
nay, lingular advantages. It would tend to raise
the value of the funds already in being ; it would
rouse the people at large to the molt vigorous exer
tions; it would fully restore public credit. He did
not pretend to determine exactly, whether such a
plan was, or was not practicable. He thought there
was nothing very difficult in it, if there was a full
confidence in government, accompanied with an ap
probation of their measures. He allowed, if confi
dence was wanting ; if a diversity of opinions pre
vailed in that House, and among the people at large,
that such a disposition would tend to throw almost
insurmountable difficulties in the way. But he hoped
that would not be the case ; he hoped that the nation
in general retained a proper sense of their own in
juries, and of the perfidious conduct of France ; and
that as America was the original cause of all our
calamities, the people fee the necessity of prosecuting
the war to an issue ; and that, considering France
and America as one enemy, an union would take
place, fufficient to inspire us with the molt vigorous
and fuccefsful exertions.
He said that he knew further, that Mr. Neckar did
not approve of the present war, because of the real
state of the finances ; and so far from their credit
being high in other countries, they could not procure
a loan in Holland on the terms proposed by them,
but were obliged to go without it. A great deal
had been said of their turning their whole attention
to their marine, and neglecting their military efta
blilhments. It might be true, but he could hardly
believe it. Their situation was such as required a
very great military force ; the genius and inclination
of the nation led that way ; and he never could be
persuaded, until the event proved it, that France
meant to rival us as a maritime power. Such an
attempt would be unnatural, when the genius of the
people was considered ; it would be impracticable,
when her situation and views on the continent were
taken into the account.
His Lordship fat down, after being up two hours
and forty minutes.
Mr. Collins,
By publfbing the following remarks in your next
paper, you quill oblige some of your readers.
1 Believe there never was a country that had a greater
plenitude of politicians, than America. The po
litical writings, which are almost every day exhibited,
afford no contemptible proof of this observation.
In the publications, that have already appeared, the
common misfortunes of this period have been so re
peatedly delineated, and our errors described under
so many varying colours, that I am not willing to
exaggerate those diferiptions. There are however
some points which have escaped their notice, merely
as I suppose, because they arc of so obvious a nature
as not to merit the attention of such refined States
men. Many of the defcanters on the evils of the
age, have according to their favourite prejudices, or
prevailing interests, fixed the causes of our calamities
on particular classes of men, in conspicuous flations.
Against such men, have they levelled charges of guilt
without mercy or ditlinCtion ; and dealt out censures,
in so indiferiminate a manner, as was more calculated
to mark their ill-nature, than to correct the evils they
complai^of. lam persuaded, it will be found, upon
a fair enquiry, that our difficulties and distresses,
have a higher origin than is generally imagined.
Many of our difficulties arise from necessity,
and are inseparable from our circumstances ; and
though they produce inconveniencies to numbers,they
argue fault in none. Few men can separate the idea
of mistune from error; and when we feel the
former, we are apt toimpute it to the latter. Weak
and wicked minds had much rather seek for objects,
to arraign as the authors of their miseries, than to
support themselves patiently under unavoidable mil
fortunes. This observation is clearly verified in the
numerous opinions and complaints concerning the
reasons of the depreciation of our currency. Writers
on this fubjeCt, instead of reasoning from causes to
effects, have argued from effects to causes. Indeed
the causes of this unhappy evil have at one time or
other, been attributed to almost every profetlion of
men, inftcad of being imputed to its true cause, the
great influx of money.
Those, who are so fond of infinuatirg themselves
into the etteem of their countrymen, by whining
over the degeneracy of the times, and taxing admi
nistration with a want of ceconomy, and abuse of
power, over-shoot their mark, and in their zeal, prove
much more than they and their admirers either ex
pert or delire. For it is a maxim in politics, that
the complexion and conduct of the Magittrates
of a state, furnifh a very just portrait of the people
whom they govern. This is peculiarly true in free
governments; and therefore, if there is a general
error, it argues a general corruption. The people
commonly elett thole for their rulers, whose princi
ples and manners are molt likely to coincide with
their own. It furprizes me, that the present admi
niltration are fuffered to govern ; or that the execu
tive officers aCting under them, receive their coun
tenance and support, if either are wanting in abilities
or integrity. Nonation ever existed, that, considered
as a people, were more fenlible and virtuous than the
inhabitants of America; but their jealousies being
perpetually on the hinge, they are easily seduced by
popular declaimcrs.
One principal fubjeft of complaint seems to be
the system that regulate the great ftaff departments.
It is not my intention to defend or to combat this
proposition ; but I Sincerely lament, that those who
have already warned us of this mifehief, have not
also prescribed a remedy. To discover and expose
errors, is a talk which little minds can accomplish.—
To point out an effectual redress for disorders, and
lay the foundation of a delivery from these difficul
ties, Shews the man of wisdom and goodness of heart.
Without repeating former complaints, or adding any
new ones, I will take up the Subject where it has
been dropt, and propose a plan to regulate those de
partments, which I think is preferable to the present
establishment, and submit the policy and ufefulnefs
of this arrangement to the consideration of my
readers.
I propose, that the Supreme Council ofthe United
States, Should appoint officers to preside over the
ftaff departments, who Should be respectively con
ftraihed to do the duties of those offices, on such
terms as may be deemed proper —That those prin
cipals should be invested with power to constitute as
many deputies as the exigencies of the service may
require, who also Should be compelled to serve on
fixed Salaries —that the deputies should be severally
authorized to employ as many agents as are fufficient
to execute the various branches of their employ
ments, who likewise Should be obliged to aft for cer
tain wages —that the heads of the departments Should
be empowered to appoint three commiirioners in
each state, on continental expence, who Should fix
and regulate the prices of all articles wanted for
public purposes, and estimate the value of transpor
tation, labour, and the like ; and that each refpeCtive
state should confirm those appointments, and give
the Sanction of law to all their determinations. The
prices and value of things being thus estimated, and
eftablilhed by Legislative authority, the people Should
be bound to the most rigorous compliance with those
regulations.
Should this plan be adopted, I could hope to fee
the most extenlive good consequences result from it.
The present enormous expences of the ftaff depart
ments would be contrasted, further emissions of
money rendered unnecessary, and the current ex
pences reduced to the power and abilities of the
States. Such happy consequences flowing from this
system, we may have an opportunity of knowing by
its being approved or rejected, whether there is that
virtue in the people in general, which we hope and
expeCt there is ; or whether the present evils which
we are experiencing, are to be charged to the parti
cular clafles of men to whom they have been ascribed.
If it is practicable in politics, as i think it is, to com
pel men to afford their Services and commodities for
public use, at certain rates ascertained by authority,
the people may then have the benefit of applying this
principle to their particular circumstances; and by
their own experience, know its propriety and ad
vantage. An OECONOMIST.
/New-ferfe,, May 15th, 1779.
BOST O N, May 7.
With pleasure we can inform the public, that the
prize Ship taken by the Tyrannicide, commanded
by the brave Capt. Hallet, (as mentioned in our last)
the most important, is arrived in a fafc port. She
has a highly valuable cargo, and well aborted. A
mong other things, She has brought us it is said 800
barrels of wet provisions; 200 barrels of flour, a
large quantity of bacon, tongues, peas, butter, &c.
and a quantity of dry goods, we hope the other prize,
from the Weft-Indies, will soon arrive, and make
the assortment, and the reward of the brave captors
still more compleat.
Last Tuesday arrived Captain Clarke, in a brig, i^
17 days from Cape Francois. Capt Clarke left the
Cape in company with a fleet of 17 fail, under con
voy of the Minerva, formerly in the Britilh service,
but taken by the French. The convoy left the fleet
three days after they came out. Capt. Clarke was
chafed by three of the enemy's privateers, lour days
successively before he got in.
The day before the above fleet left the Cape, a
letter of marque Ship, of 26 guns, captured by a
French frigate, was sent in there. She was from
London, bound to Jamaica, and supposed to have a
very rich cargo on board, as an offer of 72,000!.
Sterling was made by the Captain for her raiifom,
which was refufed.
Our naval successes have lately come in a elufter,
and a rich one it is. Since our last returned to Salem
a-letter of marque brig, Capt. Obier, and brought
with her a prize brigantine which file captured a few
days after leaving Salem. The prize is a very valu
able one, having on board among many other articles,
200 puncheons of rum, 500 barrels of flourand bread,
a large quantity of beef, loaf sugar, &c. and several
thousand pair of shoes. She came out, it is said,
with a fleet of 30 fail, from Glasgow, bound to
New-York.
NEW-LONDO N, May 5.
A letter from Teneriff, to a gentleman in this
town, dated March 4th, fays, " The French have
taken Senegal.—There is at Cadiz 37 Spanilh ships
of the line, ready manned for the sea, and 18 more
at Ferrol. There has been a hundred and odd fail of
English merchantmen with their convoy, all loft on
the coast of France, in a gale of wind."
FISH- KIL L, May 13.
The end of last and the beginning of this week,
thirty of the noted Clove gang of villains were taken
up and properly secured. One of them was killed,
and another badly wounded : They made some ufe
ful difeoveries. Some of their stolen goods are found.
We learn that fifteen of the fame kind of fellows,
friends to order and government, as they are termed
in New-York, are taken up at the Nine-Partners, in
order to make them yet more orderly and friendly to
government.
CHARLES-TO WN, (South-Carolina) April 7.
Extract of a letter from Camp, dated April 4.
" General Williamson having ordered a detach
ment of horse under the command of Lieut. Col Ely
Kerfhaw, acting in conjunction with Col. Twig's of
Georgia (in all about 200 men) to cross Savannah
river at Beach island, in order to facilitate the opera
tions of Cols. Hammond and Pickens in the upper
parts of that state; he crossed the river accordingly,
but not without being discovered by some perlons
who gave notice thereof to the enemy: Lieut. Col.
Prevoft ordered Major Spurgen of the Carolina loy
alists, with Major Sharp of the Georgia militia, to at
tack our detachment. On the 31st of March, at 8
o'clock in the evening, the parties met, the woods
being very open and the moon shining bright, the
enemy, amounting to about 20c, attacked our peo
ple, arid to it they went. The engagement lasted %
hours, when the enemy gave way, leaving Spurgen
and several others dead on the field. Our party pur
sued them two miles, and till they were within seven
of the enemy's main body, and after destroying
a stockade fort which the enemy had occupied,' re
turned with Sharp, mortally wounded, and several
other prisoners. Sharp is since dead. Our party
sustained no other lots than three men wounded, none
dangerously." If all our militia will only imitate
these, how soon might we remove the enemy from
our Sifter State, and prevent a deluge of blood, by
the British king's Indian allies!
A letter from one of the American Commissioners
at the Court of France, dated Bth of December last,
fays, the design of the enemy, the ensuing campaign
in America, is to lay watte all they can on the fca
coafts, and to harrafs the frontiers ofevery state, with
detachments from their troops in Canada and Flori
da, in conjunction with all the tories and Indians
they can collect.
PHILADELPHIA, May 12.
Last night the brig Convention, Capt Allen, ar
rived here in three weeks from Martinico, by whom,
we learn, that the French and English fleets were still
in harbour, watching each other's motions; that &
cartel is fettled with Admiral Byron for the exchange
of American prisoners, five of whom came passen
gers with him ; that great sickness prevails on board
the English fleet at St. Lucia; and that the day be
fore he failed a 50 gun ship and twelve fail of trans
ports arrived at Martinico from Old France, being
part of a fleet of 50 fail of transports, under convoy
of five men of war, which they parted with at fca,
bound to that place.
Extract of a letter from Fort Pitt, dated April 20.
" We have certain accounts here of a woman on.
Cheat River killing one Indian, wounding another
with a broad ax, and making her escape. On my
way over the Laurel Hill, I heard of Mr. Sampson's
son being taken by the Indians at his plantation, and
another man and woman of that neighbourhood.
About the 9th a party of four men were sent express
from this post for Hannah's Town, and every one
found dead and scalped about 15 miles from this 01)
the great road.—l3th, David Morgan, of Mononga-