The New Hampshire gazette — Portsmouth [N.H.], 1810-02-27 00:00:00, page 5

Portfinouth, Febfuary 27, 1810.
P : , : |
« SPIRIT OF ’76.”
From the Albany Regyhr“,
Mr. Sammons Speech ;
la laywag before my readers the’ followi leiter,
which I have reecived from a friend at Wa(h‘ﬂlhl’on, I
fannot but congratulate the connty: of Montgomery,
on the-poffeflion of a representative like Mr. Sammons.
Mr S was a soldier of *76—and, with his brother, was
a prisoner with thic Britith in Canada—=where they fuf
ered every thing short of death. The calves of his broth
er’s legs werc almost rotted off in consequence of the
crucl treatment he eceived at the hands of theenemy.
~& Nothing therefore is more natural than for Mr Sam.-
moas té be roused into an uncommon degree of wiemth
aad indigaation to behold Gardeaier the son of 3’
Briiifh adherent in the revolution, occupying the foor
of Congress for Gz hours in defence of che profligate
. and abmdonczl condu&of tl_)_c 'Britij}\ goverpmeat, and
their profligate and abandoded miffionaty, Mr. Copea
hagen Jacklon. , "
L YWasmiN@TON, 14;;_}“4*“‘.‘“
The queition o V- Gies’ resolutions - was Qecided
at & s'¢lock this mording; after ‘2 fisin; of 19 Boursea
ayes 72—nays 41 AN
Mr. Gacdenier, in a fpeechof about 6 hours,juftified
Jackson and the Britith mi iftey, and, if pofitole, abaled
cur. government warfe than be had ever doak before.
Every poflidle mean was attempted 19 get rid of the
‘cefolution ; firft by indefinite poltronements to remote.
"day;. “These fatling.a motion was miade to amerdd so as
t 0 make them less uopleafant to federal taste. But the
Fepalicans wonld notbe dupedieThey were determined,
% f-deral obitinaey at Jaft vielded & the vote was taken.
ﬁut not umi!__ghgfpijgit of’76broke forth upon them from
a;qn'v‘tg;gifrod:i which they did not expet ittotheir great
surprise and alarm —Our friecnd Sammons was.rouf
£d by the infiauations against our government, and the
attempts to exculpate Gueat Britain and Jacklon, and,
as if touched with a coalfrom the altar of Patrintifm,
barft forth in a torrent of natural elo§stice which for
half an hour carried all'before it. He commanded the
grea;cft atténtion Lever witaeffed in {o large an affem-
Biy. Afteathe lengthy, un-onnc®ed, weak and deful
rory fpccch of Ga:denier, made only to fee how Jong
e could Reep the floor-the pointed, pithy, speech of
§ammons was a fealt (o the foul. The federalilts were
chagrined, and although they voted against the resolu
tions, appeared coftfclogs that they diftarbed the ghofls
of those who fell-in the esufe of our indepcadcnce.
Fhere are A féw réevointionary men amoag the federalifts
swho, haye been so long attached to party as not be to
’abtc«qnq,rabgy as.they fuppole. to disengage themfclves
Sior By « cngaging their paflions, have created a ma
gernal af-&ion which forcesthem co lovethe cause for
whieh they faffer.”—=Buta mamber of them are THEIR
PATHERS’ OWN QEIRDREN.. - ;
Mr Samdons’ {peech yoli will pronounce excellent
~Dbe afured, . cpotidering all.the circamftances and
mahaer of delivery, you will lose much of the pleasure
those who heard it enjoyed ~ Nothing ccald be more
‘mortifying to the Jackfonians, than the spirited attack
from our Monigomery farmer and patriot. Mr Sam
moas has always beena modcrateé man in politics, and
he stated in his (peech that he had never been a party
man, but always ac‘.'teq independently—he has iadecd
often voted with the federalilts in Congrels But whed
the hongr. and rightsof hi comatry arc aflailed, he will
e the last man to desert her (tandard. Britith parti
2ais can never trinmiph over the geawine principles of
226, while there is one of theold Patriots 'cft to explain
those principles by such natural ¢loquence. It came
from the heart and reached the heart. It wasa perfelt
example of thie advadtige which & mad, warmed and
slled with the importance of his fubjed. pours forth
like an impétgons torrent. dver the stupid, vapid, life
-lofs pleading of the educated lawyer, {peaking in the
caule of a foreign mipifter and against his owa cciatry.
- M. S AMMONS —1 rife with {fome difft ‘ence
o {peak ; but the course this debate has taken,
makes it my indispensable dity to my constitu
ents, to give my opinion. A member from N.
York { Mr. Gardenier)has appealed to the mem
bers from that Rate in particular, how they
_coald re‘_‘éb‘ni"‘:’ilgi,.tt_o their friends, relatives and
nengt)’ber'c, it they vote: for thole resolutions now
“under considerations; and invited 2 difctffion. —
Although, I have ndt been in the habit of speak
‘ing in public, being called on in this public man
ners 1 shall proceed to give the reasons on which
‘my opinion is made up. When that is dong, I
shall inform my colleague who my friends, rela
~tives, and neighbors were in the revolution. —
This I will not do to, gratify the genileman
from New. York ;: but such of my conßituents
_as may read his speeches and other speeches for
‘three weeks palk of two or three hours at a tirfe,
Jeafk they should thick T had made up my opin
“foa on theirs. No, Mr. Speaker, not on their
opinion nor their lengthy speeches, but on some- -
thing more substantial, on the documents of the 1
correfponidence between our government and
~G-eat Britain, communicated to this hiss By"i
_th - President—on this informationalone I judge. -
The correspondence is plain ; it speaks for itfelf
_—=every citizea can read and judge for him(:lf, l
and will be more likely to form a corre& opin. 1
ion, thg-n.frqm the molt eloquent speeches de
livered ia this hou’e. It ‘would therefore be fu. ‘
pariluous to maks much explanation. Sir, 1«‘
I.an‘g;obate thescondu of the President in the 1
difuiflal of Mr." Jackson, irasmuch as a most
_violent and outrageous insult was offered to the
h:aor and dignity of the nation by Mr. Jackson.
“Waat, fir ! shall we let the president stand a.
tone? No: he stands as President of the United
~ States, and in that capacity he isto peiform the
executive duty, agreeably to the conflitution &
laws of our government, and as such the nation
’ ou?ht to support him. I hope the time has not
~arrived when a foreign minister with insolence
shall charge the executive with a falfehood. — -
“That was the true meaning of his language—
“and when he was requelled to desist hie againin.
"fifted on it as'a matter of fat. 1f the President
“had peceived any further commuuication he
would for ever have loft my confidence, and I
" believe that of the nation. 1 will support the
exccitive in every jult and lawful 28 to proted
% S Loy and independence of our
“federal republican government, &t piclont 2
-representative, and at any time as a militia man,
g@ BRGAIDE ANy W%‘%
R . & “fmﬁs
~our liberty, which has been uc ” ﬁ'g
SUPPLEMENT TO THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GAZ:TTE,
blood of thousands of our fellow.citizens in the
l Ouz bulinefs here, is to Took to curfiives and
_revolution. < St B s #is :
out interest ; to prote@,not to destroy it.§ We hear
much talk about the great Napejeon and the
fuceels of the French.- Our business with them
in reality, extends no farther than to maintain
-our national rights 2zainl their engroachments,
and whenever that fubje& fhali be a&ted on, 1
thall a& on the fame principle as I do in relation
to England ; let us do one thing iR, ot else I
fear we shall do worse thaa nothing. 1s it our
bufiniels, or can we dire&@ the French in cheir re
lations with other nations ? The great Napoleon,
as he has often been termed in this house, is ir
the power of the God of armies, as an ax or
hammerin the lnad of a workman, Thus far
& no fartheith+il be go. Since his numerous ar
mies failed on the isl :dd of St Domingo I have
thonzht that he was not d=Rined for congueft in
thi: quarter of the world, if fach an attempt -
should be-ma¥e Wehtar much of our weak
nefs,and it is infinunated that this country would
become an easy prey to France. If we confider
the distance between the two countries, we (hill i
be convinced France could not carty on a war 1
with profpe& of success. Bat, fay gentlemen,
the English navy Rands a bar in the way be 1
tween s and France. Ifay, if we give up our
nationai rights and independence to this bar,
(the Englith navy,) we have nothing worth cca
tcnding%orn If we contend for liberty & give
it up to England, France could not take from
us what we did dot pofl.fs.
As this resolution is a matter of diff:rence be
tween this government and England, I thall
confine myfeif more to that fubje& We hear
repeaced again and again in debate, the great
power of the Britith navy ; and much said of
our inability to oppose them. I differ in opinion |
with gentlemen on this point. I confider the
British to be in « mos rerrible situation. It has |
been the opinion of political writers. that Eng
land could not long fapport her f. vernment |
without aliles again her powerful enemies.— |
She is nearly if not altogether exciuded from
ber Earopean allies. I believe her foreign miz.
ilters have nearly all requrnes home except this |
Jackson, and I with in my heart he was out of |
our juri{di@ion ; he does no gcod here, but-may
do much harm. This great nation with her
nivy, has got enough to do at homie to block
ade her enemies’ ports—let her withdraw the
remnant of her armies from Holiani, Spuin &
Portugal, and watch a moR inveterate encmy
which would take th= frft opportunity o at
tack her at home. These remarks on the fiua- }
tion of England have been extorted trom me a.
gainlt my with; we have nothing to do with the
affairs of other nations except where they inter
fere with us. Let us talk piain—l fay gentle
mén in opposition have advocated the cuie of
Englahd and degraded their own governmert.
The geatlemin fronr New Yerk has fuid that
England did not encréach on the lights and in
dependence of the Urited States, or wor-s to
that effc@. 1 had taken it down, but 1 have loft
ny foteés=it is no maiter ; I have the fubßance
in my head. Again, he fuys, you are going to,
pass cenlure on the minister of a great and pow
erful nation 1 But, fir, what do:s he mean when
he fays, when f{hall England and we come to
gether again ! Does he mean uader the old co- .
lonial government? [Mr. Girdenier withed td :
explain.—Mr. Sammons infited or the rules of
the house, and was permitted to goon ] Ssall -
a young lawyer, said he, who spoke or Jetained :
thé house about eight hodrs, knows nuthing a
bout the revoiution, by which cur liberties were
acquired, and not miuch abeh: many things he
may fay io this houle, embarrals the proceedings
of congtefs by fpeiking of forms; punétilios and
many other terms he may colleQ from his law
books ? Etiquztie is of no consequence to the
pation, fir—l wish to 2a& on the principle of the
matter, not the form—the fubltance, not the
shadow. lam sent here by freemen who expedt
to be heard; and I will speak as a freeman. 1
conceive the two nations have never been to
gether since the declaration éf indepéndence.—
Are not the Englith warring on %15 by plunder
ing dur property on the high seas, and imprefl
ing our_feamen ? Must the Britith orders in
“council through their courts of a-miraley, be
binding on ds in ail c_al“es in our lawful com'merce
with other hations 2 It is not thtee yearsfince
that Thaaiefu) a& committed on the frigate Chef:
apeaké; where the Americans receivéd 4 deep
wound, their load was split ifi a cowardly man.
ner ; when they expe@ed they had met with
friends, they had their matches burning. This
fhameful a&; said the Britifk governmedt, was
not authorifed ; although don¢ by the immediate
‘command of one of their admirals (Berkley)—
that the government wonld make suitable répa- |
ration. Mark rhe refiilt—the prisoners taken |
weré forced into their service and thére retained, |
-and the Britith miniter who madée @n atrange
ment on terms. acéepted by our government, |
they fay, was unatithorifed ; and so fay the op- ;
-position to this refclution. In the dilmiflal of
M. Jickfon the president did an honorable aB, |
and I believe every one who confidess it impar
tially by common sense & the independent rights
of the nation, will fay fo.—ln the arrdngement
with Mr, Erskine the prefizent comimitred a
fault : It was to put tco much faithi in either
the government or its cteatire the minister, of
inboth. - I forgive him, because he a@ed the
“honelt part ;he howeser was not c¢autiouns e
‘nough for deception. ¥ Our govﬁ%&,@% have
always adted on the principles of juftiee & right
with Enf;nﬂmd all other forcign govern- .
ments, whilf they only iried to embarrass jof.
mmﬁw&?ﬁﬁ i
“gociating ;it seems to be an opinion of some .
genvlemen thag foreign munidets muR bave in-
| Rru@ions for every a&t they do, and {how them.
‘V-I)ocs; Dot veafon teach us otherwise ? It might
then as well come dire® from that government
to-ours, * thef: are our terms”—there would
| be nonegociating. Is there any gentleman, who
with a moment’s refle@ion, will believe that the
Britith minilter at Copenhagen showed to the
Danish government his inftra&ions, and the in.
tention i his gavetnment to surprise them, the’
i perfe& peace ? Do not we know that the Brit
_ifh diplomacy is a very matetial part or branch
- of their government, by which they have had it
~in therr power to do more mifchicf and bring
- more confufion and destruction on other govern.
- ments, than all their fleets and armies could ac. |
complith, wh=n, if they had told the truih where
they were received at foreign governments, they
could have done very listle mifchiet ? s it not
stated in the Annyal Register asa f:&, that thé
people in Veddee; départment of France, receiv
"ed fapplies of powder and muney from England, 1
by which a molt bloody civil war was carried
on ¥ith the then republic of France? Would
that and similar 2&ts have haltened the downfall
of the F'rench republic, and eftablii’ &' a mon. i
archy iin its Qead, were not Britith ciplemacy
employed in aloft évery ot of Eurcpe. 1
ask if they Bave brought peace where they have
been fecetved of late years ? Have we any rea.
son ta believe that they would 2& more favora
bly tawards us than other natioms, if they conld
divideus, or if we were weak enough toconfide
in thelt fidelity ? Since we have the examples of
other divided nations beforr us, let us unite un
der th governtnent of our choice, take into con
sideration the real situation of our country with
a full fetermination pot to yield our national
tights! Eogland will soon give up her contemp.
tuous |\olicy towards us—France will be com
peile? o refpe@ us as a notion. ‘
~ Thelgentieman from New York, speaks fre
queatly of Walhington—there is no man holds
W fhiagton’s name in higher veneration than I
do, and never fuffered any censure on his char
atter to p:{s before me in silence ; but, as much
as I refpe@ his fame, my national liberty and ia
dependence I confider of inuch moreimportance.
I have seen Wathington—he appeared to be
bt a man ; of his goad qualities no one doubts
i-he is nolmote. Afier his death, he left us a
legacy —he left us a free people, an indepen
dent natiod, which I for my part am determin.
ed to support, and those who will not, thould not .
tatk about Washington’s principles for a cover
of deceprion. ‘At all events, fays the gentleman,
we thould avoid a war; for we dou’t know if we 1
could get another Walhington. Sir, we the
people in general, knew litile or nothing about -
Wathingron's name when the z6ubles with Engs
land firt began, ldave weno manto rely on?
Is there not one of the old revolutionary charac
ters appointed to a high station in (ke miliary
eftsblithment—-the defender of firt Stanwix or |
Schuyler, 2 man of genine patriotism and un
doubted confidence ? i Twier ey
I must again enjoin the duty of the nation on
this house. To congress the people look for pro
teGion—let us not dilfappoint them—let ds not
eat the people’s bredd and five in Juxtry on their |
money. L=t us do “ne thing firft—that is my
way as & farmer and I fee it applies o this bufi- ]
nefs also. There is no man more for peace thas |
I am ; but is there any other way to obtain it ;
than/to be prepared for war, with a profpe to
carry it on, Gnited and determined as Ameri
cans ? Upon no other single point will G. Britain
do ug justice. The times call for enegy—a mid
dle cou:fe will no lénger do. I fay, with others,
if this resolution was not before us I would be
faiisfied for the preient to go on with other ne
ceflary business. But we are alting onit. Shxil
we ther teil the nation and ‘the world that we |
are divided from the executive. The Prefilent |
‘has s&ed, atd cannot retra@ without disgrace ;
to himfelf and his country. In the summer’s |
{:fion » gréat deal was done—Yes, fir—we then |
tnited like Honest men ; things went smoothly ;
every party was eager to be foremoft to a& for |
the general intere®. My hcart rejoiced to fee {
the libetality of fourthern gentlemen voting for
generoug appropriations : there was nothing ap- |
peared tor felfith views § a great deal of jealou- |
fy appeared to be done away. Every gentle.
man- { conversed with, tho’ of different politics,
{uid the president does well; males no diffcrence
in noiuinating to office, and is not a party man, ;
but will a& for the good of all. I hope I shall
not come too closely on motives of any party. |
Tle people were so taken in with the opeuning of
trade, that no party could have got a party. of
the people. I approbate the conduct of the pre- '
fident; 10 as much as he has not once charged
the Britith government with the a& of their
minister, Jackson. = They may make peace, if
‘they are willing io come to terins of justice.—
The olive branch is Held out to them. What
chofce Wwill they make ? I belicve a bad choice. !
Lvery single a& of that government feeins to be |
to embarrals other nations, but turns out more
rivinous to themselves. Will she then provoke
us to a war by contintial encroachmeénis on otr
nationa! rights, with unabating contempt, the
sooner to hasten her own destruction ? We have |
nothifg else to expe@, uplefs, indeed, England -
finds us prepared for war, ready tb a&, and ce.
termined to defend our tights. If the spirit of -
‘the nation wds awakendd IthMZMhéy- would
hesitate. Itis in vain to ask for favars—but,tell
that government, yeu mutt do us joftice ;if nor,
m\v%ﬂ’nplonger submit. Tls not their condu&®
@ mire mockey of it} Do on Jackson k
') st wditels gud et pose
fals. Whe can doubit him ¢ Fle bad 10 otber
‘abjed but 1o entangle and embarrass, Without
dircions to make a treaty; till theyTarther saw
Pl i s *W
- . f x ‘*""T'gudr'ﬂ
I more time be lofl urneceflarily, h e
nation, and pass this refolmion. Wi :
Dhall now give a ' {hort atcount who my
l fncm?s, relatives and Deighbors were in the re
volution. They were a kind of people at thag
' time called Whigs—gear tham was anotheg
| ]{\:?d oI people called Toties. * That gentleman
| \u.frdc:.mer) now disagrees with me in opinion §
' at loe time to which 1 allude his father also dis.
fercd. with me ; | bglonged .to the whigs ; ke,
to the tory party : Ke told his neighbors, that
they ought not to resist Great Britain § she was
| aII ‘Powerhﬂgan‘d would cruth them ; but we
dld_not believe him—we 24 resist ; in doing
| V‘j’thh, this arm was thattered, (bolding cur his.
Tight arm) asd, (o refit her again, 1 am ready
to use thc. o-th‘ef. I- have been paiticttad: 16
make a dilin®ion of two kigds of peopie, bey.
cauie they differed in principle. Tt ¥0 happens
£d that the whigs talked bt Jiberifoma itma:
berof tiem collefted to raise. a libersy pole.
Co.. Johnson, then superintendent of Indjan af
fuirs, a very lucrative office, fir John Johnfom,
and many others of their conne&ion, attended
at the place in order to embarrass and stop the
progress of fiberty. The whigs that were col
le@ed were fatmers, and could not argue with
theie great men, but were determined to take
palt With their own countiry, not a foreign gov
ern™ent. Col. Johnson addressed the Mmeetingy.
s requeﬁgd orzather commandzd "t'herg to
defit and give up their visionary proje@s. This
did not fatisfy the whigs, and; “as the spirit of
liverty ipurred them on, they ‘could no longér
remaid silent—One of them made some reply on
the right of the Americans to oppose certain
2&s and impositions of the Britiffy goverument.
Col. Johnson continued his difconrfe. What,
{ays he, would they dare to go to war with so
great and powerful a nation as England ? They
have no Bavy, and are in po situation to build'
two ships Of the line.—A few regiment§ of re.
gulars, with the faithfol fubje@s (weaning ha
toties) will march through any part of the col
cnies —YOUr seaports wiil pe totally defiroyed,
and we will fend the Indians and Cifadizn®
on your back. It will {uon be over with you,
%nd your r‘ggbd lcaders will be bangtd. ; The’y
did not speak of a war with England as terrible
as we now hearit spoken of, nor did they fuy
one word of the jultice and rights of the people.
A war soon commenced when they joined the
Britith their real patrons; and deluded many
hoseft people to go with them, who afterwards
imbrued their hands i 3 the blood of their neigh
bors. From the commencement to the close of
the war, the Britith, with thir fodian allies and
tory friends, did carry on a most terrible, in=
human, predatory war with fire and Aword.
Enormons barbarities weke inßicted on my
friends and neighbours, desolating our frontiers
withour regard to age, sex or condition, with
almolt a total loss of property. Those of ug
whom the fortune of war putiin their power,
were confined in prisons there to langmifh in:
irons, of which one of my nearest relatives para
took 4 share. To such people I can fay that £
am not afraid to return, when I support the
principles they once contended for—At the
fawe time I iflure my colleagiie, that I have no
consideration in giving my vote on this resolu
tion or any other queltion to acquire popularity
from any political party or neighbors. ¢
~ The difference betieen this country and Eng
land is a great mational controverly of prin
ciples, which ha 3 nothing to do with oyr party
differences. Before the revolugiaa, all the most
humble petitions, setting fortlthe fight of the
Americans, laid bcfore the feet of the throneg
conld get no redress but were treated with con
tempt—in a similar manner as our present re
monfirances are now treated ; but patriotic A
mericans then only enquired what was right,
what was jult, and on a matter of jult principle
they met their enemy ¢ and there was no cop
fideration about loss of property, but liberty or
death 5 with arrgs and the undauated spirit ¢f
freemen we prefcvered. - Yes, fir, in the records
of our revolution you will find that the brave
men who followed Wathington, could be trac
ed by the blood of their feet gver the frozen
ground ; thiey, however, did not charge rhis to _
their own government, but England. Was this
a matter only for themselves ? No, fir, it is l?ﬁf'- :
for us todefend, and there is no right 8" us to
give it up to Engiand under any confideratiopy
or pretension whatever. By the solemn oaths
we have all taken beforz our God to fiappore
our constitution and iaws, we are compelled to
defend it. =We hdve nothing from England as
2 gift, but forced her by arins to acknowledge
our independence—and -we are in duty bound
to defend it by arms. And until we can con
vince her, as we" did }-+fore, I fear the will not.
let us alone, unless she fees the spirit of fréemen
raised. Let nsthen upite as Americans.—= -
With refpe& to myfelf the journals of this houfs
prove my politics ; they are ndt confined to anp
party consideration ; I do not care whether a
proposition comes from a federalift or a repube
lican. lonly confide the fubjeé of thé matter,
and- what 1 believe to be right, I support with
iy vote. I huve vet great hopes that we shall”
aét together if we can, on this question. Yes,
firy when I fee jn the opposition men who dew
ferve well of their country, in articular ao hon.
gentleman from Conaedlicut, er.;TaHmdgt) :
now in his feat. 1 hope we shall unité: Ilate.
ly lead ah actount of a detachment which he
commanded, ug in a gallant Nﬁé’* forprifed
2:psht of our inveterate enemy, the Britith ;he
surely will defend the old principles; and will
ot fuffer the honor of his country 10 be Jaid 8
disgrace before any forsign polen x| St
mfreﬂa At et B A R R e M O