The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1781-05-23 00:00:00, page 1

From the Pennsylvania Packet, April 's, 1781.
To the INHABITANTS of the UNITED STATES
ofAMERICA.
Si nolis fanus, curves hjdropicus.
Friends and Countrymen,
WE are now entered into the sixth year
of the war, and yet experience has not
furnifhed us with wisdom. Our offi
cers and soldiers have indeed acquired
a confidcrable degree of military knowledge; but
every department of government, in every date in
the union, seems rather to have loft a part of what
they poffefied at the beginning of the contest, than
to have added to the original dock. When Sir Wil
liam Howe landed on this continent with above thirty
thousand veteran soldiers in 1776, though you had
nothing but inexperienced and undisciplined troops
to oppose to them, no despondency was to be seen.
At the beginning you were beaten, which was ex
pected by every body who had any knowledge of the
history of the world. The perseverance however,
and exertions of Congress, and of the different Rates,
prevented the enemy from reaping the advantages
which they expected from their success. Their ob
j< ds were conquest and subjugation, and they were
disappointed. The capture of the Hessians at Tren
ton, and the engagement at Princeton, which imme
diately followed that event, reflected the highest ho
nour on your General and the troops under his com
mand, and gave the firft favourable turn to your
affairs. And the courage and conduct of your army
at Saratoga, imprefied all Europe with a high opinion
of your military character. The virtuous cause in
which America was engaged, the wisdom of her
counsels, and the bravery of her droops, were every
where the fubjeCts of conversation. Your friends
were delighted ; and the various publications which
appeared in England, together with the debates of
the English parliament, proved, that your enemies
could not withhold their admiration, at the fame
time that they were confounded and aflonilhcd.
In the hour of theirinfolence, the throne of Eng
land, had been in vain besieged by your {applications.
Offers were now made on their part and rejected, in
finitely more favourable to America, than had ever
been proposed by her. These offers came too late.
Your representatives in Congress had refoived to
break the political bands which had connected you
with England, and to assume among the powers of
the earth the separate and equal Ration, to which the
laws of nature and of nature's God entitled you.
And for the support of that, declaration had pledged
their lives, fortunes, and their sacred honour.
LVOL. IV.] THE [Nu MB . I7 &]
NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
Other inluperable objections presented themselves
against the acceptance of the offers of Great-Britain.
The most solemn engagements had been entered into
by treaty with the King of France, that neither of
the contrasting parties (hould conclude either truce
or peace with her, without the formal consent of the
mother; and they had mutually engaged not to lay
down their arms, until the independence df the Uni
ted States, which is declared to be the eTcutial and
direct end of the alliance, should be secured. The
two contracting parties likewise engaged*" to make
all the efforts in their power, againfttheir common
enemy, inorder to attain the end proposed."
It is not my intention to touch upon the cabals and
party disputes, with which this country has been
diffracted, both in and out of Congress, which have
retarded our exertions. I pass over them with silence
and with sorrow. They are to be lamented bv us
all ; and it is the interest of all, that they ihould be
buried in'eternal oblivion. I am induced to trouble
you with this address, to remind you, that the ftipu-
Jations which have just been mentioned are mutual.
That you are as folcmnly engaged to France, as the
is to you, to make all the efforts in the power of
each of you, against the common enemy, for the
purpose of securing the independence of the United
States, AND THAT YOU HAVE NOT FULFILLED
your engagements. With refped to the army,
Congress appear to have done every thing in their
power. They are not vested with legislative autho
rity : but whenever their requilitions are made for
the public good, they ought punctually to be com
plied with. They called in proper time upon the
different states, for a certain number of men, to be
furnifhed by each of them, in proportion to their
rcfpeCtive abilities, for the completion of the federal
army. The time for opening the campaign draws
very near, and this necessary requisition of Congress
has not yet been fully complied with. The reinforce
ment mentioned by the Count de Rochambeau will
probably arrive during the course of next summer.
W EDNESD A Y, May 23, 1781.
That general officer informed the Assembly of Rhode-
Island, that the corps which he now commands, is
only the avant-garde of a greater force expected
from France. It is certain that the avant-garde has
preceeded the main body an unusual length of time.
Unforeleen circumstances may have occasioned this ;
there is no doubt however, but the latter will come:
And when they do, it will be as uncommon a spec
tacle as it will be difgraceful to us, to fee a body of
auxiliaries sent from the distance of three thousand
miles, exceeding in number the national troops of
the country they are sent to assist.
If you are determined not to make those exertions
which are neceflary for establishing your independ
ence, it is an act of cruelty to fuffer the war to be
continued any longer. In that case you should in
ftruft your representatives in Congress to fend a de
putation immediately to the Court of France, to in
form them of your intentions. They should be told,
that the solemn aflurances which you gave some time
a g°, to prosecute the war yith all possible vigour,
even to the facrifice of your lives and fortunes, for'
the accomplishment of your independence, were
words without any meaning, and that you are sorry
you ever made use of them. That it is true the
Englilh have used you very ill, that they have destroy
ed a great number of your bravest and most valuable
citizens, have burnt your towns, and let loose the
fayages of the wilderness to murder your women and
children, and have committed many other a&s of
the most atrocious nature. That however your
hearts are very tender, and disposed to forget and
forgive ; and that therefore you beg to be absolved
from your engagements with the Court of France,
that you may sue for, and receive the pardon and
protection from the King of England, which he has
been graciously pleated to offer to those who truly
repent.
Dishonorable and criminal, as this proceeding may
appear, it certainly would be less so, than the con
duct ol several of the Legislatures of this continent.
These Legislatures are of your own creation, and re
ceive theii political exigence from the breath of your
nostrils. It behoves you therefore to enter into an
immediate examination of their conduct, and to in*
ftruft them on those points wherein they may be
found to have been negligent or deficient.
CASSIU S.
Extract from the M I NUTES of the General
Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
Friday, April 6, 1781, A. M.
THE house returned the confederation of the bill
for emitting money, by paragraphs:
The Yeas and Nays were required by Mr. R. Mor
ris apj'"° Mifflin, on the following clause of the
said bill, viz.
YEAS. Joseph M'Clean, Matthew Holgate, George
Smith, Benjamin Fell, Joseph Savage, William Scott,
Gerardus Wynkoop, James Morgan, James Boyd,
Patrick Anderson, john Culbertson, John Whitehill,
Emanual Carpenter, Christopher Kucher, James An
derson, Pliilip Greenawalt, James Cowden, James
Smith, William Mitchell, James Ramsey, Stephen
Duncan, William Brown, Jonathan Hoge, John An
drew, John Harris, Baltfer Gheer, William M'Farren,
Robert Latimer, Peter Kohler, Peter Rhodes, John
Burd, David M'Kinney, Samuel Sloan,David Sample.
NAYS. Robert Morris, Sharp Delany, John
Steinmetz, George Gray, Henry Hill, Daniel Heister,
Dai id Thomas, Henry Hayes, William Harris, Joseph
Parke, Evan Evans, Adam Reigart, James Jacks,
James Dixon, Moles M Clean, Thomas Lilly, John
Allison, John Patton, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph Powell.
So the clause was agreed to.
The Yeas and Nays were likewise required by Mr.
R. Morris and Mr. Mifflin, on the following clause of
said bill, viz.
" And be it enaded by the authority aforefaid,
That if any person whatsoever, shall, after the passing
of this aH, refute to take and receive any of the
bills of credit aforefaid, in payment for any live stock,
neceflary of life, commodity, manufacture, article
or goods whatsoever, which he or the shall fell or
expose to sale, or otter the fame for a less price or
" And be it enacted by the authority aforefaid,
That if any perion or perlons, bodies politic and cor
porate, from and after the publication of this Act,
shall refute to receive any of the said bills of credit,
when tendered in payment of any debt, bargain, con
trad or demand whatsoever, provided the whole of
the laid debt or demand be so tendered, such perion
or perlons, bodies politic and corporate, so refilling,
fhali be for ever barred from suing for or recovering
the fame before any Judge or in any Court of this
Rate."
Dissentient.
Firft -RECAUSE the value of money, and particu
larly of paper money, depends upon the
pubuck confidence, and where that is wanting, laws
cannot support it, and much less penal laws.
Secondly. Because penalties on not receiving paper
money, must, from the nature of the thing, be either
iinneceffary or unjust. If the paper is of full value,
it will pals current without such penalties; and if it
is not of full value, compelling the acceptance of it
as equivalent to specie is iniquitous.
Thirdly. Because such penalties impair the publick
credit : they shew a diffidence of the paper in those
who emit it, and thereby raise a like difficulty in those
who are to receive it: their tendency therefore is to
injure, instead of benefitting what they are intended
to support.
smaller sum of money, to be paid in gold or silver,
than in the bills of credit emitted as aforefaid, or that
shall give or receive a greater nominal sum of said
bills of credit for a less in gold or silver; every such
person, being thereof legally convicted in any court
of general quarter sessions of the peace in this state,
(or before one justice of the peace, in cases where
the forfeiture shall not exceed five pounds) shall, for
every offence, forfeit and pay the value of the article
or articles so fold or exposed to sale, one moiety
the perf ° n ° r persons giving information
of the lame, and prosecuting the offender to convic
tion, and the other moiety for the use of the poor of
the city, diftriCtor towm'hip, where the offence shall
be committed."
YEAS. Joseph M'Clean, Daniel Hiefter, Matthew
Holgate, George Smith, Benjamin Fell, Joseph Sa
vage, William Scott, Gerardus Wynkoop, James
Morgan, James Boyd, Patrick Anderson, John Cal*
J° hn Whitehill, Emanual Carpenter, Chris
topher Kucher, James Anderson, Philip Greenawalt,
James Cowden, James Smith, William Mitchell,
James Ramsey, Stephen Duncan, William Brown,
Jonathan Hoge, John Andrew, John Harris, Baltfer
™ m M'Farren; Robert Latimer, Peter
Kohler, Peter Rhodes, John Burd, David M'Kinney,
Samue< * M n, David Sample.
NAYb. Robert Morris, Sharp Delany, John Stein
metz, George Gray, Henry Hill, David Thomas,
henry Hayes, Willem Harris, Joseph Parke, Evan
R "f a . r L James Jacks, James Dixon,
M ° e , s CRan ' 7 nomas Lilly, John Allison, Tho
mas Mifflin, John Patton, Joseph Powell.
Seventhly. Because every measure to enforce the
acceptance of money, renders it the interest of deb
tors to depreciate it; fraudulent debtors will pursue
that interest, and violate the spirit of the law, by
compelling a compliance with the letter of it.
Eighthly. Because experience has demonstrated,
that inch measures have not prevented depreciation •
but have enabled bad men to take advantage of it to
the injury of the honest, and the absolute ruin of
many who were once in easy and affluent circum
stances.
Fourthly. Because it is inconsistent with the prin
ciples of liberty, to prevent a man from the free dis
posal of his property, on such terms, and for such
considerations as he may think fit.
Fifthly, Because refirictions on the use or sale of
those things which are the produce of human labour
or ingenuity, relax the spirit of honest industry, and
promote idleuefs, fraud and dissipation, from whence
must necessarily follow publick poverty and distress.
Sixthly. Because a sacred regard to' promises and
engagements is the basis of social duty and social
virtue : Wherefore every Legislature ought to enforce
it by its precepts, and every magistrate by his ex
ample; but measures like the present will have a
contrary effeft, and render our courts of justice the
npuifters of iniquity. Instead of compelling the per
formance of contrasts, they not only permit and
countenance, but aid and assist the violation of them
Hence it must follow, that the magistrates will be
dilrefpefted, the laws contemned, and the morals of
the people polluted.
Ninthly. Because from the manner in which it is
proposed to iMie our paper, the circulating medium
will be diminished instead of being encreafed, and a
faithful collection of the taxes will make the remain
der necessary. Wherefore there is very little reafoa
to apprehend a refufal of it ; and Hill less for adopt
ing such violent remedies.
Tenthly. Because we conceive the funds on which
our paper is to be emitted, are so amply fufficient,
that they give us, and must give all others who con
fider them, the fulleft confidence in it. We cannot
therefore consent to any one act which may fhewthe
least want of that confidence ; being convinced, that