The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1785-10-10 00:00:00, page 1

For the New-Jersey Gazette.
Felloe-Citizens of New-Jersey,
A FEW days will bring on the annual
election for representatives to serve in
the legislative- council and assembly,
fheriffs, &c. for this state. A more
interesting period, I apprehend, than
many of you seem to imagine. Not only the well
fare of this state, but that of every state in the union,
under providence, in some measure depends on the
wisdom of your choice. Suffer me therefore my fel
low-citizens to mention, for your confederation, a
a few of the qualifications which I think, and I hope
you will think, indifpenfibly necessary for any person
whatever to be pofTeffed of, in order to his being a
uleful member of the legislature.
In the tirft place, I think a fair moral charac
ter absolutely necessary, and one of the best securities
for a man's public!: conduct, especially if with good
morale he shews a decent regard to the duties of reli
gion. A man will be less likely to injure his coun
try that frequently refleds, that he is not to live here
always—that ere long he must quit this mortal life,
and appear before the judge of all the earth, to give
an account for the deeds done in the body—that
however guilt may escape the observation and punish
ment of men and human laws, it cannot the notice of
him who searches the hearts and tries the reins of the
children of men. Such a person 1 fay will be less likely
to injure his country, than the profligate or the liber
tine, than the man who can wantonly, in common
conversation, profane the name of God, drink to ex
cels, or plunge into every kind of debauchery and
licentiousness. Are legislatures, my dear coun
trymen, of immoral and diflolute characters as likely
to choose judicious faithful delegates for Congrefs—
promote laws for the encouragement of virtue and
fuppreflion of vice, and appoint proper magistrates to
execute them, as those who are influenced by con
feientious motives? Or are Sheriffs of the former cha
racter as likely to return honest impartial jurors, and
do the other duties of their office as faithfully as
thole of the latter ? I dare even appeal to the most disso
lute part of my readies, if they are men of sense,
whether, upon furious consideration, they would not
rather trust their interest with the moral than the
immoral and licentious character.
political infers into exigence and vigour again, and
with the mold consummate effrontery we have them now
• at every election soliciting offices for themselves, or
for those nominal whigs who ate mean enough to
court their interest. I entreat you, my friends, be
cautious of voting for thole who court the interest of
such characters, or have been carried into publick
office thro' their influence; depend upon it there are
few cf them that at present want honest men in offi
ces, they have their own purposes in government to
accomplish, and honest men will not answer for those
purposes. But I would not be understood to com
prehend all who have been guilty of political errors
within the clef's of mifereants 1 have been speaking
of. There are a set of men who, in the late war,
have erred thro' timidity or difficulties they were uu-
Second. Let the man of your choice be a known,
a decided whig, a whig from principle, not from the
influence of appointments to lucrative offices, or the
flattery of titles and preferment—not one of those
convi&ed by the success of Saratoga and Yorktown,
or the commencement of peace and establishment of in
dependance, but a whig, whose early attachment to
the cause, and whose steady and uniform conduA thro'
the war, has fully evinced his principles. The Bri
tish have not yet given up their posts; it is too soon
to employ taries or doubtful characters. There are
a set of beings who were dead, and some of them
worse than dead, during the war; who shunned all
publick offices, and prudently declined promotions
which might have led to the halter or gibbet—who
were willing to leave the profits, the honours and
dangers attending offices to those who would accept
them —no contests then for the fneriff 's office, or for
feats in the assembly. These gentry were then as si
lent as the grave about these matters. But whenever
peace took place, and the independency of America
was fettled, the funfume of prosperity warmed those
[Vol. VIIL] T HE [Numb. 387.]
NEW^ERSEY GAZETTE.
TRENTON: Printed by ISAAC COLLIN S, Printer to the State.
MONDAY, October 10, 1785.
der in their minds about independence, that are men
of modesty and character, and are very distinguisha
ble in their conduct from the others; those have no
objections to whigs and honest men being put into the
legislature; they want no offices themselves, nor do
they intermeddle much in elections; these we can com
passionate and forgive; but the other class arc infuffer
able.
Third. Men who are very poor, or deeply involv
ed in debt, are not the belt representatives. Credi
tors often operate on the fears of their debtors, and
prevents their affing uprightly in publick stations, and
the po@r are in danger of following in every tempta
tion that the hope of office or profped of gain may
offer.
Fourth. Neither are men of overgrown eflates, by
any means, proper representatives in a republican
government, unless they have given very convincing
proofs of their integrity— great wealth, and the love
of power, are inseparable, and a certain excels of it
sets a man often, in his own opinion, so far above
the rest of the community, that he can hardly confi
der himfelf of the fame species with them' .It makes
him ignorant of the feelings, fufferings and distresses
of thole in the lower dalles of life. In general we do
not find in private life that men are the better citizens,
the better neighbours, or the better paymasters, for their
great wealth, but generally the worse; what reafou
have we then to think they will make the better
legislators ?
Fifth. Men of no reading, or of very weak un
derstandings, are also unfit to represent us. Wife
men would not trust their health or estates with an
illiterate unfkilful phyfcian or counfellor, and is it
not injudicious to the last degree to rifle the lives, the
liberty and property of ourselves and posterity, in the
hands of men who have neither capacity nor educa
tion lufficient to enable them to difeharge their trust?
Good intentions, unsupported by ability, fays a ce
lebrated 'character, does not qualify a man for legisla
tion; besides, is it not fhameful for men to take wa
ges for services they are incapable of rendering; such
men, however honest, are dangerous, as they gene
rally fall under the direction of the designing part of
the members, who leave no methods unefl'ayed to
carry them into their measures, and make them an
swer all the purposes of knaves embarked in the fame
views with themselves.
Sixth. A timid irresolute character, made a very
bad legislator in time of war, and is by no means a
good one in time of peace, even if he should have con
siderable abilities. A late writer justly compares ta
lents in the hands of such to arms put into the hands of
cowards, who dare not use them. I have known men
vote against measures, that took place natwithßand
ing, because they had not resolution enough to give
their reasons for their vote, left they should offend
some of their friends ; besides these women in bree
ches, as a certain writer calls them, are mostly under
management and direction of those who can frighten
them mod, and are little less dangerous than the weak
and illiterate.
Seventh. As I think it would be best, if possible,
to avoid choosing men who have all their interest
in the publick funds; it would also be necessary to
choose those who have lent part of their property to
the publick, as equal justice is due, both to the lend
er and he that must pay; the man who is not whol
ly interested either way, is most likely to be impartial.
One principle objection I have to those whigs the
difaffeded give their interest to in elections, is, that I
find they are such as have lent no money to the pub
lick. Will these men ever exert themselves to find
out ways and means of payment to the publick spirit
ed whigs, their injured widows and orphans, who
have lent their money to the states/ Is it not more
likely that those who are to pay all, and receive
none, will be indifferent whether the publick debts
are paid or not; and is not voting for such men by
those who hold publick fecurites a little like signing
an extinguishment of their debt? I conclude my ob
servations on the qualifications of legislators, acknow
ledging myfelf indebted for many of the thoughts to
a piece addressed to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania,
published some years ago, under the signature of a
freeholder; but they will not be less ufeful on that
account.,
I had thoughts of making some ftriQures on the
conduct of two or three of the preceding legislatures,
but as finding fault looks father invidious, I shall
conclude with only an observation on their appoint
ments of magistrates, especially in the county of Hun
terdon, wheie few of them seem to arise either from
the necessity of the appointment, or the abilities of
the appointed, but merely from a view to secure the
members future elections, tho' it is hopeful that
some of the persons appointed may have difeern
ment enough to difeover, and integrity enough
to disappoint their views; and those of them who
have not I must pity as poor wretched tools, whom
the very persons, thro' whose influence they were
appointed, must in their hearts despise, however
for their own interest they may caress them at pre
sent. A CITIZEN of NEWJERSFY.
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From the Antigua Gazette,
BASSE I ER RE, (St Kitt's) August 27.
On the 24th instant commenced one of the most
severe gales of wind or rather hurricanes, we have
experienced since the fatal one of 1772. The wea
ther for some days before had been extremes fuitry;
the apparent proximity of the neighbouring islands,
together with rhe luminous appearance of the sky on
the evening before, were but too certain signs of an
approaching gale; about half an hour after eleven
at night it began to blow from the north-caff, and
continued increasing till half after four, when it sud
denly fhifted to the ionth-eaft, and from five till se
ven it blew with redoubled fury; the damage we
have filftained in town is but trifling, only a few old
houses being tumbled down, and most of the fences
blown away; the country, from what we are in
formed, has fuffered considerably, but we have not
been able to collect the particulars further than, that
the estate of Anthony Scmerfall, fen. Esq. in the pa
riih of Saint Ann, Sandy Point, has been deprived of
all the buildings, except the dwellinghoufe. The
dwellinghoufe of John St, Ledger Douglass, Esq, in
the parifli of Saint Peter, Basseterre, is partly un
roofed, many other estates have fuffered, but as we
have not been able to colled the particulars, we must
defer it till our next.
At the time the gale commenced, there were only
6 fail of veflcls in the road who all put to sea.
The Spooner, capt Loran, since drove on shore
and loft, the crew saved. The Thomas, captain
Furber, gone ashore, cargo and crew saved The
brig Venus, capt. Clarkfon; Mr. Priddie's schooner
Hazard, capt. Gadderer; Messrs. Stack and McNa
mara's schooner Jane, capt. Lodwick;, were drove
out and not since heard of. Mr. Tyson's schooner
Betsey, capt. Ridftnum, is ashore below Old Road.
We have just been informed from Beep Bay, that
five vessels are run on shore and loft there, three of
which are the property of Mrs. Woods, and capt.
Richard Bafden, one of Mr, Patrick Bulk's and the
other of Mr: Forbes; and that the houses and es
tates in that parish have fuffered considerably.
As far as we can judge, by the injury the canes
have fuffered in this parish, we may venture to as
sert, that one half of the ne'xt year's crop is loft, the
forward pieces are entirely ruined, and the young
sprouts so whipped and twisted, that they will not
recover, even by moderate and seasonable weather,
so as to make near as much sugar as was expected
from them a few days ago.
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By the UNITED STATES in CONGRESS
ASSEMBLED,
SEPTEMBER 27, 1785.
r rilE report of the grand committee being amended
X to read as follows:
Refolded, That for the services of the present year,
one thousand seven hundred and tightv-five, for the
payment of one year's interest on the foreim and do
medic debt, and as a provision to difeharge the ba
lance of the estimate of April twenty-seventh, one
thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, above the
sum called for by the resolve of Congress of that date,