Gazette of the United States & evening advertiser. — Philadelphia [Pa.], 1794-01-30 00:00:00, page 2

But, having been induced, to go back
fa the period which give birth to our coa
ftitution I Ihall be excused, if befoerl re
turn to the prcfent fubjeA, I-tafct* mriew
of the then exifiing circwafta*cc*«f the
United States. We had thea a anctn
ment contemned abroad, and ddpi&d at
home, incapable of commanding the ref
pefl of. foreign nations or the obedience
of oar oWn cititvns. Its credit m fe«nt
abroad and athonie. Debts were accti
In these words we fee the sovereignty
of the people exercised on one of those oc
casions which I have before stated in form
ing a government, and we hear the pur
port for which they formed it. It does
not fay that it was formed to regulate our
commerce. The people had more impor
tant objects in view. I do not think there
fore that so much ftrefa ought to be laid
on this idea, as gentlemen have been in
clirved to bellow on it.
Mr. Chairman, while I agree with my
colleague, that tiie 6rft eflays from which
our conftitutiou arose had relation only to
i.>ur trade; he «ill, lam lure, acknow
ledge that this was not the only object for
which the grand Convention met, he will
acknowledge that this is not the principal
ob -.el contemplate! by the constitution :
The power ot regulating commerce is an
inferior power veiled with much more im
portant powers in the Congress of the U
nittd States. Bat, fir, I need not make
a companion between the various powers
of Congress. What does this fovercign ast
of the people declare to be ■ their intenti
on f I need only-repeat their words—
" We the People of the United States, in
order to form a more perftd Union, ejlab.
TJb juflice, insure dsmeflic tranquility,
provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blef
fmgs of liberty to ourselves and our pnjie
rity, do ordain and ejlahlijb this Constitu
tion for tin United Siates of America."
Philadelphia, 2j?h December, 1793;
2d year of the French Republic,
one and indivisible.
The Citizen Genet, ATtniJler Plenipotentia
ry from the Republic of Fr.tnee to the
On'ted States, to Air. 'JeJferfon, Sec reia
ry of State of the United Stales.
Sir,
I LEAfi.N by the reports of theCon
ful of the Republic, at Charleflon, and
by the public papers, that the legislature
of South-Carolina, had caused to be ar
reted, different persons, accused of hav
ing received from me commiflions for the
jmrpolc of levying an armed force in that
.State, for che service of the Republic.—
Conceiving that such conduit, if it were
true, would offend the sovereignty of the
American people, 1 haflen to atHim, to
you, fir, that 1 have not autliorized in
any manner, the recruiting, the forma
tion or the collecting of an armed force,
or of any corps in the territory of tie Uni
trl States; but at the fame time, lam t.OO
trank to difgtlife from you, that, authori
zed by the French natiim, to deliver com
miflion® to those of your fellow-citizens,
who (hould feel themlelves animated with
a desire of serving the best of causes, I
h->vf granted them to several republicans
ot South-Carolina, whose intention ap
peared to me to be to expatriate them
selves, and to go among the independent
Indian tribes, ancient friends and allies of
France, in order to retaliate, if they could,
in concert with tis, on the Spaniards and
Engliflt, the injury which the government
of these two nations had the baseness, for
fjme time to commit on your fellow-citi
>cns, under she mme of these favnges, in
like manner, as f» lately done tinder that
of the Alcxrines.
T •
I notify you, fir, that I (hall publifn
this declaration, in order to calm inquie
tudes, and to difilpate the doubts to which
the denunciation made in the legislature
of Carolina, might »rve rife.
In committee of the whole on Mr. Madtfon's
rfjjlui'ior.s.
Mr. Lee's speech continued.
of Rrpte&otativei in the foiegoing re
port and rcfolutioni.
J. $. Dart, C. H. R.
[Herefollowi a number of Affidavits .J
F. WARLEY, Cleik
A Trut Copy, and zubiclt / Attijl,
Hcife of Rcprefentalivts.
January 20.
Accept mv refoedt,
. GENET.
CONGRESS
But whatever may be the mifchiefs of
credit, I do not think they will be pre
vented, by sumptuary laws, or la wi which
may be calculated to operate that way,and
I doubt the consistency of such laws with
civil liberty. There is only one remedy
which occurs to me, it is a proper ad mi
ni (bat ion of jullice between man and man
—Establish this; compel every individu
al to pay his debts j when this is done the
society will have no reason to limit his cx
pences, or to apprehend rvil from his ex
ample ; but this important part of social
police belongs peculiarly to the Hate go
vernments ; they have the only effectual
means of preventing the mifchiefs of cre
dit and preferring the purity of morals.
Congress have rot the power of changing
the municipal regulations or the juridical
eflablilhmentsof the refpeclive dates.
It has not been afiertecf that our trea
mulating in Europe and in America. Our
commerce was alinolt annihilated, our a
gricuhure languilhed, paper tenders ex
iited in loine (lates, the tics of confidence
between man and man, and confcquentlv
the ties of morality were broken asunder ;
nay, inimicities between the dates began
to prevail instead of fraternal concord.
Slich was the lituation of the United States
and to remedy tbcfe evils was the conftitu
tio:> made. Has it not produced the in
tended effects? That it has, I need only
appeal to the feelings of every fellow citi
zen who hears me. I (hould therefore un
necaflki ily take up the time of the com
mittee in enumerating the various blessings
which it has (liowrrcd on our country : I
will only mention the stimulus which our
agriculture has received. In travelling
through the various parts of the United
States, I find fields, a few years ago waste
and uncultivated, filled with inhabitants,
and covered with harvests; new habitati
ons reared, contentment in every face,
plenty on every board, confidence is res
tored, and every man is fafe under his own
vine and his own fig tree, and. there is
none to make him afraid. To produce
this effett, was the intention of the con
stitution, and not solely to regulate our
trade, and it has fncceeded. But I feel
mytelf wandering from the fubjeft.
The committee will readily perceive
that I have been led into my last observa
tions, because, gentlemen have afligned as
an important teafon in support of the re
solutions, that the constitution had been
principally framed with a view to this ob
ject. I think I have (hewn that too much
importance has been given to this idea.
I think my colleague also observed,
that if the measures he had now proposed
were not adopted at this time, after a new
election, and a full representation of our
fellow citizens, he would despair of ever
feeing them succeed ; and I think he as
signed this reason, and it gave me pain
when he uttered it, that the fubjefts of
Britain, in confequenre of the interest they
had in our trade, and in our pecuniaiy in
stitutions, would acquire a predominant
influence over our public councils. This
idea was more fully dilated upon by a gen
tleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Findlcy).
The danger of this influence seemed to be
the principal reason, why he wiflted to
lessen our commercial intereourfe with Bri
tain. The gentlemen perhaps did not per
ceive the full extent of this observation.
It wounds deeply, in my opinion, the re
publican principle, and I am sure neither
of them intended to do this. It goes to
deny the competency of the people to go
vern themselves. It goes to assert that we
are better judges of the future exigencies
of the society, than those who will live
after us. The people on former occasions
have been found possessed of virtue and
knowledge equal to the preservation of
their liberties and interests ; what right
have we to fay, that hereafter they will
be less wife and less virtuous ? Let me a
gain recur to former expetience. At the
commencement of our struggle with Bri
tain, they certainly had all the commerci
al influence over us, which the monopoly
of our trade could give; what did it a
mount to, it neither damped our courage
nor checked our unanimity, and why sup
pose less virtue in our citizens, now that
we have become free, and enjoy the fruits
of order and good government, than when
we existed in the colonial dependence.
The fame gentleman from Pennsylvania
and another of my colleagues (Mr. Ni
cholas) expatiated largely on the mifchiefs
of credit. My colleagne, however, very
jullly and frankly acknowledged, that it
was questionable how far government had
a right to interfere in the pecuniary con
cerns of individuals.
the similitude of the principles of the pre
fer. t French conftitutian to ours. But sup-
I posing the resemblance existed, which I
I shall presently (hew does not, have we anv
■ reason to conclude from the past history
' of nations, that such a resemblance ne
cefTarily begets friendfhip and cordialitv :
history exhibits the fact differently :
Witness the wars between Carthage
and Rome, the jealousies and wars be
tween the different republics of Greece ;
witness our own experience, the inimici
ties which began to arise between the states
previous to the adoption of the present go
vernment, and the difficulty of produc
ing that adoption. The truth is, nations
So jealous aie the dates on this head,
that they have generally demanded an al
teration in that part of the constitution
which fubjefts them to suits in the courts
of the United States, and the senate has
already sent forour consideration an a
mendment to that effeil; the French ex
ecutive is plural, their leg-illative is single.
This idea is counter to the practice of al
most all the states ; and to the division of
powers in our constitution: Will any gen
tleman fay that such a form of govern-
republic confiftj of sovereign states having
extensive and important local jurifdiftions
and a diversity of laws and interests
Does our republic then referable that of
France in this leading feature. Consoli
dation these states have ever deemed fatal
to their liberties and happiness, and he
would be deemed a traitor to his countrv,
who (hoidd propose to render our republic
one and indivisible.
similitude of the principles of the French
government to the principles of ours, I
will take the liberty of applying the prin
cipal traits of their government to our si
tuation.
gard nothing but their interest ; hence
the alliance so frequent between common-
wealths and monarchies, more frequent
than between commonwealths themselves.
in their intcrcourfe with one another, re-
But gentlemen have said, tho'we may
not have derived any peculiar commercial
advantages as yet from our intercourse
with France, that we have every reason to
expect the greatest advantages hereafter,
from the fraternal regardexprefied bv ( their
present government to us, and the simili
tude of its principles to ours.
If theFiench nation feels this friendly
disposition towards us,and 1 verily believe
they do, because they fay they do, our
constitution has provided the means, by
veiling adequate powers in the President
and Senate, of meeting them on the
ground of a new treaty, and I rely with
fullconfidence on this fubjeft, on the wis
dom and patriotism of the constitutional
authority.
< But, Sir, Ido not think tlie gentlemen
spoke accurately, when they mentioned
Gentlemen have said we ought to pass
these resolutions to express our gratitude
f<?r services formerly rendered to us by
the French nation ; as to the virtues of
generofitv and gratitude, they are God
like attributes, they belong I believe,more
to Heaven than to earth, they are rarely
seen among, individual men, and more
rarely felt by nations, and it has been ac
knowledged, I think in the National con
vention ltfelf, that the afliftance we receiv
ed was rendered, not so much for our
fakes, as to weaken a dangerous and pow
erful rival.
necefiity and imperious circ.imftances of
the cafe.
tie* of commerce have produced us any
advantages as yet. Our principal and
mod beneficial intercourfc, it has been
proved, is with those nations with which
we have no treaties. Our treaty with
France, has in the course of the laftyear
operated to our injury in a twofold de
gree.
The asylum given to French privateers
in our ports, has covered our coails with
them,and has therefore prevented the (hips
belonging to nations which are moll ac
customed to trade with us, and buying
our surplus produce, notwithstanding the
prodigious demand for part of it in Eu
rope. I believe that in the state of Vir
ginia, this perhaps combined with other
causes, has produced an iftonilhing de
pression of the price of our tobacco and
grain. In Europe, the only advantage
which we had in return for these injuries,
we have been deprived of ; the treaty has
there been violated by France, but every
American will readily acknowledge, very
properly violated, when he considers the
Their republic is one and indivifible,our
But as peculiar emphasis is laid on the
A deputation of the public funfticna
ries of the diftri£t of Belle)', in the de
partment of Ain, were admitted to the
bar. They represented, that on account
of having supported the interests of the
Republic, they were exposed to the ri
gours of a resolution entered into at Dole,
distant 45 leagues from Bcllev, by the re
presentative Proft, relative to the denun
ciation of persons discovered to be con
cerned in the different robberies which had
been committed in the diftricft during
the sale of the effects of the emigrants. '
Merlin—lt is my duty to inform the
Convention, that the greater part of the
facts dated at the bar by the petitioners,
is ftrittly true; no perfon6 are better
qualiticd to give a just account than Amar
and myfelf, for, during the period of our
million to this liiTtrict, we discovered the
infamous manner in which the sales of the
effects of the emigrants were carried on.
At that zra we could only discover one
guilty person, Vetard Piot, the Procurer
Syndic who has been mentioned. We
put him in arrest, and ordered him to be
carried before the criminal tribunal of his
department. This was done. In the
drawing up of the indictment against him,
other criminal persons were discovered,
and fevcral measures were confeqnently a
dopted. The guilty person immediately
fled to Dole,to deceive our colleagueProft.
They deceived him, I am certain, for
they induced him to grant an at reft which
ordered all those persons wl>o had been of
fer vice in this important bulinefs, to be re
moved from the functions and to be arrett
ed—l can aflure the Convention that se
veral of rhefe persons are the mod warm
Patriots of the Diibidl, particularly l y tr~
fit and Lcbatje.—lt is proper that Virtue
and Patriotism (hou:d triumph in all
of the Republic :
" I therefore move, that the Conven
tion fhourd decree, suspend the exe- *
lives.
V. In cafe of omitting- to make such
declaration or of a fraudulent one being
made, the property to be confifcated.
VI. AH provisions deposited in the na
tional warehouses, (hall be at the difpafal
of the Minders at War, who are to ac
count to the Convention for the manner
in which they (hall be disposed of.
low.}
Gregorie read a speech relative ta the
eftablifnment of honfes of rural cenomy,
for the inftruftion of agriculturists and the
promotion of agriculture ; the discussion
of which was adjourned, and the speech
ordered to be printed.
IV. That this decree m?.y be more rea
dily carried into execution, every farmer
of national property, lhall declare, with
in ten days from the publication of this
decree, the nature of the property he
rents, to the diftr:& within which he
I. From the day of the publication of
the present "decree, no leases of national
property, producing wheat,rye, hay.straw,
or any kind of vegetables, shall be renew
ed without the insertion of a clause, pro
viding for the payment in provisions.
11. If the property confifo of wine,
oil, liquors, &c. the payments fha'l be
made partly in money, and partly in pro
visions, which are mentioned in the firft
article.
i 11. The preceding article! are appli
cable to farmers, the price of whose lea
ses, previously to the present law, (hall
have been ftipnkted to be payable in mo-
meat ij fuitedto our ideas and our circutn
llances ?
Chochan, in the name of the Commit
tees of War and Domains, procured the
adoption of the following Decrees on the
mode of payment to be made, according
to the nature of the provisions, by the
farmers of the National Domains :—
Ircvery part of the United States in a
(ltuation to extend the idea of equality as
far is it has been carried in France : I be
lieve no gentleman will fay it the con
flagrations, the desolations, and the bloo
dy scenes of St. Domingo, might also
then be exhibited on our peaceful and hap
py plains.
Foreign Intelligence.
[A great number of other articles sol-
NATIONAL CONVENTION,
NATIONAL DOMAINS.
(To be Continued.)
November 7.
FRANCE.