The New-Jersey gazette — Burlington [N.J.], 1778-04-29 00:00:00, page 2

Ail. X. I'hw v<>xY\vnittec of the States, or any nine
of them, shall be authorifed to execute, in the recess
of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the
United States in Congress assembled, by the content
of nine States, shall from time to time think expedient
to vest them with ; provided that no power be dele
gated to the said Committee, for the exercise of
•which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of
nine States in the Congress of the United States as
sembled is requisite.
Art. XI. Canada acceding to this confederation,
and joining in the measures of the United States, shall
be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of
this union ; but no other colony shall be admitted in
to the fame, unless such admission be agreed to by
nine States.
Art. XII. All bills of cerdit emitted, monies bor
rowed, and debts contracted by, or under the autho
rity of Congress, before the assembling of the United
States, in pursuance of the present confederation,
shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the
United States, for payment and fatisfattion whereof
the said United States and public faith are hereby so
lemnly pledged.
Art. XIII. Every State shall abide by the determina
tions of the United States in Congress assembled, on
all questions which by this confederation arc fubrnit
ted to them. And the articles of this confederation
shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the
union shall be perpetual ; nor shall any alteration at
any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless
such alterations be agreed to in Congress of the United
States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature
of every State.
These articles /ball be proposed to the legislatures of
all the United States, to be considered, and if approved
of by them, they are advised to authorise their delegates
to ratify the fame in the Congress of the United States ;
cwhich being done, the fame shall become conclufae.
By order of Congress,
HENRY LAURENS, President.
ver engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and
reprisal, in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties
or alliances, mor coin money, nor regulate the value
thereof, nor afeertain the sums and expences necefl'a
ry for the defence and welfare of the United States,
or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on
the credit of the United States, nor appropriate mo
ney, nor agree upon the number of vellels of war to
be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea
forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chisf
of the army or navy, unless nine States aflent to the
fame; nor shall a question, on any other point, ex
cept for adjourning from day to day, be determined,
unless by the votes of a majority of the United States
in Congress assembled.
The Congress of the United States shall have power
to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any
place within the United States, so that no period of
adjournment be for a longer duration than the space
of fix months, and shall publifli the journal of their
proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relat
ing to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in
their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and
nays of the delegates of each State on any question
shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by
any delegate ; and the delegates ofa State, or any of
them, at his or their request, shall be furnifhed with
a tranfeript of the said journal, except such parts as
are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of
the several States.
agree upon the number of land forces, audio make re
quisitions from each State for its quota, in propor
tion to the number of white inhabitants in such State ;
which requisition Hull be binding, and thereupon the
legislature of each State Shall appoint the regimental
officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm and equip them
in a soldier-like manner, at the expcncc of the United
States, and the officers and men so clothed, armed
and equipped, shall march to the place appointed,
and within the time agreed on by the United States
in Congress assembled: But if the United States in
Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circum
stances, judge proper that any State should not raise
men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota,
and that any other State should raise a greater num
ber of men than the quota thereof, fucb extra number
shall be raised, officered, clothed, ^med and equip
ped in the fame manner as the quota of such State,
unless the legislature of such State shall judge that
such extra number cannot be fafcly spared out of the
fame ; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe,
arm and equip as many of such extra number as they
judge can be fafely spared. And the officers and men
so clothed, armed and equipped, shall march to the
place appointed, and within the time agreed on by
the United States in Congress assembled.
The United States in Congress assembled shall ne-
LONDO N, February 19.
THE house of commons went into a committee on
Tuesday night, after the debate was over, upon
the proposals offered by Lord North relative to Ame
rica, and as soon as the chairman left the chair, a mo
tion was made,
PHILADELPHIA, April 17.
By a fliip of war which arrived here on Tuesday last,
in twenty-eight days from England, with defpatch
es for his Excellency the Commander in Chief, we
have been favoured with the latest London papers,
from which we have extracted the following intel
ligence :
111. To offer terms of conciliation to her.
The firft proportion is attended with too great an
expence of men and money, an expence which con
quest itfclt would rot balance. The second is, to
subscribe to the independency of America. The
third is that which appears to me to be tlx best and
wileft. I never thought-ofpropofing an ultimatum to
America. In a cm,tele which contains so many nice
and difficult points, so many matters which demand
future remedies, without any person present 011 the
part of the Colonies, that would be impoilibie and im
practicable. V, hattvci you give, kakisit is firft fet
tled and agreed on by persons authorifed by the colo
nies, might be given in vain. The danger also of pub
lilhing Inch an ultimatum' would be great; every
word would be critically examined by jealous powers,
and receive an invidious and talk conkrudiou or un
just comment. Every proposition would be blasted
before it reached America. If it got there entire, the
colonies, by refuting one condition, would dellroy
all. I wish, therefore, for an open conference with
America. I flunk that there is so much attention kill
left in that country towards this, that barely to enter
011 a discussion is more than half the business. My
plan is to open such a diicuhiom I shall therefore
piopofe, ift, An ad of parliament t, vest cammilliQn
ers with very ample powers for this purpose. The
powers must be ample-; limited powers can produce
no good. They must be ample, as to the perlons
with whom they treat, and as to the objects concern
ing which they treat. As to the persons, the present
commifli oners have great powers ; but the present act
must be full and clear, containing no doubt; no
doubt whether they shall treat with the Congress,
with rebels, with periods actually in arms ; whether
with a general adcmbly of all the colonies, or with
the alfembly of a particular colony. The only rule
to guide tiro coinmiflioners mult be, whether the per
lons with whom they treat, arc authorifed io to do. I
shall therefore propose, that such persons shall be
described in the molt general words. There should
be no etiquette ; the time for that is past. As to the
objects of the treaty, they should be as generally
described. The commiflioners should be enabled to
treat on all grievances existing, or supposed to exist in
the laws of the colonies, or in the Statutes of this
realm, on all matters, provisions or things, and on all
aids and future contributions to be furnifhed by the
colonies: for I have reason to think, from the decla
rations of the colonies, that they are willing to contri
bute their ihare to the public support. This will
make the tie Wronger between us. Those who derive
an advantage from a State, ought to contribute to the
burdens of it. The execution of Lheic powers must
The question was then put and agreed, and the
bills ordered to be brought in by Lord North, the
Attorney and Solicitor General, Sir Grey Cooper, &c.
February 19.
Lord NORTH'S SPEECH on his Conciliatory Moti
on, on Tuesday last, from a member.
7'llll proportions which I have the honour to offer
' to this horde, is for two acts of parliament. I
will now- open the contents of them full, and will
then refer them to a committee of the whole house.
At the opening,ot the pref nt icHion, on the firft day,
during the debate on the address to his Majesty, f told
the house, that in my opinion terms might lie made
with the colonies, ihort of unconditional fubmifion,
and that the time of making them was the moment of
victory. I laid this, thinking that the victory gain
ed by Sir William Howe was more decilive th<m it
really was; and ignorant ^t the'time of the difalter
which had fallen on General Burgoyne's army.
Ivhen the news of that melancholy event arrived, I
was /truck that the time ofpropofing terms was past,
and that the firft point to be done was the railing of
new levies, and a new force. The confequenccs of
that misfortune were unknown; the general idea
was, that the victorious army would march to Phila
delphia, and that, flushed with victory, a general en
gagement might have happened, which would have
been decilive, I thought it necessary, therefore, to
wait till the end of the campaign, till I had a know
ledge of all the events of it : It is ended, and nothing
deceive nas happened. The forces of Washington are
not luhicient to make him qhit his defective plan.
Our army is great, our navy is great, our men in
health, in spirits, and well fupjohed ; but the refin
ance of America is greater, end the war has lasted
longer, than was at firft a, pretended, much longer
than any friend to this country could wish, and I do
not think that it will end in thk campaign. I think that
our forces are fufficien; to compel America to accept
of reasonable terms ; but! make my proposition on
this ground, that it is better io offer a concefiion to
the colonies now, which may end the contest within
the year, than to continue the war for three or four
years longer, though' with the assurance of complete
conquest. In the present situation of affairs, only
three proportions can be made :
I. To krengthen our force, and continue the war
upon the present plan.
11. Torecal it from America. And,
'' That leave be given to bring in a bill to enable his
" Majesty to appoint comniilfioners to treat, content
" and agree on the means of quieting the disorders
" now fubhßing in certain ofthe colonies, plantations
" and provinces of America.'.' Also,
A bill for declaring the intentions of the parlia
" nient of Great-Britain, concerning the exercise of
the right of imposing taxes 011 the colonics, planta
" tions and provinces of America."
receive the fiibfequent fanciion of parliament; but
there are some points in which the opinion of the
commissioners must prevail immediately, as the grant
ing of general and particular pardons, or a eelfation
of hostilities. They must have also another immedi
ate power more great and extensive, founded on the
example of an adt passed in the reign of Charles 11. the
power of suspending acts of parliament. The colo
nies have demanded to be put in the situation they
were in 1763. I doubt they will never be placed ex
actly in the fame situation, but perhaps they may be
placed in one not much lets advantageous. The sta
tutes since that year are mahy ; many of them are be
neficial to the colonies ; many neceifary for their de
pendance as to trade ; a°,J many ought to be repeal
ed, all perhaps should be reviled. 1 would give the
commissioners full power to take them all into them
consideration, and to suspend such as should be re
pealed. There is another provision, which is, per
haps, a matter of convenience only, they should have
a power of appointing governors in (held colonics
where his Majifly was used to appoint them. I shall
propose to limit the duration of this aft to June 1,
1779. ril yeas to flop here, the plan would be cer
tainly defective; 'deleave in not offering an induce
ment to the colonies to treat with us. They must
give up their claim of independency; but to induce
them to do this, they mult be certain of Something
fixed and decided. It it is necehary to held out an
inducement to all the colonies collectively, it is equal
ly neceflary tv hold it out to each colony in particu
lar. Though some may not renounce their inde
pendence, feme may ; and it will not be said, that if
the commihioners cannot treat with all, they shall not
treat wuh any. The colonies must have feme other
inducement than mere hopes. Before the war broke
out, I offered a reconciliatory proposition to America :
I offered it before the fworc iwas drawn. The ground
upon widen I made it was, that it was just the colonies
should contribute to the support of government, but
that their taxation by parliament occasioned jealousies
in them or our attempting to throw the burden off
our own Inoulders upon them, and of endangering
the Security of their ailembhes. This proposition
was unfortunate ; it was rendered suspicious by the
fuppoiition of a variety of cases ; it was misrepresent
ed or mifunderftopd. I thought it necessary to show
them, that we were not fighting for taxation, for I
never thought that such taxation would be very be
neficial to us. The Lamp was the best duty that
could be laid; and even that would not have pro
duced much, so great was the aversion to it. My in
tent of making this proposition was, to prevent the
war, by preserving our rights, and freeing them from
their jeaLoufie d . In many of the assemblies there was
an inclination, to have accepted it, but they referred it
to the Congress. Ihe Congress treated it as unrea
sonable and insidious, and rejected it. War began,
^""-^1yillt^nt iCTiwas, |fr>m the 1k winning, at the nip
merit of victory, to have proposed the fame proporti
on, in terms obviating all the misrepresentations and
mifuWerEandings concerning it. The principal ob
jections to it were,
I. That the colonies had a sole right of granting
their own money. My proposition looked to a per
manent revenue to be granted by them in the firft in
fiance. My idea was, that they should grant their
own money in proportion to our grants, riling and
falling with them.
11. That it was unreasonable, bccaufe the quantity
was not afceitamcd ; but their contribution was af
terwards to undergo the rcvifal of parliament. This
was not my idea : —my intent was, that their pro
portion should be fettled, and being fettled, should
always remain the fame. \
111. That it was infidions, because the ministry in
tended to get one colony to bid against another. I
had no such intent. The Congress might have fet
tled what each colony should offer. I will now hold
out to the colonies a cefiation of the exercise of taxa
tion, ail'd I will not fubjedt it to any conditions, or
to the demand of any fpecific contribution. My pro
portion, therefore, is, an act of parliament, ground
ed on the jealousies of the exercise of the right of
taxation, ano on their declarations of their being wil
ling to contribute, to take away this exercise abfo
iutcly, truftmg to the negociations of our commissi
oners for gaining contributions from the colonies :
but I did not mean to make their grant a fine qua non,
but will declare, by a-n act of parliament, that for the
future the parliament will not tax the colonies for the
purpose of raising a revenue ; and if on account of
commerce, that the money so raised shall be appro
priated to the ufeof the colonies. I propose this, as
an explicit declaration. It may be said, should not
the colonics give up their, claim of independency?
The renunciation of that claim is implied in the att
itfclf. It may be said also, If you give up taxation,
what is there left to fight for ? I never thought tax
ation a fufficient object for the contest, and upon this
idea I made my proposition before the war begun.
But I fought for the dependence of America. The
Congress claimed independency. The colony of Mas
sachusetts. Bay claimed it, and a great outrage was
committed on our merchants. The war has cost us
more than any revenue which could have been raised
from America by parliament. The contest was for
Supremacy. ' But it may be urged, that conceffiops
in time of war, of so public a nature, arc dangerous.
It is the misfortune of this war, involved in so many
parliamentary points, to require public steps. The
Hate of our resources is well known. This concel-