The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1779-10-16 00:00:00, page 4

hirelings of the Court have thrown upon them? Except
Burgoyne, not one! He has flood forth in vindication
of his honour, when it might have been done by others
with better reason, and greater probability of success.
They have tamely submitted to an impeachment of
honour, without daring, or being willing, to ju^ify
themselves to the nation, or calling to account the de
signing Wanderer who has made them the scape goat of
his own bad Councils. Indeed, and indeed, there is no
great sign of real spirit in this behaviour; the whole is
marked by a tame submission to, and acquiescence in,
the will of the Minister. Each receives his pay, secures
the emoluments of Governments, which do not exist,
suppresses his just resentment, and is heard of no more.
If such are the pinciples and conduct of the Com
manders, what could have been expelled from the com
mon men who composed the army, but the spirit of
massacre and plunder? A great part were hired for the
purpose this vile disposition of the foreign troops was
the ground-work of their recommendation; the Ame
ricans were threatened with, and cannot forget, their
devastation. It was the murderous warfare of the Indian
which made him the ally, and the infidioufaefs of the
negro that made him tne friend of Great-Britain : the
ible farce was played between you fit was infilled, he
fliould be so good and so kind as to accept of an Act of
Indemnity : daring and bold in his designs, he gloried
in the violation of the Constitution; and knowing your
fubfervitncy, smiled at your juggling method of uoing
your duty to your country, and bungling attempt to
save your honour. He entered, however, into the spirit
of the farce, hud took a measure, in concert with you,
to amuse the public; and having amused and (hewn you
to the public, as you really were, he flopped (hurt,
fcoming the pitiful fhift, and rejecting with affectation
the idle attempt to secure his head and your honour.
Having often roared against the suspension of the Ha
beas Corpus Aft, left your liberty might be restrained
in the course of a rebellion, formerly fomented by your
friends and adherents, eventually against the accession
of his prefect Majesty to the throne, you pretended to
disapprove of toe Millifter's adopting a measure of tiiat
fort. He despised and rejected your application; he
knew he might do it without fear of your resentment;
and immediately after, granted, in p rt, what had been
refund to you, to one of your strongest opponents. He
has scarcely miffed an opportunity of thwarting your
applications in public matters, whilst he has complied
with every private one.
In the present g # eit contest, he has bambotled you in
your principal object , excuse the expreflion, I cannot
at present recollect one which better marks nis treat
ment of you; determined to eftablilh a despotic Go
vernment in America, on the violation of the principles
of the English Constitution, he gained your concur
rence in his measures, by the hopes of partaking in
his power, and (haring in his attrocious rapine.
A large and immediate revenue from your then fellow
fubjeds in America, to be at your disposal, was tne
bait he threw out: you (napped at it wjth rapacity, and
entered into his designs in a most felfirtrahd unprincipled
manner. But, as the talk of subjugating America soon
appeared not altogether so easy as it was at firft con
ceived, the ministerial language changed; a revenue
•Was not, he said, then the object, but only the'dignity
of Government, and the supremacy of Parliament. Tins
w. t s farming to felHihnefs and arrogance: you took
the alarm, and declared, that if a revenue was not the
object of the contest, there were no grounds for its
continuance. You were then told, that a revenue was
frill an object; 'and credit was immediately ®vpn to
the affurmce, although it was directly contrary to
what you had heard just be ore. You thus went on,
willingly deceived, until neither the dignity of Govern^
went, supremacy of Parliament, or even your firft and
great with of a large and immediate revenue, are any
longer either the true or pretended object of tne nation,
but felf-defence and felf preservation.
To the Minister, you have long ceased to be the men
of spirit, which your interest, honour, and duty, re
quire you should be. To your fellow-fubje&s, you are
proud and rapacious. Talk not then of spirit ; although
it has been supposed to b& a spirited speech, which offer
ed the Minister thirteen (hillings in tne pound to effed
the subjugation of America, it was the offer of t irteen
shillings to gain fourteen, and therefore only worthy of
a designing nuckfhr: it was the offer of one who had
thrown the whole burthen of the land tax from his own
Shoulders on those of his tenants, and of one who is Rid
to be bargaining with the Minister for a title in his fa
mily.
LETTER V.
If the principle and objed of the war were bad, the
spirit in which it was commenced was bad likewise. It
was not entered into with red spirit, but apparent cow
ardice; it wns entered into, because the Britilh notion
was strong, and the Americans weak. The nation was,
in their own opinion, tin br weft on earth, and the Ame
ricans the most pusillanimous; their conquest would, it
was imagined, be an easy work, or it had not been at
temp ed. War which is generally a choice of difficul
ties and dangers, in this infiance changed its nature,
and was considered as a certainty of feftivity and triumph;
it became a pafiime, in which the boys of quality might
fafely amuse themselves ; they went to America, not as
soldiers, to reap the laurels of an hard earned toil, but
to look and speak big toan affrighted banditti ; and to
please, with fenfetefs tales, the fond mothers of a tale
bearing Court. Them going ws made a holiday to an
admiring and vain-glorious croud, all anticipating the
triumphs which were to ensue.
T; e nation has, or ought to have, learned a language
and condud of modesty, Tie mofi favoured Command
ers have returned defeated and disgraced. They who
left the presence of their Sovereign in honour due to
the most accomplished in ,he art of war, have been
openly abused for their want of courage, capacity, and
integrity ; and, to the (hame of all spirit. it is now ask
ed, which of them has refen'ed the insults which the
PHILADELPHIA: Printed by JOHN DUNLAP, in Market-street,
Tne States to whom application was made to forbear
affording affiflance to the oppressed, thought they did
every thing that could be expelled from them when they
gave assurances. They could not imagine the English
Ministry was so foolifh as to expect tney would forego
their interest in commerce, or the opportunity which
had been so unexpectedly offered of abusing their rival
and enemy. The assurances aiked and given were con
sidered as aiked and given to deceive the people of Greit-
Britain, whose spirit seemed to be as low as that of the
Minister. This piece of political chicanery succeeded;
it could not, however, have succeeded but with such
as were willing to be deceived.
LETTER VII.
But with whatever principles and spirit the American
war was commenced and conducted, the continuance of,
and perfiflance in it, is f rid to be absolutely necessary
from the conduct of France, who hath most perfidiously
intruded herfelf into a fairs in which fne had no right to
interfere ; and by such interference, the war, now ceas
ing to be an American, is become a French one, and,
therefore, how much soever individuals, or the public,
might be disposed to come to an accommodation with
the Colonies, it cannot now be done, face their entrance
into treaties and alliance with France makesit a master
of necessity to pursue them to deftrudion, and punilh the
insidiousness of their ally. It is the art of the times to
take advantage of its own blunders, not for correction
but for a continuation of them. One mifehief produces
another, and operates as a juftification of tie whole.
The nation was urged to a continuation in the Ameri
can war, because it was commenced ; the reason, jus
tice, and humanity of it were not regarded. The conti
nuance of the American war naturally produced the
French alliance, and this affords a jufiification of the
measures, and will be a fufficient jollification, so long
as the people fuff r themselves to be the dupes of Mini
sters. This artifice of changing the name and object of
the war is made not only a ju ftification of bad measures,
but a means of feduftion to men who think themselves
well disposed. They who have withstood some artifices,
have been deceived by others. Men who have fteadi y
reprobated the principles and objefl of the American
contest have had their integrity and judgment shaken
when the Independency was declared; and many, who
considered that measure as the natural and necessary re
fult of the condud of Great-Britaiu, have at length fal
len from their character. They do not fee that the al
liance with France was as much in consequence of the
manner in which the war was conduced against Ameri
ca, as the Independence was the result of the alarming
claims of P rliament. The original opposition, declara
tion of Independency, and alliance with France, flowed
from the demands themselves, from their tendency, and
the unrelenting method taken to enforce them. They
who with to ad confidently, ought to have constantly in
Engliihman himfelf was debauched into such ads of cru
elty and robbery, as will ever disgrace the name and
nation of England. The forfeiture and confifeation of
the property ot tne Americans were the baits which rail
ed the army sent thither; when tne poor wretches, thus
seduced, claimed on their arrival in tne country the right
of plundering, ail d fcipline was loft; that which gave
the boailed (pint of the army destroyed it, and rendered
it a perfect banditti.
Tne former high-founding pompous langu ge, and
the late knavish sycophancy to tne Americ ns, are
not the only^parks of the Minifier's want of spirit; It is
seen in everytiftance of his conduct to the European
States.
At the moment he seemed to depend on this high
spirit, and numerous resources, the nloft servile court
was paid to the Princes of Europe not to .aflift those,
who, it was pretended, had neither spirit nor relources.
He affi fled to trull them, whom Great Britain had ne
ver trusted before, and branded with hypocrisy those
who had been faithful from the earliest time. Tne whole
of such a conduct was founded in meanness, and met
with a merited return; every thing was promised, but
nothing gained; trusting, however, to fuc promises,
the nation was necessarily betrayed into its present dil
honour.
LE T TER VI.
Where then (hall we find the spirit which is so much
talked of ? If the nation has no longer that firmnefs and
those principles which made them free at home and for
midable abroad; if the country gentlemen have loft
that independence which rendered them so troublesome
to the preceding Kings of the Hanover line; and if the
military are insensible to their own honour, let us fee
whether the minister has the appearance of spirit in any
one refped--the reality is not to be expelled from him.
When he talked of the dignity of Government, no one
was imposed on who knew its true nature ; nothing was
meant thereby but the support of his own consequence
and power in the date; a consequence and power that
could not be supported, but by the means and oppor
tunities of corruption. When he talked of bringing
America to his feet, the vanity and insolence of tne
man alone occurred to the mind of the hearers. No
red spirit can be (hety in the presence of a bribed Ma
jority, who are sure to applaud the presumption of
their paymaster with a vehemence proportioned to their
hire. Beside this talk of dignity and spirit, he made no
pretence to them abusing every man to whom the exe
cution of his mad fyhem was intruded for want of suc
cess, he dared not to call a single officer to account, ex
cept a Commander in the navy for intoxication. He
has chosen to mike his peace with thole he has outraged,
by t. e lowed servility and the basest corruption. To
the Americans he at length submitted, endeavouring to
obtain that peace, meanly and infidiou flyflvhic.: t eut
moft threats, insults, and force of arms, could not pro
duce. The (hew of spirit being gone, and the hour of
insolence puffed, entreaties, fl cteries, and corruption,
have been fubfiituted in tne room of force, intuit, and
demands.
I'hefe charges of perfidioufnefs, ambition, and natu
ral enmity, refute themselves, or are inadmissible on
tne fide irom wh ch they come ; there is, however, ano
ther which may be supposed to result from them, but
which is made with the word grace imaginable.
Nothing is more common than to hear of the busy
and intermeddling disposition of France; that the dis
pute between Great-Britain and the Colonies concerned
not her . and, therefore, her interference being most in
fidiouly fraught with enmity to, ought to be resented
by bot^. Had there been the least sense of shame, or
principle of candour in the Ministry, these suggestions
Lad not been made. Allow me to aik, what business had
tie House of Brunswick, and the House of Hesse, to in
termeddle in this bloody dispute, rendered more bloody
by their intiufion and interference ? What did they know
ot taxationand repr fentation, of the charters of govern
ment, or the rights of ireemen? Tiiey had no rivalfhip
witn, no enmity, either natural or political, to Ameri
ca nor had either of them a natural or political affec
tion lor England. They had not a single motive to wish
fucce s to either fide; and, indeed, they were so peculi
arly situated, that they had no with but that their own
subjects might be cut off, having procured to themselves
most ample reparation for their deaths. Are men fa
unprincipled to pass without ignominy, not having, as
others hav, in justification of themselves, even the pre
tence of their own honour and tie good of their States;
but, on the contrary, facrificing their own honour and
the happiness of their poor people, for the attainment
of base and enormous stipends, to gratify their lulls and
voluptuous disposition.
It is to such that England, who relents the conduct of
France, relorts at this time. The most ignorant of the
molt senseless, and the least interested in the dispute, are
considered by her as the best for the prosecution of it. Has
(he not made applic tion to the Ruffians, whose barbar
ous int rierence hath hitherto been flopped against her
will? Has the not exhausted her treasures in bribing e
very Prince in Europe to Sacrifice the repose of their
fubjeds to assist her against America ? In short, has (he
scrupled to colled where (he could, and what (he could,
to serve her purpose?
What does the savage, enjoying natural freedom in
its full extent, knew of the prerogatives of the crown ?
What idea can black (laves have of virtual representa
tion in the Parliament of Great-Britain?
If the allies of England are either unprincipled mer
cenaries, savages, or (laves, how can (he clamour against
France for offering, or blame the Americans for accept
ing, her assistance? Is it that neither had a right to do
what they have done? But who is a proper judge of
this question ? France and America are surely as com
petent to it as England and yet, perhaps, they might
fafely leave it to the judgment of England herfelf. Will
Ilie who appealed to the decision of the sword protest a
gainst it, when it has determined against her? Having
declared, contrary to found sense and the humble fup
pheation of America, that there could not, nor should be
any limited government, (he made her choice: aut Cae
sar ut nullus, was the language and principle of her
proceeding: Not succeeding as Csefar, the alternative
is obvious. It may be thought, however, that England
not having difelained her right, whatever tne sass may
be, ought not to be interrupted in her claim. Are for
mal d derations necessary, an American would aik,
when things speak for themselves ? Who thinks a decla
ration of w r necessary at this juncture ; Yet is it not as
much a war, in all its horrors, as it would be with the
farcical parade of heralds ? Things being plain in thera
felves, the extraneous evidences need not be strong.
When James the Second had, during the course of three
cr four years, done every thing in violation of the Con
futation, and to tne oppreffpn of his fubje&s, the cir
cuml lnee of throwing tne great fed into the Thame,
was trifling; his abdication was fufficiently manifeft
without it.
their mind the whole of the contest ; they who wish for
a paliation of their defection, can soon feir their consci
ence and their honour; any pretence, or none at all,
will serve the purpose of the corrupted.
If we keep in our minds the whole of the question, the
war is dill truly American ;and will be so until the Ameri
can Independency, which is the ground work of the al
liance with France, is publicly acknowledged. If there
was an original guilt in the claims and proceedings a
gamft America, that guilt is still continued ; an at
tempt may be made to cover and keep it out of fight,
but it will be without effect, except to those who are
willingly blind.
The perfidioufnefs, ambition, and natural enmity of
France, which have ever been the general topics of nati
onal abuse, and are greatly so at this jundure, are ridi
culous in the present question. What people (landing
in the light which France has flood in towards England,
would not have aded in the manner France has done?
Would not England herfelf have taken advantage of a
similar folly and madness in her rival ? She would not,
politically (peaking, have been juftified if (he had not.
The situation in which England has put herfelf, invites
reproach, infu|t, and assault ; the invitation is so irre
fiftably llrong as not to be avoided; the chief crime,
therefore, is in him who led into temptation, and con
sequential political evil.
Shall ambition be imputed to France as a fault by
England ? At such a charge, from such a quarter, Ame
rica will not be able to refrain from laughter, and all
Europe from contempt.
" But France is tne natural enemy of England ;" —
the expression is gross, and the idea, however political,
is repugnant to chriflianity. If, however, (he is, and
has always be n considered as her natural enemy, why
was not England more on her guard ? Why did Ihe trust
to her assurances ? Why did (he put herfelf into such a
condition as gave that enemy so great an advantage o
ver her ?
(To be concluded in our next.)