Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-05-22 00:00:00, page 2

'N E W-JER SE Y, i 6,
SPEEC H of his Excellency W ILLI A M
F R A NKLIN, Esquire, Contain General,
Governor, and Commander in Chits in and over
tie Province of New-Jersey, and territories
thereon dependifip in America, Chancellor and
Vice-Admiral ofth^ fame, Bcc.
To ffe General Assembly of thefoid Province,
convened at Burlington.
Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the
Assembly,
r ~r' H E sole occasion of my calling you toge
-1 ther at this time, is to lay before you a
resolution of the House of Commons, wifely and
humanely calculated to open a door for the reftc
rationcf that harmony between Groat-Britain
and her American colonies, on which their mu
tual welfare and happiness so greatly depend.
This refo'utioo having already appeared in the
- papers, and a great varietybf interpretati-'
onsnot upon it, mostly according to the different
views and dispositions by which men are actuated,
and scarcely any having seen it in it's proper
light, lihink I cannot, at this critical juncture,
better anlwer the gracious purposes of his Maje
sty, nor do my country more cffential service,
than to lay before you <:S full an explanation of
the occasion, purport, and intent of it as is in
my power. By this means, you, and the good
people you represent, will be enabled to judge
for yomfelves, how far you ought or ought not
to acquiesce with the plan it contains, and what
„steps it will be prudent for you to take on this
very important occasion.
You will fee in the King's answer to the joint
Address of both Houses of Parliament on the 7th
of February, how much attention his Majesty
was graciously pleased to give to the assurance
held out in that address. of the readiness of par
liament to afford everyjuft and reasonable indul
gence to the Colonies, whenever they should
make a proper application on the ground of any
real grievance they might have to complain of.—
This address was accordingly soon after follpw
ed by the resolution of the House of Commons
now laid before you. A circumstance which as ,
forded his Majesty great fatisfadion as it gave
room to hope for a happy eJed, and would, at al
events, ever remain an evidence of their justice
and moderation, and manifeft the temper which
has accompanied their deliberations upon that
question, which has been the source of so much
disquiet to the King's fubjeds in America.
' His Majesty, ardently wiring to fee a recon
ciliation of the unhappy differences by every
means through which it may be obtained without
prejudice to the just authority of parliament,
which his Majesty will never futfer to be violat
ed, has approved the resolution of his faithful
Commons, and has commanded it to be tranf
rwitted to the Governors of his Colonies, not
doubting, that this happy disposition, to comply
with every just and reasonable with of the King's
fubjeds in America, will meet with such a re
turn of duty and affection on their part, as will
le^d to a happy issue of the present dispute, and
to a re-eftablilment of the public tranquility on
those grounds of equity, justice and moderation
which this resolution holds forth.
What has, given the King the greater fatisfac
tion in this resolution, ard the greater confidence
in the good effects of it, is his having seen that,
amidst all the intemperance into which a people,
jealous of their Liberties, have been unfortunate
ly milled, they have nevertheless avowed the,f
tice, the equity, and the propriety of fubjeds of
the fame Rate, contributing, according to their
abilities and filiation, to the public burdens, and
ths resolution it is thought holds no proposition
beyond that.
It would probably be deemed unjust to sup
pose, that any of the King's fubjeds in the Colo
nies can have so far forgot the benefits they have
received fiom the parent state, as not to acknow
ledge that it is to her support, held forth at the
expence of her blood and treasure, that they
principally owe that security which hath raised
them to their present state of opulence and impor
tance. In this situation, therefore, justice re
quires that they should, in return, contribute ac
cording to their refpedive abilities to the common
defence; and their own welfare and interest de
mand that their civil eftabUfoment should be sup
ported with a becoming dignity.
It has been the care, and it is the firm deter
mination of parliament, to fee that both these
ends are answered, and their wisdom and mode
ration have suggested the propriety of leaving to
eaph Colony to judge of the ways and means of
making due provision for these purposes, referr
ing to themselves a discretionary power of ap
proving or disapproving what shall be offered.
The resolution neither points out what the ci
vil efiablifhment should be, nor demands any fpe
cifefum in aid of the public burdens. { In both
these refpeds, it leaves full scope for that justice
and liberality which may be expected from Colo
nies, that, under all their prejudices, have never
been wanting in expressions of an affadionate at
tachment to the Mother Country, and a zealous
regard for the general welfare of the British em
pire, and therefore the King trulls that the pro
vision they willengage to make for the support of
civil government, will be adequate to the rank and
Nation of every necessary officer, and that the sum
to be given in contribution to the common defence,
will be offered on such terms, and proposed in such
a way, as to increase or diminish according as the
public burdens of Great-Britain are from time to
time augmented or reduced, in so far as those bur
dens consist of taxes and duties which are not
2 security for the national debt.
By such a mode of contribution, the Colonies
will have full security that they can never be re
quired to tax themselves without Parliament's
taxing the fubjeds in Great-Britain in a far
greater proportion, and it may be relied upon that
any proportion of this nature made by any of the
Colonies, and accompanied with such a state of
their faculties and ability as may evince the equi-
fy of the props', will be received with e?ery
pofble Indulgence ; provided it be at the fame
timeomaccoropanicd with any declarations, and
unmixed with any claims which will make it im
pqffible for the King, confidently with his own
dignity, or for pailigment, confidently with their
cocftitutional rights, to receive it. But it is not
flippuff d that any of tife Colonies will, after this
example of the temper and moderation of Parlia
ment, adopt such a londud; on the contrary, the
picking hope is cherished that the public peace
will be redored, and that the Colonies will enter
into the consideration of the resolution of the
House of Commons with that calmness and delibe
ration which the importance of it demands, and
with that good will and inclination, to a recon
ciliation which are due to the candour and justice
with which parliament has taken up this busi
ness, and at once declared to the Colonies what
will be ultimately expeded from them.
It has been already observed, that the King
entirely approves the resolution of the House
of Commons, and I have his Majesty's commands
to fay, that a compliance therewith by the Gene
ral Assembly of New-Jersey will be most gracious
ly considered by his Majesty, not only as a testi
mony of their reverence for Parliament, but also
as a mark of theirduty and Attachment 'to their
Sovereign, who has no objed nearer to his heart
than the peace and profpefity of his febjeds in
every part of his dominions. At the fame time I
must tell you, his Majesty considers himfelf as
bound by every tie to exert those means the con-
Ititution has placed in his hands, for preserving
that constitution entire, 'and to resist with'firmriefs
every attempt to violate the rights of parliament,
to didrefs and obftrud the lawful commerce of his
fubjeds, or to encourage in the Colonies ideas of
independence inconsistent with their connexion
with Great-Britain.
Here, Gentlemen, youbave a full and candid
state of the disposition and expedati ns of his
Majesty and the Parliament. They require no
thing of America but what the Colonies have re
p a edly profefled themselves ready and willing to
perform. A late Assembly of this province in their
' petition to the King in 1766, express themselves
thss, “ As no danger can approach Britain without
giving us the most fenfiblc alarm; so your Majes
ty may be assured, that with filial duty we shall
ever be ready to afford all tire assistance in our
power, and stand or fall with that kingdom, from
which we boast our descent, and to which we are
attached by the strongest ties of duty, gratitude
and affedion." And, in a subsequent petition,
they fay, “ Aery far it is from our intentions to
deny our subordination to that august body (the
Parliament) or our dependance on the kingdom of
Great-Britain: In these connexions, and in the
settlement of our liberties, under the auspicious
influence of your Royal House, we know our hap
piness confitts; and therefore to confirm those
connexions, and to Strengthen this Settlement, is
at once our interest, duty and delight."
Similar declarations have been repeatedly made
in other Colonies. The following vote was parted
in the Assembly of Pennsylvania many years ago,
to wit, '• The House taking into consideration
" the irrany taxes their fellow fubjeds in Great
“ Britain are obliged to pay towards supporting
" the dignity of the Crown, and defraying the
“ necessary and contingent charges of Government,
" and willing to demonstrate the fidelity, loyalty,
“ and affedionof the inhabitants of this province,
" to our gracious Sovereign, by bearing a foare
'' of the burden of ourfellowfubjedis, proportionable
" to our circumjiances, do therefore, cheerfully
“ and unanimously tefolve, That three thousand
" Pounds be paid foi the use of the King, his
“ heirs and SucceSTors, to be applied to such uses
“ as he, in his royal wisdom, Shall think fit to
" direct and appoint." And the said 3000 pounds
was afterwards paid into his Majesty's exchequer
by the Agent of the province accordingly.
Nor can I avoid mentioning what was done in
the Convention of Committees from every County
io Pennsylvania, who met in July lad: for the ex
press purpose of giving inftrudions to their Re
presentatives in Assembly on'this very fubjeft-
Several of these instructions manifeft such a can
dor and liberality of sentiment, such just ideas of
the importance of our connexion with Great-Bri
tain, and point out so rational a method to be
pursued for obtaining redress for the supposed
grievances (previous to any attempts to distress
the trade of that kingdom) that it is greatly to be
regretted that the conduft of America, in a mat
ter of such vast importance to its future welfare,
had not been regulated by the principles and ad
vice they suggested. In those inftruftions, speak
ing of the powers Parliament had claimed and
lately exercised, the Convention fay, “ We are
thoroughly convinced they will prove unfailing
and plentiful sources of diffentions to our Mother
Country and these Colonies, unless feme expedi
ents can be adopted to render her faarc of receiv
ing from us every emolument that can in justice
and reason be expected, and us secure in our lives,
properties, and an equitable share of commerce.
Mournfully revolving in our minds the calamities,
that, arising from these diffentions, will most pro
bably fall on us and our children, we will now
lay before you the particular points we request of
you to procure, if poflible, to be finally decided;
and the measures that appear to us most likely to
produce such a desirable period of our distresses
and dangers." 1 hen, after enumerating the par
ticular Ads of Parliament which they confider as
grievances, and desire to have repealed, they add,
" In case cf obtaining these terms, it is our opi
nion, that it will be reasonable for the Colonies
to engage their obedience to the Ads of Parlia
ment, commonly called the Acts of navigation,
and to every other Ad of Parliament declared to
have force, at this time, in these Colonies, other
than those above mentioned, and to confirm such
statutes by Ads of the several Assemblies. It is
also our opinion, that taking example from our
Mother Country in abolishing the courts of wards
and liveries, tenures in capite, and by Knight's ser
vice and purveyance, it will be reasonable for the
Colonies, in case of obtaining the terms before
mentioned, to fettle a certain annual revenue on
his Majesty, his heirs and successors, Jubjed to the
controul of Parliament, and to Satisfy all damages
done to the East-India Company. This cur idea
of fettling a revenue, arises from a sense of
duty to our Sovereign, and of esteem for our Mo
ther Country. We know and have felt the bene
fits of a subordinate connexion with her. We nei
ther are so stupid as to be ignorapt of them, nor io
unjust as'to deny them. We have also 'experien
ced the pleasures of gratitude and love, as well
as advantages from that connexion. The im
pressions are pot yet erased. We confider her
circumftduces with tender concern. We have not
been wanting, when constitutionally called upon,
to assist her to the utmost of our abilities; insomuch
that She has judged it reasonable to make'us re
compences for our overftrained exertions^ And
we now think we ought to contribute more than we
do to the alleviation of her burthens. Whatever
may be said of these proposals on either fide of
the Atlantic, this is not a time either for timidity
or rafonefs. We perfectly know that the great
cause now agitated is to be conducted to a happy
coaclufion, only by that well tempered composi
tion of counsels, which firmness, prudence, loy
altyto our Sovereign, refpe& to our parent state,
and affection to our native country, united must
form." —" In case of war, or in any emergency of
distress, we shall also be ready and willing to con
tribute all aids within our power. And we so
lemnly declare, that on such occafion^, if we or
our poflerity, shall refufe, degleff or decline thus to
contribute, it will be a mean and manifeft violation
of a plain duty, and a weak and wicked desertion
of the true interests of this province, which ever
have been, and must be, bound up in the prospe
rity of our Mother Country. Our union, founded
on mutual compacts and mutual benefits, will be in
dissoluble, at least more firm than an union perpe
tually disturbed by disputed rights and retorted
injuries." I could quote several more passages
from these inftru&ions which are expressive of the
fame honest and generous sentiments with regard
to Great-Britain, but I shall only make one more
extract, and that refpe&ing the mode which they
recommended to be pursued for the redress of
grievances, viz. “ But other considerations have
weight with us. We wish every mark of refpeft
to be paid to his Majesty's Administration. We
have been taught from our youth to entertain ten
der and brotherly affections for our fellow sub
jells at home. The interruption of our com
merce must greatly distress great numbers of them
This we earneflly defre to avoid. We therefore
request, that the Deputies you shall appoint may
be intruded to exert themselves at the Congress,
to induce the members of it to consent to make a
full and precise state of grievances, and a decent,
yet firm claim of redress, and to wait the event
before any other fep is taken. It is our opinion
that persons should be appointed and Sent home
to present this state and claim at the Court of
Great-Britain." After mentioning their confi
dence in the intended General Congress, and their
resolution to abide by their determinations for the
fake of unanimity, they declare that it is with a
strong hope and trust that they will not draw this
province into any measure judged by us, whomuft
be better acquainted with its state than strangers,
highly inexpedient. Of this kind, we know any
other Stoppage of trade, but of that with Great-
Britain will be. Even this flep we should be ex
tremely afflided to fee taken by the Congress be
fore the other mode above pointed out is tried.
Happy would it have been at this day, in all
probability, if some such healing measures had
been pursued. Some plan of union, or proposal of
" a mutual compact" for " mutual benefit" was
the grand object which every honest man in the
Colonies had at heart. An imperfed one (if not
too glaringly so) was better than none, as it would,
if it had answered no other purpose, have laid a
foundation for negotiation and treaty. It has been
lately observed in Parliament, “ That it does not
appear the Colonies were seriously inclined to come
into any reasonable terms of accommodation, as
nobody was authorifed to make any proposals to
that effed."
However, it can be of little avail now to ani
madvert upon past tranfa&ions. Who has been
most in the right or most in the wrong can never
be fatisfaftorily decided. Many things will ever
happen, in the course of a long continued dispute,
which good men of both parties must reflect on
with pain, and wish to have buried in oblivion. In
the present situation of affairs we should only look
forward, and endeavour to fall on some expedient
that may avert the impending danger. To effect
this desirable purpose a plan is now formed, and
recommended to you by his Majesty, containing
terms greatly corresponding with the avowed sen
timents of many of the Colonies, and which, I
think, can only want to be rightly understood in
order to be generally adopted. It does not re
quire from the people of this country any formal
acknowledgment of the right of taxation in the
Parliament. It waves all dispute on that head,
and suspends the exercise of it forever, if so long
the Colonies shall perform their part of the corn
pad!. It does not even require, as a preliminary,
that the non-importation and non-exportation
agreements shall be abolished. It comes before
you in the old accustomed manner, by way of re
quisition, being approved and adopted by the King,
who has directed his several Governors to fignify
to the refpedlive assemblies his desire that they
should grant such aids for the common defence,
and the support of government within the Colo
nies, as shall appear to them just and equitable,
and proportionate to their abilities. His Majesty
and the Parliament, 'tis true, are to judge whe
ther the aids which each colony may offer are
worth acceptance, or adequate to their refpe&ive
abilities, as they did during the course of the last
war, very much to the fatisfadion of those Colo
nies who exerted themselves, often making them
a compensation “ according as their active vigour
and strenuous efforts refoedively appeared to me
rit." The necessity of some such Supreme Judge
is evident fiom the very nature of the cafc, as
otherwise some Colonies might not contribute theit
due proportion. During the last war, I well re
member, it was ardently willed by some of the
Colonies that others, who were thought to be de
linquent, might be compelled by aft of Parliament
to bear an equal share of the public burdens. It
appears by the minutes of Assembly, in March
and April 3758, that some of the neighbouring
Colonies thought New-Jersey had not at that time
contributed its due fkare towards the expences of
the war, and that President Reading (the then
commander in chief of the Colony) was of the
fame opinion. And since my administration, when
the Assembly in 1764 was called, upon to make
provision for railing some troops on account of the
Indian war, they declined doing it for some time,
'but “ on condition of a majority of the Eastern
Colonies; as far as to include Massachusetts-Bay,
should come into his Majesty's requisition on the
occasion." But, as none of the Assembles of the
New-England governments thought themselves
nearly concerned, nothing was granted by them ;
and the whole burden of the expeditions then
carried on fell upon Great-Britain and three or
four of the middle Colonies; with which this Co
lony was diflatisfied, and the Assembly complain
ed of it in one of their addresses to me on the cc
cafion.—But what fully evinces that there is no
design of oppreflion or extortion in the proposed
reservation in his Majesty and his Parliament of
the right ofapproving the aids which may be offer
ed by the colonies, is, his Majesty's gracious as
surance that the propositions on this head will be
received with every pofible Indulgence. —The
monies raised by the feveraLColonies as their pro
portion to the common defence is made fubjeti to
the disposal of Parliament, as in justice it ought,
as they furnifh the whole sum which may be wanted
for that necessary purpose, according to the esti
mates annually laid before them by the Crown,
besides making provision for the civil'lift and na
tional debt, towards Which the Colonies are not
aflied to contribute. The army and navy estab
lishment it is well known is necessarily encreafed
since the extension of the British dominionsin Ame
rica. The whole American civil and military
establishment, as paid by Great-Britain, after the
peace of Aix la Chapelle was. it is said, only
£.70,000 sterling; but since the last peace it
amounts to upwards of £.350,000. As this great
additional expence was chiefly incurred on an
American account, it cannot but be reasonable that
America should pay some part of it. To remove
every objection that other taxes may be raised
upon America, under the colour of regulations
on commerce, the produce of all such duties i$
co be carried to the account of that province where
it is to be levied.
We have now, thank Heaven, a happy oppor
tunity of getting entirely rid of this unnatural con
reft, by only complying with what, I think, has
been fully proved and acknowledged to be our in
dispensable duty. Wherever a people enjoy pro
tedtion, and the other common benefits of the
state, nothing can be more reasonable than that
they should bear their share of the common bur
den.
It is much to belamented that there is so much
truth in the observation, that mankind generally
ad not according to right, but according to pre
sent interest, and most according to present passi
on. In the present case, there are no difficulties
but what may be easily surmounted, if men come
together sincerely disposed to serve their country,
unbiased by any sinister views or improper resent
ments. This, Gentlemen, I trust, will be found
to be your difpoGtion in this most alarming situa
tion of public affairs. Let me conjure you, how
ever, not to come to any precipitate resolutions
refpeding the plan of accommodation now com
municated to you. I have no objedion to give
you any time you may think necessary for the due
consideration of it. It is, indeed, a concern cf a
more interesting nature than ever before came un
der the consideration of an American Assembly.
If it is adopted, all will yet be well. If it is to
tally rejected, or nothing similar to it proposed,
or made the basis of a negociation, it will neces
sarily induce a belief of what has been lately so
often mentioned in public, " that it is not a dis
pute about modes of taxation—but that the Ame
ricans have deeper views, and mean to throw off
all dependance upon Great-Britain, and to get rid
of every controul of their legislature." Should
such sentiments ever prevail they cannot but have
the most fatal effects to this country. I am, how
ever, fully convinced that the body cf the people
in the Colonies do not even entertain a wish of the
kind. Rather than lose the protection of Great*
Britain, America, were it ever so constitutionally
and allowedly independent, would find it for its
advantage to purchase that protection at an ex
pence far beyond what Great-Britain would ever
think of requiring while we mow her that regard
and obedience to which (he is justly entitled, and
which our own interest and fafety fliould prompt
us to mew if there were no other considerations.
Taxation being the principal fuurce of the pre
sent disorders, when that important point is once
fettled, every other fubjeC t of complaint which
has grown out of it will, no doubt, of course be
removed. For you may rely, Gentlemen, that
notwithstanding the many inimical and oppressive
designs which the jealousies and suspicions of an
incensed people have attributed to government,
yet it is evident from the whole tenor of the let
ters which I have had the honour to receive front
the King's Ministers, that his Majesty and they
have nothing more at heart than to have these un
happy differences accommodated on some just and
honourable plan, which mail at the fame time se
cure the liberties of the people without Feflening
theneceffary power and dignity of Parliament.
God grant that the Colonies may manifeft the
fame laudable difpofftion, and that a hearty recon
ciliation and harmony may take p 4 aie of the pre
sent confufion and diffention.
W M . FRANKLIN.
Council-Chamber,
Blay 16, 1775,