Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-02-19 00:00:00, page 2

ter the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET.
A DIALOGUE between the G IIOST of
General Montgomery and a Dedicate, in
a iVood near Plilade'phia.
Dccgate. ¥^7ELCOME to rth retreat my
V V good friend. If I miltake not,
I now fee the gholt of the brave General Mont
;gouery.
Geneva! Montgomery. lam glad to fee you. I
ftili love liberty and America, andthe contempla
tion of life future greatness of thin continent now
forms a large Ihare ot my pieteut happiness. 1
am lent here upon an important, errand, to warn
you agdinft listening to terms of accommodations
from the court of Britain.
Del. I Ihall be happy in receiving irfundion
from you in the prelent trying exigency of our
public affairs. But fuppole the ta^s you speak
of ihould be just and honourable.
Gen. Mont, flow can you exped these, after
the King has proclaimed yev rebels from the
throne, and after both house, of parliament have re-'
Solved to support him in carrying on a war against
you ? No, I fee no offers from Great-Britain but
of paudon. The very word is an insult upon our
caule. To whom is pardon offered ?—to virtuous
freemen. For what?—for flying to arms in de
fence of the rights of humanity. And from
whom do thefeoffers come? From a royal cri
minal. Yo 4 have furnifhed me with a new rea
icn for triumphing in my death, for I had rather
have it said that 1 died by his vengeance, than
that 1 In id by his mercy.
Del. But you think nothing of the deftradire
consequences of war. How many cities mutt be
reduced to allies ! how many families mult be
ruined ! and how many widows and orphans mult
be made, should the prefect war be continued any
longer wi ii Great Britain.
Gen. Mont. I think of nothing but of the de
ftrufhve consequences of llavery. The calami
ties of war are transitory and confined in their
effects. But the calamities of llavery are exten
sive and lading in their operation. I love man
kind as well as you, and 1 could never retrain a
tear when my love of joftice has obliged me to
Shed the . iood of a fellow creature. It is my hu
manity that makes me urge you againlt a recon
ciliation uith Great-Britain, for if this takes place,
nothing can prevent the American colonies from
being the feat of war as often as the King of
Great Britain renews his quarrels with any of
the colonies, or with any of the belligerent pow
ers of Europe.
Ded I tremble at the do&rine you have ad
vanced. 1 lee you are for the independance of
the colonies on Great Britain.
Gen. Mont. I am for permanent liberty, peace,
and Security to the American colonies.
Del. ihefe can only be maintained by placing
the colonies in the situation they were in the
year 1763.
Gen. Mont. And is no Satisfaction to be made
to the co omes Jor the blood and treasure they
have expended in refilling the arms of Great-
Butdin? Who can loften the prejudices of the
King—the parliament—and the nation, each of
whom will be averse to maintain a peace wi h you
in proportion to the advantages you have gained
Over them? Who shall make restitution to the
widows—the mothers—and the children of the
men who have been fiain by their arms? Can no
baud weild the feeptre of government in Ameri
ca except that which has been Gained with the
blood of your countrymen? For my part if I
thought this continent would ever acknowledge the
foveieignty of the crown of Britain again, Ifhouid
fur ever lament the day in which 1 offered up my
life lor its Salvation.
Del. You ihould distinguish between the King
and his ministers.
Gen. Mont. I live in a world where all political
fupeiftition is done away. The King is the author
of all the measures carried on against America. The
influence of bad minivers is no better apology for
taele measures, than the influence of bad compa
ny is for a murderer, who expiates his crimes un
der a gallows. You all complain of the cor
ruption of the parliament, and of the venalty of
the nation, and yet you forget dv.. the crown is
the luurce of them both.—You shun the Streams,
and yet you are willing to fit down at the very foun
t in of corruption and venalty.
Del. Our distance and charters will protect us
f, cm the influence of the crown.
Gen. Mont. Yourdistance will only render your
danger rr ore eminent, and your ruin more irre
trievabL. Charters are no restraints against the
hit of rower. The only reason why you have eS
caped h long is, because the treasure of the nation
has been employed for these 50 years in buying up
the virtue of Britain and Ireland. Hereafter the
fcjTcion of the representatives of the people of
fro,erica will be the only aim of administration
should you continue to be connected with them.
Del. But I foresee many evils from the indepen
dence of the Colonies. Our trade will be ruined
from the want of a navy to proted it. Each co
lony will put in its claim for Superiority, and we
fiail have domestic wars without end.
Gen. Mont. As I now know that divine Provi
dense intends this c motry to be the afylam of per
secuted virtue from every quarter of the globe, so
I chink your trades will be the vehicle that will
convey it to you. Heaven has furcifhed you with
greater re/eurces for a navy than any nation in the
world. Nothing but an ignorance of your Strength
cou!d have led you v Sacrifice your trade for the
ySection of a foreign navy. A freedom from
the felltaints of the acts of navigation I forefee
wed produce Inch immense additions to the wealth
this country that posterity will wonder that
^r youthought your prelent trade worth its pro
% on. As to the supposed contentions between
.er :t lon es, they have no foundation in truth.
fuppefing they have, will delaying the inde
tr+cc of the Colonies, 50 years, prevent them ?
-the wenkhels of the Colonies, which at firft
used their union, will always preserve it, 'till
A beTheir inter est to be Separated. Had the
Del. Will not a declaration of independence
lessen the number of our friends, and encreafe the
rage of our enemies in Britain ?
Gen. Mont. Your friends (as you call them)
are to few—too divided—and too interested to
help you. And as for your enemies, they have
done their worst. They have called upon Ruffi
ans- Hanoverians—Heffians—Canadians—Sava
ges—and Negroes to aflift them in burring your
towns —deflating your country —and in butcher
ing your wives and children. You have nothing
further to fear from them. Go, then, and awaken
the Congress to a sense of their importance ; you
have no time to lose. France waits for nothing
but a declaration of your independence to revenge
the injuries they sustained from Britain in the last
war. But I forbear to reason any further with
you. 1 he decree is finally gone forth, Britain and
America are now diftinft empires. Your coun
try teems with patriots—heroes—amd legislators,
who are impatient to burst forth into light and
importance. Hereafter your atchievements shall
no more swell the page of British hjilory. God
did not excite the attention of all Europe—of the
whole world—nay of angels themselves to the
present controversy for nothing. The inhabit
ants of Heaven long tq fee tile ark finished in
which all the liberty and true religion of the
world are to be deposited. The day in which
the Colonies declare their independence will be a
jubilee to Hampden—Sidney—Ruffel—Warren
—Gardiner—Macpherfon, and all the other he
roes who have offered themselves as facrifices up
on the altar of liberty. It was no small mortifi
cation to me when I fell upon the plains of Abra
ham, to refled that I did not expire like the
brav€ General Wolfe, in the arms of vidory.
colony of Maffacbufetts-bay been possessed of the
military resources which it would probably have
had 50 years hence, would the have held out the
Signal of distress to her filler colonies, upon the
news of the Boston port-bill ? No—(he would
have withstood all the power of Britain alone, and
afterwards the neutral coloriies might h?re shared
the fate of the colony of Canada.- Moreover,
had the connection with Great Britain been con
tinued 50 years longer, the progress of British laws,
customs, and manners (now totally corrupted)
would have been luch that the Colonies would
have been prepared to welcome Slavery. But had
it been otherwise, they mutt have asserted their
independance with arms. This is nearly done al
ready. It will be cruel to bequeath another con
left to your posterity.
Del. Butl dread all innovations in governments.
They are very dangerous things.
Gen. Mont. The revolution, which gave a tem
porary liability to the liberties of Britain, was an
innovation in government, and yet no ill conse
quences have arisen from it. Innovations are dan
gerous only as they (hake the prejudices of a
people; but there are now, Il ieve, but few pre
judices to be found, in this country, in favour of
the old connection with Great-Britain. [ except
thole men only who are under the influence of their
pallions and offices.
Gen. Mont. I beg leave to contradiX that asser
tion. No royal ediXs or acts of aflembly have
ever been more faithfully or univeifally obeyed
than the resolves of the Congress. I admire the
virtue of the colonies, and did not some of them
still hang upon the haggard breasts of Great-Bri
tain, I should think the time now come in which '
they had virtue enough to be happy under any
form of government. Remember that it is in a
commonwealth only that you can expert to find
every man a prtriot or a hero. Ariftides—Epi
manondas—Pericles—Scipio—Camillus— and a
thousand other illustrious Grecian and Roman he
roes, would never have astonished the world with
their names had they lived under royal govern
ments.
Gen. Mont. You mean the ministry have many
enemies in Parliament who conned the cause of
America, with their clamours at the door of admi
nistration. Lord Chatham's conciliatory bill would
have ruined you more effectually than Lord
North's motion. The Marquifs of Rockingham
was the author ofthe declaratory bill. Mr. Wilkes
has added infamy to the weakness of your cause,
and the Duke of Grafton and Lord Lyttleton have
rendered the minority junto, if possible, more con
temptible than ever.
Del. But if we become independant we shall
become a commonwealth.
Gen. Mont. I maintain that it is your interest to
be independant of Great Britain, but I do not re
commend any new form of government to you. I
should think it strange that a people who have
virtue enough to defend themselves against the
mod powerful nation in the world, should want
wisdom to contrive a perfect and fiee form of go
vernment. You have been kept in Subjection to
the crown of Britain by a miracle. Your liberties
have hitherto been suspended by a thread. Your
connexion with Great Britain is unnatural and
unnecessary. All the wheels of a government
should move within itfelf.—l would only beg leave
to observe to you, that monarchy and aristocracy
have in all ages been the vehicles of Slavery.
Del. Our governments will want force and au
thority if we become independent of Great-Bri
tain.
Del. But is it not most natural for us to wish
for a connection with a people who speak the fame
language with us, and possess the fame laws, re
ligion, and forms of government with ourfelvcs ?
Gen. Mont. The immortal Montesquieu fays,
that nations fliould form alliances with those na
tions only which are as unlike to themselves as
possible in religion, laws and manners, if they mean
to preserve their own constitutions. Your depen
dance upon the crown is no advantage, but rather
an inju r y, to the people of Britain, as it encreafes
the power and influence of the King. The people
are benefited only by your trade, and this they
may have after you are independant of the crown.
Should you be disposed to forgive the King and the
nation for attempting to enslave you, they will never
forgive you for having baffled them in the attempt.
Del. But we have many friends in both Houses
of Parliament.
But I now no longer envy him his glory. I would
rather die in attempting to obtain permanent free
dom for a handful of people, than Survive a con
quest which would Serve only to extend the em
pire of defpotilni. A band of heroes now beckon
to me. I can only add that America is the
theatre where human nature will soon receive its
greatest military—civil and literary honours. —
<,<,ss#- #4-4--fr4-fr-4^^
IRISH HOUSEofCOMMONS,
Thursday, November 23.
SI R John Maquiere prelented to the h6ufe a
message from his Excellency, lignifying that
" he had his Majesty's commands to acquaint the
house, that as the present exigencies of affai s re
quired lending an additional number of troops to
America, he had the firmeft reliance on the loy
alty of his faithful Commons of Ireland to admit
his fending abroad a number of the troops on this
eftabliihmeut, not exceeding 4000 men, which
fha ! l no longer continue a charge on this kingdom,
but be immediately on their leaving the fame, in
the pay of Great-Britain.
And to shew his Majesty's gracious regard for
the fafety and defence of this kingdom, if the Par
liament shall desire it he will replace the said 4COO
men with &n equal number of foreign proteiiants
(Subjoins of the Prince of Brunswick and the
Prince of Hefle Cade!) to be continued here, tn
the pay of Great- Britain, as Icon as his Majesty
Ihall be enabled to lend them by his Parliament of
Ireland."
Sir John Biaquiere moved, that the House do
on Saturday rext resolve itfelf into a committee
of the whole Hjufe, to take his Excellency's mel
fage into cunhde;ati # n.
^aturaay, ?frroei?Der 23.
The Hou e was caked eve .d efolved into a
committee to okeinto r , •his dxceden
cy's m flage, and i?e - < Aider tn
the belt m^ H M r .
MalonesJ
l'ne<i^
ceihcys, :.
on were read.
bir dreheDld Gbefca 1. he pany
eulogtyms co his fc, 1 aid, we
ought to look upo, as thefa, ,: much
favoured people, and then pri pokdP ufler two
refolutirms, but they u t ojag rr A proper
form, were handed to Mr. Vre- !leaiure? ; and
as they tock ikine time to zrra^ge, Mr. Gg'e laid
the committee had better adjourn till the refolu
tidns were drawn. At length they were produced
in fubflance as follows:
" I. Kefotved, That it is the opinion of this
committee, that in the pre'ent exigency of affairs,
a number of troops not exceeding four thousand,
out of the number of twelve thousand, voted as
necethry to be kept in Ireland for the defence
thereof, be spared for his Majesty's l^rvice
abroad, provided that from their quitting this
kingdom they Ihall be of no charge to the na
tion."
2. Refolded, That it is the opinion of this
committee, that a number of foreign protestant
troops, not exceeding four thousand, be received
into this kingdom to rep ace the like number lent
abroad, for the iecunty and defence thereof, pro
vided they Ihall be of no change to rhe nation."
Having read these two resolutions, Sir Arche
bald Acheson moved the committee to agree with
the firft.
Col. Ross seconded the motion, and observed
this measure w>uid be a laving to the nation of
85,000 k a year.
Mr. Hellen said, the message was the most re
fpedful that ever came from a Sovereign to his
people. That it confirmed and allowed rhe com
pact for keepi.g 12,000 men here at all times,
and that it should not be violated by withdrawing
one of those men, without the concurrence of
Parliament; and was a pledge that the men re
queued of the home would be returned to the na
tion as soon as the exigency should csafe. This
naturally led to an enquiry 'whether the exigency
was fufficiendy great to warrant this equilirion?
That it was 10, he endeavoured to prove from the
present date of A 1 encan affairs, lieth-n enter
ed into praise ofthe fireige troops intended to be
sent here, observing they weie rimeof die heft n
Germany, who had fought dong wih our forces,
and with them had (he wed rheit mui est and bra
very on the plains of Mi d n. By a knittin ;thofe
troops our security w 4 s the tame, and our expell
ees considerably lifs. Some gentleman, said he,
may possibly ask if these troop's are so good, way
were they not lent to America, and the Brinfh
and Iriffi troops kept at home? To this it might
be anfw red, that Great-Britain was willing to
shew, tie fame aim that protected America, while
she wasdu Yul, was ab.e to chaitue her when Iha
was Seditious,
Mr. PonfonH allowed that we ought to fanport
Great-Britain if it can be done with justice, pru
dence and humanity. That if theiraops Were lent
abro id, without afkiag our c m'ent, then we Ihould
not be made parties in the quarrel. Eat if we give
our consent we shall shew we r ake a ' ter oned
part agaimft America. To do fa would be con
trary to justice, for we have had no pariiameotary
proof of the delinquency of America, ofthe date
of the present troubles; all we know o'either be
ing derived from news papers. We kmow indeed,
that the Americans were dutiful and connected till
the stamp aft was passed, for the purpose ofinter
nal taxations. At this they murmured, .h s they
opposed ; but as soon as it was repeal rd they cheer
fully returned to their duty, and ib would they
do now, if the fame expedient was Ged. To take
a part againlt America, would be contrary to pru
dence, for if we alhlt in punilhing them for remitt
ing against being taxed by the British Parliament,
we furnilh a precedent against ourfdves, if ever
the like occasion Ihould happen. It would be al
so imprudent to admit those foreign troops ; they
are not freemen, but fubjedts to arbitrary govern
ment, and will not regard us as their matter if we
do not pay them, forloldiers always lookup to the
hand that pays them. As this meafureis contrary to
justice and prudence, so it is also to humanity, for
On the 25th of Dec. last was taken by a Ply
mouth privateer, and carried in there, a frnall sloop
from New-York, Moses Weyman, master, laden
with provision for the ministerial army in Boston,
confining of <,5 freffi hogs, 10g barrels of pok,
50 barrels fine New York pippins, 20firkins hogs
fat, some quarters of beef, tufkies, &c. &c.
WATERTO W N r Feb. 5 .
Last Tu^fday Capt. House, with 4 whaleboats,
took and carried into Barnftable a flcop of ii§
tons burthen, bound fiom La Have for Boston,
laden wuh beef, bay, potatoes and turnips,
Saturday last was bu nt in this town, pursuant
to an order of the General Court, by the door
keeper, a quantity of Bohta tea, taken from ore
John Brown, a perform uho for fifty dollars, res
cued and conveyed away, from the custody of the
court's messenger, Dr. Samur, Guijfon, who had
been apprehended by the court, for supplying the
enemy with provifion^. he was retaken uith tl %
said Brown at Rhode Bland and brought back to
this town, where they are now wader close gua?&,
Sir BDw.ird Neunenham said. as he bad given his
negative t>the addrels, which denoerted venge
ance againlt bis fellow fuhjefts he could not agree
ta the lending of more troops to butcher men who
were lighting for their liberty. He said, that we
might bid farewell to such as we sent to America;
for that if America was conquered, the troops
would be kept there to preserve that conquest ;
for th ough it might be conquered, the spirit of li
berty would not be ever subdued He was vio
lently agamft the introduction of foreign mercena
ries, and argued that the introduction of them
bed occaioned the fall of many g r eat empires and
Bates.—He induced the danger of having foreign
{rqopsJn any kingdom where they would not be
amenable t DhTtews, by mentioning the case of a
H uY^- fridier, who commi ted a robbery, and was
confined by the evil magistrates, but was released
old given up to the military. That Hanoverian,
Hessian, and Brunswick troops were more dange
rous than any others ; for that German connexi
ons were always fatal to the true inte efts of Gid
England. He entered largely into the present
system of affairs in Europe. He insisted upon it,
that German influence was so powerful in the Ca
binet of Great Britain, that the most valuable in
terests of these kingdoms would be given to save
the pauhry Electorate of Hanover. That he was
convinced the deftru&ion of the Eledors Mana
gery at Herenhaufen, or the much admired stud of
cream-coloured nags, in the stables of Hanover or
Zell, would appear in the eyes of the present mi
nistry as a greater misfortune than the desolation
of those three once happy, but now diftraded fink
ing nations. He advised the minister in the House
to confider what riots and disorders would be com
mitted in the city of Dublin, if foreign mercena
ries were quartered in it.—That the fending 0?
our troops to the butchery of cur fellow fubje&s
in America, or bringing over foreign mercenaries,
equally militated against true reason and found
policy.
be continued]
C A MBR I I) C h, February g.
We hear, that as Capt. Manly was coming out
of Plymouth, Jan. 30. an armed brig (which went
from Boston for the parpofe of taking him, as is
supposed) gave him chace ; upon which he ran
his vessel on flicre a little foath of the North river
in Scituate. The brig came to anchor, and tired
not less than 400 times upon the privateer; but,
very remarkably, noman uas even w funded. One
ball entered the stern, and passed but about fix in
ches from Capt. Manly, who was cons ;ed by Gck
nefs in his cabin. The next day ijo balls were
found upon the adjacent ffiore.
Beside the above, which is from a correspondent
near w here the affair happened, we hear, that after
the brig coaled firing she manned her boats, boards
ed Capt. Manly's vehei (the people being Thore)
and endeavoured to set her 03 fire; but feeing our
people coming upon them, they were glad to get
off without effeAing their dehgn. She has since
been got off, is refitting, and nearly ready for ano
ther cruise.
what can be more inhuman than to fend our Miert
our relation, men we have convened and cat a
drank with, to expose them to the dangers of I
and battle, whilst foreigners live here at eale at
fafety; and he alked, was it not inhumanity t^
make widows and orphans of our country womeD
and children, only to spare thole of strangers?
Mr. fokn Fitzgibons said, before we took any
part in a war, we Ihould examine whether it was
just. He then entered into 1 recapitulation of all
that had passed between Great-Britain and her
Colonies from the lalt war to the present time,
and concluded that the war was uijuft, and Ire
land had no reason to be a party therein, some m 4 y
fay, added he, if we refufe these troops to his Ma
jesty's request it may be of evil conkquences, buz
lie thought differently. It would make the King
look into theuffair, and when he fees we are noc
inclined to assist in an unjust war, it my boa,
mean: of inducing him to put an end to it.
Sir John Biaquiere leplied, the resolution be
fore the Committee tended to verify and realize
the profeffions of loyalty made by he Houri-. To
this, gentlemen might consent, wit mt agreeing
to the- other, if they thought fit t fubmi t to a
ffiort temporal) inconveniency, rather than receive
foreign troops, which would only le sent at the
defirc of the House.
It is i orefented by one of our friends lately
from Boston (a gentleman of good judgment and
undoubted veracity) as worthy to be relied on,
that one of the men of war that last arrived from
England brought intelligence, that our friends in
London had collected 26,900 pounds sterling for
the support of the American army, which they
were abont fending by the way ofthe Weft Indies;
but that administration bad secured the money, and
were making Shift Search and enquiry for the do
nors, who were considered as countenancing and
aiding a REBELLION Should rhe ministry
pqrfue the enquiry, it may add to their confusion,
and be, in some degree, the means of our temporal
Salvation.