Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-22 00:00:00, page 4

nave quoted neither jays a lyllaine, nor insinuates a bint
about Support : ft ipeaKs ony of neutral powers in the
neighbourly character of mediators between those which
arZat war , and lays it is the cultom of European Courts
to do io. Caro hath already railed Commiflioneis into
Ambalfadors, but how he couid transform mediators in
to men in arras, and mediation into military alliance, is
surpassingly Grange. Read the part over again, Cato;
if you find I have charged you wrongfully and will point
it out, I will engage that the author of Common Sense Shall
atk your pardon'in the public papers with his name to it,
but if the error be yours; the concefkon on your part
follows as a duty-
Thon' .h lam fully persuaded that Cato does not believe
one half'of what himfelf hai written, he, nevertheless,
takes amazing pains to frighten his readers into a belief
of the whole ':Tells t^ern of foreign troops (which he
supposes we are going to fend for) ravaging up and down
the country ; of their " bloody massacres, unrelenting
persecutions which would harrow up (lays he) the every
fouls of pretexts and freemen." Were they coming, Ca
to, which no one ever dreamed of but yourfelf (for thank
God we want tnem not) it would be impossible for them
to exceed, or even to equal .the cruelties pra&ifed by the
British army in the Ealt-Indies : The tying men to the
months of cannon and “ blowing them away,” was never
acted by any but an English General, or approved by
any but a Britilh Court*—read the proceeding of the
Select Committee on India affairs.
From temporal fears Cato proceeds to spiritual ones,
and in a hypocritical panic, asks, “To whose Share
“ will Pennsylvania fall—that of his most Catholic, or h:s
“ most Christian King ? I confefs, continues he, that these
'' questions stagger me." I cont wonder atit, Cato--I am
glad to hear that some kind of renrorfe hath overtaken
you —-that you begin tofeel that you are '' heavy laden
—you have had along run ; and the stoutest heart must
fail at last.
Cato perceiving'that the falfehoods in bis fourth let
ter passed unreproved, ventured boldly on a fifth, in which
he continues enlarging on the fame convenient bug-bear.
“ In my last," fays he “ lome notice was taken of the
" dangerous proportion held up by the author of Common
" Sense, for having recourse to foreign assistance."
When will Cato learn to speak the truth ! The assistance
which we hope for from France, is not armies, (we want
them not) but arms and ammunition. We have already
received into this province only, near two hundred tons
of falt-petre and gun-powder, besides muskets. Surely !
we may continue to cultivate a ufeful acquaintance,
without such malevolent beings as Cato railing Iris bar
barous slander theieon, At this time, it is not only illi
beral, but impolitic, and perhapsdangerous, to be pour
ing forth Such torrents of abuse as his fourth and fifth let
ters contain, against the only power, that, in articles of
defence, hath supplied our hasty wants.
Cato after expending near two letters in beating down
an idol which himfelf on!) had set up, proudly congratu
lates himfelf on the defeat, and marches off to new ex
ploits, leaving behind him the following proclamation.
'' Having thus," fays Cato, '' dispatched his" (the au
thor of Common Senft's) " main argument for independence,
" which he founds on the necessity of calling in foreign
“ assistance, I proceed to examine some other parts of
" his work." Not a Syllable, Cafo, doth any part of the
pamphlet in question, fay of calling in foreign assistance,
or even forming military alliances. The dream is whol
ly your own ; and is directly repugnant both to the let
ter and spirit of every page in the piece. The idea which
Common Serfs, constantly holds up, is, to have nothing
to do with the political affairs of Europe. “ As Europe,
“ fays the pamphlet, is our market for trade, we ought
"to form no political connexions with any,art of it. It
“ is the true interest of America to fleer clear of all Eu
" ropeari contentions." And where it proposes funding a
manifesto to foreign courts (which it is high time to do)
it recommends it, only, for the purpose of announcing to
them the impfibiiify ofour living an, longer under the Bri
tifo government, and of “ afuringjueb Courts, of our peace
" able disposition towards them, and of our defre of entering
" into trade with them,'' Learn to be an honest man,
Cato, and then thou wilt not be thus exposed.—l have
been the more particular in detecting Cato here, because
it is on this bubble that his air-built flattery against inde
pendance is raised—a poor foundation indeed ! which
even the point of a pin, or a pen if you plcafe, can de
molifli with a touch, and bury the formidable Cato be
neath the ruins of a vapour.
From this part of his fifth letter to the end of his se
venth, he entirely deserts the fubjea of independance,
and sets up the proud Standard of Kings, in preference to
a Republican form of government. My remarks on this
part of rhe fubjeX will be general and concise.
In this part of the debate, Cato (helters himfelf chief
ly in quotations from other authors, without reasoning
much on the matter himfelf it in answer to which, I
prefect him with a string of maxims and reflexions,
drawn from the nature of things, without borrowing from
any one. Cato may observe, that I scarcely ever quote ;
she reason is, I always think. But to return.
Government Should always be considered as a matter
of convenience, not of right. The Scripture institutes
no particular form of government, but it enters a protest
against the monarchical form; and a negation on one
* Lord Clive, the chief of Eaflern plunderers, received the
ranks of the Parliament for " his honourable conduct in
she Eaft-Ihdies."
| The following is an infante of Cato's method of conduc
ing an argument, " If hereditary succession, fays Common
" Sense, (meaning sac of monarchical governments)
ft did ensure a race of good and wife nien, it would have
" the seal of divine authority,'' thus we find him," fays
Cato, " with his own hand affixing the seal of heaven to
" what he before told us the Devil invented and the Al
“ mighty entered his protest against." Cato's 7th letter,
a—This is arrange argument indeed, Cato !or rather it is no
argument at all, for hereditary faccefion does not ensure a
race of good and wife men, consequently has not the leal of
divine authority.
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thing, where two only are offered, and cue must be cho
ten, amounts to an affirmative on the other. Monarch
ical government was foft set up by the Heathens, and the
Almighty permitted it to the jews as a punishment.
“ I gave them a King in mine anger, Hosea xiii. 11. A
Republican form of government is pointed out by nature
—Kingly governments by an unequality of power. In
Republican governments, the leaders of the people, if
improper, are removeable by vote; Kings only by arms:
an unfuccefsful vote in the firft case, leaves the voter
fafe ; but an unfuccefsful attempt in the latter, is death.
Strange! that, that which is our right in the one, Should
be our ruin in the other — from which reflexion follows
this maxim, That that mode of government in which
our ri,;t becomes our ruin, cannot be the right one. If
all human nature be corrupt, it is needless to strengthen
the corruption by establishing a succession of Kings, who,
be they ever so base are still to be obeyed ; for the man
ners of a Court will always have an influence over the
morals of a people, A Republican government hath more
true grandeur in it thana Kingly one : On the part of the
public it is more consistent with freemen to appoint their
rulers than to have them born; and on the part of those
who preside, it is far nobler to be a ruler by the choice
of the people, than a King by the chance of birth. Eve
ry honest Delegate is mere than a Monarch. Disorders
will unavoidably happen in all States, but monarchical
governments are the molt Subject thereto, becafe the ba
lance bangs uneven. Nineteen rebellions and eight civil
wars in England Jinee the conquest." Whatever commo
tions are produced in Republican States, are not pro
duced by a Republican spirit, bet by those who seek to
extinguish it. A Republican State cannot produce its
own destruction, it can only fuffer it. No nation of peo
ple, in their true senses, when seriously reflecting on the
rank which God hath given them, and the reasoning fa
culties he hath blessed them with, would ever, of their
own consent, give any one man a negative power over the
. whole : No man since the fall hath ever been equal to the
trust; wherefore, 'tis infinity in us to entrust them with it;
and in this sense, all those who have had it have done us
right by abusing us into reason. Nature seems sometimes
to laugh at mankind, by giving them so many fools for
Kings ; at other times, she punishes their folly by giving
them tyrants ; but England must have ®ffended highly to
be curft with both in one. Roffeau proposed a plan for
establishing a perpetual European peace; which was, for
every State in Europe to fend Ambassadors to form a Ge
neral Council, and when any difference happened be
tween any two nations, to refer the matter to arbitration
instead of going to arms. This would be forming a kind
of European Republic : But the proud and plundering
spirit of Kings hath not peace for its object. —They look
not at the good of mankind—They set not out upon that
plan : And if the kiftory of the Creation, and the history
of Kings be compared together, the result will be this—
that God hath made a world, and Kings have robbed
him of it.
But that which fufficiently eftablilhes the Republican
mode of government, in preference to a Kingly one,
even when all other arguments are left out, is this simple
truth, that all men are Republicans by nature and Royal
ists only by fafliion. And this is fully proved by that
passionate adoration, which all men (hew to that great
and almost only remaining bulwark of natural rights,
trial by juries, which is founded on a pure Republican
basis. Here the power of Kings is (hut out. No Royal
negative can enter this Court. The Jury, which is here,
supreme, is a Republic, a body of fudges chosen from among
the people.
The charter which secures this freedom in England, was
formed, not in the senate, but in the field ; and infilled
on by the people, not granted by the crown; the crown
in that instance granted nothing, but only renounced its
former tyrannies, and bound itielf over to its future good
behaviour. —It was the compromise, by which the wear
er of it made his peace with the people, and the condition
on which he was fuffered to reign.
Here ends my reply to all the letters which have at pre
sent appeared under,the signature of Cato, being at this
time seven in number. I have made no particular re
marks on his two last, which treats only of the mode of
government, but answered to them generally. In one
place I observe, he accuses the writer of Common Sense
with inconsistency, in having declared, " That no man
“ was a warmer wisher for reconciliation than himfelf,
" before the fatal 19th of April, 1775 ;" " that is, (fays
“ Cato) reconciliation to monarchical government:" to
which I reply, that war ought to be no man's wifb, nei
ther ought any man to perplex a stat&, already formed,
with his private opinions ; " the mode of government
" being a proper consideration for those countries" only
“ which have their governments yet to form." Common
Sense.
On a review of the ground which I have gone over in
Cato's letters, (extiufive of what I have omitted) I find
the following material charges against him:
First. He hath accused the Committee with crimes ge
nerally ; stated none, nor proved, nor attempted to prove
any. N. B. The pretence cf charging the a&s of a body
of men on individuals, is too slender to be admitted *.
Secondly. He hath sassy complained to the public cf
the restraint of the press.
Thirdly. He hath wickedly asserted that “ gleams of
reconciliation had lately broken in upon us," thereby
grofffy deceiving the peoples
Fourthly. He hath insinuated as ifhe wiflied the public
to believe, that we had received " the utmofi assurance
" of having all our grievances redressed, and an ample
" security against any future violation of our just rights.
* Cato and I differ materially in our opinion of Committees ;
I colder them as the only constitutional bodies at present
in this province, and that for the following reason ; they
were duly elected by the people, and chearjully and faithful
ly do the service for which they were ele&ed. The tioufe of
Assembly were likewise elected by the people, but do the buf
nefs for which they were not ele&ed. Their authority is
truly unconstitutional, being felj created. My charge is as a
body, and not as individuals.
Fifthly. He hath spread falfe alarms of calling in so.
reign troops.
Sixthly. He hath turned the scripture into a jest. Ez „;
These falflioods, if uncontradi&ed, might have palled
for truths, and the minds of persons remote from bettef
intelligence might have been greatly embarrassed there
by. Let our opinions be what they will, truth as to fads
(hould be ftritily adhered to. It was this affecting con
sideration that drew out the Forester (a perfect volunteer)
to the painful talk of writing three long letters, and o&
cafioned to the public the trouble of reading them.
Having for the present closed my correspondence with
Cato, I (hall conclude this letter with a well-meant, af 4
fe&ionate address—
TO THE PEOPLE.
IT is not a time to trifle. Men, who know they de
serve nothing from their country, and whole hope is on
the arm that hath fought to enslave ye, may hold out to
you, as Cato hath done, the falfe light of reconciliation
—There is no such thing. 'Tis gone ! 'Tis paft!—The
grave hath parted us—and death, in the persons of the
slain, hath cut the thread of life between Britain and
America.
Conquest, and not reconciliation is the plan of Britain.
But admitting even the last hope of the Tories to hap
pen, which is, that our enemies aftera long succession
of losses, wearied and disabled, fliould despairingly throw
down their arms and propose a re-union ; in that case,
what is to be done ? Are defeated and disappointed ty
rants, to be considered like mistaken and converted
friends ? Or would it be right, to receive those for Go
vernors, who, had they been conquerors, would have
hung us up for traitors ? Certainly not. Reject the of.
fer then, and propose another ; which is, we will make
peace with you as with enemies, but we will never re- unite
with,on as friends. This effected, and ye secure to your
selves the pleasing profpe& of an eternal peace. America,
remote from all the wrangling world, may live at ease.
Bounded by the ocean and backed by the wilderness,
what hath she to fear, but her God?
Be not deceived.—lt is not a little that is at flake. Re
conciliation will not now go down, even if it were offer
ed. 'Tis a dangerous question ; for the eyes @f all men
beginfoopen. There is now no secret in the matter ;
there ought to be none. Itis a case that concerns every
man, and every man oughtto lay it to heart. He that
is here and he that was born here are alike concerned. It
is needless too, to split the business into a thousand parts,
and perplex it with endless and fruitlefs investigations,
in the manner that a writer signed a Common Man hath
done. This unparalleled contention of nations is not to
be fettled like a school-boy's talk cf pounds, (hillings,
pence, and fractions. 1 bat writer, though he may
mean well, is strangely below the mark : For the firft
and great question, and that which involves every other
in it, and from which every other will flow, is bappinefs.
Can this continent be happy under the government of
Great-Britain or not? Secondly, can die be happy un
der a government of our own ? To live beneath the au
thority of those whom we cannot love, is misery, slavery,
or what name you please. In that case, there will never
be peace. Security will be a thing unknown, because,
a treacherous friend in power, is the most dangerous of
enemies. The answer to the second question, can Ame
rica be happy under a government of her own is (hort and
simple, viz. as happy as (he please ; foe hath a blank (heet
to write upon. Put it not off too long.*
Painful as the talk of speaking truth must sometimes
be, yet I cannot avoid giving the following hint, because
much, nay almost every thing depends upon it ; and that
is, a thorough knowledge of the persons whom we trust. It
is the duty of the public, at this time, to scrutinize
closely into the condu& of their Committee Members,
Members of Assembly, and Delegates in Congress ;
to know what they do, and their motives for f> do
ing. Without knowing this, we shall never know
who to confide in ; but shall constantly mistake friends
for enemies, and enemies for friends, till in the con
fufion of persons we facrifice the cause.—l am led to
this reflexion by the following circumstance, That the
Gentleman to whom the unwise and arbitrary instructions
to the Delegates of this province owe their being, and who
hath bellowed all his power to support them, is said to be
the fame person who, when the Ships now on the flocks
were wanting timber, refufed to fell it, and thus by prevent
ing our Strength to cry out of our infufficiency.--But his
hour of fame is pall—he is hastening to his political exit.
The FORESTER.
* Forget not the baplefs African.
£M'*^+>OW-^-^W**'+ W@
Philadelphia, ff.
To the FREEHOLDERS and INHABITANTS
of the respective WARDS in the City of Phila
delphia, and ethers, qualified by the laws of the Pro
vince of Pennsylvania to eleCt Members of Asssmbly.
Gentlemen,
}N PURSUANCE of an Act of General As
sembly cf the Province of Pennsylvania aforefaid,
passed the twenty-third day of March last, intituled, “ An
Act to increase the number of Representatives in Affembly,,or
the Citv oj Philadelphia, &c." I hereby give PUBLIC
NO VICE, That on Wednesday, the firft day of May next,
at Ten o'clock in the forenoon, at the State-House,
in the City of Philadelphia aforesaid, an ELECTION
will then^nd there be held to ele& FOUR Freeholders
of the City and County of Philadelphia aforefaid, of molt
note for virtue, wifdoni ^nd ability, as an additional
number of Burgesses, Representativ es, or Dele
gates, to reprelent the City of Philadelphia aforefaid in
the General Assembly of the said Province, the pre
lent year, agreeable to the A& of Assembly aforefaid.
Dated at Philadelphia aforefaid, the third day of April,
177 6. WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
CARTRIDGE PAPER,
By the Ream or Quire, to be SOLD by
JOHN D U N L A P.