The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1780-09-05 00:00:00, page 2

prepare ' / moment, decisive, but I muff and, tbit it 's
urgent : What paffedyeflerday must convince you of this,
fa was a(ked of the fervanta of the crown, whether an
army of 15 000 Irish, ought, in Ireland, to be fubjeft to
the law. of England They answered you, yes. To this
h.-;;bt of audacity hat your ralhnefs incited them. You
rent into marks of immoderate joy, upon obtaining the
rt-ped of some iniquitous laws which were oppressive to
you. They believed that you were fully fatisfied, or they
peten kd to think so. Your anticipated rejoicings have
betrayed tire fired of your rights. You fondly imagined
for i moment, that you had obtained the foul of com
merce, without which nocommerce can exist, and you
have obtained nothing. You grasped at a phantom,
which eluded your grasp. Ulufion has reared an edifice
before your eyes, which wants a foundation. In a word,
yourfituation i 8 lingular; you have trade without the
liberty of trade, and a Senate without a Parliament.
Does thisatfrd ground for rejoicings ? It is high tim^
that the deception fheuld cease. It is time that you Giould
obtain a clear declaration of your rights. It is time that
you Ihould fee that three millions of people in Ireland
who form adiftiha society, have, according to political
liberty, rights as sacred as those of the people of Eng
land. Thete three millions demand of you this liberty
by my voice ; they alk it with confidence, because they
honor th ; r Parliament ; because they confider it equal
ly venerable w,th that which declared the rights of the
people of England : in short, as confining of men by
wr,om Rome would have been honored, when Rome did
honor to human nature.
, [3 it poffib'e. that the enemies of Ireland, can treat the
noble efforts N the people, as the outrages of a nicer mob ?
I aik, are the petitions rs 18 or 19 counties the voice of
themob, or of the people? Do you acknowledge any o
ther conftitueuts than the people? Are you to obey any
cther call ? But, it will be (Q I, should England be ob
ftinite ; fliould— But has England the art of multiplying
herfelf? Can fill wage war with 18 millions of French,
18 millions of Spaniards, 3 millions of Amet cans, and 3
millions of Irifli ? What has the to oppose 0 all these ?
Wy, io millions of people, bent down under the load
of 200 millions of debts ; an 1 eOablißrnent of 14 millions
in 'line of ueac?, and of 21 in time of war. f it with
the ernburas of thcT multiplied thacklei, teat the is to
fit the whole human race at defiance ? However, you
havereceived the inftruaionsof your confiituents ; when
you conform to tuefe inßruaicns, you may rely on th:ir
fuppert. Already, your Judges and your Commis
sioners (of the public revenue) have set you an exam
ple : they have refused obedience to the A&s of Pirlia
iment made in Eng and to bind Ireland. Shall your con
deft be a centre of their;? Already have G counties
declared, that they do not acknowledge these laws. Still
further, it is by adhering to the infiruaions of the peo
ple that this fide of the House (the opposition) have pre
vented any money bill from passing t:il we have obtained
a declaratory aft : Will you betray the inter.-fto of the
people? Will you disobey them in direst terms, mani
fcn!y ? Can you do this with impunity? But, itfwill be
said, can you think of offending Great-Britain, juf iafter
the has riven you proofs of her good will ; you are ua
gratVful '; you are void of gratitude? I know of no
gratitude, which is to impose a yoke of fiavery on me.
But they add, you are never fatiefied, there is no end of
four demands. What do we afle ? We ask the reftitu
non of that of which we have been flipped, the dearest,
t e 1110 b important of cur rights. T.,at of the King to
bis crown is not more facr-d, than our claim to liberty.
It is to liberty, we are this t ?y rearing a temple in Ire
land ; or perhaps you are about to devote one to infamy.
Dread the reflexions, the remorse, the impotent regrets
of old age. Dread me curses of your children, left they
follow you to your grav-s. Let it not be said, from ge
neration to generation, that in 1780, the Parliament of
Ireland was perthafed by a bankrupt Minifiry, with the
moniesof an empty Treasury ; it made i'Ll* a Ged of
Inured, and bent the knee before the idol Corruption.
This oofpcX is horrible !—Once more, iw the name of
Providence, which has provided for you the opportunity,
bv that regard you owe to your posterity, by a 1 that con
flitutes the well being, the happiness of a people, after
tain, eftab ifh the rights, the liberties of your country.
If I am urgent, if I (peak to you with much emotion and
warmth, beaffureL I have nothing in view but your
ictereft ; the good of my country. For niyfeh, t ask
nothing that men can bestow, but co breathe in common
with ad rey'fellow citizens, that pur? air which can only
be enjoyed in a land of liberty. My heirtwili be oppres
sed, die will only be a toilsome burden, whilfl I fee at the
heelj of the poorest of our peasants one link of the Bri
tish chain. Here Mr. Grittan made the following mo
tion. “ Refolded, That the King's mod exchieut Ma
" jefly, aril the Lords and Commas of Ireland, are
“ the only power which can bind ihr people 0: Ireland,
" or pass laws within this Kingdom."
Too Attorney General opposed the motion, and was
supported by many of tre Members. Others spoke in
favour ofit. As it is not poffitle to coiled ail that was
said for anl a;aicft by so many Speakers, we fhail by
way of cowtraft to Mr. Gratian's speech, give the sub
stance of that es Mr. Eufh. What proceeded from him,
will be less fufpeXed than the declamations of such ministe
rial Members as the Attorney General, as Mr. Balli
is generally looked on, as on the fide of the oppofitiou.
'' Weare new to determine the mod important politi
cal question that has ever been debated in this kingdom.
Ages may pafsia succession, but never will the remem
brance of wbat is about to be done in this House, tfeape
posterity. Our fixation is as delicate, as it is decisive.
We are going, either to assure ourselves of the affection
cf a country, which we call sister, or forever to alienate
her by limiting her power. Tae motion of ray honorable
Irie, d, answers in no case, which forces me very unwil
lingly, to fland up against him. What is our objeft at
thismflant ? To obtain advantages of Great Britain, and
avoid being hurt by her. The motion answers neither
of these purposes. On the contrary, it tends to hinder
us from procuring advantages, and to incite her to hurt
vs We have already done but too much to alarm that
kingdom, which did not advert to the importance of
Poyuing'^ Law, till we called out tor the repeal of it.
What are her protections to supremacy to us, whilst con
tent with the claim, the renounces the exercise cf it 1
am fully convinced that this claim is with refpeX to us,very
near, like her claim to the Crown cf France. But of
what consequence are such pretensions, if they are never
exercised. You will aik, who will answer for her mode
rationin this refpeX? Let her interest, let her conduit
towards usaufwer for it. Has not goveromant given a
convincing proof of the fiacerity of her intentions, by
putting sixteen thousand mufauets in our hands. When
the body of the nation has willingly facrificed in part, the
interefis of her trade, to us, has it not aXed like a sensi
ble brother towards his sister. In short, England will,
in every rtfpelt, have it to f^y, that we are ungrateful,
as we shall not be able to persuade her, that the has done
nothing for us. When once the fufpefts us of ingratitude,
certainly the will refufe us those advantages we expeft.
It remains to enquire whether this is not a mifehievous
bufinefr, and whether danger is not inseparably connect
ed with this proposition. Suppose, that England plunged
in every possible embarrassment, should, for the prefect,
dissimulate her just resentments, the &ra ofa peace must
at length come.—Then what will become cf you, if a pro
voked filler, before the laid down her arms, should turn
them upon Ireland. I trembl@at the thought."
The motion without being rejected, will icarcely pro
dace the intended effect, delay being the surest weapon of
influence. Yet influence, so generally, so yigoroufly at
tacked on all sides, feeros on each blow it receives, to ac
quire a degree of firength. Faffing by what passes daily
in the Britilh Parliament, and without leaving Ireland,
we shall now give a new proof of the empire of influence,
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 26.
Mr. Yelverton opened to the House, the abates arising
from Poyning's Aft, and alktd leave to bring in a Bill
for to regulate in a manner more conformable to the spi
rit of the confidotion, the manner in which Irdli Bills
fh;uli be tranfinitted to England. Directly to strike
popular motion on the bead, is not the bed course to
take; temporizing being the great secret. By gaining
time, Mr Gratton's motion had been eluded. Of course,
Sir Richard Heron made a counter motion, tending to de
clare, that it was not expedient to debate the question at
prefe t.
" Why not now," cried out Mr. English ! " What !
" after three ages cf slavery, is it now time to ffiake off
" our fetters ? Is this the time, when he who wears theft,
“ is mod fenfibie of their constraint, is bound in duty to
" deter his deliverance."
“ ftis inconceivab e," added Mr. Correy, "how the
present queflion can be a fubjeX of debate : It amounts
to this : Shall the Parliament of Ireland be directed by a
Privy Council ? For what purpose isa Parliament holden,
which has not a right to bring in a Bill ? Can this ac
cord witnthe spirit of the conftitstion ? No, it is a visible
uturpation ; and as the uforper is the Privy Council, let
Parliament cite the Privy Council to her bar ! Let not the
Minister at the head of his phalanx intimidate you ! It
is not his voice, it is that of the people, you ought to
obey. Let public virtue then cenduX hither, in triumph,
public liberty ! Let each one of us (loop down,feather up
a stone, arid work at the sacred foundations of the tem
ple, which a generous people fliould ete& to liberty."
All these strokes of eloquence were darted in vain ;
one hundred and five Members, whole names Ireland
will never forget, voted for the motion, but one hundred
and fifty, who the will be less liable to forget, voted
against it.
Nextday, (the 27th) influence carried all with it,
whom the oppefition call corupt. The subsidy Bill was
read the firft time, firmer refolvespotwithftanding, and
in fpi eof the eppofirori made by divers Members, to
fome.clauftp, it went through the House.
It is probable that the opposition in both Parliaments,
(those of Great Britain ^nd Ireland) will be tired of de
claiming against influence.
EXTRACTS from the Observations of the Court of
France, on the Memorial of theCourt of London.
(Continued from last Tuesday's Paper.)
#^, H E King ought naturally to have feppofcd, that his
& exaXnefs in redreffingthe grievances of the Court of
London, would induce that Court to imitate his exam
ple, and one may be Apt to believe, that nothing was left
of this kind for his M^jefly to with, alter what is asserted
in the Justificative Memorial • " that it would be easy to
" give, or rather to repeat the fatisfaaory answers which
" nave been made, and thereby to demonstrate to France
" berfelf, the moderation of the Britilh King, his love
" of juflice, and the Sincerity of his dispositions to pre
" serve the general peaceof Europe." But that Court,
instead of holding that conduit of which they dare to
boast, a conduit which justice prescribed, and which cir
cumflafices might alio be aid to point out to their pru
dence, that Court contented themselves with giving vague
and empty afferances of their good will ; arid instead of
ordering the reparations which the King had a right to
exptlt, the Euglilh Ministry did always refer to the Ad
miralty, there to be buried and forgot, all the official re
presentations made by his Majesty's Ambassador. What
is mod aftonifning, is, that while the Court of London
Shewed so little regard for the just demands of the King,
tnsy charged their Ambassador to make to his Majesty,
new denunciations against pretended favours granted to
the Americans : According to Lord Stormont, the Lex
ington, the Reprifil, and the Dolphin, three privateers
of that nation, had brought into the ports of France, ves
sels taken on the British coast, that they had failed out
again after having refitted, and had come back into the
ports of France with new prizes, liberty had been granted
them, to fell them publicly ; ether commanders-and ow
ners of privateers, had obtained the permission to arm in
the ports of the kingdom; 10 a word, that Amhaffador re
sumed ail the grievances he had already laid before the
King's Miniflers, although he had received on each of
them in particular, such answers as left nothing for his
zeal to with for. The Engiilh Ministers allude to all
those fade or exaggerated faits, when they assert: " That
" the Agents of the Colonies encouraged by the Ministry
" of France, had formed and carried into execution the
" audacious scheme or establishing a place of arms in the
" kingdom ; that their partners had fitted out vessels,
" and armed them to cruize even on the Britifli chaffs ;
" that in order to save appearances, the Captains of those
" privateers hoified the pretended American flag, aitho'
" the dews were always composed of a great number of
d^kt^^f^^^^^^^^^
September 1, >7BO.
A FEW gentlemen having lately met together at
the University Hall, for the purpose of forming a
Society, in imitation of those in Puris, London, ardAm
fte lam, for recovering drowned perlons, are desirous
of promoting so ufefui an institution in this city, and
will held a meeting in the Hal of the University, on
Tuesday next, at five o'clock in the afternoon, in order
to choose the proper officers, andspprove some rules for
the government of the fectery, which will then be pre
sented them, end at which time and place, those gen
tierce who were proposed for Members are earnestly r^<
quested to attend.
Four Hundred Dollars Reward.
STRAYED or STOLEN from off the Commons of
Wilmington, Newgaftle county, about the i Sth inst.
(July) ablack HORSE, 5 years old, with a fir.all
star in bis face, and a few whit^ hairs cn th: top of his
back, neither brand or ear mark, a natural troter, shod
all rcund. Whoever takes up said Horie, shall have
Three Hundred Dollars, and if stolen, and the
thief brought to Justice,- the above reward and all ica
fonable charges, paid by
FRANCIS ROBINSON.
" Frenchmen, who embarked impunely, even under the
" eyes of the Governors and other officers of the Mari
" time Provinces, who behaved in this mariner with the
« delign of conforming tuemfelves to the views of the
" Ministry."
According to the Engl ; fh memorial, Lord Stormont in
executing the above mentioned orders, forgot the regard
and refped due to the King, so far as to call upon b m
to explain bij conduit and bis intentions without delay
and without any evasion; and to offer him in re name
of the King his mailer, rhe alternative of peace or war.
Lord Stormont, it is true, expreheJ himfelf with a warmtn,
it might even be said with a passion, little suited to the
place where he was (peaking; but the Count de Vergen
nes interrupted him, by coolly ooferving, that if what be
had been faying, was the object of his co^mifficc, and
that if his Court bad ordered him to make a declaration of
war, he would give notice of it to the King immediately,
adding that he, Lord Stormont, was too well acquainted
with the rights and dignity of Sovereigns, no: to guess
beforehand at the aafwer of his Majesty. This fpeeci,
uttered with as much moderation and firmnefs, made Lord
Stormont come back to himfell, and struck with the of
ficious lesson he bad jift receive, he emrea ed the Count
de Vergennes in the most earned and pr.lfmg manner, tn
look on what I e had been faying as if it had never happen
ed, and he refused with the tone foiled to his c araller
and that of the King's Minister the matter whith w a
the object of his mission : Tuis feene took place on the
eighth day of July, 177, It is not reported here without
rdulbnce, but the King s dignity, as well as truth in
quires it should be made known.
But it is moll difficult to conceive by what motive and
with what design the Eaglilh Ministry bavea knowledged
such an arrogant speech to have been uttered by L rd
Stormont : they have not then perceived that it defiroy
ed their pompous parade of the moderation of the King
of Great Britain, of his extreme love of peace and ardent
willi to prefer ve it : They have not perceived, above all,
that he (Lord Stormont) did then forget or rati er insure
the dignity of his own Sovereign, by inducing the people
to believe that a Great Power may impunely be insulted
and provoked.
Whatever might be the intention of the Brbifli Mini
sters, in foppofiog that Lord Stormont had mad: toFrance
a declaration of war, the King, who was informed of the
re^efemations of the Court of London, without having had
any mention made to him of the speech disavowed by
Lord Stormont, ordered to answer the Englilh Amb.d
fador, " That his Majesty, faithful to the observation
" -of Treaties, (hall permit nothing which n^y prove dero
" gatory to it; and that, sensible to tiie compkints tele
" against the irregular conduit of the three American pri
" vateers.Reprisal, Lexington,and Dolpin,be ffiall express
" his diftontcht, by giving orders to derail )fuch of those
" privateers, as shall be found in the ports of the kiu?-
" dem,until fuffichut securities may be bad, tha r they ihall
" return dire&ly to America, without diftfirbing any more
" the European seas; that the orders diall be renewed,
" not only to forbid the sale of the prizes which those
" fame privateers might have brought, or others might,
“ in future bring in, but also that they may set fail as
" soon as the wind and weather shall permit; that the
" fame order shall extend to every captor whatever, arid
6 that the officers appointed for this purpufe, shall be
“ obliged to fee it ftrißly executed, being anfweral.de in
-' their own persons, for every trmfgreffion; that they
" shall likewise carefully fee that the commercial facilities
" granted to Americans, be always confined within law
" ini bounds ; besides, if any English fuhjea thinks him
" felf grounded to bring a perfoo 4 a&ion against any of
“ the above mentioned Americans, the tribunals are
" opened tohim, law and not authority deci.
" ding disputes in France as well as in England."
To this answer were added some remarks on the repeated
complaint; which had in vain been laid before the Court
of London ; they imported that the King's readiness to
redress the grievances of that Court, gives his Majesty
reason to think, " that the King of Great Britain will,
on his fide, as readily remove all fubjells of complaint,
and give drill orders, to put a flop to the vexations to
which the commerce of his Majefty,'s fubjelts is frequently
exposed; that his Majesty does not intend either to encou
rage or protell them, in an intefcourfe prohibited by the
treaties, but that he cannot coafent, that on frivolous dif
tiriftion, French vessels should be taken and conmeated
with them cargoes, and that the crews should be confined
and ill used, under pretence, that there is merchandize
on board, which is or may be the growth of North Ame
rica ; that such a jurisprudence can neither be reconciled
with justice, nor with the friendly affurancta of the Court
cf London."
(To be continued)