The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-01-23 00:00:00, page 2

quence of a resolution of Bonaparte to de
stroy Great-Britain by the destruction of
her trade.
We remonstrated against these French
decrees, and Mr. Armstrong so early as
1807, declared u> Mr. Champagny, “ th*
to appeal to our treaty or tbe law of luftipns
as it respects France, would be Hi er ally
of)f eating to the dead.**
This was the right tort of spirit What
h Mr. Champagny’s answer tn tbis remon
strance ? As if France had been an angel
bn purity, and as if she had nut been the
confessed aggressor, he replies, " the right
or pretension of blockading by proclama
tion, -rivers and coasts, is as monstrous,
frevotantte.J as absurd.”
When we fold been persevering in our
remonstrances for this very conduct for
three years, we are gravely told that such
behaviour is very provoking and very un
just, and that France is in principle ex
ceedingly oppoted to it This cost France
one hour's labour of Mr. Champagny, and
the expense of the paper and postage,
which is well repaid by twenty-live null
ions of our property, seized upon tbis very
principle.
Again—ln 1807, a French Admiral
seized a number uf American vessels on
the ocean, and bdfrnt them without trial.—
This was the first time such a practice had
ever been attempted.
Mr. Armstrong mildly remonstrated, or
rather asked, whether it was understood
that France countenanced such an unheard
of proceeding?
We had no answer to this demand till
this letter of Mr. Champagny, who saicas
tically tells as " that a merchant vessel it
« moving colony, to do violence to such a
vessel by oearchet, visit, or.other arbitrae
ry acta cf authority, it to violate the ter
ritory of an enemy."
COMMENTARY.
gftiAe, or the of -oar fathers—as
Well might the female in •
Brothel deliver a discoure upon modesty,
the pick-pocket address a sermon upon in
tegrity to the man whom he had plundered,
or the murderer plead to the expiring vic
tim of his revenge, the gentleness and sua
vity of his Character-
Vet Mr. Madison communicates this most
insolent letter to Congress with only the
equivocal remark, “ that the posture of
our affairs with France does Dot corres
pond with the me|jures taken on the part
of the United States to effect a favourable
change.”
But let us be a little more explicit upon
the Insulting nature of this letter.
In 1806, Bonaparte, in violation of our
treaty with him, declared the British isl
, ands in a state of blockade.
He could not do this by way of retaliation
justly
Is/. Because Great-Britain did not then
enforce any principles which the had not
enforced during the whole war, and at the
moment of our treaty with France.
2dly. Because we had not violated the
treaty on uur part.
3dly. Because there had been no previ
ous complaint to us, nor any demand that
we would resist any pretensions tf Great-
Britain, all which would be requisite to
make the retaliation jaoi.
It was, in feet, avowed to be the conse-
Mr. Madison directed Mr. Armstrong
to complain of this conduct, nnd the first
and only answer we received after waiting
three years is in these words, “ In all her
conquests France hat respected private
property— The warehouses and ths shops
have remained to the owners."
It would strike any person as fabulous
who did not understand the French diplo
matick character, to hear that any man
could have the audacity to reply to thr
very person who had so often complained
tn him of the seizure not of private proper
ty merely, but of neytral property—not in
an enemy's country eofely, but in a friend
ft/state, "that Fiance respects even an
enemy's private property in an enemy's
country" M>. Armstrong should have re
plied that if that was true, it would be
better and more safe to be tbe enemy nt
France than her friend. \
But as applied to her enemies, the fain
• hood and affronters is not the less palpable.
H.,ve we forgotten the bulletins issued at
ter the perfidious entry into Spain, io which
It appears then that though the French
Will not allow the principle of searching or
visiting a merchant vessel, they make no
scruple to burn the colony of a neutral
State, and to sink the territory of a friend.
They have made a still better reply to Mr.
Armstrong by issuing new orders to burn
every vctfel which would not bear the ex
pense of carrying in—which orders have
been actuallv executed in several instances.
Yet Mr. Madison is silent as to both these
modest replies uf France.
Still farther— On the 24th of November,
1806, an order was passed by Bourienne,
Minister of France at Hamburgh, that all
English merchandise, to whomsoever be
longing, should be confiscated. Similar
decrees were issued in tbe free cities of
Lubeck and Bremen by France. In Au
gust, 1807, the same thing took place at
Leghorn, and on the 19th September, 1807,
in the Papal territory. Bona fide Ameri
* can property was seized under these de
' crees upon land in neutral and friendly
states.
Before our embargo was imposed it will
be recollected, that General Armstrong
stated to the Americans in France, that
«uch a measure would undoubtedly take
place in America.—Letters from France
«nd Holland from private merchants to
’heir correspondents .in this country, con
fidently spoke of such a jneasifre before it
nad been even suggested in our country.—
A despatch vessel arrived from France,
and in three days after the embargo was
imposed—Mr. Masters, a democratick
member of Congress, declared " that the
hand of Napoleon was in this thing.”—Our
venerable watchman, Colonel Pickering,
suggested to us the same idea—we have
now the proof that it was agreeable to
France from this letter of Count Cham
pagny.—He declares " that the Empe
rour applauded this generous determina
tion of renouncing all commerce rather
than acknowledge the dominion of the ty
rants of the seas.”
A like omen, and a similar prophecy has
occurred in the present case. A Senator
uf France, in a recent publication in France,
has declared ** that the United States are
about to join the general coalition against
Great-Britain—that as a pledge of that in
tention, their new A mbassaduur bad reach
ed Copenhagen, and that Mr. Jackson had
been dismissed."
the Emperour boasts of bis having obtain
ed 50,000 bales of Spanish wool? From
whom was this seised ? From individuals,
his aides, the Spaniards, whose only crim
was their loyalty to their legitimate sove
reign, whom Bonaparte had perfidiously
kidnapped and violently dethroned.—Havt
we forgotten his profaning the altars of
the Almighty, and sacrilegiously robbing
thef sanctuaries of the Most High ? Wilt
he with his infidel spirit, contend that this
was uot private property, and therefore
was the fair object of plunder ? We have
not forgotten the robbery of the tacramen
tai plate in Portugal, and the indignation
which it produced in the minds of the Por
tuguese, when the fortune of arms put
these robbers into the power of the injured
and indignant sufferers.
We should do injustice to France, how
ever, if we omitted to notice one instance of
her frankness in thio communication of
Mr. Champagny. He assures us that when
France shall have regained her maritime
power, when she shall be able to render
her mandates universally respected, she
will respect the liberty of the seas in as
great a degree as she docs the liberties of
the nations whom she conquers on land!
We have then the rule of her justice—she
will regard the rights of private property
on the ocean as much as she has hereto
fore done upon the continent • •!
There is one other idea upon this point
which we would present to our readers be
fore we quit this subject, and which may
account for the tameness of the language
of Mr. Madison.
Thia is inevitable from the nature of our
government, in which it will be always an
unwelcome task to stem the popular pre
judices ; that our citizens have strong an
tipathies against Great-Britain, and are
indifferent to the insults and injuries of
France, the history of the last twenty
years most abundantly proves.
It is a singular fact that a vessel from
France did arrive in the United States,
md her de.tpafthes from our Minister in
France did reach Washington about two
or three days before the dismissal of Mr.
Jackson.
That such circumstances should so fre
quently concur, is to every impartial man
extremely suspicious and we can no long
er wonder at the suppression of all the
late negotiations with France, and the stu
died silence of Mt. Madison or. that subject.
Having now finished the developement
of the subject w hich I had originally pro
posed, it remains for me to vindicate the
motives of this publiek appeal against our
own Administration.
It would be affectation to conceal, that
so deep rooted are tbe prejudices of our
citizens against any impartial display of
the questions between ua and Great-Bri
tain, that any writer who may undertake
it, however pure may be his motives, and
however well founded his argument.., is
sure to incur the most violent invective
from one class of citizens, a cool disappro
bation from another, and but a feeble and
timid support from the rest.
The writer of this examination cannot,
he does not hope to turn the current of
these prejudices. It would require more
than mortal power to arrest the progress
of such inveterate prepossessions. But
there are moments life the present in which
the imminence of th* danger may rouse
the thoughtless, and stimulate the lethar
glck. Even truth may at such a period
hope to find a reluctant admission.
1 do not addrett those base and sordid
•ninds who deny the right of a citizen of
i free country to address the un< I e intend
ings of his fellow countrymen at such crith
ch I moments, u|>on questions between our
rlves and foreign nationt — Such men are
formed and fitted only to be tlavet. In
■ Ids respect many, If not most of our peo
ple are several centuries behind their an
estors, the British nation, in the ettimation
f the people’ll rightt.
In Great-Briuln, that land of slavery
and corruption, as our tons of liberty call
reign nations ?
We answer, our government, like that of
Great-Britain, is a government of opinion,
that opinion when once well ascertained
ought to, and must govern our rulers—this
is the very foundation of a free govern
ment But how is this opinion to be form
ed or to be known ? A Member of Con
gress does not correspond with ten persons
out of fifty thousand of his constituents. It
will be said that he carries with him their
sentiments; but supposing a question arises
like this of Mr. Jackson, after he leaves
home, how is he to know the publick feel
ing? We answer—Through the medium of
the press—that palladium of our rights.—
Is all the zeal which we have displayed
heretofore in favour of the Liberty of the
Press a mere pretension ? And shall we
renounce its privileges at the very moment
when alone they become important ? In
times of peace and quiet it is immaterial
what the press does or does not inculcate;
but in times of danger and turbulence its
value is felt: shall it be, then, restrained
when it is most wanted? Shall we be per
mitted to discuss who shall or shall not be
constables or clerks in a petty Village, and
be denied the discussion whether our coun
try, outlives, and our fortunes shall be put
in jeopardy by an unnecessary war ?
This doctrine of the liberty of the press
is strangely managed. When the publick
papers, in the case of the Chesapeake, and
of the first unfair and false promulgation of
the pretended insult of Mr. Jackson, took
side with the government, we were then
told they were the vox dei, and not to be
resisted. "The people have willed it,"
said the National Intelligencer, “ and it
must not be opposed.” But when these
same publick presses, recovering froln the
panick, and the effects of misdirected
passions, began to express a different opin
ion, they were denounced. The sentiments
of more sober thought were declared to be
the offspring of seditious opinions.
The motives of the foregoing writings
were these.—lt was believed that there
was a manifest disposition to bring about a
rupture with Great-Britain; it was per
ceived that the documents furnished no
new and no plausible occasion for it; it was
known that our Members of Congress left
their respective States before this state of
things was understood, and it was deemed
important to let them knew in what light
these despatches, and the late conduct of
our government, were viewed here. It
was found, moreover, that the dismissal of
Mr. Jackson might be followed by a decla
ration of war against Great-Britain, and
that the best mode of avoiding such a ca
lamity would he by uniting the people and
the legislatures of the states the most op
posed to such a disastrous measure, in le
gal and constitutional means of averting it.
It was, and it is still hoped, that if petitions
should be presented at the foot of Mr.
Madison's throne, he may revoke his de
termination as to the rejection of the Envoy
of his Britannick Majesty. It is also hoped
that Great-Britain, notwithstanding the re
jection of her Minister on frivolous pre
tences, which is also usual prelude to war,
will yet he diverted from adopting, as a
precautionary step, the seizures of our ves
sels and property, an event which would
certainly lead to a war, much to be de
plored on both sides.
The only hope entertained by the writer
of this article, is derived from tbe belhrf
that Great-Britain understands the policy
of cur Cabinet—th it while their feelings
and wishes are all on tbe side of France,
they do not choose to hazard their popu
larity by an unjust and unfounded war
against Great-Britain—that a majority of
But there is another class of people who
are entitled to more respect, and who in
quire, what is the benefit derived to our
country, by exhibiting the unsoundness of
the principles of our own administration
pending a controversy between us and fo-
Base indeed, and worthy only of being
the slaves <f a Tyrant, must be those men
who would so far degrade our national
character, as to contend that we are un
able to hear both sides of tbe question with
out hazard. If, as those people pretend,
our arguments and our remarks are proofs
of our devotion to another nation, and of
our contempt or disregard for our own
country, why not expose us to contempt and
execration by republishing our essays !
Are the people not as capable of judgeing
as these venal editors ?
And, in more recent instances, who cen
sured Lord Grenville, Mr. Baring, or Mr.
Brougham, for their attack on their own
Ministry in the question between us and
Great-Britain ?
her,The press has no such
•nly in tbe periods pre setting a war, but
during a war itself, the opponents jf that
war fan, with impunity, and without cen
sure, question the justice of the cause, and
denounce the motives of the administra
tion which brought it on.
Who will dare to question the virtue of
Colouel Barre and Mr. Burke, or of Lord
Chatham, in their opposition to the Ameri
can war, or in their severity towards the
Ministry during that war f
What democrat in our country ever cen
»nred Mr. Fox, whose speeches they pub
lished and praised for his hostility to the
war against France, both before and after
its commencement?
That the British Minister and British
government have both been charged with
the most improper conduct in this late ne
gotiation, without, as far as we can dis
cern, the slightest evidence.—On the con
trary, that the most injurious conduct
and the most insulting insinuations from
France, have been wholly overlooked.
We owe an apology to the pdblick for
the very incorrect form in which these
ideas are conveyed. It has been our en
deavour to present a perspicuous view of
the subject, rather than to exhibit it in an
enticing dress. We are aware that many
imperfections and inaccuracies will be
found in the style, but they have arisen
from the strong desire which was felt to
present this interesting subject at an early
moment to the publick.
THI bill to continue for a further time
the duty called the Mediterranean fond,
was read a third time and passed.
That the arrangement <f Mr. Erskine
was concluded, mala fide, without demand
ing his powers, knowing that such as he
did exhibit were violated, and accompa
nied with such affrontive expressions at
rendered it certain it would not be ac
cepted:—
• That Mr. Jackson it chargeable with no
insulting expressions which we can dis
cern—with no indecorum towards our
Cabinet, but that the most harsh and inde
corous language has been adopted towards
him by our Secretary of State :
Mr. Giles from the committee to whom
was referred on the 3d instant, the mes
sage of the President of the United States,
reported in part a bill authorizing the fit
ting out, officering and manning the fri
gates belonging to the United States, which
was read and passed to a third reading.
Mr. Meigs reported a bill for the relief
of Daniel Boone, which was read and pass
ed to a second reading.
Thursday, January 11.
The bill for the relief of Daniel Boone
was read a second time, and, on motion of
Mr. Bradley, recommitted for a statement
of facts on the case.
the Eastern States, mA two fifths of the
others, are opposed to a war on such flimsy
grounds as have been yet brought forward,
and so long as much deeper, more aggra
vated wrongs remain wholly uuatoned for
by France.
We hope she knows farther, and we are
sure she estimates more seriously the great
Interests of liberty—that the preservation
of A mer * c » from the B ras Pol France, *•
vastly more important than any smaller
consideration, and that much is to be en
dured rather than to suffer such an event
to take place*
She will not we are persuaded permit
herself to mistake the temporary policy of
the democratick party, for the real inter
est and feelings of the American people.—
She will recollect that Great-Britain had
her long Parliament and her Cromwells,
and France her Robespierres and Marats,
but that such ephemeral appearances are
no indication of the general course of Na
tional policy.
It is hoped and believed that the promise
made by the writer has been in some mea
sure fulfilled:
That it has been shewn that- we bad a
right to expect tuch a negotiation and
such an issue from Mr. Madison's former
character :
Ordered, that Messrs. Meigs, Ander
son and Pope be the committee.
The bill authorizing the fitting out, offi
cering and manning the frigates belonging
to the United States, was read a second
time and ordered to a third reading.
Mr. Bradley gave notice that to-mqrrow
he should ask leave to bring in a bill to aug
ment the compensation of the Judges of the
Circuit Court of Columbia.
Mr. Meigs presented a resolution of the
Legislature of the State of Ohio, instruct
ing their Representatives in Congress to
use their endeavours to procure an ex
tension of the payment for publiek lands in
certain cases. After which he laid on the
table the following resolution:
Resolved, That a committee be appoint
ed to inquire into the expediency of ex
tending by law the times of payment for
publick lands in certain cases.
Mr. Lewis from the committee to whom
was referred the message of the President,
covering a report from the superintend
ent of publick buildings, reported a bill
making appropriations for certain purposes
therein mentioned.
Mr. Newton from the committee of com
merce and manufactures, on the petition
of Levin Jones, reported favourably.
A message from the President, covering
a report from the Director of the Mint,
was read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Tallmadge, from the committee on
the military establishments of the United
States, reported " a bill authorizing a de
tachment from the militia of the United
States.** The bill authorizes the drafting
of 100,000 men from the militia—volun
teers to be accepted instead of drafts,
the!
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Thursday, January 11.
IN SENATE,
Wednesday, Janlar'y 10.
Ctmsttiiff.
WO—I
*’ France acknowledges in principle the
liberty of the commerce of neutrals and
the independence of maritime powers—
She has respected them until the moment
when the maritime power of
(which respected nothing,) and the arbi
trary acts of its government have forced
her to meaturet (f refirital, which the
hat ado fit ed but with reluctance.**
Chamfiagny't Letter. .
COMMBMT.
(COPY.)
Naplks, 12th November, 1809.
Mettrt. Minturn U* Chamfilin,
Gentlkmxv—We hid the pleasure
to address you our advices in August last,
per schooner Kite, since which no direct
conveyance has till now offered for the
United States. Our most essentia] com
munication at that time, was a resolve of
his Neapolitan Majesty, dated Ist July, by
which he granted free admission into the
ports of his kingdom to all American ves
sels which should arrive with diftet clear
ances, with certificates of the origin of
their cargoes, and which thould not be
found to come under the Berlin and Mian
decreet of the French Binfi erow. Wo
hinted to you at the same time, that wo
were apprehensive, that notwithstanding
this resolution, the situation of this port
would be more or less affected by the
course of the negotiations between the
United States and France, and we are now
sorry to inform you, that these our appre
hensions are now verified. Since the de
parture of the Joanna, we have had here
the following American arrivals:
A motion was made to re-commit the
report; but before it was decided, the
House adjourned.
2gp the jßailg.
PHILADELPHIA, January 13.
Ywx KUFS FROM SPAIN.
We do not attach any credit to the in
formation received at New-York, via Lis
bon, December 3, of a grand battle hav
ing been fought near Madrid, in which the
Spaniards were defeated, with the loss of
5000 killed and 7000 wounded, and that
they afterwards set fire to the city of
Madrid and reduced it to ashes. Captain
Cooper, of the ship Atalanta, arrived,
here yesterday from Lisbon, which he left
on the 12th of December, ten days later
than the arrival at New-York, brings no
confirmation of the report It probibly
took its rise from the circumstance of an
action having taken’place at Madridejos,
(about 30 leagues from Madrid,) between
the Spanish General Friere, and a corps
of 6000 French, in which the latter were
obliged to retreat with great loss, leaving
the whole province of La Mancha in the
power of the Spaniards.
[The groupd on which the committee
of elections have reported against (he right
of Mr. J. to his seat, is, that the procla
mation of the Govcrnour directing the
election of a delegate was illegal, having
been predicated on a liberal construction
of the law of Congress, taking their proba
ble intention into view, instead of following
the letter of the law. The committee did
not examine into the alleged irregulari
ties attending the election when held, rest
ing their report on the integrity of the pro
clamation of the Governour under which
the election was held.] '
The debate turned principally on the
construction of the laws for dividing thn
Territory of Indiana, and for the exten
sion of the right of suffrage.
The House resumed the consideration
of the report of the committee of the whole
on the report of the committee of elections
on tbe contested election of Jonathan Jen
nings.
Latest interesting and momentous infor
mation, direct from Naples.
TEXT.
which are tobehdd ia service faK&fc
months from the time they shall arrive at
the place of rendezvous—the President to
have authority to call out the part ortho
whole of these detachments as he may think
necessary .—The act to continue in force
for two years and no longer. Referred to
a committee of the whole House on Thurs
day next.
Mr. Johnson from the committee of
claims reported a bill for the relief of Rich
ard Taylor.
Mr. Johnson from the same committee,
on the petition of James M’Cracken, re
ported that the prayer of the petition ought
not to be granted ; agreed toby the House-
Mr. Johnson also reported on the peti
tion of Elizabeth Hamilton, that they .were
of opinion that her claim was just, but that
it was barred by the statute of limitations,
they therefore reported that the prayer
of the petition ought not to be granted.—
Referred to a committee of the whole on
Wednesday.
CONTESTED ELECTIONS,
Ship Hercules, West, from Salem, with
an assorted cargo of colonial produce.
Schooner Hamilton, Brown, from Ttmle,
with Java Coffee and Sugar.
Schooner Zephyr, Murphy, and brig So- *
phia. Carman, from Tanis,’with asserted
cargoes. -
Ship Augusta, Moore, from Baltimore,
with Cocoa and a little Coffee.
NEW-YORK, January 12.
Freeman's Journal.