The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-07-15 00:00:00, page 2

Such i^ our situation, and such are our profpeas; but
not withstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out
to ua , notwithstanding bappinefs is ours if we have a
copcfidoirto seize the occasion and make it our own ;
yet it a pears to me, there is an option dill left to the
United States of America, that it is in their choice,
and depends upon their conduft, whether they will be
rrfpedable and prosperous, or contemptible and mise
rable, as a viation. This is the time of their political
probation: thr is the moment when the eyes of the
whole world .are turned upon them: this is the mo
ment to eflablkh or ruin their national chara&er for
evtr; this is the favourable moment to give such a
tore to our fcederal government as will enable it to
auf^er the ends of its institution; or this may be the
ill.fat'd moment for relaxing the powers of the union,
annihilating the c meat of tie confederation, and ex
pt&g us to became the fpert of European politics,
winch may play one slate again fl another to prevent
their growing importance, and to serve their own in
ter^fied purposes ; for, according to the system of po
licy the fiates shall adopt at this moment, they will
itand or fall ; and by their confirmation or lap(e it is
yet to be decided, whether the revolution must ulti
mately be considered as a blefling or a curse—a bless
ing or a curse, not to the present aze alone, for with
our fate will the deßiny of unborn millions be involved.
With this conviction of the importance of the present
trifis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore
(peak to your excellency the language of freedom and
of sincerity without disguise ; I am aware, however, that
those who differ from me in political sentiment may per
lnp^ remark, I am flepping out of the proper line of
my duty, and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance
cr oftenftation, what I know is alone the result of the
pared intention; but the reßitude of my own heart,
which disdains such unworthy motives, the part I have
.hitherto acted in life, the determination I have formed
of not taking any share in public bufiuefs hereafter, the
ardent defirel feel, and fhail continue to manif^fl, of
quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toil's of
war, the benefits of a isife and liberal government, will,
(Cirf 6lar.)
Head-Quarters, Newburgh, Jone 12, 1783-
SI
Ft HE great object for which I had the honor to hold
an appointment in the service of my country being
accorptifh d, I arn now preparing to resign it into the
i, nd' 0; Congress, and (0 return to that dbmeftic ri
t^erne it, %h,ch, it is well known, I left with the great
er reluriance — a retirement for which [ have never
co.fed to fc:, through a long and painful absence, and
in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the
world) l meditate to pass the remainder of life in a Bate
of unJiferbed repose: but before 1 carry this refoluti
bn into efrebt, I tl ink it a duty incumbent on me, to
make this my la<lofficial communication—to congra
tulate ^u on the glorious events which Heaven has
been pleased to produce in our favour; to offer my
sentiments refpe&ing some important fubjeas, which
appear to me to be intimately connected with toe tran
quihtyof the United States; to take my leave of your
expediency as a public chara&er ; and to give 'my final
blessing to that country in whose service £ have spent
the prime of my life; for whole fake I have consumed
so many anxious days and watchful nights; and whose
hfpfoffo being extremely dear to me, will always con
ffftute no incorifdersble part of my own.
Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleas
ing occasion I will claim the indulgence of dilating
the more coniouflf on the fubje& of our mutual feli
citation. When we confider the magnitude of the
prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the con
tel, and the favourable manner in which it has termi
nated, we (hall find the greatest possible reason for gra
tpude and rejoicing: this is a theme that will afford
infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind,
whet r the event in contemplation be considered as
tin source of pr^fent enjoyment, or the parent of fu
ture bappinefs—and we shall have equal occasion to fe
licitate ourfeives on the lot which Providence has af
jigned us whether we view it in a natural, a political,
or moral point of light.
The cit zens of America, placed in the most envia
ble condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a
vast iraft of continent, comprehending all the various
foils and climates of the world, and abounding with all
the necessaries and conveni.wcies of life, are now, by
the la'e fatisfaf}ory pacification, acknowledged to be
possessed of absolute freedom and independency: they
are from this period to be considered as the actors on
a most confptcuous they're, which seems to be peculi
arly designated by Providence for the display of human
greatness and felicity. Here they are not only sur
rounded ^ith evry thing which can contribute to the
completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but
Heaven has crowned all its other blessings by giving a
fairer opportunity for political bappinefs, than any
other nation has ever been favoured with. Nothing
can illufirate these observations more forcibly, than a
recolleflion of the happy conjuncture of times and
circumstances under which our republic aflumed its
rank among the nations. The foundation of our em
pire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and
ftiperflition, but at an epocha when the rights of man
kind were better understood and more clearly defined
than at any former period; the researches of the human
wind after social happiness have been carried to a great
extent ; (be treasures of knowledge, acquired by the
labours of philosophers, sages and legislators, through
a long succession of years, are laid open for our use,
ani their collected wisdom may be happily applied in
the establishment of our formsof government; the free
cultivation of letters, the unbounded extenfon of com
merce, the progressive refinement of manners, the grow
ing I bqrality of sentiment. and above all, the pure
a ^'benign light of revelation, have had a meliorating
influence on mankind and encreafed the blessings of fo
cieiy. A: this Rufpicious period the United States
came into exigence as a nation, and if their citizens
ihould not be compfeatly free and happy, the fault will
be entirely their own.
4m the VIRGINIA GAZETTE, dated July 9
I fitter Thyfelf, foone? er later, convince my ccunhy
men, that I could have no finifler views in delivering,
with so little reserve, the opinions contained in this
address.
There are four things which I humbly conceive are
essential to the well being, I may even venture to fay,
to the exigence of the United States as an independent
power.
• 111. An indissoluble union of the states under one fe
deral head.
2dly. A sacred regard to public ju^ice.
gdly. The adoption of a proper peace eftabliffi
meat. And
4'hly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly dis
position among the people of the United States which will
induce them to forget their local prejudices and policies,
to make those mutual conceßions which are requisite
to the general prosperity, and in some ioftances, to fa.
crifice their individual advantages to the intereßi of the
community.
These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of
our independency and national character mull be sup
ported : liberty is the basis; and whoever would dare
to sap the foundation or overturn the ftruaure, under
whatever specious pretexts he may attempt it, will
merit the bitterest execrations and the severest punish
ment which can be inflicted by his injured country.
On the three firß articles I will make a few observa
tions, leaving the last to the good sense and serious con
sideration of those immediately concerned.
Under the sirs l head, although it may not be necessa
ry or proper for me in this place to enter into a parti
cular difquifitiou of the principles of the union, and to
take up the great question which has been frequently
agitated, whether it be expedient and requisite for the
Rates to delegate a larger proportion of power to Con
gress, or net—yet it will be a part of my duty and
that of every tru^ patriot, to assert without reserve, and
to insist upon the foilowingpofitions: that unless the states
wiil fufftr, Co^grefs to exercise those prerogatives
they are undoubtedly invested with by the conftitutiori,
every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and
confufion; that it is iridifpenfible to the bappinefs of
the individual fiates, that there should be lodged some
where, a supreme power, to regulate and govern the
general concerns cf the confederated republic, without
which the union cannot be of long duration ; that there
must be a faithful and pointed compliance on the part
of every slate, with the late proposals and demands of
Congress, or the most fatal confequenceg will ensue ;
that whatever measures have a tendency to dis
solve the union, or contribute to violate or les
sen the sovereign authority, ought to be considered
as hostile to the liberty and independency of America,
and ths authors cf them treated accordingly; and lafl
ly, that unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence
cf the flatus, to pattic p^te ofthe fruits of the revolution,
and enjoy the essential benefits of civil so ciety, under
a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so hap
pily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has
been devised and adopted by the articles of confedera
tion; that it will be a fubjed of regret that so much
blood and treasure have been lavished for no purpose,
that so many fufferings have been encountered without
a compensation, and that so many facrifices have been
made in vain. Many other considerations might here
be adduced to prove, that without an entire conformi
ty to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an in
dependent power—it will be fufficient for my purpole
to mention but one or two which seem to me of the
greatest importance: It is only in our united charac
ter as an empire, that opr independence is acknowledged,
that our power can be regarded, or our credit support
ed among foreign nations. The treaties of the Euro
pean powers with the United States of America, will
have no validity on a dissolution of the union—we shall
be left nearly in a slate of nature ; or we may find by
our own unhappy experience, that there is a natural
and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy
to the extremejof tyranny, and that arbitrary power is
most ehfily eflablifhed on the ruins of liberty abused
to licentioufnefsi
As to the second article which refpeds the perform
ance of public justice, Congress have, in their late ad
dress to the United States, almost exhausted the fubjed;
they have explained their ideas so fully, and have en
forced the obligations the Rates are under to lender
compleatjuflice to ail the public creditors, with so much
dignity and energy, that in my opinion no real friend
to the honor and independency of America, can hesitate
a fiogle moment refpeding the propriety of complying
with the just and honorable measures proposed : if their
arguments do not produce conviction, I know of no
thing that will have greater influence; especially when
we recoiled, that the system referred to, being the re
sult of the collected wisdom of the continent, must be
esteemed, if not perfed, certainly the least objectiona
ble of any thatcould be devised, and that if it shall
not be carried into immediate execution, a national
bankruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will
take place before any different plan can possibly be pro
posed, and adopted. So pressing are tue present cir
cumstances! and such is the alternative now offered to
the Rates!
The ability of the country to difeharge the debts
which have beer incurred in its defence, is not to be
doubted--.au inclination, I flatter royfelf, will not be
wanting; the path of our duty is plain before us: ho
nesty will be found, on every experiment, to be the best
and only true policy ; let us then, as a nation, be just ;
let us fulfil the public contracts, which Congress had
undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carry
ing on the war, with the fame good faith we suppose
ourfeives bound to perform our private engagements ;
in the mean time, Jet an attention 10 the cheerful per
formance of their proper business as individuals and as
members of society, be earnestly inculcated on the citi
zens of America; then wil they Rrengthen the hands
of government, and be happy under its protection ; e
very one will reap the fruit of his labours ; every 'one
widenjoy his own acquifitious without moleflatiou and
without danger.
In this Rate of absolute freedom and perfect securi
ty, who will grudge to yi-ld a vory little of his pro.
perfy, to support the common interops of society
and ensure the protection of government? Who d^
not remember the frequent declarations at the com
mencement of the war, that we Should be compleatly
fatisfied, if at the expence of one half we could defend
the remainder of our possessions ? Where is the man
to be found who withes to remain indebted for the de.
fence of his own person and property, to the exe r ti."
ons, the bravery, and the blood of others, without
making one gen^ rouseffort to iepay the d^bt of honor
and of gratitude? In what part of the continent fha|(
we find any man, or body of men, who would not blufli
to fland up and propose measures purposely calcula
ted to rob the soldier of his flipend, #nd the public
creditor of his due ? And were it possible that such a
flagrant instance of injustice could ever happen, would
it not excite the general indignation, and tend to brin^
down upon the authors of such measures, the aggra
vated vengeance of Heaven ? If after all, a fpinr of
disunion or a temper of obstinacy and perverfenefa
should manifeft itfelf inany of the Rates ; if such a ro
ungracious disposition mould attempt to fruftrate all
the happy effects that might be expelled to flow front
the union; if there mould be a refufal to comply with,
the requisitions for funds to difeharge the annual inte_
rest of the public debts; and if that refufal fhouli
revive again all those jealousies, and produce all thofa
evils which are now happily removed. Congress, who
have in all their tranfaaious fliewn a great degree of
magnanimity and justice, will fland ju ftifcd in the
fight of God and man; and the Rate alone which puts
itfelf in opposition to the aggregate wisdom of the con
tinent, and follows such mistaken and pernicious coun
cils, will be refpon^ble for all the consequences.
For my own part, conscious of having afted,' while
a servant cf the public, in the manner I conceived
bed suited to promote the real interest of my country -
having in consequence of my fixed belief, in some meat
sure pledged myfelfto the army, that their country
would finally do them compleat and ample juflic^ a ni
not wishing to conceal any inflance of my official'con
dud from the eyes of t^e world, I have thought pro.
per to transmit to your excellency the enclosed coll
ledion of papers, relative to the half-pay and com
mutation granted by Congress to the officers of thg
army ; from these commutations, my decided fenti
meets will be clearly comprehended, together with
the contlufive reasons which induced me, at an early
period, to recommend the adoption of this measure ia
the most earnest and ferioua manner. As the proceed
ings of Congress, the army and myfelf, are open to
all, and contain, in my opinion, fufficient informati
on to remove the prejudices and errors which may
have been entertained by any, I think it unnecessary
to fay anything more)than just to observe that the
refoliations of Congress now alluded to, are undoubt
edly as absolutely binding upon the United-States as#
the most solemn a&s of confederation or legislation.
At to the idea, which I am informed has in some in-
Rances prevailed, that the half-pa, and commutation
are to be regarded merely in the bdious light of %
pension; it ought t o be exploded forever-- that provi^
fion fliould be viewed, as it really was, a reafonabl&
com penfation offered by Congref#, at a time when the,
bad nothing else to give, to the officers of the army,
for services then to be performed.-it was the only
means to prevent a total derelißion of the fervice
it was a part of their hire, I may be allowed to fay'
it was the price of their blood and of your indepen'-'
dency ; it is therefore more than a common debt^
it is a debt of honor; it can never be considered as
a pension or gratuity, nor be cancelled until it is fair
ly discharged.
With regard to a diftin&ion between officers anc£
soldiers, it is fufficient that the uniform experience o£
every nation of the world, combined with our own,
proves (he utility and propriety of the diferimination^
rewards in proportion to the aids the public derives
from them, are unqueflionably due to all its servants.
In some lines, the soldiers perhaps have generally had
as ample a compensation for their services, by the large
bounties which have been paid to them, as their officers
will receive in the proposed commutation : in others, if
besides the donation of lands, the payment of arrear
ages of eloathing and wages (in which articles all the
component parts of the army must be put upon the fame
footing) we take into the eflimate the bounties man,
of the soldiers have received and the gratuity of one
year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their
situation (every circumflance being duly considered)
will not be deemed lets eligible than that of the officers ;
fliould a farther reward, however be judged equitable;
I will venture to assert, no one will enjoy greater fa
tisfaHion than royfelf, on feeing an exemption from
taxes for a limited time(which has been petitioned for
in some instances) or any other adequate immunity
or compensation, granted to the brave defenders cf
their country's cause : but neither the adoption or re
je&ion of this proposition will in any manner affeft,
much left militate against the a& of Congress, by which
they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the
half pay for life, which had been before promised to
the officers of the army.
Before I conclude the fubfeft of public justice, I can
not omit to mention the obligations this country is un
der to that meritorious class of veteran non-commissi
oned officers and privates who have been difeharged
for inability, in consequence of the resolution , of Con
gress of the 23d of April, 1782, on annual pension for
life; their peculiar (offerings, their fiogular meritsand
claims to that provision, need only be known, to inter
est all the feelings of humanity in their behalf—no
thing but a punctual payment of their annual al
lowance can refeue them fromthe most complicated mi
sery—and nothing could be amo e melancholy and
distressing fight, than to behold those whohave filed
their blood or loft their limbs in the service of their
country, without a shelter, without a friend, and with
out the means of obtaining any pf the neceßaries er com
forts of life, compelled to beg their daily bread from
door to door ! Suffer me to recommend those of this de
scription, belonging to your slate, to the warmest pa
tronage cf your excellency and your legislature.
It is necessary to fay but a few words on the third