The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-08-28 00:00:00, page 2

[The Following Piece, although it contains fen
liment^ repugnant to the feelings of the people of Ame
rica, fliers of what importance their commerce is to
Crn-britrim and advances many ideas that may be
ofufe to our Mercantile Friends.—From this we may
a!(o form a', dgbvnt of the many plans that probably
will be adapted to tenure the inrereft of the trading
parr of the Unih.^ States ]
From the LONDON PUBLIC ADVERTISER,
dated June 16, 1783.
Upon the AMERICAN COMMERCE, and
COMMERCE in General.
Quifque saber fortune fuse.
P^HERE is an avarice in Rates, as wellasin indivi-
A duals, but with thisdiftinaion between the cases,
that the individual seeks the o jell of his inclination
with some degree of difeernment, while the slate thinks
that it has attained its end, when it has only manifefted
rapacious difbofitions. Enlightened however as those
morale hi?y think themselves, who glory in depreci
ating the nature of man, it is yet one of tin laws found
in ids conftitufion, that neither individuals nor nations
can be made happy finely, or exclusively. Those who
think happiness to be of the nature of a monopoly, 1
will venture to affirm, have themfrlves rarely enjoyed
it; and accordingly we find, that felfifh sensations are
by no means a certain indication of success in any situ
ation, and fill less so of fatisfaaion. Mißaken appre
fonfiom, however, on these fubjeHs, having particu
larly inft&ed the commercial notions ofmy countrymen,
I mil attempt briefly to Controvert them.
Refpe&ing America, more particularly, I shall endea
vour to prove, that a wife plan for commerce and con
nexion, ft ems to require our offering them at this junc
ture, a mutual participation of our carrying trade and
other trades, wherever open to the body of our own
fubjeXs. But, before I attempt any general difeuffion
of this and other proportions, f shall introduce a few
preparatory remarks, which may probably much recon
creand enforce what relates to America. I would begin
therefore with hinting,
1. That experience (that excellent mailer in great
affairs) gives no immedate difeouragement to this par
ticipation : since America remained for several ages in
pretty close fotnerfhip with England, without having
in the lead injured'us by the circumstance. Before
the War commenced, we fold our manufaXpres to them,
with scarce an invitation to receive any American ma
nufactures in return; and we fupplud no despicable
proportion of their carrying trade and seamen, with
out <!(ir having been much in the habit of navigating
for its. And under a wife fyflem of connection, there
is no doubt that nature would soon resume its course.
But a it is an advantageous peculiarity belonging to
the American inrercourfe, [ shall go on to remark,
2. Teat colonists coirfume a larger proportion of ar
ticles from civilized foreign states, than any equal
number of people upon the face of the globe*. The
Americans, in particular, having a trail of wood-lands
before them, as extensive a# the empire of China, made
cheap by the scarcity of inhabitants, the poor in that
country quickly acquire a share in them, and refuse
afters ards to work for hire, when they find they can
remain fubflantial proprietors. For want therefore of
a fxelard numerous labouring poor, America cannot
have many manufactures; and as the arts depend for
their Qccefs very materially upon each other, the can
not very easily support only a few of them.—America
Bauds therefore in the singula r predicament, of being
a civilized and informed country, without possessing
the arts; and of always consuming more articles than
other nations from foreign p:rts, and yet being al
ways able to pay for them, and to find a compara
tive advantage in the importation. But farther ;
3. The industry of the American states, instead of ri
valling that of Europe, and of the parts connected
with Europe, may be shewn perfe&ly correlative and
corresponding to it; the power of supply on one fide
always meeting a demand on the other. Thus the Eu
ropean sugar-colonies and (hipping require the very
timber from which the American is anxious to free
his land different demands next occur for those pro
visions, which 'hat land afterwards produces, and for
the chief of the American 6fh ; and European manu
faXurie' or luxury Rand ready to engage their remain
ing raw produce. Thus far they tend to be conveni
ent to us who belong to Europe; and it is equally easy
to prove our similar convenience to them.
4. The permanency of the American market will
next be mentioned; and this, whether the Americans
are considered as a growing, ora grown people. Hav
ing such immense lands to spread out their people up
on, they will long have only a thin, though an ad.
vancing p pulatioo. And, if in a Rate of tranquility,
their people have doubled in five and twenty years, and
in the fme period their luxury, foreign demands and
ability for payment, appear to have quadrupled; this
incomplete, though progressive Rate of society, affords
ample room for an immediate luxuriant commerce; as
they have foil enough among them for supplying eigh
ty or a hundred mi lions of residents, without allowing
for any further aquifition of territory.—As to a com
merce with them in future distant times, even taking
things at the word, and fuppoling America hereafter
to have overftocktd every foreign market with the a
bundance of her principal natural produXions, or sup
posing her to have attained to a population equivalent
to her territory; I Rill conceive, even in this situation,
which must neceffarby tend to multiply ranks and pro
feffions, and to create artificers among them as well
as farmers, that their inclinations for foreign com
* Upon a rough computation, and including negroes
in the average of it, I would calculate that one inhabit
tantof the colonies, as they Rood before the war, con
futed more Fritilh articles than two inhabitants of
Ireland. And as orly one, or at most a few voyages
in the year were mad/ to the colonies, and a number
migh t be made to Ir< land in the fame period, the quan
tiy of seamen and (hipping employed in the colony
tra e was in a much greater proportion than even the
Britifti articles consumed.
merce win by co mans be at tin end.* My opinion is
founded upon man’s extreme paflion for novelties and
exotics, and upon the variety in Nature's gifts, and
the accidental excellencies of foreign articles.---We
should therefore have to begin a trade with an encreaf
ing people, where every manufacture was firft imported
by them ; and end it with an immense increased peo
ple, where (cleft Articles only were imported. This last
situation, however narrow it may seem, is the grand
basis of all our ownexport trade to the several parts of
Europe; and the fame principles that enable Europe,
in its full or Rationary Rate, to pay for what it receives
from us, will also under similar circumflances qualify
America to provide 1 payment for what (he will be dis
posed to demand from Europe.—But arguments re
quiring to be multiplied in a case of such importance.
5. I shall observe, that another property may be
hoped for in the American market,' which is its com
parative fafety. The United States are now prdprie
tors of a landed estate, which is improving by every
frelh day of labour, by every new inhabitant added to
the common flock, and by every particle of iocreafe of
the country's reputation ; all which circum fiances con
sequently must add to the trader's security. It is not
a fmal|article too in the eflimare 6f this trade, that
Englishmen underßand the language, < laws, religion,
and habits of the party in queflion, and have more per
sonal connexions with them, than any other nation in
Europe. The chief fear is, left any thing should arise
to impair the frugality, application, and honesty of
the Americans ; for dissipated or dissolute manners will
not only soon injure their wealth, but turn their atten
tion to the markets of dur enemies, which are more
fitted for luxury than those of England, where dur ar
ticles are chiefly ufeful or fubftanftialf.
6. The'article I fhali next observe upon, will alrea
dy in part have occurred to sensible men from what has
preceded; being an examination of the balance upon a
reciprocal trade, so as to enable us to know which fide
will gain most by it. Upon the manufacturing part of
the intercdurfe, the benefit will evidently turn to the
fide of England, because of the greater proportion of
import which a few colonies call for, beyond a numer
ous old nation; and because when that proportion in
the. import diminishes, we may afterwards gain by
their prodigious superiority in point of numbers —Re
fpe&ing the Weft^lndies, cur commerce is in so hap
py a Rate in thatquarter, as to be-clearly advantage
ous to both sides.—As to the gain from a mutual c r
ring trade; America having the greeted field for po
pulation, and their raw produce being more bulky
than our manufactures, and their present Rate of impor
being the most confiderahle number for number, their
feene fo r a carrying trade wi'l necessarily be the most
extensive; and as the propensity to sea affairs in each
nation, is at lead equal, we may on the whole havean
opportunity of employing more sailors in their carry
ing trade, than they cn'puffibly do in ours.—As to
the balance upon a quedion of mutual alliance, it is
equally very form decided ; because America may short
ly become not only the mod powerful and invu nerab!e
of the two nations, but for various realm be found
likely to embark in the feweft foreign quarrels, and
also will hereafter be able to do infinitely the most
benefit or injury of the two, provided we continue to
possess and to value the colonies and Weft-India islands
we now hold in their neighbourhood.—England there
fore will have the advantage rejecting manufactures,
seamen, and al iante; and in the other parts of the in
tercourse will prove an equal gainer.
7. But that I may now relieve my fubjeß a Fttie, 1 shall
introduce a novel topic ; and in oppofi ion to those who
fay the particular civility to America is unnecessary,
as cheapness alone will command a tritde : I shall con
tend that cheapness is by no means the sole governing
principle of consumption. I acknow'edge it is a motive
with the merchant or manufacturer, in the collection of
goods or materials, when executing orders which have
originated from the confumtr; but I believe I may af
firm that it is by no means always the consumer's mo
tive: For instance, it is not cheapness that occasions
the preference of ermine, or Sable, over our humble
domettic furs; or which places the gems of he Eafl,
above theartificial pafles wl ich fomucn resembles them :
noris it cheapness which prompts the poor of this metro
polis of ours, to purchase white bread, instead of
brown ; and in various other places, to scorn the whole
fomeft foods, because not in request among persons of
better condition. The very merchant or manufactur
er who, speculatively, adopts the persuasion I am com
bating, the moment he turns consumer, con utes his
own positions ; and finds that living as others do, is the
principle maxim of his houfhold ; and that nothing i;
more cofly to him than “ his neighbours eye and opi
nion." Instead ofavoid'ng the appearance of expence,
many are the persons, who in certain cases, boast of
the extent of it, and employ the most extravagant
workmen by a kind of preference, and make it a rule
to despise every thing in proportion as it is common.
Singular indeed would it be to find frugality the rule
of fancy, when fashions are set by the rich or thought
less; to mention nothing of the effect to be produced
by tyrannical trade laws.—lndeed, to view the question
in a manly way, fashions and manners must be acknow
ledged to be founded on principles too fluctuating and va
rious to depend in the firft instance upon natural taste, rr
upon calculation. We may repeat therefore what I have
said formerly, " that the Americans will fell, accord
“ ing to interest, in the best markets; but, necessaries
“ and raw produce excepted, they will buy according
" to whim." Nor are men made the poorer by this
indulgence of their humours ; because the total expence
of them may be bounded, though the particulars of
each expence may be differently ailoted.
t A circumflance therefore equa ly to be remembered
by America and by England; left a change of mo
rals and ideas thould pro uce a material detriment to
both, in conftquence of it, to the benefit of France.
(To be continued.)
A Room to be Let ready Fur
rifted. E.quue 0, the Printer.
LONDO N.
June 19. It was yesterday strongly reported in the
house of commons, that the symptoms of difeon&nt
which for feme time prevailed in the cabinet, were rea
dy to burst into a flame. His m y, it was said, had
refufed to sign the message to the house of lord* and
commons, refpefting the prince of Wales's eflablilh
ment, unless he had himfelf the appointment of the of
ficers of the prince's houfhold. Feeling this aimed at
their political exiflence, ministry, it was reported,
were resolved to anticipate, and therefore had deter
mined immediately to resign.
A DIALOGUE between a Sailor, at the Muzzle
of a Loewer-Decker, and Echo.
Sailor. D—rn mye —s, why have they ordered so ma
ny men of war in harbour together, do you know?
Echo. No.
Sailor. Was the rebellion of the (hips companies, to
their fficers commands, occasioned by much feveritv'be-
Rowed? J
Echo. Owed,
Sailor. Indeed! then you think the ring-leaders ffiould
have been brought to a court-martial?
Echo, All.
Sailor. They were fuffered to take upon them the
command of the (hips; was that Pro Publico Bono?
Echo. Ob! no.
Sailor. Should not the (hips be disarmed?
Echo. Armed.
Sailor. Why so? Peace is made, and you beat your
enemy roaringly.
Echo. Roaring lie.
Sailor. Don't you think we've had very honest men to
govern the kingdom ?
Echo. Um.
Sailor. Which of the port admirals is, in condu&in^
naval affairs, most happ,?
Ecbo. Pye.
Sailor., Did not a quarrel arise between him and ano
ther admiral fomebow?'
Echo. Howe.
Sailor, Pray don't you thick that those who have dis
tinguished themselves this war should be promoted in
preference to those who have not, and are they not so ?
Echo. Not so.
Sailor. What do you think of the new hop instituted
at the town of Common ?
Echo. Common.
Sailor. What do those deserve who refufed to fight;
not for want of signals, but of their own accord?
Echo. Acord.
Sailor. The agents and brokers for prizes, taken this
war, are all honest men, they diltributed the full value
dulr.
Echo. You lie.
Sailor. What am Ito do for a living now the war is
over ? turn Jboe-black ?
Echo. You black.
Sailor. To be idle is the way to 00 to hell.
Echo. Go to bell.
ff '='-™™' : ='' re ™ T ' e '= R " rare ^
nrt E „ W -Y O R K, August 19.
Mefffs. Printers,
Being an intended citizen of Port Rofeway, I natural
ly interest myfelf in every little matter that concerns
it. The following laconic reason for changing the
name of that town lately fell into my hands; and to
fatisfy the curious, I should be very glad to fee it in
your impartial paper.
I am your obedient (ervant,
A LOYALIST.,
In mem'ry of that peerless man,
My favorite, in Hell-born,
Who fold Britannia, and her sons,
Port Rofeway's chang'd to Shelburne.
BELZEBUB.
Philadelphia, August 28-
STATE of PENNSy'I VANIA.
In GENERAL ASSEMBLY.
Monday, August 25, 1783. A. M.
A GREEABLE to the order rs the day, the house
<' went into the consideration of the report on the
fubjeß of national credit, read Auguff, 226 instant:
whereupon,
Resolved unanimously, That M r . Rush, M r . White
hill and Mr Hoge, bea committee to prepare and bring
in a bill conformable to the resolution of Congress of
April 18, 1783, inserting a clause for repealing the aft
intitled, “ an all to vest in the Congress of the United
States, a power to levy duties of five per centum ad va
lorem, on certain goods and merchandize imported in
to this Commonwealth, and on prizes and prize goods
condemned in the court of admiralty of this date,'after
the firft day 01 May, 1781, and for appropriating the
fame, passed April 5, 1781"
Resolved unanimously, That the measures Congress
have taken in their resolution of the iß ; h of April last
to support and eflabhf hpublic and national credit;
meet wi h the ap rr bation of this house, and they will
appropriate fubflantial and per manent funds by taxes,
or otherwise, for Supplying the continental treasury with
their quota, as assigned in said resolution.
Resolved unanimously, That tl is house do hereby
authorife and diref ltheir delegates in Congress, or any
two cf them, to join with the delegates of tne other
dates in Congress assembled, properly authorifed, in re
voking and making void so much of the Bth article of
confederation and perpetual union between the thirteen
flat's of America, as is contained inti e following, words
viz. '' All charges of war, tnd all other expences that
shall be incurred for the common defence or general
welfare, and allowed by t^e United States ih Congress
assembled, shall be defr yed out of a common treasury,
which (hall be supplied by the several dates, in pro
portion to the value of all lands within each state, grant
ed to or surveyed for any perlon, as tuch land and the
buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated,
according to such mode as the United States in Congress