The Connecticut courant and Hartford weekly intelligencer — Hartford, Conn., 1775-02-27 00:00:00, page 1

To the Inhabitants of the Massachusetts-Lay.
My Friends and Countrymen,
IN my lalt 1 attempted a faint description of the
arts played off by some of the tories to keep
themselves in countenance, or in lucrative offices;
the Species pf reasoning, and sublimity of manage
ment adopted by others to amuse and confound.
The time I truil, is advancing on nimble wing,
when truth supremely triumphant, will blacken
their blufhlefs faces in silent confufion, and merited
disgrace; orjlluminate their opaque minds with a
few rays of an Englishman's spirit. I have also da
ted the question with tulnefs and fairnefs: It being
Shortly this, whether the British parliament has a
right to bind us by her laws in all cases; and of
conlequence, to tax us not only without our con
sent, but direCtly in the face of our moil solemn
and unanimous protestations. That this, and this
alone, is fubftandally and in reality the bone of con
tention, and not a three penny duty on tea, as has
been either wickedly suggested, or more ignorantly
and Stupidly believed, 1 hope to make abundantly
evident to all persons but apostates to common sense,
in the course of my subsequent observations upon
principles and measures.
Having truth for my guide, and the love of my
country for my motive, or at least a consciousness of
them, I am intitled to your caudour: I beg your at
tention. I shall bottom myfelf principally on na
ture, and her inflexible laws, as an unihaken rock.
Her volume is open, her pages fair, her characters
legible, her lessons easy and ample, and her autho
rity conclusive. A better foundation can no man
lay.
The Author of being made of the fame flefh and
blood all mankind that dwell on the face of this
earth. No one, or collection of ones, could ori
ginally challenge a superiority over others; could
claim the authority, or had the right of directing
their conduct, disposing of their property, such as
it was, or interfering with their happiness. Every
man was his own rightful sovereign, amenable to
none but God his creator; nor could he invade his
neighbour's property, or abridge his natural liberty
without violating one of natures molt sacred laws.
This is a firft principle disputed by none, fanCtified
by use, and as old as time: It is universal and Self
evident.
Personal liberty, personal security, and private
property are the three only motives, the grand ob
jects for which individuals made a particular surren
der of that plenitude of power which they possess
in a state of nature, and Submit to the necessary re
ftridions, and subordinations of government. These
were the fundamental, the explaining and con
trouling principles, which framed the constitution
of Britain in its firft Stages-, which gave the com
plexion, and formed the features of her govern
ment, in her more advanced periods, and which
have been her companions through all the muti
lations and distortions ffie has fullered in her pro
gress to the present rank die holds in the world ;
where file is viewed with jealousy by neighbours,
and aftoniffiment by foreigners. All laws not cast
in this constitutional mould, and framed upon these
essential principles, have been generally considered
and treated as the deformed brats of a licentious fa
ther, or the spurious offspring of a prostituted mo
ther.
An agreement or compact, virtually, or per
fenally, fully and reciprocally, either expressed
or implied between every individual of a commu
nity, is absolutely essential to his becoming one of
her members. People will consolidate into bodies,
by a union of conduct, consent of Sentiment, or in
any other way, and having no fettled form of go
vernment; the governing principle rauft from ne
cessity be the determination of the majority : Übi ejF
major, ibi totum efl, is a maxim venerable for age,
Containing the Freshest ADVICES,
MONDAY, February 27, 1775
CONNECTICUT
AND
WEE KLY
From the MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
NUMBER 11.
Open to all PARTIES not under the influence of ANY.
and authenticated by use. Therefore when a per
son submits to become a part of a society, he of
course consents to the operation of this principle,
both in the formation of a constitution, and in guard
ing against those evils and exigencies, which a Bate
may be exposed to, and which are unknown to the
constitution, and therefore fall under the cogni
zance of the body of the people, by a law of the
highest obligation. The most natural and Simple
method, in an infant state, of tranfa&ing business
of a public concern, is by a general meeting of the
people at large, where the sense of each individual
being taken, a majority of the whole determines
the matter. Such a popular state in theory, is a
necessary link in the chain of events, which forms
the transition from a condition of nature, to that of
civil societies founded on constitutions; and in the
order of nature, and the view of the mind must al
ways precede it. In all communities possessing ex
tent of territory, as numbers increase, inconveni
encies multiply and bring on the necessity of substi
tuting the few in the room of the many: and
lodging the power of the whole to a certain de
gree, for special purposes with a number feleCted.
This agreement of the aflociated body to divest them
selves to a certain degree of their natural powers,
and in the fame proportion to confer them on o
thers, as their representatives, in different mea
sures, with particular deflmations, all subservient
to the public good and the common utility; as also
the establishing the number of rulers; their several
degrees of power; the o^f^Cts on which it is to o
perate, the sphere and manner of its exertion; its
limits and duration, all arranged with such harmo
ny, as tenderly to feel the interest of the people,
and fairly represent their majesty and power, is
what is called a good civil constitution of a state.
All public persons are the creatures of this consti
tution, and servants to those who fomed it. They
can have no interest diftinft from the public: They
Shine in borrowed rays; and only represent different
powers, and rights of the fubjett ; whether they be
King, Lords or Commons, legiflatve or executive,
civil or military officers. The fubjeCt is the feat of
majesty, and the feat of power. This principle
ought always to regulate the machine politic, and
preside as arbiter supreme between principals arid
substitutes. Any law not warranted by the consti
tution, is a nullity; any power not derived from
it, is. usurpation; any force opposed to it treason.
These truths influence my conduct; and will at
tend me to my grave. I have been taught them by
makers I am not aShamed of; by gentlemen whole
profound erudition, good sense and patriotic con
dud, does honour to the circle of science, and
brightens the circle of humanity.
The origin of the British state is too far funk in
the dark ages of antiquity to investigate the man
ner, or trace the means by which it was formed.
Suffice it that we know the principles by the virtu
al influence of which, it muß be presumed to have
taken its rife, and made its progress, till it flood
the monument of accumulated wisdom, and the ad
miration of the world.
Our forefathers who firft trod the American shore,
were born Britons: Their firft breath was British
air; their firft rights the British fubjeds. They
came into the world, as if sent by Heaven, to
plead the cause of freedom, in the black inauspici
ous days of James I. and to prepare the western
mansions against the then coming arbitrary reign of
__._----------. Forced by persecu
tions relentless hand from the bosom of their mother
country, they fleered the American course, in quest
of that liberty among the asperities of nature,
which they fought in vain from the justice and po
licy of a mighty empire.
Previous to this, there can be no pretentions that
our colony was a part of the British state; unless
there is,fuch magic in a British eye, as by a Single
glance to deprive the aboriginals of their rightful
THE
ci^^^^i
[NUMBER 531.]'
COURAN T,
HARTFORD
INTELLIGENCER.
both FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.
property and vest it elsewhere. It is curious to ad
vert to this pretended right of difeovery. The fads
are, the American Shores are visited by some Bri
tish mariners, at a time when they were used for
fishery by the natives, whd were in the real notori
ous possession, and the only rightful proprietors of
all the terreftial adjacent regions.
Suppose the state of fads reversed. That a few
of a Sachems fubjeCts had Skimed the Atlantic fur
face in their Sleety bark, and discovered Great-
Britain surrounded by sea. Had they a right to
dispossess its inhabitants, take it on board, and
plying back with their treasure-trove, annex it to
their chieftains territory? The reason holds equally
Strong in both cases, therefore conclusions must be
similar. Perhaps at firft blush, the idea of con
veying the island of Great-Britain across the ocean
may leem a little romantic: But I am sure you will
be serious, upon the recolledion, that in theory,
the famous Archemides projected a plan, and made
his calculations for removing the material world
from its reiterated orbit: And a noble lord e
qually famed, has since actually moved one of the
greatest towns and harbours on the American conti
nent twenty miles inland. Could this terragerent
lord devise a plan to remove intelligence from A
merica, or drive it into some obfeure corner, he
might possibly succeed in his plan of enslaving; I
presume never without.
Let us my fellow countrymen, now enquire, whe
ther America being totally unconnected with the
empire of Great Britain, and independent of her
government is united to her realm, and fubjefted
to her jurifdidion, by some of her fubjeds transfer
ing themselves from thence, and acquiring a pro
perty in the American foil. If it is once shewn that
she was ever difeonneded, the presumption is irre
fiftable that file is so now, unless there is convincing
evidence of a subsequent union. The burden of
proof is therefore with those who assert the connec
tion. It is said that allegiance follows the fubjeft
wherever he goes, and of consequence the subjec
tion of his person and property to the abdicated
state. This argument, unfortunately for those
who advance it, proves too much for their purpose,
therefore makes strongly in our favour. For if so,
had our predecessors taken a different rout, and in
stead of coming into the dominions of an Indian
prince, had gone into the kingdoms of France or
Spriin, theft kingdoms would have been annexed to
the empire of Great-Britain, in the fame propor
tion as our ancestors might have encreafed their
possessions there. The tories themselves would op
pose this, as replete with absurdities. Ifit should
be said, their persons may be fubjed, though their
acquisitions cannot, I very much doubt of the truth
of the declaration, but will not at present encoun
ter it, as the solution of our question will not be
effected by it. For all who, upon this principle,
could have been fubjeded, are long since moul
dered into duff, and the places that once knew
them, will know them no more. It is in vain to
attempt to explain away the force of the objecti
on as now applied. The premises must be denied,
or the consequences admitted. It is a maxim in
philosophy, a maxim in politics, and a maxim in
common sense, that where the faffs advanced are
alike, the inferences drawn must be the fame.
From herice it undeniably follows, if the American
colonies when in the unmolefled possession of the
Indian natives, unmo.lefted even by a British eye,
and our mother country were dißinC t and indepen
dent Bates; and if the difeovery of it by Englifn
mariners did not unite it to the realm of England;
or the actual removal of our venerable forefathers
here did not fubjeCt it to the supreme authority of
the present state, as we have already proved; then
there is no evidence as yet in favour of the union : And
of consequence if nothing subsequent to their taking
possession of this colony, is done to connect the two
Bates, they are Bill independent and diftind.