Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-07-01 00:00:00, page 4

foi the NEW. YORK JOURNAL.
The Inte r est of A % M E R I C A.
r , H E important day 'is come, or near at hand,
fe, that America is to assume a form of government
for kerfelf. We should be very desirous to know what
form is best. And that surely is best which is most natu
ral, eafy,„cheap, and which best secures the rights of
the people. We should always keep in mind that
great truth, viz. That the good of the people is the
ultimate end of civil Government. As we muff, feme
Provinces at least, in a ftiort time, assume some new
mode of Government, and the matter cannot be defer
red so long, as to canvass, deliberately weigh, and
fully adjrift every thing that m-y hereafter appear ne
ceiTary, we ffisuld leave room to alter for the better in
time tp come. Every Province ffiould be viewed as hav
ing a right, either with or without am application to
the Continental Congress, to alter their form of Go
vernmenvin some particulars, and that without being
liable to raise a clamour, by some who would be glad
to fay that it was contrary to the constitution, that they
foft formed upon; that it was overturning the original
plan, and leaving people at uncertainties as to the foun
dation they are upon, and the hke. As the Govern
ment is for the people, the people when properly repre
sented have a right to alter it for their advantage.
The affair now in view is the most important that
ever w-s before America. In 'my opinion it is the most
important that has been tranfaded in any nation for some
centuries pa#. If our civil Government is well con
feuded, and well managed, America bids fair to be
the most glorious state that has ever been on earth.
We should now at the beginning lay the foundation
right. Most, if not all other Governments have had
a corrupt mixture in their very constitution ; they have
generally been formed in hafle, or out of heceffity, or
tyrannically, or in a state of ignorance; and being badly
formed, the management of them has been with difficulty.
But we have opportunity to form with some delibera
fon, with free choice, with good advantages for know
ledge ; we have opportunity to observe what has been
right, and what wrong in other Rates, and to profit
by them. The plan of American Government, should,
as much as possible, be formed to suit all the variety of
circumstances that people may be in. Virtuous, or
vicious, agreeing or contending, moving regularly, or
convulsed by the intrigues of aspiring men; for we may
expect a variety of circumstances in a course of time,
and we should be prepared for every condition. We
should assume that mode of Government which is most
equitable and adapted to the good of mankind, and ttuft
Providence for the event; for God who determines
the fate of Governments, is most like to prosper that
which is most equitable. And I think there can be n@
doubt that a well regulated Democracy is most equita
ble. An annual, or frequent choice of Magiftra'tes,
who in a year, or after a few years, are again left up
on a level with their neighbours, is most likely to pre
vent usurpation and tyranny, and most likely to secure
the privileges of the people. If rulers know that they
shall, ia a ffiort term of time be again out of power,,
and it may be, liable to be called to an account for
raifeendud, it will guard them against mal-adminiftra
tion. A truly popular Government has, I believe, ne
ver yet been tried in the world. The most remarka
ble Government that has ever been, viz. the Roman
Republic, was something near it, but not fully so;
And the want of it being fully so, kept a continual con
tuft between the Senate and Plebeians.
—America must consist of a number of confederate
Provinces, Cantons, Diftrifis, or whatever they may
be called. These must be united in a General Con
gress; but each Province must have a diftind Legis
lature, and have as much power within itfelf as possi
ble. The General Congress should not interfere or
meddle with Provincial affairs, more than needs must.
Every Province should be left to do as much within it
felf as may be. And every Province should allow each
county, yea, and each town, to do as much within
themselves as possible. Small bodies manage affairs
much easier, and much cheaper than large ones. If
every county and town, manage as much business as
may be within themselves, people will be better fatis
fied, and the Provincial Congress saved much trouble.
Our counties and towns have heretofore been left to
,manage many of their own affairs, and it has been a
great privilege, and their business has been managed
to great advantage. Each county should now choose
their own officers, which were heretofore appointed
by the crown; these matters may now be adjusted
with much ease. Every Province should be allowed
such full power within itfelf, and receive such advan.
tages by a general union, or confederation, that it
would choose to continue in that union. The con
nexion of the Provinces should be made to be for the
interest of each, and be agreeable to each. This will
keep them quiet and peaceable; and nothing will tend
so much to this, as to let every Province have as much
power and liberty within itfelf as will consist with the
good of the whole. Neither the Continental Congress,
or any other number of men, should assume, or use,
any power, or oCce, for their own fake, but for the
good es the whole. Let America increase ever so
PHILADELPHIA: Printed by JOHN DUNLAP, at the Newest Printing-Office in Market -street, where
Subferiptions at Tan Shillings per Annum, Advertisements, &c. are thankfully received for this Paper.
much, there must never be any power, like a kingly
power ; no power used for its own fake, or for the ad
vantage, or dignity es any number of men, as diftinX
from the good of the whole. And while things are
thus managed, a general union will be agreeable, and
people will not complain.
Notwithstanding every Province should have all
possible power within itfelf, yet some things must be
left to the General Congress. As I. Making, and
managing war, and making peace. 2. Settling diffe
rences between provinces. 3. Making some maritime'
laws, or general regulations refpe&ing trade ; other
wise one Province might unjuftiy interfere with ano
ther. 4. Ordering a currency for the whole Conti
nent, for it would be best, that as soon as may be,
there should be one currency for the whole. The Ge
neral Congress might order the quota for each Pro
vince. 5. The forming of new Provinces. 6. The
sale of new lands. 7. Treaties with other nations,
consequently some general directions of our Indian
affairs.
As we are now to aflame a new mode of government,
I think it ought properly to be new. Some are for
keeping as near the old form ®f government in each
Province, as can well be. But I think 'tis entirely
wrong, 'tis mistaken policy. 'Tis probable, that some
who propose it, mean well; but I humbly conceive
they have not thoroughly considered the thing. Others
who propose it may have felf-rntereft at bottom, hoping
thereby to retain, or obtain places of profit or honour.
We must come as near a new form of government as
we can without destroying private property. So far
as private property will allow, we must form our go
vernment in each Province, just as if we had never any
form of government before. 'Tis much easier to form
a new government than to patch up one partly old and
partly new, because 'tis more firnple and natural. I
speak chiefly with refpeC to legislature. We should
by all means avoid federal branches of legislature.
One branch of legislature is much preferable to more
than one, because a plurality causes perpetual conten
tention and waste of time. It was so in Rome, it has
been so in Great-Britain, and has been remarkably so
in these Provinces, in times past.—The ever memora
ble Congress now in America, has done business infi
nitely better, than if there had been several ordeA of
Delegates, to contest, interrupt, and be a negative
one upon another.
A patched government, consisting of several parts,
has been the difficulty, I may call it the disease of
some of the best civil governments that have been in
in the world; I mean the Roman Republic, and the
government of Great-Britain. Had the Romans been
a true democracy, without a senate, or body different
from the Plebeians, they might have avoided thole jars
and contentions which continually subsisted between
those two bodies. Should we admit different branches
of legislature, it might give occasion in time to dege
nerate into that form of government, or something like
that, which has been so oppressive in our nation. It
might open a door for ill disposed aspiring men to de
stroy the state. Our having several branches of legis
lature heretofore, is an argument against, rather than
for it, in time to come, because it is a word that not
only has been abirfed, but in its nature, tends to abuse.
The simplest mode of legislation is certainly best.—
The European nations, have, for some centuries past,
derived most of their knowledge from the Greeks and
Romans. The Romans especially have been in a fort,
an example, being excellent in many things, we have
been ready to view them so in all things. We are ve
ry apt to take in, or imitate the imperfections as well
as the excellencies ofthofe that are excellent. Hence,
I suppose, it is, that most, if not all the Republics in
Europe, havea body of senators in their form of, go
vernment. I doubt not, it will be an argument with
many, that we in America must have femething like a
Senate, or Council, or Upper House, because the Ro
mans and other Republicks have had.—But the argu
ment is the other way, it was their imperfcaion,it was
a source of trouble, it was a step towards arbitrary
power, and therefore to be avoided.. Free govern
ment can better, much better subsist without it. Dif
ferent branches of legislature cause much needless ex
pehce, two ways. First, as there are more persons
to maintain, and—Second, as they waste time, and
prolong a session by their contentions. Besides, 'tis
a great absurdity, that one branch of a legislature that
can negative all the rest, should be the principal exe
cutive power in the state. There can be but little chance
for proper freedom where the making and executing the
laws of a state, lie in the fame hand, and that not of
the people in general, but of a single person. The le
gislative and executive power, in every province, ought
to be kept as diftinX as possible. Wife, experienced,
and public spirited perf©ns, should be in places of pow
er, and if so, they must be fought out, chosen and
introduced. For this reason, there ought not to be a
number that are hereditary ;for wisdom is not a birth
right, nor a number put in place for life, for men's abi
lities and manners may change. Rulers should be fre
quently chose to their office. —A Provincial Congress
is the whole province met by Representatives ; and
there is no need of a Representative of a King, for we
have none ; nor can there be need of a Council to re
present the House of Lords, for we have not, and
hope n^ver.fna'l have an hereditary nobility, different
from the general body of the people ; but if we admit
different branches of legislature, there is danger that
there may be, in time.
PHILADELPHIA, July 1.
Last Wednesday morning Major Rogers was takem
up at South Amboy ferry.
Two mafter,of vessels who were lately taken by the
ministerial cruisers, and made their escape; report, that
Lord Dunmore's whole army is now reduced to forty
regular soldiers, and two hundred of the black fufileers,
one hundred and feventy-five of which last corps died
on their passage from Norfolk to Gwyn's illand^ and
that Andrew Sprowle, Esq; of Gofport, three days
after his landing, departed this life, great part of which
he spent in Virginia, much to his emolument, having
amassed, by trade, a very capital fortune.
Thursday afternoon a gentleman arrived from Charles-
Town, South-Carolina, which he left the fifteenth
inst. He informs that Gen. Lee and Howe were ar
rived there from Virginia and North Carolina.
ExtraG of a letter from Brigadier General rfrmflrong to
Brigadier General Home, dated Charleflown, South-
Carolina, May 29, 1776.
" Last Saturday a Hoop arrived here from St. Eu
ftatia with ten thousand weight of powder, the Maf.ee
of which fays that a large vessel had arrived there from
Holland deeply loaded with arms and ammunition. He
also fays the French ports in the Weft-Indies are open
to us, and that the Freneh men of war have orders to
protest our vessels in and out of their harbours; that
the French are fortifying Dunkirk which produced a
remonstrance from the British Court, but without ef
fed.”
By letters just received from Gen. Lee, by express,
we learn that fifty-one fail of vessels were, on the fourth
of June, lying off the birr of Charleftown. in fight of
the town, and that an attack was expe&ed so soon as
the wind should permit them to come over the bar.
§§4 ''^46444#+X+4 'ss'sos§4
'Juneip, 1776.
NO W in the gaol of Newcaflle, the fol
lowing run-away servants, viz. JOHN JACOB
PLOWMAN, who confeffes himfelf to be an indented
servant to a certain James Porter, but cannot tell where
his master lives, as he talks the German diale&. JOHN
LANGLEY, about nineteen years of age, who fays he
belongs to Nathan Shephard, of Cumberland County,
West-Jersey. Their masters are requested to come and
take them away in three weeks from the date hereof,
otherwise they will be difeharged according to law.
X THOMAS CLARK, Gaoler.
TO BE S O L D,
A GOOD frame Dwelling-house, with a good Gar
den Lot, containing a quarter of an acre, in a
pleasant situation, about a quarter of a mile from Tren
ton, on the main road leading to Penington and Am
well, fit to accommmodate a small family, and may be
entered upon immediately. Enquire of the Printer, or
of Alexander Carr, jun. in Trenton.j
WILLIAM BEDFORD, Saddler,
HEREBY informs the Public in generd, and his
friends in particular, that he has removed from his
late dwelling near the Drawbridge, to the house lately
occupied by Mr. Thomas Weft, in Second-street, the
sixth door below Market-street, where he continues to
carry on his business in all its branches; also makes, at
present, every kind of Military Furniture for the
Army.
May 30, 1776.
TWENTY SHILLINGS REWARD.
STOLEN or STRAYED, out of the fubferiber's
lot the upper end of Market-street, a well made
HORS E, of a brown colour, about fourteen hands
high, both ears cropped, with a bright star in his fore
head, a small snip near his nose, a few white hairs on his
back near his shoulder, and a short bushy tail ; he paces
and trots. Whoever gives information, or brings the
said horse to the subscriber, living in Market-street, shall
have the above Reward and reasonable charges, paid by
RICHARD YORKE, Post-Rider.
Talbot County, Maryland, June 5, 1776.
TH E Subferiber will attend at the Court-
House of the said County, on the Tuesday of eve
ry week, for the purpose of giving in exchange bills of
credit emitted by the Provincial Convention the seventh
day of December 1775, for those emitted by the Provin
cial Convention the twenty-sixth day of July 177 g.
Wm. HINDMAN, Treasurer
46 of the Eastern Shore.
THREE POUNDS REWARD.
DE SERTE D from the fubferiber's Company, on
the 16th inst. (May) a certain JOHN EASHOM,
a Corporal, about 5 feet 7 or S inches high, 23 or 24
years of age, dark complexion, light hair to which he
sometimes wears a falfe tail; had on when he went away,
a blue regimental coat turned up with red, with yellow
buttons, and white broadcloth jacket and breeches^
Whoever takes up and secures him shall have the above
Reward, and if brought to Dover shall have reasonable
expences paid by,
JOSEPH VAUGHAN, Captain.