The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-03-07 00:00:00, page 2

Resolved,
That it be recommended to the federal States to lay taxes
for raijing their quotas of money for the United States, ser
rate from tbofe laid for their own particular use.
The firft thing is, to feed, them and provide for the sick.
Secondly, to clothe them.
Thirdly, to arm and furnifh them.
Fourthly, to provide means for removing them from
place to place. And,
Fifthly, to pay them.
The hrft and second are absolutely necessary to them as
men. The third and fourth are equally as necessary to
them as an army. And the fifth is their just due. Now
it rhe sum winch (hail be railed fhouTd fail short, either
by the several arts of the States for railing it, or by the
manner of c Electing it, the deficiency will fall on the
fifth head, the soldiers pay, which would be defrauding
them, and eternally disgracing ourselves. It would be a
blot on the Councils, the country, and the revolution of
America, and a m:n would hereafter be ashamed to own
he h xlany and in it.
Bur if the deficiency Should be ftiil shorter, it would
next fall on the fourth head, the means of removing the
army from place to place; and in this case, the army mult
either stand fll win r.- it can be of no use, or seize on
horses, carts, waggons, or any means of transportation
it can lay hold of; and in ths instance the country fuf
frs. In fir rt, every attempt to do a thing for less than
it can he done for, is fare to become at last both a loss
and i dishonour.
Yet, natwithftanding those advantages on the part of
America, true it is, that had it not been for the operation
of taxes for our necessary defence, we had funk into a state
of doth and poverty: For there was more wealth loft by
neglecting to till the earth in the years 1776, 77 and 78,
than the quota of the tax amounts to. That which is loft
by neglect of this kind, is loft for ever; whereas that
which is paid, and continues in the country, returns to
us again ; and at the fame time that it provides us with
defence, it operates not only as a spur but as a premium
our industry.
t°l mail now proceed to die second head, viz. On the
VERAL QUOTAS, AND THE NATURE OF A UNION.
SE There was a time when America had no other bond of
nion, than that of common intermit and affection. The
Uwhole country flew to the relief of Botton, and, making
her cause their own, participated her cares and adminiftred
to her wants. The fate of war, since that day, has carried
the calamity in a ten-fpid proportion to the southward j
On these reflations I fall offer several remarks.
Firfi. On the fam it^U, and the ability of the country.
Secondly. On the several quotas, and the nature of a
urion. And
Third!]. On the manner of collection and expenditure.
Firfl. On the fam itfeif, and the ability of the country.
As I know my own calculation is aslow as pdiible, and
as the turn called for by Congress, according to their cal
culation, agrees very nearly therewith, I am fenfibie it
cannot poffinl /be lower. Neither can it be done for that,
unless there is ready money to go to market with ; and
even in that case, it is only by the utmost management
and ceconomy that it can be made to do.
By the accounts which weie laid before the Britifli par
liament lad spring, it appeared that the charge of only
febfiding, that is feeding, their army in America, cost
annually Four Millions Pounds sterling, which is very
nearly Eighteen Millions of Dollars. Now if, for Eight
Millions, we can feed, &othe, arm, provide for and pay
an army fuffi int for our defence, the very comparison
ihows that the money mult be well laid out.
It may be of some u'e, eithe, in debate or conversa
tion, to attend to the progress of the expences of an arm.,
because it will enable us to fee on what part any deficiency
will fall.
B.t the country cannot bear it fay some. This has
been the most exuenfive dodbine that ever was held out,
and colt America millions of money for nothing. Can
the country bear to be over-ru i, ravaged and ruined by
an enemr, which will immediately follow where defence
is wanting, and defence will ever be wanting where fuf
ficient revenues are not provided. But this is only one
put of the folly. The second is, that when the danger
comes, invited in part by our not preparing against it,
we have been obliged, in a number of instances, to ex
pend double the sums, to do that which at firft might
have been done for half the money. But this is not all.
A third mifehief has been, that grain of all forts, flour,
beef, fodder, horses, carts, waggons, or whatever was
absolutely or immediately wanted, have been taken with
out pay. Now, I ask, why was all this done, but from
that extremely weak and expensive doctrine, that the
country could not bear it ? that is, that she could not bear,
in the firft instance, that which would have saved her
twice as much at last ; or, in proverbial language, that
flie could not bear to pay a penny to save a pound ; the
consequence of which has been, that the has paid a pound
for a penny . Why are there so many unpaid certificates
in almost every man's hands, but from the parsimony of
not providing fufficient revenues? Besides, the doctrine
contradicts itfelr; because, if the whole country cannot
bear it, how is it possible that a part fliould ; and yet this
has been the case: For those things have been had, and
they must be had ; but the misfortune is, they have been
ba I in a very unequal manner and upon expensive credit,
whereas with ready money they might have been pur
chased for half the price, and no body distressed.
But there is another thought which ought to strike us,
which is,— How is the army to bear the want of food,
eloathing and other neceffiries ? The man who is at home
can turn himfelf a thousand ways, and find as many means
of ease, convenience or relief: But a foldiet's life admits
of none of those; Their wants canriot be supplied from
themselves: For an army, though it is the defence of a
State, is at the fame time the child of a country, and must
be provided for in every thing.
And lafly, The do&rine is falfe. There are not three
millions of people, in any part of the universe, who live
so well, or have such a fund of ability as in America. The
income of a common labourer, who is industrious, is e
qual to that of the generality of tradesmen in England. In
the mercantile line, I have not heard of one who could be
said to be a bankrupt since the war began, and in England
they have been without number. In America almost eve
ry farmer lives on his own lands, and in England not one
in a hundred does. In short, it seems as if the poverty of
that country had made them furious, and they were de
termined to risk all to recover all.
but in she mean time the union has been strengthened by
a legal compact of the States, jointly and severally ratified,
and that which before was choice, or the duty of affe&ion,
is now likewise the duty of legal obligation.
The union of America is the foundation-done of her
independence; the rock on which it is built; and is some
thing so sacred in her constitution, that we ought to watch
every wofd we [peak, and every thought ue think, that
we injure it net, even by mistake. When a multitude,
extended, or rather feathered, over a continent, in the
manner we are, mutually agree to form one common cen
tre whereon the whole Ihall move, to accomplish a parti
cular purpose, all parts multa& together and alike, or aft
not at all, and a stoppage in any one is a stoppage of the
whole, at lead for a time.
Thus the several States have sent Representatives to as
semble together in Congress, and they have empowered
that body, which thus becomes theii centre, and are no
other than themselves in representation, to conduct and
manage the war, while their constituents at home attend
to the domestic cares of the country, their internal legi
slation, their farms, profeffions or employments: For it is
only by reducing complicated things to method and or
derly connexion that they can be understood with advan
tage, or pursued with Success.---Congress, by virtue of
this delegation, estimates the expence, and apportions it
out to the several parts of the empire according to their
several abilities; and here the debate must end, because
each State has already had its voice, and the matter lias
undergone its whole portion of argument, and can no
m»re be altered by any particular State, than a law of any
State, after it has passed, can be altered by an individual.
For with refpeft to those things which immediately con
cern the union, and for which the union was purposely
established and is intended to Secure, each State is to the
United States what each individual is to the State he lives
in. Anri it is on this grand point, this movement upon
one centre, that our existence as a nation, our happiness
as a people, and our Safety as individuals, depend.
It may happen that fonie State or other may be fome
wh.it over or under rated, but this cannot be much. The
experience which has been bad upon the matter has nearly
ascertained their f veral abilities. But even in this case,
it can only adnrt of an appeal to the United States, but
cannot authorise any State to make the alteration itfelf,
any more than our internal government can admit an in
dividual to do so in the case of an aft of aflembly ; for if
one State can do it, then may another do the fame, and
the instant this is done the whole is undone.
Neither is it fuppofeable that any tingle State can be a
judge of all the comparative reasons which may influence
the collective body in quotaing out the continent. The
circumstances of the several States are frequently varying,
occasioned by the accidents of war and commerce, and it
will often fall upon some to help others, rather beyond
what their exaCt proportion at another time might be;
but even this assistance is as naturally and politically in
cluded in the idea of a union, as that of any particular
aligned proportion; because we knew not whose turn it
may be next to want assistance; for which reason, that is
the wisest State which sets the belt example.
Though in matters of bounden duty and reciprocal af
fection, it is rather a degeneracy from the honesty and ar
dour of the heart to admit any thing felfifh to partake in
the government of our conduct, yet in cases where our
duty, our affections, and our interest all coincide, it may
be of some use to observe their union. The United States
will become heir to an extensive quantity of vacant land,
and their several titles to Shares and quotas thereof will
naturally be adjusted according to their relative quotas
during the war, exclusive of that inability which may un
fortunately arise to any State by the enemy holding pos
session of a part; but as this is a cold matter of interest,
I pass it by, and proceed to my third head, viz.
On THE MANNER OF COLLECTION AND EXPENDITURE.
There are certain powers which the people of each State
have delegated to their legislative and executive bodies,
and there are other powers which the people cf every State
have delegated to Congress, among which is that of con
ducting the war, and, consequently, of managing the ex
pences attending it; for how else can that be managed,
which concerns every State, but by a delegation from each.
When a State has furnished its quota, it has an undoubted
right to know how it has been applied, and it is as much
the duty of Congress to inform the State of the one, as it
the duty of the State to provide the other.
In the resolution of Congress already recited, it is re
commended to the several States to lay taxes for railing
their quotas of money for the United States, separate from
tbofe laid for their own particular use.
This is a most necessary point to be observed, and the
diftin&ion fliould follow all the way through. They Should
be levied, paid and collected Separately, and kept separate
in every instance. Neither have the civil officers of any
State, or the government of that State, the least right to
touch that money which the people pay for the flipport of
their army and the war, any more than Congress has to
touch that which each State raises for its own use.
It hath been our error, as well as our misfortue, to
blend the affairs of each State, especially in money mat
ters, with those of the United States; whereas it is to
our ease, convenience and interest to keep them Separate.
The expences of the United States for carrying on the
war, and the expences of each State for its own domestic
government, are distinct things, and to involve them is a
Source of perplexity aad a cloak for fraud. I love me
thod, because 1 fee and am convinced of its beauty and
advantage. It is that which makes all business easy and
understood, and without which every thing becomes em
barrassed and difficult.
This distinction will naturally be followed by another.
It will occasion every State to examine nicely into the ex
pences of its civil lilt, and to regulate, reduce and bring
it into better order than it has hitherto been; because
the money for that purpose must be raised apart, and ac
counted for to the public separately. But while the mo
nies of both were blended, the necessary nicety was not
observed, and the poor soldier, who ought to have been
the fiift, was the last who was thought of.
Another convenience will be, that the people, by pay
ing the taxes separately, will know what they are for ;
and will likewise know that those which are for the defence
of the country will cease with the war, or soon after.
For although, as I have before observed, the war is their
own, and for the support of their own rights and the
protection of their own property, yet they have the fame
right to know that they have to pay, and it is the want
of not knowing that is often the cause of diffatisfaCtion.
This regulation of keeping the taxes separate has given
rife to a regulation in the office of finance, by which it
is directed,
“ That the receivers Shall, at the end of every month
make out an exaCt account of the monies received by them,
refpe&ively, during Such month, fpecifying therein the
names of the persons from whom the fame Shall have been,
received, the dates and the fams; which account they
Shall refpe&ively cause to be published in one of the news
papers of the State; to the end that every citizen may
know how much of the monies collected from him, in
taxes, is tranfinitted to the treasury of the United States
for the support of the war; and also, that it may be
known what monies have been at the order of the Super
intendent of Finance. It being proper and necessary,
that in a free country the people Should be as fully in
formed of the administration of their affairs as the nature
of things will admit."
It is an agreeable thing to fee a spirit of order and ce
conomy taking place, after such a series of errors and dif
ficulties. A government or an administration, who means
and acts honestly, has nothing to fear, and consequently
has nothing to conceal ; and it would be of use if a month
ly or quarterly account was to be published, as well of the
expenditures as of the receipts. Eight millions of dollars
mutt be husbanded with an exceeding deal of care to make
it do, and therefore, as the management mult be reputa
ble, the publication would be Serviceable.
I have heard of petitions which have been presented to
the Assembly of this State (and probably the fame may
have happened in other States) praying to have the taxes
lowered. Now 'the only way to keep taxes low is, for the
United States to have ready money to go to market with ;
and tho' the taxes to be raised for the present year will
fall heavy, and there will naturally be some difficulty in
paying them, yet the difficulty, in proportion as money
spreads about the country, will every day grow less, and
in the end we flhall save some millions of dollars by it.
We fee what a bitter, revengeful enemy we have to deal
with, and any expence is cheap compared to their mer
ciless paw. We have seen the unfortunate Carolineans
hunted like partridges on the mountains, and it is only
by providing means for our defence that we fliall not be in
the fame condition. When we think or talk about taxes,
we ought to recollect that we lie down in peace, and Sleep
in fafety ; that we can follow our farms or Stores, or other
occupations, in prosperous tranquility ; and that these in
estimable blessings are procured to us by the taxes that we
pay. In this view, our taxes are properly our infurance
money ; they are what we pay to be made fafe, and in
Arift policy are the heft money we can lay out.
It was my intention to offer some remarks on the impost
law of fee per cent, recommended by Congress, and to be
eftablilned as a fund for the payment of the loan-office
certificates and other debts of the United States; but I
have already extended my piece beyond my intention.
And as this fund will make our system of finance compleat,
and is ftri&ly just, and Consequently requires nothing but
honesty to do it, there needs but little to be said upon it.
Pbilad. March 5, 1782. C. S.
[ As this is on an interesting fubjeft, the author requests
the several printers throughout the United States to give
it a place in their papers, without dividing it. ]
On: situated on the B<nks of the Delaware, midway
betwixt the mouth oi Ndhamincy-cre&k and Bristol,
containing 120 acres of land, 49 acres of which it bank
ed meadow, partly improved, and tuppofed to be as
good as any on the river, 9 acres of woodland, the re
mainder fit for plough or pasture : The dwelling-house
and 01t buildings all new and finished ; the house has
a genteel appearance, with a piazza 52 feet in front,
commanding an extensive and beautiful profp±& of
the river, the city of Burlington and borough of Bris
tol, from the two left distant abcut two miles, from
the city of Philadelphia 18, and the poll road one mile ;
there is a large good garden wih a fine Spring in it, a
young bearing ochard of the bell grafted fruit, such as
cherries peart, peaches, plumbs and apples; for fifh
ing %nd fowling this plae is perhaps equal to any and
Superior to most on the river, is rapable of great im
provements, and convenient for a farm and gentleman's
Also, A FARM in Hunterdon county, Weft Jersey,
about two mils from Rob nfon's &riy, on the Old
York road, containing So ate good land, in a thick
fitted part of the country; it has a stone dwelling
house, barn, &c. with Sufficiency of meadow, all in good
fence.
The SALES will be held on each of the above
Farms, that in Nev Jrey, on the zoth, and that in
Bucks county, cu the 25th o r March; where attend
ance xi'l be given and be conditions made known, by
ELIZABETH GILLSPIE, Executrix.
March 6. JOHN LAWRENCE,)_
JOHN CLIFFORD, ) Executory
March 6.
Will be Sold by Public Vendue,
The REAL ESTATE of Mr. GEORGE GILLIS
PIE, late of Brifto! tpv nfhip, in the county of Bucks,
decease, the following
FAR M S, viz.
The Subscriber begs leave to
acquaint bis Friends in particular and the Public in ge
ntral, that he is removed to the house lately occupied
by Benjamin Hammings, in Fourth-street, between
Lombard and New ftreetv, in Philadelphia, where he
las set up a LIVERY; and propofe# taking in Horses,
having eve.y conveniency neceflarv for th it purpose.
He allo fires out Hories. Those who plesfe to favour
hm with thir cuttom mav depend on being served with
the *reateft fidelity and rare, „ their hemb'e servant.
Much 5. ABRAHAM DUFFIELD.
ALL these that bye ^y Demands against the estate
A t of MARTIN SMITH, late of the Northern Li
berties of the ciy cf Philadelphia, deceased, are desir
ed to bring in their accounts defy arefted, in order to
be fettled ; snd these that are in an wife indebted to
the said estate, are ifcwiic d^fired to pay the fame, on
or before the fidd-y r f April rext.
HENRY SMITH, \„
LEONARD SMITH, ) Ercutim