Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-08 00:00:00, page 1

_ ^l^
BABRA FI A M
Will be let to Mares, at Jacob Hiltzheimer's Ta
bles in Seventh-street, at Three Pounds the
season, and Five Shillings to the groom.
HE is a fine bay, full fifteen hands high, and
five years old this Spring. Babraham was
got by the noted running horse Juniper, who start
ed in the four following years, 1757, 58, 59, and
1760, for eighteen plates, and won fourteen of
them. Col. Symes afterwards imported him into
Virginia, and fold him for one thousand pounds,
Virginia currency. Babraham's dam was got by
Samuel Galloway's, Esq; bay horse Selim; Ins
grandam by Pacolet ; his great grandam by Old
Spark ; his great great grandam was Queen Mab,
who was imported and got by Moscow's gray Ara
bian ; her dam by the Hampton Court Childers;
her grandam by Governor Harrison's Arabian ; her
great great grandam by Leeds; her great great great
grandam was a Barbarian mare.
N. B. Mares that are not left till they are done
with the h^rfe, mult pay Thirty Shillings for the
firft leap ; for the second Twenty Shillings, and the
third Ten Shillings, which money mult be paid
down each time.
FOUR DOLLARS REW AR D.
STOLEN or STRAYED out of the sub
scriber's yard, the 14th of January lad, in the
evening, a brown MAKE with foal; has a (mall
star, Several saddle marks, low in flefh, about thir
teen hands high, branded on the offlhoulder 1 A.
without shoes, and about eight years old. Who
ever takes up said Mare and brings her to the sub
scriber, in Seventh # ftre< t, near Market-street, Shall
have the above Reward and reasonable charges.
§ 3 m. JACOB H!LTZHEIMEI^_
T 0 L E N,
Out of the horse of the fubferiber, at the Red Lion,
in Newcadle county, some time in May latt,
FIVE silver Table Spoons, marked M ft R.
made by Mr. John David, of Philadelphia.
Whoever apprehends the thief or thieves, so that
they may be convicted thereof, (hall have FORTY
SHILLINGS Reward, and for the Spoons THIR
TY SHILLINGS, paid by
* MARGARET RANKIN.
—W A N T E
In Brandywine Hundred, Newcastle County,
THREE good NAILERS, who will meet
with good encouragement by applying, be
fore the firft of May next, to Elijah Hootton,
or James Welsh, living near Brandywine Bridge,
in said Hundred. .' *
'Trenton, March zt, 1776.
Tobe SOLD at PUBLIC VENDUE,
to the highed bidder, on Thursday, the nth day
of April, on the premises,
PLANTATION lituate in Maidenhead,
,1 containing iBo acres of land, adjoining the
lands of Samuel Henry, Maidenhead road, Tho
mas Stevens, and Affunpink creek ; on which is a
new brick house two dories high, four rooms on a
floor, and well finifhed; a good barn, young bear
ing orchard, and about ten acres of meadow ; two
smiles and a half from Trenton. Also 108 acres,
about io acres cleared, the remainder wowd-land,
about two miles from Trenton, fronting the Maid
enhead'road) opposite the lands of Samuel Henry,
"the greatest part well wooded : Late the estate of
Andrew Willbn, Esq; deceased, and to be fold
again by reason of the fi ft purchasers not comply
ing with the conditions of vendue, in pursuance of
the directions of the latt will and testament of the
deceased. Attendance will be given, and the con
ditions made known on the day of (ale, by
PETER WILLSON, and],
SAMUEL TUCKER, fecirtors.
March 12, 1776.
NOTICE is hereby given to the cre
ditors of John Voluntine, confined for
debt in the gaol of the county o t Burlington, that
they be and appear before Thomas Rodman and
Daniel Ellis, Enquires, two of the Judges of the
Inferior Court of Common Pleas in and for said
county, at tee house of Joseph Height, Inn-keeper,
in the city of Burlington, on Tuesday the fifteenth
day of April next, to (hew cause, ifany they have,
why the said debtor (hould not be difeharged, agree
able to an a& of the legifirfure, entitled “ An A&
for the relief of insolvent debtors." §4,
qnr N POUNDS REWARD.
S' TO LEN out of the delk of the fubferiber, in
the Northern Liberties of Philadelphia, on the
night of the 4th inttant, (Match) A SUM OF
MO N EY, confiding of feventeeq Half Johan
nefes, between Seventy and Eighty Pounds, chiefly
Maryland Money, alto Nine Pounds Continental
money. Whoever will difeover the thief or thieves
/concerned in the above robbery, so that they may
lie brought to justice and the money recovered,
ihall have the above Reward, paid by
I WILLIAM WOODROW.
M^&kw®^
O R,
GENERAL
V 0 L. V.
M O N D A Y,
NUMBER 11.
CASSANDRA to C ATO.
SIR,
TRO' the Common Main's advice has come rather
too late, as Cato and Hamlet can witness ;
tho' his manner of stating the points to be difeuffed
decides to which party he belongs ; tho he halt stu
diously evaded the main question and thereby fhewp
the public that security to our rights forms no share
of the debate he willies to open ; and tho' the man
ner in which he attempts to expose Caro and Cas
sandra evidently proves whose faults he is meft in
clined to conceal, yet I heartily join him in bis cen
sure on personal reflexions. I thank him too for
his candour in tacitly informing the public that you
have not come to the point as yet, tho' you have
already published five letters, and heartily close with
his proposal of laying aside all personality. I (hall
therefore proceed to the main point; and if you are
willing to enter the lifts as a fair antagonist, and
meet me on the ground of reason and argument, on
that giound will CafLodra meet you: But if, con
trary to your own proposal, and the adviceof your
friend, you continue to araufe your countrymen
with declamation and affection, and Study to terrify
rather than inform, to address their passions rather
than enlighten their understandings, I (hall dill be
perfonal.' Your talent lies in strong painting and
declamation, and you expe& to hold up iuch a ter
rific picture to the imaginations of the people, as
will effectually frighten them into fubmiffion3 but
the exhibition of ,our person at the fide of your
productions will ever prove a perfect antidote to their
poison. Giving you this fair warning, I shall now
proceed to your third, fourth, and fifth letters, and
nothing which can point out the man shall drop
from my pen until Cato gives occasion for it.
I agree with the Common Man thus far, that feme
proportions he mentions ought, one day, to be dif
puffed ; hut as there is one point not only prior to
any of them, but of infinitely greater importance
than them all, viz. an absolute security for the enjoy
ment of our liberties, I mud and will insist on the
difeuffion of this point firft, as not only prior in order,
but molt effentiai; and when it shall be fairly prov
ed that our rights can be as effectually secured in a
date of dependency as in an independant state, then,
and not before, will be the proper time to examine
which would be mos to our advantage. We entered
the contest with a determination to secure our rights
at every hazard. This is therefore what we are firft
to provide for. Iftwo ways ofequal security should
present themselves, then will come on the other
question, viz. <wbich will not only secure our liber
ties but bring us the greatest advantages besides.
Now when Cato, the Comman Man or any other
man, (hall exhibit a plan by which we can abfoiute
ly secure our liberties and continue dependant, then
Casandra will be ready to enter upon the difeuflion
of this point. But Casandra allures Cato, the Com
mon Man and every other man that no sophistical pro
posals of any man will turn his eyes from the main
object until he fees a way of permanent security to
our rights; and he trusts his countrymen, who firft
armed for this purpose, will (till continue of that
mind, and then he fears neither the threats nor ef
forts of Cato and the arifocratical junto, who are
(training every nerve to fruitrate our virtuous en
deavours, and to make the common and mddle
ctafs of people their beafs of burden. Thole freemen
who nobly refufe to be ridden by a King, Lords and
Commons will scarcely be tame enough t® take Cato
and bis party on their backs. I shall therefore pro
ceed. And
Passing, for the present, those parts of your let
ters which contain nothing but the most illiberal
abuse, and scurrilous invectives against Committees,
Conventions, &c. I shall take up your political creed
and examine with the greatest freedom the argu
ments on which you have founded your faith. You
believe, '' That the true inte est of America lies in
" a reconciliation with Gieat-Britain on conftitu
" tiorial principles, and that you with it upon none
" else. ' e sir, I earnestly entreat you as you ivijb
not to miflead^vur dear countrymen, to explain what
you understand by a reconciliation on confitutional
principles, 'that I may not mistake your meaning.
It will save much writing on both sides to gi<e such
defin.tions of gener 1 tei ms as we are determined to
anide by. I wish to lee the whole truth laid fairly
before the people, and that they may coolly confidei,
and with the utmost impartiality weigh every circum
fance, and choole that alone which bromiles the
greatest security to their rights and privileges, and
affords them the surest profpeft of wealth and bap
pinefs. I shall therefore cheerfully define every term
which Cato may think dubious or calculated to
nrflead ; and I demand the fame of Cato. If he is
the bonejl man he wijbes to appear he will not refufe
me. Let us canvass every thing to the bottom, and
let not dark hints, n^rwet/affertions, or ungene
rous inuendoes againit the designs of incorruptible
patriots be hereafter palmed on the people for ar
gument; but when truth is exhibited to them in
tUe fulled and faireft manner, let them judge for
themselves. Upon due information I doubt not
they will judge right; and that judgment lam re
lolved to abide by.
But why does Cato labour so incessantly to bias
his reader by so many, and such long and pathetic
harangfc ^ on the horrors of war and its powers of
deflation : Slavery is certainly a much more terrible
evil in every refoe& than war. For the evils of
wur are both t < lerable and temporary, while the
miseries of slavery are intolerable and endless. War
may cut off thousands in the bloom of their youth;
but slavery deltroys the very feeds of generation,
not only in the animal but vegetable world. How
does it look, Cato, in a patriot oj your magnitude to
be continually haranguing on the horrors of war at
a time when every thing we hold dear and valuable
depends on the success of our arms. Were you in
your beloved mother country, and the Pretender
with a foreign force, suppose Ruffians, ravaging her
coalb, would you harangue on taele honors to dis
D U NLA P's
&w#tt*owraoraßvudfy. w .^itMCTteMrtm^^te'JOWU^^ ^orf
courage refiftan.ee? I confefs myfelf at great un
certainty what part you would adt on such an occa
sion; but I strongly presume that in case you did
you would be accounted a dififfe&ed traitor, and
treated accordingly. But I ask pardon, Sir, you
don't like to be questioned. Surely wereyou in the
councils of the enemy your native appetite for peace
would soon put an end to their murderous designs !
You are not confcicntioufly forupulous neither, for
you declare you will turn out against us, if there be
any attempt to set the French and English by the
ears. Take no help! Take no help! Fight alone,
Whigs, rill you are all cut off, and then we Tories
will fubniit and have the whole. This is the
language of C.to. Now, though lam as con
fiLnt that your publications a?e intended so re
duce ns ^flavery, as yeu can be that mine propose
a continuation ot the war, and tho' I can more easily
prove the one than you can the other ; yet I have
not endeavoured, by alarming descriptions of the
miseries of slavery, to prejudice my reader against
the arguments of my opponents Calandra has no
fX>int # to carry, and therefore detects such fhifts.
God torbid ! that I should ever confider my own in
terest as Separate from the general interest of man
kind ! And with equal fervency of devotion I pray
that all who have may be finally defeated in their
attempts against these Colonies. You have filled
nearly the one half of the five letters you have alrea
dy published with horrible descriptions alone. Do
you imagine, Cato, that we are all affeded with
nervous complaints? and that you can do more for
your cause by alarming our fears, than informing
our judgments ? If this be not your design, pray
publish as many, as terrible, and as animated de
scriptions or the naileries of slavery as you have done
on the horrors of war; and then leave the people
to judge which they would chonfe. Don't let us
throw them into a panic and confution and then de
sire them to examine with coolness and deliberati-
? n °. There is a dignity in honesty, and a pleating
fortitude in confeious integrity, which I couid wish
Cato to experience. The fubj^& demands a clear,
plain, fell, rational and manly difeuflion, and it
ought to have it. It is certainly worthy of ail the
labour we can bestow upon it. Liberty or Slavery
is now the quettion. Let us but fairly difeover to
the inhabitants of these Colonies on which fide Li
berty has erected her banner and we will leave it to
them to determine whether they would choose Li
berty tho' accompanied with war, or Slavery attend
ed by peace.
The present #onteft is a contest of constitutions,
and the war a war of Jegiflitures. The common
wars of nations are the wars of ®ne crowned head
against another in which the people have little share
and are as little consulted. The crowned bead on
each fide deciares war er negociates peace without
conferring with them. But this war is a war be
tween the British Parliament and the colonial Assem
blies, it is, in fa&, become a war between the peo
ple of Great-Britain and the people of America ;
and tho' both have heretofore acknowledged the
fame King, and he in duty ought to have remained
neuter; yet as he has joined the British Parliament
against us he is become a party in the quarrel.
Hence, so far as the present is a contest of constitu
tions, the Parliament has evidently won the field ;
for the whole force of the legiflatuie cf Great-Bri
tain has been, from the firft day of the controver
sy, armed against us, but we have in no one in
stance been able to call forth the strength of our le
gislatures to oppose, nay, we have conffantly had
them against us ready to join the foe. I ask, how
happens this, Cato ? Whyare you so in love with
such a conditution? As you are not fond of an
fweringyi'/p queries, I will endeavour to answer them
myfelf. It is because our legislatures are dependant
on our very enemy and theirs is indeyendint of us.
Our conltuuricnal connexion with Britain gives
her so prodigious an advantage over us, that if we
had ftriftly adhered to our chartered constitutions,
we would have been enslaved before this time. And
it will ever be so, as long as we are dependent.
Both the King and Parliament of Gieat-Britain
are the choice of the people of Great-Britain; but
tho' our Assemblies are our choice, our Governors
are not ; they are either nominated by the King of
Great Britain, or some one ofhis British lubje&s,
which effe&ually destroys their utility to us in this
and every such controversy, which has already or is
likely hereafter to happen. Their salaries, the' the
g"t°f 'be people, are evidently no cotmterpoife to
their nomination, if fa&s can prove any thing. And
for this plain reason, that tho' we grant the wages,
yet it rerts in the power of the King whether they
shall enjoy it or not; as after appointment the con
tinuance of it depends entirely on him.
The King of Great-Britain, tho' our King, will
ever join the Parliament against us, as often as a
contention happens. The Parliament are his tools;
and their illegal claims are only a specious covering
for his endeavours after arbitrary power in the firft
place; and in the second place, his crown, his dig
nity and his support, depends entirely upon their
grants, and not upon ours. He will therefore take
part with them on every occasion. On the contra
ry, his representatives are not so dependent on us
as to oblige them to take part with us. This is not
a!) ; for in every province, where they had the pow
er, they not only iefufed to concur in our measures,
tut allo pievented us from making use of our repre
fe^tatives, that we might not have the (hadow of a
legislature to support us. And even in those pro
vinces where his power has not extended so far, he
has constantly gone as far as he could. This is not
all yet; for in many they have corrupted the igno
rant and illiteiate by bribes, set up the royal stand
ard against us, and obliged us to fight under every
disadvantage. Is it not so, Cato?
There is, therefore, a capital defeat in our char
tered constitutions—A defeat which makes an es
sential difference between the present state of our
liberties, and that secured to Englishmen bv Mag
na Charta — A defe& which, if not effectually
removed, will oblige us ever to hold cur libeitiesat
T H E
ADVERTISER.
A P R I L Sth, 1776.
the peint of eur swords, or by that mofl precarious of
all tenures, fill and Pleasure. The immortal Barons
were too wife to be duped by fair promiles. They
drew their swords, determined to obtain absolute
security; and they did obtain it. They obtained
by Magna Charta t'-e conftitutfbnal right of levy
ing war against the King, as often as he should at
tempt to infringe upon the liberties of the peoples
Were our Governors the choice of the people, and
dependent on them for their salaries, we would; in
th e Present case, be able to make a constitutional
resistance to oppreflion ; to oppose constitution to
confutation. Bar this not being the case, the Paix.
Lament has plainly the advantage. It is necessary
therefore to our security, to have our Governors as
much dependent on the people of America, as the
,"'^. " on those of Great - Britain, before our con
stitutions can be of any Service to us against British
encroachments; or, that when our Governors te
fufe their concurrence; our representatives Shall
have the privilege of Setting them aside, and anting
legislatively without them. This is a clause as es
sential to the security of the rights of America, as
the elaufe which grants to the people of Great-P.fi
tarn the right of declaring war agairdt the King,
when he attempts to disturb their privileges. Will
Cato stand it out until this is obtained ?
But as the contest is between us and the Parlia
menf, we ought now to enquire how we can Ie se
cured against parliamentary encroachments. The
constitution of Great-Britain is such, that what this
Parliament does r the next can undo. And it is im^
possible for one Parliament to pass a bill, which will
not be liable to a repeal by any future one, without
destroying the very essence of its oicn confituticn. Is
there any remedy against this defeat, Cato ? Let u$
fee the constitutional dependent principles, if you ae
a friend to liberty, which will give absolute and per.
manent security to our liberties, and not leave us at
thejnercy of our enemy ; and then we will talk fur
ther on the fubjeft. We have gone t<o far; and
have too much lenfe to r«ft bur future Safety on the
probability of her letting us alone for the future.
Our conftitmional connexion with Great-Britain
is the very plea alledged by Great-Britain tor he?
attempts to enslave us. Now if this constitution is
the very foundation of her claims, if (he, in conse
quence thereof, has declared us rebels which foe
could not, unless She supposed we violated the con
stitution by our refinance ; and if it was not in our
power to make effectual opposition in drift confor
mity to the constitutions She gave us, why is Cato so
fond of reconciling on these principles and on no
others? This looks not like honesty, Cato. If you
love America, and if your attachment to the cause
is real, answer to these things. A lover of
truth and liberty will be afraid cf no queries what
ever. You fay you have viewed the ground on
which you stand, and are not afraid to tread it ni
the fight of tbe most vigilant son ot liberty. Here it
is, come forth then, here 1 wish to find you. Butl
hefeech you examine it thoroughly fii ft, explore its
hidden recedes ; for lam well assured it contains a
Secret mine, which, if once Sprung, will either blow
up von and your party, or our liberties.
This Continent has had a twelve years constant
experience, that the constitution of the Colonies
could not protest them from British oppression. Can
you deny it, Cato ? However it be against yo ur p rc _
lent designs, yet thisyou mus acknowledge. Can you
tell the firft day a Committee exiled 011 this Conti
nent? Did not that day tell the world we had no
constitution that could withstand British oppn ffion >
Can you remember the time our Allembiies were
firftdiffolved, for attempting to correspond with one
another, on the fubje& of our grievances ? Did not
that time convince even Cato himfelf, that our con
dilutions were not equal to the task of prett&m,
thein selves ? Do you recollect the hour our worth}
Governor refuted to call our Aftembly, to contort:
on ways and means to preserve our liberties? Did
not that hour inform you, that the chartered consti
tution of Pennsylvania could do nothing for w ?
Now if a f ter so long, and so Severe a trial of thrir
defe&s, we Should (till take up with them on the
recommendation of Cato, might not the world
particularly that part of it which you fay is looking
at us, laugh at our stupidity and folly ? Four nA
argument in support of your creed hs, that " agri
" culture and commerce have hitherto been th^
“ happy employmer ts by which these middle colonta
" have risen into wealth and importance, By took
" the face of the country has been changed from a
“ barren wilderness, into the hofpitabie abodes of
" peace and plenty." I forbear to point out jour
conft^nt endeavour to Separate the interest cf the
middle colonies from the rest ; as it the we Ith of the
whole arose not from the fame fouices; or, as if
your description of one or two would not answer
for all. I allo forbear to mention the care or your
party to have y«ur letters, though addrefdd to the
people of Pennlylvania, reprinted in New-Yoik and
Maryland papers. When you have gone thru' the
demonflration, how we can have ethanal security
to our liberties under so detective coLHituticm
then, and not till then, I shall call upon you to prove
that agriculture and commerce would decay, if the
whole world were our market indeed of the British
iftands, and a few foreign ports to which we are
molt graciously permitted to export a few a, ticks.
I will also call on you to convince us, that a feieie
restraint on our trade in man, iuftanecs, ami in feme
a total prohibition tenos to enrich us. And here u
may not be amiis to (hew how poor the Hodaweis
have grown, Since they became independent, and
were obliged to support all the'ex pei ces the Com
mon Man has mentioned. But Cato has given uH
common proofs of his attachment to trade, by 0,-
claring that he will arm against us as f<cn as we
Jorm any alliance with Juch powers as ; re able and
willing to draw off the Britijafleets Jr<.m blocking uo
car ports. Ou i p<rts are now ituftuaHy fin,( by re
fleets of Great Britain ; and there is at c talrep put
to our exports. We have not yet a fleet which can
open them. Our giam is Spoiling, ±„u the powers
of Europe longing lot an opportunity of taking it
NUMB.'" 2