The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-01-05 00:00:00, page 2

Autmoucm men are blind to their own
fault*, yet they easily diecover the fault*
of others, and are apt enough to apeak of
them. Sometimes persona live in ways
which do not at all become them, yet are
blind to it themselves, not seeing the de
formity of their own ways, while it is most
plain and evident to others. They them
eelves cannot see it, yet others cannot shut
their eyes against it, cannot avoid seeing it.
For instance—some persons are of a very
proud behaviour and are not sensible of it;
but it appears notorious to others. Some
are of a very worldly spirit, they are set
after the world, so as to be noted for it,
to as to have a name tor it; yet they
seem not to be sensible of it themselves.—
Som< are of a very malicious and envious
spirit; and others see it, and to them it ap
pears very hateful; yet they themselves do
not reflect upon it. Therefore, since thdre
is no trusting to our own hearts and our
own eyes in such cases, we should make our
improvement of what others say of us, ob
serve with what they charge us, and what
fault they find with us, and strictly exam
ine whether there be not foundation for It
If others charge us with being proud, or
Worldly, close and niggardly, or spiteful
and malicious; or with any other ill temper
or practice; we should improve it in self
reflection, to inquire whether it be not so.
And though the imputation may seem to us
to be very groundless and we think that
they, in charging us so and so, are in
fluenced by no good spirit; yet if we act
prudently, we shall take so much notice of
it as to make it an occasion of examing
ourselves. *
Thus we should improve what our friends
aay to us and of us, when they from friend
ship tell us of any thing which they ob
serve amiss in us. It is most imprudent,
as well as most unchristian, to take it amiss
and resent it, when we are thus told of our
faults. We should rather rejoice in it,
that we are shown the spots that are upon
us. Thus also we should improve what
our enemies say of us. If they from an ill
spirit reproach and revile us to our faces,
we should consider it, so far as to reflect
inward upon ourselves and inquire whether
it be not so, as they charge us. Fur though
what is said be said in a reproachful, re
viling manner ; yet there may b'e too much
trnth in it. . When men revile others even
from an ill spirit towards them ; yet they
are likely to fix upon real faults. They
are likely to fall upon us where we are
weakest and meet defective, and where we
have given them most occasion. An ene
my will soonest attack us where we can
least defend ourselves. And a man that
reviles us, though he do It from an un
christian spirit and in an unchristian man
ner, yet will be most likely to speak of
that, for which w'eare really most to blame
And are most faulted by others. So when
we hear of others talking against us be
hind our backs, though they do very ill in
so doing, yet the right improvement of it
Will be, to reflect upon nurselves and con
sider whether we indeed have not those
faults which they lay to our charge. This
will be a mure Christian and a more wise
improvement of it, than to be in a rqge, to
revile rtgain aud to entertain an ill-will to
wards them for their evil-speaking. This
is the most wise and prudent improvement
of sue* things.' Hereby we may get good
out of evil; and this is the surest way to
defeat the designs of our enemies in re
viling and backbiting us. They do it from
ill-will and to do us an injury ; but in, this
way we may turn it to our own good.
Ereaident Edwarda.
Friday, sth January, 1810.
4Di#ctllanp.
For the Hhodx-Isi.an© Amkrscan.
moral and religious hints.
For the Knobs-Island Ambmican.
THE LATITUDIN ARIAN—No. JOCV.
jL he existence of a Salt Mountain has,
tint withstanding the patronage and coun
tenance it has received from the Sage of
Monticello, been rigorously doubted by
some Philosophers. Those phenomena of I
nature have been esteemed incredible, be- I
Cause they are phenomena. This, although
a just and proper argument to demand
more plenary evidence before we yield our
credence, is by no means sufficient to over
throw our belief altogether. In proportion
ns things depart from the regular rotine of
nature, evidence more rigorously ought to
be demanded. It is therefore humbly pro
posed to produce as evidence one fact that
.seems to prove beyond all doubt that a salt
mountain, if it has no existence, is a fact
much to be deplored.
Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia,
has th#fullowing confirmatory passage:
“ Our quadrupeds have been mostly de
scribed by Linnxus and Mons, de Buffon.
Of these the Mammoth, or big buffaloe,
as called by the Indians, must certainly
have been the largest. Their tradition is,
that he was carnivorous, and still exists in
the northern parts of America. A dele
gation of warriors from the Delaware tribe
having visited the governour of Virginia,
during the reyoiution, on matters of busi-
X&or
No. XXI.
nets, after these had 'been discussed and
settled in council, the goVernour asked
them some questions relative to their coun
try, and among others, what they knew or
liad heard of the animal whose bones were
found at the Saltlicks on the Ohio. Their
chief speaker immediately put himself into
an attitude of oratory, and with a pomp
suited to what he conceived the elevation
of his subject, informed him that it was a
tradition handed down from their fathers,
* That in ancient times a herd of these tre
mendous animals came to the big-bone
licks, and began an universal destruction
of the bear, deer, elks, buffaloes, and other
animals which had been created lor the
use of the Indians: that the Great Mau
above, looking down and seeing this, was so
enraged, that he seized his lightning, de
scended on the earth, seated himself on a
neighbouring mountain, on a rock of which
his seat and the print of his feet are still to
be seen, and hurled his bolts among them
till the whole were slaughtered, except the
big bull, who presenting his forehead to
the shafts, shook them off as they fell; bui
missing one at length, it wounded him in
the side; whereon, springing round, he
bounded over the Ohio, over the Wabash,
the Illinois, and finally over the great
lakes, where ho Is living at this day.* It is
well known that on the Ohio, and in many
parts of America further north, tusks,
grinders, and skeleton of unparalleled mag
nitude, are found in great numbers; some
lying on the surface of the earth and some
a little below it A Mr. Stanley, taken
prisoner by the Indians near the mouth of
the Tanissee, relates, that, after being
transferred through several tribes, from
one to another, he was at length carried
over the mountain west of the Missouri to ,
a river which runs westward : that these
bones abounded there; and that the na
tives described to him the animal to which
they belonged as still existing in the north
ern parts of their country ; from which de
scription he judged it to be an elephant.
Bones of the same kind have been lately
found, some feet below the surface of the
earth, in salines opened on the North Hol
ston, a branch of the Tanissee, about the
latitude of 36, 30, north. From the ac
counts published in Europe, I suppose it to
be decided, that these are of the same kind
with those found in Siberia. Instances are
mentioned of like animal remains found in
the more southern climates of both hemi
spheres; but they are either so loosely
mentioned as to leave a doubt of the fact,
so inaccurately described as not to author
ise the classing of them with the gre<4
northern bones, or so rare as to found a
suspicion that they have been carried
thither as curiosities from more northerri
regions. So that on the whole there seem
to be no certain vestiges of the existence of
thia animal further south than the salines
last mentioned.**
Now, if there is such a creature as this
Mr. Jefferson speaks of, we desire to know
how such a mass of animal flesh could be
barr. lied up and exported to foreign coun
tries, without nature had some where ap
pointed such an enormous magazine as the
salt mountain for the preservation of her
own works. The price of salt would be so
much enhanced, if the inhabitants of the
United States should deem it necessary to
make the mammoth an article of export,
that no means could be used to supply our
markets with that commodity. Nature,
therefore, to obviate a difficulty apparently
I so insurmountable, has kindly furnished us
with a salt mountain ready made to our
hands, so that the aforesaid mammoth may
now be cut up, salted down and exported
without enhsneing the price of that com
modity. What leads to this hypothesis is
this, that President Jefferson, in the ex
tract above quoted, states, as a fact, that
“ Bones of the same (mammoth) kind have
been lately found, somy feet below the sur
face of the earth, in aalinea opened on the
I North Holston,.a branch of the Tanissee.”
Here then we have traditionary evidence
that the animal died in the vicinity of salt,
and the presumption is altogether plausi
ble, that he was there slain and salted
down, by the natives for the purpose of
merchandise. It is hoped that Congress
will In th* worse of their present session,
turn their attention to this interesting suh
j ject, and appoint a committee of v»ays and
means to consider how this branch of traf
fick may be most successfully carried on.
Mr. Jefferson has long since furnished us
with the bones of the mammoth, and it will
I shortly we presume be in the power of his
.followers to improve on his plan, and in-'
stead of a dry skeleton to present us with
I the meat. We would further recommend
that the first cargo of the mammoth thus
salted down be sent as a present to our
I august friend and incomparable ally, Na
poleon Bonaparte. Our chain of argument
I is therefore linked together thus, President
Jefferson has proved the existence of that
stupendous animal, the mammoth; this
I animal must have been formed for the sub-
sistence of man ; such a large quota of ani
mal flesh could not be preserved without n
proportionable quantity of salt; this article
it would have been impossible to obtain by
importation—therefore nature formed the
mammoth first and afterwards the salt
mountain to keep him company.
It is unnecessary to draw to the aid of
the argument the mammoth cheese, al-
it afforded but an imperfect relief. The
necessity of transhipment, of a circuitous
voyage, in order to bring their staple pro
ductions to their best market, Great-Bri
tain, affoided them only a partial remedy.
Whatever may be the pretences of Mr.
Madison, that the United States have suf
fered an “ irreparable injury” by Mr.
Erskine’s agreement, and that Great-Bri
tain has gained an essential advantage,
the people of the United States know aud
feel the contrary to be the fact. The most
popular act therefore Mr. Madison could
have performed, was the opening of the
direct trade with Great-Britain. This he
well knew, and this the experience of
the short interval of freedom abundantly
proves.
<ll
theugh much might be gained both from
that and the proportionable site of the
maggots. It is hoped that some stilful ar
tist will undertake to exemplify the tribute
of respect, which from the present age and
all posterity is due, as the democrats con
tend, to President Jefferson, by carving out
his likeness from a fragment of salt taken
from the mountain aforesaid. In so doing
Lott's wife, who was turned into a pillar of
salt, will be equipped with a proper coun
terpart. X.
Another consideration powerfully ope
rated with Mr. M-ulison.—lt has been con
tended by Mr. Madison and his party from
the time of his famous resolutions in 1795,
that America held the destinies of Great-,
Britain in the hollow of her hand—that we
had only to open our granaries and she
enjoyed plenty—and to close them and she
starved. The Embargo was the effect and
the experiment of this policy. Although it
disappointed all the hopes of its friends,
yet the folly of Mr. Erskine, (to use the
mildest term,)seemed to offer them a hope
of proving to their party, what experience
had already convinced the leaders was not
true, that their prophecies were correct.—
If the second nation in Europe could be
compelled to relinquish her general policy,
without a substitute, merely by our restric
tive energies, the triumph of Mr. Madison
was complete.
Although, therefore, he might have
known, and as we have shewn did know,
that Great-Britain never meant to recede
from her system of retaliation, but with a
substitute on our part, which would 1 com
pletely supersede it and occupy its place ;
y»l when he found a feeble Minister capa
ble of being cajoled by general professions,
and influenced by a desire of assisting the
party to which his father and himself be
longed in Great-Britain, who, (always in
opposition,) had particularly opposed the
British retaliating Orders; is it extraordi
nary that Mr. Madison should be willing
to agree to an arrangement, though per
suaded that it would be rejected, which
would afford a temporary triumph to his
principles >
It has been shewn that this arrangement
originated In proposals transmitted by Mr.
Erskine as from our own government
That the instructions were formed upon a
basis supposed to have been proposed by
them That the convention itself affords
no evidence of sincerity on the part of our
administration, because it was concluded
not only'without a demand of Mr. Erskine’s
full powers, without a knowledge that such
powers existed, but with the express know
ledge that he violated what he had stated
to be his instructions. We have endea
voured to shew a good reason why our gov
ernment should be willing to take such*a
hazardous step with the full conviction that
the agreement would be rejected—that the
tendency of it would be to widen the breach
between the two countries, and therefore,
would be the most grateful offering which
Mr. Madison could make to his-own party,
and that as such it has been received—re
ceived as a pledge of his devotion to their
views, of his disposition to gratify the most
favourite wishes of their hearts.
Mr. Madison had further motives suffi
ciently powerful to induce him to take this
bold and artful step.
The non-intercourse with Great-Britain,
as a substitute to the Embargo, pleased no
party in the United States. It was an ex
torted, com promise with the different par
ties in our country. To the southern states
THE DIPLOMATICS POLICY OF Mb.
Ma di son UN VEILED..... Ab. V.
The Origin, Progreet and Issue of Mr.
Erskine*• Arrangement.
* From the Columbian CknTiukl.
His game was a certain one, he could
not be a loser, and he might gain immortal
glory.
If, said he, Great-Britain unwilling, as I
know her to be, to enter into a contest with
us, shall ratify the unauthorized act of
her Minister, then we can justly boast that
our policy, our restrictive, pacifick, ener
getick policy, has brought to our feet the
proud mistress of the ocean; my praise
will be in all the cities: and France, grate-
ful for my co-operation, will add new
praises and new laurels to my brow.—But
if Great-Britain, indignant at the conduct
of her Minister, shall refuse to ratify, we
shall have created a new cause of com
plaint : 1 shall be fixed more firmly than
ever in the affections of my party, and in
the good will of France. •
Though these considerations were suffi
cient to any reasonable celculating politi-
cian, yet Mr. Madison looked still deeper.
” The passions of a populace, (he must
have said to himself,) are not so easily con
troled. The leaden must consult these
passions, not attempt to direct them. It is
too Herculean a task to hope to render a
state of peace with Great-Britain popular.
The federalists and men of property will
support me, to be sure, but an honest peace
with England will destroy the firmest ad
ministration. To avoid then this rock upon
which even Washington’s administration
had almost split, I will takecare, (said Mr.
Madison,) so to conduct this negotiation
that it shall be impossible, absolutely im
possible, for Great-Britain to accede to the
arrangement.”
In examining Mr. Erskine’s agreement
we accordingly find a language adopted by
our Cabinet which breathes the spirit of
defiance, rather than of friendship ; which
resembles rather a manifesto of war than
a friendly discussion leading to a perma
nent peace.
When parties suppose they are about to
settle their differences, it is common and it
is natural to adopt a language of concilia
tion. In this case we find no courtesy but
a spirit of Teproof. Great-Britain had
contended, that it was our duty, to repel
the aggressions of France, and she had
manifested a disposition uniformly to with
draw her Orders in Council whenever we
should take any effectual steps to vindicate
our own rights against France, in the vin
dication of which she herself had a direct
interest:—For her Orders in Council were
nothing more than retaliating upon her
enemy that injustice which neutrals, (the
only one of which remaining was Ameri
ca,) permitted France to inflict upon her
through their flags.
As soon then as Great-Britain found we
were disposed to resist the decrees of
France, she was ready to withdraw her
Orders in Council, inasmuch as our laws,
if duly enforced, would supersede the ne
cessity of her blockade.
Upon this basis Mr. Erskine’s arrange
ment Is professedly founded—but although
this was the only ground upon which
Great-Britain could with any honour as it
respected her enemy withdraw her Orders
in Council, yet our Ministers inserted io
this pretended and affected pacifick ar
rangement, a clause which took away from
Great-Britain the only salvo to herpride—
the only apology for her honour. They
declared that the act prohibiting inter
course with France did not “ proceed from
any disposition to produce an equality be
tween the two nations but arose from sepa
rate and distinct considerations.” In other
words, lest you should presume that we
were actuated by a sense of justice to you
or by your remonstrances on that subject,
we declare we had no intention to do you
justice, and your acknowledgment and re
peal we choose to have considered as a pure
concession to us and to our forcible and en
ergetick measures.
A still more affrontive clause was added
to the acceptance of satisfaction for the
Chesapeake. -
The government of the United States
did accept, as a full and complete satis
faction, the terms which Great-Britain of
fered. If peace had been the object it
should have been received with good will,
but in lieu of this, our Minister told Mr.
Erskine, after agreeing to the terms,
** that it would have been more for the
honour of his Britannick Majesty to have
punished Admiral Berkeley.”
Admit the fact thus offensively alledged,
if you choose:—Admit it was disreputable
in his Britannick Majesty not to punish
Admiral Berkeley:—Still we agree to ac
cept of a satisfaction without it— and if
a good understanding had been wished or
expected, we ought to have abstained from
such offensive terms.
It cannot be necessary to men of senti
ment to add, that to say that it would have
been more to his Britannick Majesty's
honour to have done a certain thing is tan
tamount to saying that to omit doing it is
dishonourable.
Is thia the administration which is so
alive to the insults of Mr. Jackson, which
no man can perceive and no man point
out ?
The fact is well known, that when these
expressions were read in the British Par
liament all the bitter distinctions of party
were melted away, and dissipated in one
common sense of indignation at an unmerit T
ed, unprovoked, and deliberate insult at a
moment of affected reconciliation.
Mr. Erskine has never found a defender
in Parliament: No, nor even in the pros
tituted vehicles of the opposition.
Where then do we find the evidence of
sincerity of our government ? In making
a treaty without demanding the powers of
the agent ? In forming a convention with
a man who stated that he was violating his
instructions I Or in the unprecedented af
frortive language made use of after a
compromise had been agreed to ?
In the present number I have only time
to add one more proof to those I have al
ready adduced of insincerity. It to a fact
that although this arrangement was made
with Great-Britain, all the democratkk
papers continued the same virulent abuse
of that Government which they had used
when we were on the eve of * war,
But a more marerfa/ fact so, that Mr.
Gallatin, the Secretary of the Treasury ;
Mr. Seaver, democratttk Member of Con
gress from Norfolk, on the 4th of .July, at
Dedham; and the Marshal of this Dis
trict, are said, all of theA before the disa
vowal of Great-Britain £ms known in this
country, to have publickly declared that
they feared the agreement would not be
ratified, because Mr. Erskine had exceeded
his powers.—How did these gentlemen di
vine this ? If from our Cabinet the infor
mation was derived, what becomes of their
sincerity, what 'of their honesty in clam
ouring against Great-Britain for an act
which their own conferences had taught
them to expect I
seat.
Mr. Bradley submitted the following
motion for consideration:
Resolved, That the President of tfie
United States be and hereby is requested
to cause to be laid before the Senate the
account of all the monies disbursed from
the Treasury of the United States io their
relation or intercourse with the Barbary
powers subsequent to the signing of the
treaty of peace with Tripoli in June, 1805,
including the rnoqjes paid to that regency
at the signing thereof—and to cause to be
noted (where the same can be ascertained)
the agent or consul to whom the respective
disbursements were made, the time when
and place where the respective sums were
drawn for, or received, by said agents or
consuls, and the particular purposes to
which the same have been applied; and
what sums have been retained in the hands
of said agents or consuls for compensation,
salary, commissions, or for any other pur
poses. '
The bill to authorize the surveying and
making of certain roads, in the state of
Ohio, as contemplated by the treaty of
Brownstown, in the territory of, Michigan,
was ordered to be read a third time.
Fbakklin appeared and took his
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Tuksday, December 36.
Mr. Johnson reported a bill for the relief '
of William White and others ; which was
twice read and referred to a committee of
the whole.
Mr. Smilie reported a bill to increase
the compensation of the military agent for
the middle department.
Mr. Poindexter presented tp the House
the proceedings of a number of persona of
the district east of Pearl river, (Mis. Ter.)
calling themselves a coigyention, stating the
project of a form of government which
they should wish to be established in that
district, in case Congress should thfek
proper to divide the Mississippi Territory.
Referred to the committee to whom was
referred the petition for the division of the
territory.
Mr. Morrow reported a bill to extend
the lime for locating Virginia military land
warrants, and for returning the surveys
thereof to the office, &c. Twice read and '
referred.
RUPTURE WITH MR. JACKSON.
On motion of Mr. Goodwyn, the House
again resolved itself into a committee of
the whole—Mr. Basset in the chair on
the joint resolution from the Senate ap
proving the conduct of the Executive in
refusing to receive any further communi
cation from Francis James Jackson.
Mr. Fisk occupied the floor in favour of
the resolution till 4 o’clock, when the com- '
mittee rose, reported progress and obtain?
ed leave to sit again.
Wednesday, Decembxb 27.
Several private petitions were read and
referred, r
Mr. Newton, from the committee of
commerce and manufactures, on the peti
tion of William Hawkins, reported a bill
for his relief.
Mr. Poiudexter offered a resolution to I |
appoint a committee to inquire into the
expediency of allowing-an additional judge
in the Mississippi Territory, to decide in
the county of Madison, with the same pow
ers as the Judge io Washington county.—-
Adopted.
Mr. Dawson asked leave of absence fob
Mr. Gholdson for four days from yesterday.
Mr. Nicholson laid a resolution on the
table for appointing a committee to inquire
into the expediency of making provision by
law for constructing roads and canals and
establishing seminaries of learning through
out the United States.
The Speaker read a letter from Peter
* Candales, covering a petition praying com
pensation for certain vessels taken by him
durytg the revolutionary war, and carried
into Norway. Referred to the committee of
claims.
The House resolved itself into committee
of the whole on the resolutions from the
Senate—Mr. Basset in the chair. ’
Mr. Milnor spoke in favour of the resolu
tions. -
The question was thea taken on the com- ,
mittees rising and reporting the resolu
tion t o th* house; and agreed to—Ayes 54.
noes 35. *
IN SENATE,
Tuesday, December 26.
[TO BE CONTINUED.)
C onset##.