The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-01-02 00:00:00, page 2

1 rare lire "Los D,N U?V^ O N>, tilted Sept. 6, 17^2.
To HIB E4< N 1 CUS.
S I R,
Q H 6 demand of American independence, you
observe, is neither new nor unprecedented, and
would therefore fend us to hittory for advice. You
ay, '' What was the conduct of Spain with regard
to Holland, in similar circumstances? Did they give
them unconditional independence? No After a war
of near forty years, you tell us, the preliminary arti
cle fpc-cifi.es, tuat tuey are content tc r treat with, them
as free Rates, over whom they nave no pr^tenfions:
this was the preliminary article, the rest of the arti
cles of the treaty Stipulated mutual advantages."
And do you, fir, think it was wife, prudent and po
litic ill Spain, to carry on a w>r for near forty y ars,
for an object winch at lad file was obliged to give up,
by the preliminary article in the treaty for peace ; and
can you have any doubt in your mind, that had, file
acknow edged thi independence of the Netherlands,
at the beginning of the contest, (he might ha^e made
a treaty which stipulated the fame mutualadvantages,
and have prevented a cruel, tedious and expensive
war ? Surely, fir, we have too long been guided by tne
maxims of Spain. The whole history of our war with
America has been, alas ! too perfect a copy of the ar
bitrary and impolitic condu@of that nation towards
the Netherlands; and the effea, as was foretold, has
been also similar. The colonies, which formed so
bright a constellation in the Britilh crown, Separated
by the violence of arbitrary councils, have fallen from
it, to rife with up.r 0 fylendor in their own hemis
phere; unted dates tree and independent. Long may
they Shine with benign influence on every friend of li
berty, and admonish future—to learn wisdom.
Having loft our colonies, are we flill 'to follow the
example of Spain ? Are we to hazard our own exig
ence as a free and independent nation, that our preli
minary article for peace, may exactly correspond with
that in the treaty, between Spain and Holland ? Do we
read hiflory for this? Bo we endeavour to trace the
causes of unfortunate events, merely that we may aft
so as to insure, as much as possible, every evil which
former ages have deplored, and avoid every good,
which we might gain, by making our conduct a con
trast to tl eirs—by profiting by their mistakes, and ga
thering wisdom from their experience? Inflead of
imitating the industrious bee, and gathering honey to
enrich the commonwealth, muff we, like the noxious
animals, be industrious to extract the poison only ?
With twenty-three millions of unfunded debt, our
taxes unproductive*! the fta<e of our flocks so truly
alarming, that their very exigence, even for one year
longer, may depend upon th^ counsels of a mmiler,
may rife or be annihilated, by his determining for
peace or war! when our utmost exertions will scarce
enable us to pay our present taxes —lnftead of labour
ing for peace, instead of removing every obfla le which
may retard its progress, shall we continue to pursue
the very condud which occasioned a war of near forty
years! Forbid it policy, forbid it reason, forbid it
commori sense. For, surely, circumflanced as we are,
history affords no example for such an ad of folly. If
such our conduct, we cease to copy and become ori
ginal.
Ifour enemy wish us to delay an aft, that very wish,
surely, points out the propriety of our doing it imme
diately.'
Upon that ever memorable change of miniflry,
France, I am well informed, was under the greatest
apprehensions, left the wisdom of the new adminifira
tion Should have been manifefted, by an immediate re
cognition of the independence of America. For, tho'
it is the interest of France that America should conti
nue to be an independent state ; yet, having secured
that point by treaty, it is equally her interest, that
we Should delay acknowledging it as such. Much de
pends upon the time and manner of performing
even the moR ordinary anions, France must na
turally with that we may be so blind to our own
interest as to defer the acknowledgment of the inde
pendence of America, whilst there remains a possibility
of its proceeding from a generous principle. She clear
ly fees that every hour we delay, is a gain to her, and
tends to accelerate our ruin; that the longer their
trade ccn inues in a different channel, the more diffi
cult it will be for it to return to England ; the longer
their affeHions are efiranged from us, and the longer
th f y are bound to France by the ties of mutual inte
rest, and mutual obligations, the cement must be the
mnr e Strengthened. France cannot but fee, that the
time may soon arrive, when every yearning after their
former friends, and relations may be eradicated, and
not even a favourable wish remain. A new generation
may arise- who will not know ihe English as brethren ?
who will only remember us by the charader we have
been drawing by the point of our bayonets; by the
saving of their towns ; by the (laughter of their old
men, their women, and children. Already have ma
ny of their young men ceased to call England by that
endearing appellation, their home ; already do they
begin to ay, “ we know them only by the sample
they (end • we can only judge of them by their fruit."
It has been said, by way of excuse, that we cannot
grant the independence of America 1 that the king can
not give away his dominions without the consent of
parliament; nor can parliament without the king ; nor
can the king and parliament together do it, unless it be
firfl mentioned in the treaty for peace ; and then the
king, lords, and commons can ratify it. How easy it
is to find difficulties in the way of doing that, which,
if possible, weare determined to avoid doing. It is a
mxim in law, “ the king can do no wrong;" it seems
to be a maxim in politics, " that kings can do no
right " But ministers are generally very expert
at finding out means to accomplish their mas
ter's wiihes. When you talk of giving liberty to a
people they flrain at a gnat; but to keep them in
fubjeaion, they would swallow a camel. To a willing
mind, great difficulties appear trifling, dangers vanish,
right becomes wrong, and wrosig the better reason.
* One year with another, for some years past, about
3,5,0001.
I cannot, confident with my'flgnatu re, conclude with
out taking notice of your last p ragraph; in which
you fem to impute the idea of unconditional indepen
dance, to party, design, fadjon or contention for
power.— After Mr. Fox's own assertions relpeHing
the reasons of his resignation in the house of commons,
confirmed by lord John CavendiSh, and other refpeH
able characters ; confirmed also in the house of lords
by the duke of Richmond and lord Keppel, nobles,
whose veracity has never been questioned ; insinuati
ons such as you have thrown out, as they appear to
countenance a falfe idea, are very reprehensible. Such
weight had truth, coming from those refpeHable
members in the house of lords, as to force lord Shel
burne himfelf to confefs, that Mr. Fex, had declared
his intention of resigning, the day before the death of
the marquis of Rockingham, (at which time the health
of t^e marquis was supposed to afford more flattering
expectation than it had done for some days preceding)
and that he had often, on other days, heard him ex
press the fame intention. His lordship also acknow
ledged they had frequently differed in the cabiner.
Was it possible for Mr. Fox to continue in office con
fident with the principles of a man of honour, differ
ing so frequently as he did, from the earl of Shelburne;
upon various points, and finding himfelf in a minority
upon fubjeds which he thought of corifiquence ? could
he follow the example of the very nr n he had so just
ly condemned? couid he meanly submit to labour in
forwarding dfigns,and affft in the execution of plans,
which his judgment disapproved? No! had he acted
thus, had he by flaying in office deceived the nation
into a belief, teat all was right in the cabinet, when
he was persuaded of the contrary, he would have ill
repaid the confidence of the people, and the exertions
they had so fucc.hWly mae'e in his favour. There
fore, being the firfl to fee the deviations from rectitude,
and to perceive the return of that fyflem, which, du
ring the late administration, had so jußiy alarmed t e
nation, he dared also to be the firft to retire. Cor
ceiving the power, the honour, the emoluments of
office, however great, however alluring, too trifling
to be put in competition with the confeioufnefs of
having afled, whilst in the cabinet, like an honefl
statesman; and retiring from it like an honest man.
It is natural to suppose, that the arts which are eve
ry day praHifed, and themumerous falfe insinuations
w ich are industriously thrown out to delude the public,
mud have had some etF.fi But, although painted in
falfe colours, and adorned with all the art which
fophifiry can bellow, farfehood may for a time appear
to triumph; yet l eafford, truth cannot long be veil
ed ; it will burfi forth in its native brightness and flafii
conviction on every honest mind. My countrymen,
I trust, will soon, not only have the good sense to fee,
but also the gratitude to reward, with their united and
hpo^ft approbation, one, who has so often proved him
felf a friend, and is therefore, with so much justice,
emphatically called—The Man of the people.
If, fir, you really think the idea of acknowledging'
unconditionally the independence of America only pro
ceedstrom a spirit of party &c. you certainly are un
der a very great delusion. I can assure you, it is a
measure which has long been advised by persons, who
have not known that any party, or individual in the
Bate, favoured the fame opinion. True p titifm is
not confined to the environs of a court; nor great abi
lities to the feoate : they frequently flourish in tne hum
ble cottage, where the great, and the opulent of little
merit, would disdain to enter, nor is a thorough know
ledge of politics confined to miniflers of fl,t<-. There
are in various parts of the kingdom, men of the most
enlightened underflandings, who, with the milder vir
tues of social life, are endowed also with independent
spirits, and burn with the noble fire of true patriotism ;
such characters as these ventured to declare their just,
and liberal sentiments, with refpe& to American inde
pendence, io the word of times ; regardless of the con
sequence, to their fortune, or their fame.
They early saw the mifehief of lord North's edmi
nitration; an adminifiration which, by the impolitic,
cruel and unjust war with America, at length brought
us to the very verge of ruin ; for which th y weie dri
ven from the helm, by the voice of an injured people.
But if the old fyflem be renewed, what are the peo
ple benefited by the change? If the nation must fall,
it is immaterial to them, whether it fall by the hand
of a Bute, a Shelburne, or a North. If therefore you
are a real friend of the minifler, admonish him to pause,
and refkd how often we have refu fed to grant the
Americans one day, that, whieh the next, we have of
fered in vain. Tell him the time is critical. If we
assert to an immediate and unconditional recognition
of American inde endence, there is hill hope we soon
may reap the good effect of our policy — let us not de
lay it, whilst other treaties bar returning commerce,
and all is loft. Let him confider his own, and our si
tuation, before he proceeds with measures, which may
drive the peop'e to do desperate afb, in order to pre
vent their own d ftruflion.
When minifies are willing, they can make ancient
custom yield, the laws of nations bend, and oaths
themlelves give way. King, lords and commons are
fumetimes said to be omnipotent. They can make
laws to bind in all cases whatever. They found no
difficulty in passing an ad, which put the colonies
from under the king's protection. Parliament can
make laws, and pass aHs againf lright, justice and
humanity; in such cases they think themselves all
powerful But to make free, they fee no power, be
cause they have no will. But, in fad, the a& which
,put the colonies from under the king's protection,
gave up all right to govern them ; yet the parliament
did this, and the colonies became free of course; and
in obedience to the firft law of nature, refilled our arms,
and made alliances for their own preservation. They
have declared themselves to be free and independent
Hates, and have resolutely determined never more to
fubj'fl themselves to the crown of Britain. Has a
king any right to govern a nation againf lits will?
No. Re may conquer and rule by force; a tyrant's
right; but all real rigut is seated in the hearts of the
people; if he lose their hearts, his right is gone for
ever.
Mr. CLAYPOOL E.
N E 0 nervations of Impartial, in Bailey's paper
l of yesterday, are easily answered and refuted.
All the writers seem to difiinguifh publications, merely
personal and private in their nature, from such as have
reference to public affairs, and tend to represent or
examine the behaviour of men in office and power.
Wilkes, therefore, was very right in asserting “ every
freeman might speak and publish his sentiments refpeN
ing public measures, and that the freedom of the press
should not be checked or retrained." On that (core
he alledged, " profecu ions for libels were novel, and
till now unheard of in this country.' 'And the instan
ces to which Impartial alludes, fufficiently juftify the
very remark. Black's case certainly refpe&ed a per
sonal injury, totally unconneaed with public affairs ;
and therefore agreed on all sides to be criminal: ge
neral Thompson's dispute with the chief justice, also
related to a private fubjed ; and the grand jury, it is
remarkable, never found a bill for publishing the
“ scurrilous libel," called Tit for Tat, not to mention
the circumfiances of the government at that time.
With refpe& to the argument itfelf, as to the prac
tice on the fubjefl, let me observe, although non ufea,
will not invalidate a positive law or aft of assembly•
yet the uniform practice and usage of a place, certain
ly makes the law, and is as much binding as any po~
fitive law of the land whatever. With this difference
then, I think we shall agre ; for in the cases of bi
gamy and treason, which he mentions, there were par
ticular a&s of the legislature, which afts cannot be
antiquated by non ufea, or repealed by any thing less
than a law itfelf.
Twill fake my leave, by once more affurirg you, Tata Yfo
partizan of any man, or set of men whaever. If what
I have said appear to favour Mr. Fox's idea, and com
troverts lord Shelburne's, it is because, I sincerely be^
lieve Mr, Fox's idea, if followed, woud save the na
tion; but if lord Shelburne should popofe a plan,
which appears to me evidently for the food of the na^
tion, and Mr. Fox should oppose it, which I flatter
myfelf he never will, be assured, thoigh I confefs I
should be sorry for the occasion, you flail not be long
without a proof of the above assertion.
From, fir,
Your humble fevant,
A LOVER o ' TRUTH.
To the Compiler of the Courier d? I'Europe.
Nantes, Se>t. 30, 1782.
SI R,
r HAVE often read in your paper, paragraphs
I taken from other newspapers, and I was not asto
nished at all the absurdities which I mit with, because
I have spent time enough in London toknow the cre
dit which a paragraph deserves. But! confefs th?t
I was for a moment surprised to fee a a&, as ridicu
lous as it is falfe, uftiered to the prefsby fir William
Peppere l , in the shape of a letter fron the reverend
W. Walter, to (hew that the union of he united dates
of America was dissolved. I fay, that was for a mo
ment surprised, because that kubwing loth the persons
con ern^d, I believed that fir Williim, (though an
apoßate from the cause he once fuppirted) had too
much good sense to expose hims If t> the laugh of
every body, by publishing that, whici upon the firft
reading must have been seen to be fal^; but this step
of his proves to me, that his mind andhis heart equal
ly share the folly and the malignity c his charaHer.
I fancy that fir William will not befo eager to fur
nifh the public with copies of his letter, written from
New-Hampshire about the beginningof the troubles,
and before the war, to Mr A. L. at London, in
which he sent the British miniflry to tie devil, swear
ing that the Americans would facrifici their lives and
fortunes before th*y would yield to he demands of
Great Britain. I leave him to the resorfe of his own
conscience, and to the opinion of all loneß men. As
to reverend Mr. Walter, nothing frem him can sur
prise me. For after trying various mans of gaining
a livelihoo f, it was negeffary he fhoud take one step
more. But he is of so little importance, that he is
sheltered from the enmity of every American who
knows him, for he is even beneath heir contempt-
Please to spare me a moment of your ttention, whilst
I give the history of this reverend genieman.
He is the son of an excellent gooc man, who was
paflor o f a Prefbyteriah church near to Boston. As
education in that country is within tie reach of every
body ; master Billy went through hisfludy and Com
menced fchoolmaßer. Not being abe to subsist by
this profeffion, he turned seaman, aid became master
of a small bark, in the Weft-fndia fade. Tired of
the hardships of this business, he bitook himfelf to
merchandize, which proved equaly unfuccefsful.
Next he became coftom-houfe officer, in which flation
he probably firft entertained the ideaof living at the
charge of others. He supposed that the church of
England would be a certain resource for his indolence
and imbecility. In this plan be fucceded; for upon
his voyage to London to procure holj orders, he was
appointed colleague to the reverend Mr. Hooper, in
Trinity church, Eofton.
Some time after, the good man bisfather, in a cir
cle of his burdens, being reproached by one of them
for not diffuadirg his son from goingintoa profeffion
from which ills father dissented, anfwred with great
honefly, " why what could Billy do be had tried e
very tiling to get his living, and there was nothing else
bft for him but this ?" every one knows, that he now
figures in the shape of a refugee at New York, and
this is the topßone to the carafler of the reverend
Mr. Walter.
After the wife and pertinent observations, which
you have made upon the fubjefl (' tlis pretended re
volt, it is needless for me to add any thing further.
Tire report will certain'y be belied b, events, before
you can receive this letrer. But as tae degree of con
fidence given to such Rories, depends greatly on the
charafler of those wnofurnifh them ; I wish you to in
fect this letter in your Courier, to prepare the public
for the future pro masons of the reverend Mr. Walter.
A NATIVE of BOSTON.