Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-15 00:00:00, page 4

As the chief defi n of these letters is to d,t^ and ex-,
pole the fallhoods and fallacious reafoniags of Cato, he
mint not expect (when detected) to be treated F.^e one
who had debated fairly ; for 1 will ne beid to fay, and to
prove, that a groller violation of truth and reason Scarcely
ever came iron the pen of a writer; and the explanati
ons which he hath endeavoured to impofc on the pillages
whish he hath quoted Horn Common Sense, arc Inch as ne
ver existed in the mind of the author, nor can they be
drawn from the words themselves. Neither mutt Cato
expert to be Spared, where his careledhefs of expreflion,
and visible want of conipaffion and Sentiment, shall give
oecafion to raise any moral or philosophical inflexion
thereon. These things being premised, I now proceed to
review the latter part of Cato's fehoiid letter.
In this place, Cato begins his fi.lt attack on Common
Sen,; but as he only difeovers his ill-will, and neither
offers any arguments against it, nor makes any quotation
from it, 1 Should in this place pass him by, were it not
tor the following Strange assertion. " It little notice,
" fays Cato (little opposition he means) has yet been taken
“ of the publications concerning Independence, it is
" neither owing to the popularity of the doctrine, the
" unanswerable nature of the arguments, nor the fear of
" opposing them, as the vanity of the author would Sug
" ge*." As Cato hath given us the negative rcalons, he
ot-ht to have given us the real ones; for as he positively
t Is what it was not owing to, he undoubtedly knows
what it was owing to, that be delayed bis answers so long ;
but instead of telling us that (which perhaps is not pro
per to be told) he flies from the argument with the fol
lowing plump declaration—" nine tenths of the people
of Pennsylvania (fays In) yet abhor theQo&rine. But flop,
Cato! not quite So fait friend. Ifthis be true, now came
they, lb late as the 2d of March lalt, toele& for a Burges
of this city a Gentleman of known independent principles,
and one of the very few to whom the author of Common
Sense shewed some part thereof while in manufeript.
Cato is just as unfortunate in the following paragraph.
" Thole, fays he, who made the appeal (that is, pub
“ billed the pamphlet) have but little cause to triumph
"in its success. Of this they seem sensible, and, like
" true quacks, are constantly pestering us with addition
" al doles, till the Stomachs of their patients be,n wholly
" to revolt." It is Cato's hard fate to be always detect
ed : For perhaps there never was a pamphlet, since the use
of letters were known, about which so little pains were
taken, and of which io great a number went off in so
Short a time ; I am certain that I am within compass when
I fay one hundred and twenty thousand. The book was
turned upon the world like an orpha 1, to fhift for itfelf;
no plan was formed to Support it, neither hath the author
ever published a Syllable on the fubj-lt from that time, till
after the appearance of Cato's fourth letter ^ wherefore,
what Cato fays of additional doses administered by the
author is an absolute f^lfity. Besides which, it comes
with an ill grace from one, who frequently publishes two
letters in a week, and often puts them both into oge pa
per. Cato here, Cato there, look where you will.
At the distance of a few lines from the above quota
tions, Cato presents us with a retrofpe&ive view of our
former state, in which, fays he, " we considered our
" connection with Great-Britain as our chief happiness.
" We flourished, grew rich and populous, to a degree
“ not to be paralleled in hirtoiy." This aflertion is truly
of the legerdemain kind, appearing at once both right
and wrong. All writers on Cato's fide have used the lame
argument, and conceived themselves invincible; never
theless, a tingle expression, properly placed, dissolves the
charm) for the cheat lies in putting the consequence for
the cause ; for had we not flourished the connexion had ne
ver exified, or never been regarded, and this is fully proved
bv tire negle& Shewn to the firft Settlers, who had every
diheufty to Struggle with, unnoticed and unaflifted by
the British Court.
Cato proceeds very industriously to sum up the former
declarations of Congress and other public bodies, some of
which were made upward, of a year ago, to prove that
the do&rine of Independence hath no fan&ion from them.
To thirl Shall,give Cato one general answer, which is,
that had he produced a thousand more such authorities
they would non amount to nothing. They are out of
date. Tinies and things are altered. The truecharafter
of the King was but little known among the body of the
people a year ago,—willing to believe him good, they
fondly called him so, but have since found, that Cato's
Royal Sovereign is a Royal Savage.
Cato hath introduced the above-mentioned long quo
tation of authorities against independency with the fol
lowing carious preface. " Nor have many weeks, fays
“ he, yet elapsed, since the firft open proposition for in
" dependence was published to the world. By what men
“ of consequence this scheme is supported, or whether
“ by any, may possibly be the fubjeft of future enquiry.
“ Certainly it hath no countenance from the Congress,
" to whose fentirnents we look up with reverence. On
" the contrary, it is direHly repugnant to eatery declarati
" on of that refpe&able body." Now, Cato, thou haft
nailed thyfelf with a witness ! dife&ly repugnant to every
declaration of that refpe&able body ! mind that, Cato,
aid mark what follows. It appears by an extract from
tie Refolvcs of the Congress, printed in the front of the
Oration delivered by Dr. Smith, in honour of that brave
man General Montgomery, that he (the Doctor) was ap
,minted by that honourable body to compose and deliver
the fame, in the execution of which, the orator exclaimed
loudly against the doctrine of independence, but when a
motion was afterwards made in Congress (acccording to
former usage) to return the Orator thanks, and request
a copy for the press, the motion was rejected from every
part of the House, and thrown out without a division.
I now proceed to Cato's third letter, in the opening of
which he defertsthe fubje& of independence, and renews
his attack on the Committee. Cato's manner of writing
has as much order in it as the motion of a fqulrrel; he
frequently writes as if he knew r.ot what to write next,
just < s rhe other, and jumps about only because hecannot
Stand Still ; tho' I am fumetimes angry with him for his
unprincipled method of writing and reafohihg, I cannot
help laughing at him at other times for his want of inge-
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nuiry : an instance of which he gives us, in kindly warn
ing us against " the foul pages es interred loiters, and
firangers intermeddling in our affairs.''' Were I to reply
Serially,my anlu er would be this, thou feeineft to be ig
norant, Cato, of that ancient and numerous order which
are related to each other in all and every part of the
globe, with whom the kindred is not formed by place or
accident, but in principle and sentiment. A free men,
Cato, is a Stranger n® where, a Slave, every where. But
were I difpoied to answer meiri!y, I should tell him, that
as his notions of friendship were So very narrow and lo
cal, he obliges me to understand, that when hr addresses
the people with the tender title of " My dear county men"
which frequently occurs in his letters, that he particular
ly means the long lift of Mac's published in Donald Mac-
Donald's commiflion.
In this letter, Cato recommends the pamphlet called
Plain Truth; a performance, which hath withered away
like a Sickly unnoticed weed, and which, even its advo
cates rue displeased at, and the author ashamed to own.
About the middle of this third letter, Cato gives notice of
bis being ready to take the field. " I now proceed," fays
he, "to give my reasons." How Cato hath managed the
attack we are now to examine; and the firft remark I
fliall offer on his conduit, is, that he hath most unluck
ily entered the bit on the wrong fide, and discharged bis
firft fire among the Tories.
In order to prove this, I Shall give the paragraph entire.
“ Agriculture and Commerce" fays Cato, “ have
'fhitherto been the happy employments by which these
“ middle colonics have lifen into wealth and importance.
“ By them the lace of the country have been changed
" from a batren wilderness, into the hcfpitable abodes cf
" peace and plenty. Without them, we had either never
" existed as Americans, or existed only as savages.—The
" oaks would Still have poftffed their native foots of
" earth, and never have appeared in the form of Jbips and
" boufes. What are now well cultivated fields, or flou
" wishing cities, would have remained only the solitary
“ haunts of wild beads, or of men equally wild." The
reader cannot help perceiving, that thro' this whsle pa
ragraph, our connection with Britain is left entirely out of
the question, and our present greatness attributed to in
ternal causes, agriculture and commerce. This is a Strange
way, Cato, of overturning Common sense; which lays,
“ I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to
'• drew a Single advantage which this continent can reap
" by being connected with Great-Britain ; I repeat" fays
he, “ the challenge, not a Single advantage is derived.
" Our corn ivillfetch its price in any market in Europe, and
" our imported goods mus be paid for, buy them inhere ace
" will." Cato introduces his n xt paragraph with fay
ing, " that much of our former felicity was owing to the
“ proteaion of England, is not to be denied;' ' yes, Cato, I
deny it wholly, and for the following clear and simple
reasons, viz. that our being conne&ed with, and submit
ting to be prote&ed by her, made and will still make all
her enemies our enemies, or, as Common Sense fays, “ lets
“ us at variance with nations who would otherwise Seek
" our friendfllip, and against whom we have neither
" anger nor complaint."
The following pafDge is so glaringly absurd, that I Shall
make but a Short continent upon it. “ And if hereafter,
fays Cato, " in the fulnefs of time, it Shall be necessary
" to Separate from the land that gave birth to (some of)
" our ancestors, it will bein a state of perfect manhood,
" when we can fully wield our own arms, and protect
" our commerce and coafs by our own fleets.'' But how
are we to come fry fleets, Cato, wide Britain hath the
government of the continent ? unless we are to sup
pose, as you have hinted in the former paragraph, that
our caks are to grow into Ships, and be launched felf
built from their " native spots of earth." It is Cato's
misfortune, as a writer, not to distinguish justly between
ma^ic and imagination; while, on the other hand, there
are many paffag^s in his letters so seriously and deliberate
ly falfe, tkat nothing but the mod hardened effrontery,
and a cast of mind bordering upon impiety, would have
uttered. He frequently forces me out of the common
tta& of civil language, in order to do him justice ; mo
deration and temper being really unequal to the talk of
expofmg him.
Cato, unless he meant to destroy the ground he stood
upon, ought not to have let the following paragraph been
Hen, " If our present differences'' fays he, " can be ac
" cornmodated, there i^fcarce a probability thst'Britain
'' will ever renew her late fatal fyllem of policy, or at
" tempt again to employ force agairdt us." • How came
Cato to admit the probability of our being brought again
into the fame bloody and expensive situation ? But it is
worth remarking, that those who write without principle,
cannot help Sometimes blundering upon truth. Then
there is no real security, Cato, in this reconciliation of
yours on conf itutional principles ? It Still amounts to no
thing; and after all this expence of life and wealth, we
are to rest at last upon hope, hazard and uncertainty.
Why then, by all that is Sacred, " it is time to part."
But Cato, after admitting the probability of our being
brought again into the fame Situation, proceeds to tell
us, how ue are to conduct ourfelvss in the Second quar
rel ; and that is, by the very Same method we have cone
the present one, viz. to expend millions of treafare, and
thousands of lives, in order to patch up a second re-union
that the way may be open for a third quarrel; and in this
endless and chequered round of blood and treacherous
peace bath Cato disposed of the continent of America.—
That I may not be thought to do Cato injustice, I have
quoted the whole passage : “ But Should Britain be so
“ infatuated, fays he, at any future period, as to think
“ of subjugating us, either by the arts cf corruption, or
“ oppressive exertions of power, can we entertain a doubt
" but we Shall again, vith a virtue equal to the pre
" sent, and with the weapons of defence in our bands
'' (when necessary) convince her that we are willing, 1y
" a conflitutional connexion with her, to afford and receive
" reciprocal benefits ; but although fubj< &s of the fame
" King we will not consent to be her Slaves."—Come
hither ye little ones, whom the poi fonous band of Cato is
rearing for deftruaion, and remember the page that
warns ye of your ruin !
Cato, in many of his exprefficns, difeovers all th^
calm command over thepifiions and feelings, which ai-C:
ways dirtinguiShes the man who has expelled them frcin
his heart. Of this careless kind is the before mentioned
phrase " our prefect differences," and the fame unp^r,
donatfle negligence is conveyed in the following • one —,
" Although I confider her, fays he, as having in her late
“ conduct towards us, aided the# part cf a cruel hep
" darns." Wonderful fer fibility indeed f All thehav^e
and delegation of unnatural war; the dertn&icu cf
thoufaads ; the burning and depopulating oftowns and
cities ; the ruin and fepiuation of friends and families;
are just fufficient to extort from Cato, this one callous
confeffion. But the cold and creeping foul cf Cato is a
Stranger to the manly powers of Sympathetic Sorrow. He
moves not, nor can lie move in so pure an element Ac
customed to lick the hand that hath made him vitibk,
and to breathe the gross atmofpKere of Servile and sordid
dependance, his foul would now Starve on virtue, and
fuffocate in the clear region of disinterested friendship.
Surely when Cato fat down to write, he either did not
expea to be called to an account, or was totally regard
left of reputation ; ctherwife, he would net have endea
voured to persuade the public, that the doctrine of inde
pendence was broached in ^ kind of Seditious manner; at
a time “ when, fays be, fome gleams of reconciliation began
" fi r fi to break in upon ns." Come forth Cato, and prov^
the assertion ? Where do these gleams of reconciliation
Spring from ? Are they to be found in the King's Speech—*
in the address of cither House of Parliament ; —or in the
a& which lets loose a whole kennel cf pirates upon our
property, and cornmiffions another sett to insult with par
dons, the very men, whom their own meafurcs had
fought to ruin ? Either prove the assertion, Cato, or take
the reward of it, for it is the part- of an incendiary to
endeavour with Specious falfehoods, to mislead the credu
lity of unwary readers.—Cato likewise fays, that while
we continue united, and renounce all thoughts cf inde
pendence, “ that we have the utmoffaffurance of obtain
“ ing afull rcdrefs cfour grievances, axd an amplefeenrit,
" against any future violation of outjuf rights." If Cato
means to insinuate that we have received inch an assurance
let him read the cohclufion of the preceding paragraph
again, the fame answer will serve for both.
Perhaps, when we recoiled: the long and unabated
cruelty of the British Court towards us, and remember
the many prayers which we have put up both to them and
for them, that the following piece cf declamation of
Cato can hardly be equalled, either for abfuidity or in
sanity : "If we now clßct independence, fays he, we
" must be considered as a faitblefs people in thefight of all
" mankind, and could scarcely expect the confidence of any
" nation upon earth, or look up to Heavenjor its afproving
" sentence." Art thou mad, Cato, or art thenleer:' fh
cr art thou botb—cr art thou worse than both In\tbif
parage thou heft fairly gone beyond me. I have net lan
guage to bring thee back. Thou art fafely entrenched
indeed ! —Reft therefore in thy strong-hold till he ho
fortified thee in it Shall come and fetch thee cut.
Cato teems to be possessed of that jefuitieal unning,
which always endeavours to disgrace what it cannot dis
prove ; and this he Sometimes effe&s, by unfairly intro
ducing our terms into bis arguments, and thereby begets
a nionfrir which he fends round the country fcr a Show,
and tells the good people that the name of it is independ
ence. Of this character are Several palfages in his fourth
and fifth letters, particularly where he quotes the term
“ foreign affiance," which heungenerouflv explains into
a surrender of the continent to France and Spain. Such
an unfair and sophistical reasoner doth not deserve the
civility ofgood manners. He creates, likewise, the fame
confufion, by frequently using the word peace for union,
and thereby charges us falfcly by representing us as being
determined to " reject all propositions ofpeace :" Where
as our wish is peace, but not re urri^n; and though we
would gladly listen to the former, we are determined to
resist every propofaL for the latter, come from where it
will; being fully persuaded, that in the present State of
affairs separation of governments is the only and he, thing
that can be done for both countries.
The following case is unjustly put. " There never was
" a war" fays Cato, " so implacable, even among states
" naturally rivals and enemies, er among savages tbem
“ Selves, as not to have ptace for its object as well as
"end." But was there ever a war, Cato, which had
union for its object ? No. What Cato means by states na
turally rivals and enemies, I Shall not enquire into; but
this I know (for myfelf at least) that it was not in the
power of France or Spain, or all the other Powers in
Europe, to have given such a wound, or raised up such a
mortal hatred Britain hath done. We feel the fame kind
of undefcribed ganger at her conduit, as we would at the
fight cf an animal devouring its young: And this par
ticular Species of anger is not generated in the transitory
temper of the man, but in the chaste undefiled womb cf
nature.
Cato, towards the conclusion cf his third letter (at
which place I Shall leave him for the present) compares
the state of Britain and America to the quarrels of lovers,
and from thence infers a probability that eur affe&ions
will be renewed thereby. This I cannot help looking on
as one of the most unnatural and diftoited fimilies that
can be drawn. C®me higher ye that are lovers, or ye that
have been lovers, and decide the controversy between us!
What comparison is there between the foft murmurs of
an heart mourning in Secret, and the loud horrors of
war—between the silent feais of pensive sorrow, and rivers
of wafted blood—between the sweet ftrife of affe&iori,
and the bitter ftrife of heath—between the curably cala
mities of pettish lovers, and the fad fight of a thousand
fiain? " Get thee behind me," Cato, for thou hah not
the feelings of a man.
The FORESTER.
^^H^H-s^< : ^H+^OW
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