Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-05-15 00:00:00, page 1

From ^PUBLIC LEDGER of March ft
HOUSE of LORDS.
AUTHENTIC DEBATES on the Nat
England FISHERY BILL.,
6f,^^^Oß D Dartmouth opened the de
tf^*^^) bate on Thursday by observing,
^g L M), " that as the witnesses deemed ne
cessary on the occasion had been
sM^^Ml thoroughly examined, their Lord
(hips now possessed the fulleft in
formation, he therefore prayed their consent that
the bill might be committed." This was object
ed to by
The Marquis of Rockingham, who declared,
that as he had uniformly dissented from every
American measure lately adopted, he now felt the
double impulse of Principle and of Humanity both
strongly urging him to express the utmost abhor
rence ofthe bill before the House. The evidences in
support of the petitioners had clearly demonstrated
the several evils that would result from the bill,
should it pass into a law: Had the counter evi
dences invalidated these fads? So far from it,
that the whole of their testimony tended to prove
a matter foreign to the point; for, when it was
urged on the one hand " that the mercantile in
terest of this country would sustain a material in
jury, and that some thoufandr of innocent people
would be reduced to famine, ffiould the bill pass
into a law," evidences had been contrafled, not to
disprove these allegations, but merely to evince
that the Britiffi Newfoundland Fishery was an
excellent nursery for seamen !" Was this an an
swer to the objections urged against the bill? Did
it obviate all, or any of the obnoxious cla'ufes ?
Rather, by not so much as touching the fads al
ledged by the evidences in support of the petition,
did it not (hew that those fads were incontrover
tible, and that all the miseries as set forth by the
petitioners to be expeded from the bill, were
founded on just apprehensions? That the noble
Lord who presided at the head of the Admiralty
ffiould eagerly catch at any projed which carried
but the lead appearance of encreafing the maritime
power of this country, was perfectly natural, it
fell in with the duties of his department; but the
question before the Houle was not whether the
British Newfoundland Fishery afforded an excel
lent nursery for seamen? but whether an innocent
people should be reduced to every extreme of
poignant misery : Whether they should be cut off
by any inhuman ad from the very means of sub
sistence ? Whether the Trade of Great-Britain
ffiould ultimately sustain a (hock, and the whole
body of the North American Merchants be re
duced to fuffer hardships, from which their im
portance to the state entitles them to be wholly
exempt? These were the questions before the
House for difeuffion, because, on the determina
tion of these points depended the final acceptance
or total rejedion of the bill. If the trade of
England should be at stake, it could not be ad
jnitted as a plea of juftincation for the loss of that
trade, to fay “ that an additional number of sea
men were raised;" nor, if a people were to ex
perience the horrors of famine, would it be the
finalleft alleviation of their fufferings to alledge,
“ that the measures, although barfo, yet occa
sioned the fitting out a greater number of (hallops,
and thus afforded employment for a greater num
ber of sailors." Yet this was tantamount to the
whole of the evidence delivered in favour of the
bill, and that this did not operate as exculpatory
of the evils flowing from this iniquitous source,
was extremely certain ; it left no favourable im
pression on the mind; humanity and found policy
still refufed their concurrence with the measure;
justice revolted at it, as in every refped repugnant
to her righteous decrees; and thus, unlupported
by every human virtue, the bill should be rejected
through every principle of human wisdom.
The noble Marquis, after thus expatiating ge
nerally on the evil tendency of the bill, produced
vouchers to (hew the gradual encreafe of the
North-American trade, from small beginnings to
an enormous extent —The firft of these vouchers
was dated in 1704, when the whole amount of the
exports was rated at 540001. this, by various
gradations at intermediate periods, advanced at
length to Boo,oboi. Six Hundred Thousand Pounds
of which were expended in the purchase of Eng
lish manufactures.
The vast encreafe and consequent importance
of the North-American trade being thus clearly
demonstrated, the illustrious Marquis censured the
Impolicy of measures, which flruck at the exigence
of a branch of commerce of such extreme magni
tude; but the House, in the difeuffion of Ameri
can affairs, has hitherto proceeded in the gross,
without ever conf/dsring the detail of things; yet
this default was to be ascribed to the Ministry,
who seemed studiously to withold the necessary
information, and in matters fraught even with na
tional ruin, such intelligence was kept back as
might throw light on affairs proper for investiga
tion. Thus, with refped to American papers,
th 1 were laid before the House in a most man-
^BW^
O R,
GENERAL
MONDA Y,
VOL. IV;
" Conrade de Rosen, Marshal General of all his
Majefo's forces, declares, by these prefects, to the
Commanders, Officers, Soldiers, and Inhabitants of
the city of Londonderry, That in case they do not,
betwixt this and Monday next, at fix o'clock in the
afternoon, being the firft of July, 1689, agree to
Jurrender the said place of Londonderry unto the King,
upon such conditions as may be granted them, ac
cording to the infruGions and power Lieutenant Ge
neral Hamilton formerly received from the King, he
will forthwith issue out his orders from the Barony
of Inifoone, and the sea coasts round about, as far
as Cbarlemont, for the gathering together of tlofe of
their faction, whether protested or not, and cause
them immediately to be brought to the walls of Lon
donderry, where it fall be lawful fa those that are
ih the town (in coje the, have any pit, for them)
to open the gates, and receive them into the town ;
otherwise they will be forced to fee their friends and
nearest relations all starved for want of food, he
gled state, such only being submitted to the in
fpedtion of the noble Lords as answered a tempo
rary purpose, or served to corroborate the asser
tions of those in office. As an exemplification of
this truth, a letter from Lord Dunmore had been
laid before the House, because that letter treats
the Americans as an " infatuated people," and
encourages administration to hope for a speedy
accomplishment of their purposes, yet not the
leaf! notice is taken in that letter of the following
association, into which the officers of Lord Dun
more's army had entered:,
" At a meeting of the officers under the command
of his Excellency the Right Hon. the Earl of
Dunmore, convened at Fort Gower, Nov. 5,
1774, for the purpose of considering the griev
ances of Brififh America,
" Resolved,.
" That we will bear the most faithful allegi
ance to his Majesty King George the Third,
whilst his Majesty delights to reign over a brave
and free people ; that we will, at uhe expence of
life, and every thing dear and valuable, exert
ourfeltes in support of the honour of his crown,
and the dignity of the British empire. But, as
the love of Liberty, and attachments to the real
interefts' and just rights of America, outweigh
every other consideration, we resolve that we will
exert every power within us for the defence of
American Liberty, and for the support of her just
rights and privileges, not in any precipitate, riot
ous, or tumultuous manner, but when regularly
called forth by the unanimous voice of our coun
trymen."
Signed by order, and in behalf of the whole corps,
Benjamin Ashby, Clerk.
Could Lord Dunmore be supposed ignorant of
this association, though it was formed previous to
the day on which his letter was written? If he
was apprized of the association, why not impart
the particulars ? A fad of such consequence, a
fad of such notoriety, a fad so truly alarming,
Lord Dunmore should have stated. To treat the
associations of the people with superciliousness,
and affed to confider them of little moment, at
the fame instant that a military league was enter
ed into by the officers of Lord Dunmore's own
army, whereby they pledge themselves to defend
American liberty with the sword, what was this
but to talk at random without adverting to the
true state of things? But administration were ac
customed to deal in generals themselves, and hence
they might encourage general assertions unsup
ported by fads in others; thus general hints had
been thrown out refpeding the New-York defection;
yet, when the fad was examined into, to what
did it amount? Why, the very persons on whom
Ministry placed the firmed reliance, though they
may disclaim the authority of the Congress, yet
have they virtually denied the legislative authority
of Great-Britain, and voted, in conference, a
Petition to the King, a Memorial to the House
of Lords, and a Remynftrance to the Commons !
Did not these things plainly indicate that even the
friends of Government, in America, are ayerfe to
the measures of administration? And, if those on
whom the noble personages in office rely the most,
cannot yet be brought to approve their deeds,
from avowed enemies nothing but an opposition,
constant and extremely rigorous, was to be ex
peded.
The illustrious Marquis next avowed it by no
means his intention to combat this or that parti
cular clause of the bill, he direded his enmity to
the who'e; he disliked the farcing principle on
which the bill was framed. He observed, that
as the fafhion of the times had brought “ original
papers" so much into repute, he should read from
a colledion lately published by Mr. Macpherfon,
the Marshal de Rosen's orders to flarve the wives,
children, friends and distant kindred of the inha
bitants of Londonderry. The Marquis wished his
noble auditors to bear in mind the situation of the
New-Englanders, to be deprived of sustenance if
the Fishery bill took place, as thus alone could
the House determine as to the similarity of mea
sures. De Rolen's order was lubftantially as
follows :
D U N LA P's
having refolded not' to leave one of them at home, nor
any thjng to maintain them.—And that all hope of
fuccour may be taken away, by the landing of any
troops in these parts from England, he further de
clares, that in case they refufe to submit, be will
forthwith cauJe all the said country to be immediate-
G defrayed, that, if any fuccour foould be hereafter
sent from England, they may perilh with them for
want of food: brides which, be has a very consider
able army, as well for the opposing of them in all
places that fall be judged nectary, as for the pro
telling alt the rest of bis Majeflfs dutiful fubjefls,
^bofe goods and chattels be promises to secure, de
fraying all the ref that cannot be brought conveni
ently into such places, as be flcall judge necessary to
be preferred, and burning the hotifes and mills, not
° n b of those that are in adual rebellion, but also of
their friends and adherents, that no hopes of efcapini
may be left for any man ; beginning this very day to
fend his necessary orders to a 1 Governor's, and other
commanders of his Majeffs forces, and to Colonel
Sarsfeid, commanding a flying army beyond Bal'y
foinny, Colonel Sutherland, commanding another
towards Innijkillen, and the Duke of Berwick ano
ther on the Fin IVater, to cause all the men, women
and children, who are any ways related to those in
Londonderry, or any where else in open rebellion, to
be forthwith brought to this place, without hopes of
withdrawingfurther into the kingdom ; that, in case,
before thisjaid Monday the firft of July, in theyear
of our Lord 1689, be expired, they do not fend us
boftages and other deputies, with a full fufficient
power to treat with us for the surrender of the said
city °f Londonderry, on reasonable conditions, that
they shall net, after this time, be admitted to any
treaty whafever; and the army which shall conti
nue thefege, and which, with the affiflance of God,
will fan reduce them, shall have orders to give no
quarter, or spare either age or sex, in case they are
taken by force." (Signed),
" Le Marescahl ROSEN."
On a measure so sanguinary and brutal, so pro
du&ive of excruciating agonies, and the extreme
of human woe, the Marquis left his noble audi
tors to ruminate; observing. however, in justice
to King James, that no sooner was be apprized c f
the orders, than he expressed his abhorrence of
them in the strongest terms.
Lord Carlifle expressed his astonishment that
the bill should be censured as cruel in the smallest
degree, fur it was neither intended to farve, nor
would it operate as a punishment on the New-
Englandeis, unless their own obstinate persever
ance in error produced that effed. As to the in
habitants of Nantucket, it was impossible they
could experience a dearth of food, the evidences
examined at the bar having proved that the island
abounded with sheep.
I he Duke of Manchester censured the bill ge
nerally, as indiferiminately cruel, for it involved
the guilty and the innocent io one common pun
ishment. A clause, however, there was, which
precluded every hope that the Fishery, of which
the New-Englanders were thus to be deprived,
would ever be restored to them; for, the re
furrender of the Fishery into the hands of the
Americans, depended on the restoration of the trade
and commerce with Great-Britain, and on the re
establishment of peace throughout the Massachu
setts. The trade with Great-Britain is to be
carried on, without the smallest interruption, for
one calendar month. This fad is to be certified to
the Governors and Council of the provinces of
New-Hampshire and the Massachusetts; by the
Cufom-Houfe Officers of the refpe&ive provinces;
considering, therefore, that the minds of such
men are generally a&uated by the meaneftpaffions,
could it be presumed that they would be in haste
to certify what, if true, would contribute to the
welfare of those against whom, for some petty
injuries received, they may have entertained the
most violent prejudiced ?
With refpe^ to the famine threatened by the
bill, the noble Duke could not conceive the evil
in any degree remedied, because some scores of
foeep were scattered on the island of Nantucket.
Were those the property of the fifhermen, whose
occupations were to be obftru<fted by the bill? If
they did not belong to the fifhermen, faying they
were on the island was faying nothing to the pur
pose. Could the noble Lord who urged this fad
mean, that if the fifhermen stood in need of food,
they might seize what sheep they found on the
island, and kill them for their sustenance ? This
could never be meant, for this would be to au
thorife injustice, and countenance plunder ; what
availed it then to alledge that foeep were on the
island? The jffo caught by the industry of the in
habitants had hitherto afforded them subsistence ;
to this they had an unquestionable right, but of
this they were to be deprived by the bill, and it
was miserable consolation to tell them there were
sheep on the island, to which they had no right.
Equally absurd was the allegation, " that the
Americans only would feel the effects of the bill ;"
the noble Duke had every reason to believe the
property of many English merchants was embark
ed in the vegels which carried on the New-Eng
T HE
ADVERTISER.
M A Y 15th, !775-
land Fishery; why was that property to be injured ?
Why were English adventurers to be punished for
crimes, in the commission of which they partici
pated not ? Was this Justice, or was it Tyranny ?
Was it not like the " tender mercies of the wick
ed, cruelty in the extreme ? On the whole, to
whatever part of the bill the noble Duke turned
his eyes, he could defers nothing but what bore
the complexion of despotism; and, whether ow
ing to the love of liberty,, with which his mind
had been early tin&ured, to a peculiar turn of
thought, or to whatever other cause, yet he could
not help prefaging/i/fo §vils from measures which
carried so arbitrary, so tyrannical an appearance.
Admitting the Americans enslaved, yoked, and
in every thing obedient to our wishes, extreme
dangers were to be apprehended; the army em
ployed to subjugate the Colonists, might prove
instrumental in the deftruftion of our Liberties • , it
was possible an arbitrary Minister might feled that
army for the very purpose, and in the noble Duke's
opinion,, it was not improbable, but that there
were some diftingqilhed personages connected with
administration, who, far from rejecting the idea,
would adopt the plan with alacrity.
.Lord Dartmouth fncerely hoped the noble
Duke did not think him capable of conceiving
such a nefarious defigri. ..
I he Duke of Manchester assured the noble
Lord that if Ha was firft Minister, he should be
under no fort of apprehensions for the Liberty and
the Constitution of this country.
Lord Dartmouth thanked his Grace for the
compliment, though he was sorry any compli
ment should be paid him at the expence of his
coadjutors; and, if the noble Duke alluded, in
the smallest degree, to the Lord who now fills
the highest department of state, Lord Dartmouth,
from having been bred up from his infancy with
that Lord, knew bis sentiments so perfedly well,
that he would answer for the reditude of his in
tentions, as readily as he would answer for
himfelf,
Lord Camden then commanded the attention
of the House, by observing, that it was far from
according with the feelings of his nature to be ever
a Diffentient, when the measures refpe&ing Ame
rica were the fubjedts of difeuffion ; he was sure it
was not the way to promotion; and, if the cry in
dustriously propagated throughout the nation was
to be taken for the voice of the people, neither was
popularity on the fide he espoused. Thus having
nothing to expe& from fame or ambition, not being
actuated by the one, nor aspiring after the other,
he could offer no apology for persisting in a line
of condud so different from that pursued by a vast
majority of the House, unless bearing testimony
against measures, which, as an boneft man, he
could not approve, would apologize for his dif
cordancy.
There had been an evidence examined in sup
port of the Bill, a Mr. Lifter ok Poole. To what
did the total of this Poole-man's evidence amount ?
Simply to this: “ That if the British Newfound
“ land Fishery was extended, and an entire re-
" ftraint was laid on that of New-England, he,
" the Poole-man, and many others, would gain
y more money." Was there any thing singular
in this? Were not monopolies of every kind highly
beneficial to the individuals concerned in them?
But when the commerce of Great-Britain is at
stake, was it fitting that the evidence of an inter
ested trader should bias the determinations of men,
capable of considering so vast an obje& with all
its several intricacies and relations? Whenever an
objed of such amplitude should come under the
fetious deliberation of that House, it would Pure
ly require more capacious intellects, more enlar
ged views, and a greater expansion of thought,
than the Man of Poole Was endowed with, to ren
der proper justice to the fubjed. With refpeft
to the Bill before the House, it had been called
by some, “ a Bill of Restraint," by others, “ *
Bill of Coercion," by a third party, “ a Bill of
Punishment," by a fourth, “ a Bill of - Mercy ; fr
for the learned Lord's own part, he would be free
to call it by its proper name, “ a Bill of Pains
and Penalties," a declaratory A& of War.” It
was intended to reduce the Americans to a flats
of abjed slavery; the sword, by this Bill, was
drawn, hoffilities were commenced, and the a&
would juftify refinance. If this was a doftrfre
not fafhioned to the temper of the times the
learned Lord confeffe^ he had imbibed it from one
bf Mr. Locke's libels, and he was too much of &
revolutionist to part with a principle, the trui^
of which gave permanency to the prefect family's
title to the crown. This was the Old U% P r ;„
ciple, of which the learned Lord declared himfilf
a strenuous affertor ; for to fay that no v i o l d tfr
of charters, no infra&ion of civil compels
erasure of rights, would juftify refinance, w^
give up the cause of the revolution ; and if re fiQ
ance in any case was juftifiable, had not the Ame"
ricans reason to complain of a g ro s s violat ; on
charters, of having their liberties torn up bv the
roots? r J
[fo the remainder fee the Fourth Pages
NUMB. 186.