Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-09-12 00:00:00, page 2

Fromthe Lowber GAZETTEER.
r rH E grand principle of the Quebec bill is to
1 introduce, or r e-jlabli f b, the laws of Ca
nada, in order to fepercede those of England.
Whence are those laws derived? From the con'-
ftitutions of the city of Paris. Whence are rhe
Scotch derived? From the fame source. What is
tee grand foundation of all three: 'he civil law.
What again, is the pervading principle of that
law? To oppr^s the weak, and to authorize and
prote& with impunity the rich, strong, and pow
erful in their oppressions. Do the laws of Scot
land and Canada admit of a jury? No. What is
the essential difference between the Scotch herita
ble jurifdiaions as formerly fubfißing, asd the
French or Canadian Seignories? None. What is
the Rate of such as live under those tenures? That
of :rfrlute slavery. Are the resident occupiers of
lards on rent, &c. considered as so much live Rock ?
They are. What was the reason which induced
that great politician and lawyer Lord Hardwicke
to promote a bill in 1749 for taking away those
jurifdicdions in Scotland? Hrs detention offlavery
and eve of per fonal liberty What is the intension
of introducing, and now confirming them in Ca
sad i? A mre of arbitrary power. Can his Majeßy,
under his figr manual, by the prefect bill, ihie a
letter de Caclt? He can. What redress has the
perlon lo confined? None. Doesthe common law
of England extend to the province of Quebec? It
does not. Are the inhabitants inti led to the li
berties and privileges secured to Englishmen by
Magna Charta? Toey are not. What security
for personal liberty is therein this country ? Mag
na Charta, a writ of Habeas Corpus by common
law in term rime; and a writ of Habeas Corpus,
under the aft of Charles the fecund, in and out of
term. If, then, an undefined imprisonment of the
person be legal by the constitutions of Paris, and
that none ofthofe securities now mentioned extend,
or can extend, to (Quebec, may not -ny person in
the province, except the Governor for the time
being, be confined forlife atthe will of the'Prince?
He may. Is there no possible method to procure
relief or redress forthe injured party? None,uniefs
both Houses of Parliament fhenld address his Ma
ießv for his release, or proceed by bill of attain
dervagainft the supposed adviser of the measure.
Can his Majesty resume all grants of lands made
roith or without a compensation to the polfeffor,
v ho may have expended his whole fortune on their
improvement and cultivation? He can. Can his
Majeßy levy the twentieth on the clergy without
the coufent of Parliament ?'He can. Are there
any dues collected now on the French laity, which
are not permitted to be paid or demanded in this
country? Yes, for permillion to eat flefh meat in
lent, or feaß days, to marry within certain de
grees of consanguinity, for remission of penance, for
indulgences, and for remitting the public eccleli
affical cenfnres ordained by the church for forni
cation and adultery. What is the mode of coer
cion with which the Romifh clergy is armed to en
force payment in these several instances? The im
mediate power of punishment in the firft inßance,
and excommunication, Ihould the party prove re
fra^ory, by which last he is cut off from all the
benefits of civil society, as well in refpeA to tem
poral as to spiritual concerns. Then what is the
essential difference between the constitution of Que
bec now, and when in possession of its former mas
ters? None, but that George the third governs,
and General Carlton commands, instead of Lewis
the fifteenth and Monsieur Montcalm,
\Q 7 E have formerly been stunned with the big
V word prerogative, by those who contend
for unlimited loyalty; men who, while they re
fcrve to themselves a right to be the most turbulent
'of all fubjefls, would make all others the tamest
and blinded of all Oaves. But what prerogative
'do they mean? I know of no prerogative in the
Crown, which is not at the fame t ne a certain
privilege of the people ; for the ; r fake granted,
and for their fake to be exerted : and where a
prerogative is claimed in opposition to the rights
and iaterefts of the people, so far a tyranny is
claimed; tyranny being nothing else but the go
vernment of one man, or a few, over many, against
their inclination and interest. And where prero
gative is exercised more to the hurt than the good
of the governed, it is no longer prerogative, but
violence and usurpation ; and therefore, in En
gland, several prerogatives have, from time to
time, been taken from the Crown, because the
Crown had abused them. A certain British King
was wont to fay, “ That so long as he could make
Bithops and Judges, he would have what law and
gospel he pleased." An impious andarbitrary Cav
ing, and a bold one, to come froma Prince of so
mean a spirit, and governing a brave and free peo
ple, who were disgraced by his person and ridicu
lous reign, which is one of those that stain our an
na's. But for all the absurdity of his government
and the smallness of his foul, he found himfclf able,
by the affirtance of fycophants,' to multiply and
entail many evils upon these kingdoms. It is cer
tain that he anl some of bis fuccefTors found out
complainant Bifh ps and Judges, that the religion
and politics of the court were generally the reli
gion and politicks of Westminster hall, and of
Henry the Seventh's chapel. Absolute power in
the crown was pleaded and granted in both these
Solemn places; so wicked and merciless a thing is
felt interest ! Those gravemen, who wereby pro
f^En the guardians of truth and law, gave up
both, to keep preferment, or to acquire it. How
little are mtn to be trofted, and how little d >es re
ligion bind them ! They can break the strongest
bonds, violate the most awful oaths, and commit
tiie most horrid, most extensive treacheries, for
the vilest and most uncertain gratifications. Jr is
certain, that those judges, counsellors, and clergy,
who have adjudged a dispensing and lawless pow
er to Kings, had, each of them, the guilt of a thou
sand private murtherers upon his hands : they, as
it were, signed a dead warrant for their country;
From the Morning Chronicle.
To the P EOP L E.
On Loyalty.
and as much as in them lay, made tbemfekes the
authors of universal bai barity, Ravery, infamy,
and wretchedness, and of every other evil and
wickedness, which is produced by that great source
of all evil and wickedness, arbitrary power.—Of
this we are lure, that the least public guilt is great
er than the greatest private guilt: let every man
concerned in public trust, every where, confider
this, and examine his own heart: every Rep a
public man takes, every speech he makes, and eve
ry vote he gives, may asses fmillions. Whoever
a&s in a great nation against his conference, might
perhaps, with more innocence, carry a dagger, and
stab twenty men a day.—Now, were thole judges
and counsellors above-mentioned Loyahfts ? Yes,
doubtless, if there arc such things as loyal trai
tors: for, even supposing loyalty centered wholly
in the person of the Prince, than which nothing
is more falfe ; yet, even here it loses its name,
since it does him the highest unkindness ; as it se
parates him from his people, and their hearts from'
him; and as it tempts him to evil, loads him with
infamy and guilt, and lessens his security ; in truth,
such loyalty is perfidioufnefs and flattery, and has
cost many Princes their lives and their kingdoms.
No good Prince will pretend there is any loyalty
due to him, further than he himfelf is loyal to the
law, and observant of his people, the maker of
Kings and laws. If any man, milled by found and
delusion, doubts this, let him confider what is the
design of magistracy, and what the duty of magis
trates ; and if he has reason in him, he will find
that his duty is only due to those that perform
theirs ; that protection and allegiance are recipro
cal ; thatevery man has a right to defend what no
man has a right to take: that the divine right of
Kings, if they had it, can only warrant them in
doing actions that are divine, and cannot protest
them in cruelty, depredation, and oppression : that
a divine right to aft wickedly, is a contradiction
and blasphemy, as it is a reproach upon the duty,
as if he gave any man a commißion to be a devil :
that a King, in comp rifon with the universe, is
not so much as the mayor of a town, in comparison
with a kingdom ; and that, was Mr.. Mayor to be
called King, it would give him no new right ; or,
if any King was called Mr. Mayor, it would not
lessen or abrogate his old jurifdi&ion: that they
are both civil officers, and that an offence in the
lesser is more pardonable than an offence in the
greater : that the doArines of unbroken, heredita
ry right, and of blind obedience, are the flights
and forgeries of flatterers, who bely Heaven and
abuse men, to make their own court to power;
and in fine, that government, honest and legal go
vernment, is the authority of law, and not of lust.
There are principles upon which every free go
vernment must Hand, and that we Britons dare
jell such truths and publish such principles, is the
glory of our civil and religions freedom. They
are truths which every Britain ought to know,
even children and servants: they are eternal truths
that will remain for ever, though in too many
countries they are dangerous or useless, or little
known: they are truths to which the King is be
holden for his prefect fucceflion, and they are
principles of English loyalty, as well as of En
glish liberty.
Before I have done, I would take notice of ano
ther mistake, very common, concerning loyalty:
it is indeed a trick more than mistake; I mean
those who would assert or rather create a fort of
loyalty to minifters,and make every thing they do
not like an offence against their master. How
endless are the arts and instances ofdeceiving ! and
yet the Raleft artifices are Rill new. The above
is a method which bad ministers have ever taken,
but which good men want not. Innocent ministers
will never prostitute the name and authority of the
Prince to prote& their own faults and mistakes;
and every wife and indifferent man will be for pre
ferring him from the imputation of the guilt and
folly of bis servants, who, whenever they are for
thrusting in their master between themselves and
the censure and odium of their own actions, do at
once acknowledge that their own actions are evil,
and that they would barbaroufiy and ungratefully
make a screen of their Sovereign, and save them
selves upon his ruin and disgrace. What can be
more vile ! What more dißoyal than this! And
yet who were louder in their prate about loyalty
than the world of ministers ever have been, even
while they were weakening their matter's hand,
creating him enemies, and letting him at variance
with his people? inis is so true, that it has been
some times impossible to love the Prince without
abhorring his servants, and to serve them without
hurting or abiding him ; and yet while they were
very loyally undoing him, it was, forefootl), high
disloyalty to resist or oppose them
AS your Majesty has been pleased to give
your royal assent to the bill for eftablilhiug
Popery in Canada, 1 think it a duty incumbent
on every Englishman to declaim against such a
dertruflive aft; dertruftive in the most extensive
sense to our civil and religious liberties : How ought
we to be upon our guard against a House of Com
mons who can with eyes open pass such a bill, di
ametrically oppohre to the coronation oath? I
have not the vanity to luppofethis letter will have
the desired effeft, when the address of your loyal
citizens met with contempt. It is the grand cri
terion by which we difeover a good Prince, to be
free of access, ready to receive his fubjefts petiti
ons to redress their grievances. Affability ought
to be the constant concomitant of a Monarch ; but
alas ! What a disgrace to the British empire, that
the Mayor and Commons of your loyal city of
London should be waiting with a petition, and
with the greatest difficulty obtain an admiflion, to
be treated almof fwith contempt, and dismissed
without any hopes of redress ! I beg leave to re
mind your Majesty of the old proverb, vox Populi
TOOK Dei : Happy would it have been for the Bri
tish nation if your Majesty had obeyed the voice
of God in the people, when they cried out, No
Popery. I felt for your Majesty as you went to
the House of Commons amidst the repealed dis-
To THE K I N G.
BRUT U S.
approbations of your fubjech, considering your
exalted Ration; but when 1 again considered, that
uotwithftanding you have been pleased to call
yourfelf the father of the people, you have atted
with little love towards them, and have treated
them not as children, but as slaves ; denying re
peatedly their most submissive remonstrances, che
rishing their enemies, and expelling from yourcon
fidence men who had your Majesty's welfare and
the people's good at heart; I was no longer ama
zed, no longer wondered at their treatment, but
on the contrary, my own foul was fired with the
fame patriotic flame, my country's good. I felt
with my fellow countrymen for our loft liberties,
trembled for our approaching fate; for what rea
son have we not to expert a repetition of those
awful feenes to be acted over again which Rained
the reign of bloody Queen Mary, to be dragged
before a Popiffi crew of Jefuitical prießs, con
demned unheard, and Smithfield again Rained
with the blood of martyr'd faints ? but sooner than
submit to this tyrannical mode of government,
sooner than be inhumanly butchered by a savage
merciless crew, who effablifh their religion with
the sword (I am persuaded I speak the sentiments
of millions of my countrymen, when I avow death
would be more welcome) our blood would be no
bly fpiltin defending our glorious privileges, as
established atthe revolution. The martyr'd (hades
of our forefathers, who died valiantly in defend
ing their liberties, would rife to inspire us with
courage: the happiness of being a free people, able
to transmit to our children privileges of a civil
and religious nature, free and unspotted, would
invigorate us with double fortitude, and make us
wish to live no longer than our liberties existed.
With the greatoft submission I would beg leave to
remind your Majeßy, that every attempt made to
enslave the fubje& is plucking a gem from your
own crown : A Monarch's happiness depends upon
the welfare of the people, they are inseparably
conneded, and when once an attempt is made ei
ther to enslave the fubje&, or to oppress him by
taxes, the downfal of that state is inevitable; their
happiness is inseparable, consequently their ruin
is mutual. Your Majesty's passive government is
not only felt by your Britilh fubje&s here, but
those in America feel the like oppression, notwith
standing their sincere attachment to your Majesty's
person and family, the happiness they feel in grant
ing to your Majesty every neceflary supply levied
by their own Parliament, the repeated difplaysof
loyalty they have ever (hewn, in devoting their
lives and fortune for your Majesty's service and the
public good; and yet to be taxedby a British Par
liament,' notwithstanding they have a legislative
power of their own, notwithstanding the glorious
charters granted them, are diametrically opposite
to such a mode of government. How unconstitu
tional, how does it difaffed t their hearts towards
your Majesty's person and government ? No won
der they oppose with vigour every method made
use of to enslave them; they are sensible of the in
eßimable value of their privileges, and they seem
determined to stand or fall with their glorious
charters. Your royal grandfather well knew the
principal Support of his crown was the Sincere at
tachment of the people, he prized their eftcem,
knowing that to be the greatest bulwark against a
foreign or domeflic plot; happy the Monarch,
happy the people under such a Monarch, who have
each others interest at heart, whose grand aim ter
minates in each other's welfare ! such a state, such
a nation, is impregnable; they may fmle at the
attempts of any foreign power, knowing their
greatest strength consists in their joint concurrence
for each other's good.
I would now beg leave to address your Majesty
with all submission, not in the character of a Prince
ly Monarch, but as a parent to a large family;
confider their happiness is centered in you, your's
in the government of your people: Let your nu
merous offspring be so many incentives to your
well governing, think what your predecessors have
fuffered in conference of their Popifh attachment,
think of that faith of which you are stiled a de
fender, nor violate what you have so fojemnly en
gaged to maintain. May the kind interposing
hand of that Monarch by whom Kings reign, di
red propitious ! May he, the great parent of uni
versal nature, guide you through the dark laby
rynths of flute ! May your Majesty no longer re
main unconcerned, but awake to a sense of your
people's happinels, and your own glory ! Baniih
from your Council men who are slaves to avarice,
enemies to your Majesty's illustrious family, and
to our free constitution ! We shall then be a hap
py people, no longer be difaffefted to your Majes
ty's person and government, but exult in the glo
rious privileges of a free people under the smiles of
a British Monarch.
T. H.
£.,*..&+ ± Ls4sLg+^fy^fo.^
B OSTO N, %^ 29.
W'E hear from Salem, thatlaft week the Hon.
Andrew Oliver, Esq; waited upon his Ex
cellency the Governor with -a resignation of his
feat at the Council Board.
Sept. I. A Town-meeting was held by adjourn
ment at Faneuil-hall on Tuesday last, and after
liberty was voted for the laying out a brick -yard
for the employment of the poor, the meeting was
adjourned to Tuesday fortnight, in order to receive
the reports of a committee relative to filling up
part of the town dock.•
The spirit of the people was never known to be
so great since the tirft settlement of the colonies,
as it is at this time. People in the country for
hundreds of miles, are prepared and determine to
66 DIE or be FREE."
WITH G REAT SECRECY this morn
inghalf after four, about 260 troops embarked or.
board 13 boats at the long wharf, and proceeded
up Mystic river to Temple's farm, where they
landed and went to the powder houfein Cambridge,
whence they have taken 250 half barrels of pow
der, the whole store there, which is to be brought to
Borton, and deposited in the magazine here. A
cra'D manoeuvre this ! —lt is said, they have
also seized the powder belonging t@ the town of
Charlcrtown.
Broolfeld, /luguf, 24. This day met in this
town, twenty four commissioned officers, in Colo
nel Murray's regiment, and resigned their commit
fions under their hands refpe&ively.
^uguft 25. This day two other gentlemen re
signed their commissions.
" It is said the Governor is determined not to
rift an, troops in the country, till he is reinfor
ced, being apprehensive of their loss, from the
amazing number andfury of our people, who are
all provided with arms and ammunition," &c.
We learn from the Borton papers, that the gen
tlemen summoned to serve on the grand and petty
juries under the Parliamentary eftablilbment, have
unanimously refufed to be sworn; and that, after
many difficulties, the court received, read, and
returned to them, the papers which thev had
brought and Ggned, containing the reasons oftheir
refufal, grounded on the impeachment ofthe chief
Justice by the Assembly of this province, and the
aft of Parliament for the diffolutiqn oftheir charter.
Extract of a letter from London, July 16th, 1774.
" I received yours, and it afforded me great fi
tisfa&ion to hear that you are so well determined
in all the colonies; but a report prevails in Lon
don, that New-York will not ai%ft Bort n, for
they confider them as a set of refra&ory rebels, &c.
" The Lord Mayor, High Sheriff, ano com
mon Council have done all in their power to fare
themselves and you; but their only hopes are now,
that you will save them by preferring yourfebes^
" As the honor and fafety of all America are it
stake, I hope in God that you m,y rd with fideli
ty to each other; by which means you will con
vince the world that you are worthy the privileges
you enjoy. America seems to be the only place
where public nonefty and public virtue are to l>e
found on earth ; all other places are funk into a
date of abjeddiftrefs and bondage.
" Ihe very thoughts of your congress, alarm
your enemies more than every thing elfe.—lt is
expected that they will remonstrate against the
Canada bill, &c.
" Captain B wrote a letter to his friend
in London that has alarmed them conh'er;.bl\
I he K hrs seen it, and it is intended to buy
him off.— I hey hope to silence every bod of ary
influence by such vilemeans ; but Itiutt they will
be diGppoiQLd."
Extract ofa letter from East Haddam, Sept. 5, 1774.
Gentlemen,
" We have just now received intelligence by
the return of an express, which was sent on pur
pose, who informs us, that he met Several compa
nies returning, but he Rill proceeded as fir as Le
banon, where he Saw and received certain intelli
gence from Governor Trumbull's sons, who went
from here, and marched as far as Pomfret, where
they had the pleasure of finding that the alarm of
an engagement having happened was premature.
We rejoice with you and the rest of our brethren
on this joyful occasion.
Humphry Lyon, for felf and the
Committee of Correspondence.
To Captain fames Hazelton, and the rest of the in
habitants of the town of Haddam.
Yesterday, by a gentleman j uftarrived from Bos
ton, we received the following intelligence in a print
ed hand-bill.
The following is a copy of a letter, said to be wrote
by General Brattle to the Commander in Chief, viz.
Cambridge, Hugfl 29, 1774.
MR. Brattle presents his duty to his Excellen
cy Gov. Gage, he apprehends it is his duty
to acquaint his Excellency from time to time of
every thing he hears and knows to be true and is
of importance in these troubleforne times, which
is the apology Mr. Brattle makes for troubling the
General with this letter. Capt. Minot of Con
cord, a very worthy man, this minute informed
Mr. Brattle that there had been repeatedly made
pressing applications to him to warn his company
to meet at one minute's warning, equipped with
arms and ammunition, according to law; he had
constantly denied them, adding, if he did not gra
tify them, he should be constrained to quit his
farms and town ; Mr; Brattle told him he had
better do that than lose his life and be hanged for
a rebel; he observed that many Captains had done
it, though not in the regiment to which he belongs,
which was and is under Col. Eiilha Jones, but in
a neighbouring regiment.
Mr. Brattle begs leave humbly to quere, Whe
ther it would not be best that there should not
be one commission officer of the militia in the pro
vince.
This morning the feled men of Medford, came
and received their town stock of powder, which
was in the arsenal on Quarry-Hill, so that there
is now therein, the Kings powder only, which
shall remain there as a sacred depofitum till ordered
out by the Captain General.
To his Excellency Genera! Gage, &c. &c.
Extract of a letter from Boson, dated September
2d, 1774.
" Tn consequence of the foregoing letter, a
party of 250 regulars set out early yeßerday mor
ning to secure and bring away the powder alluded
to, which was effeded without loss or damage. At
the fame time a party of go are said to have seized
two field pieces belonging to the Cambridge regi
ment of militia. The report of this manoeuvre,
exaggerated no doubt, in the country, brought
this morning, on Cambridge common, at least
3000 people from different parts of the country,in
order to learn the truth of the matter—They were
unarmed, and demanded the public refignetion of
two Counfellors, inhabitants of Cambridge, which
was complied with ; and after choofmg several per
sons to flop the great numbers comingin from the
distant parts, said to be many thousands, and be
ing fatisfied that the Governor had seized only the
King's powder, they peaceably dispersed.
" You cannot conceive what an uneasy day we
have had, from the different reports circulated in
this town, some of which were of the mod alarming
nature, and by credulous people ealiiy fuallowed.
“ But I can find nothing new, unless it be the
strengthening the guards at the entrance of the
town.
N EW - YO R K, %/. 8.