The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1780-01-01 00:00:00, page 2

abuse which they pour upon the promoters of the Bill,
might afford advantage against themselves, but it would
be unworthy of so good a cause to derive benefit from this
Source. What fiaifter motives, indeed, can those have
who labour in so difintere fled and benevolent a business!
It is very suitable, toat in a democratical State, as ours
is, that there th )uld neither be nobility on the one hand,
nor inferior inhabitants on the other; All should be citi
zens. inverted with equal privileges, however they may
Differ, as rich and poor, except thQfe, who by their own
fault, fhali be excluded. To fuffer slavery then to conti
nue in Pennsylvania, when it may be abolished with ease,
would be a fokcifm, contrary to the nature of the Consti
tution. Slaves ever pejorate the citizens of any country.
Labour is dishonorable, when it is generally performed by
such base perfects. Masters and their children gradually
become Lazy, proud, arrogant and cruel to their depend
ents and inferiors. They fail of that hardiaefs of body,
which fits for the public defence, and enables the soldier
to encounter the fatigues and dangers of the camp. In
countries where labour depends upon slaves, art, inventi
on and genius lie dormant: Every work is performed by
main firength. A journey ; nto the Southern States would
ilurtrate this bevond any description. A citizen of Peno
lylvania or New-England, going into that country, is
th >cked at the train of mikhiefs, moral and political, which
are caused by servitude. How wife, these things consider
ed, would it be for us to put an end to it, whilst it is in
our power! Yet prejudicial and barbarous, as the practice
certainly is, we find individuals among us, who are intox
icated with this baneful depression of their fellow-men.
What security in this circumstance has the State against
the increase and general prevalence of slavery, whilst it is
fuffered to exist among us?
Si ves, in a free State especially, must be bad fubjefts.
Held by violence, they are internal enemies. Some per.
haps weuld have denied this, before the British army in
vaded Pennsylvania ; but the defection of the negroes of
the most indulgent masters, upon that occasion, shewed
what little dependance ought to be placed on perlons de
prived of their natural rights. '' Slavery, fays Mr Mon
tesquieu, is scarcely felt as a grievance in a despotic State,
where the political slavery of the whole body takes away
the sense of civil slavery ; but nothing more assimilates a
man to a beast, than livingamong freemen, himfelf a slave.
Such men are the natural enemies of society, and their
numbers must be dangerous.” Spirit of Laws, vol, I 348.
Suppose that our citizens, taken captive by the enemy,
had been transported to Asia, as meditated in 1777 by the
Ministers of George the Third, think what would have
been their behaviour under a Chinese or Persian mas
ter?
Servants for life are without motives to induflry, hones
ty and obedience. The whip alone has effea on such de
based persons. The incitements of freemen reach not to
characters deprived of property and name. By attention
to their masters, indeed they avoid the lash; but how
wretched a restraint is mere servile fear !
There are few men, that will not allow ofmoft of my ob
jeßions to slavery, but the common pretence under which
it is vindicated, is the difficulty of getting certain labours
performed by freemen. " Sugar," they alledge “ would
be too dear, if the plants which produce it, were cultiva
ted by any other than slaves." But this is meer suggest
ion. " There is not poflibly," fays Montesquieu, “ that
climate upon earth, where the most laborious services
might not, with proper encouragement, be performed by
freemen,” However, no such ground of servitude can be
set up in Pennsylvania. Among us no service is required
of slaves, which is not more generally done by the citi
zens ; nor can the service of these people be necessary, from
the apprehension of a future scarcity of artificers or la
bourers, for it is manifeft, that as soon as peace shall o
pen a free communication with Europe, emigrants, qua
lified for every purpose, will croud over to enjoy with us,
the benefits o! liberty and independence.
I fhal! now confider the effeffs of this scheme on the
public, and how far it may effe& the interest of the own
ers of the negroe women, likely to be mothers. By the
Bill provision is made, that toe children of slaves fliall
serve the matters of their mothers, till the age of twenty
eight years, which is done, as well to recompence the
charge of nurture, as to prevent the harsh reparation of
the infants and their natural nurses ; dangerous to the
former, and distressing to the latter ; and to keep the town
ships clear of such of these orphans, as otherwise the fami
lies in which they may be born, might abandon to the 0-
verfeers of the poor. The tables of births and burials in
Europe, considered with the date of mortality here, make
it probable, that one third of the human race die before
thirty years ; and negroe children are at least as puny as
wnites. The difference in value between a black child,
hereafter to be born in servitude, and another to be his
own master at the age of 28, is very inconsiderable, if com
puted before their births ; for the Bill relates only to in
fants, yet unborn, especially when allowance is made for
the difference between the services of a free-born negroe,
till the age of 28, and the drudgery of a slave ; for cer
tainly liberty improves rhe human character in whatever
condition of life. Indeed in this city, negroes just born,
are considered as an incumbrance only, and if humanity
did not forbid it, they would be instantly given away. The
unnatural separation of motner and child, in this case, is
said to be pradifed at Borton. Our citizens were laftfum
mer struck with an advertisement in the news-papers, of
a negroe boy o' five months old, found and healthy, to
be given away ; but in this infiance the mother was dead.
The plan for aboliflrng slavery, on which the Bill pro
ceeds, would operate very inferably, and yet in 30 or 40
years ; few perpetual servants would remain; as all im
portation would be under prohibition. At present there
may be perhaps 6000 of such in Pennsylvania, and conse
quently their offspring could not exceed 180 per annum,
but would probably fall short of that number. Of these,
at the end of 28 years, there would probably be alive to
enjoy their liberty, some few above sixty. What hurtful
effea cbuld this trifling handful of negroes, educated with
the profpe& of freedom, produce within this extensive
State ? But even this annual number would decrease in
future years. In this liberated state, they might and pro
bably would wander to other countries, which they can
not now do. It is certain, that if such perlons shall not
be as industrious and economical as the whites, they will
be excluded; like as the lazy and improvident part of the
people from time to time are thrust out of the old fettle
ments,aad sent to form new plantations, in the back parts
of the State. This is the proper effea of a well regulated
police, which secures to industry her acquisitions.
But Ideny the claim of the famil} in which the children of
slaves may be born to their perpetual service It is true, the
Roman Law gives it to them; and on pretence that the ex
pence of bringing them up, can not be compensated with
less than the service of their whole lives. Nay, there are
modern civilians, as Grotius and Puffendorf, who have
not controverted this point. Yet others of no small character
have ventured to examine a regulation, drawn from the
barbarous practice of the ancients, and to condemn it. For
this I refer to Carmichael's notes upon Puffendorf, Locke,
&c. Dr. Hutchefon, Profeffor of Moral Philosophy atGlaf
gow, fays, that " thechildren of slaves are all born free,”
but he allows, that as other Orphans, they ought to re
compence those who bring them up, tor their maintenance
and education, by service, which, if they be found and
healthy, may be fully done, he thinks, before they be
thirty years of age. Mr. Grove, who was at the head of
a differing Academy in England, is or opinion, that ''the
children of those who have been jufily enslaved, ( which
he thinks malefactors may, but not prisoners of war)
ought not to be treated &s slaves, as they are not, rtriftly
(peaking, the property of their parents, but the offspring
of God; and that they ought to be dismissed free, when
they have performed such service as may countervail the
expence of their maintenance and education." Montesquieu
and Judge Blackflone reject all the grounds of slavery,
setup by the Roman Lawyers, and this of birth in parti
cular. They disallow of the right of killing captives in
war, unless in case of necessity ; and thereby takeaway the
only pretence for enslaving them. They hold, that no man
can fell himfelf, for altho' liberty in this case may be va
lued, as to the buyer, it is byond all price, on the part of
the feller. Besides in such a tranfadion, there is no price
received ; the servant and all that he has, immediately
passing over to the buyer. Such a bargain, beyond all o
thers, is iniquitous, and therefore void. And if neither
captivity nor sale of cnes felf, can reduce the parent to
slavery, much less can they reduce the offspring, spirit
of Laws, B. X. Commentaries on the Laws of Eng
land, B 1, cap. 14.
A very important motive for paging this Bill, yet re
mains to be given. And this is the great comparative
strength that Pennsylvania, difem baraffed of slavery and
its train of mifehiefs, would acquire among her sister States.
Whilst Virginia, proud of an immense territory, and high
population, would find all her exertions enervated by her
surcharge of base inhabitants, this Commonwealth,
abounding with hardy, diligent and enlightened citizens,
would rife superior in real and solid strength. Here the
arts would flourifh, which cannot be expended, where
slavery prevails. Established in peace, liberty and fafety
on a happy foil, and in a moderate climate, the inhabitants
of Pennsylvania, would be a renowned and powerful people.
I shall now findh with the following remark. That in
the early times of chriftianity, the ministers of the gospel
took the lead in disposing the world to do justice to the
bondmen of those d ?ys, and in promoting them manumissi
on. And when the rude nations of the north diffufed
servitude again through the southern parts of Europe, with
divers other barbarous usages, it was chi+ fly owing to the
pious endeavours of the clergy, then a very ignorant body
of men, that civil slavery was abolished from Christendom:
An effeft, which the genuine and proper influence of the
religion of jefus, whereever it is rightly understood and re
ceived, will always produce. Mr Montesquieu .n his
spirit of laws, declares that " chriftianity has aboliflied
civil slavery in Europe." Dr. Robertson, Principal of the
College of Edinburgh, in his history of Charles the fifth,
speaking of the tranfaflions of the 13th century, fays,
“ the gentle spirit of the chriftian religion, together with
the doctrine, which it teaches concerning the original e
quality of mankind; as well as the impartial eye, with
which the Almighty regards men of every condition, and
admits them to a participation of his benefits, are incon
sistent with servitude. But in this, as in many other in
stances, considerations of interest, and the maxims of
falfe policy, led men to a conduct inconsistent with their
principles. They were so sensible, however, of the incou
fffiency, that to set their fellow chrirtians at liberty, was
deemed an act of piety, highly meritorious and acceptable
to heaven. The humane spirit of the chriftian religion,
struggled with the maxims and manners of the world, and
contributed more than any other circumstance, to intro
duce the practice of manumission." He adds, " that the
formality of manumission was performed in a church, as a
religions folemnity.''
Let me beg of you, dear Sir, to ponder well this fubjeft,
and join your good offices in favour of this bill. Shew to
those you find averse, the reafoNablenefs and propriety of
the design of the legislature. What ! Shall Quakers, who
we f hink have but clouded views of the gospel, have nearly
cleared their society of this opprobrium of America, and
shall any Presbyterian continue so void of charity and just
ice, as to with and labour for the continuance of it. Incline
then, Reverend Sir, the minds of all within your influence,
to entertain sentiments more becoming freemen and
chriftians. Be assured, that in doing this, you will ob
tain lading honour, and the approbation of your great
Matter, who has done and inhered much, to make his
followers, " free indeed." I make 110 apology for the
length of my letters j being,
Reverend and Dear Sir, &c.
P. S. It is mentioned, in honour of the memory of
the late Dr. Alison, of the College of Philadelphia, that
led to reconsider the fubjeft of slavery on occasion of the
bill aforementioned, he has ordered by his will that his ne
groes fliould be free. His family could ill afford it, but
the good man followed the dilates of comfcience, leaving
his widow to Providence.
+s„D4H+++*:+M+§D§„4}
Genteel board and lodging, for
Gentlemen only, in Thiid-ftreet, next door to
Du&or Hutchinson's, near the corner of Spruce, street.
A BRIGHT BAY GELDING, fifteen hends
high rising fix years old, per fedly found, and agree
able in all his paces, and faitable for the carriage or
saddle.
TO BE SO L D,
At the sign of the George, the corner of Arch and Se
cond-streets, Philadelphia,
LONDO N, September 10.
Yesterday the Earl of Sandwich arrived in town from
Portsmouth, was afterwards at Court, and laid before his
Majesty a state of the grand fleet under the command of
Sir Charles Hardy. It appears that before their return,
they were in great distress for water and frelh provisions,
which was the reason of their putting into that port.
A letter from Gibraltar, July 19, by the way of Lisbon,
fays, “ We are now close besieged on the land fide, and in
fight of the garrison is a camp, containing upwards of
30,000 men. This camp was finifhed in a few days, and is
between the Orange grove and the lines, on a very large
plain. Not a ship can go out from hence, nor any enter.
Our troops are continually under arms, and the Dons are
expr&ed to make an attack every day ; but we shall give
them a noble dose of 21 mortars from Will's battery. All
our dread is from the shipping ; could we but have some
men of war sent to our relief, we should have no fears
left.
The late expedition against Poonah, which has failed,
cost the India Company upwards of onehundred thousand
pounds flerling.
The wound which Admiral Barrington has received by
the engagement with the French fleet, is i^ the left thigh,
and it is hoped will not endanger the loss of his limb as re
ported.
Extract of a letter from Portsmouth, September 9.
“ You may depend upon it that all reports of Sir
Charles Hardy being to Le superseded in command are en
tirely without foundation : Lord Sandwich and he were fre
quently together, and the most perfect amity and confi
dence seem to prevail between them. Admiral Graves is
indeed arrived here, but not for the purpose of taking the
head command. It was the opinion of Sir Charles that it
would contribute much to the facilitating the execution of
orders, if the fleet, after the considerable reinforcement it
will meet with here, fhou d be divided into five squadrons.
Lords Sandwich and Mulgrave were both of the fame opi
nion, and Admiral Graves was sent for to take the com
mand of the fifth division.
The present situation of the people on ffiore on the New
foundland fifhery is deplorable, not having any provisions
at this time to eat, as all the ships which have gone from
England and Ireland with supplies, have been taken by
the enemy.—The Surprize man of war, which went with
a fleet thither, did not carry one half of them fafe to that
place. At the settlement in the bay of Bulls, when the
last advices came away, they had not a sack of flour, or a
hundred weight of bifeuit left; and unless some vessels
have gone to them from Ireland, they must, by this, be
nearly all flarved.
So distressed are government for packets, that two
months mails for the Weft Indies are now lying at Fal
mouth, though it was advertised the beginning of August,
that a vessel would immediately fail with the dispatches
for the island of Jamaica, and to prevent delay was not
to call at the Windward Islands.
The trade of the three islands which we have loft in the
Weft Indies within the last nine months, amounted in the
year 1775 (the firft of the American war) to nearly a mil
lion and a half: Dominica that year exported produce for
the British market to the amount of 310,000!. St. Vin
cent's upwards 0fi50,0001. and Grenada to more than a
million
Sa fallen off is all the trade and resources of Ireland,
that we are assured there has not been, for three months,
in the Treefury of that kingdom, a receipt of 50,000!. al
though the regular amount of that period, has usually
been 300,000!.
On the march of the troops from Bengal to Poonah,
they travelled no less than 24 miles without being able to
get one single drop of water, though the heat of the cli
mate was at that time excessive.
The route the East India troops had to march from
Bengal to Poonah, is upwards of 900 miles; they set out
with ten thousand men, only fix thousand of which were
alive when they surrendered.
Advice is received from Vigo, that a fire had broke out
at that place, which had reduced near 100 houses to allies,
and that several Spanish families, with their effeds, had
perished in the flames.
September 16. The brig Jane, of Marypoit, John
Brown, marter, from Gottenburgh, bound to Liverpool,
was taken by the Tucker snow, Captain Burt, commander,
from Dunkirk, Tuesday the 17th of August, in lat. 57.
14 North, distant from the Naze2s leagues. She mounts
18 6 pounders, and keeps in company with the Lady
Dunkirk ship, mounting 22 6 and 9 pounders. They
cruize frorß 56 to 58 N. lat. The Jane was put into
Lochfhile the 27th of August, having been ransomed for
From the.LONDON EVENING POST.
Jack Ketch to * Jemmy Twitcher, Esq;
TAN D forth, Jemmy ! and hold up thy hand at
the bar of the public. I charge thee with the greatest
of all crimes, that of treacherously betraying thy King
and country. Stand forth Jemmy, and answer, didst
thou not most infamoufly betray them by giving them falfe
information of the fiate of the British navy ? Did not thy
falfe information prevent the navy from being timely aug
mented for the defence and fafety of the Crown and king
dom ? Was not thy treacherous information the cause, that
the fleets of France and Spain now ride masters of the Bri
tish channel? Was n®t thy falfe information the real cause
that this nation is now threatened with an invasion ? Stand
forth, Jemmy, and tell the nation, what thou haft to
plead in thy defence? What was it that induced thee to
betray thy King and country, in a matter of such high
importance to the honour of the Crown and welfare of the
people ? Haft thou not for ever difhonoured the Crown,
and disgraced the flag of the British navy ? Speak, man ;
haft thou any thing to offer in excuse of thy intolerable
falfhood ? Let us hear what thou hart to fay in thy defence?
Art thou silent and dost thou bid the nation defiance ?
Dort thou imagine that the people of England are become
so corrupted and fpiritleft, as not to bring thee to the
block for such infamous treachery ? Or doff thou depend
upon a corrupt majority in theHoufe to defend thee against
the hand of justice ? Or dost thou intend to skulk for fafe
ty behind the throne of a much injured and mif s uided
Prince ? Do not, Jemmy, flatter thyfelf with any such
vain ideas, but be assured, the Iharpeft ax is preparing for
thee, and justice shall be done thee by
JACK KETCH.
* Lord Sandwich.