The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1778-06-10 00:00:00, page 2

/"'' p or fl )e Pennsylvania Packet.
.To JOSEPH GALLOWAY, Est, of th Com
mon- Wealth of Pennfilvanh, lute Member of the
Continental Congress.
AG AIN the fatal card has leaned the num
ber of those whom your cunning has deceiv
ed, and added a frelh Ihng to your conscience- —
Another of your foies his Suffered, in the camp of
General Washington, the punishment ordained by
the laws of war and nations. The unfortunate
Shank has palled from this visible world toj in the
spirit of Molefwofth, and prepare with him unheard
of terrors for your foul.
The bifiorian who relates the transactions of this
period, viewing with a bold and Ready eye, from
the eminence of truth, the whole series of causes
and events that brought a new empire into light and
existence, beginning with the flow and gradual open
ings that led to cur reparation from Great Britain,
wiil proceed to consolidate the wisdom of the con
tinent into one confident council.—He will then
open the scene cf hostilities at Lexington.—He will
"animate the page with the virtues of a people who,
unhinged in their laws and government, deftirute of
warlike ft res, and without a (ingle vessel of force—
entered uptn a war with a military people, felf
fufficient in arms, and arrogant in conquest from a
long course of success, in their different disputes,
with the most formidable nations in the world.—
He will (hew us our planters engaged in the arts of
chemistry, in the manufacture of salt petre —the
compaction of gun powder—the production cf ful
phur—the separation of metals from their ores—
the various arts of the laboratory—and the establish
ment of all the works of the loom.—He will rebate
the stratagems of a General, fertile in expedients
to embariafs, and happy in throwing an impenetra
ble veil over the real Rate of his stores and supplies.
I —He will open the policy that drove an enemy from
Button by a parade of bombardment, without hav
ing powder sufficient for forty rounds of cartridges
to each soldier in his army.—Struck with the fingu
larity of the contest, he will follow minu ely the
train of our difficulties and obstacles in carrying on
the war; —our success and failures through ad
their changings and turnings, gradually finking and
tiling with the magnitude of the fubjeCt —He will
conduct our soldiers through the severities of long
winters—the fatigues of long marches—lead them to
the attack—cndud them in their retreat —and
bring them back to the battle with encreafing vigour
and bravery.—He will delineate the causes that led
to the complete reduction of one great armv, by the
Convention of Saratoga. —He will describe another
army much greater, computed of veteran troops,
and commanded by old and experienced officers,
checked in its progress—wasted in its strength by
frequent contentions—and confined to a tingle point
by one ofinferior force, whole portion and manoeu
vres coveted a large extent of country, till the Ek
ing spirits of the people recovered, and encreafed t
to amofc formidable body.— Leaving these matters,
he will rank with the wisest cf lawgivers those men
who destroyed the influence of kingly authority in
the Colonies; who, on the ruins of royal govern
ments e ftablifhed independent States and Common-
Wealths; who reconciled opposite opinions, and
gave to our affairs liability at home and confidence
abroad ; —directed the interests and passions of indi
viduals to the welfare of the whole—and attached
the hearts of the people to the ; r new raters an I con
ftitu ion o , am d(lthe ho?r.>rs of devaffation and war.
But when he comes to delineate the men who op.
,o^d these measures, and to decypher t L e doublings
GHunning, and the duplicity of traitors—men in
ceffant in the secret arts of opposition—unprincipled
in practice—fabtle in design—and cruel in oppositi
on—what Subterfuge can lave you from his impartial
page —He will feleft you, Galloway, from the
group, as centering and involving in yoMrfelf the
very efface of all torflfa and villainy; and, while he
developes your character, drop a tear over the de
pravity of human nature.
He will describe you as riling into confequen.ee by
the low arts of chicanery and collusion; perverting
the plain Spirit of the law to the purposes of accu
mulating wealth; with this wealth procuring influ
ence; and by that influence a share in the govern
went of Pennsylvania —Sacrificing, on ,a'l occasions,
your power in the Senate, to forward the views of
MinifLy—taking a part in the councils of Congress,
in order to betray their secrets—leaving it when you
could no longer hold a place, and yet conducting
yourfelf fa as to be able to diverge, as the event
should direct. But it is the business of the historian
to compleat the picture, and hang it up to after ages,
as a land mark to direst future travellers to (hun the
qu^ckfands of yourdeft, uftio^
Before you take leave of Philadelphia, I would
just mention a fc%things, as food for your reflecti
on in your proposed journey to New-York; for I
cannot suppose that you mean to come in at the
eleventh hour, or cast youtfelf on the mercy of your
countrymen. With all your effrontery, you dare
hot make the trial; nor, with all your cunning, can
you change the complexion of your conduct. When
there was an opportunity to work on their compas
sion, by Softening the rigors of captivity, you per
severed in augmenting its calamities. To the blood
of Molefworth, you added the wilful deftrudtion
of the privates, confined in your prisons—you Reel
ed the inhumanity of General Howe—gave poignan
cy to the brutalities of Cunningham—and fandion
to the infamous practices cf Loring. You meditated
the bayoneting and burning of General Lacy's mili
tia; and published, under the lignature of Nestor,
that no quarter should be given to those brave yeo
manry, who had courage to withstand an army of
veterans.
Although an aft of genera! indemnity fliould be
paired by the wife Council of this Common- Wealth,
to bury in oblivion the faults of its (educed and
misguided citizens, yet its influence could not possi
bly alter the Rate of your conscience. The retref
ped of your crimes would keep you in a perpetual
agony of Sufferings, more terrible than those in
which Ravaillac expired. You could not enjoy
one moment's ease, even in the very bofem of para
dise.—Unhappy Galloway! I do more than pity
you; for I feel motions of companion for the damn
ed: I wish you had been less criminal, or that it
was in the wisdom of Heaven to mitigate the horrors
of your heart. You tremble on the gloomy line of
deSparation, and fluctuate between the k/ife and the
halter. Your apaftacy has betrayed you into a
state of poverty, and deprived you of the very pow
ers of enjoying what Lord Clive could not purchase
with all his wealth.—But
You already experience the approaches of your
fate, nor dare to retire in the cool of the day, to
recognize your past conduct. You Ihrt at every
shadow, and mistake the fcreechiags of an owl, or
the Sittings of a bat, for the wandering spirits of a
Molefworth and a Shank.
In England you fee no profpeCt of a petition, to
support ycu in Splendid misery. The Ears of your
mailer have funk in night, and he fuffe:s torments
like yourfelf. Hatten then to meet the upbraidings
of those ycur cruelties have killed—your fpecicus
reasoning milled—er your promises hanged, and add
another proof, by the manner of ycur exit, to the
doctrine of a luperintending Providence —Go, —and
perhaps the congenial aether cf Clive may greet
your coming, and Live to fherten the long winter
ofeternity. A MONITOR.
Manheim, June 6, 1778.
from the London General Advertiser of March 1 1, 1778,
An authentic copy of tee Eul of Abingdon's Speech
and Profit on Monday (aft.
M, Lords,
THA V E givenno obftiufticn to these Bills in their
I progress though ths Houle, because whatever
beaisthe name of conciliation with America, though
it be a shadow, I am ready to catsh at ; and fir the
fame reasons (meaning t^t they Should pas) it is net
nw my intention to divide the House upon them;
but, my Lords, as I am firmly persuaded that the e
bills are no more than a continuation of tlra deluficn
which has brought this country to its pr; sent brick of
ruin, and so Er from obtaining the eni proposed by
them, that they are deftruCtive of it, I rife to put my
Simple negative upon them, and wid plan my reasons
for doing so upon the Journals of the Heu e. And,
my Lotus, having faia this, I have only loadd my
congratulations to .our Lordlhips on the late miracu
lous conversion of Parliament to the true faith. Whig
gifm triumphant over toryrim. Whig metres in
grafted on tory principles.
" Humane capiti cervicem piflor equinant
" fungere ft velit : rifun teneatis amici ?"
But, my Lords, however pleased I may be with this
Centaur not fabulous, I fear the motives tl at have
produced it are not of the modhonelt kind. I f,ar, my
Lords, that it is a temporary Sacrifice orly of princi
ples to places, and that when the golden age is over the
iron age will return in its room. This good, however,
my L.rds, it must produce—American Liberties ate
heieby confirmed, and put out of the reach of tory dis
turbance for the time to come.
PROTES T.
Digentient,
Because toe terms now offered by the above bills to
America, whilftytyfrient to fhe* he very humiliating
llate^ to which the dignity and boasted Supremacy of
Pai Lament areieduced, are inefficient to the great end
of conciliation proposed by them; and for theialow
ing reafoLs :
Firff. Because, (as to the firft bill) a declaration not
to impale taxation on America, ic, in the very suspen
sion of theexei ife, a confirmation of tre right; for
without the right, the declaration is void ; "whereas
Anr. rica Genies the right, and, upon that ground, re
sists the exercise. If th^ right then ba reserved, the
obj cfcf refinance remains ; and, to remaining, may
be exercised whenever any future (Quixotte) Ministry,
in example of their predecessors, (hall be led to con
vert history into romance. But it is objected, " that
a right cannot oe lurrendered ;" so neither, if it be a
couftitutional right, can the exercise of it be dispensed
with; fcr what repels the former, must equally conn
teraft uhe latter. But this is no constitutional right ;
on the contrary the constitution reprobates and disa
vows it. Far taxation and representation are constitu
tionally inseparable, and America is not represented ;
of course America cannot be taxed. Whilst America,
therefore, will not accept that by courtesy ct Parlia
ment, which the holds in right of the constitution, and
for the good reason, that an att of Parliament is re
vocable, and the cunttitution irrevocable; it follows,
that a renunciation of the right, and rot the mere
fufpenfiun of the exercise, was the proper etj^a of
this bill.
Secondly. Because, (as to the Second bill) the ap
pointment of Commiiboners to treat with any perlon
or perlons, other than the Congress, is to glaring a
manileftaticri of the intention of Such treaty, as mult
neerffarily occalkn a circumfpe&ion in the Congrels
that may not be much to the ease of the Commission
ers themselves.
Thirdly. Because, although the Comra'ffioners and
the Congress be agreed, Such agreement is of notffe&
till confirmed by Parliament; which is giving filch
advantage to Parliament by knowing'vhat Congress
will do, and is of such disadvantage r° Congress, by
not knowing what Parliament will confirm, that the
very inequality of the conditions will put a flop to ac
commodation.
Fourthly. Because, as the withd^c ingc f th° troops
would be the Saving of the army (not to mention the
policy of the mealure neon others founds) so the ceas
ing of hoftdities there, will, by fatal (xpeirncu, prove
to be the loss of it. Tae remains of General Bur
goyne's army are now coputituting a part of the great
yeomanry of America.
Fifthly. Because the prohibitory ad is to be Sus
pended under exceptions and reftfi&i<ms, which ex
ceptions and reftridions (end whiitt Great Britain is
under neither) intending restraint upon the Supplies
of America, are neither liberal in proposal nor pro
bable in acceptance.
Sixthly. Because, among the many things to be done,
the one thing needful is to be left undone. The Que
bec A& is to remain without fuSpention. The uwer
given to the Commissioners is “ to lufp.nd the opera
tion and effect of any ad or ads of Parliament which
have passed since the io:h day of Februay, 1763, and
which relate to any of his M<j tty's said Colonies,
Provinces or Plantations in North Anima;” but Ca
nada is $ not one of the fad Colonies, Provinces and
Plantations referred to in the Bill, ;nd therefore the
Commissioners have no power to Suspend the operation
and effe& of any a& or ads of Parliament th t relate
to Canada. This, then, will create a (tumbling block
insurmountable at the very threshold of negocitation.
For, besides the establishment of Defy tifm 2nd Popery
in Canada, under which America will never fi quiet,
this horrid and unconftituional Ad, by extending the
boundaries of its province, has invaded the property
and removed the landmanks of its neighbouring Colo
nies ; a violation tht justice should redress, if Ameri
ca were even filenttlw eupon.
Seventhly. Because, power is given to the Commif
firners to grant pardons to people who not only fay
they have been guilty of no offences, but the very bills
themselves fay the fame thing for them; for, besides
acceding to the claim- of America, the Americans are
stiled his Majesty's faithful fahjehh; and to pardon
faithful faljeds is an ad of supererogation, it not of
absurdity.
Eighthly, Because the appointment of Governors
being now in the hards of the Congiefs, an attempt to
fupercede that power before it be known whether the
terms offered be accepted, looks mere like having an
eye to that Machi^velian muxim of '' divide et impera,
than to the more solid benefits of a general union.
Laftiy. Because concession now, like a death-bed
repentance, com s at the last hour; ard being, as
avowedly, the elfcd of necessity, and not of principle,
we are left under all the fears and apureherfmn of a
d,ff hition; and without the Lepe of iaivation, but in
the magnanimity of America: A magnanimity, how.
ever, which we have already experienced, and which
(by infixing on the justice cd removing fiom his Ma
jesty's coun;i 3 thole evil Ministers who have trodden
on the liberties, and, with lavage cruelty, Ipilled the
brood of America, and by placing in their room the
friends of iu&nity and st the cot dilution) mar re
dore us to that health and hrergih, and again to that
peace and empire, which was once the boast of this
country, and the terror cf the world beside.
ABINGDON.
Kef-Florida, Notches difiria, February 21, 1778.
W^/^'R.^AS on Thursday evening, the 19 b
y % indant, Capt. James Willing, in the service
cf tie United States of North-America, arrived with
a, detachment of men under his command at the
Natches Landing, and the next morning early (ent
cut sundry par is, who aimed at one and the farce
time ma^e the inhabitants prisoners of war on their
parole ; and having hoisted the colours of the United
States of America, and taken possession of the country
in their name, the inhabitants in iheir ddirtlFd and
unprotected situation, fearing the confif^ion of their
property, thought it necessary to wait on the said Capt.
Willing, to propose terms of accommodation, which
he readily agreed to, the said inhabitants unanimously
delegated the four following gentlemen to treat for
them and make the bed terms they could, viz. Willi
am Horn, Efa; Charles Percy, Elq; S. Weils, Plant
er, and M j cr Luke Collins.
And as we the Delegates have obtained leave from
the people to call in any perlons to our assistance we may
think proper, we have desired the following gentle
men, Isaac Johnson, Esq; Richard Ellis, Esq; and fo
feph Thompson, Planter. We the Delegates of the
people, and our Associates, do propose the following
terms to Capt. Willing." " °