The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1780-01-27 00:00:00, page 1

THE HIGHEST PRICE
IS GIVEN FOR
CLEAN LINEN RAG S,
B Y
JOHN D U N L A P.
•Neew-Jerfey, January 20, 1780.
FT' H E Subscriber proposes attending in Phu
I ladelphia from the firft to the eighth of February
next, in order to receive the monies due him on the
fates of Prizes in New-jersey ; and desires all those who
do not call on him in Bordentown before that time and
difeharge their accounts, to be punaual in paying with
in the time above-mentioned. All accounts not paid as
above will be put in suit.
JOSEPH POTTS,
Late Marshal.
Philadelphia, January 24..
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the fubferiber, living near
Poole's Bridge, in Front street, on the 24th inst.
an apprentice lad named GEORGE WOONDEKLY,
about four feet high, seventeen or eighteen years of age ;
had on when be went away, a white cloth coat, and a
round hat ; he took with him a green coat, jacket and
breeches, three shirts, and one pair of trowfers : He has
a down-c^ft look, yellow hair, walks crooked, and is
remarkably near lighted. Whoever t-kes up said lad,
and brings him to the fubferiber, sh ill be entitled to
the above reward, paid by
JOHN PIPER.
4b4++++++++++++++s„#£ *<>
From the BARON DE MONTESQUIEUS
SPIRIT, of LAWS.
CHA P. I.
Of Civil Slavery.
SLAVERY, properly so called, is the establish
ment of a right which gives to one man such a power
ever another, as renders him absolute master of his life
and fortune. The date of slavery is in its own nature
bad. It is neither uleful to the master nor to the slave ;
not to the slave, because he can do nothing through a mo
tive of virtue; not to the mafier, because by having an
unlimited authority over his slaves, he insensibly accus
toms himfelf to the want of all moral virtues, and, from
thence grows fierce, hasty, severe, choleric, voluptuous,
and cruel.
In despotic countries, wherethey are already in a Hate
of political slavery, civil slavery is more tolerable than in
other governments. Every one ought to be fatisfied in
those countries with necessaries and life. Hence the con
dition of a slave is hardly more burthenfome than that of
a fubjed.
But in a monarchical government, where it is of the ut
most importance that human nature should not be deba
sed, or dispirited, there ought to be no slavery. In de
mocracies, where they are all upon an equality; and in
aristocracies, where the laws ought to use their utmost
endeavours to procure as great an equality as the nature
of the government will permit, slavery is contraray to the
spirit of the conflitution ; it only contributes to give a
power and luxury to the citizens which they ought not to
have.
CHAP. IL
Origin of the rightof slavery among the Roman Ci
vilians.
ONE would never have imagined that slavery should
owe its birth to pity, and that this fliould have been ex
cited three different ways.
The,law of nations, to prevent prisoners from being
put to death, has allowed them to be made slaves. The
civil law of the Romans empowered debtors, who were
fubjea to be ill used by their creditors, to fell themselves.
And the law of nature requires, that children, whom a
father reduced to slavery is no longer able to maintain,
faould be reduced to the fame state at the father.
These reasons of the civilians are all falfe. It is falfe
that killing in war is lawful, unless in a case of absolute
necessity : But when a man has made another his slave,
he cannot be said to have been under a necessity of taking
away his life, since he actually did not take it away.
War gives no other right over prisoners than to disable
them from doing any further harm, by securing their
persons. All nations * concur in detefling the murder
ing of prisoners in cold blood.
2. Nor is it true, that a freeman can fell himfelf.
Sale implies a price ; now when a person fells himfelf, his
whole substance immediately devolves to his master; the
master therefore in that case gives nothing, and the slave
receives nothing. You will fay, he hasa peculium. But
this peculium goes along with his person. If it is not
* Excepting a few Canibals.
GENERAL
THURSDAY
OR
[ Published every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. ]
lawful for a man to kill himfelf, because he robs his coun
try of his, person, for the fame reason he is not allowed to
fell himfelf. The liberty of every citizen constitutes a
part of the public liberty ; and in a democratical State is
even a part of the Sovereignty. To fell one's citizenship
§ is so repugnant to all reason, as to be scarce fuppofea
ble in any man. If liberty may be rated with refpe& to
the buyer, it is beyond all price to the feller. The civil
law, which authorizes a division of goods among men,
cannot be thought to rank among such goods, a part of
the men who were to make this division. The fame law
annuls all iniquitous contrasts; surely then it affords
redress in a contrast where the greivance is most enor
mous.
The third way is birth ; which falls with the two form
er. For if a man could not fell himfelf, much less could
he fell an unborn offspring. If a prisoner of war is not
to be reduced to slavery, much less are his children.
The lawfulnefs of putting a raalefaftcr to death, arises
from this ; the law, by which he is punished, was made
for his security. A murderer, for instance, has enjoyed
the benefit of the very law which condemns him ; it has
been a continual protection to him ; he cannot therefore
objeft against it. But it is not so with the slave. The law
of slavery can never be beneficial to him; it is in all cates
against him, without ever being for his advantage ; and
therefore this law is contrary to the fundamental principle
of all societies.
If it be pretended, that it has been beneficial to him, as
his matter has provided for his subsistence ; slavery at this
rate should be limited to those who are incapable of earn
ing their livelihood. But who will take up with such slaves ?
As for infants, nature, who has supplied their mothers
with milk, had provided for their sustenance, and the re
mainder of their childhood approaches so near the age in
which they are most capable of being of service, that he
who supports them cannot be said to give them an equiva
lent, which can intitle him to be their mafier.
Nor is slavery less opposite to the civil law than to that
of nature. What civil law can restrain a slave from run
ning away, since he is not a member of society, and con
sequently has no interfft in any civil laws ? He can be re
tained only by a family law, that is, by the mafier's au
thority.
CHA P. 111.
Another Origin of the Right of Slavery.
I WOULD as soon fay, that the right of slavery pro
ceeds frora the contempt of sue nation for another, found
ed on a difference in customs.
Lopez de Gamar relates, " That the Spaniards found
“ rerr St. Martha, fever.il baskets full of crabs, flails,
" grafhoppers, and locusts, which proved to be the ordi
" nary provision of the natives. This the conquerors
''turned to a heavy charge against the conquered." The
author owns that this, with their fmoak ing and trimming
their beards in a different manner, gave rife to the law by
which the Americans became slaves to the Spaniards.
Knowledge humanifes mankind, and reason inclines to
mildness; but prejudices eradicate every tender disposi
tion.
CHA P. IV.
Another Origin of the Right of Slavery.
I WOULD as soon fay that religion gives its profeffors
a right to enslave those who dissent from it, in order to
render its propagation more easy.
This was the notion that encouraged the ravagers of
America in their iniquity. Under the influence of thisidea,
they founded their tight of enslaving so many nations;
for these robbers, who would abfoluttly be both robbers
and chriftians, were superlatively devout.
Lewis XIII. was extremely uneasy at a law, by which
all the negroes of his colonies were to be made slaves ; but
it being flrongly urged to him as the readiest means for
their converfioo, he acquiesced without further scruple.
CHA P. V.
Of the Slavery of the Negroes.
WERE I to vindicate our right to make slaves of the
Negroes, these Should be my arguments.
The Europeans, having extirpated the Americans, were
obliged to make slaves of the Africans for clearing such
vast trads of land.
Sugar would be too dear, if the plants which produce
it were cultivated by any other than slaves.
These creatures are all over black, and with such a flat
nose, that they can scarcely be pitied.
Is is hardly to be believed that God, who is a wife Be
ing, should place a foul, especially a good foul, in such a
black ugly body.
It is so natural to look upon colour as the criterion of
human nature, that the Asiatics, among whom eunuchs
are employed, always deprive the Blacks of their resem
blance to us, by a more opprobrious diftindion.
The colour of the skin may be determined by that of
the hair, which among the /Egyptians, the best philoso
phers in the world, was of such importance, that they
§ I mean slavery in a Arid sense, as formerly among
the Romans, and at present in our Colonies.
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ADVERTISER
CH A P. VII.
Another Origin of the Right of Slavery.
THERE is auother origin of the right of slavery,
and even of the most cruel slavery, which is to be seen a
mong men.
There are countries where the excels of heat enervates
the body, and renders men so flothful and dispirited, that
nothing but the fear of chaftifementcan oblige them to per
form any laborious duty : Slavery is there more recon
cileable to reason ; and the master being as lazy with re
fpe& to his sovereign, as his slave is to him, this adds a
political to a civil slavery.
Aristotle endeavours to prove, that there are natural
slaves, but what he fays is far from proving it. If there
be any such, I believe they are these of whom I have been
speaking.
But as all men are born equal, slavery must be account
ed unnatural, though in some countries it be founded on
natural reason ; and a wide difference ought to be made
betwixt such countries, and those where even natural rea
fan rejeasit, as it? Europe, where it has been so happily
abol'fhed.
Plutarch, in his life of Numa, fays, that in Saturn's
time, there was neither slave nor master. Christianity
has restored that age in our climates.
chap. via.
Inutility of Slavery among us.
N A ,T URAL slavery, then, is to be limited to some
particular parts of the world. In ail other countries, even
the molt laborious works of society may be performed by
freemen.
Experience verifies my assertion. Before Chriftianit,
had abolished civil slavery in Europe, working in the mines
was judged too toilsome for any but slaves or malefactors :
but at present, there are men employed in them, who a r e
known to live f happily. They have by some lmall
privileges encouraged this profeffion ; to an increase of
labour, they have joined an increase of gain; and have
gone so far, as to make them better pleased with their con
dition thai 4with any other which they could have embraced.
No labour is so heavy, but it may be brought to a level
with the workman's flrength, when regulated by equity,
and not by avarice. The violent fatigues which slaves are
made to undergo in other parts, may be supplied by
commodious machines, invented by art, and fkilfully ap
plied. The Turkish mines in the Bannat of Temefwar,
though richer than those of Hungary, did. not yield so
much ; because their invention reached no further, than
the strength of their slaves.
I know not whether this article be dictated by my un
derstanding, or by my heart. Possibly there is not that
climate upon earth, where the most laborious services
might not, with proper encouragement, be performed
by freemen. Bad laws having made lazy men; they have
been reduced to slavery, because of their laziness.
t As may be seen in the mines of Hartz in Lower Sax
ony, and in those of Hungary.
put so death all the red-haired men who fell into their
hands.
The negroes prefer a glass necklace to one of gold, which
polite nations so highly value : Can there be a greater
proof of their wanting common fenfe'
It is impossible for us to suppose these creatures to be
men, because allowing them to he men, a fufpicibn would
follow, that we ourselves are not Christians.
Weak minds exaggerate too much the wrong done to
the Africans. For were the case as they state it, would
the European powers, who make so many needless con
ventions among themselves, have failed to make a general
one, in behalf of humanity and compassion?
CHAP. VI.
The true Origin of the Right of Slavery.
IT is time to enquire into the true origin of the right
of slavery. ft ought to be founded on the nature of things ;
let us fee if there be any cases where it can be derived
from thence.
In all despotic governments, people make no difficulty
in felling themselves ; the political slavery in some mea
fore annihilates the civil liberty.
According to Mr. Perry, the Muscovites fell themselves
very readily ; their reason for it is evident; their liberty
is not worth keeping.
At Achim ev£ry one is for felling himfelf. Seme of
the chief lords have not less than a thoufarid slaves, all
principal mefthllnts. who have a great number of slaves
themselves, and these also are not without their slaves.
Their masters are t^ir heirs, and put them into trade.
In those states, the freemen, being overpowered by the
government, have no better refdrtrce than making them
selves slaves to the tyrants in office.
Thisjs the just and rational origin of that mild law of
slavery, which obtains in some countries . And mild it
ought to be, as founded on the free choice a man makes
of a master, for his own benefit; which forms a mutual
convention betwixt the two parties.
JANUARY 27, 1780.
T HE