Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-07-24 00:00:00, page 2

Eriraß from tie SPEECH of EDMUND
BURKE, Esq; on moving bis Refolutionsfa
Conciliation with the Colonies, on the 22d
of March, 1775.
THE following are fotoe of the arguments
made use of by this very able speaker in
favour of a conciliation with the mother-country
and her colonies :
" IF we mean to conciliate and concede, let
us fee of what nature the concession ought to be?
To afeertain the nature of cur concession, we must
look at their complaint. The colonies complain,
that they have not thecharaderiftic mark and seal
of British freedom. Tiiiy complain, that theyare
taxed in a Parliament in which they are not re
presented. If you mean to fatisfy them at all,
.sou must fatisfy them with regard to this com
plaint. If you mean to please any people, you
null give them the boon which they afl<; not r
what you may think better for them, but of a
kind totally different. Such an aft mayjbe a wife
regulation, but it is no concession: Whereas our
prelent theme is the mode of giving fatisfaftion.
Sir, I think you must perceive, that I am re
solved this day to have nothing at all to do with
the question of the right of taxation. Some gen
tlemen ftarrle—butit is true: I put it totally out
or the question. It is less than nothing in my
confederation. Ido not indeed wonder, nor will
you, Sir, that gentlemen of profound learning are
fond of difplayng it on this profound fubjedt.
But my consideration is narrow, confined, and
wholly limited to the policy of the question. I
do not examine, whether the giving away a man's
money be a power excepted and referred out of
the general trust of government; and how far all
mankind, in all forms of polity, are intitled to an
exercise of that 'right by the charter of nature ?
Or whether, on the contrary, a right of taxation
is necessarily involved in the general principle of
Jegiflation, and inseparable from the ordinary su
preme power? These are deep questions, where
great names militate against each other; where
reason is perplexed ; and an appeal to authorities
only thickens the confufion. For high and reve
rend authorities lift up their heads on both fidcs;
and there is no sure footing in the middle. This
point is the ' great Serbonian bog, betwixt Da
miata and Mount Cafius old, where armies whole
have funk.' Ido not intend to be overwhelmed
in that bog, though in such refpe&able company.
The question with me is, not whether you have a
right to render your people miserable; but whe-'
ther it is not your interest to make them happy ?
It is not, what a lawyer tells me, I may do; but
what humanity, reason, and justice, tells me, I
ought to do. Is a politic aft the worse for being a
generous one? Isno concession proper, but that
which is made from your wan: of right to keep
what you grant? Or does it lessen the grace or
dignity of relaxing in the exercise of an odious
claim, because you have your evidence room full
of titles, and your magazines fluffed with arms to
enforce them? What fignify all those titles, and
all those arms? Of what avail are they, when the
reason of the thing tells me, that the assertion of
my title is the loss of my suit; and that I could
do nothing but wound myfelf by the use of my
own weapons.
Such is ftedfaftly my opinion of the absolute
neceffiiy of keeping up the concord of this empire
by a unity of spirit, though in a diversity of ope
rations, that, if I were fare the Colonies had, at
their leaving this country, sealed a regular com
p^ft of servitude; that they had solemnly abjured
all the rights of citizens; that they had made a
vow to renounce all ideas of liberty for them and
their posterity, to all generations; yet I should
hold myfelf obliged to conform to the temper I
found univerlally prevalent in my own day, and to
govern two millions of men, impatient of servi
tude, on the principles of freedom. lam not de
termining a point of law; lam restoring tranquil
lity; and the general character and situation of a
people must determine what fort of government is
fitted for them. That point nothing else can or
ought to determine.
My idea therefore, without considering whether
we yield as matter of right, or grant as matter of
favour, is to admit the people of our colonies into
an interest in the constitution; and by recording
that admission in the Journals of Parliament, to
give them as strong an assurance as the nature of
the thing will admit, that we mean for ever to ad
here to that solemn declaration of systematic in
dulgence.
Some years ago, the repeal of a revenue all,
tiponits understood principle, might have served
to ihew, that we intended an unconditional abate
ment of the exercise of a taxing power. Such a
measure was then fufficient to remove all fafpicion,
and to give perfect content. But unfortunate
events, since that time, may make something fur
ther necessary ; and not more necessary for the fa
tisfadion of the colonies, than for the dignity and
confittency of our own future proceedings.
I have taken a very incurred measure of the
disposition of the House, if this proposal in itfelf
would be received with d.flike. I think, Sir, we
have few American financiers. But our misfortune
is, we are too acute; we are too exquisite in our
conjectures of the future, for men oppreffid with
such great and prefect evils. The more mode
rate among the oppofers of parliamentary conces
sion freely confefs, that they hope no good from
taxation; but they apprehend the Colonies have
further views; and if this point were conceded,
they would inftantiy attack the trade-laws.-
—These gentlemen are convinced, that this
was the intention from the beginning; and the
quarrel of the Americans with taxation was no
more thana cloke and cover to this design. Such
his been the language even ofa Gentleman, [Mr.
Rice] of real moderation, and ofa natural tem
per well adjusted to fair and' eq^al government.
I am, however, Sir, not alittle furprized at this
kind of discourse, whenever I hear it; and I am
the more furprized, on account of the arguments
which I cohftantly find in company with it, and
which are often urged from the fame mouths, and
on the lame day.
For inftance,when we alledge, that itis against
reason to tax a people under so many restraints in
trade as the Americans, the Noble Lord [Lord
North] in the blue ribband dial! tell you, that
the restraints on trade are futile and useless ; of
no advantage to us, and of no burthen to those on
whom they are imposed ; that the trade to Ame
rica is qot secured by the ads of navigation, but
by the natural and irrefiftable advantage of a com
mercial preference.
Such is the merit of the trade laws in this pof.
ture of the debate. But when strong internal cir
cumstances ire urged against the faxes, when the
scheme is differed; when experience and the na
ture of things are broughtto prove, and do prove
the utter impossibility of obtaining an effective re
venue from the colonies ; when these things, are
pressed, or rather press themselves, so as to drive
the advocates of colony taxes to a clear admission
of the futility of the scheme; then, Sir, the deep
ing trade laws revive from their trance; and this
useless taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its
own fake, but as a counterguard and security of the
laws of trade.
Then, Sir, you keep up revenue laws which
are mifehievous, in order to preserve trade laws
that are useless. Such is the wisdom of our plan
in both its members. They are separately given
up as of no value; and yet one is ahmys to be
defended for the fake of the other. But I can
not agree with the noble Lord, norwith the pam
phlet from whence he seems to have borrowed these
ideas, concerning the inutility of the trade laws.
For without idolizing them, I am sure, they are
still, in many ways, of great use to us ; and in for
mer times, they have been of the greatest. They
do confine, and they do greatly narrow, the mar
ket for the Americans. But my perfect convicti
on of this, does not help me in the least to difeern
how the revenue laws form any security whatso
ever to the commercial regulations; or that these
commercial regulations are the true ground of the
quarrel ; of, that the giving way in any one in
stance of authority, is to lose all that may remain
unconceded.
One fad is clear and indifput able# The pub
lic and avowed origin of this quarrel was on taxa
tion. This quarrel has indeed brought on new
disputes on new questions; but certainly the least
bitter, and the feweft of all, on trade laws. To
judge which of the two be the real radical cause
of the quarrel, we have to fee whether the com
mercial dispute did, in order of time, precede the
dispute on taxation? There is not a shadow of
evidence for it. Next, to enable us to judge whe
ther at this moment a dislike to the trade laws be
the real cause of quarrel, it is absolutely necessa
ry to put the taxes out of the question by a repeal.
See how the Americans ad in this portion, and
then you will be able to difeern corredly what is
the true object of the controversy, or whether any
controversy at all will remain? Unless you con
sent to remove this cause of difference, it is impos
sible, with decency, to assert that the dispute is
not upon what it is avowed to be. And I would,
Sir, recommend to your serious consideration,
whether it be prudent to form a rule for punishing
people, not on their own a&s but on your conjec
tures ? Surely itis preposterous, at the very best.
It is not juftifying your anger by their mifconduß;
but it is converting your ill-will into their delin
quency.
But the Colonies will go further—Alas ! alas !
when will this (peculating against fact and reason
end? What will quiet these panic fears which we
entertain of the hoftileeffe& ofa conciliatory cen
duft ? It is true, that no case can exist, in which
it is proper for the Soverign to accede to the de
sires ot his difeontented fubjeds ? Is there any thing
peculiar in this case, to make a rule for itfelf? Is
all authority of course loft, when it is not pushed
to the extreme? Is it a certain maxim, that, the
fewer causes of diffatisfaaion are left by govern
ment, the more the fabjett will be inclined to re
sist and rebel.
All these objections being in fad no more than
suspicions, conjectures, divinations; formed ' id
defiance of fad and experience; they did not, Sir,
discourage me from entertaining the idea of a con
ciliatory concession, founded on the principles which
I have just dated."
xvy:{*:*?:*:*:*)s^^
BALTIMOR E, J'u LY 18.
At a ftecial Meeting ofthe Committee gTßaltimore
-1 own, held cn Thursday the 13th jufy '775»
at tour o clock P. M. Prefect Mr. Wiliam
Smith, Chairman, and twenty-eight Members.
A LETTER from James Christie jun.
merchant of this town, directed to Lieut.
Colonel Gabriel Christie, cf his Majesty's 60th
Regiment at Antigua, having been intercepted,
was laid before the Committee, and ordered to be
read, which was accordingly done, and the
flowing paragraphs are part of the contents:
" Baltimore, Feb. 22d, 1775.— W e are in such
“ terrible confufion here with our politicks, there
" is no depending on any thing, and that added
“ to other things, makes me wish myfelf out of
" the Province.—We are little behind the'New
" Englanders, mustering, purchasing arms, am
" munition, &c. We have some violent fanatical
" spirits among us, who do every thing in their
“ power to run things to the utmost extremity,
" and they are gone so far, that we moderate peo
" ple are under a necessity of uniting for our own
“ defence, after being threatened with expulsion,
" loss of life, &c. for; not acceding io what we
" deem Treason and Rebellion. The Provo.l
" and family are very well, our public affairs
" vex him,and he wifhea himfelfaway,but I know
“ not when or if ever that will happen. A part
“ of yours, or any other regiment, I believe
" would keep us very quiet."
The Committee then summoned Mr. Christie
to attend them, but being confined to his bed, he
was unable to do it ; they then sent Messrs. James
Calhan, William Buchanan, Thomas Harrison,
John Jones, William Goodwin, and Isaac Van
bibber, to wait on him at his house, and to en
quire, whether the said letter was wrote by him.
The gentlemen returned, and report, that Mr.
Christie had been ffiewn the letter, and acknow
ledged that it was wrote by him; but requefted,that
any further proceedings thereon might be post
poned, until his health would permit his personal
attendance.—The Committee not thinking it
proper to comply with his request, as Mr. Christie
had tonfefs'd he wrote the letter, immediately gave
him notice thereof, upon which Mr. Robert
Christie attended on his behalf, but it growing
late, and many of the members being withdrawn,
the Committee directed a guard of nine men under
the command of an officer tc be placed round
Mr. Christie's house, and then adjourned till to
morrow morning nine o'clock.
F RID A Y, ^ w^, t 77 5.
The Committee met according to adjournment,—
Present, Mr. William Smith, Chairman, and
thirty-three members.
They resumed the business of yesterday.—Mr.
Robert Christie attended and declared, That
Mr. James Christie was very sorry for the letter
he had wrote Lieutenant Colonel Christie: That
he did not mean any harm by it, and that he was
very willing to acquiesce in the determination of
the Committee.
On motion, Refolded, That Doctor John Boyd,
and Mr. John M'Lure, (members of this Com
mittee) do wait on Mr. James Christie, and en
quire of him, who those moderate people were,
that united for their defence, as mentioned in
his letter, and that they take his anlwer in writ
ing. The gentlemen returned and report, That
Mr. Christie declared there never was any afloci
ation between him and his friends for the purpose
alluded to, or for any other purpose, and all that
he remembers to have passed on this occasion was,
that some time last winter he was informed, that
he, with some of his friends, were to be made a
public example of, for not Uniting with the town
in the present opposition, and this being spoken of
accidentally among two or three of his friends, it
was proposed, whether an association for mutual
defence would be advifeable, but no determinati
on being then made, and they soon after being
convinced, that no threats worth notice had been
thrown out against them, the matter dropt, and
was never afterwards thought of, or attempted,
and it was at this time of doubt and apprehension,
that he had wrote the letter in question, which
accounts for that part of it alluded to in this en
quiry.
The Committee proceeded totake Mr. Christie's
conduct with refpef tto said letter into further
and deliberate confederation, and were unanimous
ly of opinion, That by representing in said letter
the people of this town to be concerned in trea
sonable and rebellious practices,and that a number
of soldiers would keep them quiet, he has mani
fefted a spirit and principle altogether inimical to
the rights, privileges, and liberties of America :
They do therefore think it their duty to advertise
the said James Christie, jun. as an enemy to this
country, and all perlons are defiled to break off
all connection and intercourse with him.
The Committee do further Resolve, that, as
the crime of which the said James Christie is
guilty of, is of so dangerous and atrocious a
nature, they will lay the fame before their Dele
gates at the Continental Congress for their ad
vice, and in the mean time it is ordered, that as
Mr. Christie is confined to his bed, and cannot be
removed with fafety to a place of security, the
fame guard be continued at his house to prevent
any escape attempted either by himfelf or the
alliance of bis friends, and that Mr. Christie pay
each man 5/. for each 24 hours, and the Officer 7/6.
A report having been circulated that a number
of arms and a quantity of ammunition were se
cretly lodged in the house of Mr. James Christie,
and the fame being raentioned in the Committee,
they direded two of their Members;Capt. Clopper
and Mr. James Cox ,to go immediately and search
Mr. Christie's house, which they accordingly did,
and reported that they examined the house atten
tively in every part, attended by,Mr. Robert
Christie, jun; and that they only found two guns
and a pair of pistols, and no ammunition, and were
convinced no others were in the house.
Extract from the Minutes of the 1 4//; "July,
William Lux, Secretary.
Refolded, That these proceedings be published
in the Maryland papers.
Copy from the Minutes of the Proceedings,
William Lux, Sec'ry.
The following i 3 a copy of Mr. Christie's letter.
Dear Sir, Baltimore, Feb. 22, 1775.
I DULY received your favours of 13 and 22d
November, and should probably have wrote
you before now, had I not met with the greatest
misfortune in the power of fate to inflid on me,
in the loss of the wife of my foul on the 15th De
cember last, that has almost put it out of my power
to mind anything for some time paft,and all my for
titude is scarce fufficient to bear me up—however I
must submit— she had been brought tobed ofa girl
about twenty days—the dear little infant died a few
days after its mother.
I some time since remitted 221. Bs. fter. to be
paid your mother for the boys pafTage (being 201.
and interest on it at 6 per cent, since I received
the money) and which on the whole leaves them
about 71. currency in my debt, which I shall soon
receive for rent. Charles's expence for eloathing,
schooling, &c. when affiore, runs high.—But I
think he may now pay for it himfelf.—Gabriel
hath been with me 3 or 4 months and so far hath
behaved to my fatisfadion, and I would flatter
myfelf he may eafiiy be broke of the idle, indolent
habit he had been acquiring—he applies well to
any thing I pat him to and after a while I hope
may do.
As your brothers correspondence and mine has
been suspended since a letter I wrote him about the
boys, soon after a receipt cfyour's, I wrote my lif
ter about Jehn Grume's mandamus, and to get me
the preference of it; I have thought nothing more
about it, and am now quite undetermined. At
present I think of going to Britain, so soon as my
affairs will admit cf it, and leave my little boy at
Stirling, and if things turn out to my liking, per
haps I may remain, and set myfelf down either in
London or Glasgow. When I may get away is
wholly uncertain. I would hope some time next
fall. We are in such terrible confufion with our
politicks, there is no depending on any thing, and
that added to other things makes me wish myfelf
out of the province. We are little behind the
New-Englanders, mustering, purchasing arms,
ammunition, &c. We have some violent fanatical
Spirits among us, who do every thing in their
powers to run things to the utmost extremity,and
they are gone so far, that we moderate people
are under a necessity of uniting for our defence,
after being threatened with expulsion, loss of life,
&c. for not acceding to what we deem trealon and
rebellion.
The Provost and family are very well, I believe
he has nothing lately from James, he has made en
quiry about negotiating bills on him in Bengal,
and finds it may be done at a disadvantage of 20
per cent, and 30 per cent, morels the billsare pro
tested; on the whole, 50 per cent, in case of pro
test. Whether he will attempt it or not, I know
not. Our public affairs vex him, and he wishes
himfelf away, but I know not when, or if ever
that will happen. A part of yours, or any other
regiment I believe would keep us very quiet. Do
you expe& to remain long in the Weft-Indies? I
shall hope to hear from you soon, And am very
truly, Dear Sir, Your's,
JAMES CHRISTIE, jun.
To Lieut. Col. Gabriel Christie,
of the 60th Regiment,
ANTIGUA.
NORFOLK, July 12.
On Monday arrived in the road, the Mercury
man of war, of 24 guns, full of men, but we
know not for what purpose.
By a ship from Great-Britain gone up some of
the rivers, we learn, that they are beating up for
recruits in every town in England.
Wejuft now hear of the arrival of the Boston
man of war in the road, and that the Magdalen
armed schooner had put back in distress; so that
we have now four men of war and an armed
schooner for our " protection and defence !" In
consequence of which it is faid,2ooo men are to be
raised and Rationed at Williamsburg and York.
CAMBRIDGE, July j 3.
On Tuesday night a party of men was sent
from Roxbury camp to Long-island, in Boston
harbour, from whence they brought off 15 of the
enemy prisoners, between 20 and 30 horned
cattle, and about 100 lheep. The prisoners were
brought to Head-quarters yesterday, and loon
after sent to Concord.
Governor Wentworth, a native of New-Hamp
shire, has rendered himfelf so justly obnoxious to
his countrymen, by promoting the arbitrary mea
sures of the British King and Ministry, that he
has thought it prudent to repair on board a man
of war for protection.
We have undoubted intelligence that General
Gage's troops are much dispirited; that they are
very sickly; and are heartily disposed to leave off
dancing any more to the tune of Yankey Doodle.
WATERTOW N, July 10.
We hear from Exeter, New-Hampshire, that
a committee from the Congress, fitting there,
waited on George Jaffery, Esq; Province Trea
surer, for what money he had by him, belonging to
the province, and received from him £ 1500 which
was fafely conveyed to Exeter.
WORCESTER, July 12 .
It is reported a flag of truce has lately been dis
patched from General Gage, to his Excellency
General Walhington, at Cambridge.
PORTSMOUTH, July „.
We have the most certain intelligence that the
Indians of the Caghnawaga tribe have taken their
children from Dartmouth College, from which
there is great reason to fear some attack upon oug
back settlements will shortly be commenced.
We also hear, Governor Carlton of Quebec
is endeavouring to procure, and has had confe
rences with Indians 1500 miles back of that city,
and has made them great offers to take up arms
against the Engliffi Colonies.
NE W-LONDO N, July 7.
Tuesday, Brigadier-General Sullivan, (one of
the Members of the Continental Congress for the
Province of New-Hampshire,) arrived in town
from Philadelphia, and the next day set out for
the Provincial camp at Cambridge.
Last Lord's day, arrived here by water from
New-York, several gentlemen, volunteers from
Virginia, on their way to the Provincial camp at
Cambridge.
HARTFOR D, July 17.
Yesterday an express palled through this town
from Crown-Point, with dispatches of importance
to his Honor Governor Trumbull at Lebanon. The
express left Crown-Point last Thursday morning.
We hear the camp dillemper rages in the re
gular army in Boston, as also among the distressed
inhabitants who are confined in that town by order
of Tom. Gage, in open violation of his mo'f
solemn engagement. It is to be hoped he will
meet the fate of Pharaoh of old, whose example
he so exaftly follows.
We hear General Gage has requeued of cur
army to fend necessaries for the difirefled poor
confined in Boston.
PROVIDENCE, 7^t.
The General Assembly of this colony have or
dered an additional number of 360 men to be im
mediately raised for the common defence, and one
quarter of the militia throughout the colony to
be inlifted as minute men.
July 8. We learn that an account of the batt'e
at Lexington was received in England (by the
schooner dispatched by the Provincial Congress
of Massachusetts-Bay) just before the iate-amved
vessels failed from thence.'
N E W-Y O R K, July 17.
Ihe following fix regiments are ordered to
hold themlelves in readiness for immediate em
barkation from Ireland for Boston: Ihe 17th,
commanded by General Monckton; i^e iyth, by
Colonel Massey; the 28th, by Lord 'lcwfaudp