The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1781-09-29 00:00:00, page 2

LONDO N, June 16.
People are not pleased with lord Cornwallis's account
of his two victories. They ask, where is Arnold?
Where are those nine tenths of the Americans that
were to have rose and joined our troops on their march ?
What is lord Cornwallis gone to do at Wilmington ?
And what will become of that flying conqueror, with
the reipainsof an army whereof the intemperance of the
climate, the fcarci'y of provisions, the inaflion of so
many friends, and the (words of the Americans, have
defiroyed the greatest part? Whatjvill become too of
lord Rawdon and Charleftown, which is surrounded
with enemies? Such, fays one of our papers, is the
Situation of our affairs in a country whereof they an
nounce the speedy and infallible submission, where they
allure that the major part of the inhabitants are for us.
Can our ministers give themselves up to that hope af
ter these expressions of lord Cornwallis, " We have
forthwith passed some days amongst timid friends, and
afterwards we found ourselves in the midfl of obstinate
and furious rebels. In this situation I found myfelf
destitute of information, -which loft me the mod favor
able apportunity of attacking the rebel army." Do
not these expressions (hew clearly the real dispositions
of the Americans ; the friends of government are so
timid, that they dare not make the smallest movement,
and the rebels are so obflinate and furious that it is
impossible to make them submit.
Several good people agree, that it is impossible to
fee the hopes of the ministry realised. Several voices
lave been lately railed in that assembly, to prove the
receffity of putting an end to-so defiruflive a war,
which must con pleat the ruin of the nation. Latter
ly again, Mr Bartley has made a motion in the house
of commons, that a bill ' might be brought in giving the
king's ministers, and to certain commiffiont which
woo d be named to that eftft, the necessary powers to
treat, confute, and finally agree on terms of peace and
conciliation with the revolted colonies of America.
The goth of last month, when that motion was made,
Mr. Fox made the following speech:
B Shall not dispute thisquaftion ; I shall confine my
felf to some observations. Lord George Germain
{aid that the crown has fufficient powers to make peace
with America. I contend that the crown has not any
to regulate any one point in dispute between Great-
Britain and America. It is true that the minifies for
got to fay that there would certainly be points referv
£c '?r.consideration of parliament, but what are the
pcim. -refers G. hey are all that are to regulate. The
motion then was neceffary,.if they really have a peace
with America at heart, the crown having no power
without the authority of parliament ; that is a matter
too clear to admit of a doubt. If in fad it has that
which it claims, let us ask then, why the minister re
quested of Parliament an aft to authorize lord Carlifc
and the rest of the commissioners to go to America and
there treat fora peace? Why did they not fend them
off, and what neceffit, had they to treat with parlia
ment? Was it for the pleasure of obtaining an aft
which was good for nothing, or because the thing in
itfelf was one of those bright operations which was to
spread an immortal luftre on the annals of the empire ?
The consequences which resulted from it, have they
ihewn the necessity that there was of addressing the
parliament for the nomination of so illustrious and im
portant an embassy ? There is another point on which
J beg leave of the noble lord to differ with him. We
were not in fad at war with America. The present
hostilities commenced in consequence of the prohibito
ry aft, paired in the year 1774. That a& was the
cause of the war. We were consequently in a differ
ent position with America from what we were with
France and Spain. The war with America took place
by virtue of an aft of parliament, which must necessa
rily be repealed. The present motion is then an indif
penfible preliminary towards opening a door to a re
conciliation. As to the rest, lord George Germain was
right in faying that the crown has fufficient powers
to make peace, for it has certainly more power than'
good will. The fad is, that ministry has not the
smallest inclination towards a peace, and consequent
ly it is entirely unnecessary to give them powers to that
effed. What then ! are you at war with America ?Do
you acknowledge them too to be an independent pow
er ? Are they in the fame relative position to this coun
try as France and Spain ? No it is not with them you
are at war, but with your revolted colonies. It is
not an enemy you combat, but you endeavour to sup
press a rebellion. Can you cramp by reflriftions the
navigation of France and Spain? Prefcri.be by ads of
parliament the exad limits where their ships are to go,
with Rria defence not to pass them. By an aft of
parliament not one vessel belonging to Maffacufetts
dare enter our ports. Can peace be re-established if
that ad is not repealed ?
There was an infurredion in the colonies which we
endeavoured to appease ; but we were not at war with
them as forming an independent power, against which
we migut exercise the prerogative of the crown. If
that diftindion was not fufficient to shew that the
crown had no powers, an ad cf the house passed spe
cially for [that purpose will furniftt the proof. The
prohibitory aft was passed to authorize the Britifa ships
and squadrons to take the ships and properties of the
Americans on the high seas. By that ad they were for
bid-to navigate, and their veffel^ were taken, not as
property of the enemy, but as contraband goods.
Their vtffels will continue to be taken as long as that
ad subsists; the crown can neither suspend nor annul
theeffefts of it. It may order the ships of the royal
navy not to take any American vessels, but cannot
prevent other vessels from capturing them, and ha
ving them condemned in our courts in consequence of
that capture. It is not then in the power of his ma
jesty's ministers to regulate one point in dispute, with
out th^aid-and assistance of parliament. With refped
to the opinions of the ministry on the situation of Ameri
can affairs, whatever they mght have been a few years
ago I amcertain that they never believed that there
was th A smallest appearance of the Americans changing
their dispositions. Lord North would be exceedingly em
barrassed was he to be interrogated on that obje&, for in
answering the question he would be obliged to contra.
diet fafts which he assured us of at different periods.
As to lord George Germain, who has experience, and
is naturally disposed to moderation and sweetness, how
could he fuffer himfelf to be engaged in supporting the
war with America? How explain his reliill for that
wait Lorch North may fay with the Italian poet,
" My vote fpr that operation arises from he who has
the will and power of executing it. Ask me no more."
Lord George Germain will certainly not take it'amifs,
if I observe, that agreeable to his character, he is less
accuftpmed to amuse his audience with general speech-.
es, and that he comes more directly to the point. He
has said that the Americans, having once rejected the
conditionsof peace offered them, they could not hope
that new overtures Ihould be made them. Unconditi
onal submission then is the only provilo of that minifler,
and of all those who, like him, feed tbemfelvss with fire
hopes. Their conduct and sentiments have proved
that they were not mistaken, and they merit at least
the praise of having been cortiflent. Butit is impossi
ble to fay cs much for lord North, whose opinion on
that fubje&: has never been fixed or determined to one
point. Ido not pretend to fay, it is absolutely im
possible that we Gould succeed in our war against Ame
rica, although lord North knows very well in the hot
torn cf his foul, that we have not the smallest hope
left on that fubjeft. However, we have gained of late
a great many victories; we have had Gazettes extra
ordin ;ry ; the guns at the tower have been fired often,
and there , have been, illuminations all over 'the town.
Fine rejoicings, and well worthy the causes which
gave rife to them ! Let us only recolteft the minister's
tranfperts of joy on the taking of Charleftown, which
foe would make,ecple think was a decisive blow, altho'
I at the fame time arrived this house, upon my honor,
that tuat conquer, so much vaunted by them and
their adherents, would not have the smallest influence
on the grand cause <.f independence. But why will
the ministers and the majority of this house, although
well convinced of the impossibility .of conquering Ame
rica, flill petfift in so ruinous a war? The mfwer is
plain, and lore it is. The ministers continue the war,
becau& without it, they coirid hot continue in their
places, and the majority of the members vote for ir,
because without it, the minivers could not make them
gain large sums of money, in affodikting them for the
, benefits of the loan. Ministry know, that the mo
ment wherein they make peace with America; power
muftvbe annihilated, and their friends know also, that
at the fame moment' they must cease to share the be
nefits of the loans.
It is the American war which gave rife to loans,
duucers, bargains, flock jobbings, &c. and it is the,
loans,, the doucers, the bargains, they flock-jobbings
&c. which keeps up the war in America. If we question
the minister out of the house, on the majority which
he had found in it, and he will give a direct andfandid
answer, he will fay, " Have I net given them an ex
cessive profit on the loan, so fliare amongst thfm?"
Have they not continually insinuated to the king, that
the moment he made peace with America, his power
must diminish. They have repeated-to ffm inceffarTy,,
arid he has but tooeifily (offered himfelf so be perfwa
ded, that power was preferable to popularity; that
power was real and fub^lantial good, whilst popularity
was but a vain empty name, that made no noise, and
was fubjeft to vanish like lightening. Such are the
impressions which they endeavour to give him; but
the fad is, that'the ministers power only would finifh
with the war, that of the sovereign does not depend
on its continuance, founded on the conftitutiou it will
live and die with it. If you donot vote with me, days
lord Norrh, to the members of parliament, against a
peace with America, how shall so be able ta give you
any thing? it is true that as minister, my post is high
as it is reputable, but it is no less true that the Ameri
can war offers me the means of procuring you dou
ceurs, andto put 8 or 900,000!. per annum in your
pockets by loans.- Put an end to this war and you are
all ruined. My power will have a miserable period,
and your pay will come to nothing. As to m,-lf I
am fully indifferent about all matters ; I have gained
a trifle, I am happy enough to be contented with little,
therefore, as to what affects me prfonally, no man can
suppose that I trouble myfelf about a peace with Ame
rica, was it to be concluded to morrow; but for your
fakes, take heed that no such resolution passes. If 1
even quitted the ministry, a place for which 1 never
had the smallest ambition, which I never loved, and
which I most ardently |defire to g^tyqu t of, flifi my
vote should be for continuing the war with America.
I therefore engage to you that I shall ever favour that
admirable system, for the benefit of the present age, and
for the admiration of future generations. I cannot
suppose that there is one member of 'parliament, weak
enough to think that any thing can be done against
America ; however, the house seems chore inclined ' than
ever to continue the war, and that from the opinion
of those who have'a personal interest in its continuei
on. Mr. Galloway has said at the bar of the house,
that nine-tenths of the inhabitants of America were
devoted to Great-Britain. And yet' wh.it have we
been able th do. If Mt. Galloway had tod me {O, I
should have aiked' him what he did in England, 'and
why he was not with the friends of government
in America. I am not astonished to find that one
meets none but loyalists in America, for they fay
that England is overrun with American rebels. E
very man who manifefts his horror for war, is ftfame
fully fligmatifed rebel, and is thrown perhaps in
to a prison under the-smallest pretext, whilst the Ame
rican refugees are not only fufe r ed, but paid for tra
ducing the best characters. These refugees print in
the public pap rs the blackest libels against those who
form the rroft illudrious part of the legislature, and
they are kept in pay for that.
There are, however, amongst the refugees, some
who deserve to be diOinguifhed from the rest. They
are those who have really been martyrs to their prin
ciples, and drove from the continent for their unhap
py attachment to the British government. God for
bid that I should blame all sentiments of benevolence
and charity towards people of that character, for
in differing with them in political opinions, I am fen
ble that they merit much pity, and some honor, just
as those wh®, by a similar error, have been obliged to
pass the remainder of their d<ys at St. Germains, or at
Rome. But the greateftnumber of those who are
pensioned by Britifli generosity, as wrong'd in their
colonies, have been formerly the most ardent champi
ons for the American cause, which they did not aban
don 'till after a falfe {peculation, and they thought if
began to decline. These renegadoes are at present the
chief favorites of the ministry, who employs them to
write libels against the least reprehensible and most re
pcHable perfonagesin the kingdom. One of them has
had the impudence to calumniate one of my neareftre
lations, a lieutenant colonel in America, by represent
ing him a traitor to his country, and charging him
direftly with having availed himfelf of his rank in the
army, to keep up a correspondence with the enemy.
There are persons attached to the service of their
country, and working conflant!, for the public good,
who are ex pofed'to the venom of those villains paid by'
the minihry for the calumny which they spread. It
is on account of the part which I have afted in parlia
ment, and the conflaiit opposition which I have (hewn
to the American war, that the person whom I fptak of
has been pointed out by the mercenary pen of a refu
gee, as a suitable object for his calumny. Whilst
such infamous men dare calumniate men so commen
dable for their rank and services; whilst myfelf, wi a
knows the pdrity'of my ' intentions, have been equalijr
a mark for their arrows, can I forbear looking on them
with indignation? But as that matter is soon to be
tried by a court of ju slice, this is not the time 10 treat
of it. If the pretender when he left England, had
been told by any person that the nine-tenths of t e
people of England were for him, wth a ftroug ar 7
on foot ready to operate in coneert with him', and 3
that they bad demanded fuccours from the king of
France, would Lewis the XIV. have granted aft,?
He undoubtedly would have answered in this manner:
If the nine tenths of the Euglifli are for the pfetend
ef, if they have a numerous army 01 foot, I certainly
have no occasion to fend an army into England to put
the pretender on the throne. It is in this manner
that Lewis, .Xlv. would have reafohed, and' it is thra
the house of commons fkotfld have reasoned in conse
quence of Mr. Galloway's report. Alas ! the fiva
fiAths of the people of America are our friends, and
yet there is not one - Broke firuck in our favour, not an
apparent fyniptom of loyalty inthe continent: it is thus
our government is played with, and is duped by a
heap of men who live by its credulity. But lately a
lift,was demanded of the American refugees who re
ceived penfons, and that was refufed. The ministry
find their account in hiding this lift, and in not telling
the public, who these pensioners are.
After all, what have they done ? Has the'Eritifh ar
my as yet effected one fogle thing? If we ask the mi
nister what fort of an army general Wallington has
got, he will answer, that they are in want ofcloathing,
that they have consumed theia provision, that they
have no ammunition, and that they are reduced to al
most nothing. But if you ask them what army general
Clinton has, they will all agree in telling you, Ohl
it i&compofed of the fineft men in the world, the soldi
ers are the flower of the Britifli army, they are well
fed, well eloathed, they abound in magazines of am
munition of every fort'; they are full of ardour, flufli'd
with the numberless successes they-have had, arid breath
nothing but the love of future glory ; and with all this
what prodigies have we effected? Altho' the English'
army|has all the merit, all the courage" that ' can be ex
pelted from it, although the American army has eve
ry thing necessary to ' excite pity in an enemy, yet
that poor miserable army has not yet been^fubjugated ;
quite the contrary, they have mad^ refinance, and they'
have brayed that -superb, that formidable English ar-'
my, who has had too with them the nine-tenths of the
people of America, so that it becomes really a matter
of curiosity to know how it could possibly happen that 1
all theEnglifh army, with the nine tenths of the Ame
ricans at their command,have been kept in check, and
domineered over by only-one tenth of the Americans,
who are supported only by a poor discouraged army,
in want bf every thing.
Things being in this situation, I cannot explain how
it caulri' happen that men should be so obstinately ben,
oh continuing this war. There has been in all times,
men who held very dangerous doftrines, men furround
jog the throne, who put every thing at work to insinu
ate that the power and authority of the crown was dif
tinfl and opposite to that of the people they have al
ledged, and that in fad was the truth, that in time of
war, the power of the crown was greater than in the
time of peace ; but if the power of the crown was not,
so great, it was more glorious when in time of peace
and prosperity; it was founded on the conftit ^ion and
the aifedions of the people; it was the virtues of the
sovereign, .in conciliating the affections and attach
ment of the people, which formed the most solid bast,
of his power. What reason have we to hope to day-that
cur arms will be more profperbus in America, than
they were formerly. Dries the courage of the ministers
revise at the news from Holland, of a fec()pd action
between lord Cornwallis and general Greene, in which
the artiis of the former have been triumphant? We
have won a number of victories the last year. We
have been covered with laurrls. The thanks of the
house have been voted to several generals and admirals,-
for lord Cornwallis, for fir Harry Clinton, for admiral
Arbuthnot, for Rodney, and God knows who-
But whht fruit have we drawn from our victories ?
After all, I fee no reason to think that it would he ad
vantageous to submit the queflion to the house. It
would be better only and under the crowd responsible,
and give power where there is no will. In 1775 when
lord North preferred to the house the conciliatory bill,
he declared explicitly^at several times, that he would
never depart from it. Nevertheless, this fame lord has
come to the house himfelf in 1778, and there proposed
a bill which should be sent to lord Carlisle, and the
other commissioners in America to make an offer to.
the Americans of their taxing themselves. As to a
peace with that country, I do not think that it can be
obtain'd this y^ar, nor the next, nor seven years hence.