Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-06-20 00:00:00, page 2

any offence, such as murdering the colonies, under the
pretence of fapporting the authority oj Parliament,
fall be carried to England to be tried—that is—ac
quitted. Oj the Habeas Corpus and trial by peers,
66 fat nominis umbra."
" That the absolute power, claimed and exercised
in a neighbouring nation, is more tolerable tbanthat of
the kaflern empires, is in a great measure owing to
their bailing united the judicial power in their parlia
ments, a body separate and difincl from both the legis
lative and executive, and ij ever that nation recovers
its former liberty, it will owe it to the efforts of those
ajfrmblies. In Turkey,where every thing is cen
tered in the Sultan or his Ministers, despotic
Power is in its meridian, and wears a most
DREADFUL ASPECT." I Blackstone, 269, 270.
f Both Houses f Parliament refolded two or three
years ago, that persons might be sent for from any of
the colonies for acts done there, and tried in England,
under the o'd flatute of Henry the %th—made before
the colonies exfied. The late court at Rhode-Ifland
was eftablifedon that principle. The intention of Par
liament in paging the bill above-mentioned, is chiefly to
freen persons, afiing in fu'p or t of their unconstitution
al claims. They have declared, they have no doubt
but that the 35th of Henry has eftablijbed a jug and le
gal method of cutting American throats.
" l can live, altbo' another who has no right, be put
to live with me; nay, I can live, altho' I pay excites
Anc/impofitions more than Ido ; but to have my Li
berty, which is the soul of my life, taken from
me by power, and to have my body pent up in a goal,"
(then thrown into a ship oj war, transported three
thousand mi'es across the ocean, to a land of bitter, fel
ffb, furious and revengeful enemies, there thrufl into
the jaws of dungeons) " without remedy by law, and
to be so adjudged: 0 improvident ancefors ! 0 unwise
forefathers ' to be so curious in providing for the quiet
poffefion of our laws, and the liberties of Parliament,
andto neglec? our performs and bodies, and to let them lie
inprifon, andtbat durante bene piacito, remedilefs ! If
this be law, why do we talk of liberties ? Iffy do we
trouble oursel ves with a dispute about law, franchises,
property of goods, and the like ? What may any man
calling own, if not the liberty of bis jerfon ? Jam
weary of trending tbefe quays." Speech of Robert
-Philips, a member of the wife and moderate Parlia
ment that met in the year 1627.
LETTER IV.
%/fyI NHABII'ANTS o/T/T I) RII IS 11
COLONIES ^ AMERICA.
Brethren,
" £ intch pence received since the preced
-4 ing,letter was written, ieems to render
needless every attempt to prove from former
iranpaions —my firft intention, if health had
permitted—that a regular plan has been invaria
bly pursued to cnllave these colonies, and that the
Ad of Parliament for blocking up the port of Bof
tonis a part of the plan. However unprecedented
and cruel that measure is, yet some perfects among
us might have flattered themselves, that the re
sentment of the Parliament is dirtded foldy
'againft that town. The lad advices mention two
bills to be palling in Parliament, one changingthe
chartered constitution of the province of Maffa
ckufetf s-Bay into a military government, and ano
ther, impowcring Administration to fend for and
try perlons in England, for actions committed in
that colony.*
Bythefe instances we perceive that Administra
tion has not only renounced all refped, and all ap
pearance of refped, for the rights of these colo
nies, but even the plained principles of justice and
humanity. Were the representatives of the peo
ple of Mafochufetts-Bay called upon to make fa
tisfadion for the damage done to private property
in any late tumult there? No. Yet it was known,
that Those representatives had made ample repara
tion for the injuries committed on occasion of the
Stamn-Ad. it was known, that the like repara
tion had been made by the assemblies of New-York
and Rhede-[fand. In short it was known that,
notwithstanding the incessant pains taken by many
ministers to teize the colonists by oppressions and
infuhs into madness, yet they have with difficulty
excited only a few tumults, for which the popular
branch of the legidature in the several colonies has
ever been reedy to attorre, upon requisitions from
the Crown.
Great clamour has been railed at home against
JHaffacbufetts-Bay, on account of resolutions at
some of their town-meetings, and other writings
published in that colony ; and better it were that
many of them had been suppressed. The truth
is—that people, animated by an ardent and gene
rous love of liberty saw and peculiarly felt the
proje&s against the freedom and happiness of
America. I know them well : and if ever a peo
ple deserved the character, they are moral, reli
gious, quiet and loyal, affectionately attached to
the welfare and honour of Great-Britain, and
dearly valuing their dependence on her. Obser
vant and sensible as they were of the present and
approaching evils, some of them adopted a very
imprudent, but what appeared to them a very
peaceable and juftifiable method, of difeouraging
administration from proceeding in such alarming
and dangerous measures—that of fpeakingin a high
tone. Words were opposed to injuries, and me
naces never designed for execution, to insults intol
erable. What could they do? their humble peti
tions were haughtily and contemptuously rejected.
The more they supplicated the more they were
abused. By their tears, and Heaven knows many
they have fned, their persecutions flourished, as
trees by water poured on their roots. Their very
virtue and passionate fondnefs for concord for their
mother country occasioned this objected error.
" Surely," fays Solomon, "oppression maketh a
wife man mad." A filly man may disregard it. In
playing the fool they Shewed their wisdom. This
is the true history of those futile pieces, that pro
duced So much Solid eloquence in Great-Britain.
Riots and weak publications, by afmall number
of individuals, are Sufficient reasons with Parliament
to ruin many thousand inhabitants of atruly ref
pe^able town, to dissolve charters, to abolish the
benefitsof the writ of Habeas Corpus, and extir-
* By the firfl of these bids, the Governor is to be in
vefed with the power of a Jurtice of the peace, to
call out the military to effort, though the Mtnifer fays,
in his speech, " Ijball always confdtr that a mi
litary power, acting under the authority and con
troul of a civil magifrate, is A PART OF THE CON
STITUTION." By the second, Americans are t> be
feezed, confined, and carried to England, to be tried,
that is banged on 'charges for arts done in a colony.
This is not all. Soldiers and others, whofall commit
pate American liberty —for the principle reaches
all. But in England the press groans with publi
cations, seditious, treasonable, and 'even blasphe
mous. The difeontented Swarm over the king
dom, proclaiming their resentments. Many enor
mous riots have disturbed the public peace. The
Sovereign has been intuited in passing from his pa
lace to the Parliament-house, on the business of
the nation. Is it to be concluded from these fads,
that the body of the people is seditious and
traiterous? Can his Majesty believe, that he is
thought by his English fubjeds in general to be
such a prince as Some of them have represented
him ? Will rhe two Houses of Parliament acknow
ledge what has been spoken, and written, and ad
ed against them in England, expresses the Senti
ments of the kingdom? Or will they Say, that the
people of England have forfeited their liberty, be
cause some of them have run into licentiousness ?
Let a judgment be formed in both cases by the fame
rule. Let them condemn those or acquit us.
Pretences and reasons are totally different. The
provocations Said to be given by our Sifter colony
are but the pretences for the exorbitant severi
ty exercised against her. The reasons are these
—the policy, despicable and detestable as it is, of
suppressing the freedom of America by a military
force, to be fopported by money taken out of our
own pockets, and the supposed con veniency of op
portunity for attaining this end. These reasons
are evident from the miniftet's speech. The sys
tem is formed with art, but the art is discovera
ble. Indeed, Ido not believe it was expelled we
Should have such early and exarft intelligence of
the schemes agitated against us, as we have receiv
ed. Any perlon, who examines the multitude of
invedives published in pamphlets and news-papers
in Great- Britain, or the Speeches made in either
House of Parliament, will find them directed
a £j" 2 j2 ^e colonies in general. The people in
that kingdom have been with great cunning and
labour,§ inflamed against the colonies in general.
They are deluded into a belief, that we are in a
state of rebellion, and aiming directly at a state of
independency ; though the firft is a noxious weed
that never grew in our climates, and the latter is
universally regarded with the deepest execrations
by us— a poison we never can be compelled to
touch, but as an antidote to a worse, if a worse
there be a curse, that if any colonies on this
continent mould be so mad as to aim at reaching,
the rest of the body would have virtue and wis
dom enough to draw their swords, and hew the
traitors into submission, if not into loyalty. It
would be our interest and our duty thus to gua
rantee the public peace.
The Minister addressing the House of Commons,
uses Several expressions relative to all the Colonies,
and calls the stoppage of the port of Boflon " a
punishment indited on those, who have disobeyed
your authority." Is it not extremely remarkable,
after such a variety of charges affecting all the co
lonies, that the statutes of vengeance Should be
levelled against a fag/e colony? New-York, Phila
delphia and Charlflown have denied freedom of
trade to Ships failing under the protection of alls of
Parliament. Will not the House of Commons
think the inhabitants of these places " have diso
beyed their authority," and that “ a punishment
Should be inflicted on them?" Why do we not hear
of some measure pursued against those cities? Are
they immaculate in the eyes of Administration and
Parliament? Has not each of these places done real
damage to the Eajl-India Company? Has there
been even a requisition of compensation for that
damage from any of them? Why is there such a
profound ftlence observed with refpeft to them?
Because they are judged by Administration and
Parliament, more innocent than the colony of
Massachusetts Bay? No. Because Administration
and Parliament do us Americans the honour to think,
we are such very ideots, that we Shall not believe
ourselves interested in the fate of BeJbn, but that
one colony may be attacked and humbled after
another, without Shewing the sense or spirit of
beasts themselves, many of which unite against
common danger.'
Why were the States of Greece broken down
into the tamest submission by Philip of Macedon,
and afterwards by the Romans ' . Because they con
tended for freedom separately. Why were the
States of Spain subdued by the Carthaginians and
afterwards by the Romans ? Because they contended
for freedom separately. Why were the antient
inhabitants of the kingdom, that now harasses us,
conquered by their invaders? Tacitus will inform
us, “ Nec aliud adverfus validiffimas gentes pro
nobis utilius, quam quod in Commune Noncon
sulunt. Rarus ad propulfandum commune pe
riculum conventus. Ita dum fngu/i pugnant, omnes
vincuntur.^
Why did the little Swiss cantons, and seven
small provinces of the Low Countries, so fticcefs
fully oppose the tyrants, that not contented with
an empire founded in humanity and mutual advan
tages, unnecessarily and arrogantly Strove to “ lay"
the faithful and affectionate wretches " AT THEIR
feet?" Because, they wifely regarded the interest
of each as the interest of all.
Our own experience furnifhes a mournful addi
tional proof of an observation made by a great
and good man. Lord President Forbes. " It is
a certain truth," fays he, “ that all states and
kingdoms, in proportion as they grow great, weal
thy and powerful, grow wanton, wicked, and op
pressive, and the history of all ages gives evidence
of the fatal catastrophe of all such States and
kingdoms, when the cup of their iniquity is full."
Another “ truth" as “ certain" is—that “ such
states and kingdoms" never have been, and never
will be checked in the career of their “ wantonness,
wickedness and oppreflion" by a people in any de
gree dependent upon them, but by the prudent,
virtuous and Steady unanimity of that people.
To employ more words to elucidate a point so
manifeft, would be the idle attempt of gilding gold.
§ Private letters give a further proof of this fad.
+'' Nor was any thing more advantageous to us
against ver, powerful nations, than their imprudence
in net consulting together for the interest of the
whole. Conventions for repelling ^common danger
were rare. Thus while each fate raffled finely, all
woefubdued. Tacitus in vit. Agric.
Surely yott cannot doubt at this time, mycouri
tryme.% but that the people of Maffachuftfs-Bay
are fuffering in a cause ||common to us all; and
therefore, that we ought immediately to concert
the most prudent measures for their relief and our
own fafety.
Our interest depending on the present contro
versy is unspeakably valuable. We have not the
least profped of human assistance. The passion of
despotism raging like a plague, for about seven
years past, has spread with unusual malignity
through Europe. Corftca, Poland and Sweden,
have funk beneath it. The remaining spirit of
freedom, that lingered and languished in the Par
liaments of France, has lately expired, by the new
modelling their Parliaments. What kingdom or
state interposed for the relief of their distressed
fellow creatures? The contagion has at length
reached Great- Britain. Her statesmen emulate
the Nimrods of the earth and with to become
“ mighty hunters" in the woods of America.
What kingdom or state will interpose for our re
lief? The preferyation of our freedom and every
attendant blessing must be wrought out, under
Providence, by ourselves. Let not this considera
tion discourage us. We cannot be falfe to each
other, without being falfe to ourselves. We have
the firmeft foundation of union and fidelity—that
we wish to attain the fame things—to avoid the
fame things. The friendship of others might be
precarious, fufpe&ed, deceitful.
The infinitely great, wife, and good being,
who gave us our existence, certainly formed us
for a state of society. He certainly designed us for
such a state of focicty, as would be productive of
happiness. Liberty is essential to the happiness
of a society, and therefore is our right. The fa
ther of mercies never intended men to hold un
limited authority overmen.^ Craft and cruelty
have indeed triumphed over simplicity and inno
cence, in disobedience to his holy laws. The fa
ther of mercies never intended us for the slaves of
Britons. Craft and cruelty indeed are Driving to
brand us with marks infamoufly denoting us to be
their property, as absolutely as their cattle. Their
pretensions to a right of such power, not only op
pose constitutional principles, but even partake of
impiety. The sentence of bondage against us is
only issued by the frail OMNIPOTENCE*
of Parliament.
“ Non fie inflePcre fenfus
" Humanos ediGa valent." §
We cannot question thejufice of our cause. This
consideration will afford comfort and encourage
ment to our minds.
||The da for /butting up the port of Boston orders,
that it foall not be opened until " peace and obedience
to the lawsfall be so far refored in the said town of
Boston, that the trade of Great Britain may fafel, be
carried on there, and bis Majefy's duties duly
COLLECTED," &c. Thus it appears, if the inhabi
tants renounce the common cause of the colonies, the
port ma, be opened— if the, adhere to that cause, it
will remain fhutb
1 " To live b, one man's WILL became the cause of
all mens mifey." Hooker's Eccles. Pol.
“ Is not universal misery and ruin the same,
whether it comes from the bands of many or of one."
Bishop Hoadly's disc. on Gov.
" Of so contrary an opinion was this good man
(Hooker) to that of some others, who can never oppose
one extreme without running into another, as bad if
not worse, and think the, cannot enough condemn rebel
lion, without giving the divine fanaion to tyranny
ant oppression. This judgment ought likewise to be of
the more weight with such, as profefs the most profound
veneration for the memory of Charles the firft, and the
honour of the old Church of England ; because this
treatise, in which it is to be fund, was chosen out of
man, others b, that prince, to be recommended to bis
children, as the bes inftruTor the, could converse
with ; and was bad in such efimation b, a//church
men, from the time of its appearance, that it ma, well
pass not on) for bis own judgment in particular, but
for the judgment of the whole Church of England at
that time." Bifhpp Hoadly, ibid.
" NNould not the unhappiness of this nation in par
ticular have been the fame, whether a late King alone,
or b, a formal law, bad fubjefled it to the reli
gion of Rome, and the maxims of France ? And
upon fappoftion of such an attempt, would not our late
deliverance have been as glorious, as great a^c/jufti
fiable, as much wanted, and as truly beneficial, as it
was upon the attempt of the King alone ? Would not
the invitation of the Prince of Orange, the election
and meeting of the persons who made the convention,
and the consequent eftablifbment in the Protestant
line, have been as requisite and as ujejul ? Nay,
would not the ends of Government have been more
effeGual) answered this way, than b, SUBMISSION
to a TOTAL DISSOLUTION of ALL HAPPINESS at
present, and of all hopes for the future ? How
then can it be said, that the ends of Government re
quire that degree offubmiffion upon the one fuppojiti
on, which they are allowed not to do upon the other,
when the fame misery and destruction muftfol
low a fubmiflion i zboth cases, and tbe fame UNIVER
SAL happiness must in both be the CONSEQUENCE
of a just and WELL MANAGED DEFENCE ? Or
would the ends of Government be defrayed, Jbould
the miserable condition of the wbo'e people of France,
which hath proceeded from the King's being made abso
lute, awaken the thou, bts of the wifefl heads amongst
them, and move them all to exert themselves, so as
that those ends should be better answered for the
time to come." Bilhop Hoadly, ibid.
It was refolvedb, the House of Commons that this Bi-
Jbop, then Mr. Hoadly, and ReGor of St. Peter's poor,
London, "for having often ftrenuufly juflifed the
PRINCIPLES, on which her Majesty and the nation
proceeded in the late bappy revolution, bad jufly me
rited the favour and recommendation of that House."
And accordingly addressed fueen Anne, " that foe
would be graciously pleased to before some dignity in
the Church on the said Mr. Hoadly, for bis eminent
services both to the Church and State."
" f batfoever difkonours human nature, difoonours
the policy of a Government which permits it ; and a
free fate, which does not communicate the natural right
of liberty to all itsfuljeHs, who have not deserved bv
their crimes to lose it, hardly seems to be worthy of
that honourable name."
Lord Littleton's history of Hen. 11.
" Without goodness, power -would ^tyranny and
oppression, and nuifdom would degenerate into craft
and mfchievous contrivances."
Archbishop Tillotfon's sermons.
'' Etiamji nonfit moleflus d minus, tamen est mifer
rimuni, pofJe, Ji velit." Cicero. Even ij afovercign
does not oppre/s, yet it is a most miserable condition jor
the fulfils, that be las the power if be has the will.
* 1 Black,one, i6i..
§ Edirts cannotfo bend the common sense of human
creatures.
What advantages can they gain, that can com
pensate tp men of any understanding or virtue, for
the miseries occasioned by their bad policy. Their
numbers will be too small, in any manner whatever,
to controul the sentiments or measures of the peo
ple of America. Their conduct never can prevent
the exertions of these colonies in vindication of
their liberty. It may, by provocations, render
those exertions more rash and imprudent. But
their numbers will be so extravagantly exaggera
ted, as all faffs have been against us, on the other
fide of the Atlantic, that Great Britain may be
deceived and emboldened into measures deftruftive
to herfelf and to us. We are now strenuously en
deavouring, IN A PEACEABLE MANNER, by this
single power —the force of Unanimity— to pre
serve our freedom. Those, who lefen that unani
mity, detrart from its force—will /rroe/zf its efert
—and must be, therefore, justly chargeable with
all the dreadful consequences to these colonies.
The third important confederation, I beg leave
to recommend to my countrymen, is to draw such
reflections from their fituarion as will confirm their
minds in that manly noble fortitude, so absolutely
necessary, for the maintenance of those ineftim Tie
privileges, for which they are now contending.
The man, who fears difficulties arising in the defence
of freedom, is unworthy of freedom. God has
given the right and the means of asserting it. We
may reasonably ask and expe& his gracious assist
ance in the reasonable employment of those means.
To look for miracles, while we abusively neglect
the powers afforded us by divine goodness, is not
only stupid, but criminal. Weare yet free—Let
us think like freemen.
In the last place I beg leave to offer some obser
vations concerning the measures that may be most
expedient in the present emergency. Other nations
have contended in blood fortheir liberty, and have
judged the jewel worth the price that was paid for
it. These colonies are not reduced to the dread
ful necessity. So dependent is Great-Britain on us
for supplies, that Heaven seems to have placed in
our hands means of an effectual, yet peaceable re
fiftence, if we have sense and integrity to make a
proper life of them. A general agreement between
these colonies of non-importation and nun-export
ation faithfully observed would certainly be attend
ed with success. But it is row proper to enter
into such an agreement? Let us confider that we
are contending with our antient venerable and be
loved parent-country. Let us treat her with all
possible refped and reverence :+ Though the rn-
f Lord North's fyeecb.
+ Byjufice (faith the scripture) the throne is efia
blijbed," and "by juflice a nation Jhall be exalted." I
resemble juf ice to Nehuchadnezar's tree, fading not
only the palace of the king, and the boufe oj nobles, but
Sheltering also the cottage of the poorest beggar. Ifhrc
fore if now the blast of indignation batb so bruised any of
the branches of this tree, that either ourperfons or goods
or joffeffions have not the fame (belter as before, lit us
not therefore neglect the rcot of this &mt tre^ ; but
Let us therefore, in the firft place, hnmblhr,
ourselves before our gracious creator, devoutly
beseech his divine protection of us his rffiitlea ser
vants, most unreasonably and cruelly opprefled.
Let us seriously reded on our manifold transgres
sions, and by a fincete repentance, and an entire
amendment of our lives, strive to recommend our
selves to divine favour.
In the next place, let us cherish and cultivate
sentiments of brotherly love and tenderness amongst
us. To whom under the cope of Heaven, can we
look for helpin these daysof “ darkness and trou
ble," but one to another. omy countrymen !
have pity one on another—Have pity on yourselves,
and your children. Let us—by every tender tie,
I implore you—let us, mutually excuse and for
give each other our weaknesses and prejudices,
(for who is free from weaknesses and prejudices?)
—and utterly abolishing all former diffentions and
diftindions, wifely and kindly unite in one firm
band, in one common cause.
If there are any men or any bodies of men on
this continent, who thirl: that an accommodation
between us and Great-Britain, or that their own
particular interest, may be advanced by withdraw
ing themselves from the councils of their country
men, I would wifi them most deliberately to con
fider the consequences, that may attend foch a
condud. What step can possibly be taken m^re
dire&ly tending to prevent an accommodation
between us and Great-Britain, than supplying ad
ministration with proofs of our intefline divisors?
What do our enemies so ardently wish for, as for
these divisions? Has not the expeGation of these
events encouraged the ministry to treat us with
such unexampled contempt and barbarity? Will
not the certainty of these events excite resolutions
in them to press us—to take every advantage of a
people so industriously studying and labouring to
weaken and destroy themselves? Then a minifttr
may with reason call upon the House of Commons
—“ Now is our time to stand out—to defy
them—to proceed with fomnefs and without sea
to produce a conviction to ALL America, that we
are now in earnefl; and that we will proceed witli
firmnefs and rigour—until SHE SHALL BE
LAID AT OUR FEET."f
I appeal to every man of common sense, whether
any measures will be so likely to induce adminis
tration to think of an accommodation with us, as
our unanimity. Must not, therefore, every mea
sure impeaching the credit and weight of this una
nimity in the fame degree obftrud all accommoda
tion? Will not every such measure naturally pro
duce bauchtinefs, perseverance and freJh rigour in
our oppressors? Will not these hill more enrage us,
and place us farther from an accommodation? If
the Protection and Peace, we wish to derive
from our unanimity be taken from us, by the im
prudence of our brethren, who break that unani
mity or destroy all refped for it in Great-Britain,
and thereby encourage her to seize, what she will
certainly think, the lucky opportunity for pursuing
her blows, what must be the consequence? We
held up a shield for our defence. If our brethren
have pierced it through and rendered it ufelefs—
their indiferetion will, according to the usual course
of human affairs, compel us to change the mode of
defence, and drive us into all the evils of civil dis
cords.