Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser — Portland, Me., 1810-06-18 00:00:00, page 2

Ifiju'-aurf cf rp.iicac^uttts.
HOUSE OF E EPEESKNT.iTIFFS,
) sz n, lsio.
A CON'ilDLHABCK number ot ioc«<
t'ioiis wt r«- of ; and a coni
• n ’tee w«s appoin t'd to repor*. on the sub
pit u! a liew /kiU'tiiMl.
A communication (run the Qoarter-Mas
;• lie nor l res;* rtmjr Music and Colours
t »rtlu* Militia, was c inmitud.
ANSWER TO GOi’LHXGR't SPEECH.
Mr, Hij>i.lv, of the committee on the
subject, re;*u.ed the subsequent address in
answer to he Governor’s Speech.—It was
voted to be read in paragraphs, 8c under went
n loner dc-bete ; in win :h many of its incor
rect statement- tml talse reasonings were
[jointed out, and motions made to amend
; but in Yam. At a late hour it passed ;
aod Me sv.. Ripley OovMinxJiietd, StUitvan,
i .aUnct, o.d Sp/ngiict juu. appointed to pre
sent the same ; —
Afiy it fit *re yt.nr ExctUemyt
1IIE »i|. le ol Reprefentatives rereive
with pecu iar labefaction your Excellency's
c mu ucaaou to the two branches of the
i.eg iU u. e. We view in it principles conge
ilia with the nature of our free inftitutious,
and which, if properly appreciated, conuot
f.;il fo promote the greai interefts of the
Slate.
We are fenfible that the u meafures'’of our
rulers, aud ‘‘the belt criteria by which to ef
tim te their conduit. For it is from them
that thofe relults are to be obtained which
conduce either to ihe happiness or mifery
of mm. Cue ftill we conceive (hat there are
other circumftances winch may infpire a gen
*■ >us and becoming confidence. Long expe
rience m the public alFairs—atfiduoui atten
tion to the general welfare—a life devoted to
oil »jesof active patriotifm, and a practical e
fcounmy.are confideratioos which infomedc
g-ce will an.icipate the pub ic confidence e
ve.i betore the courle oi administration isde
v.’foped by its meafures.
i hi3 commonwealth forms an important
member of the national confederacy. Her
population and refourcei—her wealth and en
tet prize—already entitle her to an elevated
fta.iou in the great political family. To af
fign her a rank: ihat fliall comport with thtfe
advantage*, and to impart to tier an influence
commentu-a.e with her real character, ought
to be an important objelt with her citizens,
aud the firlt du*y of her government. For
the attainment of thereeuds, it is necelFary to
cultiva.e a fpirit of harmony with the gener
al government,and rocherilL the moft friend
ly rt ations with our lifter *ates. In fubjelb
of national concern, and within the fcope of
the federal Comtitution, it is no lefs our duty
than ou - intereft to accommodate our will to
the genera! ieutimeuts of the Union. But a
bove all it is of t he utmofi importance to ban
illi t..rever from our Councils, and if poftible
from the tninds of cur citizens, thofe diffrac
ting utx1 illiberal prejudices which alTeH to
divide the n*nou iuto particular fections ;_
winch a: empt to d lFemmate a belief of an
uppofi.iou ot policy and interefts in differ
ent portions of our Country ; aud milled the
pub ic mind with it eas of a Northern or
•southern, a K.aliachuietts or Virginia domi
nation.
On fuel, a courfe of conduct both ou the
part of the government ?.nd people depends,
under God, the iafetv of this riling Repubhc.
! or v.e cordially agiee with your Excellency
th at *• l niton is the vital principle of liberty."
“Vi h< ut a isafonalde confidence in our na
tional i liters, and a proper rrfpecft tor the oth
er members of the body politic, our fntiatien
would he replete with evils Interna! dilqui
et wcu d form the left apology and alTord the
highest encouragement ;o foreign opprellion
DilTtv.riou and c f .’rd would agitate die pub
lic mind, till the farrnouies winch c no ear the
l *ci.d fta:e, Wt old ! c deftroyed by feverifli
it ntatious. DifafTetflcd individuals, whole
ob»« Cl is only to rite to power in the whtrl
v uni of port real couvulfions, would ferment
t lie lla.e of public comnouion ; until at length,
amid the dangers ot inteftiue war and foreign
loiniua ion, this ailGum ot Man—this abode
of V’icedom, would be plunged into irretriev
able ruin.— Her tame and her glory fubver
ted ; her dcareft iDterefb betrayed, in an
nour of aiTlicling calamity, the tun of her
nrofperuy would forever bet amid clouds and
tempefts.
Unuer a fo!emu fenfe of thefe codfiderations,
«*:id looking forward to happier profpetfts,
v.e ca i alTure vour Excellency that the Houle
of Rtpre(en»a;ifes are difpofed to draw “ the
untie of friendfliip" over any “ part obnox
»oU“tatatrires,” w hich may have attended the
p.ogrel* of legifla iou in tln« Commonwealth,
or it they ihould be remembered, it will be,
not for the pur pule ct wantonly wounding
1 , , | s O
the feenngioi then- luppo:'.ers; bttt a» bea
con- to j>ojnt out to the future politician the
» ck> on which were aimoft wiecked the u
niou anJ h/ippinet-.—the pmfperity and har
mony of the whole American family.
In adverting with you * Excellency, to the
convulsed state at'JCurope, the mind invol
untarily shudders at the afflicting specta
cle. A war, exiermifialim in its nature,
extends its ravages, and what will Ik- its
final catastrophe is kn,wn oi v to that Be
ing wiio maketli darkness his pavilion. In
the Sride rangedit* d.-solati >r, n.(auspicious
events have resulted » the be^t interests ot
tins country. England *nJ FVui.ce, with
out any pretext tor complaint in relation to
our conduct; on the protested principles
of annoying each other, have wantonly in
troduced a system, equally repugnant to
t .e usages ot nations, the immunities of neu
tral-., and the dictates of justice. In both
ivuio ia we preteive li.u s .me spirit, mod
ified to j>ur|Hisfs which will comport with
the actual situation of each. England,on
the one hand, in the insatiable spirit ot
coiUinu cial monopoly, has interfered with
f »mc of the most Leuef.ci i branches of our
commerce, in order to «: >d her own a
more unlimited expansion. U i the other
band, the Ruler of France, with an ambi
tion as inordinate ai hi* ini.4 ;* vigorous
and capa. iOMk / in iiis faruri r scheme ol
bearing upon the commerce of England,
has violated tue »a!iwii!y ut nectrat rights,
o»d the obligations ut positive compact.
Tue one with the mastery ot the ocean, and
the other with the dominion of the conti
nent, have waged war upon our dearest in
terest, and produced incalculable private
distress and public embarrass nent- For
either cf them there is r.o anolurrs—no ex
• O.
1 ** M ■ '* ,JV
, :**»(— Ltcli n ti.c man cut of rcu» ning
•unoij ai <1 - dtiiior, justice would not biusii
'• own. 1 is ead ol* bring baucfactors to
oAukiml—ifoiirad of promoting the pios
wtrity of nations, and ex ending the circle
»f human happiness, the destructhc const
ju uct» of their conduct ae felt ill esery
juai ter of the globe. This House ardent
i. desires that this state of tilings may be
changed. And although expectation is
:almost destroyed, \ct wc canrn t forbear to
hope, that those nations will return to a
sense of justice and of duty ; That they
will give to thii country a free enjoyment
of t lose blessings, which are her right ;
and of which in a moment of lawless ag
! gression, she has been unjustly deprived,
lu every event we feel coniident, that un
d. r the auspices of those whom the peo
ple have selected as depositaries of their
power, cemented by union and harmony ;
and with the benignant interposition of that
Providence, wiio has heretofore been “ the
stahiliy of our times, and the strength of
our salvation the desunies of this republic
w U rise superior to existing difficulties ;
and he more firmly fixed in the affections of
our citizens, an I ihe re,siw*ct of mankind.
We confider with your KKccIlency,the mili
tia as “ the great dtpofitory of our liberty
and independence,” and as fuch it will al
ways receive our deliberate attention. In
this happy country, where the fovreignty rc
lides in the people,who is worthy to defend it
as its legitimate proprietors ? who feel lo ar
dently its facred trufi ; or would endure
greater privations to preferve it unimpaired ?
our militia fyftein is interwoven with our fa
cred inititutions ; and the protection of the
ooe, is indifpcniably requilite for the prefer
Vition of the other. At all times to give to
ic force and efficacy, to adopt thofe improve
ments which have rendered modern warfare
fo formidable ; to fortify and eftablifh it in
the public fcatiment ; and to impart to it
every aid which the conifitution permits, are i
duties, which in the co-operation with the
other branches of the government we truft
will be pcrfe&ly performed. 1
We fincerely concur in fentiment, with
your Excellency in relation to the Federal
Government. We have been favored with
a l'uccctlion of wife and upright rulers;
whofe beft vindication is to be found in the
increafing veneration of their countrymen.—
The prefent national chief magiftrate poflef
fes thole rare talents and comprehenfive
views which allimilatc his policy to that of
his predcctflor. Under his guardianship we
feel a lively confidence that the profpericy
of the nation will progrcls with unabated vi
gor; that our union will be ftrengthened by
his care ; and that the refources of private
enterprize, developed and direded by public
encouragement, will fofter every inftitution
which gives dignity to man ; and adopt ev
ery improvement that extends the circle of
cur happinefs.
The interefts of religion, morality and lit
erature, are of peculiar coucern. On them
depend the maintenance of our free confti
tutions, and thofc habits and Sympathies
which will preferve them unpolluted. It is
a truth inconteftible, that virtue and knowl
edge are the main pillars in the temple of '
lrctdom. Thofc who oppofe our forms of
government,and cavil at their principles, af- i
lt d to do it on the ground, ‘ that the feofk are 1
their orvn ivorjl enemies without the kuowh i
edge to difeern their rights ; and without
the virtue to purfue them ; in oppofition to
the alurements of intcrcft. and the didates
of paflion. Of how much importance then is
it, that a diflemination of corred knowl
edge and a religion, “ pure and undefiled,” I
Should engage the attention of Republican
I.egiilators. That the right of the one and
the benevolent purpofea of the other may be
extended, and that their ftreams may flow
as fret as their fountains are unpolluted, are
objeds of tranfeendent importance. The
protection of commerce and the application
of our refources to a purfuit of fuch vital
cor.fcqucncc to the State, are by the federal
conftitution exclufively confined to the Gen.
Government. We feel the greattft aflur
ance, that iviththem they will receive all that
encouragement ol which they are fulcepti
ble. The national adminiftration, relying en
tirely on commerce for fupport, will contin
ue, as they have done, to proted its rights,
from the infolent afumptions of a belliger
ent world.
The iutcrcfts of agriculture and domeftic
manufactures fail peculiarly within the
department of ftate legiflation. Wc confid
cr them as infeparable from our exiftence;
and as the bafts on which is elevated every
focial relation. To facilitate agriculture by
every Ipccies of improvement ; by opening
roads,extending fcttlements, & applying leg
illarive aid 10 its encouragement cannot
fail to engage our anxious folicitude.
J he introduction and improvement of
domeftic manufactures, we conceive alfo to
be the introduction and improvement of do
meftic vittucs. For while they render us, in
l,*me degree, independent of other nations
they make us more immediately dependent
on our internal rcfources, & upon our own
habits of induftry Ik economy. By fupplying
us with the neceffaries & conveniences of life,
they enlarge the circle of internal commerce;
and by contributing to the wants of differ
ent fedlions, of our common country, thev
invigorate an affe&iop, which is the flrongeft j
bond of our union. And ou this occaiion
wc cannot refrain from congratulation, on
the extenlive introduction of domeftic im
| piovtinents. The unjuft conduct of foreign
■ nations has compelled us to refort, in fome
degree, to thole resources, which divine Pro
vidence has fo bountifully allotted to this fa
vored country. And we confidcr it the
lacred duty wi this Houle, in co-operation
with the other branches of government, to
dircCt the public impuife iu hich a manner,
as to fccure to us every advantage which the
domeftic arts can afford.
We truft with your Excellency, that when
“ we reflect on the numerous bitilings, poli
tical, civil and religious,H which thefe Unit
ed States enjoy, it will infpire us with the
ftrouget! atucnmcnr to our beloved country.
Removed from the vortex of European poli
tics,we are rapidly progrtOing in every fpe
cies of improvement Induitry and enter
pi ize ma» k the character of our citizens; and
are t\cr certain ot leaping their rich rewards,
j Forming an aflylutfi from the convulfions ol
the old world,our population is augmenting bv
continual emigrations. Under thefe eircum
) ftances, we are compelled, by every Uonora
‘ ole motive, to refill the attempts of “ impru
' dent zealots,” who would put in jeopardv
our deareft interefts.
■ To ille cou:fc ol your ExaeVcucy^ atlnun
iftration, we look with p/eafmg anticipation.
( Wc confider the paft conduct of public char
; aClcrs, as the fafeft pledge ot their future
courfe. And with iir»prtifion* ot this nature,
we feel allured that under your guidance a
fpirit of harmony will pervade our councils;
that the national government and our filler
Hates, will receive the refpeci which is their
due ; and that the great mtertfts of the com
monwealth, under the loitering care of the
i government will receive every aliiftance they
may need ; and every encouragement in our
power to beftow.
Any other communications from your
Excellency will receive that refpetSlful at
I tuition to which they will be juftly entitled.
■ nil ■■ 1 *——1—**♦'>>*—
spificrilanp.
Letters upon French Influence.
NUMBER V.
To the Profile of the United States.
The question how far the House of He- I
presentatives possesses a constitutional
power to bind its members to secrecy in
rospect to “ Public Documents,” is now
open for examination.
“ Documents,” communicated by the
1 President to Congress are colled “ Pub
* lie,” because we can naturally take no o
tlier view of this subject than that such
communications are made in pursuance of
that part of the constitution which makes
, it the duty of the President, “ From time
to time to give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union.” In discussing
the President’s power upon this point, it
has already been remarked that the power
< to give information to Congress could not
mean the same as to withhold information
i from the People. We may go farther, and
say, with perfect confidence, that the fra
mers of the constitution expressly contem
plated publicity as the essential character
istic of this act of the President The con
stitution is imperative. “ He shall,
from time to time, give to the Congress,
&c.” This provision is contained in a sec
tion of the constitution which prescribes
the duties, rather than the pavers of the
Executive. The first section of the second
article regulates the election of the Presi
dent ; the second gives him the powers of
military command, of reprieves and pardons
of making treaties, and of appointments ;
and the third commands him to give infor
mation to the Legislature, to recommend
measures to their consideration, to receive
ambassadors, and to execute the laws.
“ He shall give to the Congress*’—What ?
“ Information.” Respecting what * “ The
state of the Union.” It is worthy of repeat
ed remark, that, in the arrangement of
executive powers and duties, this duty of
communicating information is carefully
kept distinct from the power of making
treaties. The framers of the constitution
anticipated no connexion between them.
I hose illustrious sages and patriots did not
contemplate the purchase of an Arabia
Desert, or even an Arabia Felix. They
did not mean to make it the duty of the
Executive to make treaties, to buy territo
ries or to buy peace. Yet it is only upon
the ground of an imaginary, but clearly
«xtra-constitutional, connexion between
the treaty making j*>wer, and the commu
nication, by the department of the govern
ment which possesses that power, of** in
formation” to Congress, in the shape of
diplomatic documents, that the friends of
administration pretend to justify even the
House of Representatives in imposing a per
petual injunction of secrecy in relation to
the contents of those documents. The pre
sent writer does not hesitate to deny, with
at least equal boldness, and he hopes more
cogent reasoning, than what Sir Francis
Burdett has displayed in questioning the
ngiu of the British House of Commons
to imprison a British subject, the constitu
tional and legal power of the House of Rep
resentatives to impose such an injunction.
He has already totally denied the right of
the President to exercise this power. He
now denies its existence in the House of
Representatives, as the constitution, the
laws, and the rules of that House, have
hitherto stood. But he does not affect to
oe wiser than seven vien who can render a rea
soni. lie will not resort to
Arguings that are unintelligible,
And mysteries nice of quirk and quibble.
But will give the reasons for the political
faith that is in him upon this subject, with
his usual conciseness and simplicity.
It is certain that there are but two con
stitutional provisions which bear upon this
point • That winch is contained in the ;
second clause of the fifth section of the first
article, in these words, “ Each House
may determine the rules of its proceedings ;
punish its members for disorderly behav
iour ; and, with the concurrence of two
thirds, qxpel a member.” And that which
follows in the very next clause, “ Each
House shall keep a journal of its proceed
ings ; and, from time to time, publish the
same, excepting such parts as may in their
judgment require secrecy : And the yeas
and nays, of the members of either House,
i on an) question, shall, at the desire ot one
fifth of those present, be entered on the
journal.” Now, as the House might do busi
ness without any settled rule, except per
haps that of vesting the Speaker with a sort
of absolute power, and is only permuted to
dciei mine the rules ot its proceedings,’*
it is clear as light that this permission to
make rules of iorm, has no natural connex
ion with the command to keep a journal,
which is a rule ot substance prescribed by
the constitution itself, and of course a ne
cessary and indispensable one. The rules
ol proceedings at e to govern members only,
ami only while members. The right to
keep a part ot the journal secret must bind
alt men at all times. It exercised conform
a >1) to tiie constitution, it must be a gross
contempt of the House to purloin or cW
that part of the journal for publication. But
it is the * journal’ alone that is held sacred.
It is those parts of the journal only which
the House may determine (it would seem
by an express vote) to be improper to be
published, and not any other papers what
( e.ver» are ““tentered on the journal
that are thus protected by the shield of the
constitution, and screened forever from the
vutgar ga/e, What is a ‘ jouimd of procee
dings : Certainly n< it|,„r niuPe „Jp lcss
| than a record ol acts. The House, in Pariia
mcuUry plxras-, * proceeds to conddei* this
j or the oHjer matter, and die statementof i s
I 4 nrocee*!mgs,* thrown into the torn* oi a di
arv, constitutes the 4 journal.* A* it does
not keep a journal of debates, it is nenher
required to publish its debates, nor can it
present the publication of them, although
they may have taken place with closed
doors. For instance, when the House refu
sed to publish the journal of its proceedings
upon the secret proposition to buy Jratna
the Sand.', (Florida), any member had a
right to state what was said pro and con, up
on the subject generally, if he stated no mo
tion or vote. The distinction is obvious.
Motions & votes are entered upon the jour
nal, argument and eloquence are not. It
seems that in England the exclusion of the
populace from the galleries has not been
considered as involving a denial of the right
of the members to publish even the proceed
ings as we learn by the following curious ar
ticle from a late number of that celebrated
publication, Bell's Weekly Messenger. * We
remember a time, dining the administration
of Lord North, when the gallery was once
shut. [Only * once* in the reign of the Great
* Tory,’ North ? Our 4 Whigs* of the West
are not so scrupulous.] The report ci the
proceedings, however, went on in the news
papers as usual. They were furnished by
members themselves. ill at length the
good humoured Lord, in the blue ribbon,
stepped across the House to Mr fox, and
said, 4 Reallv, Mr. Fox, since we have turn
ed reporters ourselves, the speeches are so
clumsy, there is so much misrepresentation,
and so much nonsense, that we must open
the gallery door in our own defence.’ Tins
remark was better calculated for the merid
ian of London, than it w ould now be for that
of Washington. The m ajority of our legis
lators mutit either be silent, or speak with
closed doors, if they mean to be respected
by the people- They can never be under
the necessity of opening the galleries in de
fence of their own reputation as men of in
tellect. Enough however of this. Nor is
it clear that we are obliged to adopt the
common law of Parliament, lint it that bo
dy, which is sometimes, with a spice of
profaneness, called * omnipotent,’ does not
presume to consider its unquestioned right
to hold secret sessions as involving that of
preventing Wie publication of its secret pro
ceedings, it would seem to indicate a little
arrogance in a Legislature whose powers
are so limited as those of Congress, to pre
sume to say that documents which form no
part of Its journal are not to be published,
because it is pe> r»ur~f to keep a portion of
thejonrnal itself secret !
The task winch the writer has underta
ken may be a task of years. He hopes to
be enabled religiously to perform his en
gagements to the People. But as he an
nounces explicitly, as the result of long and
deep reflection, that he considers himself
entitled to make use ol least the sub
stance of all the documents upon which
Congress has acted, and of the whole of the
debates of the House of Representatives,
be they now public^or be they yet private,
even the ‘ unimtUKfcd’ yrill in a moment be
satisfied tiiat the fieltf before him is ‘volu
minous atul vast.* The torrent of popular
passion is now so resistless, that if any good
can ever be expected to result ilom' these
pages. *t n>uat ue ot a date at jeast as dis
tant as the probable termination of them.
The responsibility of the writer may be a
tremendous one, but he assumes it with all
the cheerfulness of Principle, and will meet
its consequences with all the firmness of
Patriotism.
From the Newburyfiort Herald.
PENMANSHIP.
Mr. Allen—I send you the re
marks made on Mr. Wrifford’s
mode and style of Writing, by a gen
tleman of undoubted taste and judg
ment ; and we sincerely hope that the
people of Newbury port will not fail to
no*ice these judicious remarks to their
own good, by improving this opportu
nity duriug Mr. Wrifford’s stay in
this place. If sir, you will have the
goodness to publish the inclosed, you
will, in our opinion, confer a favor on
the public. -
Penmanship, as taught by Mr, IVrifford,
To the ingenuity and uncommon
perseverance of this gentleman, the
public and many individuals are under
no small obligations, for many impor
tant improvements in the Art oj Teach.
ing;at least of several branches; but the
one by which he is known to the pub
lic, and by which he has gained a hand
some share of well-earned reputatoin,
and honorable distinction, is the Art
of Writing. It appears that h# has in
structed in the principal towns and cit
ies of the U States, to the approbation
of the learned and judicious. By the
best judges, his style of writing is ac
knowledged to be superior to any for
correctness, taste Sc ease, and the mode
of teaching far superior to any thing
known cither in this, or any other coun
try. I he art of wtiting as taught by
Mr. Wb if ford, is an art regularly sys
temized and governed by rule and ele
mentary principle. From the remarks
of those who have attended his instruc
tions in this branch, it is evident, be
yond all doubt, that any person, of prop
er age and decent capacity, may ac
quire more, and incomparably better
information and improvement in atten
ding but a short time to Mr. W*s in
struction, than he will in several years
in the usual mode of teaching ; and
that it rests entirely with such a person
who does attend with him but for a
short time, and a trifling compensa
; tion ; whether he will or not make
such an opportunity worth to him at
i least from 50 to 500 dls. And lie must
be unfortunate indeed, who, with Mr.
W’s peculiar talents to convey and en
force ideas, cannot be rrude to under
stand and perform. It seems a pity I
that sonic means Cutmoi be co •
(consistent with the rights of? ‘ ;
'iduaP that his style & nitxlt* 0[\ "?
in- should be generally inuocluc?^' *
all our academies and Schools i. ?
really surprising that those who h ‘
the care of Schools, are so blind t0 tZ
own good and interest, as not tor?
more thorough pains to have tUL,
traordinury mode of teaching im, ?*
ced in all their schools, and rtTi i?.*
taught like other branches of ecW '
Mr. W . does really possess su i>trir
taste and judgment in the art of \y;
ting ; and having with unwearied ?
lienee, examined all the best piect^
Penmanship, in copperplate and
uscript, both in Europe and America*
! and selected therefrom all the p!m?
i pal excellencies, it is reasonable to c?
i elude, that he presents the public v?,
; a superior hand writing, both for?
- gance of appearance and ease of ex?’
tion or practice. But such is the lo!'v
of mankind, so prone are they to fo|?
and hold fast to ©Id established w?
as it regards their interest and kb?
that they usually suffer every r,e%- amj
important improvement, in things thiit
concern their own good, to pubb Jy
themselves unimproved, to he ei.joyt<i
by their successors, and example*
greatly abound, that men, things
actions 1 have been overlooked anddis.
regarded by cotemporaries, and unno
ticed in the times they took place ; but
by posterity have received honorable
remembrance. We do hope the uine
is not far distant, when this mode cf
leaching will be generally introduced,
thoroughly understood and practised,
to the honor and good of the country,
as the American mode and system l
Writing. SALEM.
Itortlanfc,
Monday, June 18, 1810.
AMERICAN IA D EPEA DEACE!
The Federal Republicans of the
town of Portland are requested to meet
at Columbian Hall, this evening-, at S
o’clock, precisely, to choose a Commit
tee of Arrangements for the celeter
tion of the 4th July.
0
FOURTH OF JULY ORATORS
In this town, Nathan Kinsman,
Esq.
In Boston, Alks an»*;r Townsend,
Esq.
In Newburyport, Samuel Knapp,
Esq.
— mm -
By the Eliza-Ann, capt. Steel, arri*
ved at Nevvyork, London dates to May
2d have been received. The affair o£
Sir Francis JBurdett, which occasioned
so much prognostication among the de
mocrats in this country, and the old
women in England, appears to have ter
minated in a nine days* wonder. lie
continued in the Tower and all vi
tranquil.
By an arrival at Philadelphia fror*
France, it appears that Gov Gerryk
“ prodigy of human nature” had nr
meddled with the John Adams, and th^t
she would short!v sail for the United
0
States. Rtcen1 letters from General
Armstrong make no mention of his re
turning to this country. Rumour, t
however, “ with her hundred tongues”
says, he is to take passage in the John
Adams.
FA1U&, MARCH 28, IS 10.
As an act of grace on his marriage
the Emperor, by a decree issued the
25 th, has directed, that all convicts*
confined for fines and expenses, be set
at liberty, as well as all persons confined
for forest offences, llis Majesty has
directed the discharge of all persons
arrested for non-payment ol taxes i
and the remission oi ali the duties f* .
nursing children at the Public A«r
Office in Paris.—He has ordered tfi; ‘
6000 old soldiers be married* on tlx
22d April, to girls belonging to their
towns, who shall each receive a dow ry
of 1S00 francs {about 3o5 dollar*] each *
And has granted a free pardon to *1*
deserters.
The Legislature of Massachusetts
Adjourned on Thursday last, un,‘*
the 4th Wednesday in January next
Much of the business has been reierre
to the next session. An order has pas
sed, directing the President, Direct0’ "’
&c. of the d\nob$cot llanktto appear at
the next Session, and show cause, »
ny they have, why their charter sl»ou 1
not be vacated.
It is said that after much consults
tion, a majority of the Cabinet f ‘
at Washington, have once more <rtt1^
mined on the ruinous and wrethed I'1'*
sures of Embargo, NoB-Inurcoiu ■ '
Non-Importation, Sec as the *nly c- ^
tual means by which to reduce
merchants io a u morsel of bread, ^
bring them to a level with those /*#
and didn: rated reftuU***** * -