Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-08-01 00:00:00, page 1

N UMBER V.
Afew POLITICAL REFLECTIONS,
fubmit ted to the confederation of the British
Colonies. By a Citizen ^Philadelphia.
j}f, ^&^ S it is the happy and undoubted
✓ ^1 1 right of every freeman, to speak
%/ \ Mi his candid sentiments without re-
M serve or controul, I cannot iu juf
, "^^ < tice to the cause of liberty, suppress
°rv»^w' a fe w remarks, on some of the re
solves entered into, by the Pennsylvania Committee;
whilst at the fame time 1 join the general applause
oftheir well temper'd fpirit,and general moderation.
The firft resolve I would beg leave to remark
on, is the 13th, in which they declare," That
“ the venders of merchandize of every kind within
" this province, ought not to take advantage of
“ the resolves relating to nonimportation in this
“ province and elsewhere; but that they ought to
“ fell their merchandize which they now have, or
“ may hereafter import, at the fame rates they
" have been accustomed to do within three months
“ last paft."—This is a fubjeCt I have very atten
tively considered, and I cannot conceive upon
what policy, prudence, or justice, the resolve is
founded.
A very considerable number of worthy boneft
citizens, and countrymen, for their own comfort
able subsistence, and the publick convenience of
the country, have thrown their fortunes into the
dry good business, upon the reasonable confidence
ofa probable file, and living profit ; and their ex
pectations have been pleadingly gratified; they have
acquired reputation in their several neighbourhoods,
a plentiful support fortheirfamilies, and are ranked
amongst the ufeful member: of society. At length
the unhappy diflentions of the times, point out
these men, as the only probable means by which
we are to obtain relief. We are obliged to tell
them, Gentlemen, the distresses of our country,
oblige us with reluctance to call on you for a fa
crifice, which we are fully sensible must be highly
injurious to your interests.— You only are the men
by whom redress can come; and on your virtue,
and disinterested love of your country, we are
solely to rely: Therefore we request you for the
cause of liberty, for the fake of transmitting free
dom to your children, and our children, to lend us
your aid, to faveour country. By every generous
manly breast, such a requisition would be received
with resolute, but forrowful assent.
Men who have engaged their fortunes, and con
nexions, in a particular channel of trade, cannot
easily divert them into others: nor indeed is there
room for the change These men, who have
many ofthem supported handsome figuresin society
now find themselves called on to serve their coun
try, at the risk of their fortunes: for should the
dispute continue any length of time, and the non
importation remain unbroken, the sources of their
living must fail them, and the merchant and re
tailer, must break in upon their principal: and we
well know there are many amongst us, who sup
port a good and fair credit, upon so fmall a capital,
that a snort cessation, would reduce them to great
distress; yet the nature of the case is such, that on
these men we are obliged to call for a facrifice,
that may perhaps prove their ruin. Alove for the
liberties of their country, silences their complaints,
and trusting to the virtuous generosity of their
countrymen, they submit to their fate: but how
great must be their furprize think you, when they
are told, that they are not only to be deprived of
the extensive benefit of trade, which they once en
joyed in common with the rest of their fellow ci
tizens and countrymen, but that they must also be
stripped of the/^r little resource that was left them,
of raifag the prices of their goods, whereby every
consumer, by paying a small matter more than he
had been used to pay, would contribute his propor
tion of the burthen, in a manner which would be
least likely to wound the delicacy of the fufferer.
Should a purchaser now pay ten (hillings more in
the price of a piece of linen, than when the im
portation was open, the merchant would receive it
with freedom and independance, as some kind of
compensation for his losses; but if instead thereof,
he should hereafter be obliged to receive it as an
alms from his country, how deep would be the
wound; and where is the man, so void of sensibi
lity as to wi(h to infliCt it.
When publick calamities admit of no resource,
but the facrifice of individuals; and the misfor
tunes of a nation, are only to be averted, by of
!<ring them up as victims, at the altar of ruin,
th: wretched fufferers must bow to their unhappy
doom, and forfeit their all to their country's weal.
Was this the fad case at present, I should hold
my mournful peace, and consign them with lorrow
to their fate. But will any man rife up and fay—
they are the men and they only, who must bear the loss.
—I beseech you grant them one shadow of a reason
to make them consent; either convince them, that
it is for their fakes alone, that the present struggle
is engaged in, or that you are totally unable to
lend them your abidance:—lf you do neither,
% & e lies the virtue of your couteft. “ Other
^B^bo^
GENERAL
VO L. 111.
M O N D A Y,
O R,
" mens troubles," fays Swift, " we bear with for
" titude," other mens money we spend with free
dom. I fear it is a decree that sullies both our
virtue, and our cause.—Where are the men that
will serve us with fidelity, when we consign them,
and their depending families, to misery and po
verty ?—Where I pray is the facrifice, which me
make on this important occasion? But I cannot,
my Brethren, persuade myfelf to believe, that you
mean to leave it here; that you mean to take no
share of the burthen.—if you do—though I should
stand alone—l must protest against the injustice of
the determination.
I am not unaware, of the reflexions which may
be cast on the hardy impertinence of an individual,
who dares to dissent from the united voice, of so
refpedable a body as that gieat Committee, for
sorry I am to find, that the vote was unanimous.
Had it been the resolve of a general Congress,
from whence there lay no appeal, a submissive
silence might more justly be expected: But as that
grand council, is yet to meet, and to take into
confederation the several resolves of the colonies,
any previous ftridures, ought not to be suppressed.
Perhaps I may be mistaken in my apprehensions
of this matter, and should be extremely obliged to
any gentleman to quiet my scruples.
Arguments may peflibly be adduced in support
of the measure, which have never occurred to my
understanding; it is not from a vindictive tenacity
of opinion, that I am thus strenuous, but.from a
desire of observing the ftri&eft rules of justice in
cur proceedings. Some I know have objected to
our considering the hard case of the merchant and
retailer, affirming " 'that it is a measure the country
have been ever averse to:" If it be really so, why
have not the resolves from the several counties
declared it ?—I have carefully examined most of
them, if not all, and dont remember to have met
with such a sentiment; nor can I conceive the
country so void of generosity, as to wish to regain
their liberties, without bearing their share of the
burthen. I will not believe they deserve so inju
rious a reflection, nor that they desire so unjust an
exemption.—Let it not be said that the measure of
a non-importation, if spiritedly entered into, will
soon effeX its purpose, and that by the time the
merchant has fold off his flock, the dispute will be
over, therefore he will be no fufferer by the re
ftri&ion. It should be remembered, the profit of
the vender, arises from the quantity of goods fold,
and that whenever bis ft re remains without a sup
ply, his sales must be daily less. He that imports
three thousand sterling per Annum, is supposed to
fell annually to th<t amount; and of course when
ever his imports flop, his sales must begin to de
crease; in less than 12 months his store will be un
sorted, and his choice of goods so small, that the
profits on his sales, will scarce pay his house rent.
If for argument fake, we admit that the dispute
will be fettled by the time his dock is difpfed of,
yet he will be a considerable fufferer, by the defi
ciency of his sales, and the length of time that will
unavoidably elapse, before he obtains a belli fop
ply. But on the other hand, if our opposition
should be flowed in its operation, than our san
guine wishes would lead us to hope, what are the
unhappy traders to do? to what branch of business
can they fly for- support? their numbers are great,
their families large, and many of them far advan
ced in life. Shall we fend them to the woods to
hew down the trees, and learn thus late in life the
laborious business of agriculture. —Think not that
I am endeavouring to draw an exaggerated picture
of distress; it is from the feelings of my heart I
speak, feelings which should awaken every mind,
to attend to the situation of a brother, and impress
it with a desire of aflifting to ward off an impend
ing blow.
Some may fay the accumulated profits of their
trade, will amply enable them to sustain a cessation
of business; but we well know small is the number
thus circumstanced; yet admitting it was generally
the case, what mode of reasoning can be produced,
to (hew the necessity of their bearing the whole
load on their shoulders, whilst the rest of us, who
are equally interefled, are equally able. 'I he incum
bent expences of government are never so large,
even in times of the greatest danger, but that a few
amongst the great and rich, could provide the sup
plies; yet what legislature ever undertook to levy on
them, more than their just proportion. The man
of inferior circumstances, is called on for his mite,
and a just contribution is assessed through the land:
and thus would it# be in the case before us, should
the prices of goods be advanced: the rich who
consume the most in quantity, and the highest in
price, will consequently pay a proportion, suitable
to their abilities; and those who are the least able
to pay, will always be the smallest cuftotners.
But let us suppose, that the prices of goods should
be advanced, that the merchant should have a
briik sale, and that the contest between Britain
and the colonies, should be suddenly over; ought
we not to rejoice, that they are gainers by the Sa
crifice they so frankly made, or shall we with ava
ricious fouls, begrudge them the reward of their
virtue ? they certainly rifoue much in the struggle,
D U NL A P's
1
then why should we deprive them of the chance of
gain ? to judge properly on this fubjeft, let every
man suppose himfelf a vender of goods, and then
let him be asked the question, mbit part be appre
hended the community ought to take in bis behalf?
The only possible reason, that I can conceive to
operate againd taking their situation into notice, is
a reason which I hope we shall never have occa
sion to apply. I mean the flopping our exports to
the Weft-Indies. Should this be done, I must
then acknowledge, that so heavy a burthen, would
fall on the farmer, that we ought not to raise on
them the prices of goods: they would be fufficiently
diftreffe ', by the reduXion of the prices of their
own produce: and well might they objeX to the
encreafed demand of the dry good merchant,
when their wheat, their corn, their pork, and
their lumber, remained drugs on their hands.
In a former number I objected to the mode of
obtaining redress of our grievances, by distressing
the Welt-India islands, but forbore to extend my
reasonings on the fubjed, so far as it would bear;
flattering myfelf, that a measure which had neither
found policy, nor justice, for its support, would
need but small opposition: but I since find, that
the Committee of Pennsylvania, in their 12th re
solve declare “ that if any proceedings of the Par
“ liament of which notice shall be received on
“ this continent, before, or at the general Con
“ gtefs, shall render it necessary, in the opinion
" of that Congress, for the Colonies to take fur
" tber ftefes, than are mentioned in the 1 itb resolve,
" (viz. nonimportation from, and non exportation
“ to Great-Britain,) in such case the inhabitants
"of this provice, shall adoptfueb farther Jleps, and
" do all io their power to carry them into execu
“ tion." This resolve I confefs has considerably
alarmed me, a resolve which though it did not pass
without considerable debates, and had no great
majority in its favour, yet is so extensive in its na
ture, as to deserve a serious examination. How
far the Committee appointed by the House of As
sembly in this province, will be inftruded to adopt
the resolve, is best known to themselves, but I
hope they have adverted to the probable conse
quences of a non-exportation to the islands.
When we reason from conje&ures, and drawin
ferences from probabilities, I am sensible of the
uncertainty of our pursuits; yet many of the affairs
of men, are so circumstanced, that they admit of
no other guide, and hence arises the necessity of
judging of future, by past tranfaaions.
We find the Parliament of Great Britain, by a
most unjustifiable exertion of power, have divested
private persons of property, a town of its trade,
and a whole country of its chartered privileges,
without a charge or a bearing. When power is
vested in such hands, what is there too great, or
too daring, for them to attempt. —Milfake me
not, my Brethren, 1 am not about to persuade
you, to relinquish a jot of your just pretensions,
from principles of tear, or apprehensions of danger,
I mean but to persuade you, to a resolute, and
prudent opposition; an opposition which justice
will stand by, and virtue approve. Leave not
these haughty rulers the least shadow of pretence,
for dil,Tying their power, but convince them by
your wisdom and perseverance, that to conquer
our resolutions, they must submit to our terms.
To alarm with fclfe feats of a precipice, when
the wide plain is open to our view, or to point out
a danger where all is in fafety, would justly merit
ridicule and contempt: but when objeds intervene,
or mills obfeure the profped, let those who ad
vance be sure they are right, when they fend
round the watch word and cry, “ all's well." As
a faithful centinel to my country, I can't help de
claring, that I descry the approach of an enemy,
and warn you to keep on your guard—What if we
should mount up the tower of fuppoftion, and take
a view ofthe feenes before us.—The Congress are
met —they determine to stop all exports of provi
fions,and lumber, to the islands; not for any mif
conduft of the inhabitants, but that by pinching
them with hunger and quant, their brethren and
friends in England may hear their piercing cries,
and urged from motives of humanity and com
passion to them, may plead for us —Their cries are
heard—the Parliament is assembled ; for depend
on it our present minister, will not advancea step
out of the common road, without the fan&ion of
the nation.—He informs them, that the Ameri
cans have formed the cruel resolution of starving
the islands, and that by dispatches from thence they
are under the greatest consternation, from the ap
prehension ofa general infurreftion oftheir negroes,
and an approaching famine. As every compas
sionate mind kindles quickly at feenes of distress,
and files with resentment at the cruel perpetra
tors, when designedly produced, the means of spee
dy relief are instantly fought for—the general
murmers in England amongftthe poor, at the ex*
orbitant price of the necessaries of life, render it
an unadvised scheme, to supply the unhappy fuf
ferers with provisions from thence ; as thereby
the prices would be raised on themselves, and the
people might clamor for submission to our claims
—Whatis to be done—a valuable part ofthe terri-
ADVERTISER.
AUGUST ift, 1774.
tories of the nation is likely to be destroyed, by
the barbarous policy of the Americans —How are
they to a& ? Let us take a reviewof the sentiments
of the English, when Corsica was invaded by the
French.—How loud did the nation clamor in fa
vour ofdiftreffed innocence, and how many amongst
them would gladly have plunged into a war with
France, to refeue the Corsicans from their ap
proaching misery? and had the rulers at the helm
pofTefl'ed the fame knight errantring genius, their
liberties might have been saved, at the expence of
a few hundred thousand lives. I hope I shall not
here be understood, that I had no commiferatiou
for the calamities of a brave and depressed people
—but when two evils present, the least is to be cho
sen. When the poor foundering bark is tossed with
the inclement storm, and driven amidst the foam
ing rocks with dashing fury, we may view with
sympathetic agony of foul, the horrors of the feene,
and pity from our hearts the trembling finking
crew; but cannot do more, for instant deftru&ion
to ourselves would be inevitable in the attempt. —
But the case now before us is quite the reverse.
The very summit of ministerial wish, is to “ lay us
profrate at their feet? therefore whenever the fame
spirit of companion, arises in the breasts of the
English nation, on behalf of the inhabitants of
their oven islands, they will find a daring ministry
prompt at their service, ready to work up their
wrath, and kindle their rage.—ls it not likely they
will tell the nation—you shall not buffer by supply
ing the islands.— Your Colonies have broken
through every tie of honor and humanity, and have
no further claims to the protection of justice —-
Long have they called aloud on liberty and virtue
as their patrons, but they have now swerved from
the line of their own drawing, and the nation is
no longer obliged to observe the rules of neigh
bourly commerce.—What think you, my Brethr, n,
if with sentiments like these, they should determine
on obliging us to continue our fupplies?—What
if they should demand witli compulsive threats at
our gates, an immediate embarkation to the islands,
of our usual supplies.—How should we a& ? we
might doubtless contend, that this was an exertion
(of power, which no laws but those offeree can war
rant or support ; but reasonings from the mouth
of a cannon carry conviction not to be withstood.
We know there are times, when public emergen
cies fupercede an adherence to the principles of
the Constitution; what law authorizes the seizing
on a seaman's person, and compelling him to serve
in a date of government slavery? Where is the
statute for imprefling my horses, my carriages, and
my servants, for the uses of a campaign? yet we
know they have been the constant practices of the
navy and army. The merchant may contend,
that his property is his own, and that no man can
legally oblige him to venture it abroad.—So may
the tailor argue, and nothing but the neceffty of the
case will be urged in support of either, an argument
which feetns at present, to be one ofthe fundamen
tals in the English Constitution.—They may tell
us, that the islands are atlually fuffering, by our
unjust resolutions, and that they come to the fuc
cour of the distressed.— We may offer to treat,
and to enter into a dil^uffion of the right, but hun
ger and want will admit of no delay.—ls we con
tinue inflexible, what must be the consequence?
There is not a man on the continent more anxi
ous than I am for the support of our liberties; but
never can I think of contending for them, on the
principles of cruelty and injuflice, whilst they arc
our support, we can neither look for the approba
tion of good men, nor the protection ofa just aid
difeerning providence, and shall lose the few re
maining friends we have yet in Parliament. Vir
tue will ever support us, and bear us out in the
midll of tryals and persecutions ; but if once we
quit that ground, we wander into a labyrinth of per
plexity and confufion, which may bring down our
grey hairs with sorrow to the grave.
From what has been said, I hopeit will not be
objected,that if we are deterred from entering in
to the measure of a non-exportation to the islands,
from an apprehension ofa ministerial demand to
continue it, that the fame power may be exerted
to oblige us to break through our resolutions, of
withholding our orders for English goods; for should
they be weak enough to attempt it—l will dare to
assert, there is not a merchant in Britain, who
would venture his goods abroad, on such compul
sive terms.
If my apprehensions on this fubjeCt are wrong,
and my fears groundiefs, I am not the tirft man
who has been mistaken in bis judgment ; I am ear
ned for the preservation of our liberties, and that
the inhabitants of this new world, may enjoy a
happy series of unmolested joys.
The difficulties in which we shall involve the
innocent manufacturers in England, by withholding
our trade, is advancing I am sensible, a step be
yond the line of ftriCt moral rectitude ; but the
imperfections of our nature are so great, that the
forms of our policy too often interfere with that
harmony of order, which is indicated by the pre
cepts ofa chriftian life; and 0 that the happy pe
riod was arrived, when “ we shall beat our swords
T H E
N UMB. 145.