Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-04-29 00:00:00, page 4

,the cicu*. of their works; especially if upon enquiry
^ih^uld be found, that they have neither “ character
lor connexions" in this place ; and that they are the
avowed instruments and dependents of some, who, hav
ing no concern in ohr domestic affairs, are nev&thelefs
constantly intermeddling with them, to the great disturb
ance of the province, and ii jury of the public caUfe.
But 1 have no immediate occasion to enter into such
an enquiry, and am happy to find that, although near a
dozen anfwe's have been given in one shape or another,
to my two or three firft letters, nothing has been yet of
fered worthy of a particular reply. The Foretter Seems
the chief champion against me. He makes me write
what he pleases, that he may answer as he pleases.—The
following is a specimen of his justice, in quoting from me:
“ If we now EFFECT independence, we mull be con
“ fidered as a faithlefs people, in the fight of all man
“ kind, and could scarcely expert the confidence of any
“ nation upon earth, or look up to heaven for its ap
'* proving Sentence ;” —and upon this he exclaims, -=
" Art thou mad, Cato, or art thou foolifh, or art thou
“ both, or ait thou worse than both ?° Now,'l can fairly
leave those who have read my Letters, to apply any
or all of these epithets to me as their candor Shall dire&.
But those who read but one paper (in which it is thought
proper only to publish the answers to my letters, without
the letters themselves) may verily believe I have asserted,
that, if ever we effect independence, neither heaven nor
earth will smile upon us. It is hoped, therefore, that the
publishers of that paper, if they Should never insert any
other part of my letters (in which they may use their own
pleasure) will be f® just as to give this mangled paragraph
entire ; and then it will be in these words : —
“ In Short, (if) thus contradicting all our former public
" profeffins (we) fbould (now affect independency) as
" our own aS, before it appears clearly to the world to have
" been forced upon us by the cruel band of the parent fate,
" we could neither hope for union nor success in the attempt.
" (We must be considered as a faithlefs people in the
" Sight cf all mankind, and could scarcely exped the
“ confidence of any nation upon earth, cr look up to
Heaven for its approving sentence.")
The difeerning reader will easily fee that our honest
Forester has not Scrupled to take part of one sentence and
conned it with another; which wholly alters the sense.
He gives us only what is included within the above paren
the'fes, and suppresses all that eflential part which is in
Italics. He who can thus pilfer from the sense of another,
is come to his last Shift, and it may be presumed would
not Kick at any thing to promote his cause. But what
can I exptd from one who uses the immortal Milton
much in the fame way ?
In the pamphlet called Common Sense, endeavouring to
eftabliSh his favourite do&rir,e, that reconciliation with
Great Britain is now impossible, and urging us on to
blood, whatever terms may be offered, he has the un
paralelled confidence to add as follows.—" For as Mil
ton wifely expresses—never can true reconcilement
giow, where wounds cf deadly hate have pierced so deep."
—How unlucky is this quotation ! Our author thinks he
has snatched a coal from the altar; but it is like that
which the foolifh eagle Stole, and thereby set her nest on
fire, which consumed herfelf and her brood. Would net
the reader believe that the author had here given us some
wife sentiment of Milton, fit to be copied in the con
dud of a chriftian people ? But lock at the place (Para
dise Loft, B. iv.) and you will find that it was the speech
of the Devil, meditating the destruction of mankind ;
and suited only to the desperate purposes of thole, who
are in the fame dreadful State of mind in which our divine
poet describes the Devil to have been at the time.
Horror and doubt diftraCt
His troubled thoughts; and from the bottom stir
The hell within him. For within him heil
He brings, and round about him, nor from hell
, Ohe step, no more than from himfelf, can fly.—
" Get thee behind me," thou abandoned writer; and
take back another of thy compliments ! For can'll thou
" have the feelings of a man"— thou who art labouring
to fill the hearts of thy fellow mortals with irreconcile
able hatred, and the feelings of the Devil? As for my
feelings on this occasion, I trust they are founded on the
doctrines of the Saviour of Mankind, who teaches
that no offences in this world can be so great among
brethren as to preclude reconciliation. " if thy brother
repent forgive him"—and if thou can'll not forgive, how
can'll thou lift up thine eyes to thy Heavenly Father for
forgivenefs of thy fins, or even those of thy fingie pam
phlet ? Ilad'ft thou done justice to Milton, thou might
eft have shewn him in his own proper person, upon my
fide of the question ; proclaiming the doctrines of his
heavenly matter.—
Oh Shame to men I Devil with Devil damn'd
Firm concord holds; men only disagree
Of creatures rational, though under hope
Of Heavenly Grace: and God proclaiming peace,
Yet live in hatred, enmity and Strife
Among themselves, and levy cruel wars.
Wafting the earth, each other to destroy.
Thou rug'ft apply this to our cruel oppressors ; and I
fay nothing against thee therein, except where thou urgeft
thy terrible doctrine of the impossibility of reconciliation ;
and to make it wholly impossible art Striving to inspire
sentiments into thy brethren which would disgrace their
chriftian proftffion. But I leave thee on this head, and
if thou dolt not too much interrupt me, Shall, in two or
three letters more, leave the public and posterity finally
to judge between thee and me. Suum cuique decus pefe
ritaf rependit. I proceed then, with my remarks upon
thy furious antipathy to mixt governments, in which
thou halt surpassed all the writers I have met with ; nor
Shall I quote any against thee except those who are ac
knowledged to have stood foremoft in their opposition to
the encroachments of monarchy. The popular leaders,
who overturned the monarchy in the last age, were not
themselves friends to republics. They only made use of
the name to procure the favour of the people; and when
ever by such means they had mounted to the proper
height, each of them, in his turn, began to kick the
people from him, as a ladder then useless.
PHILADELPHIA: Printed by JOHN DUNLAP, at the News Printing-Office in Market-free', where
Subscriptions at Ten Shillings per Annum, Advertisements, &c. are thankfully received rot inis Paper + .
Cromwell exercised the power of a King, and of the
most absolute King, under the specious name of a Pro*
teSor. The instrument of republican government, which
he had at firft extolled as the moll perfect work of human
invention, he began (as soon as be thought his authori
ty fufficiently established) to represent “ as a rotten
plank, upon which no man could trust himfelf without
finking." He had his eye fixed upon the crown; but
when he procured an offer of it from a packed Parliament,
his courage failed him. He had outwitted himfelf, by
his own hypocrisy ; and, in his way to power, had
thrown such an odium upon the name of King, that his
own family, apprehensive he would be murdered the mo
ment the diadem fliould touch his brow, persuaded him
to decline that honour.
The great Sidney never meant more, by his celebrated
work, than to reform the abuses of mixt government ;
and to restrain the rapid progress which the nation was
making, in his time, towards absolute Monarchy. And
he was as much a foe to Cromwell as to Charles the First,
considering both as governing above the laws. But he
did not write against Kings generally, more than other
rulers who might abuse their power.
“ Nothing, fays he, is farther from my intention than
to speak irreverently of Kings," and he explains what
Kings he means, viz. those limited by law, in mitt go
vernments. He has wrote a whole feftion to Shew that
the belt governments in the world have been composed
(as the Englilh is) of monarchy, arifocracy and democracy.
He fays God ordained a mixt government, answering to
this in all its parts ; and consisting of a fingie judge or
chief captain (we contend not for names) a Council of
Seventy chosen men, or Sanhedrim ; and the General As
semblies of the people. Is not this our own form compleat?
When he speaks of popular governments, he uses the ut
most precision. “To avoid unnecessary disputes, fays he,
" I give the name of popular governments to those of
“ Rome, Athens, Sparta and the like ; but improperly,
“ unless the fame may also be given to many that are
“ usually called monarchies, since there is nothingof vi
“ olence in either. As to popular governments, 'in the
“ ftri& sense, that is pure democracy, where the people
“ in themselves, and by themselves, perform all that be
" longs to government, I know of no such thing; and
“ if it be in the world, I have nothing to fay for it."
And more explicitly (till, he fays, “ being no way con
“ cerned in the defence of democracy^! may leave cur
“ Knight (Filmer)Wke Don Quixote, fighting against the
“ phantasm of his own brain, and to fay what he pleases
“ against such governments as never were, unless in such
“ a place as San Marino near Senegaglia in Italy, where
'' an hundred men govern a barbarous rock that no man
" invades. As for democracy, he may fay what he pleases
" of it; and I believe it can suit only with the convenience
'' of a small town, accompanied with such circumf ances as
" are seldom to be found." If Sidney understood any thing
of the matter, we fee that every colony in America is al
ready too unweildy for such a government, and therefore
it cannot be a model for an immense continent. In a
word, altho' this great man lived before the revolution,
he laid its foundation, died a martyr to its principles,
and by one of the firft ads of Parliament made under it,
his attainder was repealed, and a Solemn national fanftion
given to his writings.
The testimony of another profeffed Whig, nay an In
dependent Whig (the famous Gordon, in his discourses
upon Tacitus) Shall come next. “ Monarchy, according
“to Plato, is the belt government or the worst; to
“ which opinion, fays he, I fubferibe; as I do to that
" of Philip de Commines, that England is the place in the
<< world where the public is molt equally administered,
“ and where the people fuffer the least violence. We are
“ blessed with a form of government, which Tacitus
" mentions as the most perfe&, and thinks the hardest
“ to be framed ; that happy balance and mixture of in
“ terefts, that Secures every interest."
Polybius (as he is quoted by Montagu, on the rife and
fall of republics) agrees with Plato. " The belt form of
government, fays he, is that which is composed of a due
admixture of monarchy,. arifocracy and democracy" —Of
all legislators he prefers Lycurgus, whom he looks upon
rather as divinely inspired, than as a man. To perpetu
ate the Spartan government, he united the peculiar ex
cellencies of the best forms int® one, that neither of the
three parts, by swelling beyond its just bounds, might
ever be able to deviate into its original inborn defers.
Montagu adds—" I cannot help observing, on this oc
“ cafion, that our own constitution, as fettled at the re
" volution, so nearly coincides with Lycurgus's general
“ plan, that it seems at firft fight to be formed by that
“ very model." And indeed, in the conftitation of mixt
governments, there is something more substantial than an
attachment to the mystical number three, in this triple
union of powers. All power lodged, uncontrouled, in
one or many, has been Shewn to be full of danger ; lodged
in two diftin& bodies, they may chance to disagree long ;
but the addition of a tbirrtturns the Scale; and further
additions would only be clogs.
I have not loft fight of Montejquieu, whose Sentiments,
as applicable to the English constitution, in prafiice as
well as theory, Shall be briefly introduced in my next, to
close this part of my work; and then let the author of
Common Sense combat the arguments of these great men
as well as he can ; for he has yet said nothing that is any
way applicable to them, and must look for better argu
ments than those drawn from the nature of the English
constitution, if he experts to serve his cause. For my part
I hill hand upon my firft ground, and have no sentiment
which I wish to hide on this oceafion. If hen it Shall clear
ly appear, that we can be no longer free, nor Secure in
our rights and property, in connection with Britain, or
that we can be more Secure in any other conne&ion (and
the time which will enable us to judge of this cannot be
very remote) the author of these letters shall not then lisp
a word against whatever measures the sense of the ma
jority of this country, fairly taken, shall adopt for the
common good; and will be ready to give his best afliftance
for carrying them into execution. But he must everbear
his testimony against being surprised into public decisi
ons, by mifi eprefentations, ungrounded suggestions, and
N E W - J E RS E Y.
In COMMITTEE ^SAFETY, New^mtf
wick, April zg, 1776.
WHEREAS many dangerous consequences will
attend the fuffering an unrestrained commerce
between the inhabitants of this Colony and the Con
tinental troops, stationed in, or passing through this
province, therefore Resolved, That no inhabitant of
this Colony shall be permitted to purchase or receive
from any non-commissioned officer or soldier, io the
Continental service, any goods, clothing, or any other
effects whatsoever, unless such non-commiflioned offi
cer or soldier shall firft produce a certificate, Signed by
the Commanding Officer of the regiment, or compa
ny, to which such non-commissioned officer or soldier
belongs, fpecifying the particular goods permitted td
be fold, with the name of the vender; and every per
son presuming to purchase any goods, clothing, or es- %
feri^, contrary to this Resolution, after being notified
thereof, shall be deemed unfriendly to the liberties of
America, and treated accordingly ; and the Commit
tees of the several counties and townships in this colo
ny are enjoined to enforce a compliance with this reso
lution.
By Order of the Committee,
SAMUEL TUCKER, President.
The Printers of thefeveral News-Papers in Pennfyka.
nia and New-York, are requefled to insert the above re
solution in their papers.
e^'***^^^^-^^-^^s4 "^^^s^S
Port of Philadelphia, in the
province of Pennsylvania, ff.
T O ALL whom it may concern,
NOTICE is hereby given, That the Cotirt for
taking cognizance of, and trying the justice of cap
tures of vessels, made in puj-fuance of the Resolves of
the Honourable the Continental Congress, and brought
into this port of Philadelphia, will be held at the Court-
House, in the city of Philadelphia, on Tuesday, the
thirtieth day of April instant, at Ten o'clock in the
forenoon, then and there to try the truth.of the facts
alledged in the bill of John Barry, Esquire, Command
er of the brigantine of war, called the Lexington, (who
as well, &c) against the armed vessel, sloop, or tender,
called the Edward, burthen about fifty tons, mount
ing fix carriage guns, and 1-tely commanded by Ri
chard Boger, Esquire—To the end and intent, that the
owner of the said vessel, called the Edward, or any person
concerned therein, may appear and shew cause, if any
they have, why the said vessel, with her appurtenances,
should not be condemned according to the prayer of the
said bill. By order of the fudge,
Aprils^, 1776. ANDREW ROBESON, Reg.
Philadelphia, ff.
To the FREEHOLDERS and INHABITANTS
of the relpe&ive WARDS in the City of Phila
delphia, and others, qualified by the laws of the Pro
vince of Pennsylvania to ele& Members of Asssmbly.
Gentlemen,
IN PURSUANCE of an Act of General As
sembly of the Province of Pennsylvania aforefaid,
passed the twenty-third day of March last, intituled, " An
AEI to increase the number of Representatives in Afembly,for
the City of Philadelphia, &c." I hereby give PUBLIC
NOTICE, That on Wednesday, the firft day of May next,
at Ten o'clock in the forenoon, at the State-House,
in the City of Philadelphia aforefaid, an ELECTION
will then and there be held to ele& FOUR Freeholders
of the City and County of Philadelphia aforefaid, of most
note for virtue, wisdom and ability, as an additional
number of Burgesses, Representatives, or Dele
gates, to represent the City of Philadelphia aforefaid in
the General Assembly of the said Province, the pre
fect year, agreeable to the Act of Assembly aforefaid.
Dated at Philadelphia aforefaid, the third day of April,
1776. WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
FIVE POUNDS REWARD.
RAN AWAY on the 10th inst. (March) from the
fubferiber, living in Harford Ccunty, Maryland,
the two following convi&s, viz. Charles Shepard,
a well made lad, about 20 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches
high of a frefh colour, brown hair tied behind, and writes
a tolerable good hand ; had on a bluecoat, red and white
striped jacket, leather breeches, mixed yarn flockings,
good shoes, a coarse shirt not whitened, and beaver hat
cut in the fafnion, —Matthew Bivin, an Englishman,
about 33 years of age, 5 sett 9 or 10 inches high, frefh
colour, and veil made; had on a fnuff-coloi red coat
mended at the elbows, brown jacket, leather breeches,
mixed yarn flockings, good shoes v ith iron buckles, a
felt hat, and old oznabrugs shirt : He is a great lover of
liquo r , and a great swearer and liar; he fays he has
been in the English army, has Toft the middle finger of
his left hand, and the others are crooked ; he is ford
of finding when in liquor. They tock with them two
Hrawberrv roan horses, one abcut fourteen hands high,
with a blaze face, 8 or 9 jeais old, a natural pacer *
The other about thirteen hands high, paces a little, trots
well, hand-gallops very handsome, is very well made,
and has a blaze face : They are beth thin of tiUh. Who
ever takes up the said fervasts and horses, so that the
owner may get them again, shall have the above Reward,
including what the law allows, and reasonable charges if
brought home, or THREE POUNDS for the men,
and F ORTY SHILL INGS for the horses, paid by
t 5 DAVID BENFIELD.
delusive arguments; too evidently proceeding frora pre
judice, or predetermination of a question, in which th^
happiness of a great continent is involved.
C A T O.