Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser — Portland, Me., 1810-04-30 00:00:00, page 2

IEp tljc trails.
THE NAKED TRUTH.
I . i allcrtu n ilia: Mr. Erfkine was anthoriz
v'J f»y the Rri'ith MiniHry to make ihe ar
*«i»<(-nuat he uid laft lpring, with our
government, ant* that the difavowal of the
1 .mt by the Uritith, was a breach of faith,
.as been repeated a thoufand time* by de
ntocra's ai»d democratic papers ; and thou
lands in t hi- country, from this circumftance,
have beta led to believe it was a fail. Ev
ery man acquainted with the traufadlions
of tills buU;i«6> (who had not au objedf in
deceiving the people' knew Mr. Erfkine was
not authorized to make the arrangement.
Yet thole who had an agency iu the l»uli
nefs were wi li^g to take advantage of the
de ulion. ho long as the public can be im
puted upon, fo long ihe itory that he had
vthe, mfi u&jomt, will he repealed, Bui it is
ueediel* to multiply words ; the objedl in
view was to aid the democrats, and it ha*
had that elleck We will only add the de- •
claratioos of Mr. Erdcine himfclf, in fup* j
porr of the opinion which we have uniform
ly entertained and exprefled upon this af
fair. 1 bote who d< uht, after reading the
following letter, muft be determined to
continue in error:-—
Washington, ift August, i 809.
My dear Sir.
Your enquiries relative to the late
arrangement would have beenanfwer
cd by me, but you will have heard the
f vets, and have feen a copy of part
of my inftrudUons.
From rhefe vou will perceive that
Ih ive departed from the letter of them,
and-have apparently not received the
recognitions required by Air. Canning.
What grounds I had for believing I
had received them in their fpirit—
time will fliovv. Your knowledge of
the comticution of the United States
wiil enable you to fee that the prefi
clent had no power to give the recog
rht'ons afleed in a formal note —
because it rolls with congrefs to de
termine the attitude in which the
United States ought to Hand with
refpedl to foreign nations—My argu
ment wasprcvyh.iaf and founded up
on an ex' relation and underftanding of
what would be the courfc of rneaf
ures, which would be adopted by
cc*r.g"cis.
I know full well, that it would be
lmpoflibie, as a preliminary (tipula
tion, to call upon the United States
to undertake to place herfelf in actu
al hoflility with (uch puwers as
might execute decrees in violation ©f
the neutral rights of the United
States—but I had the vv.Jl prJitivc
reafons for believing, that (uch confe
qucnce would follow from the remo
val of the orders in council.
My government haz e vndubtcdly a
right to uijtivow my agreement, and
they have done every thing that became
an honorable nation to prevent any evil
ccniequences arifing to the citizens
of this country, from trulting that the
terms ot the Agreement would be
fulfilled.
The only anxiety that I feel is, that
no further bad confcquences may en
fue—and that the good umierifand
ing between the two governments,
which 1 was confident was quickly
coming about, n.ay not be interrup
ted, Your’s.
DAVID M ERSKINE.
BOSTON, AFR1L 26.
*
Important Intiligence.
A gentleman who arrived in town
last evening, from the Vineyard, has
communicated the following article of
intelligence :—
** Saturday, April 21, let. 29, 56.
Capt. Foster was bn light to by a gun
from a schooner with a French broad
petulant living ut her main-top mast
head. She enquired how far she was
from land, and how Block Island bore
-said she was 29 davs cut, from Bor
l
deaux, bound for N. York, with des
patches for government—that a treaty
had been concluded between England
and America— as she was underway,
could not ask her any more questions.'
The Ct.pt*in and cicvv appeared to me
to be Ameri an«. an i ail the orders
trete given in English.
Bwnwft of . Inter lean l esse Is.
Attempts have been made in New
Yorfc, to discredit the report of Cap-•
lain Foiger, that the French burnt, and*
otherwise ncstroecd, the American;
shipping drift!) or. their possession in
tiie f'te stomi a! Cadiz lo these;
suggestions, Capt. F. has ? Ttcfallv an-*
bounced in the pap*; y,'l*et i.e iittvh
not onlv desno t ! t « ; : ineiican ship
ping, driven \ ukintneir reach by stress
c1 w, aider. but that the officers and
crew o< li.e^e unfortunate vessels, were
immediately impi isoned.
FROM WASKtMGTQX.
“ aprin 19, 1810. After an ardous
struggle the House has fisskp, and I
Swill to the licr.at.% a 13:11 repealing the ’
I
i
.\oi;• l:if'r'roHf‘*r, excepting the two
Hrst sections wl ich exclude English!
and French fut/Uc ships from Otir har
bors ; and also laying a duty of hifti
Per Cent, on the present duties on all
goods, ere ol'the products, growth and
manufactures of Creat-Britain 01
Prance, and thtir dependencies —
These duties to take effect immediately
on the signing of the bill. In case eithtr
rescind their orders or decrees, then
the 50 per cent, duty is to be taken off
as to that one, and the Non Intercourse 1
Law revived as to the other, bv Proc
tarnation ! As this measure was agreed
to ivt caucus, it is expected it will pass
the Senate immediately.
“ Thus w ill the people, particularly
the Commercial part of them, see the
result of the elections in Massachusetts
and Afew-Hamfishire. The plans of
tiie Junto had been kept back until those
elections have been determined ; and
all their patriotism evaporates in a gross
tax of 50 per cent on the present du
*ies. Although the J\civ-York elec
tion has not yet happened, it is not pos
sible that this most oppressive meas
ure should be known in that State, as
materially to affect the result,.
“ 1 here remains much obscurity in;
what transpires from the Cabinet res-.
peering the Despatches recently recei
ved. All, however, agree in saying
that France is more oppressive, inso
lent and piratical than ever.—Some
say, as to G. Britain, that the libs of a
treaty have arrived ; while others
maintain, that since the signature of
Gilks* Resolution has been known in
London, the conduct of that Court thas
materially altered.”
FRIDAY, APRIL 20.
“ The House of Representatives has
become very thin of members ; besides
those already departed, leave of absence
was given, this day, to four others.
44 Gen. Wilkins in has addressed a
letter to the Speaker, requiring his
character to be investigated ; with lib
erty to confront his accusers.
4» Mr. Randolph has reported his
bill for the reduction of the navy ; it
contemplates the sale of all the Gun
Boats—all the frigates, except three ;
and all the other armed vessels, except
three, reserving the guns and equip
men's. i
44 A lengthy debate took place this ;
day, on a motion for amending the Na- |
tionul bank bill, so as to augment the !
number ot shares to 12500.”
_____
Johnston, who proposed the new Fifty I
percent, additional duties, declared that Re
venue was not the object, but the put ith- .
ment ot France and England. What a Sol- i
omon in Council ! The people of ihe U.
States are to be taxed to the tune of Four
Millions a year% to punish Britain and France
lor their orders and decrees ! ? !
-— - —, .- -
Clrbmtf) Congress.id. Session.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
TUESDAY, AFHIL 17.
MR. RANDOLPH moved a resolution
stating the prayer of the Ncvt-England
Claimants of GeorgLi Lands to be unreason-'
able, unjust, anil ought not to be granted. •
The House refused to consider this motion '
54 to 46. He then moved that the petition- •
ers have leave to withdraw their petition.
But no question was taken on it ; and the
whole subject ordered to lie on the table
54 to 36. j
Several bills from the Senate were taken
Up.—One to allow drawbacks on goods
transported by land to Boston and Newport,
passed.
REDUCTION OF ARMY, U?c.
A motion, that the Military Establish
ment of the U. States ought to be reduced,
was debated ; and agreed to—Ayes 81.
Noes 31 LoO*I’ i* supposed the army will be
reduced to the old Peace Estab.ishment—<P ut
4000 mw.] A motion to reduce the Navy,
also passed, Ayes 65, Noes 46. Commit
tees were ordered to report bills on the sub
ject.
WEDNESDAY, APniL 18, 1830.
COMMERC1A L INTERCOURSE.
The bill on the subject, called M Ma
con’s bill No. 2,” was taken up. Mr. •
Gholson withdrew his amendment toitj
and
Mr. Johns"* on moved two ad. i tonal sec- i
tions, one of which revives the two sections
of the non Intercourse Law, for excluding
bifcign armed vessels from our waters ;
and the other tor laying an additional duty
oi'Fifty Per Cent on all English and French
go its, produce, kc. imported. QCjr* These
run duties a*v r o tate place immediately on the
parsing of the oil!.
After much debate and a variety of mo
tions were decided on, the first section was
agreed to, Ayes 53.—And the second,
Ayes 59.
O her amendments were made ; when the
Committee rose and reported the bill.
The House immediately took it up A mo. :
tion to have the amended bill printed, was
tiegai.vcd. .r to 43 The amendments
were agreed to. That lay ing an additional
3uyy of Fifty per ctntt passed. Ayes 59,'
j'ucSj 22.
An amendment authoring a suspension '
of the restrictions as to the nation revoking
its edicts was also adopted. Several mi
di ional amendments were negatived j when
the quest i >n, Shall the bill be c grossed, and
read the thid time ? was carried—Ayes 60,
Noes Id
The bill was ordered to be read a third
time and the House adjourned at iOo’clock,
afler a session of twelve hours.
Mr. Secretary Gallai in made a report
(in patt) on the «nbjvct of American Man
ufactures, «r.d lOLO copies were ordered to 1
be pi intcd.
*
I HtuStUY, A PHIL -19.
A motion to rescind the motion tout,
utm the 23d inat. was taken up, and pas*•
. d Yeas 59, Nay* 47.— The l»t Mai
was substituted.
MR MACON’’* BIM., NO. 2
The engrossed bill for repealing th«
X‘/n !nte' course &c. Stc. was called u;
and the question, shall tie tilt pass ? again
debated ; and carried, Yeas 61 Nays 49.
It twur sent immediately t > the Senate.
Communication. *
roit THE GAZETTE.
Ma. Siiirley,
As the choice of representatives to the
next Legislature will be holden in the
course of a tew days, it cannot be consider
ed improper to call the attention of the elec
tors to that subject. It is a subject pecul
iarly important at the present moment, not
from personal considerations, but as it res
pects the general welfare. If the majority
of the last .year, in the legislature, which
was com [xiled of federalists, pursued a pol
icy expensive, oppressive, or injurious to
the domestic or foreign interests of the
country, they, or men of their principles,
ought not to be elected. But on the other r
hand, if they have pursued the true inter- j
2$ts of the people of this Commonwealth, ’
there is every reason that the legislature j
should continue federal.
Ot the proceedings of the Legislature, I
none have excited more invidious and un- ,
air remarks, than the report of the com- j
Tilttee on the situation of our foreign rela
tions. On this subject, the legislature sim
ply expressed an opinion. 1'hat they had a
ight to dtf this, no man in the state, who
values his freedom and constitutional right,
will deny. Let those who are willing to live
under a government, arbitrary like Bona
parte’s, and be compelled to submit in si
lence to any measure of the same, howev- f
2r ruinous or unjust, or suffer imprisonment \
and death, support men of contrary senti- I
ments. Frenchmen and slaves may acqui- j
esce, but I don’t believe the day is yet come, '
diat the Freemen of Massachusetts will !
subscribe to it. When the report here al- i
lulled to was adopted, it wa9 strongly fear- j
ed, and the opinion was warranted by the j
measures of the Executive of the General
Government, by the language of many in
Congress, as w’ell as the leaders of the de
mocrats and the papers conducted by that
party, that it was the determination to in
»u!ve the country in a war with England,
Every judicious and reflecting man in the
country was opposed to such a disastrous &, ;
•tiinous project, as a war with England must j
iave beeiy To prevent this evil, anil pre- i
erve the peace and independence of the >
lountry by the exercise of constitutional
means, was the object of the federalists in
he Legislature. Vet the democrats, who
ire striving for power and office, tell the
people, that the legislature were the advo
’•ates of Great Britain, and opposers of the
rue interests ot the country. Does the re
port warrant this conclusion ? Bv no means.
And those who say so, are guilty of decep*
ion and falsehood. Let any candid and im
partial man, read the following remarks on
ibis subject, and then judge.
A. FRIEND TO COMMERCE.
WHEN the REPORT of the legisla
ture ON OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS
was published, I immediately procured a
copy, and gave it a most attentive perusal.
1 had understood from both parties in this
moment of heat and passion, that anony
mous statements were to be suspected. I
felt happy that the avowed production of
public men in a responsible situation would
relieve me from the anxiety ofsuspence.
Whatever might have been my former opin
ions, I rejoiced that 1 was now certain of
receiving facts, on which I might argue
safelv.
•r
Under these impressions and with these
views I read the Report, and after a care
ful comparison of its contents with what
I have often candidly listened to from both
sides, I was compelled to receive its state
ment, to admit its arguments, and adopt its
conclusions. Since its authors have been
abused as men false to their country and de
voted to England, I have read the Report a
gain and again, to see if 1 could discover a*
ny ambiguous expression, w’hich could fur
nish a pretext for such a charge.—After all,
I am obliged in conscience to declare, that
1 think this state paper coolers honor on its
authors, ar.d is in itself a high encomium on
the temper and intelligence of the people,
to whom it is addressed. Whoever will ex
amine it with the same attention and views,
will probably adopt my opinion.
'J he legislature at its last session was im
pelled by the most weighty considerations
to notice “ the alarming state rf our foreign
relations ” ^ The members, assembled from
ad parts of the Commonwealth, communi
cated to each other the anxiety of their con
stituents at our actual situation, and their
more solemn fears of aggravated evils. They
were all atlected by the public feeling, anil
convinced that it was a duty to relieve our
citizens from the burden of imaginary ills,
by a just and correct statement not only of
our perils, but also of the sure means of a
verting our dangers Men sometimes give
themselves up to despair, when they argue
only from their sufferings and their fears.
They gain courage even at the sight ofdan
gers, great beyond their apprehensions, if
w ith tHe discovery they learn also live means
of safety.
Under this impression the legislature rai
sed a joint committee of both houses, “ to
consider the expediency vj expressing their sense
of the present alarming state of cur foreign re
lations, and on the causes which produced it ,•
and whether any, and if any, what measures
migfit be adopted to prevent the ex i/s oj impen
ding war" It was certainly their bounden
duly to consult for our common good, at a
-TVomeut when our peace and prvspei ity and
witli them our liberty and religion seemed to
many to he at stake. The most scrupuhms
advocate for the power and prerogative of
the national government would not deny
them the right, ot considering the expediency
ot expressing an opinion on our national af
ta«rs at such a time. Besides, almost every
state at the south had by its legislature ta
ken into consilciation our foreign relations.
Had the legislature if Massachusetts been
wholly silent, it would have argued an indif
fererce, which was inconsistent with a
knowledge of our interest.-, or a weakness
which dovs not belong to our councils. The
members would bare slipb'e ! then t.u^ies
10 their constituents, who had a right to ex
pect that their scafinvien would nut old) he
vigilant to descry, but honest to communi
cate their dangers.
The members of the legislature seem
however to have been fully aware of the
misconstruction, which might l*e put upon
their expression of their sense of the alarm
ing state of our foreign relations. In the pies*
ent discoi d of party it was not to be expect
ed,, that those, whom they regarded as the
unfortunate authors of our suffer tigs, would
patiently submit to a scrutiny into their cau
ses ; or that they would approve of the means
suggested to prevent the evils of impending
t-u7r, which were in direct oppos'.ti n to the
measures, that had brought us to this crisis.
The legislature has therefore stated at
length the reasons, that induced its expres
sing in imitation of our sister states its sense
of our evils and dangers, as well as the j
means of averting them. Among candid men j
of all parties the only questions are, if they j
have assigned sufficient reasons for the ex
pression of their opinion on our great nation- j
al affairs ; and if so, whether they have (lis-1
covered and disclosed the true causes of our j
evils and dangers, and suggested the sure
means of preserving our peace and reviving
our prosperity ? A dispassionate investiga- j
tion of the Report on our foreign relations ,
will enable us to decide these questions by i
our fire sides, with no other instructor or ,
commentator than our experience.
The Report first states, that the sudden
dismissal of the English Minister, the reso
lution of Congress on this subject, the re
sentment discovered and measures propos-1
ed by the friends of the nat ional administra- j
tion, had materially changed the posture of j
oar relations wdh Great Britain since the j
last meeting of the legislature, and disclosed,
a policy, whose tendency was to produce an open
rupture with that nation. The tacts from which
this policy was interred, we all know. And
that the measures of government almost ne
cessarily led us to a war w till England, Mr.
Giles, who is the friend and advocate of
Mr. Madison, has most explicitly and hon
estly avowed. His opinion was, that in con
sequence of the misunderstanding and dis
pute between our cabinet and the English
Minister, and our political resolutions, &.c.
Great Britain must and would declare war a
gainst America ; and if she did not, that A
merica ought to declare war against her. In
the house of representatives the same inten
tion of hostility was as unguardedly repeat
ed. And the resolutions ol Congress, in
which we were made to pledge our lives to
support the administration, seemed to threa
ten something more than the empty bluster
of resentment. Was the legislature wrong
then in this suggestion respecting the \.i
dtrrcy of the measures of the national govern
ment to produce a war with England .
The Report next states, that a war
with England would in its consequences
endanger our liberty and independence.
Can any man who has any knowledge
of the power and views of France, doubt
the truth of this position ? Suppose in J
such a contest we should cripple and
humble England, should wc alone be
better able to secure a sale asylum lor
the rights and liberties of mankind,
than we now both afford against the ly
rant of continental Europe r No man |
will believe, that success in such a war ,
would not put our liberty and indepen- j
dcnce in jeopardy. Was not the leg-!
islature then justified in an attempt to j
allay those hostile propensities, which’
seemed unfortunately to impel some of
the state governments, in harmony with
the national administration, to approve
of measures, which Mr. Giles unci his
Jriends explicitly avowed must involve,
us in a war with England ?
The legislature, under these impres-;
sions, next proceed to notice the dispute i
and misunderstanding between the En
glish minister and our own cabinet, which j
terminated in the rupture of the negotia
tion. Does the report here contain one
improper expression, one illiberal in
sinuation ? A difference of opinion is
expressed with that frankness and deli
cacy, in which enlightened minds avow
dissent from the opinion of others. And
surely in a land ot freedom end inquiry,
no man or body of men has a right to
set up a standard of uniformity. With
different passions, prejudices, partiali
ties, and systems, we find it impossi
ble to make honest men unanimous in
support ot any one system of policy.
When we open the Bible to them, and
read with them the same scripture, we
cannot make them unanimous in the •
lit lief ot any one system of religion.
May not, cannot the legislature of Mag- '
sachusetts therefore honestly differ!
from our cabinet at Washington in ’
their construction of the letters oj Mr. j
Jackson ? Was every member in Con-1
gress, or in the legislature of Massa- j
chusetts perjured in the eye of heaven, j
who declared that he could not perceive
in any part of the correspondence of
the British minister expressions of dis
trust and disrespect towards the gov
ernment, murk less the offensive impu
tation of falsehood God forbid. When
on the contrary we find the friends of
Mr. Madison detecting Mr. Jackson’s
insult in different places, one in the first
letter, another in the last ; when aEo
we recollect that Mr. Macon, a staunch
friend of the administration, ridiculed
this unfortunate business as a trifling,
petty quarrel, that ought not and could
not change the temper and policy of the
two nations an iota, is it not un even
chance that the legislature was in the
right ? When it is also known, that in
England Mr. Jackson’s strongest polin
cal opponents do not pretend to discov
er any thir.g in his conduct derogatory
to the character oi a minister ; & wlmn
his own government explicitly approves
of Lis proceedings, . , 1
ters to the contrary notivithJ^.* *
does not the Jirobjbility nf Uit - ;
ol tl* legisUtu,e Rrin
\V hen we add to this, that the ,,0 * 1
fier of France represents our
of Mr. Jackson as a grot* indh^!?
England, to which nothing ^ V*
fears and dangeis would let l,er
•nit, it must be agreed that the const'^
tion given by the legislature t0 if*
Jackson’s correspondence is not j
ced and unnatural, as to argue a ***
of sense or sincerity.
Without entering into an ^
OH this subject, ot which all arc htJ 1
ly tired, and to which there seeing
one side, it may at least be said that to
members of the legislature were not ,■ *
gular in the opinion, that this was?'
trifling and unimportant an affair t0 a *
mand the sacrifice of our fieace^^x '
this era of i>olitical convulsion, the J!
of doubtful words did not require [J
dismissal of an ambassador of p^
from one of the bclligcrant Jiovjert,\\\^
the policy of the ad m inistration had diT
tated so long and fiatient a Jirbtura^(
under gross and continued outravr* k.
the Other. When Gen. Tun-cat: i,^
been suffered with impunity to char*
Mr. Jefferson’s administration ^
“ giving facility to rebellion and rob.
bery,’’ was our legislature culpable fur
opposing the abrupt dismissal of Mr
Jackson for a supposed di&rcspecfui
sinuation, especially when according t0
Mr. Giles it tended necessarily to
volve our country in war ?
The Report next states the anxietv.
which arises from a view of the dismis
sal of Mr. Jackson considered in co
llection with the failure of Mr. Rose’s
mission, and “ the ungracious terms h
which the satisfaction subsequently of*
fered by Mr. Erskine was accepted” I;
is a serious subject of com plaint and rr
gret, that the arrangement with Mr.
Erskine on this point would have been
ratified, if Secretary Smith had not in
sulted the English government in the
note, in which he accepted their offers,
by such language, as a gentleman could
not use with impunity in the common
intercourse of life This is a fact, which
no man cf air political information
will deny, as n xs generally known,that
all parties in England were indignant
at this indelicacy of Mr. Smith. And
were not aii these circumstances, these
facts combined, sufficient to excite our
fears, tout our government had adopted
a system of policy 44 whose tendency
was to produce an open rupture will
England?” Ought not these fears to
be strengthened and increased by aco>
siueration oi the “ forbearance of out
government towards France/’after ta
long continued insolence and outrage i
at a period too when by a singular con*
currence in our views or forrur.es, our
embargo had most effectually promotd
her commercial warfare against Eng*
land ; and hart encouraged Bonaparte
to declare war for us, as for one of lii
provinces, against Great Britain? If
every man of candour must admit, that
these fears and suspicions may beio*
dulged without illiberality, does the ex* !'
pression of them by the legislature,at
a time which calls for truth, argue*
want or an excess of patriotism ?
7 he Rcpoit next presents us with*
true, but most melancholy slate of our
national treasury. Ii declares that io
the course of two years our revenue
had fallen “from sixteen millions to
nine and an half millions ;** that ouf
government had been obliged to sup I
port itself by the surplus of former
years ;—and that even in time offence* ^
to keep i»p a peace establishment, it wjs
necessary to ‘ borrow four millions o\
dollars ’ This statement had before
been published by Congress in a report
of Mr. Gallatin. Was it iniproptror
criminal to inform our own people»
the poverty of the national treasury
1 he legislature publishes how
money we have lost by the defalcate
ol our own treasury, and why not abort!
publish the deficit in the national fiw|r j
ccs? Was the legislature to attempt■
to delude the people like a conclave of
demagogues, or was it honestly toe*'
pose to the country all its evils ? j
it not light to go farther, to shew that |
ii voluntary loans might supply lb*
vernment in times of peace, that in
they would become enormous* and m* •'*
terminate in ‘ direct taxes and fort*
contributions d As one of the I
I would never have forgiven the dup!‘‘ |
city or negligence* of a legislature, j
would have left or kept me ignorant*
such ruin in our finances, such begg4. j
ry in our irtvsuty. A knowledge "J
our danger is nectsssu v to our s.dtty»
and that ctntinel is ueacuerous, * I
does not warn us of its approach. Vi ft*1 I
must we have thought of fcg*£l3tor* J
who should leave us to rush into I
without a dollar to buy a nut»k>1* or
enlist a soldier ! Surely we »h*U I
er again hear these men fahimni-’^
for exposing the nakedness ol the l^1’
except by those, who would betray
helpless and unarmed to our er,< ;
— f urther, t un they be bl nwd J Ti
honestly imputing these e\d> to I
ministration, whose measures am » 1
I