The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1778-04-22 00:00:00, page 6

To the PRINTER tfthe Pennsylvania Packet,
S I R,
I INTEND in the ccuife of a few numbers to prove,
that th: propofah of reconciliation, which the Bri
tish Ministry are now making, can proceed only from
a convi&ion of the impossibility of succeeding in the
war—That it would be ruin to America to come to an
accommodation with Britain—That our Independence
is either already ratified and a war declared in Europe,
or that both the one and the other must very speedily
happen—That instead of liftehing to terms @f com
promise with Britain, our honor, interest and duty
demand we should redouble our efforts to give the
finishing blow to the remains of British power in Ame
rica, and to secure to our country, Peace, Safety and
Independence. Yours, &c..
The INDEPENDENT WHIG.
NUMBER £.
I HAVE seen, in a late Philadelphia paper, a
Speech of the British Minister, in the House of
Commons, introducing two Brils, relating to the
American dispute, of a conciliatory complexion.
Though they have not yet affirmed a legal form, we
may venture to give them the fame credit as if they
had. The unlimited complaifan^e of Parliament on
every occasion to the will of the Minister, will allow
no room to doubt their dutiful compliance in this in
stance.
I congratulate my country on the victory die has
gained; a vi&ory which, if rightly improved, rauft
produce the most decisive consequences to American
Independence. To eftabiith and maintain cur rank ia
the scale of nations, we have only to determine, it
shall be so—A moderate exertion of good fenie, par
feverance and vigor will soon pwt us in possession of
the object of our wishes. The most fanguire of our
enemies must now be convinced, that the phantom of
military conquest has vanished, and that the Mihifty
of Britain arc making the last effort of dtyairing im
potence.
The contrast between their former and present con
duCt is ftrikiug. Instead of boning promises to lay
America at their feet—to reduce her, in a single cam
paign, to unconditional submission—they ve compel,
led to adopt the language of mean conceffon and hy
pocritical extenuation. Experience has taught them,
what all wife men knew from the beginning, and
what, if it had been properly attended to, would have
deterred them, from a profufipn of blood and treafue
< —to purchase disgrace to thcmfclves, and ruin to the
nation they have betrayed. They begin to be sensi
ble, that the idea of fu.jugating this Continent by
force of arms, is chimerical and vain. They fee, with
confufion and terror, that the probable issue of all
their measures, is the Independency of this country
and its union with the natural enemies of Britain ;
which they are, at length, brought to acknowledge
will be fatal to her. To ptent this, if poffihle, as
the last aft of a drama replete with absurdity, they
hold cut terms of accommodation.
What are we to do on thisoccafi rn? Are we to listen
to the offers of a delusive and dishonorable compro
wife ! Are we, in the moment of triumph, to re.
nounce the prize, for which we have fought and bled,
—to plead #iby to the charg&of rebellion, and ac
cept infultmg pardons from men, who have done all
that vindictive rage could invent, to endive and ruin
us? Every honest American heart must I^ll with in
dignation at the idea.
The conduct which the Bririfh Ministry ferm now
to be pur uing, is so humiliating ano incenfifcnt with
all their former arrogant pretentions, that it cannot
fail to fink them into contempt in the eyes of all Eu
rope. It is a plain demonstration of their weakn r fs
and inability to faceted in their designs by open force,
and it is no left an evidence of then fully, if we be
lieve they can have any serious expectations of cur ac
cepting fthe conditions they propose, arid returning to
a state of dependence, at a juncture when every thing
'favours our hopes, and promises a fp&dy conciufion of
the war on our own terms. How can they imagine we
would ever trust ourselves rgain in the po%er nt men,
who have attempted the fubverfiun of our liberties,
and who have prpfecuted the views of despotism with
all the violence and malignity of which it is capable ?
What security can we possibly have for their fineerity
at this time? All the contrivances of the most frau
dulent policy have heretofore accompanied their pro
ceedings. It is most agreeable to the experience we have
uniformly had, to fvppofe the measure, at present in
agitation^ may be an arlifie to ensnare and disunite
us—todamp our exertions and detach us from those
connections in Europe, which are efential to our sup
port. If they could effect these purposes, however
hcpelefs their profpeas may now be, it would give an
entirely different turn to affairs and render us an eai,
prey. The terms which are efthred, on the most in
dulgent conftruflion, are degrading and inadmiffi te
in themselves. Afterth^ part we have taken, Should
they be embraced, they would expose ns to the ridicule
of all mankind; but were they ever so flattering and
seemingly defireable, it would be unsafe and impolitic
to close with them. The British Ministry are still the
fame men—The British army and navy are not to be
withdrawn ; but, on the contrary, f^dh reinforcements
are coming out. If tempted by the allurements of
peace, we were to he thrown off our guard, were to
relax in our military preparations, or were to take any
steps that might disgust thole powers to whose assistance
we look up, pretexts would easily be found to put an
end to the negotiation and renew the war. Once se
duced from any political engagements we may have
entered into, we could not hope to be trusted or coun
tenanced again, but must rely solely on our own
strength and resources for pur preservation.
But let us admit that the Ministry are sincere in their
proposals of accommodation ; ^?n any nian^ot Lente
believe it possible foe a durable ano cordial union ever
to exist again between the two countries I What charm
can be invented to h^al the antmofi^es t^at have to
long rankled in the besoms both of Broc s and Ame
ricans, or to extinguish their mutual j; loufim, and to
rTtore that & confidence, which.is the parent e^ harmo
ny?—America can nevbr forget the injuries and cru
elties of Britain, or tease to fufpea men that baro ex
hauft'd ait the Stores nt intrigue and violence to deprive
her o' her righ': Btiin can nver forgive the wound
her pride has received from the fuc^stul refinance of
America, and will n. <=r.hehole with complacency 'he
growing prosperity of a country which muff one day,
and at a period not far remote, become the most dange
rous rival of her power and coni*q- ore. 'xcorfro of
these considerations were we to be reunited, it would be
imp Alible for human rifaom to draw the I ne of de
pendence so accurately, but that there would be a
field open for perpetual discussion and al,fcrcation,
which must Toon precipitate us into fr^ffi, cdcvulfions.
On one hand, any exercise of authority the least doubt
ful, would be looked upends an intentional encroach
ment; on the other, the most niedeft murmurs agaioft
grievances, real or imaginary, would he deemed the
effects of impatience of government and aiTLcrmhi^d
Spirit of revolt. One fide or other would, take the
alarm; and either America would be enslaved, or
most appeal again to the fwerd for her deliverance.
R/fentment and policy would concur for our de
ftru&on. A King and Ministers, whose ambition
has been disappointed, and whoife prisons havs been
irritated by.opposition, will never patiently fee us in
the enjoyment of privileges which were the obje^b of
it; conscious too, tb,t they nave loft cur aff,&ions,
they will of course distrust our attachment,, and.hft
the increase of popular .on andrefcoretT ft?..uhlrevive
the idea of independence, they will pfaßiCe all the
arts of corruption io diffiminate their iffluer.ee and
undermine our gaverutnenh; Letivnet be manned
that any thing which has happened w^uld keep th=m
from attempts of a .Similar nature hereafter. There is
a certain infatuation in defectum, which is unfufcep
tible of cure. Tyrants may be taught capticn by ?.
fiftarce, but they can never be taught rt,er wisdom
or justice, They may change their.mode of attack,
and substitute cunning in the price of force; but they
will neither relinquish the loft of dominion, ho^dfift
firm efforts to obtain it. When royat and ministerial
influence may have been propagated by #vt device
th^t ingenious defpetifm can ccab,ve—when a cient
rivalships may biivebeen rekindled, nna new difeord#
fomented between the different States—who can fay
that we Should ever be able to cons derate again in a
general and systematic opposition to the usurpations of
Britain ?—Or if we did, that rhe off irs an 3 difpofini
ons of Europe would be fc favourable to our defo:* as
they are at this time ?-Pirhsps those nations who me
interfiled in cur independence n^y tip n j embroiled
in a war that more immediately concerns them, or
may be engaged in other pursuits, ct may be unwil
ling to afford aid and protection to a p^ple who had
once drawn them into a quarrel, and afterwards # de
ferred them, ro tare part with that very power against
whom they b d lent ttkir atiiftance.
Were we to come to a compromise rih England,
the Situation of thole who have taken rn aR, e part in
the war would be tulv deplorable. White the ene
mies to this country w^uld be courted and honoured,
they would be insulted, persecuted and defoifech Ab
j*& and miserable at home, we Sherd lie Stir in re
a jcR and miserable abroad. No country would af
ford us an asylum from infamy. American n^canne a
would become proverbial throughout the -world ; and
eve r y nation on earth would point the fnger of dtri
fion at us, for abandoning, in the full career of foc
cefs, a work so happily begun, and letting flip the
golden opportunity of fecermg independence to our
country, and laying the foundation of an empire,
which would be the envy and admiration of mankind.
%RL, %
SI R,
HE present fuhed of conversion here is
1 Lord North's famous speech on hisintroducing
the drafts of two Bills to the Houle of Commons,
which he proposes to hire^afTed into ARs of Parli
ament. You will doubt/e/s soon b^ve this speech
published at Lancafler, as I understand a copy of it
has been sent there for that purpose. Give me leave
to make a few obfervaticns on his Lordihip' saddrefs,
such as na uraJly occurred to me on perusing it. I
shall be glad to know from you hereafter whether
yoa think my sentiments oa this occasion just or not.
His Lordship begins with faying, nt the opening of
the present session, 1 told the House that in m, opinion
terns might be made rv:th the Colonies fart of uneon
ditionai Jubmifiox^ and that the time of making them
•was the moment of viftory. If the intended terms
were such as might^n honor be offered and in justice
ought to be accepted, vhy was vißory Deceffary for
therr introduction? Would it not have been mote
reputable, more humane and glorious to have put a
flop to the effofioß of blood by a candid proposal of
the'e terms, than to have referred them for that
ideal moment which h@th never arrived? After all,
may it not be afcd, what terms could poffihly have
been proposed more advantageous to Great. Britain
than those which were repeatedly petitioned for at
ard before the coramencement of this cruel war ?—
His Lordship fays, that be hoped Gen. Home's vid^
rm would prove decifoe: Thtt he ^as ignorant ts
Burgoyne's fate, and therefore waited the ifue of the
esn aign . • That when he bound himfelf dijappeinted
in the one, and beard the fatal catafrophe of the other,
be was convinced that the wish'd for moment, viz. the
moment of aifior), was paji —if that can properly be
i,,;d to have past which never arrived— and therefore
turned bis views to the racing new levies and a nrw^
force;, and laid ofde ad thoughts 0/ the propped terms,
One would suppose that these events ought to have
battened and not retarded his Lordship's proposed
tems. And we have region to think they have nn,-
rared in that way. Had net Gen Howe's lucces
f Wo far fliort of his expeditions, and Burgoyne's
defeat thrown a damp on his hopes, ve feould never
have heard of his Lordship's intentions to propose
terms fhert of unconditional submission: Be his in
tentions what they may, we have certainly not been
bettered by them—Our fullerings have been as great
as if this goodneis had never taken a secret stand in
Ais Lordfnip'sbreaft
He goes op to fay— The forces of iVafoington are
not fufficie^t to make him quit his defenfve fan This
is thrown out as & fliflua upon the rtqng'h of this
country —and yet he immediately as er fays, that the
rffence of America is grefier, and the war has afed
dangerthan was apprehended. But his Lnrdihip does
not chafe to mention, thatJt is altogether owrag to
the prudence of General Washington in making the
war defenfae, that he.has been aide to Hand his
ground against the exerted force of Britain, and at
last compel his Lordship to make this humiliating
f ^c'. What he can mean by expatiating on the
fuprroriry of the British forces in America, and de
clair^ they at abe to compel us to accept cf rea
sonable terms, lamat a loss to determine. Ifthey
ar? so superior, why have they not succeeded? If
the ferns to be proposed were indeed reafouable,
why w^s compulsion necefiry? But his Lordship
takes it for granted that his terms would have been
rej fNd by us; and with rcafon, having only caka
la<ed them for the moment of viftorj. But on a >e
view of cireumftances, he now concludes that it is
better to offer a concefon then continue the war. Had
this concession been made three years h,p, he would
probably hate fitved to his country millions of mo
ney and thoufaods cf men; but howover gladly we
might have likened to terms before the iword was
drawn, and so prevented the deflation ^f our coun
try. we (ball hardly be educed to give up the ad
vantages we have gained, fur propolis UDfatisfaßo
ry, h fecuie, and altogether delusive —His Lord
fliip offers to the confiderarion of the Houle three
propel/ ions, viz. to continue the war with vigour;
recal the troops froth America ; or to offer termfofre
conciliation. As to the firft, he acknowledges it can
not be done to effed; or that if it could, the advan
tage ga ned by compleat conquest would not equal
the expence. Had his Lordship made this di<cove
ry fmewhat earlier, he would have merited the
thanks of his country; but like the chimerical pur
sue s of the phriofopher's stone, he has ruined his
patron and then acknowledges that he ws mistaken
in his principles. As to the second prop firion, he
fays it is fubferibing to the independency of America,
and rea'ons no further upon it: But ct& ges on the
third, viz. the offering terms of reconciliation
He new withes for an open conference with America,
and thinks there ifo much afcßionfid left in that
country towards Great- Britain, that bar/, to enter on
a diferfon is more than half the bufnefs. —When we
reflet on the cruel outrages, the unprovoked infi:hs,
the burnings and devastations we have fuffere 1 from
these vindictive enemies; when we lock towards our ’
captiv d cities and think on our flaughter'd brethren,
then fltail we able to judge of the propriety of his
Lordship's assertion. and fee the grounds he has for
fupprfmg there is still so much affeßion left in Ame
rica towards Great Britain? After exerting the ple
nitude of his power to do us every possible injury,
and finding he cannot torture us to his purpose, he
then irfoleotly appeals to &ur affections —Yes, my
Lord! afßaio' s and prejudices for Great Britain's
once had, and strong ones too, but you have effec
tually erased them, beyond the possibility of restora
tion. Our t con 6dence in the clemency and jwftice of
the British Court is levelled with the erth, and who
shall build it up again? But his Lordship proceeds
te set forth the neceffiiy of appointing Commissioners
to treat with America, and is for invoking them with
very extensive, almost unlimited powers—-They may
treat with Congress, with rebels, with men inarms,
with General /^flembhes, or with a y perlons what
ever, authorifed t® treat withtbem. I remember that
when the attempt towards a treaty on Staten IflJd
failed, the friends of government, as they aie called
affixed this as a fufficient reafoo, thatCoogrefs had
sent feme of their own members fcr the purpose, and
therefore it would be absurd and impcffible for his
Mjfty's Commiffiorers to treat with men in 4 Ruai
rabelhoD, however difyofed they might he ;o ieCvfr