The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-06-13 00:00:00, page 2

▼^e "nhipelle^ with^ d^ligh'fwl verdure. The lucres
which hung pendent, or were tied amidfl the foliage ;
a table in the shape of a horse shoe with god covers,
which was 'aid in the middle of this vast circle; the
chryflals with which the table was covered ; the tran
fo-nt gleammgs of the different lights through, this arti
ficid grove, an amphitheatre of a beautiful green upon
wrich trie mulicians were feared—all these different ob
jects heightened by a numerous and brilliant compa
ny, rendered this spot a perfect fairy palace. The dew
having wet almoA all the fireworks, this part of the ex
hibitien did not gratify the admirers of such entertain^
roents wi<h the pleasure they had promised themselves;
t.e lancing, however, brought the whole company in
to spirits. At the hour of [upper the) again returned
to tbegrovt. M. Ie comte de Graffe, anuM. madame
le marquise de Bou lie, took their feats at the (upper
table, which was splendidly covered, and the whole
company followed their example. The healths of M
and mariame de Bouille, which were drank on all tides,
were accompanied by the flourishes of military inftru
mets. Teuniversal gaiety, the politeness and gal
lantry presided at this entertainment, gave it theap
pehrance ofa family feaft. Every thing was conduA
ed withthe greatefi order and decorum, notwlthftand
ine the prodigious number of guefis , and the crouds
of fpeHators which so beautiful a fight had drawn to
gether. The musical instruments which had struck up
in the ball room, soon, however, called off the youn
ger part of the company, who continued dancing till
day-light. If any thin 4 was wanting on this occasion
to perf'T the g neral happiness, and to compleat the
fatisfaflion of the merchants in particular, it was
doubtless the presence o' M. Ie president de Peinier, the
labr ur and increasing cares of whose employment cad
detained him at Fort-Roya). The eagerness with which
every one fought to fee our general, created, during
the entertainment, a pleasant disorder, and that agree
able kind of confufion, which is much better felt than
dtfcribed.
Mr. GIL L,
IN your paper of May 16th, was published a late
aft of the parliament of Great-Brita n, " entitled,
a bill to enable his majefly to conclude a peace or truce
with the revolted colonies of North America." Where
as, fays the bill, " it is essential to the interefis, welfare
and profperiry of Great-Britain, and the colonies or
plantatio s of New-Hampshire, &c. that peace, inter
course, trade and commerce, should be restored between
th p m, for a full manifefiation of the earned.with and
desire of his majefly in parliament, to put an end to
the calamities of war: Be it enaaed," &c.
Britons have in no infiance fheWn more folly, than in
supposing the Americans to be possessed of as great a
Ihare of it as themfel.es. There was a time, when this
la v would have be-n a wife one, prevented any of the
distresses America has felt, and saved Britain from the
humiliating situation in which (he now has the mortifi
cation to view herfell. Independentand allied with the
firft power in Europe, this young empire cannot but
laugh at the present measures though her pride may be
a little wounded, when the reflects on the motives that
induced her enemies to adopt them. At this critical
period it is fit to confider what we are as a nation, and
how we are connected with others.
Onthe 4th of Ju1y,1776, we unanimously declared,that
we were and of right ought to be free and inde
pendent states. Atthat time every American felt
and I hope continues to feel himfelf independent of the
British crown and parliament; and now holds and ar
dently wishes to hold that nation, “ as he does the rest
cf mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends." Pursuant
to this declaration America numbered herfelf among
the nations of the earth ; and at no distant period af
terwards formed that alliance, from which we have ex
perienced advantages of the most extensive nature.
There are certain articles of this honourable alliance,
that at this time particularly demand our attention
Art. ill. " If war should break out between France
and England during the continuance of the present war
with the United States and England, his majefly and
the fair! United States, shall make it a common cause,
and aid e ch other mutually with their good offices
their councils and their forces, according to the exi
gence of conjunctures, as becomes good and faithful
allies/"
From the CONTINENTAL JOURNAL, printed at
Boston, May 30.
Art. Bth. “ Neither of the two parties shall con
clude either a truce or peace «ith Great-Britain with
out t e formal consent of the other firft obtained. And
they mutually engaged not to lay down their arms un
til the independence of the United States shall have been
formally or tacitly assured by treaty or treaties, that
shall terminate the war "
Thus independent, and thus allied, what can be more
idle than the late ad of the British parliament ? It goes
upon the idea that America will not only relinouifh
her all es but her independence. This bill so idle and
so abhorrent to the feelings of America wa passed
consequent to a long debate in the house of commons
in tne course of which similar sentiments fell from the
lips of the new ministry. Lord Camden on the 21st of
February, " moved that the house do resolve on an ad
dress to the throne, to implore his.majefly, to be gra
ciously pleased no longer to continue a war found im
praHicable, for bringing America to obedience.by
force." And Charles J. Fox, on the sth of March
said, '' that there is an inclination in America to make
peace with Great-Britain, and that he knew, that com
missioners impowered to negociate a peace between
America and Great Britain, were now in Europe and
ready to treat." Hence we learn the ideas of some in
the new ministry receding the contest. They are
most egregiously mistaken.
Did we stand unallied with the nations of the world
there would be some little degree of modefly in the bill
and -might be pleasing perhaps to the lukewarm and
timid, though it could not fail to be rejected with dis
dain by every firm friend of his country. Why does
Britain wish us to be again dependent, but to controul
us ? Why does she wi(h to controul us but to reduce
us to the necessity of assisting her in the support of
burthens exceedingly encreafed by her exertions to
murder or enslave us ? America might probably at this
time have from Britain an that she alked at the com
mencement of the war; so that in one instance it may
be said that victory would be on her fide. There is a
degree of indolent security in success that is very fre
quently more dangerous than defeat. Should we, fa
tigued with war, become again dependent on Britain,
made more cruel by disappointment, and more watch
ful by chargrin, in our liflleffnefs of-fuccefs, and un
willingness to renew a bloody contest, we should not be
apt to refill at firft the advances of usurpation. Britain
enriched by our submission, intoxicated with power,
and urged on by a remembrance of past disgraces,
would probably engage in another attempt to enslave
us. This ought 011 our part, and probably would
give rife to another war. There are bounds in the ad
vances of tyranny from which a nation may retreat
Without dis race or any humiliating condescension ; but
if she steps beyond them, she feels her honour concern
Ad in eflablifhing her claims. There is a mildness in re
sentment for a small injury that only looks like an
earned requell of a removal of it: but when an injury
is grat, resentment becomes proportiona bly severe and
i an implied demand of reparation. Tn the former in
stance the injury is apparently redressed from kindness,
and in the latter by compwlfion. Societies a r e compos
ed of men, with the feelings of men about them. In
the nature of things we must in some future day bq in
dependent. Independence is row within our grasp, so
that if we were certain that Britain would never again
encroach on our colonial nghts, it would be ma Inefs
in the extreme to relinquish it Besides, who can sus
tain the idea of becoming again dependent on a bank
rupt nation, and obliged to ^ffift io the discharge of
debts contracted in wanton and barbarous attempts to
enslave us. The feelings of every honest American must
beat war with the idea. But,
Independence is now become not only necessary to
our future happiness, but perhaps to our very exig
ence as a people. The alliance between France and
America makes the war between them and Britain a
society of war. The cause, fays the alliance, shall be
a common cause, and the enemy a common enemy.'
Engaged in this alliance' should we again become de
pendent on Britain, we should only exchange our ene-1
lilies, and became at once friends to our inveterate foes,
and foes to our best friends. This would be a degree|
of verfarility that would border on madness anl I 1
tiiink necessarily occasion out deftruHion. The mo
ment we become dependent on Great-Britain, that
moment we must become the enemy of her enemies and
engagedin her wars. As America would be the most
valuable part of the British dominions, she would be the
principal obje& of her enemies vengeance. France having
by her exertions preferred us from may of the rava
ges of the enemy, should we rel nquifh our indepen#
dence, would have been the immediate infirument of
firengthning .:nd encriching her enemy. This would
be a most mortifying reflexion, and engage her feel
ings with her interest in endeavours to effect our ruin.
The troops of France, stimulated with ideas of nation
al glory, and pressed on by indignation and resentment
against their perfidious ally, would very probably for
get their former humanity, and push their exertions
to the utmost length of military rage. .The Britons
on the other hand, confeious of our inability to defend
ourselves, while they opposed the enemy, would not
fail, with the most consummate haughtiness ahd ihdig
nation, to harrafs the people they have long viewe in
the ignominious light of rebels to their king and coun
try. When this war with all its redoubled horrors
shall be concluded, we may easily be made the slaves
of Britain, if any of us should renam for tlfe purpose.
Our spirits broken by habits of dependence on that
haughty people, our country ravaged and all ourtrea
fures wafted in bloodshed, we should be but poorly si
tuated to refill the advances of tyranny. If we refilled
at all, the resistance would resemble that of a man on
the rack, who vainly exerts his little remaining
firength to raise his dislocated arm to prevent the last
fatal blow. These obfervatioos are founded on human
nature, and yet the parliament of Britain introduce
their new conciliatory bill with observing, that it is ne
cessary to the interefis, welfare and prbfperity of
Great Britain and the colonies, &c. that peace, &c.
should be reflored between them. This bill was either
intended as a very insidious one, or the British parli
ment are fools or thins, us so. I have before said, that
in the nature of things we must in some future day be
independent. National honour requires that we now
should be National faith requires it—The great law
of felf preservation requires it, and it most be so.
It.is obtervable from the debates in parliament, that
England is exceedingly solicitous for a peace with Ame
rica : and it has been said that i' is probable, in order
toobtain it, she will recognize our independence. But
Britain is the common enemy of France and America,
and till she makes peace with the former fhe;. u ft cwii'
nue the war wrh the latter. The Bth article of theal
liauce expressly fays, “ that neither of the twe par
ties shall conclude either p-ace or truce with Great
Britain, without the formal consent of the other sirs l ob
tained." A breach of the alliance on our fide in that
essential and most important part, would undoubtedly
be followed by a declaration of war by France against
America, so that a diftinf tpeace with Britain, would
only be an exchange of enemies as in the former instance,
in which exchange we must certainly be loofers. We
should hand alone in a contest with France, and pro
babiy with the house of Bourbon, while at this time
we have only England to oppose, supported by that
house and the united provinces of Holland. Perhaps
Britain would become our ally, probably the would be•
but where would be the advantages of such an exchange?
France was never better able to support a war than at
present—Britain never less. Britain and America
would have to oppose the house of Bourbon and the
united provinces ; while they and America have only
to oppose Britain. Americans are not madmen. France
has as yet been a faithful ally and deserves much from
, b !°° d has been Pr° f ufely filed in our favour-
We shall and must amply repay them—We all with it—
We are too young to be capable of being perfidious,
The minds of this people, may be said to have fuf
fered political conftupration by their former govern
ment, and it is as much impossible for them to recover
a relish for liberty, or to continue happy under this
their co-optitious constitution, as it would be for a
common prostitute to regain her love for virtue, or to
taste of conjugal felicity, even if she should fekaan
husband from the whole male sex. How can minds
habituated to slavery, recover that tone necessary for
the enjoyment of liberty.
This is a people, not possessed of a Sufficient fund of
f peculation to difeover, that the supreme power is tranf
ferred from a king and parliament (whole interest it
was to oppress them) into their own hands. Who still
blindly following the prejudices of old impressions,
keep up a diftindtion between themselves and the go
vernment. Who support their former custom of repro,
bating authority; not observing that what was then
tyrannical, is now legal : is their own act and deed.
Who in spite of the excessive ceconomy in disbursing
public treasures (which has been their misfortune) com
plain of public profufion. Who judge by their feel
ings, and yet cry out before they feel. Whose minds
are too inactive to investigate their rights or forefee
their dangers, to make calculations of necessary expen
diture, or to search into their own ability to pay.
This is a people, fond of great aftions, but unwilling
to be at the trouble of performing, or the expence of
rewarding them. Who would agree to have reputa
tion and freedom, provided reputation and freedom
wre cenfiflent with idleness, luxury and licentious
ness. Who might even submit to government, if go
vernment could exist without fifed properties ; and
would perhaps agree to defend themselves, if it might:
be done without armies.
this is a people, who entered irto the war, because
it was a novelty, not from principle; and having been
impelled by a vivacity which hath evaporated, want
flanrina to give them perseverance, now the novelty
hath ceased. Thus the way to subdue this Rate is to
deprive it of adventure: that steel, which when ading
in coll fion with vivacity, will cause it to sparkle ;
curb your brisk war, put an end to firiking events;
withhold an eminent dinger, and their national cha
ra&er will perform, what lively experiments wdl never
effect. They will themselves bow the neck to the yoke,
through th meer fatigue and expence of freedom.
Several adventitious circumstances concurred to
procure adherents to rebellion; among them, the great
debts in which individuals were involved was not unim
portant. The chance of retrieving def perate circum
flances in the fliock of a revo ution, secured a violent
adherence of debtors to t e fide which proposed an al
ternative. The end is attained ; but the present sys
tem of the rebels will soon yield full retribution, for
the injury the royal cause thus sustained ; and from
the ( ame source. The government, far from providing
a speedy administration of justice, have adopted mea
fureb which tempt their citizens again to contrast ex
orbitant debts. Individuals thus rendered dependent,
are but poor props to an independent government.
The fame causes have continually produced the fame
efFeds. They,will fhcrtly become enemies to the
established government. One revolution expunged
almost all debls. Why may not another? I need not:
enlarge on the advantages like to result to the royal
cause from this source. Suffice it to fay, that in the
person of every debtor they are rearing upa citaline,
who will shortly cry out with him, " incendium meum
ruina extinguam."
RICHMOND, (Virginia,) June 1.
Messieurs NICOLSON &PRENTIS.
Gentlemen,
A GENTLEMAN lately arrived from Britain, put
'' intomy hands the enclosed letter from a minifle
rial spy in this state to lord North, declaring that it
had been surreptitiously obtained by an amanuensis of
his lordship's, with whom he was intimate; on my
expressing some doubts of its authenticity, he slept to
a large family bible, laid his hand on the book and so
lemnly made oath to his veracity. He hath scruples a
gainf l being known, but that my adopted countrymen
may fee in what manner they themselves give occasi
on to the continuance of the war, and may perhaps
extra& some ufeful hints from this impartial observer
of their actions, I hope you will give the letter a place
in your paper:
Virginia, ORober 25, 1781.
My Lord,
IT hath n^v been fix years fimce I have had the hon
our of residing in this province as your lordship's se
cret agent, and although during that period the royal
c use hath fuffered many revolutions, and would ap
pear to be annihilated by the late extraordinary event,
yet Imyfelf feel more happy prefdges of success, than
at any former aera. My opinion is founded on a tho
rough knowledge of the people among whom I reside,
of whole national character, 1 will endeavour to give
your lordship an idea, that you may avail yourfelf of
the advantages naturally resulting to the royal cause
therefrom.
We must not be deceived—The only way to obtain
peace, is by fidelity to our allies and vigorous exer
tions against our common enemy. Britain has long been
panting after a termination of the war—ln a little time
probably she will be happy to accept of our terms.
Firmness in the people at large, bravery and
perseverance in our armies, wisdom in our counsels
and fidelity to our allies, will in a fit season eftab
lilh peace, liberty and fafety on the broad basis of na
tional independence An AMERICAN
Not only our interest most manifeftly, but our most
solicitous wishes are on the fide of fidelity to our al
lies. Britain resembles a childish Churlish old man, who
thinks all young men, though in the full ftreng'th of
manhood and intel/edua! abilities, to be dependent on
his will, and fubje& to his controul. The old man
may be petulant, but the young one must be deter
mined: in case of disobedience to his wishes, he will
threaten with severity, but cannot injure. He will
fancy the youth to be intimidated, and with an air of
condefeenfion make rediculous proposals of accomoda
tion. They must be rejeded as idle, pitiful and un
worthy.