Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-06-27 00:00:00, page 1

NUMBER 11.
^fa POLITICAL REFLECTIONS,
submitted to the confderation of the British
Colonies. By a Citizen of Philadelphia.
f^ ¥?^ H E more I confider the import
* '^<' $ ance ofthe present controversy,
'\^ > the more am ' convinced of the
)g neceflity of wisdom in our coun
^"^y' cils, by which we may more
' % certainly expect, under Provi
dence, a happy ifTue to our vir
tuous struggle : and virtuous I have no doubt it will
be hereafter termed, by even those with whom we
now contend: —but we must keep the ftrideft
guard over our pailions.—Reafon must command
our forces, and justice lead the way to conquest:
thus shall we ride triumphant over our enemies,
and compel them both to fear and admire us.—
Pardon me, Brethren, if in pursuing this fubjed,
I seem sometimes to assume the stile of dictation ;
I mean but to give my honest guileless sentiments
—Sentiments that are but the pure effufions of a
heart devoted to my country. —I cannot fit an
idle unconcerned fpeftator, Codrus like, “ amidst
" a bursting world." And 0 ! that I could unite
the bewitching powers of eloquence and wisdom,
that through the medium of your passions, I might
gain the plaudit of your judgment.—l know there
needsbut your calm attention, and all will be well.
—Justice and truth will ever prevail, and their
fierceft enemies fall at last prostrate at their feet.
The conflict may be tedious, but a virtuous per
severance will gain the day.
The sparkling ideas of a warm imagination, are
too apt to soar into the regions of danger, and
without providing a proper retreat, involve the
bold adventurer in unthought of perplexities. But
let us, my Brethren, like fkilful Generals, fend
our scouts abroad—view the designs and strength
of our enemy, and secure the mod advantageous
posts, the ground will admit.—Calmness in coun
cil, and previous manoeuvres, mark as strongly
the genius of a General, as presence of mind, and
courage io the field. The nation whose wife po
licy in the cabinet, baffles the invidious attempts
of hostile neighbours, without calling forth the
horrors of military carnage, shines brighter in the
annals of a chriftian age, than if pourtray'd with
all the splendid clangor of arms dyed in blood,
and (unrounded with the victorious trophies, of
fallen thousands.
/^®Zc™zx^T<o'Sr'\
Those who stand oa higher ground than I do,
may probably have their circle of vision enlarged,
and with stronger optic organs, look further into
distant events. —Mine I confefs have been too much
confined to a narrower sphere; and nothing but
my country's weal, could tempt me to clamber up
the rugged mountains of politicks.
I have already with much fubmiflion, declared
my sentiments, that a general nun-importation was
the only weapon we should wield, in this unnatu
ral, ministerial war; and wish I may be happy
enough to convince my countrymen, that we need
not go further.
Should the proposal made by some of our sou
thern Brethren, and countenanced by some in this
province be adopted— the proposal of a nun-export
ation to Britain, I conceive it would be but giving
ourselves a more deadly wound—lThatever our
country by its industry, and frugality, can spare for
exportation, isjuft so much added to its riches; whe
ther we deposit it in the hands of an English mer
chant till called for, or order it immediately back
in mercantile investment.
That a heavy debt is incurred by us in England,
for the several articles of her commerce, is un
doubtedly true ; and that it is a debt which we
mean honestly to pay, I believe is also as true;
and that after the contracted limitation of credit
is expired, the English factors will expert, and the
American merchants will allow, that an interest
of 5 per cent, ought to commence; and though the
intercourse between the two countries should have
a temporary cessation, the terms of the firft con
trad would still be binding; and an accumulating
load of debt, press with aggravating weight upon
our shoulders.
If we suppose this continent to take from
Great-Britain the value of three millions per an
num, we may reasonably presume, that the im
porters of America, are at all times that sum in
debt. For though some may trade onfuch extensive
capitals, as will enable them to keep within the
limited time of payment, yet there are so many
who fall short of their contrasts, that the fuppo
firion may readily be granted. Admit then, we
flop all intercourse with England. —brom that in
stant will begin an interest of 5 per cent, og the
enormous sum of three millions, which amounts
to no less than £. 11,0,000 sterling per annum; a
sum that muft' actually be remitted to them,
whenever we renew our intercourse. During this
important interval, if the money dueto our English
merchants, could be employed to luch advantage,
as to pay us for our trouble, and reserve £. 150,000
fteiling per annum fortheir u'e; politically speak
ing, the continent might be laid to be no great
O R,
GENERAL
M O N D A Y,
V O L. 111.
fufferers, but viewing it in that moral point of light,
which I hope every American will advert to, we
fhoulddo them the highest injury. Every gentle
man in bufiuefs will readily assent to the proposition,
that receiving interest is by no means an equivalent
to the man in trade. If money is said to be the
" sinews of a nation," it is the very nervous fluid
in the commercial system, which pervading the
muscular powers, gives force to contrail or extend
those sinews; it is the very life, foul, and offence
of trade: how then can we reconcile ourselves to
the commission of so flagrant an aft of injustice?
but if our feelings of virtue fail us, let us apply to
those tender firings of interest, which are ever at
unisons in the great commercial harp: there let us
strike, and the found will vibrate in every ear.
It has been said that “ whatever a country by
" its industry and frugality can spare for exporta
" tions is juft^ much added to its riches." Now
if we dam up this surplus amongst ourselves, like
closing the pores, or checking perspiration, we
produce a putrid collection—a confined fermenta
tion succeeds—and nature struggling with the dis
order, throws the body into a fever; which though
frequently effecting a cure, sometimes proves fatal.
Should all intercourse with Britain cease, our in
vention need not be long racked, to conceive the
effe& it would produce : nor can I be charged wi r h
officioufly pointing out to our enemies, a road of
conduct, which their own eyes must discover, and
which their present system of policy would defend.
He that plays a cautious game, will never rifque
a blot to the chance of an oversight: and fr would
certainly ill deserve the affeCtion and confidence of
his countrymen, who perceiving an impending dan
ger, forbore to give warning. If with such a heavy
debt against us we break off our connexion, is it
not natural for our creditors to take the alarm?
poflefled of their fortunes, and out of their reach,
must they not wish to keep a watchful eye over
u/? Is it probable they can consent to our trade
with other nations in Europe, with wealth properly
theirs? If government interfered in favour of the
East India Company, for the paultry sumos 15 or
18 thousand pounds destroyed by persons unknown;
how much more likely is it, that (he will exert
herfelf on behalf ofthe whole trading interest of
Great-Britain, to bring to justice the private
" defaulters of unaccounted millions ?" Let us
suppose, to take a clearer view of the argument,
for conjectures should ever be encouraged, where
probability points the prudence of the search, I fay
let us suppose, that the Parliament of England,
with their high notions of sovereignty and omni
potence (though I with reverence explode the ap
plication of the exprefon) should shut up our har
bours to every port of Europe: though we might
fire with rage, and swell with indignation, our ef
forts would be futile and our clamours unheard.---
The patriot might mourn and the peasant might
feel, whilst increasing murmurs spread through the
land, and tear us with civil difeord. Libertv re
vered of all—that darling of the British foul,
that heavenly spark, lodged in the human heart
for purposes great and important, is yet so nearly,
so closely connected in every mind, with the pleating,
gratifying ideas of property, that whenever that is
endangered, the firft alarm is loud and serious.
Our fieldsthrough the wonted providence of
the great Lord of the foil, produce their usual
crops—our barns expand with the pressing load
of unnumbered sheaves; and a joy “ like unto
the joy of harvest" spreads a serenity of counte
nance, through thousands, ten thousand families—
in pleating confidence and with unwearied diligence,
they beat the golden ears, and prepare the joyful
produce of a twelve month's labour—Whirling
as they go, and forming a general concussion of
earth, from every distant frontier, they roll along
in heavy loads the grateful tribute of their toils—
let us follow them to the capitals—to the several
ports of embarkation—but hold—grief swells my
heart—a tremor seizes on my limbs—my whole
nervous system becomes disordered—every tegu
ment of the bowels of companion strains with invo
luntary convulsions—l am fcarceable to proceed—
they approach—they enter the once busy streets —
they startle at the general void—for a moment
they paufe—furprize and amazement almost for
bid them to enquire the cause—but soon, too soon
they find the general distress—the Port is
Shut—the demand is over, they return to their
once joyful homes, solemn and disconsolate; pon
dering as they pass along, and watering the ground
with their tears.
When our honest endeavours have been faith
fully exerted, and fail of their expected success ;
when it has pleased the great disposer ofevents, to
order his providence contrary to our wishes, and
blast our best and well meant designs; with hum
ble resignation and submission, we can fit down in
mournful peace; and having no imprudencies to
add to our misfortunes, we can look up with con
fidence, for some favourable change :—But when
justice and a good conscience, deny that heart felt
solacing resource, when the dictates of passion,
have run counter to every idea of right, from
whence is our peace to flow ? Where fliall we
DUNLA P's
^^Bi^l^^B
look for comfort ? Will not our farmers, the
strength and support of our land, reason back from
the consequence, up to the cause ? Will they not
fee that our inattention to the eternal rule of right,
has plunged them into this abyss of confufion; and
that in pursuit of our own liberties we have* in
fringed upon the rights of others ? Will they not
recommend, will they not urge a change of mea
sures? perhaps at a time, when our enemies may
not be disposed to fuffer our landing on the ground
fiom whence we embarked ? Will they not —but
I fear to proceed Hence, my Brethren, let us
be warned, and rush net into such probable dan
ger. Let us continue to export to them as usual,
let us if possible double our exports, let us bring
them in our debt. The merchants of England are
men of honour and principle, and with them we
shall be fafe ; in thrn we shall find friends. What
though the revenues arising from tobacco, cultiva
ted in the southern provinces, may amount to above
400,0001 sterling, per annum, and a general non
exportation of that article should be determined
on; the wheels of government might probably
thereby be retarded in their motion, but frefh
springs would quickly be applied, and the machine
go on at least for a time; and the present fttug
gle between America and Britain, will most assu
redly turn in favour of that country which can
longest hold out —let all our force be bent against
their manufacturers • ,they are the ramparts against
which our batteries must be levelled; let us but
make an impression there, and the contest will cer
tainly be decided. The adual labourers in the
various manufaduring branches, are men of hon
ed principles and lovers ofliberty, but poffefTed of
such scanty means, that the week's earnings, but
just bring round the week's support: Their em
ployers in the different towns, who supply them
with raw materials, and pay them for their work,
are mod of them, men of middling fortunes ; and
can only advance to the workmen, in proportion
as they receive remittance from the exporting mer
chant : Therefore if the orders from America
cease, the flagnation goes down, step by step, till
the loom and the anvil become at rest. I the more
earnestly dwell on this point, because I know of
no other resource under Heaven for our preserva
tion : I want to enforce it in every man's mind ;
and when conviction once gains ground, the
work is half finifhed. Though I have already pres
sed on this fubjed, I doubt it is not fufficiently
adverted to. 'Tis urged by all, that the step
would answer every purpose our most sanguine
wishes could exped, were it hut practicable, but it
is said the importers will not consent to it, I insist
they must consent to it, we must make it their inte
rest to consent to it: And then they will not re
fufe I applaud their resolution in objecting to
being the only fu fferers, when our purses enable
us to share the burthen. 'Tis ungenerous, 'tis
unjust to exped it of them. There never was a
time so big with the necessity of opening our eyes,
and our purses as the present. Let it but pass
over, and long may we range through an extensive
circle of events, before the fame conjunction ap
pears. Liberty, the brightest constellation that
fliines in the political hemisphere, is now rising
towards its zenith in America: If we fuffer it to
set, without effecting the work, which its light
displays to our view, the dark shades of slavery will
extend across our land, and too late we may lament
the delay.
I contend—and I contendsth a zeal which con
vinces me lam right, that we must not pass by the
present temper of the times. Our passions cannot
always remain upon the stretch; we (ball gradually
relax from the severity of Arid right, and heed
lefly, and gradually, Aide down the hill of oppo
sition ; our masters will become our tyrants, and
form a country of happy freemen, we shall dege
nerate into a land ofabjed Haves. I summons you,
Brethren, I conjure you, Brethren, if you love your
country, if your wives, if your children are dear
to you, if your dignity as men has any influence
over you, bestir yourselves on the occasion. 0 that
roy voice could reach the innermost regions of
your hearts, and I could there imprint what I feel !
Though I revere the land from whence my ances
tors sprang, though the found of Britain was ever
grateful in my ear, the indignities now offered us,
roufeaßoman spirit in my heart, and forbid me to
feel the calls of nature. Have ye, Brethren, no vir
tue left, shall temporary interest prevail over your
country's future weal, or will you unlock the trea
sures you have gained, and pour them into the
common flock? Trust me friends, believe me, my
countrymen, whatever you advance at this inte
resting period, is fixing chains and fetters on the
sums that remain, but if niggardly you clinch the
miser fift, and grasp your all, as with seeming se
curity, the day is not far off when you must sur
render the whole to a tyrant's will. Therefore
unite with one voice, and fay, weiv/7/fupport the
men, who must stand forcmoft in the charge. To
draw your attention from the importance of the
feene before you, to a private objed, were to
trifle with the cause, I shall only declare, that I
am in no shape connected with importing or im-
T HE
ADVERTISER.
JUNE 27th, 1774.
WBiiiOiii
They seem uncertain of our meaning about taxa
tion—whether we object to the “ mode of taxati
on, or to the right"—l am sorry to find it a questi
on at this day—They must be told, every Ame
rican will tell them, their own reasons will inform
them, that 'tis the right and the right filely which
we deny.—We object not to assist them, whenever
they stand in need, and convince us of the pro
priety of the demand.—Nay, we would even lend
them our aid, in pointing out such modes, as will
coincide with their plan of extracting from our
pockets our honestly earned wealth.—What if we
should remind them, of witholding their draw
backs, of withdrawing their bounties, and treat
ing us on a level with the inhabitants ofthe realm ;
would they think we should clamour at this regu
lation of trade, that we should absurdly, and wan
tonly contend for the privilege of buying their
goods, upon terms lower than the natives of Bri
tain.—No—They will find us men, so firmly at
tached to the ftrieft principles of justice, that tho'
we search with a jealous eye, into our own rights,
we will scrupulously divest ourselves of the nioft
distant wish, to invade the jilft claims of others.
We are told that if they give up the present
duty on tea, which was only reserved as a kind
of declaratory tight of taxation, that we shall
quickly make other claims ; that we shall de-,
mand a repeal of the duty on wine, &cf — Their
Jears are certainly well grounded —we ought to de
mand it.—Shall it be called a regulation of trade,
for an American to be obliged to carry the wines
of Portugal, to an English out.port, and there de
posit a duty—shall the wines of Madeira pay 7/.
sterling per tonn in America, for the purposes of
regulating trade —the very conception is big with
absurdity.—Was England a country of vineyards,
and their grand staple the juice of the grape, with
some colour of justice, might she wish to restrain
us from buying of foreign nations.—The grand
Protestant interest, independant of England's pre
tended supremacy, would be an argument on both
sides the water, fufficient to unite us ; but as the
English never did, nor ever can attempt to cultivate
the vine, any demands on that score, must proceed
more from the rapacity of their cravings, than the
justice of the tribute.
We transport from this continent, large quanti
ties of provision to Portugal, and in return take
from them their wines, fruit, &c.—in the name of
found policy, where is the pretence for hampering
us more carefully in the purchase of our wine
than in the vending our flour —if the internal
interest of Great-Britain, was to be guarded at the
expence of the colonies, why was not the duty laid
upon our grain ; there we are rivals: but in wines,
they have no kind of reasonable controul over us ;
unless by our importing them, immediately and
unadulterated from the press, before they enter an
English vault we become the obje&s of their envy
—ls I apprehend right the true spirit of regulat
ing trade, it is to prevent any one branch
of the Empire from impoverishing the
other, BY AN UNCONSTITUTIONAL TRADE
WITH NATIONS, WHO ARE NATURAL ENEMIES
of the Crown—'tis our interest to support each
other against a common foe; and therefore, to pre
vent the treacherous attempts of such individuals,
as would prefer their own private emolument, to
the good of the whole—it becomes necessary to
form such laws, as may reftrid them from commit
ting such public injuries: but when laws are
made, tv give a preference of any one part of the
empire, to the other, they elafh with the grand
delign of a united intereft —We contend for the
uncontrouled right, of trading to every port in Eu
rope, which the policy of England, opens to her
natives, and the absolute privilege of importing
from thence, every article which they import ; and
if the conveniences, or necessities f Government
amongst ourselves, should call for duties and re
frictions similar to theirs, we should readily
adopt them.
Let no man think I am enlarging the circle of
American claims, beyond the bounds of reason.
—'Tis by reason alone I am guided in my pur
suit.—Let every narrow sentiment fly excentric
* Mr. Cornwall'^ Speech.
§ Ibid.
porters; my earnestness arises purely from a love
of liberty, supported by justice.
Since my firft address I have seen some of the
late debates in Parliament, and find the thought
of an accommodation there suggested —-but tis said;
we have tendered no such proposal—l rejoice to
find the sentiment originate in that House, and I
wish, Brethren, we may not fuffer it to die away
—-we have many friends there, and we ought to
strengthen their hands. We hear in that House,
from *one who is no profefled friend to America,
" Has any one offered any thing on the head of assist
" in; England—has any person been authorfed to
" treat, or any ambassador sent on the occasion,
" I footed meet them half way," —and let us be
equally prompt to meet them there. I hope our
congress will be empowered to choose such am
bassadors.
NUMB. 140.