Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-25 00:00:00, page 1

CASSANDRA TO CATO.
SIR,
* ;,^THOUGHT you had for^t
-3 'm y , ten the fatal 7th of Nov. G74>
^„,"'^l~^ on which all your ambitious pro
s ' I '* * j^&s were blasted by a public
<^% vote of your fellow-citizens, to
^ ^^ ^ divide from the county in their
Q „ choice of Committee men, and
= „ •w^ to hold a | |future elections by
ballot; but I find I was mistaken. While Com
mittees were chosen by holding up of hands, and
letters from miller; led popular harangues could
be employed to serve the purposes of your party',
tho' Cato could write, vet '0 press teemed with his
lucubrations. Bu.now that public business is car
ried 'on in the only war which can secure the peo
ple fr^m undue influence, and the party has fufter
ed a total defeat in their electioneering attempts,
his masterly pen is called firth into the field of po
litical controversy and with a few daffies of it he
has overtet our Committee of InfpeCtion, demolifa
ed the whole tribe of patriotic scribblers in News
papers, and laid Common Sense in the dirt, taken a
catalogue of all the whigs and tories in the province,
converted 36 Commissioners, about to be sent over
to insult us with terms no one can accept, into
Ambassadors of p< ace, and poor Cassandra into
an enthuliaft, madknah, barbarian and drunken
independant. Wretched must the lot of that whig
be, who falls into the hands of this fiery defender
of ministerial stratagems. Daniel may be protest
ed from the jaws of the lions, but alas! who can
p"ote& us when Cato is roused ? The whole band
of us is crushed to atoms with one grasp of his hand.
Why did you assure ns that no perlons need be a
larmed, for that no indecent nor angry exprtflion
flrould dishonour your pen ? Was it that the iud
dennefs of our deltruaion might heighten its ter
ror ? Well has the scriptures affuied us, that the
tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.
Your grievous paragraph about retraining the
press is so notorious a falthood, that I boldly put
you to defiance to point out the iraftance. And
when you give the public the names of the />w who
turned the mode of electing Committees out of the
channel of corruption, and thereby excluded you
and your colleagues, I will undertake to mention
the other fem, who, contrary to every principle of
our conftitutton, by a prostitution of the cry of
public neceility, are endeavouring to cloak an un
bounded hatred to our yrefent cause under an ef
fected zeal for constitutional dependence, and who
have nearly effected their malicious purposes of de
stroying their own liberties, to be avenged of their
enemies. But let not Cato too far provoke the
Majesty of the People of Pennsylvania,
by the bold flourishes of a pen which pays no re
f?e& to truth, left he may find it expedient to end
his nays on the principles of dependency.
“ Few perlons," fays Cato, “ gave themselves
" any concern about the election of a Committee
" of InfpeCtion, being well fatisfied that any num
" ber of refpe&able citizens, who would take the
« trouble of such a Committee, should be thank
“ fully indulged with the office, and although,it
“ consists of a hundred memoers, they had not
" two hundred votes." Cassandra begs leave to
inform Cato, that our Committees of Infraction,
ever firice chosen by ballot, got possession of their
office by a more refpe&able number of voters than
any Burgtifs which fat in the House of Assembly
since the firft day in which a cemparifon could be
made, as he can make appear by the date of the
several elections.
“ In carrying on our great coitfroverfy with
" England, Pennsylvania (fay you) has no need
" either to make the lead facrifice of its conftituti
'' cn, nor yet to yield,n zr Ito the C. ^ of
" the colonies." This affection might pass for
truth on the coast of Labradore, or in the defarts of
Siberia ; but the People of Pennsylvania mult
have drunk deep of the waters of oblivion, and
hid aside all pretensions to recollection, before they
can confider such assertions in any other light than
insults on their understanding. Can Cato inform
them of the fmgle measure that can be pursued in
the line of our charter constitution ? I should glad
ly view the paragraph which gives our Assembly
the power of legislating without the Governor, and
Cato is too well acquainted with the King's Repre
sentative, to believe he would ever give his lancb&n
to our opposition. Name the a& ot Assembly, Ca
to, which makes legal tender of the money they
have so patriotically itruck, and I will believe, you
have for once strayed into the truth. But because
our Representatives can do nothing legal without
the Governor, therefore Cato is fiery hot for con
fining our opposition to them, and not to a Con
vention, which is under no such restrictions. The
interest of the Governor, and not of the people, is
plainly Cato's.
“ The great privilege (you add) yhich we en
" joy of giving our free unbiased veice annually in
" the choice of an Assembly, who from that mo
" meht, by charter, become a constitutional body,
" veiled with the authority of the people, and can
•' meet when they please, and fit as long as they
" judge necessary." —Here, Sir, you prudently
drop the consideration of their being a constitution
al body. Had you pointed out the advantages of
gonftitutionally meeting and fitting, when they'can
• rourtitudonady do no more, you had told us lome
thing.—But this, alas! was out of your power.
Uo much for ysur firft letter.
In your second you begin by faying, that you
know" net on what grounds I have fatisfied myfelf
tbit the foie view of Administration in this com
million is to amuse and deceive, to bribe and cor
rupt us. It may be so, Sir; tho' I hope you have
not the vanity to set up your knowledge as the
standard of truth. Did you read the piece, and
attempt to pick to pieces the principles and argu
ments on Much my advice is founded ? I begin to
think you did, and finding them too hard tu over-
O R,
GENER A L
V 0 L. V/
M O N D A Y,
turn, you vent your spleen in railing at the author.
But do you recollect Lord North's conciliatory plan,
and iris explanation of it, viz. Jub/iantial revenue —
divide et impera, &c. Do you rememh& the King's
speech at the opening of the preuni kffions ot Par
liament, and the ri-echo of both Houles, the ex
tensive plan of warlike operations which he means
to carry on 3gainft MS, and his appointing pfefoth
who shall on the foot difoenfe %ft gracious pardons
to all such as shall acknowledge u.eir fa*.is, and
plead forg:venefs? A wewflecis^ dmbaf do's, net
heretofore taken notice o' oy the write s prelaws
of nature and nations. D® you remember Gen.
Gage's plan fer disarming the people I Bo?b 1., and
the faith he observes in treaties, ,m : that li we, Iris
successor, purlers the fame , infernal plan ? Or have
you totally forgot whai the Prime.Miniliei laid, on
his declaring that he was ready to rettore us to the
state we were in before the year 1763, for that we
did not then en/the right of Parliament to tax
America ? Of do you forget that every popofa! for
reconciliation, made-by th, fiends 0 A niica tn
Parliament, was rj cTd without a divirion ? Had
Catv-remembered thebe things, or it he can be
brought to remember them, he will have as much
reason to futbi~ the deigns of the Com.niffiooefs
as Cassandra. Perhaps it suits net with Cato': plan
to remember these thing's, tho' he can recoded
many others of a much earlier date. Cato may be
much better acquainted with our savage neighbours
than Cassandra, as doubtless he has traferfed the
uncultivated woods of America inore frequently
than he; yet t may not be an easy matter t con
vince the people of thi ? province, th. t the dread of
losing all hopes of preferment, if the council of Cas
sandra is taken, has not called forth this'champion
for an undefined dependence from that obfeurity into
which he has nearly fallen. It remains a doubt
with me, whether the historic page will ever trans
mit your name to posterity as the firft American
D---t--y, if you ne not permitted to shake hands
with the Commiilipners, and allowed the opportu
nity of explaining your mysterious conduit. I ffiall
long turn over the volumes which establish the prin
ciples of the laws of nature and nations, before I
read of Ambassadors of Peace attended witih A&s
of Parliament to confifeate, and Royal Proclamations
to divide, the property of those they are to treat
with, and backed by immense armies of Ministerial
Cut-throats, to enforce their demands. Cato's great
reading, no doubt, can supply the public with a few
instances of untutored savages receiving Ambalfa
aors thus attended with p efpea and hofpitalitv.. and
fmoaking the calumet of peace with them. However,
until he does, I trust ne will grant to Cassandra the
liberty of thinking otberwife, and do him the justice
to believe that he knows as much about the rights
of Ambassadors as Cato. Cassandra confeffes that
he is greatly concerned fopour virtue, left we should
be cajoled, deceived, and corrupted. Cato is net so.
Corruption may be more familiar to Cato, which
will fully account for o?ir difference in sentiment. I
am so much of a chriftian to pray that we may not
be led into temptation ; this, Sir, may form no part
of your devotion. But if Cato is so easy on the
(core of this treaty, because it is to be managed by
men delegated for their integrity and abilities by
the voice of their country, why is he enraged at my
attempt ta confine tuem to these virtuous Delegates?
Cassandra is not afraid of the Delegates; it is to
keep our moderii Catos from doing us mifehief that
he is so anxiously concerned. And if Cato has
read his proposal, he knows it to be so. But, Cato,
had you adopted a signature correspondent with
yourdefigns, my present reply might be unnecessary;
and if sou yet change your present one for Syphax,
Seinpronius or lago, I may spare the Printer much
of my intended lucubrations. I believe the world
will readily agree wih me, that either of the three
..uklbetrul, caaraderifbc of your present designs,
if not of your general character as a man and a po
litician.
The cup out of which Cassandra has drank, was
never employed to offer libations at the altar of
Royal defpotifin, or Proprietary influence. He
knows no guide but reason and the love of man
kind, as he neither wishes nor experts to be Prime
Minister to any future would-be King of Pennsyl
vania. He is always ready to defend his rights at
the risque of his life, and prefers present war to fu
ture slavery, being conscious that a great continent
will be much happier with the one than the other.
Britain has risen triumphant, in a very few years,
out of bloodier wars than ever America has been
or will be called to, but Egypt has not, for thou
sands of years, recovered from the yoke of foreign
op preflion.
Cassandra longs to fee your bold declaration made
good; but why so long about it, Goddess, and a
out it. Come to the point, Sir ! The presses are
very open for the reception of your wonderful pro
duAions. But I beseech you, dear Sir, to lay
aside grohndlefs declamation for rhe future, and
(peak a language which fa&s will support. The
people of Pennsylvania, I trust, will ever have the
good sense to prefer Common Sense to the appeals
of any government tool, which may appear in de
fence of a union with those who know no law, hu
man or divine, but the law of violence and murder,
and who have their Catos in all quarters to delude
and deceive, men who fell their confeiences for the
profpe& of future advantages. Dont be angry,
Cato. Give your name to the public, and I will
hand corrected if I have miffed my object.
You make a great clamour because we have been
constantly enlarging our views, and stretching them
beyond the firft bounds. But let me tell you, Cato,
that nothing can he a greater proof of your ini
quitous designs than your present attempt to con
fine them. Has not Administration firft pafl'ed a
Declaratory A6I, then an Act laying duties on Pa
per, Painters Colours, &c. then their Adts to ex
port their Teas to America, then a Boston Port Aft,
an Ad to destroy the charter of Mafffhufetts, a
Restraining A&, &c. &c. A&s to confifeate our
property, and levy the molt cruel and unjust war
D UN L A P's
I ^O^^l^^^
Ari
^f # dt u§ ? Have net they been constantly enlarg
ing thru elites to the halt of all acts of tyranny,
murder end jobbery, and are we to remain i^ fenfi
rie all this Dine, and never enlarge ear views?
Where would be the wisdom of all this, Cato?
You artfully introduce quotations from the pro
ceeduiA of Cohered to le id the people affray, by
producing extracts which you know neither can nor
do fyeak the sentiments of Corigrefs on the fubje^t.
Congreir early spoke their sentiments on that head,
but Cat< c>u!d not recollt& the passage. It did not
coincide with his plan of imposing on the People
of Pennsylvania. " Between these Colonies
“ and the people of Britain," fays the Congress,
un their address to the inhabitants of the colonies,
pnolifired i- itheir resolves of September 5, 1774,
" fubfdls the foc'lal band, which we ardently with
" may never be di®lved, and which cannot be dis
" folveJ, until their minds mill become tadiJputa
" bl, boftile, or their inattention shall permit those
" who are thus hostile to persist in prosecuting with
" the powers of the realm the deftru&ive measures
" already operating against these colonies, and in
" either case, shall reduce the latter to such a fitua
" tion, that they (hall be compelled to renounce
" very regard but that of felf-prefervation."^-
r is was the opinion of Congress at that time. I
V 1 leav? it to Cato to determine, whether both,
or either, of the cases there mentioned have not
t kvn place. Cato does not class himfelf with Caf
taudra, and the writers on that fide of the question.
Chis does not much trouble Calandra, I assure you,
Sir, in as much as he can class his own with the
sentiments of the celebrated Dr. Smith, who,ria his
address to the graduates in May last, fays, " The
" glory of every country is its Liberty, its Inde
" PENDANCY, and its Improvements in Commerce,
" Arts and Religion ;" and I believe the sentiments
of this Gentleman are as much esteemed among
those of your party as the sentiments of Cato.
CASSANDR A.
On fending COMMISSIONERS to treat vitb
the CONGRESS.
TH E man who would penetrate all the designs,
and thoroughly acquaint himfelf with the se
veral manoeuvres of the British government, ought
carefully to attend to two objects. The prime mi
nister is always considered as the central wheel of
air government movements, and the eyes of every
one are fixed upon him, and his motions alone at
tended to. But in the present case, where he is con
f f-div ostensible, the affair is quite otherwise, and
h. who wishes 'to distinguish between the theafures
which proceed from the real minister, and will be
prosecuted, and those which the ostensible is direct
ed to hold out, as barrels to a whale, may perhaps
find the true clue to guide through the labyrinth in
the following observations.
Great-Britain has steadily and invariably pursued
one course of condu& towards these colonies for the
last twelve years, and yet politicians have constant
ly charged her with ficklenefs, and a want of a re
gular plan. He who difeerns the true cause of this
inconsistent consistency, can point out its nature,
end and use, and shew that this ficklenefs demon
itrates the firmeft ftedfaftrefs, fees into the bottom
of the present Britilh policy, and comprehends all
her measures. This knowledge I wish every mem
ber of the Honorable Continental Congress possess
ed of, with virtue and spirit fufficient to withstand
all their efforts to destroy our liberties.
As soon as the Parliament is called, the King
gives certain intimations of bis designs, and applies
for the approbation and support of the Commons.
Here we have a small opening of the designs of the
Cabinet, no more being communicated than is ab
solutely necessary for obtaining a general concur
rence and vote of aids from Parliament. This be
ing once obtained by way of Address, a new plan
opens, and that spirit, which was roused by this
difeovery of the real designs of the government, is
laid asleep as quickly as possible, and the real mi
nister now retiring behind the curtain, the oitenfi
ble one succeeds to his place. You may therefore
observe, that as soon as the lianas of the secret ca
binet are let loose by loyal addresses, things take a
new turn in Parliament immediately ; and the prime
minister, as if totally forfaking the high ground he
had lately taken possession 01, begins to open new
plans of a very different nature from that held our
in the speech from the throne, and recommended
in the addresses of both Houses of Parliament. The
King and his cabal go to work with all the secrecy
and vigour they are masters of, and Loid North as
sumes his new charader, which is that of the de
ceiver of America, and amuser of the nation. And
he has hitherto played his part so well, that all has/
gone on to their mind. He last year rendered them
invisible, even to their own party, a < had like to loie
all byit, so that he was forced to ke off the mask
and partly difeover himfelf before r could carry mat
ters in the House, Any one, who remembers bis
motion, will feel the force of what A here related,
ind he who recollects that said motion arrived but
a few weeks before the order for seizing Meflieurs
Hancock and Adams, which opened the present
cene of the war, must perceive tkat be a&edin the
opacity I have aligned him. Even they who enter
tain the molt indifferent opinion of the administra
tion, were, b, this notion, induced tw belivee, for
utime, t at they meant to give up the matter.
He is new playing the fame game over again.
Proposals for a reconciliation, Commissioners, and
whatnot, are now held out as tha motion was last
year, and for the fame purposes.
The two parties now divide, each goiag to bis
own proper business. The King, and his secret
C abinet, to arraying ttie greatest military force
they can mpfter, and dispatching them to butcher
vs with the vtmoft expedition ; Lord North, and
f,e Parliament, to amuse the nation, and difhaff
and divide the Colonies by every hypocritical art
... their power. Thus the two plans go hand in
b ad ; the one to divide, the other to conquer.
V? as it not piecifeiy so hdt year ? Is it not so now ?
^w^^
T HE
ADVERTISER.
M A R C H 25th, 1776.
I A!1 ye timid, irresolute, terrified and double-faced
I Whigs, who have, by one meansor other, crept in
to authority, open your months wide,, and bawl
stoutly against every vigorous measure until the
Commissioners arrive. They will bring pockets
well lined with English guineas ; patents for places,
pensions, and titles in abundance will attend there,
Your palms will be firft greased. Yoti-are the oa^
ly men who can compleat the Parliamentary plans
tor raffing an American revenue ! Common Sense
lays this:winter is werth an age, rejoice that it is
now past, do all in vour power to pf srhe Coring
i /inactivity, and,matters may yet , o tojour minds.
Lord N rth'smotion last winter did much for you ;
ti/e Commiffiuners, equally improved, will proba
bly crown ydur wi£he£ I fliai lthank God, and
heartily rejoice, if vour influence reach not the
councils and proceedings of the Congress.
Depend on it, my countrymen, " divide et iw
pera" is the inftruaion of every Cornmiffidner, anti
his orders will be delay, divide, dirtra& as niucll
as possible, until the forces are all arrives, and they
be in a condition to enforce their plan, then they
will inform you that they have received ortl<r„ ?y
which they are commanded to nekoffh treaty.
Too many have alr ady left fi ft of the K ; ng,
and our real enemies, and are so a: fafein ed
with the profpe& of Commiffi u^s, that 1 br. in to
dread the snare, and cannot 1 tip cryingout 1 you,
Oh fooliffi Americans! Who has bewitched you,
that you should put any confidence io urn ,hd
spill your blood with as little ceremony and reluc
tance, as a butcher would that of an ox. Is this all
you know of the King and his Min' .Cm?
I knew there is not a Tory now : n the Continent
but hopes theie Commiffiouers will ^ffeftti eir pur,
pose, and are preparing to,give them every p liib ^
affiftamce, and very ftw Whigs who h:ve not their
fears on the occasion. Every thinking irian on both
sides of the question must, and dues believe, that
their sole errand is to cajole and deceive, and that
large promises, lies, bribery and corruption, a:e
the means they will use.
I beferch you to lend all vour spirit and vigour
to the Congress on the occasion. Deprfd on it they
will want it. Pray them to take one decisive gep;
To fend orders to t f he Commander in Chief in each
province to arrest laid CommifHoners, in die name
of the Thirteen United Colonies, as soon as th y
set foot on thore, and fend them, under strong
guards, to the Congress, with ihefraaft inj n&ia
on that they be permitted to fpcak with no man, #
befideathe guards and their servants, until the\ aca
r:ve in I'hirooe/phia; hntithat ns soon ^s tit ar^
rive, a deputation from Congress wait upon tfiem,
and ask them this one plain question : Have you!
authority to order home your fleets and armies im
mediately ? If they answer in the negative, then to
break off all farther conference, and fend them off
that instant to the enemy's head-quarters, witl this
information, That we fcoin as much to treat with
a dagger at our breasts, as we disregard their forced
If they answer in the affirmative, then to assure
them, that as soon as the intelligence of their fleets
and armies fafe arrival in Great Britain foall have
reached America, the conference fhril be opened,
and not before. That they, in toe mean t me.
shall be kept in fafe custody, treated like gentlemen,
but not permitted to correspond or converse with
the inhabitants before the treaty is compLaiedl
Every hour f,ent in conference with Commflion^s
before this takes place, is an hour loft to Arn ?ci
and two gained to Great-Britain, I efides the m
nlenfe damages which will arise from thr powers of
deceit and corruption, English gold, government
promises, pensions, titles, and every art Which ma
lice, cunning and religions hypocrisy can irvnt or
use, will be played off against our 1 ertns. ;„ft,
judiciously applied, will convert such #ihong the
great as have npt virtue and integrity to withstand
tli^ir force ; and you will be hid without pocketing
a penny of the price. Without pocketing did I
fay ? Nay, yourselves must pay it. Hard lot in
deed ! But if you have not virtue and spirit. difHci
ent to support the Congress in executing these mea
sures for your security, you deserve k. I conclude
by exporting you to keep or the watch ; ofe rt
fight of the King and tfie army, by locking ^ the
Prime Minister, Parliament and Comm fficners.
One bold Broke will etT&ually defeat the machi
nations of the latter, and then the former will ft cd
alone and unfgpperted, and a second vigorous ex
ertion will crush their evil designs against vour li
berties. Remember these Commi&ners are the
wooden ho/fe which is to take those by Bratagenl
whom twelve years hostility could not reduct. A&
then like Laocooa ; strike the dagger into ids
breast, and never permit your credulity or inactivity
to give the perjured Sinon an opportunity of mak
ing a worn out, deluded, or corrupted Whig the
altar on which to offer up your dear bought privia
leges.
CASSANDRA.
P. S. I shall be told this would be treating the
Commiffionefs too cavalierly^ To this 1 answer,
men coming on such an et rand cannot he treated rod
much fb. let any one shew the least nrark of a de
sign in Adminiftiation to relinquifti t eir ci.;:< #
and I will treat them with the utm ft ceremon, And
refp&ft. I will public an ancient ttfwxorr in t! cri
ewn favour, if it can be but confine,<d as doing
them honour. For though 1 trust I th 11 rever proC
titute a pure and holy religion to jay my court ^
men, though they be Kings, yetl will do an, rAt
thing' for those who conse on so good an errand.'
ssss4^* ^+44*+ t4-$ s,s§
WANTS A PLACE,
A YOUNG WOMAN who is willing f G
serve in a reputable family & ab^fi maid,
and can wash, iron, spin well, or nakeon otrh!-
dren; She will, in order to l&arn the cutt ms ~4
different modes of work in this county, ler\ c set
year for (mail wages. For further particulars ^
Iquire ot the Printer,s
NUMB. 221.