The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1781-10-06 00:00:00, page 2

MEMORIAL, presented by the Honorable Mr. Ad
ams to their High Mightinesses the States General
of the Seven United Provinces.
HIGH and MIGHTY LORDS
TH E fubferiber has the honour to propose to
your high-rnighti'neffes, that the United States
of America, in Congress assembled, have lately
thought fit to fend him a commission (wi h full powers
and inftruHions) to confer with your Irgh-mightinefc
es concerning a treaty of amity and commerce, an au
thentic copy of which he has the honour to annex to
this memorial
At the times when the treaties between this republic
and the crown of Great-Britain were it de, the people
who now cofopofe the United States of America, were
a part of the English nation ; as such, allies of the re.
public, and parties to those treaties: entitled to all
their benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their
obl gations.
It is true, that when the Britilh adminißration, re
nouncing the ancient character of Englishmen for ge
nerosity, justice and humanity, conceived the design of
subverting the political systems of the colonies; de
pri zing them of the rights and liberties of Englishmen,
and reducing them to the word of all forms of govern
ment, starving the people by blockading the ports, and
cutting off their fisheries and commerce 1 ; fending fleets
aod armies to destroy every principle and sentiment of
liberty, and to consume their habitations and their
lives ; making contrasts for foreign troops and alii
ances with savage nations to affiß them in their enter
prise, calling formally, by aft of parliament, three
millions of people at once out of the protection of the
crown: then, and not till then, did the United States
of America, in Congre's assembled, pass that memora
ble Aft, by which they assumed an ,qual Ration a
inong the nations.
This immortal declaration, of the 4th of July 1776,
when America was invaded by an hundred vessels of
war, and, according to the estimates laid before par
liament, by 55 000 of veteran troops, was not the ef
fefb of any hidden passion, er enthufrafm ; but a mea
fare which had been long in deliberation among the
people, maturely dife uffedJß force hundreds of popu
lar affembliety and by public writings in all the Bates:
it was a measure which Congress did not adopt until
they had received the pofitiveinftruHio s of their con
fiituents in all the slates: it was then unanimously a
dopted by Congress, fubferibed by all its members,
transmitted to the assemblies of the several Bates, and
by them respectively accepted, ratified and recorded
among their archives: so that no decree, edift, Batute,
placart or fundamental law of any nation was ever
made with more folemrdty, or with more unanimity or
cordiality adopted, as the act and confentof the whole
people, than this: and it has been held sacred to this
diy by every Bate, with such unshaken firmnefs, that
not even the smallest has ever been in need, to depart
from it; although the Englift have wafted many milli
ons, and vast fleets and armies in the vain attempt to
invalidate it On the contrary, each of the thirteen
ftates.has'inftituted a form of government for itfelf un
der the authority of the people ; has ereHed its legisla
ture in the several branches; its executive authority
with all its offices; its judiciary departments and
judges ; its army, militia, revenue, and some of them
their navy: and all those departments of government
have been regularly and constitutionally organized un,
der the ass ciated superintendency of Congress, now
these five years, and have acquired a confiflency, so
lidity and activity equal to the oldest and most esta
blished governments It is true that in some speeches
and writings of the English it is Bill contended, that
the people of America are Bill in principle and affec
tion with them: but these assertions are made against
such evident truth and demon ftration, that it is furpri
ffng they fhoulu find at this day one believer in the world.
One may appeal to the writings and recorded speech
es of the English for the last seventeen years, to Blew
that flmilar misrepresentations have been incessantly
repeated through that whole period, and that the con
clusion of every year has in fa& confuted the confident
assertions and predictions of the beginning of it. The
fubferiber begs leave to fay from his own knowledge
of the peop'e of America, (and he has a better right to
obtain credit, beeaufe he has better opportunities to
know, than any Briton whatsoever) that they are un
alterably determined ' to maintain their independence-
He confeffes, that notwit hflanding his confidence
through his whole life in the virtuous sentiments and u
niformity of character among his countrymen, their
Unanimity has surprised him : that all the power, arts,
Intrigues and bribes, which have been employed in the
several Bates, ffiould have seduced from the flandard
of virtue, so contemptible a few, is more" fortunate
than could have been expected. This independence
Bands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the people's
interefis, honour, confidences and affections, that it
will not be affected by any successes the English may
obtain.either in America, or against the European pow
ers at war, nor by any alliances they can poflidy form;
if indeed: in so unjust and desperate a cause they can
obtain any. Nevertheless, altho' compelled by necef
fity, and warranted by. the fundamental laws of the
colonies, and of the British constitution, by principles
avowed in the English laws, and confirmed by many
examples in the English hiflory,.by principles interwo
ven into the hiftor, and public right of Europe, in
the great examples of the Helvetic and Belgic confede
racies, and many others, and frequently acknowledged
and ratified by the diplomatic body ; principles foun
ded in eternal justice, and the laws of God and nature,
to cut asunder forever, all the ties which had connect
ed them with Great Britain : yet the people of Ame
rica did not consider themselves as feperating from their
allies, especially the republic of the United Provinces,
or departing from their connections with any of the
people under their government; but, on the contra
ry, t: ey preserved the fame affection, esteem and re
fpe& for the Dutch nation, in every part of the world,
which they and their anc'eftors had ever entertained.
When found policy dictated to Congress the precan
tion of fending persons to negociate natural alliances in
Europe, it was not from a failure in refpeft that they
did not fend a minifler to your high-mightinesses, with
Q[firft jvhom they sent abroad: but instructed in
the nature of the conneaions between Great-Britain
and the republic, and in the sy stem of peace and neu
trality, which the had so long pursued, they thought
proper to reaped both so far, as not to seek to embroil
her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation,
or lay embarraffm^nts before it. But since the British
admiuißration, uniform and persevering in injustice, de
fpiling their allies as much as their colonies and feliow
fubjefts: disregarding the frith of treaties, as much
as that of royal charters ; violating the law of nation,
as they had before done the fundamental laws of the
colonies and the inherent rights of British fubjefts,
have arbitrarily set aside all the treaties between the
crown and the republic, declared war and commenc
ed hoflilities, the fettled intentions of which they had
manifefted long before ; ail those motives, which before
retrained the Congress, cease: and an opportunity
presents of proposing such connections, as the United
States of America have a right to form, confident with
the relations, already formed with France and Spain,
which they are under every obligation of duty, inter
est and inclination to observe sacred and inviolate ;
and confident with such other treaties, as it is their in
tention to propose to other sovereigns.
If there was ever among nations a natural alliance,
one may be formed between the two republicks. The
firft planters of the four northern Bates found in this
country an asylum from persecution, and resided here
from the year one thousand fix hundred and eight to
the year one thousand fix hundred and twenty, twelve
years preceding their migration. They ever entertain
ed and have transmitted to posterity, a grateful re
membrance of that prote&ioa and hofpirality, and
especially of that religious liberty they found here,
having fought it i 1 vain in England.
The firß ^habitants of two other Bates, New York
and New-Acfey, were immediate emigrants from this
nation, and have transmitted their religion, language,
cußoms, manner, and character : *nd America in ge
neral, until her connections with the house of Bourbon,
has ever considered this nation as her firft friend in
Europe, whefe hifiory; and the great characters it ex
hibits, in the various arts of peace, as well as At
chievmens of war by sea and land, have been particu
larly Budied, admired and imitated in every state.
A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed
so essential in this as in former ages to the alliance of
nations, is Bill, as it ever will be thought, a desirable
cireurnfiance..Now it may be said with truth, that
there are no two nations, whole worship, do^rine and
discipline are more alike than those of the two repub
licks. In this particular therefore, as far as it is of
weight, an alliance would be perfealy natural.
A similarity in the forms of government, is usually
considered as another cireurn fiance, which renders al
liances natural : and although the constitutions of the
two republicks are not perfectly alike, there is yet a
nalogy enough between them t@ make a connection
easy in this refpe&.
In general usages, and in the liberality of fentitrents
in those momentous points, the freedom of enquiry,
the right of private judgment and the liberty of con
science, of so much importance to be supported in the
world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this
hour are in more danger from Great Britain and that
intolerant spirit which is secretly fomenting there, than
from any other quarter, the two nations resemble each
other more than any others.
The originals of the two republicks are so much a
like, that the hiflory of one forms but a tranfeript
from that of the other : so that every Dutchman, in-
Bruited in the fubjeft, muß pronounce the American
revolution just and necessary, or pass a ceufure upon
the greater actions of his immortal ancestors : actions
which have been approved and applauded by mankind,
and justified by the decision of Heaven.
But be circumßance which, perhaps, in this age has
Wronger influence than any other in the formation of
friendfhips between nations,, is the great and growing
interest of commerce ; of the whole system of which,
through the globe,.your high mightinesses are too per
felt matters for me to fay any thing that is not fami
liarly known. It may not, however, be amiss to hint,
that the central situation of this country, her exten
sive navigation, her possessions in the East and Weft-
Indies, the intelligence of her merchants,, the number
of her capitalize, and the riches of her funds, render
a-conneftion with her very deflreable to America : and
on the other hand, the abundance and variety of the
productions of America, the materials of manufactures,
navigation and commerce , the vaß demand and con
fumption in America of the manufactures of Europe,
of merchandizes from the Baltic, and from the East
Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the
Weft-Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connec
tion with the United States would be ufeful to this
republic. The English are so finable of this, that
notw thftanding all their profeffions of friendfllip, they
have ever considered this nation as their rival in the
American trade ; a sentiment which dilated and main
tained their severe aft of navigation, as injurious to,
the commerce and naval power of this country, as it
was both to the trade and the rights of the colonifls.
There is now a,n opportunity offered to both, to shake
off this shackle forever. If any confid ration whatever
could have induced them, to have avoided a war with
your high mightinesses, it would have been the ap
prehension of an alliance between 'he two republicks;
and it is easy to forefee, that nothing will contribute
more to oblige them to a peace, than such- a connefti
on once compleatly formed. It is needless to point
out, particularly, what advantages might be derived
to the possessions of the republick in the Weft Indies
from a trade opened, proteßed and encouraged, between
them and the continent of America: or what profits
might be made ly, the Dutch East-India company, by
carrying their effects direCtly to the American market ;
0 how much even the trade ®f the Baltic might be fe
cured and extended by a free intercourse with Ameri
ca, which has ever had so large a demand, and will
have more, for hemp, cordage, fail-cloth, and other ar
ticles of that commerce: how much the national navi
gation would be benefited by building and purchasing
Blips there; how much the number of seamen might be
increased, or how much advantages to both countries to
have their ports mutually opened to their meu of war
and privateers, and their prizes.
If, therefore, aft analogy of religion, government,
original, manners, and the most extensive and lading
commercial interefis, can form a ground and an invi
tation to political connections, the fubferiber flatters
himfelf, that in all these particulars the union is so ob
viously natural, that there has seldom been a more
diftin&:defignation of Providence to any two diflant
nations to unite themfclves together.
It is further fubn - ted to the wjfdom and humanity
of your high mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for
the good of mankind, that tie powers of Europe, who
are convinced of the jufiice of the American cause,
(and where is one to be found that is not ?) should
make hafie to acknowledge the independence of the
United Spates, and form equitable treaties with them,
as he fureß means of convincing Great-Britain of the
impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late ma
rine treaty concerning the rights of neutral vessels, no
ble and ufeful as it is, can be eftalffifhed againftGreat-
Britain, who will never adopt it, nor submit to it, but
from necessity, without the independence of America ?
whether the return es America, with her nurseries of
seamen and magazines of materials for navigation and
commerce, to the domination and monopoly of Great-
Britain, if that were practicable, would not put the
possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the
power of that enormous empire, which has been long
governed wholly by the feeling of its own power, at
least without a proportional attention to justice,
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and cer-»
tain, that the Americans are not inclined to sub
mit again to the British government, on the one hand,
and that the powers of Europe ought not and could
not with fafety consent to it, if they were, on the
other ; why should a source of contention be left opent
for future contigencies to involve the nations of Europe
in Biltmore bloodshed, when, by one decisive Bep of the
maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation long,
in possession of sovereignty by right and in fall, it
might be closed?
the example of your high-mightinesses would, it is
hoped, be followed by all the maritime powers, especi
ally those which are parties to the late marine treaty :
nor can apprehension, that the independence of America
would be igjurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any ob^
jeftian. Thia jealousy is fe groundless, that the reverse
would happen. The freight and insurance in voyages a
cross the AtUntic are so high, and the price of labour im
America so dear, that tar, pitch, , turpentine andrihip
timber never can be transported to Europe at so cheap
a rate, as it has been and will be afforded by countries
round the Baltic. This commerce was Supported -by
the Engriih before the revolution with difficulty,.and not
without large parliamentary bounties. Of hemp, cor
dage and fail cloth there will not probably be a fuffici
ency railed iu America for her own consumption in ma
ny centuries, for the plainaft of all reafsus, because
these articles may be imported from Amsterdam, or e.
van from Petersburg and Archangel, cheaper than the,
can- be railed at home. America will therefore be for
ages a market for those articles of the Baltic trade.
Nor is there more solidity in another fuppofition £
propagated by the English to prevent other nations
from pursuing their true interefis, that the colonies of
other nations will follow the example of the United
States. Those powers, who have as large possessions.
as any beyond seas, have already declared against Eng
land, apprehending no such consequences. Indeed
there is 00 probability of any other power of Europe
following the example of England, in attempting to
change the whole system of the government of colonies,
and reducing them by oppression to the necessity of go
verning themselves : and without such manifeft injustice
and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no
danger of colonies attempting innovations. Eftablifhecf
governments are founded deep in the hearts,the passions,
the imaginations and understandings of the people;
and without some violent change from without, to alter
the temper and character of the whole people, it is not
in human nature to exchange fafety for danger, and
certain happiness for very precarious benefits.
It is fubmit,ted to the confederation of your high^
mightinesses, whether the fyflem of the United States,
which was minutely considered and difeuffed, and una
nimously agreed, on in Congress in the year 1776, in
planning the treaty they # propofed to France, to ? form
equitable commercial treaties with all the maritime
powers of Europe, without being governed or mono
polized by any : a system which was afterwards approv
ed by the king, and made the foundation of the trea
ties with his ma efly: a system to which the United.
States have hitherto constantly adhered, and from
which they never will depart, unless compelled by^
foo e powers declaring against them, which is not ex
pelled,is not the only means of preventing this grow
ing country from being an object of everlading jealous.
fies, rivalies and wars among the nations. If this idea is
just, it follows,, that it isrueintereft of ev- ry state in
Europe to acknowledge American independency im
mediately. If such benevolent policy should be adopt
ed, the new world will.be a proportional blessing to eve
ry part of the old.
The fubferiber has the further honour of informing?-
your higu mightinesses,. that the United States 'of A—
merica, in Congress assembled, impressed with an high
sense of the wisdom and magnanimity of your high
mightineffes, and of your inviolable attachment to the
rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of
cultivating the friendship of a nation, eminent for its,
wjfdom, ju.fi ice and moderation^ have appointed the
fubferiber to be their minifier plenipotentiary to reftde
near you, ,that he may give you more particular affu^
rances of the great refpeft they entertain for youn
hign mightinesses, beseeching your bigh-mightinefle&
to give entire credit to every thing, which their said
minißer ftiall deliver ,on their part, es pecially when he
shall assure you of the sincerity of their friendship and'
regard. The original letter of credence, under the
seal of Congress, the fubferiber is ready to deliver to
your high-mightinesses, or to such persons as you fhal&
d red to receive it. Be has allo a similar letter of cre
dence to his mod serene highness the prince Badtholder.
All which is refpeftfully submitted to the considera
tion of your high-mighineffes, together with the pro
priety of appointing some perfen or persons, to treat,
on the fubjef lof his mission, by
Leyden, April 19, 1781. J. ADAMS.