Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-08-28 00:00:00, page 2

From tie S r. James's Chronicle.
To THE PRI NT E R.
SI R,
r f' 0 rejoice at the deftrudion of our enemies,
1 how repugnant loever it may. seem at firft
figut to'the feelings of humanity, is yet allowed
on al! Minds, in the case of a just and neceflary
war, to be both natural and innocent: During the
coQ fe of the lart war, as bur land and naval forces
went forth afonft out enemies with our cordial
and united withes and prayers for heir success,
Io it pleased the Great Lord of the world to fa
vour them in such a manner as to furni/h us with
frequent occufions of filch joy; so close did our
victories follow ode another, that no foon^r did
the fury of cur joy for one subside, than it was
excited afiefh by ai^her. This quick succession
of pleating events; b, supporting and exhilarating
the (pipits of the people, kept them from feeling,
or at lead from complaining, of the increafirg
load of taxes that it was judged necessary to lay
upon then. What Will be the final issue, or fuc
ceinve events (in the progress) of the prefect
dispute with America, it is impossible for us cer
tainiy to foresee: However th'ere is one circum
flaoce attending it which must be allowed to be a
finguLrly unhappy one, and that is, that as our
forces go cut wi.h rhe,good wishes of but few in
the nation, beside the mihifcrial faction, so there
is reason to think, that the;r victories (if they
should prove faccefsfui) will be matter of real joy
to few others. To rejoice in the defeat of cur
own troops, it must be owned, teems unnatural,
and a lover of bis country will heartily lament it,
whenever the circumftancts of a contest are such
as afford the smallest ground or excuse for such
joy; and yet, if by any means they are unhappi
ly engaged in an ujuft caule, w'^ ,are net obligel
to with them fuccels; and especially if we have
reason to apprehend fewer evils from their defeat
than their success? What the precifs consequence
would be of the one or the other, in the present
corned, I cannot pretend to fiy; but this I can
truly fay, that there are many in the nation, whose
epinih it is, that it will probably be far better
for the trade of this nation, (to fay nothing now
of its liberties) to have administration disappoint
ed rather than gratified in its prefect cruel and
vengeful attempts; and they give among others,
this reason for it, that in case the Americans are
obliged to submit to the pleasure of adminiilration,
they will have no trade or commerce with us, but
what will be forced and unavoidable, which from
the nature ofit cannot be ponfiderable; whereas
on the other hand, if administration mould find it
in vain to contend with them, and heceffary to
adopt and pursue quite different measures, it is
very probable, from the real and rooted affection
which the Americans are known to have to Great-
Fritain, whatever their misinformed and preju
diced accusers may believe or suggest to the con
trary; I fay it is very probable, that in that case,
they will riot be unwilling to renew their farmer
friendly connection with us, though (as may rea
sonably be expected) not cn terms so favourable
to us as before; and of this there is the greater
probability, as that people are abundantly (entitle
that the attempts made against them are not those
of the nation in general, but only of a furicus and
b ; gotted faction, that bears too near a resemblance
to that which unhappily gained the ascendant in
the lab ye rs ofQ een Anne's reign, and by whose
iniquitous management the glory of the former
part of it was so much tarnished, and the fruits
of so many renowned victories were in a great
me, ure loft. It is true,' indeed, that on e ther
of the foppofidons just mentioned, we cannot rea
sonably exp-ft to be gainers by the present dif
pu e, but rather fufferers; but whoever confide 3
the case impartially wi l !, I believe, fee reason to
think that we are likely to fuffr for more of the
former than the la ter : tut it must be avowed
to be an evidence of but little wild ^m, in our Mi
niters, and little regard to the public weal to
loadthe nation (loaded enough already) with an
additional burro n of taxes f^r the profecuron of
an lift'd arid unnatural war, by which we a e
fu e to be Sufferers, and from which, whatever
is iffae may be, we have no profpe& of any pub
lic ^vantage, un'efs it may be reckoned one, to
reduce the people of Great-Britaio, as well as
jniid ms in A nerica, to a flare of great distress.
Few governments choose to engage in war, with
out the pnfp 3 & of some good in case of success;
but we, it feerhs, are so Angularly wife and brave,
as ts engage in one, and with abundance of zeal
too, when we are sue to be fufferers by it, whe
ther we are conquerors or conque ed.
PACIFICUS.
To tie Printer of tie St. James's Chronicle.
SI R,
ft H E greatest merit in human life consists in
1 the reguhrionsof the will; and that me it
isthe more conspicuous, the more power a man
has to ad Tier his own way. What happens to
private njen lives and dies in obfeurity ; but 'the
aoious of those in elevated stations are the fub
juAs of prai e and blame, not only totheir cotem
poaries, but also tofucceejing generations. When
a man is in power to oblige other men to aft ac
,ctruing to his commands, ifthofe are not reafona
bl , his orders do not flow from his greatness, but
his cruelty. There ar* very 'many inFances to be
produced from biftory which (hew much magnani
mity ; but at the bottom of the greater number of
such examples you fee one passion gratified by ano
ther, 'and something corrupt in the motive which
disparages the glory ofit.
Of all the good qualities that 1 have any where
observed, 1 have ever thought candour in ac
knowledgment of an error, the greatest aft of the
foul. It A so painful a talk that men who can
mutpraaife it are forced to frame to themselves a
certain greatness in adhering to what they have
already done, be it ever so deftrudive to them
feives and others, and a certain meanness in re
aiacfog whatthey have, though from mifinfor
.ma: on, before advanced. Example is the live
hed way of inftru^iop ; and 1 think I can produce
Ach # n instance of this noble humility, that, after
the reading it, it will be rather a point of ambiti
on than mortification to retract airdie step, espe
cially if a man's errors concern the welfare of his
cotot y.
1 he affairs of the Americans will soon now
come to a hearing ; the clamouis of the people
both here and on the other fide of the Atlantic
demand it. England and her Colonies are like
the belly and the other members; disputes be
tween them tend but to the ruin of them both.
An amicable agreement and settlement of the
prelent complained of grievances, 'tis to be ho
ped, will soon reconcile us again ; and should
the Miaiftry find their error in the taxation of
the Colonies, let them openly avow it. Our
royal Queen Elizabeth publicly confeffed herfelf
in an error: History records her speech on the
occasion, as a precedent to future Princes not to
perfirt, when the loud clamours of the people, join
ed to their own reason convince them of their ser
vants doing wrong.
I have hereto subjoined her speech on this
occasion, which was delivered to the Speaker of
the House of Commons, and several of the Mem
bers, who waited on her with an address of
thanks, in the forty third year of her reign, and
was a retraction of some unconstitutional giants.
" I owe you hearty thanksand commendations
for your lingular good ,il towards me, not only
in your hearts and thoughts, but which you have
openly expressed and declared, whereby you have
recalled me from an error, proceeding from my
ignorance, not my will. Tnefe things had unde
servedly turned to my disgrace, (to whom nothing
is more than the fafety and love of my people) had
not such harpies and horse leeches as thole, been
made known and discovered to me by you : 1 had
rather my heart or hand ihould perish, than that
either my heart or hand Ihould allow such privi
leges to monopohfts, as may be prejudicial to my
people : The fplendqur of regal Majefly hath not
so blinded mine eyes, that licentious power fliould
prevail more with me, than justice; the glory of
the name of a King may deceive princes that
know not how to rule, as gilded pills may deceive
a sick patient; but lam none of those Princes,
for I know that the commonwealth is to be go
verned for the good and advantage of those that
are committed to me, not of myself, to whom it
is entrusted ; and that an account is one day to
be given before another judgment feat. I think
myfelf most happy, that by God's assistance, I
have hitherto so prosperously governed the com
monwealth, in all respects, and that I have such
fubjeds, as for their good, I would willingly
leave both kingdom and life also, I beseech you,
that whatever misdemeanors and mifearriages
others are guilty of, by their falfe suggestions,
may not beimputed to me ; let the testimony of
a clear - conference entirely in all refpeds excuse
me ; you aienot ignorant that Princes servants are
oftentimes too much let upon theirown private ad
vantage, that the truth is frequently concealed
from Princes, and they cannot themselves look
narrowly into all things, upon whose Ihoulders li
eth continually the heavy weight of the greatest and
most important affairs."
It is remarkable that the fame spirit prevailed
at that time in France; Henry the IVih (peaks to
his parliament in the following manner:
" As I have not imitated the Kings, my pre
deceflors, by intermeddling with the late elections,
and interpofingmy authority to procure such men
to be chosen, who Ihould be directed by ray fan
cies, whether good or bad, but entirely left the
nomination of deputies to those who are concern
ed, so 1 shall not prelcribe any rules, fo r ms, or li
mitations to be observed in your affably ; but
leaving you to a full liberty of giving your own
opinions, votes and fuffrages, in all your delibe
rations, I onlydefire that the restitution of good
order in this kingdom, the ancient gl ry and
fpl.ndor of this kingdom, the peace and tranquil
lity of all the people, whom 1 love as my dear
children, may be the principal efc<sls of your
care; and though my grey hairs and long expe
rience, together with the toils and dangers I have
gone through to save the Rate from ruin, might
delerve some excep ion, yet I am contended to
submit to the general rule, being firmly persua
ded that there is no mark more certain of the de
cay and desolation of kingdoms, than when Kings
defpi'e the laws and think they may dispense
with them, when they confer their favours and
gratifications, as well as the public honours, of
fices, benefices, and dignities for any other rea
fous, regards, or confederations, than those of in
tegrity, courage understanding, and fidelity, in
all which I re'olve not to be wanting on my part,
and to ferye you for an example to incite you
to be careful and diligent in the difeharge of your
duty."
I shall make no comment on the above two
fpeeehes, but leave your readers to make what
comparison they please between the above times
and those we now live in.
PUBLICOL A.
To tie Printer of tie St. James's Chfcnicle.
S IR,
DR. Shebbea'chas been much condemned for
the frightful , pidute he has drawn of our
great and glorious deliverer, William the Third.
Whether the fh^re this Prince had in bringing a
bout the Revolution Ihould not exempt his chz
rafcr from too ftr,@ an inquisition, I will not de
tefcine: Though I know it is the opinion of ma
ny judicious mea, lawyers as well as others, that
the conduct of dead Princes should be examined
with the utmost freedom for the fake of the living;
and that King William may be censured with as
little ceremony as James the Fitft, and his three
immediate successors, who were all of them enemies
to the people of England, whom they were bound
by the most sacred ties to govern with juitise and
equity, and according to the laws of the land.
But, to (how yen what a set of blefTed monarchs
have ruled this nation, from the conquest down
to the succession of the House of Brunswick, I will
present you with a ffiort but faithful chatter of
each Prince, from WiEiim the Fud to George
the First exclusive.
William the First, who was called the BJ'ard,
made a thorough conquest of this bland, and was
resolved to makq the English feel their bondage,
for he taxed them so highly, that he left them
nothing to enjoy but a bare fubfiOeuce. He was
avaricious and cruel to excels. He difpeopled a
great part of Hampshire, ,and demolished houses
and churches to make a fyrr# far the habitation
of wild beads to enjoy his favourite diversion of
hunting.%
William Ruses had all the vices of his father
without any of his virtues. It is enough to lay
that all historians speak ill of him, and none pro
duce any of his good actions.
Henry the First, in order to secure the crown
of England to himfelf, againd the just claim of
his elder brother, Robert Duke of Normandy,
restored the laws of Edward the Confeffor, aivd
afted in many refpeds with great prudence and
wildurn. He fel led his reputation by the cruelty
he (hewed to his brother Robert, whom he kept
a piiloner 26 years. Some historians fay, that he
caused Robert's eyes to be put out by burning
glasses.
Steph n obtained the Crown by perjury, and
brought in an army of foreigners to fopport his il
legal claim. Stephen was, notwithstanding, brave
and merciful.
Henry the Second was one of the greatest and
most accomplished Princes that ever lived. Brave,
generous, just, learned, affable, and magnificent.
But, cotwithftanding all his good qualities, his
rife was rendered unhappy, and his reign inglo
rious, by Becket, the proud Archbishop of Can
terbury, and his rebellious children.
Richard the First had nothing to recommend
him but a kind of brutal fiercenels called bravery.
Pride, avarice and lust were his favourite vices.
He loaded his people with excessive taxes and
impositions, which the good nattered English did
not repine at, because they acquired some honour
by the King's prowess.
His fucceffur John was still more odious than
his brother Richard. He is Hid to have killed
his nephew Arthur with his own hands. He was
insolent in prqfperity, and deje&ed in adveriity.
Henry the Third was more weak than wicked.
His chief fault was excessive profufeaefs to his
favourites.
Edward the First was a great Prince, and a
good Legislator, but his ambition carried him be
yond all bounds. His several ravages of Scotland
are unjustifiable, and his behaviour to Sir Willi
am Wallace, whom he p^t to an ignominious
death for fyhting in the cause of his country, will
be an indelible blot on his memory.
Edward the Second was of an easy, weak, im
potent charafler, and governed entirely by his
favourites. He was cruelly murdered by his wife,
and her minion, Earl Mortimer.
Edward the Third was certainly a Pi^nce of
great abilities, and a fuccefsful warrior, but his
conquests were of no service to England; he loft
most of them in the lattar part of his reign, when
he abandoned himfelf in his old age to a favourite
mistress.
Richard the Second was cruel, headstrong and
unj^ft ; governed by mean and infignificant fa
vourites. He was deposed, and put to death by
his successor.
Henry the Fourth having usurped the crown,
and put his lawful Sovereign under close confine
ment, could not be easy till he had put him to
death. He was a man of abilities, and supported
with vigou• his unjust title to the crown. He is
said to have felt remorse for his crimes of murder
and usurpation.
Henry the Fifth was a brave and fuccefsful
warrior, but his conquests in France were of no
use but to drain England of men and money, and to
acquire territories which could not be preferred.
Ihe weakness of Henrythe Sixth gave rife to the
deputes between the houses of York and Laneafter,
which occasioned the fhedJiig deluges of blood.
This Prince would have made a good beadfirian.
Edward the Fourth was brave, and wanted
neither wit nor judgment, but at the fame time
was. luxurious, debauched, cruel and perfidious.
Edward the Fifth w.s murdered, when a bay
of thirteen years ol I, by his uncle and fucceffcr.
Richard the Third made his way to the'throne
through dissimulation, perfidy, and every aft ts
injustice and cruelty.
Henry the Seventh enaded good laws, but he
was jealous and fufpeious in his temper to an ex
travagant degree. He defeended to the low arts
of an usurer to raise money; he let loose his two
bloodhounds, Empfon and Dudley, to rob ard
pillage his lubjedls.
Henry the Eighth was a Prince of fine outward
accomplishments; but became a monster of cruelty
and lust. Sir Walter Raleigh fays, that if the
characters of all other wicked Princes were loft,
they would be found in Harry the Eighth.
Edward the Sixth was a very promising Prince,
but he died very young. ,
Queen Mary was a weak, persecuting Bigot.
She fe|t no remorse for shedding the blood of her
innocent fubjeds. Religions frenzy is the worst
species of madness.
Elizabeth, her fitter, was adored by her fub
je&s, and admired and dreaded by foreign nations.
But the Rev. Dr. Hurd has, in a pedantick dia
logue, endeavoured to tarnish her reputation by
representing her in odious colours.
The very name of James the First excites ridi
cule, contempt and disgust. He was called the
wdeft fool in Europe, for he excelled io nothing
but trifles. He was entirely governed by two la
scivious boys, his minions. He was always poor
because he lavished on them and his flatterers im
menfe sums of money. He was so pusillanimous,
that though he well knew that Buckingham's per
suading his son to go to Spain was contrary to
common sense, as well as found policy, yet he
luffcred himfelf to be bullied by that unprincipled
nobleman, and had no other consolation but in
Ihedding tears, when he found he had not fuffici
ent power to ad as a King ought to have done on
the occasion.
. Charles the First had many good qualities fit
to adora a private Gentleman, but he was uxori
ous, iofincete, and fend if arbitrary power. He
detested Pariidmcnis, and even dfyiled rhe At
fembly at Oxford Called by that name, bucaue
they dared to think and act l.ke ficen.cn. h.s
dealt was exemplary.
Charles the Second had a good understanding,
much wit, great affability, and a pleating address;
with all this he was perfidious, ungraceful, tyran
nical, luxurious, mean, and cruel ; a penfioDtr
of France, and. a betrayer of his people.
James the Second, was a Prince of great ra>.
nomy. He understood commercial affairs well,
but his love of arbitrary power, and his attach
ment to the Romifh fuperfti ion, induced him to
commit the most flagrant ads of oppreflion IBel
irjudice. He was ju&ly punched with perpetual
exile for aiding contrary to those laws he had
sworn to maintain.
Wil iam the Third was the firft who introduced
what is called the influence of the Crown. Ihe
landed interest gave way in bis time to funds
and stocks; and this will in all probability pro
duce in the long run despotic government.
Many instances can be produced of a cruel dis
position in this Prince. The Business Glencoe,
and the unhappy issue of the settlement of Darien
with some othet fadts equally flagrant will be an
eternal stain to his memory. As to the brutality
of his temper I need only to produce what is re
lated by the Duchess of Marl borough. This man
who could himfelf devour a diffi of peas at Christ
mas in the presence of two ladies, the one his
Queen, and the other a Princess, big with child,
without afleing them to partake, wanted the man
ners of a Gentleman, and the feelings of a man.
Queen Anne was a good-natured Lady, but
weak and inconstant in her temper. She wanted
a found understanding, and this want made her a
dupe to others.
I have now given a very impartial, though short
view of the characters of twenty-nine Princes,
Monarchs of this country; and a choice collec
tion they make of weak, wicked, cruel, and
worthless wretches, for if you accept about three
or four of them., they come properly under these
several denominations. However, it must be
confeffed, that the least refpe&able of our Princes
have occasionally, and contrary to their own in
tention, conferred on this kingdom the most sig
nal benefits. To John's oppreflions, and Henry
the Third's weakness, we owe the two great
charters. To Henry the Eighth we are indebted
for our freedom from the power of the Court of
Rome, and the Pope's supremacy. To James and
Charles the First we are beholden for the petition
of right: And lastly to James the Second's bigot
ry we must place the settlement of the revolution.
I am, Sir, your's, &c.
s^6s^-ss#s4^'^X-^^'^^*
LOND O N, June 6.
To the MINISTER.
Zldde etiam Italics vires, Romumque fuifaet
Pugnonhm membris: adjice & civility bella :
Lt Cawibrum in morio, mariiunque in carcere
viflu?n. Manix. Lib. iv.
THE sword cf civil warjs at daft unsheathed.
You are astonished; for you believed thole
fugacious Counfellors, who assured you that the
Americans were cowards. You were purfuaded,
that what you are pleased to call “ firmnefs" in
the King, and “ steadiness" in his Ministers, was
alone fuffeientto fhfle that tbingcalled "Liberty,"
which having (led from this island, took (belter in
America. You find, my Lord, you were deceived,
and from that fatal hour in which the hostile sword
firft glittered in America, every (hip will bring
frefh proof of your error. I know the Americans,
my Lord, better than any of your rxilitary infor
mers. You are deceived, abu fed, wretchedly
abused, and you will find your error when it is too
late. Just God ! J lose all patience, when I re
coiled the incredible abfurdivy of your condud;
the paltry, (hallow, contemptible system of poli
tics, by which every tranLdion of jour Ministry
hath been governed. With regard to America,
youJiave (boggled under an universal cloud of in
fa nation, and the arguments of your treasury
Sieves in fopport of your tyranny, are a continued
bulefque on argumentation. You have been
eq ally unlucky, my Lord, in your penlioned
fcr ^blerfy the two celebrated Doctors, who, un„
f> r unately for your Lordihip, are, in truth, most
feurvy politicians.
But, my Lo d, I will for the present, wave all
other matters of ci cuffion, and confine myfelf to
the topic of the Gay. America, my Lord, Ame
rica! Y,u (hudder ar the found. I marvel not:
it will be your dcib,uQion. Your prelent game,
my Lord, depends entirely on your ability taper
fuade the people of England that their fellow
fubjeas in America are in a state of 'rebellion.
The people of England are less liable to mistake
declamation for argument than any people in
Europe. ' lie people of England know, that to
resist illegt exertions of power is not rebel ion.
If you, my Lord, have presumed to stretch the
power of the Crown or of the Parliament, be
yond its legal bounds, you are a rebel to the
people and a traitor to your country. You have
dared to tax America, an unrepresented part cf
the King's dominions. That taxation and re
prefentatton is inseparable is the avowed opinion
of the firft Lawyer in the kingdom : It is not
only an opinion, but a glaring axiom of the
conftituticn; and if you dare deny it, my Lord,
I thus publickly declare you an errant traitor to
your country. America is not represented, and
therefore cannot betaxed but by themselves, and
whatever may be your present podrion, I pledge
my credit with the public, that I will bring you,
or your advocates, to acknowledge the truth of
this pofitiop. If, therefore, you have piclumcd
to tax America .(legally; if you have sent an army
to inforce laws untonltitutidnally ena&vd, the
Americans are not in a hate of rebellion : On
the contrary they deferveour pra ,ers and afliftance ;
and you, my Lord, are the arch rebel against
whom all our vengeance ,huid be dircchd. lam
unexpectedly interrupted,aridl must therefore beg
leave iq conclude myEl; Mv Lord,
Youris, &c.