Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-06-20 00:00:00, page 1

O R,
GENERAL
MON D A Y,
& few POLITICAL REFLECTIO NS,
submitted to the confderation of the British
Colonies. By a Citizen ^Philadelphia.
A^ ^ ^A 0 loud and important is the present
^ ^A > cry for liberty, that it cannot but
<M g ^^^ rouse every man who has the wel
^ ' ^) fare of his country at heart; and
< ^%> it becomes every man's duty to ex
'&**' Y/wy? ert himfelf on the occasion. We
have, my Brethren, a dangerous slippery path to
tread : Let us then carefully pick our way, and
attentively iniped every road that is pointed to
our view.—Let us patiently hear and confider every
opinion that is offered with candor. Let us not
rejed with contempt, whatever disagrees with our
own private'ientiments. In the multitude of coun
sel there is wisdom.
The dispute between Great-Britain and her
colonies, is now reduced to a tingle point.—
Whether the Parliament fall give laws to Ame
rica ; a point so unjust, so unnatural and ab
surd, that not only every American, but many of
the inhabitants of Britain, must unite in opposing
't. In what manner this opposition is to be made,
becomes a question of the most serious nature. —
The ultima ratio —to oppole force to force, is what
the heart of every American mull revolt at; for
with whom should we engage: —our friends—our
countrymen —our kindred —No ! let not the bale
profligacy of a Mmiftry, abandoned to every prin
ciple of virtue, and raging for despotism, tempt
such near and dear connexions, to iheath the Lord
in each others bowels.—There are surer, fafer
means to end the controverfy.—lt is with great
'deference I hazard my opinion with my country
men; I know I must stand or fall with you, and
am in the highest degree earnest to have us aft
with spirit and prudence.
sffiifWßa
The firft emotions of anger, cannot be supposed
always to dilate the best adapted schemes; for at
that time, a degree of revenge will ever attend
the remedy. Let us be calm, my Brethren; let
us confer freely and closely together, and let us
determine, like men of sense, to bear difference in
sentiments with becoming coolness. We all mean
the fame thing, we all desire to be extricated from
the common danger; and is it to be wondered at,
if we view the matter in different points of light ?
The firft resolves from our affiided Brethren in
Boston, intimate a design of suspending all trade
with the Weft Indies: Far be it from me to con
demn them for such a Rep, at a time when under
the agonizing influence of arbitrary fubjedion, with
their properties and liberties wrested from them ;
but cooler thoughts must convince men, who have
so clear a view of the rights of mankind as they
have, that punishments should only be inflicted
where Justice direds. Our Brethren in the Islands,
are so unfortunately surrounded with natural do
mestic enemies, that felf-prefervation, the strong
est principle in nature, prompts them to a kind of
acquiescence with ads of Parliament; and their
want of internal means of independent support,
must ever render it prudent for them to oppose
their Mother Country with caution. Their de
pendance on us for provision is so great, that should
it be suddenly withheld, a general famine in the
Islands must inevitably ensue; for it would be a
Gonfiderable time before the English Merchants
would throw their trade into that channel: the
high price of provisions in England, would deter
them from venturing; as also probably some doubts
might arise in their minds, of our ftridly adhering
to our resolutions. Thus should we inflid the se
verest of punishments upon an innocent people, that
by their fufferings we might find relief.—No, my
Brethren, we are not yet reduced to the fad ne
cessity, of a&ing unbecoming that spirit of liberty
we profefs.—Some may argue, that the Islands
have upwards of seventy members in Parliament ;
but let us remember, they are not chosen by the
Weft-Indians : they only happen to be gentlemen
that have sugar estates ; and any American gen
tleman, that chooses to fettle in England, and will
not begrudge the knavery and the price, may ob
tain a feat.
Some of our neighbours in Maryland, have ex
tended their views a step further, and propose
withholding the monies due to their Merchants in-
England: But this, on reconsidering the fubjed,
they will certainly give up. All liberty is founded
in justice, and I hope every American will spurn
at the thought of acting beneath the chara^er of
men and chriftians : Let us firft do ftriA justice to
others, and then we can with confidence assert our
own rights. The Merchants of England have
entrusted us with their fortunes; they have placed
in us the most unlimited confidence; nay, they are
our warmest advocates and friends; shall we then
unjustly take a step that would infallibly ruin
them? Far be it from us, and I hope the gentle
men of Maryland, who have hastily adopted this
sentiment, will readily tetrad, when they confider
it in all its consequences ; amongst which, the
breach of public mercantile faith ought not to be
eftecmed the least.
VO L. 111.
Our commerce with England being founded on
mutual convenience, and voluntary compact, it
certainly rests with us to determine, how far it
shall be extended, and when it foail cease; this is
a right, which even Lord North, with all his ar
bitrary views, dare not deny. No man can be
obliged to purchase goofs of another; the feller
can do no more than expose his wares to public
sale, the buyer is to determine what, when and
how much, he will buy; this being the case, it be
comes now a question, whether this is not the
time to make a general exercise of that power :
as an individual, after having maturely weighed
the fubje&, I give my voice for exerting it, in its
fulleft extent. I would recommend a general non
importation, as the most effectual means of con
vincing rhe people of England, of how much im
portance we are. Their Manufacturers will quick
ly feel the stagnation of trade, and remonstrate in
our behalf to the Legislature ; here is our ground,
here let us fight them; 'tis a ground we can main
tain with an honest conscience, and let us not quit
it, till they have dilavowed the right of taxing by
whatever name; and let us hot forget to infill on
a repeal of the Wool bill, the Hat bill, and the
Iron bill, which are in their nature more obnox
ious to liberty, than the Revenue acts. Perhaps
it may be said, we cannot do without English goods,
long enough, to effect our purposes. Ido assure
you, Brethren, it is most certainly a mistaken
opinion ; if we can but determine to throw by our
luxuries, nor call off our cloaths till they are
ready to fall from our backs, we have stock fuffi
cient to lad for years to come. Let every patch
on our garments, stand as a proof of our patriot
ism, and let no man be afoamed of an old coat. But
as in the effecting so durable a purpose, the bur
then will tall particularly heavy on the Importers
and Retailers, many of whom have no other way of
supporting their families, I would recommend an
earned attention to their situation; for it would be
the higteft injustice to require them to fall a facri
fice to the general cause :—'tis through them we
are to conquer—let them not then be doomed the
unhappy victims, to spring the mine, that we may
enter the citadel, The present tax demanded of
us, is so trifling, that for the mere quantum, it
might not be an object of our attention; but all
the horrid train of Parliamentary impositions,
which would certainly follow, mud rouse every
man, to acknowledge the neceffiry, of our bleeding
freely in this important contest.
To apply the properest remedy on this occasion,
may not fall within the small sphere of mvddeern
ment: what occurs I humbly offerto confederation.
If the former annual profit of every Importer and
Retailer, was to be candidly and fairly dated,
and the deficiency that might arile during the non
importation, made up to them by the public, I
should with the utmost chearfulnefs pay my pro
portion of the tax ; —but as it is not probable, that
any Governor would be hardy enough to give his
assent to a bill for that ferrice, it is a scheme that
mull be rejected. Therefore I would propose,
that a large judicious Committee be chosen, who
should fix the rates, at which Merchants and Re
tailers might fell their docks on hand; and that
those rates be fixed so high, as to be a probably
fufficient compensation for their buffering in the
public cause: and that they should become bound ro
each other, not to fell under price. Thus every
Consumer would contribute his proportion, and
pay the joyful price of his liberty. But before a
step of this kind is taken, let it be by the joint
voice of the country as well as town; let their sen
timents be taken, their liberties are concerned as
well as ours; perhaps they may project some scheme,
more likely to answer the end. Let us be open
to every man's counsel, we have but one point to
aim at, and it matters not who hits the mark.
The Honourable Houle of Burgesses in Virginia,
whose noble sentiments of liberty, and indepen
dancy of spirit, justly entitle them .to a foremoft
rank, amongst the American Legislatures, have
taken up the matter with a becoming mixture of
firmnefs and moderation; and if I am led to con
travert some of their opinions, it is with the ut
most refped and deference. Had their Governor
permitted them to continue the session a few days
longer, they would probably have made the ne
cessary ftriflures, on their own resolves. A
tenderness for the Manufa&urers of Great-Britain,
so far as it is consistent with the welfare of Ame
rica, is what every humane mind amongst us,
mult applaud, and I honour them for the senti
ment: but should it appear on closer investigation,
that a partial attachment to their interest, would
essentially injure our own, no man can hehtate to
determine on the part we ought to take. Impelled
by resentment against the East-India Company,
for their ungenerous and officious attempt, to rivet
on us the cruel shackles forged by the iron-hand
of Parliament, it is not to be wondered at, if every
American should unite in a resolution, to let them
feel the just punishment of their folly. Should
we determine on a partial non-importation, by
confining it solely t© East-India goods, it would
undoubtedly be a very heavy blow, to the Com
D UN L A P's
.^i^^fr™ '"™^f:Aw^*'.
pany; and might inhered them in a repeal of the
ads we complain of: but on the other hand, it
mud be observed, we should unite the manufac
turing interest of England against the repeal, and
thereby cad an unlooked for weight into the mi
nisterial scale; for as many of the manufactures of
India,, are imitated in England, and for others
they make good fubditutes, we could not more
effectually gratify the English artisan, than by
withdrawing our custom from the India warehouse;
and in this the landed interest would concur.
Whatever encreafes the demand for the manufac
tures of a country, eventually extends to the
Land-holder; for the 1 radefman having money
to Ipend, can afford to pay a good price to the
farmer, and he of courfea good rent to the Land
lord. Phus instead of facilitating our measures,
we should furnilh the Mioifter with frefh strength,
to prosecute his determined plan, of subjugating
the Americans. However far the Premier may
have bent his force to lupport the India Company,
I cannot think he will abandon the principle of
taxing America, purely to serve them. Should
the scheme of a partial non-importation take place,
and be attended with the consequences here pre
mised, chagrined at the disappointment, and mor
tified with the want of forefight, we must fill
have recourse to other measures. If a partial
non-importation was thought absolutely necessary,
Itrange as the proportion may seem, I should think
it more advifeable, to confine ourselves to the use
of Lak-India goods solely; whereby a jealousy
would be excited between the English and India
intered; and a repeal might therebv be brought
about: but this is by no means confident with my
appreheuhon of the matter. It is A GENERAL
NON-IMPORTATION HONESTLY ADHERED TO,
that mult work our deliverance; it is the only na
tural, peaceable remedy,, in our power. It may
be said, that thereby the poor manufacturers of
Gteat-Britain will be reduced to great want and
didiefs, and that as they by no means, promoted
the acts, they claim the fame reasoning in their
favor, as our Brethren in the Blands:' but their
calcs aie by no means similar. Ihe Islanders
might actually darve without our supplies; but
the poor of England, cannot, will not perish with
famine, whild there is bread in the land. The
laws of England secure a support to the necessitous;
the rich who made thole laws, know they must
fuppoit them; and should it be dealt out with a
fcdoty hand, the full-fed spirit of Englishmen,
would quickly trample down the difindions, of
means and tuum, and administer to their own
wants. Instances of this fort are not to feck; the
annals of George the second and third prodice
tlieu)in abundance; and no lubjeft has more leri
oufly engiohcd the attention of thinking men, in
the nation than the clamor about provisions.
Here we may fenhbiy wound them, but let it not
be a mortal blow: far be it from the heart of a
chiles, eifentially to injure a parent: let our in
cilions be no deeper, than are just necessary to
discharge the coiiupted mals that collects about
her vitals, and to couch the cataract in her eyes;
and if her auditory nerves are too much clog'd,
let us injeft a little of ihcfiritus Americans, and
reltore to het that necellary fenfe:—But to quit
the metaphor. Let us endeavour to convince
them, that the Island of Great -Britain, is properly
a land of manufactures, lurrounded by har
bours for exportation; and that the continent of
America, is a most valuable granary at her service.
Let them but repeal all reftri&ive laws, and freely
open to us their ports, and then I trust they will
n^\e. fee their Manufifturers " forfaken, nor
" their feed begging Bread."
Ihe genius of America is agriculture, and for
ages to come mull continue so. An extenhve wil
dernels to the wellward, will long receive the
gradual overflowings of population f and the Ma
nufaClurer of Great-Britain, will never meet with
a formidable rival, in the shape of an American
farmer, so long as he can purchase the eloathing
of his family, with the produce of his fields. 'T;s
numbers closely pent up together, that point out
the necessity of applying art to nature, and new
modelling her materials.
1 crave your patience, Brethren, to attend me
a little further. We have now had time to take a
rctiolpcCuve view of our conduct, towards the
different cargoes of Tea lent to this continent;
some of which have been destroyed, some landed,
and some lent back. Moderate men begin to think,
that the deftruaion of the Tea at Bolton was ra
ther a ralh procedure, and that recompence ought
to be made. It I understand the Philadelphian
Committee right, they meant to advise such a mea
lure, to our afflicted Brethren; and I heartily
concur with them therein. Some amongst us con
gratulate the Pennlylvanians, on getting so hap
pily through //Wr%ihair; but, Brethren, I cannot
think wefhould leaveit here; if the Tea destroyed
at Boston, requires payment, on a principle of
equity and jultice, because it was the property of
others; with equal propriety may it be expected
from us, to pay for the freight and damages of
the Ica lent back from hence. The property of
T HE
ADVERTISER.
J U NE 20th, 1774.
But to return from this digression.—ls Great-
Britain by an arbitrary exertion of power, re
duces us to a state of anarchy; so much must every
man be enamoured with the blessings of civil go
vernment, that he will with to raise from the ruins,
a new fabrick somewhat resembling the old. —
If we cannot have the benefit of advice, from our
constitutional Assemblies, we must have recourse
to the Vox Populi :—A new Phcenix must arise
out of the afhes.—Therefore I would refpe&fully
propose, that every county in every province should
eleCt as many members for a popular Affemblv, as
they now return to their legal Aflembly. That
the qualifications for the electors, and elected, be
the fame in both elections. That when this is
done throughout the continent, a place of congress
should be appointed ; and each popular Affcmbly
should inftrud, and fend at least fix members, and
that this Vice Assembly, should unite in a
firm and refpe&ful remonstrance, to the whole
Legislature of Great-Britain; asserting our natural
and acquired rights, and tendering offers of accom
modation. For, Brethren, we are united to Great-
Britain, by the fbongeft and closest ties of inte
rest, as well as affection ; she has a right to expert
fometbiog from us, at forae future day;—with
submission I speak it—l fay (he has a right to ex
pe£t something from us, and the time is perhaps not
very distant, when we should determine, what
that something shall be.
It has been formerly urged, that the Ameri
cans, buying the manufactures of Britain, do
actually, and bona fide, pay all the taxes levied
on the Manufacturers ; because a fufficient living
profit, must remain to the Manufacturer, after pay
ing those taxes. This argument, tho' at tirft
view specious, I apprehend is not so extensive in its
conclusion, as the writers on the fubjeCt imagine.
If we contend that we pay a proportionable part of
the taxes of Great-Britain, by pu-chafing her ma
nufactures, it must be observed, that we do not
pay higher for those goods than her own inhabi
tants, who consume of their own manufactures a
much larger quantity than we do.—Therefore os
the fubjeQ of taxes, arising out of their manufac
tures, we with them, and they with us, are just
upon a level ; and of course every actual tax paid
by them towards the support of government, ex
clusive of what they pay in the prices of the manu
factures they use, is just so much more than we
pay.
It may perhaps be said, that England being
greatly enriched, by having such valuable custom
, For the remainder fee the Fourth Page )
* Fa,er Linney.
the East-India Company was alike injured in both
cases; and from a parity of reasoning, it becomes
a charge upon us. Let it not be said the Company
has made no such demand, therefore we will make
no such proposal. I apprehend the laws of right
and wrong, are eternally, and invariably the
fame; and from a sense of justice, we ought to be
beforehand with the payment. He that is no h%
nester than the laws of government require, will
never stand foremoft in the lifts ofhonour.-—Yes,
my Brethren, I am bold to recommend the volun
tary offer, of a compensation, and shall heartily
fubferibe my quota.
Brethren—l beg leave to extend my views still
a little further. After every Assembly on the con
tinent, has attempted to take legal and constitu
tional measures for redress, and either their at
tempts are defeated, or their measures fail, then
arrives a most interesting, a mod alarming period.
When a nation can derive no benefit from its go
vernment, the very end of government is fruf
tcated; and the wretched inhabitants, are reduc
ed near to a date of nature, and have all to begin
anew.—l cannot help expressing my astonishment,
as I proceed in this fubjed, at the rahmefs and un
parallel'd folly of Great-Britain ; a nation so
highly valued for its jealous preservation of civil
liberty ; that her condu& towards her colonies
on the present occasion, must greatly tarnish the
glory of her annals. Has fne trained up her
children, like calves in the stall, to fall bloody
victims by her own unnatural cruel hands ?—
What could (he wifn from us more than we free
ly gave ? For whom have we toiled in this once
uncultivated wilderness ? For whose benefit do
we rife up early and lye down late, is it not for
Great-Britain ?—Are not our fails spread to eve
ry wind that blows under heaven, to bearaway
the dear earnings of rhe sweat of our brow, that
they may at last center in Britain ? Are we not
her faithful generous customers, for all the various
commodities of her industrious workmen? Do we
clamor at the prices they exa& ? Do we not
chearfully pay, whatever they are pl afel to
charge us for their goods ? Whenever in the
course of trade we colled the specie ofcther na
tions, we lavishly pour it into Britannia's lap;
whilst with an honest confidence, in each other's
honor, we content ourfclves with a medium* of
commerce of no intrinsic value, th t our on r e ' d
Mother may revel in our real wealth.—What
more, in a commercial way, has she a right to
wish?
NUMB. 139.