Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-05-15 00:00:00, page 4

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The noble Lord therefore infilled, that car
was declared by the ad, but before we com
menced hoflilities, would it not be proper to con-,
sider whether the war we engaged in was just,
was practicable, or was tecefldry ? For, if it was
neither expedient, practicable or juftifiable, to
plunge with precipitation into filch a war was ab
lolute madness, and Would end in total ruin.
The injustice of the war the learned Lord de
duced front the original cause of quarrel. . An out
rage had been committed in a particular town;
htisfi ftion for the damage sustained was never
demanded, if a demand of fatisfadion had been
regularly made, it would have been complied with,
Here was an inttance where a whole people have
been punished for the outrage of a /few; the in
nocent for the guilty without hearing them in
their defence, or likening to any compensation
they might propose for the injuries the rashness
of a frantic multitude had committed. The im
/raßieabidtv of succeeding in the war was, in the
learned Lord's opinion, deducible from the situa
tion of this country compared with that of the co
lonies. Was a continent at fifteen hundred miles
extent, and inhabited by three mil 'ions of people,
was this to be subdued by a small army? The
only Ijope of conquering America was in a fleet,
and at sea ; the learned Lord confeffed he there
thought the Colonies vulnerable ; but admitting
the maritime traffic of the Americans to be flop-.
ped, they had resources within themselves; and
as if forefeeing our intentions, and providing
against danger, they had already betaken them
selves to agriculture; they had banished all fuper
fluities of table and of dress, and if they continu
ed united, the very means England had taken to
subdue their virtue would make Tt flourifh ; they
were deftiute of the luxuries, which we of this „
enlightened, this refined, this profligate, this de
bauched nation, so much delighted in; but this
-was a wart of an imaginary kind; fliould there
fore the Americans continue firmly united, in the
noble Lord's opinion, the eonqueft of their conti
nent was wholly impracticable. Was there any .
appearance of disunion at present? The Minifhy
promised themselves great things from New-York,
but the learned Lord did not believe that admi
nistration had one single American friend through
out the continent. Even those on whom the Mi
nifry relied in New-York had voted a Petition to
the throne, a Memorial to the Lords, and aRe
monflrance to the Commons. Did this breathe a
spirit ofentire fubje&ion,of absolute concurrence ?
As to Marshfield, where an association had been
formed in favour cf government, the learned
Lord at firft imagined it to be a town of consider
able note, but he found it a most contemptible
place, and the affociatqrs chiefly composed of
Mr. Hutchinson's Justices.
But the very acts which had passed would, in the
learned Lord's opinion, defeat their own purpo
ses, by unit ng the separate provinces more firm
ly than ever they were united before these ho
stile measures were pursued. England had uni
ted the Colonies, and divided herfelf. Previous
to passing the late afts, New-York, Virginia,
Fennfylvania and Maryland wouldhave fuffered
the greatest inconvenience, sooner than they
won d have th ken hands with Massachusetts-
Bay. The wife policy of our fathers had respect
to this inbred aversion ; gonfeious that so many
provinces, if once united, would soon be inde
pendent, a division of interests was studied, as the
principle means of insuring fubjedion : Hence
the various tenures by royal grants and by char
ters. Such was the policy of our ancellors ; and
even now Administration were driven to confefs
the impracticability of subjugating the colonies
if united, by taking such industrious pains to
divide them. For what was New-York, North-
Carolina, and other places, excluded from ex
periencing the deplorable effects of the famine
bill ? Was it not to scatter the feeds of division
amongst those, whom hostile threats had failed
to intimidate ? But, in the opinion of the learn
ed Lord, even exclusive favour would not e eel
disunion ; there was naturally that connexion,
that, like entangled links, one could not be
broken, without the whole chain faffering by
the contusion. The Parliamentary right of tax
ation, as infilled on by Great-Britain, levelled
a blow at ail the colonies, and wrested from
every man on the continent the right to dispose
of his own property. Whilst therefore ibis right
was asserted, it would be productive of disobe
dience, because to recognize fe» a right was to
acknowledge the properties of Americans at the
disposal of a Parliament wherein they were not
reprefeuted.
The learned Lord having thus touched on the
rejuftice of the war, and the im,readability of
conquest eflayed to convince his noble auditory,
that it was wholly unnectfary, for, admitting
the conquest certain, could we spare men and
money sufficient f'r the maintenance of the co
lonies as so raany subjugated provinces ? Were
there no appearances of a rupture with France
and Spain ? Foreign wars had been cautiou y
avoided ; was a war with our colonics more juf
tiiable, on the principles of necessity ? If the
opinion of the Mmißry was to be collected from
their measures, the preejpitation with which
theyentered into a war with America would
lead aniceobferver to conclude, that they thought
it highly necessary. On the fide of administration
not the fmalleit tendency to conciliatory measures
had appeared. A no! Ie Lord in the other House
did but make a motion which carried the appear
ance of such intentions,and his troops were thrown
into the uttaott confufion; they were determined
that not an iota should be yielde 1. Anilluftrious
personage, whose abilities were shining testimo
nies or the beneficence of providence to some
peculiar favourites, a man to whom this coun
try owed perhaps her existence, at any rate her
greatness, and that pride of conquest (which now
had precipitated her into wicked contentions for
dominion) this great personage, after spending
was meant as a bill to regulate the fifhery, Par
liamentary aid was totally unnecessary, the offi
cial powers annexed to the admiralty depart
ment were quit 9 fufficient; if the bill was net
meant as a commercial regulation, it was foreign
to the purpose to talk of the advantages that
would accrue to the British Newfoundland fish
ery. Whenever the regulations of this or any
other branch of commerce Ihould come before
that House, there was no doubt but that atten
tion would be paid which the ma nitude of the
objeftr qiired ; butthe noble Lord recollected
a writer, who compared the intricate mazes and
meanderings of commerce to the muliplicity of
almost imperceptible fibres with which the body
of man abounded. The circuitous course of
trade it was impossible to trace through the se
veral channels, it eluded the ken of the human
intellect, as the finer fibres of the body defeat
ed the explorations of the human fih(; it re
quired therefore the mott accurate attention to
obtain even a fuperficial knowledge of the one
the most diligent infpeftion to be tolerably con
versant in the other.
# With refpea to the supposed advantages de
rivable from the British fifhery, the noble Lord
was not inclinable to atribute those advantages
so much to the fifhery, considered as a branch
of commerce in the abft-ad, as to certain prac
tices adopted by the persons concerned in the
fifhery, with which Sir Hugh Palliser was inti
mately acquainted, though it would have been
highly indelicate to have pressed him on the
fubjecl.
the noble Earl paid the highest compliments
to Sir Hugh Pallifer, both as a commander and
a most fkilful negociator; in the latter capaci
ty the noble Earl had tried him, during the time
he had the honour to bear a part in the admini
stration of this country. Sir Hugh had foiled
de Guerchy in so many points, that the French
man had described him to be “ dur camme mi
Lird Cha ham."
The noble Earl exprefled his firprize that so
much attention should now be paid to the New
foundland fifhery. Was it a greater object than
at the time of palling the Canada bill ? For by
that bill the territories of Newfoundland were
much time, thought and deliberation, to form
a plan that might happily reconcile the jarring
interests of both countries, had proposed a bill
which was not fuffered to lay four and twenty
hours on the table for consideration. The learn
ed Lord only mentioned the circumftdnce, that
the record of that day's debate might be expun
ged from the journals, and that history might
give the lie to such an infamous tran fariion, if
ever malice Ihould transmit it to posterity.
Thus much for conciliatory plans, which were
rejeded as wholly incompatible with the com
plexional cast of the present measures. The learn
ed Lord concluding therefore that war was de
termined on, clofedhis address in the following
words : " As an Englishman I cannot wish harm
to my native country ; but I wish ihoft sincerely
.that the Americans may preferwe their liberty."
Lord Sandwich in reply observed, that the
fa&s which the evidence had been called toprove
were simply these : That three thousand seamen
were bred every year by theßritifhNewfoundland
fifhery ; that consequently, in ten years, thirty
thousand seamen were added so the maritime
Rrength of this country ; that this was an ob
ject of vast consequence, and if the New-Eng
land fifhery produced hardly any seamen, it was
too much to facrifice the maritime strength of
England to a people, who had committed every
outrage against the Sovereign authority of this
country.,.
The noble Lord alledged, that it was illiberal
'to cavil at the evidence ; Mr. Lifter was a mer
chant of considerable consequence, and great
refp # Lability.
With regard to the impracticability of con
quering America, the noble L rd who spoke last
could not be serious when he questioned the
power of Great B itain in this refpe& ; so far
from the inferiority of numbers being any ob-
Ruftion to t' c success of the English troops,
the contrary was the real fad; inferiority of
numbers however paradoxial it might seem,
would accelerate success ; there was a prodi
gious difference between disciplined troops and
a multitudinous rabble ; if matters should be
pushed to extremity, the noble Lord for his part
Would wish that one hundred thcufand Americans
should take the field, in preference to tivenythou
fld; the reason as this: Troops muff have fub
fi teres, % greater number of troops therefore,
the greater ill h- the difficulty of procuring fub
fi'once, and consequently the country people
will fuffer greater distresses, which will soon
lead them to seek that protection from a legal
government, which they fail to experience from
an rchy and civil difeord ; thus the Americans
would conquer themselves by eating up their
country.
But was this not likely to be the case, the
noble Lord had no fort of opinion of the brave
ry of the Americans; he thought them mere
blusterers, who felt bold only in proportion as
danger was at a distance, and when it approach
ed would lay down their ams, or broom-flicks,
and run away. At the siege of Louifburgh a
party of these brave Americans were employed,
they talked of the wondrous fears they would
perform, and compared themselves to Romans;
but finding the place likely to make resistance,
these Romans very cou ageoufly ran away. And
thus they would do on every occasion if real
danger approached, when at a diflance they
would bluffer, resolve, write, protest, and look
big.
With refpea to taxation, the learned Lord
who spoke last had cavilled at the person, who
thought " Taxation no tyranny." Lord Sand
wich confeffed he thought it no tyranny ; " For
if it was tyranny, the English were the most ty
rannized over of any people under heaven, for
they were the most heavily taxed."
Lord Shelburne combated the bill thus. Ifit
Secondly, BECAUSE the English Merchants
are punithed without any guilt, real or pretended,
on their part. The people of the proscribed pro
vinces, though failing in their duty to government,
oyght to be permitted to discharge their obliga
tions to commerce: Without their fifhery that is
impossible. The Merchants of England entertain
no fears for their debts, except from the steps
which are said to be taken in their favor. Eight
hundred thousand pounds of English property, 1 e
longing to London alone, is not to be trifled with,
or facrificed to the ,roje&s of those, who have con
stantly failed in every expectation which they have
lield out to the public; and who are become more
bigotted to methods of violence, in proportion
to the experience of their inefficacy, and the mis
chievous consequences which attend them.
Thirdly, BECAUSE the People of New-Eng
land, besides the natural claim of mankind to the
gifts of Providence on their own coast, are specially
entitled to the fifhery by their Charters, which
have never been declared forfeited. These chaiters
we think (notwithstanding the contempt with which
the idea of public faith has been treated) to be of
material consideration. The Bill therefore not
growing out of any judicial process, fewns equally
a violation of all natural and all civil right.
Fourthly, BE CAUSE we conceive, that the
attempt which has been made to BRIBE the
nation into an acquiescence in this arbitrary a&, by
holding out to them (by evidence at the bar) the
spoils of the New-England Fishery, worth upwards
of 300,000!. a year, to be a scheme full of weak
ness and indecency ; —of indecency, because it may
be fufpe&ed that the desire of the confifeatien has
created the guilt,—weak, because it supposes that
whatever is taken from the Colonies is of course
to be transferred toourfelves. We may trample on
the rules of Judice, but we cannot alter the nature
of things. We cannot convey to Great-Britain
the advantages of situation, which New-England
poffefTes for fifhery. If the value of the commo-
infringed, yet such infringement wts not urg
ed as the least objection to that bill. That the
Newfoundland fifhery merited the attention of
government was certain, for it was an object on
which the councils in King William's time em
ployed their attention ; and even so early as
Charles the Second, the measures of that Prince
were execrated, because they were fraught with
such pernicious policy, as to permit the French
to share in the Newfoundland fifhery. The re
gulations, therefore, of this fifhery being in the
Admiralty department, the present aft was fu
perfluous ; but if it was designed to coerce the
Americans, time would discover whether the
tide of popularity ran against the favourers or
oppofers of thkt, and other ads of a similar
complexion..
Lord Suffolk, in favour of the bill, said, it was
not meant entirely to deprive the New-England
ers of their fifhery ; for the faith of Parliament
would be pledged to restore the fifhery the in
stant it should appear that the Americans had
returned to their obedience.
Lord Radner declared he never yet had been
able to make up his mind on the affairs of Ame
rica, so as to give his vote on either fide of the
question ; but what had fell from the last noble
Lord had determined him to give hisvoice againfi
the bill. For if the Newfoundland fifhery was
a most valuable branch of commerce to this na
tion, he could not be persuaded to pledge his
faith as a Lord of Parliament, for the surrender
of that trade to the Americans.
1 he Duke of Grafton, in reply to what fell
from Lord Camden, said; it c uld not be ex
pected that Lord Chatham's conciliatory bill
Ihould pass the House, as it struck at the repeal
of no less than nine acts of Parliament, some of
which were money bills. His Grace avowed
himfelf the feme firenuous friend of America,
however appearances might be against him. He
wished to fee the period when the taxation of
America would be dispensed with, as an ampli-.
tude of taxes was included in their purchase of
English manufactures.
Lord Abingdon said that reason, justice, con
science, principle and indinCt, all prompted
him to pronounce the bill a molt infernal and
diabolic measure. How the Right Rev. Bench
reconciled it to their confidences, he was una
ble to conceive ; for his part he put his trust in
the Almighty, and though he knew all he could
fay would avail nothing against a mirifterial ma
jority, yet he cautioned the Lords against injus
tice, as in the judicial visitation of providence it
generally fell heavy on the heads of those who
planned iniquity.
This closed the debate, and on a division the
numbers flood thus, for the bill, 104 ; against
the bill, 29.
PROTES T.
HOUSE OF LOR D S.
Die Martis, zi° Martii, 1,75.
TH E order of the day being read for the third
reading of the American Retraining Fishery
Bill, and for the Lords to be summoned, the fame
was accordingly read the third time; and several
amendments being made thereto, it was moved,
" that the Bill, with the amendments do pass ?"
Which being objected to, after debate, the question
was put thereon; it was resolved in the affirmative.
Contents - - - 7g.
Non Contents - - 21.
Diffentient,
B E C A USE the attempt to coerce by famine
the whole body of the inhabitants of great and po
pulous provinces, is without example in the history
of this, or perhaps of any civilized nation; and is
one of those unhappy inventions, to which Parlia
ment is driven by the difficulties which multiply
upon us, from an obstinate adherence to an unnwfe
plan of government. Wedo not know exactly the
extent of the combination against our commerce in
New-England, and the other colonies, but we
know the extent of the punishment we infli& upon
it, which is universal, and includes all the inhabi
tants. Amongst these many are admitted to be in
nocent, and several are alledged by Ministers to be,
in their sense, even meritorious. That govern
ment which attempts to preserve its authority by
deltroying the trade of its fubjefte, and by ii.
volving the innocent and guilty in a common
ruin, ifit a&s from a choice of such means, con
feffes itfelf unworthy; if from inability to find any
other, admits itfelf wholly incompetent to the end
ofits institution.
dity ihould be enhanced at the foreign markets.,
by the exclusion of so large a part of the supply, it
may either greatly injure the sale of the commo
dity itfelf, or put the consumers on new articles of
confuniption, or new methods of supply, to the
just ruin of those, who, deluded by avarice, have
CHOSEN, from the vain hope of an enhanced
market, to disturb the natural, fettled, and bene
ficial course of traffic.
Fifthly, B ECAUSE we do not apprehend, that
the topic so much infilled upon by a Lord high in
office, in favour of this project, namely, the
COWARDICE of his Majesty's American fub
je&s, to have any weight itfelf, or be at all agree
able to the dignity of sentiment which ought to
chara&erife this House. We do not think it true,
that any part of the fubjefts of this empire are de
fective in bravery. It is to the last degree impro
per to a& upon such a supposition, as it must highly
disgrace our arms in case of misfortune, and mult
take away all honour from them in case of success.
Nothing can tend more effectually to defeat the
purposes of all our coercive measures, than to let:
the people, against whom they are intended, know,
that we think our authority founded in their base
ness; that their resistance will give them some
credit, even in our own eyes, and that we attribute
their obedience only to their want of courage. This
is to CALL for resistance, and to PROVOKE re
bellion by the most powerful of all motives, which
can a& upon men of any degree of firit and sen
sibility.
Sixthly, BECAUSE the interdict frem fifhing
and commerce is not terminated by any certain and
definitive aft to be done by the party interdicted,
but its duration depends solely on the WILL of the
Governors and majority of the Council in some of
the provinces; upon their mere arbitrary opinion
of the Rate of commerce. In two of the proscribed
provinces the interdict is made to depend on the
fame arbitrary will, in much worse hands, those of
mere custom house officers; a power of such mag
nitude is not fit to be delegated to any man, how
ever wife, or however exalted.
But to deliver over several hundred thousands of
our fellow creatures to be STARVED, at the mere
pleasure of perlonsih certain subordinate situations,
and some of them in an office always mere or less
suspicious and obnoxious, and necessary to be
watched and guarded, rather than vetted with ab
solute power over all, and this without any rule to
guide their discretion, without any penalty to deter
from an abuse of it, is a strain of such TYRANNY,
OPPRESSION and ABSURDITY, as we believe
never was deliberately entertained by any grave
affemhly.
Lastly, BECAUSE the Bill, though in ap
pearance a measure of retaliation only, upon a sup
position that the colonies have been the firft aggres
sors, by their Association not to import goods from
Great-Britain, yet is, in truth, a most cruel en
forcement of former oppressions; and that Associa
tion is no more than a natural consequence of an
tercedent and repeated injuries. And since the re
straint of this Bill is not to be taken off till the
several colonies shall agree to receive again all goods
whatsoever from Great-Britain, and to pay all the
duties imposed by Parliament, not excepting those
upon Tea; and since three of them must apply
through the medium of the NEW Council of Maf
fachutetts-Bay, and the last mentioned province is
obliged not only to acknowledge the new Charter,
but lubmit in all refpeas to the severe conditicns oft
the Port Bill, before they c n be released from their
hardships; since these are the terms, and the only
terms, upon which this proscription is to cease,
and the Colonies must therefore fabmit to be the
SLAVES, instead of the SUBJECTS of
Great-Britain, this Bill, in its principle, is both
arbitrary and unjust. And as we do not conceive
an y ground of expectation that the Provinces will
yield to such hard conditions, a CIVIL WAR,
which may probably end in the total separation of
the Colonies from the Mother Country, will too
naturally be the consequence of this Bill, in refpe&:
of which, as well as for the other reasons hereby
afli^ned, we do most solemnly and heartily protest
against the fame. .
ABINGDON, DEVONSHIRE,
STANHOPE, CAMDEN,
RICHMONp, CHOLMONDELEY,
ROCKINGHAM, ABERGAVENNY,
PONSONBY, WYCOMBE,
MANCHESTER, TORRINGTON,
CRAVEN, EFFINGHAM,
LEINSTER, FITZWILLIAM.
PHILADELPHIA, May 15.
At a meeting of the New-Jersey Provincial Com--
mittee of Correspondence (appointed by the
Provin :ial Coogrefs) at the city of New Bruns
wick, on Tuesday, the second day of May,
Anno Domini 1775, agreeable to summons of
HENDRICK FISHER, Esq ; Chairman.
PRESENT, Hendrick Fisher, Samuel Tucker,
Jofepb Borden, Jfab Riggs, ]faac Pearson, John
Chetmood, Le^vis Ogden, Ijaac Ogden, Abraham
Hunt, and Elias Boudenott, Esquires.
rT'HE Committee having seriously taken into
JL consideration, as well the present alarming
and very extraordinary conduct of the British Mi
nistry, for carrying into execution sundry ads of
Parliament, for the express purpose of railing a
revenue in America, and other unconstitutional
measures therein mentioned; as also the several
a&s of hostility that have been actually commen
ced for this purpose, by the regular forces under
General Gage, against our brethren of the colony
of the Maffachuietts-Bay, in New-England, and
not knowing how soon this province may be in a
state of confufion and disorder, if there are not
some effectual measures speedily taken to prevent
the fame—This Committee are unanimously of
opinion, and do hereby advise and direct, that
the Chairman do immediately call a Provincial
Congress to meet at Trenton, on Tuesday, the
23d day of this instant, in order to confider of
and determine such matters as may then and there
come before them, and the several counties are
hereby desired to nominate and appoint their re
fpe&ive deputies for the fame, as speedily as may
be, with full and ample powers for such purposes,
as may be thought necessary for the peculiar ex
igencies of this province.
Ihe Committee do also direct their Chairman
to forward true copies of the above minute, to
the several county Committees of this province,
without delay.
HENDRICK FISHER, Chairman.