Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1776-03-25 00:00:00, page 3

rilfonteeil to fitisfaftion, cannot but give every
,o>d man the moil painful apprehend ms concern
ing the future hte ( of Iris country. To be told, by
tk^author of Common Sense, tbit all tkis is mere
prejudice ; that we mutt divest ourselves of every
opinion in which we have been educated, i^ order
to digelt his pure doctrine; and throw down what
our fathers and we nave been building up for ages,
to make room for his vifonar, fabric —I fay t$ be
told thi% is only insult instead of argument ; and
can be tolerated by none but thole who are so far
infl med or interested., that Separation from Greet
Briton at any rifque is then choice, rather than
reconciliation, upon whatever terms.
Tins, I much fear, is the temper of ihofe who
are constantly dinning in our ears ihe necessity of
an immediate declaration of independence, for the
fake of procuring foreign abidance, especially that
of France. Their real desire is to Shut the door a
gainlt all future reconciliation By this precipitate
fc,, — The matter of foreign abidance is a mere
decoy. Can we imagine that if France thought
it her interest to quarrel with Great-B:itain for any
benefits to be derived from us, her delicacy would
Stand in her way ? Was the ever reftri^ed by such
delicacy in any of the former civil wars of her
neighbours, especially thole of Gieat-foiitain ? But
thdruth is that, in the present ruinous State of her
finances, and feeble condition of her fleets, flie will
Scarce think it prudent, for any prolpedls we can
yield her, to rufli into a new and expensive war,
when so ill recruited after the blood and treasure
which (he lavished so ineffectually in the last.
Would it be wife, then, to risk a refufal from
her, or to mix our affairs with those of any foreign
penver whatever in this contelt with Great-Britain ?
No; I conceive this would only protra& our wars,
encreafe our dangers, weaken our force, and pro
bably end in our ruin. And of all nations in the
world, France is the last from which we Should Seek
affiltance, even if it were necClary. What kind
of affilance do we expert from her ? gold and Sil
ver die can but ill afford to gi% us. Her men we
have no occasion for; and, i,i a word, until die
has a fleet able to contend with 'that of England,
She can do us no essential service. The want of
such a fleet has been the great bar to her numerous
projects for universal empire. Can any proteftarit,
can you my countrymen, ever wifli to fee her po
feffed of such a fleet, affih her in attaining it, or
willingly give her footing in America ? Would She
then be contented to be the humble ally of these
colonies ; or would She net, in her own right, re
sume Canada, which, according to the limits She
formerly claimed, is larger than all our provinces
together ? Could we hinder her from introducing
what multitudes of her people She might think pro
per into that country where they have already a
great body of their friends to receive them ? In that
case we Should soon be left without room for the
encreafing number of our posterity ; hemm din
upon the sea Shore ; and, with armies behind us,
and fleets before us, be either crushed to pieces,
obliged to submit to the absolute dominion of
France, or to throw ourselves back upon the pro
te&ion of Great- Britain.
,This consideration is truly alarming, and France
h*s never Shewn herfelf so worthy of confidence a
mong the nations of Europe, as to induce us to
run such risks. bv throwing ourselves precipitately
into her arms. She is so notorious to the whole
world, for her disregard of the mbit sacred treaties,
that Gallica FiJ.es, or French Faith, is become as pro
verbial now, as Punica Fides, or Carthaginian
Faith, of old, It could Scarce have been imagined,
that the author of Common Sense, after telling us
that " the blood of the Slain, the weeping voice of
nature, cries, 'Tis time to part"—eternally to
parr —from the limited monarchy of Great Britain,
(whatever future terms might be offered us) would
so soon have recommended to us a new alliance
with the arbitrary monarchs of France and Spain.
Bloody massacres, the revocation of sacred edicts,
and the molt unrelenting persecutions, bare cer
tainly taught American proteflants, and especially
our German brethren, what fort of faith we are to
expert from Popish Princes ; and from nations
who are Strangers to Liberty themselves, and envy
the enjoyment of it to others I
In Short, I am not able, with all the pains I have
taken, to underhand what is meant by a declaration
of independence, unless it is to be drawn up in the
form of a Solemn abjuration of Great-Britain, as a
nation with which we can never more be connected;
and this seems the doctrine of the author ofCommon
Sense. But I believe he has made but few co averts
to this part of his Scheme; for who knows to what
visiflitudes of fortune we may yet be fubje&ed ?
We have already declared ourselves independent,
as to all nfeful purposes, by reJifling our oppressors,
upon our own foundation. And while we keep
upon this ground, without connecting ourselves
with any foreign nations, to involve us in frefh dif
ficulties, and endanger our liberties fti 1 further,
we are able, in our Own element, upon the Shore,
to continue this ref,dance, and it is our duty to con
tinue it, till Great-Brit in is convinced, (as the
must soon be) of her fatal policy ; and open her
arms to reconciliation, upon the permanent and
sure footing of mutual interest and fafety.
Upon such a footing, we iniy again be happy.
Our tra Ie will be revived. Our huSbandmen, our
mechanics, our artificers will flourish. Our lan
guage, our laws and manners being the fame with
those of the nation with which we are again to be
connected, that connexion will be natural ; ar, I we
shall the more easily guard against future innovati
ons. Pennsylvania has much to lofein this contelt,
and much to hope from a proper Settlement of it.
We have long flourished under our charter-govei n-
Inen. What may be the confequenc.es of another
form we cannot pronounce with certainty ; but this
we know that it is a road we have not travelled,
and may be worse than it is described.
> CATO.
Conversation between CATO and PLAIN TRUTH.
Cato. Y AM Sorry you wrote your pamphlet for
I soon. I wilh you had consulted with some
men ofjudgment on the occasion. Our all depends
an a judicious timing of our publications, I Should
certainly opposed its appearing in the present form
had you aSk^d my advice. Ourcaufe will neverap
pear to advantage in a pamphlet. If you begin a
series of letters in a news paper you are at full li
berty to fay as much or as little as you please, to
suspend your operations for a time and Strike in
again when occasion serves. You can thus keep
the minds of the people in constant fulpence and
pievent them from determining on any thing. This
is our business. Present declamation and assertion
accompanied with Strong promises of futuie argu
ment and proof will Serve our cause exceedingly,
but if we quit this plan it will certainly he at our
own expence. I was obliged to take public notice
of your pamphlet least it Should be fufpeffed that
^ did not agree, but I assure you it was much
against my judgment. When you write a pam
phlet you are expired to fay the bed, if not all that
can be laid onthefubje&, and if it contains few
weighty arguments the author is despised and the
fubjeft fuffers. There you are obliged to come to |
a period, but you may Mrite a twelve month in a
news-paper and yet make the public believe that
your main argument has not yet appeared. You
fee I have written three letters which would nuke
nearly an half of your pamphlet, and have ndt yet
advanced to the border of my fubjea, or rather
have only gotten the length of promising that I
will do Something.
Plain Truth. Your great abilities, Sir ! your great
abilities! Had I your abilities I Should have made
ray pamphlet more worthy of public attention and
approbation.
Cato. Sir, the greatest abilities on the continent
are not equal to the task of writing a pamphlet on
our fide of the question. Walpole has taught d
miniftration to use the public money to such perfec
tion, that the whole legiflatureis now in their h nds,
and the influence of the crown is by this means so
enormous that Parliamentary opposition is totally
annihilated and the King can do as he pleases, and
this is so notorious to the whole world, that men
we cannot deny it. There is now as much of the
English constitution in Britain as in Turkey, and
thecrown of the one is as absolute and arbitrary
as the ciown of the other. This being the true
state of the case you must perceive that our Strength
can never lie in fair reasoning on the fubjea, or in
exhibiting at one view all we have to fay. We
must principally deal in general terms, words of
uncertain meaning, florid descriptions of the hor
rors of war and the ruin that must attend a decla
ration of independency, with here and there a flap
at any little mistake our adversaries may make ;
but let us never rifque an argument with them least
it might be Turned to advantage against us, and as
for proofs they are hard to be found. I wifli you
had a little attended to this when writing your pam
phlet. If you had l amfure you would have left
out many things which had better never been men
tioned ; for instance, in the zzd page where you are
denying that we can have any rational profpe& of
foreign support in asserting independency, you fay,
" if independent, aggrandized by infinite numbers
" from every part of Europe this continent would ra-.
" pidly attain power afonifing to imagination. Soon,
" uey Soon would we be in a condition to conquer
" M xico and the Weft India settlements, which to
" annoy or possess we indeed are most happily fi
" tuated." I was in such a rage when I read this
passage that I cursed the folly of its author. Such
things ought ever to be kept out of fight. They
give our enemies an opportunity of triumphing at
our expence. They will fay aye, aye, truth will
force its way out in spite of their endeavours to
conceal it. Will the continent be so unwise as to
forego all this grandeur and power by reconciliati
on, when we are such fools to acknowledge the
truth of it. And in the 28th page in your endea
vour to prove that Great-Britain will prosecute her
present plan to absolute conquest unless we submit,
you are Itill more imprudent ; for there you plump
ly acknowledge that so far from being able to con
quer us, the political existence of Great Britain de
pends on our constitutional obedience. Let me en
treat you, dear Sir, for the future to hazard no such
arguments ; for though handled to greater advan
tage than you or 1 can pretend to do, yet it is very
eat, to turn them against us, and render us ridi
culous..
Plain Truth. Sir I wish only to serve the cause
I am engaged in, and it I thought writing letters in
anews-paper would answer the end better than
publishing my sentiments in a pamphlet, I Gould
emauilf do it. You know our stake is much great
er thin your's, and hefides we can make up your
lodes ; but it is not in your or any man's power to
make up om's. I vrote in the form of a pamphlet
because there is much greater attention paid to mat
ters n that orin than v hen delivered in a news
puper, nitnels Common S^nse. And I think my
pam, : co its merit. I will cheerfully acknow-
Ld o% jour Superior abilities, both as a writer and
politician, out ye 1 cannot agree with you in one
. p ah, 1 think we ought to^ufe the best arguments
we cm, however your advice is always acceptable.
Cato. My advice is assert roundly and n<ver stoop
to argument. Take it for gianted that every thing
you lay is lelf evident, and Hands in need of no
proof, and then you may fay io much in a few fen
tences.sit willbe impossible to refute in volumes
though there be not a w ord of tiutli in the whole of
it. Betides you can charge your subject so often
that it will be next to impossible to follow you.
Rqad my letters and you will fee the propriety of
this advice. I opened so great a field for myfelf
ihat 1 can choefe what part ofit 1 pteafe for my pre
lent operations, and leave that which is left tenable
untilaeonvenient opportunity effersto break ground
on it again.
Plain Truth. Sir, I wish you would break ground
in thole parts where you give us great expectations
of reason and argument by the frequent promises
you have made. Our party are ata great less for
arguments to defend our cause, which was one
principal realon for publishing the pamphlet.
Cato. And are you not by this time convinced
that you mittook yoUr plan. If your other friends
have not fatisfijd you on this"head I hope I have.
You have hazarded two or three arguments, but I
am sure there is not a man of sense in our whole par
ty who does not wish you had kept them to yourfelf.
You are but a very young politician my dear friend,
and our cause is more in danger from the too great
zeal of such, than from any other quarter. Where
i§ thewifdom of putting arguments into their mouths
when they can be to easily taken out agrin. Our
Chance of success will depend on two things. Firtt,
on advancing no arguments at all, and Second, in
keeping the minds of the people unsettled. Now if
we throw out ail we can fay at once as you have done
there is an end of us. When people have a little
time allowed to them to refl-ift they will readily fee
through the falfity of the inferrences we draw from
generally received axioms, and they will perceive
that we have miftated facts, and how Gall we be be
lieved when these are difeerned. Royal Wisdom
is not able to fay any thing plausible without having
recourse to them as is evident from the King's
Speech, and you fee Johnston tells him of it too.
Had you left what you said about the Connecticut
Intrusion to me I (hould have timed it properly ;
but now, though your assertions on that head are
strong and good, yet people have time to recollect
that though all the powers of government were ex
erted on our behalf, though we took advantage of
the Congress's neglect to enter their advice on their
journals, and though we were then cock-fare that
we would effect a division by the means of it, as the
Assembly had served us faithfully on the occasion,
yet the moment the Congress became in eamelt all
our hopes vanished into air. This is so compleat a
proof of the power of a continental legislature to
precedent intestine broils, as the King and Council
will never produce an equal. I cursed you when I
read it for publilhing wnat you have said so soon.
You mult bear with me a little. Your vehemence
has carried you too far. With a little inftru&ion
you may be a good assistant to me in the news-pa
per. There will be work enough for us both. But
remember never to touch on the following points,
if they must be difeniied leave the manner to me. In
page 46th you condemn the present spirit of kit
defence too warmly and expose yourfelf and party
too far when you fay the commx fe„te in effect de&
ftributed the public revenues among them #hile the
rich were in a state of opprefon. And in the 48th
speaking of an agrarian law you too plainly pent
out the designs of our people. Why did you ^rc
" mind them that the richtjl part of the communi
" ty will ever bean over match for the poortf part."
Sp^h sentiments as these should. remain locked up
bi bur bfeafts § for it is plainly telling the common
people that now is the time to take care of their
l own interest which lies in independency, for that
ours is in direst opporitibn tg theirs. Well have
you entittiled ycuFpamphlet Plain Truth, for you
have told tow many plain truths to fuffer it to be of
any service to our cause.
Plain Truth. Authors will differ like other trades
men. You fear some part of our fticcei, will be a
feribed t 1 my labotits, and you are of a temper ne
ver to finite the praise with ary one. lam quite of
;nether temper. Let me Assist in securing the King
Ind I will give you all the praise. Give us one
good number on the excellence of the British cor
lEtwiorf, and the happiness of hiring a dependant
tker,u, for on this fubjea I myfeif am at a loss,
and . will forgive your crowing ib over me. And
do ,: forbear fending to the press what you have
pr# red in defence of injured representatives as
yen tiave hinted in your third letter I beseech you.
Cato. That would be exposing myfelf too far.
Tint would be Gilbert against Tennant with a ven
g^'ce. All I meant by my promises bn that head
were to amuse our opponents ^nd make the country
believe that they can easily be exculpate And
a ro the Britilh constitution I wish only to name it
w i high approbation as occasion requires. Long
p& CTrfy^Wgulci oblige us to enter into particu
lar:, a,g this you can fee would never do. For
wf : with rotten boroughs, government contrasts,
ph. and pensions, the popular part of it, I mean
th*. Gufe cf Comtnens, is entirely composed of meh
wh> eh .hemfelves to Administration. We must
not , r much on this head, fuffice it for us to keep
it fr ^7^h put of fight as to prevent our enemies
frpr„ „?,fjng its defeat, and as for canftitutiowal
dep^ cnee ^ere we to define it as it ity and must be,
it ®s te Wfrights bur c^n party from us. Use the
term; when you conveniently can, but be you press
ed ev.^r fohard never attempt to explain them. If
you dou?are undone. They will as little bear
explication as whatyou aver about commerce in
p/ge 7tb, andthe sth, 6th, and ,th lines of your
pampht.,
Plc : Truth. Pray leave tiff yous tubbing and go
on wi ll your advice and directions.
Cato. The people of England have no Security
from the incroachments of the Crown, but in the
sword of civil contention. The Parliament in its
present state will ever join the Crown. The right
of granting money while the Crown had the dispo
sing of it, will only lay Adminiftratlcln under the
necessity of bribing a majority in the House cf Com
mons. But this is no great thing, for they will al
ways grant enough to bribe themselves befideg what
the rovernment wants. The King is so sure of this
that he warm petitions of 16 counties could not
indue Itm to dissolve it on the Middlesex affair,
nor could the people help themselves unless by re
bellion. The precedent then set gives the Minister
such mftrudtion on the score of representation, that
if improved as weM as the lesson of bribery taught
by Walpole, will in lels than zo years make a Parli
ament the Qudoa of a name ! Now if the very men
who choose that Parliament have ne power over
them but by mobs, &c, &c. what security can ever
America have? I have zfferted that if our present
difference.were accommodated, there is scarce a
poGdlity that " Ge will ever renewthe late fatal fyf
t>m >f policy or attempt to employ force against us."
No~,this is easy said, and when spoken with an air
of confidence will p^fs for truth with most people ;
but left it Ihould not, I have subjoined that if the
Should be so infatuated at any future period as to
think of Subjugating us, either by the arts of cor
ruption or oppressive exertions of power, can we
entertain a doubt, but that we shall again with a
virtue equal to the prelent, and with the we pons
of defence in our hands (when necessary) convince
her that we are willing by a conftitatiohal connec
tion with her, to afford and receive reciprocal bene
fitstybut tho' fubje&s of the fame King we will not
consent to be her ilaves. This with what follows is
so well expressed that I am sure it will have great
weight ; but had you got it by the end you would
bave exposed us. Ten to one but you would have
said, let Us difirm them now and we want It them
get io far ahead of us a second time. Or that the
King and his representatives will more effectually
use their power over the military to quad) future
beginnings. But have flourifhed away or: this ground
and used so many patriotic and popular expressions
that I am sure tfey will never fufye& that it is min
ted, and that it we can bring them back to it, we
shall at one blast blow their liberties to the d— 1,
And leave them to bewail their credulity while you
are in possession of a garter and title and I of an
M—t— r, with each of us such a grant of crown land
as will enable our offspring a century hence, if a
contest should happen, to let up for tbemfelves.
Plain Truth. We are accused of affecting every
thing and proving nothing. I would he glad of
some proo's to take off from the force of their argu
ments. Can we find nothing to fay by way of ar
gument ?
Cato. Yes, Sir, harangue away on the horrors of
war, and the misery like tb ensue front a prosecuti
on of our present plans, and it will pal's for argu
ment well enough in the country.
Plain 'l ruth. Ah I There, Sir, we are pinched
again. They already begin to fay we area pack of
cowardly paltroons, and our brains are so turned
with the terrors of war that we would facrifice eve
ry thing to avoid it ; but that every man of spirit on
the continent is a Whig and willing to preserve his
privileges at all hazards. This will not do any long
er unless judiciously blended with other matters.
Cato. We have enough to blend it with. Loss of
trade, though occasioned by ourselves, can eatily be
charged upon them. This will take with the far
mers. I have asserted that if we defect the ground
of dependency we abandon all proi'pe& of preserv
ing our importance by trade and agriculture, the
ancient, lure and experienced road to wealth and
happiness. Now this will do excellently in the coun
try ; the farmer will ask for no proof and I am not
the fool to attempt it. I never undertake impoffi.
billties. A free trade with all the woild is so Hrange
a way to destroy agriculture and leffert our profits
by commerce, that 1 Gall never attempt to prove it.
Tho' I will assert the fa& in other terms as often as
it can serve our cause. Address the people by the
name of dear Countrymen, and seem greatly
concerned for their interest and welfare, and you
may make them beleive any thing.
Plain Truth. Faith I greatly doubt it, Sir, there
are many sensible farmers in the country.
Cate. Doubt it ! do you think I wo^d venture
to recommend your pamphlet did I not know it to
be so ? The firft paragraph which I have taken no
tice of refpe&ing the increase of the continent is a
raanifeft contradiction to every thing I advance ;
but yet by recommending it boldly, I know I shall
make every body believe that it is all as it was in
umded, mi,dl, in our favour. If the continent
Should encreafe, as I doubt A6t ft wit) as fbon 4s^-;
dependency fairly takes place, our internal tiade
alone will be double all the commerce we have ever
carried on, and our foreign trade will be encreaffd
ten fold. I was much pleaded with what yc u laid
about Poland and the fertile Ukraine. It nil, work
wonders lam persuaded. Had you gome on ad rt-
Ing throughout as you did in that pan, you would
have done well enough, it is hot our business to
inform people that countries that are mflaved can
nevet be Cultivated hy the servile peasant, whohaa
no fectirit, for enjoying the fiuit of bis labours
The land tis Fromife, that goodly land which God
gave to iris own people, a land flowing with milk
and honey is no* a barren rock, according w the
b^ft accounts, and Egypt,^hat garden of the world
and once the granary of Europe, is new no more
©tested for its produce, Thete are the fruits of
slavery on the best foil ; but what farmer know#
this ? I have often admired the wonderful accounts
of the ahnoß incredible fertility of Asia minor, %c
----ccrling tc the best authors, and yet poverty reign#
every where in it because of slavery, As k tbe hus
bandman why he negle&s to cultivate his field, and
he will answer, wherefore should Ido it: Is it to
render me a prey to my Superiors ? Wherever you
fear an attack there seem mart confident, grid where
any thing can be asserted with truth against you.
mafe the affection firft yourfelf and you take off all
its force. I will give yot ian excellent example of
it, towards the close of my third letter t faf, “ It
will be averted —nay, it has been averted— that the
animosities between Great-Britain and the colonies
are now advanced to such a height, that RECONCI
LIATION is impossible. But a^rtion is nothing,"
fay t, “ when opposed to the nature of things, the
truth of hifc ry and all past experience. The quar
rels of nations being neither -perjonci nor private
cannot Hir up muttial hatred among individuals."
How many num in Pennsylvania, for remember it
is.the country I want to take in, will fufpea the
truth of so fine a fentenge? I could tell them, did
it answer my purpose as well, that the people of
England and those of France bear fd fintere a ha
tred to nne another, that they are in their true ele
ment when knocking one another's 1 rains out, and
that they have an unconquerable aversion to each
other which will never end till one of them is sub
dued:, all this from national quarrels, nay, mi c^n
country though united to England beats er no
great" good will. I could also with truth Ifefa
them tint there 1 ever was a flneere friendfr 1 ^
tween the oppressor and the oppressed, and tuat no
nation ever was heartily reunited to colonies that
once refufed to submit fa her illegal exactions. That
all history from the creation shews that the fubje&
who draws hh sword against bis sovereign is ? fool
if he throws not away the feabhard. in fhert f
could prove b, history both fatred and profaht that
Hates are pofleffed of the fame passions as individu
als, and that love is for ever loft where blood is
fpilt, and for this plain reason that every state i#
nothing more not left than a colle&ion of individu
als. I knew and thought of all this when 1 ni^e the
assertion; but I knew also, I Ind principa ly to deal
with illiterate people Who could hot dete& nt. Ele
gant expression, fine turned periods, with a fly hint
now and then against the motives of their oppo
nents when well directed will answer ou purpose.
We must not now Hand upon trifles. We are fair
ly in for it, and according to the vulgar proverb,
neck or nothing. We have entirely loft ourselves
with the whig party, our paftconduct has berm
ftich that they will never trust us. All eur depen
dance murt be on the commiffioriers, let us work
faithfully far them and I doubt not but they will
reward us, I know the a&of parliament by which
his Mafefty is impowered to fend them gives no fur
ther authority to them than to receive our fubmif
fiens, but let us keep up the idea that they have full
authority to grant every thing we can ask until mat
ters are ripe.—Lyes and truth are of equal advan
tage, when properly managed. I have not written
one paragraph yet but what contains one or more
falfhoods; but then they are so genteelly dressed and
spoken with such grave composure of countenance
and leeming attachment to the cause, th.it I defy
the k-eeneft plowman among them to difeovtr them,
iff can but conceal my name I shall do very well,
but that once difeovered would turn us. The print
ers however dare not inform, so I am । retty fafe on
that head.
(The cOnelufon ik cut next.)
# #++--;-$4--+ -j-p.+--Q.+ -r .|. .4.£ ,fy
BY virtue of a writ to me directed, will be fold
by pubic vendee, on Saturday, the 6th day of
April next, at four o'clock in the afternoon, on
the premiles, one undivided one-fourth part (the
whole into four equal parts to be divided) of and
in a certain lot or piece of ground situ te on the
east fide of Second-Hreet, between Walnut and
Spruce streets, containing in front in the whole 4.0
feet 6 inches, and in depth 165 feet, more or lels,
uith the appurtenances; bounded by ground of
Ifiac Snowden, and others. Aho the like undivi
ded one-fourth part (the whole into four equal parts
to be divided) of and in a certain lot or piece of
meadow ground fixate in Wiecac-e, in the town
flrip cf Moyam+nfing ; conta ning ir the whole 3
acres and ,102 perches; bounded by ground of Wil
liam Shippen : The whole fuhjeft to annuity of
izl. per ann. during the life of jand-mether of
John Snowden, potter, and to the widoy of John
Snowden, fiddler, deceased, her dower therein -
late the estate of said John SnoWden, potter ; seized
and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
BY virtue of a writ to me directed, will be fold
by public vendue, on Monday, the ft 1 day of
April next, at four o'clock in the afternoon, on the
premises, a certain lot or pice of ground, lituate Oil
the east fide of Eighth-fc eet, in the square be ween
High and Mulberry-lfreets ; containing in breadth
20 feet, and in depth 100 feet ; bounded by ground
of Richard Annitt, and others—with the appurte
nances ; fubje& to a ground rent of 11. ,os. rir ren
cy per ann. late the estate of George Shoemaker
deceased ; seized and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEftF^ Sheriff.
BV virtue of a writ to me directed, ^77)770^
by public vendue, on Saturday, the i 3 th day
of April next, on the premifrs, at four o'clock io
the afternoon, a certain mtffuage or tenement, and
lot or piece of ground, lituate in Potts-Gove, in
the county of Philadelphia ; containing in front so
feet, and in depth 200 feet ; fubje&to a ground-r. nt
of 7s. per ann. late the estate of John Ellis; ft.^d
and taken in execution by
WILLIAM DEWEES, Sheriff.
Wilmington, Aenveafte, March \g, \ r -6\
W r A S offered for fide at the thep cf the
fubferiber, in Wilmington, übuut three
weeks ago, a final! silver W ATCH; it appear
ed to have had a China face which has been broken
off by some violence : It is supposed t. have been
stolen, and accordingly flopped, Thecwncr is de
sired to call, prove his property, and take it ,war.
JOHN STOW
N. B. He likewise informs the Public, that lie
makes all kinds of silver mounted Im dl-fwords and
cutteaus, in the neatest rammer and on the must
reasonable terms. 4