Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-06-20 00:00:00, page 5

stio account of Tutfdaj's debate in the Houje of Com
as, on the motion for repealing the tea duty in
unerica.
° /WR.Fuller made the motion, which he promif
.p ed, relative to the repeal of the tea duty.
A AHe opened it with declaring, that the Bof
,r 'or! Bill, and the other Regulations would be to
-lineffectual without repealing the tea duty. He
:, he was very fore that the motion would be pro
; ve of a great deal ofgood ; that it could not pof
do any harm. He spoke much to the temper
feelings of the House; and the arguments which
j. used served rather to point out the former confide
/ ns which th' House had had upon this question,
that the fubjeft of taxation of America was no
.v matter. After a short opening, he concluded by
making the following motion; “ That this House
" will cn resolve itfelf into a
" Committee of the whole House, to take into con
" fideration the duty of 3d. per pound weight up
" on tea, payable in all his Majeftv's dominions in
“ America, imposed by an Aft made in the seventh
" year of his present Majesty, intitled, an aft for
" granting certain duties in the British colonies and
" plantations in America, &c."
Mr. Pennant seconded the motion, and said he wish
ed much it might go to a Committee, because he
thought the principle upon which the bill was efta
blifned, as set forth in the preamble, was unjust and
impolitic; that it changed the nature of their consti
tution, and it took away the power which had always
been held sacred to an Englishman, that of levying
their own mopey; that it was similar to railing the
(hip money in King Charles's time; that those who
condemned that measure muff of course condemn this,
the one being as arbitrary and unconstitutional as the
other. He said, he fubferibed to the supremacy of
Parliament, but he thought there was a plain method
for raising by requisition, the money which you want
ed; that the people of that country would be better a
ble to afeertain how, and in what manner the sum
ought to be raised, on account of the local cirumftan
ces which may attend it. The people of Boston will
be the firft victims to your resentment; repeal this
bill, and you will meet with support from the rest of
the colonies.
Mr. Rice. This, Sir, is a motion upon the plan of
reconciliation, and there is no man would go farther
than myfelf to correct any thing that I thought would
be the means ofbringing about such reconciliation;
but I cannot concur in any thing that endangers the
supremacy of Parliament. Let us but confider the
consequence of such a repeal at this present time.—
Whenever we have made the least concession; they
have always required more; they will think that we
acknowledge that we have no right if we repeal this
law. The objection has hitherto been made on the
ground of taxation. I will confider truly what that
ground is; but I very much fear that they object to
that control which may be improper to take off; they
submitted to external taxation, to internal they always
objected. 1 will take that period then as the fixed aera
for their allowing taxation. By the repeal of the
Ramp-aft, as an internal tax, if you repeal this aft
you will allow that you have no right. I desire to
keep my stand here, and not give up that authority
which I am clear in I wish no new taxes to take
place, but I wifli to keep the right and control, which
if you give up you part with all. The interest of A
merica is the interest of Great-Britain, and 1 would
wish to make their happiness the object, and do that
which would be fatisfadory to their minds; but in
this present case, I am greatly afraid if you give up
this, you' will be required to give up much more.
Cafet. Phipps. I should be the last person in the
House to give trouble, if the importance of this ques
tion did not urge me to it ; but I cannot take the afts
of the province of Maffachufet^s Bay to be the opinion
of all America, nor those of a few designing interest
ed men in Boston to be the difpefition of the whole
province at large. I perfectly agree that the Ameri
cans cannot refill, and that the doctrine of supremacy
is good, but I think the Americans have a real secu
rity in Parliament, which is, that you can do nothing
that does not affeCt Great-Britain equally with Ame
rica. I will confider the present measure as an aft
with which they cannot comply, or, more properly,
they will not. In the light then of a mercantile tax,
it is trifling and ridiculous ; as a matter of revenue it
is absurd. If they cannot refill, they will find some
means of avoiding it. God and nature has given
them an extensive coak, and of course an opportunity
of smuggling. You will injure the manufactures of
this country in a very high degree; I do normean by
their eon-importation agreements, but by making
them prefer the manufacture which is worse than
youi's from your enemies, to those of this country,
which are better. May the right long remain in the
expediency of not exercising it. I would only have
it called for at particular times, when the emergency
of affairs require it, and when the whole of Great-
Britain and America are to receive equal benefit; but
if you exercise that right when you have no occasion
or urgent reason for raising a revenue, you will throw
the quiet man of that country into the factious man.
But how can you expert an obedience of that country
when the emoluments of it are taken from them to
supply the luxuries of men who live in this. The
province of Virginia, before Lord Botetourt wet made
OSTSCRIP T to the Pe^fyfoania Packet. No. 139,
LONDO N, April 21.
are we to expert, if we shew such a pufillanimons ti
midity in repealing this a&, merely because they ob
ject to it ? On the quedion of right they will cert duly
confider us in a more contemptuous light than they
ever yet did. Let me ask what answer they will give,
when after this the Americans shall voluntarily apply
to repeal the duty on wine, &c. the fame principle
as operates for the repeal of this, will go to that. I
do not fee what answer you can give, nor where the
complaintis likely to flop, until you have given up
the whole ; and by that means America itfelf. If you
persist in the measures you have began with, I think
there is not a doubt of your succeeding, and become,
if l may use the word, victorious; but I would have
this victory obtained by a firm, consistent, just, and
manly conduct. Ido not fee what line of discrimina
tion you can draw ; for many parts of America have
in a measure disobeyed the precepts of this country,
and behaved much in the fame manner as Boston.
It has been said, and it is a doctrine I readily agree to,
that you ought to twine the olive branch round the
sword; but if, Sir, they will return to their duty as
they ought to do, the sword will have no edge. Let
us not give way to falfe conceits, or factious proceed
ings ; be calm, and persist in a just condua. Deep
as our debt is on account of America, you will be de
prived of a 4th part of the revenue, in the day when
the fyllem of taxation will be found necessary for car
rying on the supplies of war, and the exigencies of
government; and when business inuil be kopt, with
out some resource of supply, these then wont be found
two voices about taxing America.
Mr Cornwall's throwing reflexions on the repeal
of the kamp aft, and on the cendudof theßockingham
Governor, was annually plundered of 50001. by the
non residence of former Governors. I knew a person
in that country who held eleven offices, the emolu
ments of which were appropriated to the support of
men of bad defcripnon in this. 1 approved much of
the flamp-aCt, as a necessary measure, to destroy that
nest of small petty-fogging attornies, whose business
it was to create disturbances and law suits, and live by
the plunder. There is a wide difference between
giving up a right and exercising it, but 1 cannot fee
that Parliament gives up that light, when they fay it
is not expedient to exercise it. 1 therefore wish much
for the repeal of this act, which I think you will one
day or other be forced to do.
Mr. Stephen Fox. I rife, Sir, much in favour of the
motion on your table; and I think the only reason
that has been urged against it, is, that America can
not refill. Do not, Sir, let us exercise such a conduct
merely to ffiew our power. Jam far from faying we
ought not to exert this power upon proper occasions,
but to make use of it by way of irritation, is to me
the highest ill policy, as well as absurdity ; I shall
therefore give my hearty affirmative to the motion.
Mr. Cornwall. I wish gentlemen would take into
consideration the justice of their former proceedings,
and the policy and expediency which the present
times require and occasion. The proportion which
we are now called upon to .decide, is simply this;
whether the whole of our authority over the Ameri
fhall betaken away ? It has been said we have irritated
the Americans, by taxes that are neither for the pur
pose of revenue, nor for commercial regulations.
That tax will be found to produce much more than
gentlemen think ; and however, Ittle it may produce,
the taking of it off at this time, would be both impo
litic and imprudent. Much has also been said about
gaining the afft&ons of the Americans. Ifthis was a
new quellion; I should think the gaining their affec
tions is worth a thousand times the produce of the tea
duty. It is true, Sir, that England is loaded with a
debt of a very considerable amount, on account ofthe
last American war ; and it is but just and right that
they should bear their proportion of expence. Gen
tlemen fay, that the proposition should have been
made to them by way of requisition. If 1 saw or ap
prehended the least inclination from them to assist us
in any other mode as to taxation, I would readily give
up this particular tax; but has any one offered any
thing on this head? Has any person been authorifed
to treat ; or any Ambassador sent on that occasion ? I
would meet them half way in this proposition. It has
been said that all their labours are centered in this
country, and that we should injure ourselves by laying
this tax. I look upon the interest of this country to
be so nearly connected with that, that our own anions
will be the guide of their security. America does not
meet you on the mode of taxation, but upon the que
stion of right; and, for my part, I cannot compre
hend the dikin&ion between internal and external
taxation. You repealed the stamp ad ; did America
then receive this boon or repeal chearfully? Disturb
ances have been fomenting and growing ever since.
Some few years past yon repealed three or four of these
taxes ; 1 wish much the debate on this question had
then been agitated. The queflion now is, whether it
is prudent to repeal this tax at this critical juncture?
The Americans fay, restore us to the fame situation
we were in before the stamp aft passed. Suppose we
do, we put them in a worse situation than they are
now in. The consumer of a pound of tea before that
ad took place, paid izd. by this act he pays only 3d.
the consumer therefore certainly gains pd. by every
pound he uses. This tax upon tea is certainly not
uncommercial, because tea is much cheaper now than
before ; and therefore I cannot think it can have any
afpe& of grievance as a commercial tax. What then
adminikration, called up Mr. Edmund Burke; whe
on this occasion is universally allowed to have excel
led himfelf, and to have made themoft masterly speech
that has perhaps been ever uttered in a public Assem
bly..
He spoke upwards of two hours, and the attention
of the house continued as fixed at the last moment as
at the firft.
After shewing the inutility of the tax, and its mis
chievous conleq uences to the liberties of America, and
to the trade of every part of the British empire, he
turned to the defence of the administration of his friends
with whom he said he had begun his political career,
and with whom he has continued to ad, and to think
ever since. He entered minutelv into their situation:
at the time of the repeal of the Lamp ad, which gave
occasion to the introduction of many curious and inte
relting anecdotes.
By an exad detail of fads, not questioned by any
body who spoke in the debate, he proved invincib
ly his question, that the administration of the Mar
quis of Rockingham was by far the most confident,
judicious, firm and resolute, that this nation has
been for many years, notwithstanding the indefa
tigable industry of hired libellers, whisperers, and
every kind of railers, to propagate the contrary opi
nion.
He admitted that his party were, and are still, ti
mid and fearful of throwing this empire into the
calamities ofa civil war; but whilst that had pow
er they had manfully refilled the influence under
which all others had bowed ; they had strengthened
instead of impairing, the liberty of their country,
and had steadily maintained her peace at home, and
her reputation abroad. That however careful of
their country, they had none of the little cares
of themselves, and had no fears for loss of place or
emolument.
His next obje& was to shew the falfhood and fu
tility of that aflertion, that the repeal of the stamp
add had produced the disturbances in America.
This he did in the most fatisfa&ory manner, by
an accumulation ofdates, records, and authorities
of all forts.
He shewed that America had been inflamed by
taxes, quieted by their repeal, and inflamed again
by being taxed again. He proved by fads, that
whenever we have given way, on the point imme
diately in litigation, America has on her fide, had
no retrofpea, nor disputed captiously the payment
of old ftandingtaxes. But when we have imposed
new taxes, she has constantly disputed the old;and
when we have pushed matters to extremity, she has
disputed every thing.
I his led him to go to the bottom of the evil, by
laying open the whole policy of this kingdom with
regard to the colonies, which he deduced from their
firlt settlement to the commencement of the present
reign. In this part he shewed a most profound
knowledge of that capital concern. At the period
of the peace, he entered largely into the causes of
the deviation from the ancient uniform system of
colony government, and the consequences of that
deviation.
This led into a detached examination of the cha
racters of the several ministers who had conduced
affairs since America had engreffed the attention of
Government; and, as the chara&ers of men must
have influence on their conduct, he drew at large
the pictures of George Grenville, Charles Town
fhend, and Lord Chatham, Nopart of the speech
was more admired than this was.
In this wonderfully critical situation, of giving
the characters of men, some living, some very late
ly dead, in the very midst of their friends and ene
mies, their partisans and their rivals: This extra
ordinary speaker had the rare talent of doing justice
to their virtues, and at the fame time marking their
errors, in so nice and judicicus a manner, that
chargeable neither with flattery or calumny, the
friends and foes of those great men acquiesced in
theiuftnefs of the portraits.
Theend of all was a strong and pathetic exhort
ation to a change of the present and late schemes of
American governments.
Mr. Wedderburne. lam not willing to trouble the
House long upon this occasion, as it is impossible to fay
any thing that has not been touched on before; but I
cannot agree to the characters the honourable gentleman
has given; I differ much from him in the character of
that great man (Mr. Grenville) of whom I shall always
speak with veneration; but I cannot help thinking, Sir,
that if you repeal this aft, the Americans will confider
your weakness in the highest degree, and receive it in
the fame manner as if you had done it through fear.
The difpofrion to deny your authority in America, was
long before the palling or repealing the stamp aft. The
Aflembly address the Council, how an ad of this legifla.
ture came to be enrolled in their statute book, not af
fenced to by them. Was this not a flagrant instance of
their rebellious disposition ? They confider all the afts
that restrain trade as illegal, and they want to treat with
you upon an independent footing; but if you give up this
tax, it is not here that you are to flop; you will be re