Portland gazette, and Maine advertiser — Portland, Me., 1810-06-04 00:00:00, page 2

I p^.scssd on the «t This
'* llS a irost abominable dot tine and
v as traducing ||;c sovereign in order
t > screen I is ministers. It was not fot
; " om-* i r to be admitted that his
* * *j' ^ *r.) private everntoir for
p ipers* k ..u.er official or not, which
relaud to a subject deeply Interesting
to the public.
After a d, bate which lasted till a late
Pour toe vote was taken, and on a di*
> * don the i.umbers were
/or the motion 173
Against it 171 |
Majority against the ministry 7
* bus was a hi.so compelled to give
the satisfaction asked for, to the reps* - j
stmalives c»f the people in a m on archi
v'd gore.,;menu—Now mark the dif
f vt-ence.
Previous to the last elections in the i
eastern slates, it was openly asserted -
i . conversation b> the Heads of depart-1
": .iu at Washington and circulated by
r t m i j every < oilier ert tnose states,
:aat a letter had been received from
Mr. Pinkney, minister in London, that j
the Marquis W ellesley, the king’s of
ficial organ for ioreign affairs, had dis
avowed the conduct of Mr. Jackson to
H’ards our government, and admitted
the perfect propriety, correctness and
necessity of the course they had in re
turn adopted towards him. This let
ter, thus used, gave a democratic g«v
t * nor to Massachusetts, anti has given
one to New.York. At length the Con
gressional House of Representatives,
the mischief tving entirely completed, <
Culled upon il»«* pivsi lent for a copy of
. or, to muse the thing sufficiently
palatable* 11 oi such parts ns he might
mink proper to exhibit.” The Presi
dent quickly answered them, that there
v as nothing in that letter for them to
* e ; for, that motives oi a private na
*nre and personal delicacy would not <
permit him to shew it—Nor would he ,
shew it-And there the matter rest
ed-No Whitbreads or Ponsonbys
gave him any further disturbance
h'ince that it comes out that the whole
was a gross fabrication.
Such is the difference between a
president and a king——between a J
MONARCHICAL, uVENAL HoUSB OF t
Commons,** in England, and a m re- j
PUBLICAN, VIRTUOUS HOUSE Or Rf.P- «
.'•FSENTATIVKS,” IN AMERICA.- J
Who can say “ there's nothing in a
ticrrte*” A King Charles was ,
brought to the block lor asking his (
Parliament for loo much money A *
Republican Cromwrll was adored :
t yr entering the house where that Par- !
fiament sat, and with an armed sol- j
dtery, turning them all, neck and heels, l
out into the 3'.re< t, never to sit there 1
Again.-For my part, I begin to 1
think theiv*s cr;rj thing in a name.
i
The cane of Sir Tenners Burdett. \
The principles involved in this dis
cussion art* ol much more importance
than the temporary exccsces of the ,
tnob of London, or even the confine
ment of the Baronet to the Tower.
The origin of the difficulties which
have u isen, and the distinct questions
to whic i they have given rise, ate per
haps not very generally understood in
this country.
Early in the month of March, Me.
Yokke, a member of the House of
Commons, made a motion to enlorce
an order of the House, lor the exclu
sion of strangers from the gallery ;
which, in the course of the month, oc
casioned a deal of animated debate, and
excited in the publick prints much
]K»inted animadversion upon the con
duct of this member. A Mr. Gale
Jones, as we understand, a conductor
of a debating society, published a hand*
bilh in which the motion of Mr. Yorkc
was severely handled, and denominated
%i an ou'ragz uf on public feeirng." and
himself strongly censured, and even
libelled. A motion was made, in con
sequence of Ike appearar.ee of this
band-bill, that John Gale JoneSy should
be committed to Newgate, for a breach
of the privileges of the House. Sir
Francis Burdett opposed the motion,
not only on the ground that the hamFbill
in qu estion was not a breach of privile
ge. but that the House of Common^ had
no right to commit a citizen without
form f trial, Sc for an indefinite period.
John Gale Jones, how’cvtr, was commit
ted to Newgate ; which circumstance
called forth the famous letter of Sir '
Fr ancis Burdett to Ids constituents,
the Freeholders of Westminster, which
ins engroced so much ot the attention
of the English public.
A letter from a personage of such
tig i standing, a member of the House, |
a leader of the people, and a flaming ;
patriot, naturally c..lied forth the atten-,
tion of tin* House of Commons. This
ntiesiion therefore arose—!t That the
letter v-.ix a scandal0*!** and Hkctfou* /?c- i
/tery reflecting on the j':si right* and
Orrvileg** nf the Housed*
The letter had made ti?c of the same
argument which have just sugges- j
ted ; and a rcy learned debate arose
in pariiment upon the subject, in which
the light of the House of Commons to
*
♦ orr.u i in ;hc qz*l of John Gale Jorcc
as veil as Sir Francis Burdett, receive*
the attention of Sir John .imtmthtr
\ Mr. iSttphnif’, and Mr. JlJam*, win
ruaintainr *1, and I^nrd Fatksronr, Sii
Suiniicl Jioniely, an*l Mr. 1 I’hi thread
who denied tlie general right. M ht
debate was closed by a vote in lavor ol
committing Sir Francis Burdett to the
Tower, by a majority of 38.
But it seems that Sir Francis not
only denied the authority of the House
in the case of Jones, who was not a
j member ; but in his own case also :
) and therefore refused to comply with
j the Speaker’s warrant for commitment.
The consequence was that the Ser
! geant at Arms, accompanied by a mil
| itary force, broke into his dwelling, and
, forcibly executed the warrant. This
produced a new question, whether
the breaking into the house was not
illegal. The several questions will prob
ably be determined in their courts of
law, and the power and privileges of
the House of Commons strictly inves
tigated and defined.
After Sir Francis was committed to
the Tower (of which p \rticular ac
counts have already been given) he sent
a violent, insulting and inflammatory
letter to the Speaker of the House, in
which he charged him with know
ing “ his warrant to be illegal,” and
expresses his determination in his for
mer opinion. The order taken upon
this letter was, “ that it u'as a high and
flagrant breach of the privileges of this
House; but it appearing by the report
of the Sergeant at Arms, that the war
rant for the committal of Sir Francis
Burdett to the Tower has been execu
ted, u .s House does not think it neces
sary to proceed further in the busi
ness.” This letter, it ought to be ob
served, recieved the universal disap
probation of all the triencls of Sir Fran
cis and the order passed the House, wr
nunt contradicenti.
Letters upon French Influence.
NUMBER III.
To the Pc'j/ile of the United States.
THE constitution makes it the duty of
tin? President, “ From time to time to give
to the Congress information of the state of
the Union, and recommend to their consider
ation such measures, as lie shall judge nec- ;
essary and expedient.” This duty Mr.
Jefferson was not very much in the habit of
performing. Or rather, like Mr. Erskine,
lie departed from the letter of his “ in
structions,” to execute what he chose to '
deem their spirit. The gun-boat system,
and the project of paying money to France,
as the price of peace, under the pretence of
purchasing Florida from Spain, were prom
inent instances of this policy. His conduct,
in both those cases, will he reviewed at
large, and with original illustrations, in fu- 1
ture numbers. A better service to the in
terests nt political truth, and of course to
those of the “ good old ukited
states,** can hardly be rendered. The
review will involve a complete defence of
the “ republican minority,” or democratic,
scceders from French policy, and will be
followed by their acquittal of the charge,
that their conduct resulted from impure '
motives, and was the consequence of dis
appointment. 1
The power to give information to Con-t
gross, could not have been intended to
mean the same as to withhold information ]
from tin* People. This construction would i
evidently he contrary to the acknowledged
theory of the constitution. It can never he
too much insisted on, by real republicans,]
that the constitution is the act of ** We the
People,” and that “ to secure the blessings ,
of liberty to ourselves ami our posterity,” ;
forms the summit of the climax descriptive 1
of the objects for which the constitution !
was ordained and established. The politi* i
cal system of our country was not calcula
ted, by its authors, tor the meridian of a re*
gioutuled by a “ dark divan.” It was meant
for a realm of light and lustre. It was ne
ver intended that the President should be
secluded in a * Seraglio,’ or shut up with
‘Cardinals in conclave’ It was not con
templated that a weak, nerveless, but in
triguing President, or any other President,
with a small majority ot obsequious parti
sans in the Legislature, should shroud that
venerable body in darkness, and force the
minority to debate and act, week after
week, and almost month after month, ex
cluded from the light of popular ceinnium
c it ion, anil almost from the light of heaven.
The framers ot the constitution, clearly, did
not contemplate any such thing as the com
munication of secret ‘ information’ from the j
President to Congress, or they would have [
provided for the exvrcise of a power which .
they could deem no less important than ■
that given to the two Houses of Congress j
to keep :i secret journal.
But the President, together with the Sen
ate, is vested with the jxiwer of making
treaties. Treaties require secresv. Yet
the President has no power to oblige even
the Senate to consider his communications
i as confidential. That body must exercise
, its own judgment in such a case. And the
majority has no other ' ,ht to close the
! mouths of the minority than what results'
from the authority given t>v the constitution !
to both Houses to “ publish a journal, t v-1
cep'itig Much part as may in their judgment *
| re ui>e scctcsy.'* Still a member ot the mi
| nority ought not, in any common case, to
1 publish any part of the proceedings contrary <
. to the wilt of the m qority. Mr. M.isun was (
I censured for publishing the British treaty, 1
■ even by some of bis own party. But how 1
, far do the rights of the President, in conse
quence tf the treaty making power, go to
seal the lips of the members of the House
' °f Representatives ? Can lie contTnunicate
"hat papers he pleases to *hat body ; and,
by a nod from his polit ical Olympus, impose
upon that b- «’y the degrading necessity ot
being silent as to their contents, at his own j
discretion I* the injunction to produce *
; concealment cf the iubsiar.ee br the form 1
. - . -*l
-oft! c d rum nts, o'be'*; pubs’ar f »rm,
,i or of which, esclusivtly ot lhe oilier > Have
•he members no right to examine the sub
‘ ject for themselves, and firm ;.o t*pin!on
i .vhether the papers communicated do or do
!• iot belong to the proper sphere of the trea
. y nuking power ? And i' the House neg
, lects to make a decision involving such an
.. ipinion, are individual members precluded
from it, as it respects the regulation of their
■ own conduct * As it is a mere matter of
opinion how far the House ct Represent*
> tires possess any constitutional power of co
,i operating with the President and Senate in
11! e formation of treaties, is not every mem
1 ber to judge for himseli how lar he is
-bound to respect the opinion of the cxecu
!live upon that subject ? Is it not the bet
ter opinion, even upon the principles of the
•democrats themselves, that the House of
Representatives have no previous agency
whatever in the matter of treaties, but a
power, and that to be exercised in extreme
cases only, of checking the President and
Senate, when they make treaties destruc
t ve to the State, bv refusing to make the
appropriations necessary to carry such trea
ties into eflect ? And i( this be correct,
what power has the President to communi
cate to the House documents respecting a
treaty contemplated or commenced, &. what
I right has t he House to act upon them in
that character ? If such powers and rights
exist, are they unlimited in duration as well
as in extent ? Are they to operate upon par*
ticular cases, not only in the present, but
through every future age ? Some of these,
las Dr. Franklin said to the House of
Lords, are deep questions. AH of them aie
momentous. It woulvt be absurd to contend
that the right of imposing secrecy upon a
| member of Congress ceases to operate up
on that member, when he ceases to be a
i member. In that case, it would only be ne
cessary for a member to resign his seat, to
become entitled to the privilege of publish
ing the whole of the secret journals of the
(body to which lie belonged. No. Let rea
sonable constructions be made in all doubt
ful cases. So far as the n%ht to impose the
injunction of secrecy is fairly warranted by
the constitution, it must be admitted ihat
the duration of the obligation resulting from
the exercise of that right, must depend up
on the pleasure of the body by whom it is
tnus constitutionally exercised. And it is
certain that eacii House of Congress does
possess the right of keeping a secret jour
nal of its proceedings. Its power to conceal
political documents, relative to the “ com.
inon defence and general welfare,” is quite
another thing. Documents, especially ex
ecutive ones, are not regularly a part of the
journal. When printed for tlie use of the
members, they are printed in distinct sheets,
unconnected with the journal, and never
considered as a part of it, not considered e
ven as appendices to it. If the President
communicates papers professedly relating
to tlie intended origination of a treaty, which
papers are not entered on the secret jour
nal, what have they to do with the constitu
tional power of the Mouse to keep a secret
journal of its proceedings? What natural
connection have they with the secret jour
nal rather than with die public one ? How
can they be considered as “ proceedings”
of the House at all ? How, indeed, can the
House proceed to act constitutionally upon
them ? Did the democrats ever pretend,
even in the days ol the famous British trea
ty, that the House of Representatives could
claim a nght of co-operating with the Pres
ident and Senate in tlie origination of a
treaty, especially a treaty totally in connec
ted with the legislative power to regulate
commerce ? Or, if the House could not
claim the rigid, that the President could
communicate it to them !
Prom this view of the subject it appears
easy to establish, most unanswerably and
conclusively, that the President oossesses
no constitutional POWER, vi any case
whatever, to impose any injunction of secre
cy upon ihe members of the House of Rep
resentatives. i
Not “ Sugar Plums k Capers,”
BUT
Cash, Gold Hatches studded with dia
monds, diamond Kings, and Cash
mere Shawls—
WILL SERVE MT TURN.
The extravagance of Mr. Jefferson’s econ
omical administration, is becoming more
manifest every day. The secrets of govern
ment are in a rapid train of disclosure, and I
cannot fail to open the eyes of a very much
abused and very deluded people. Wilkin
son's petty extravagance at New-Orleans,
which exasperated the public against him
and Jefferson, was but as a musquitoe to an
elephant, compared with Lear’s barbarous
extravagance at Algiers. The Editor of
the Connecticut Mirror deserves the thanks
of the nation for having undertaken to strip
tlie mask from that deceptions system of
democratic misrule, which has left the
nation to stare frith rueful countenances at
their EXHAUSTED TREASURY—
Indeed* it is now no longer wonderful how
it became exhausted. Among Col. Lear’s
| accounts are the following curious expendi
' lutes, which will cause some of our plain
farmers to pull off their spectacles, wipe
them, and then look again, as if doubtful
whether they saw' clearly at the iirst per
usal.
Disbursements by Tobias Lear, as Consul Gen
eral oj the Lnited States at Algiers.
CASH.
180.5. DolU.
November 5—Paid for SECRET
! SERVICES 10
! 1807.
January o—L»ave tlie servants ot four
! persons in place, on taking coftee
with them before departure for Tu
nis 80
March 23—Gave do. of do. on taking
cottee after return from Tunis 80
i October 27—Gave to the Aga 360
December 2i—Distributed 10,000
WATCHES.
1 1805.
juue. Gold watch with diamonds 500
d°- with do. 550
with dc. 1,900
<>• with do. 1,300
beft. do, with do. 1,260
1808
i November 19. Gold watch and
( ch*in richly set vith biiiliants 1 100
1804
March 23 -An elegant gold repeat
- Jng watch ahd chain, ricUly.wnr*
i merited with diamonds
SHAWLS AND KINGS.
1807 onn
March 23. One Cashmere shawl 200
1805
June. A diamond ring L )O0
A diamond ring 1,200
S20,?69
Don't fiint, reader, when you get thus
far, because these are only a part of the il
(cms ; swell trifling expenditures as giving
the Algerines 152 dollars lor two salutes to j
the trigate Constitution, &c. &.c. fc.c. are
not noticed in the above. And then the
secret service cash, and the secret service di- •
amond watches, and the secret service dia*
i mond ring ! What a qtieer monster is this
same Democracy !
Important Decision !
P>y information from a gentleman just
arrived from France, we hear that a cu
rious question was discussed by a Sy
nod of Bishops on the occasion of the
meeting between Bonaparte and the
Austrian Piincess, at the town ofCotn
piegns, on the river Cise, 45 miles
north-east of Paris. It was inquired of
these Prelates, assembled in the Eccle
siastical Court, if it were lawful, that
Napoleon and Maria-Louisa, who had
bee!) married by proxy at Vienna,
could, consistent with the Christain law,
sleep beneath the same canopy ? After
a short consultation of these Episcopal
Doctors, permission was given, and we
are told that the religious scruples of
the Imperial Maiden were by these
venerable Patriarchs happily removed.
Napoleon and his bride were pas
sing the honey moon at Camfiiegne, and
were soon to visit Italy. Further re
inforcements were to be sent to spain
and Portugal. The combined army of
English and Portuguese, amounted to
upwards of 100,000 men, including,
probably, 40,000 militia. Lord Wel
lington was about to advance, when a
battle was expected.
BONAPARTE'S ROD.
A long, very long, and melancholly list
of American vessels, comprising ONE
HUNDRED and THIRTY FOUR sail,
which have been seized, sequestered, or
sold in the ports of Frame, Spaii, Holland,
Italy, Naples, and other places under the
iron scourge of Bonaparte, has been
published, on official authority ; but has not
excited one emotion of indignation, or even
blame in those thin-skined would-be
thought Patriots, who have pretended such
an ardent regard for the sanctity of the A.
merican neutral flag ;—such a high-minded
determination to vindicate the rights of their
country to a free trade.—Such a sympathy
for the discomfitures of American seamen,
and the safety of Americun property ! ! No,
not one aspiration of disgust or complaining
has escaped their patriotic lips on this oc
casion—because they see the hand of Na
poleon ordering the seizure, and signing
the sequestration ; and because it is their
creed, that France tan do no wrong.
Edward Livingston, Esq. now of New-Or
leans, has brought a suit against Thomas
Jefferson, on the ground of Ins having ejec
ted him from the Batture of New-Orleans,
while Mr. J. w'as President of the U. S.
His damages are set at 100,000 dlls, and the
writ has been served. The federal court,
in which trial is to be had, is now sitting at
Richmond.
The expenses of the Navy of the U. States
from 1790 to 1800 inclusive, being 11 years,
amounted to 8,817,523 dollars. And from
1801 to 1809 inclusive, being 9 y'ears, they
were 14,828,446 or nearly double under the
democratic administrations of what they
were when the Federalists administered the
government. The Federalists built a navy
of about 81 ships of war, 15 of which the de
mocrats sold ; and all they have left us for
the FIFTEEN MILLIONS OF DOL
LARS they have expended, are a few of the
frigates, &e. which were built by the feder
alists, and Mr. Jefferson's gun boats, which
are acknowledged by bis own party to be
Useless '. — Mass Spy.
Another Hoax. A letter from Paris of so
early a date as Dec. 18, says, “ Madame Je
rome Bonaparte is created a Princess, and
her son acknowledged a Prince, and succes
sor of King Jerome—who has kindly offered
his services to mediate a settlement be
tween France and the U. States.”_We
wonder it were not added, anil to remune
rate the U. States for the ir.tny mdlions of
dollars pilfered from them by his Imperial
Brother Napoleon !
All Fie recent accounts from Washington
fuin.sh demonstrations.almost <>s strong as
“proofs of holy xorit," that the neople of Nru
England have been cheated out of the servi
ce* of their wisest and most patriotic citi
zens, by f alshoods fabricated in the lobora
tones in Washington, on purpose to be cir
culated to deceive anil cajole the people ilu- i
ring the important periods of their elections !
But such base and despicable arts will not
be without their use, if the People have
wisdom to profit by experience.
_
Iffitslature of ^asoarljusctts.
. ..
ROSTOV, JUNE I.
Oii \\ ednesday, the gentlemen cho
sen to compose the Legislature of
| Massachusetts the current year, assem
bled at the State House in this town,
j la the Senate 20 Federal Republicans
were present, and 19 of the Democrat
j ic Party. In consequence of these
relative numbers it was in the power
of the minority to present the majori*
j ty from electing a president, unless
the federal candidate li id voted for
himself. This power the minoritv
j ex rch-d in all the attempts on Wed
Mr- r-. ,t. . ^
. candidate, and Mr. JJA15A .l
’ critic T!,c lormcr Rvmd^7' *
not vote at all. .-x. q,. t)wfi £
loling, the latter voted f>n tVer •
al. *
In the House, Mr. Mo*Tn* w
chosen Speaker hy a plm^. J**J
votes ; Mr. C. P. Sumner, Ckil 211
plurality of 20. ,b^;
His Excellency the Governor * I
Honor the I.ittit. Governor, the n
Council, and tin* Hun, the Spra,A
and Representatives, escorted bv?i'
Independent Cadets, proceeded*
first Church in Summer street, '
the Election Sermon was deliver^?
the Rev. 1). Parish. ^
Alter divine service the Lepisbi,,,
I aKain assembled, anti in the liotiy
; usual motion was made to thuk 2
I Rev. Clergyman for his Sermon, 2
request a < of y for the press. yi
| was opposed by persons ol the
i»K party, liul the decision postnoJl
to Monday.
Yesterday the Senate made r]l0Gr(*
lion. Harrison g on . s
President. Mr Otis had O ’f,(
and Mr. Dana 18. Natt
Coffin, Esq was re-elected (k *
In the House, a remonsir nrt ...
gainst the tier.lion of Mr. HohUq
Wei ton, was committed.—AIr
monstrance against the election i
Gloucester.
A message was received i|.«
Senate, informing that the Hun. Mes
srs. King, Sprague, Kendall, \Ve3k
and Ashman, with such as the Mo.
may join, be a committee to ex.iri^
the returns ot votes for Governor
Lieutenant Governor, The House ad
ded, Messrs Smith of W. S Russell d
Boston, Green of Berwick, Holman
Sprague of S. and Lincoln.
The House assigned Saturday,4 o'
clock, for coming to the choice of a
Chaplain,
'Phe following Standing Committee!
were appointed.
On T manor—?*Iessrs. Crownia*
shield, Cobb, of B. Wood ol W. IL
of G. Winn of S.
On Engrossed Mils—Messrs YY
of W. Grecnleafof Q. Leban on o'I
Bills in the 2d reading—Messt
Townsend, Davis, of P. PrentisofL
On the Pay Poll—Messrs KingbY
| ry of W. Chute of W. Pike of S.
On Election—Messrs. Sprague of!
Fay of C. Howe of S. Never*, of K. g |
Lincoln of W.
On returns of A Timbers—Messrs,! f
Foster, Wheeler of L. Whitman ofH
On the flay of A [embers—Messrs
Moody of S. Ives of G. B. and 0»k<.
On abdications Jar leave (fahmc—
Messrs. Mocdv of S. Wade. \ iad.
On Academi s— Messrs. Green, lit
tle, and French.
TS-—-—-------rr
iBcitiantk
Monday, June 4, 1310.
FROM EUROPE.
By arrivals since our last, Lost!***
dates to April 2 4, have bteh receifd.
by which it appears* that London.'E
its vicinity continued much agitated on
account cf the commitment oi Sr
Francis Burdett to the'l ower 1 E
clamour of the people against the n»io
istry, had not abated. i he livery ol
London were to convene on the 24th
ot April ii to take into consideraiiop
the alarming assumption of privileged
by the House of Commons and tin
inhabitants of Middlesex were to con
vene on the 26th, fo- t same purpow
Ineffectual effort- at oecn made a’
Paris, to induce the Emperor to render
more extensive loan at present, his*1
censing system.
Two French privateers, with rich
cargoes, and a large sum ot spec*’
have been captured and sent into
land.
A Vienna at tide states, that atttwfr ’
will immediately be made by French k
other negociators, to bring atjout a £cn‘
end peace. They were shortly to pi
eced from Paris to London for that
purpose.
By a new treaty between France a’ -
Holland, all trade whatever is for’*1
between England and the latter coun
try ; and a corps of IS,000 men, 0
whom 6000 are to be French custom
house pimps and spies, is to’>ee*T'
1 ployed for the purpose of carrying**
\ into effect. These troops are to he P3- *
fed and clothed bv the Dutch "osel*'•
ment. It likewise obliges the
Holland to provide 9 sail of the lined’
frigates, and a flotilla of 100 gun-boa.*
to be maintained and kept, in const-tf
readiness during the war. fbe
article of this treatv relates to the bn*
d
ted Stales, ii is as follows :
w All the* merchandize imported1?
A me tican vessels that have ar
the ports of Holland since the urstr
February, 18C’9, shall be put un- "* ^
questration, and made over tol ' m^
in order to her disposing thereof c
ding to the circumstances, anti the * .
©flier political relations with the
ted States.’*
t