Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-04-24 00:00:00, page 5

Ext,all of a letter from London, dated March 3.
CC T EST you should not have a true idea of
JL/ Lend North's design in his motion, I fend
you ttoinclofed paper, which gives a pretty just
account of what he said on the occasion, and fho^s
plainly it was planned to divide the Colonies as
well as the friends of Liberty here ; in both which
I hope he will be deceived. The bill against the
four New-England governments, of which you
Lave had a copy, will finally pass the House of
Commons this day, and is to take place the so ft <' ay
of July next. You may rely upon it, that in a few
days another bill will be brought into the Henle of
Commons, to prohibit the other Colonies from any
commercial inrercourfe with each other, and to
confine their trade in every individual article, to
Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Weft-Indies
only.—M, belt information tells me, that General
GAGE is fill to continue in Massachusetts Bay;
some of the troops going from hence and Ireland
are for Bo&m, the others for New-York, where
they have, it is said, been requested to b sent by
D and his band of traitors, C , W——,
C , and W , to aid them in securing
New-York for the Ministry : This it seems they
have undertaken to do with military assistance.
" New-York is to be a place of arms, and provi
foms are to be provided there for support of the ar
ray in New-England ; at the fame time they hope,
by hawing po&ffion of New-York, to prevent any
affifiamce faun Virginia, Maryland, P-nnfylvania,
and the other fouthein Colonies, going to New-
Enfod, of which they are very apprehensive. I
hope there is rrtue enough in the people of New-
York to defeat this scheme, and that they will ban
ift from their society the heads, at least, of the
traitors, before the troops get there to back them,
which cannot be sooner than the last of May.
'« I do not fee orcafion to advise what is best to be
done in the present fituatiun of things, because if
you mean to continue Freemen, refinance even to
the bit extremity mull be made, and if with united
effects, it will in my opinion aflurediy be fuccefsful.
If you are willing to be Slaves, you are only to sub
mit rt once and wear your chains quietly.
" I do not entertain the least doubt of your per
severing in, so noble a contefl, and with proper ap
pl:©tim the Colony of New-York will, I think,
folia you heartily."
From the London Evening Post, February 25.
£ CIRCUIT antial Account of the Im
fobtant Debates in the AMERICAN
COMMITTEE on Lord NORTHS Mo-
TTiGN of Monday If?.
ON Sunday evening a Treasury Letter, desi
ring an attendance in the House for the next
&y, was lent to the most active perlons in oppo
fanom, as well as to all those who support Mini
fry; as Lord North had a motion of importance
to make. It is unusual to fend such letters to the
members who oppose. This MefTage therefore
uczafiLucdl much speculation. Early on Monday
it was univerfaliy given out that Lord North in
tended to m.Q#e a conciliatory Proportion, which
wmlA have a tendency to quiet the troubles that
cahappiTy diffract the British empire.
Ahern four o'clock Sir Charles Witworth took
the chair m the American Committee, Lord North
immediately rose, and Laving laid open his design
m a fpeecb. of rather less than an hour, concluded
with the fallowing morion :
" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that
'« when the Governor, Council, and Assembly,
8 « or General 'Court, of any of his Majesty's Pro
** winces ar Colonies in America, diall propose to
* g make provision, according to the conditions,
^ cireurn dances, and situation of such Province
** or Colony for contributing their proportion to
** the common defence (such proportion to be taifed
^ under the authority of the General Court or
'" General Assembly of such Province or Colony,
" and difpo'able by Parliament) and (hall engage
" to make provision also for the support cf tie civil
% life People of PENNSILVANI A.
¥rt^^ H E foll owing letter, and public pa
~ so per therein referred to, were received
on Saturday from a Gentleman of
^f^^tf character in England. By these you
may difeover what Lord North meant
by his infidiGus motion for suspending the bloody
mas of Administration. A virtuous refiftanrie
or an infamous submission now lie before you.— =
Take the better part, and a& like men, who at
all events are determined to secure their country
from the evils meditated against her.
" government, and the adminfrat on of justice in
" such province or colony; it will be prober, if
" such proposal fall be approved by his Majefly,
" and the two Houses of Parliament, and for so
" long as such provision shall be made accor
" dmgly, to forbear, in refpe& offuch province or
“ colony, to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, or
f to impose any further duty, tax, or assessment;
" except only such duties, as it may be expedient
°* to impose for the regulation of commerce.
°° The neat proceeds of the duties last mentioned
" to be carried to the account of such province
" or colony refpe&ively."
The motion was supported by Governor Pow
^, Mr. Jenkinfon, Sir G.Elliot, Mr. Cornwall,
and Mr. Wedderburne.
The Principal arguments used by these Gen
riernen, and particularly by Lord North in favour
&f the proportion, were the following: That
Postscript to the Pennsylvania Packet. No. 183.
PHILADELPHIA, so 24.
This proportion ought not to be fettled by a
Congrefi. Such a mode could only tend to pro
mote factious combinations in the Colonies; who,
as Colonies, have no fort of relation among them
selves. "Ibey are all the Colonies of Great Bri
tain ; arid it is through her alone that they have
any relation to each other.
At present the ®uota which each Colony ought
to pay, cannot be fettled; but the proportions,
(when the Americans come to make their offers)
must be adjusted upon the following Standard ;
-—the Wealth and Population of each Colony;—
its Advantages relatively to the other Colonies ; —
and its Proportion to the Wealth and other Ad
vantages, taken together with her Burthens and
Neceflities,. of Gfeat-Britain.
There had been much talk of the ReftriAions
on the trade of the Colonies; but when the goods
which they take from this country only because
they ate the best and the cheapest, ffiall be deduc
ted from the account of Reftridion, the Americans
wil have but little ground for exemption on that ac
count ; and they will be found so much on a Par
with the inhabitants of Great Britain in commer
cial advantages, that reason and justice require
they should be put on a Par with regard to their
contributions; and to pay (after the above deduc
tion) full as much in taxes as the people of Great-
Britain. Seventy Millions of debt in the last war
was incurred Jo eb on their account; aid in equity
the Americans ought to bear at least their fair pro
portion of it. The army and navy of England
are employed for their pfotedion in common with
the rest of the empire; they ought therefore to
contribute both to the army and navy; and when
a fleet is sent to the East-Indies, the Colonies
ought to pay their share of the charges, just as
well as when it is stationed on the coast of North-
America: For this force being for the common
benefit, the Colonies are virtually included in the
frrotedion derived from it, wherever it is employed.
As to the mode of taxation, provided the sub
stantial fapply is obtained, it is our interest to
interest to indulge the colonies in this particu
lar as much as we can; partly because we may
not be as knowing in the detail as the American
aflemblies. and we may oppress when we meant
only to tax; and partly, because it has been
found almost impossible for parliament to lay
taxes there, which would produce any thing in
any degree adequate to their purposes.
His Lerdfhip conft ffed, that he rather imagin
ed this proportion would not be to the taste of
the Americans ; and would not be complied with
by several of the colonies. However, if but
one of them submitted, that one link of the chain
would be broken; and if so, the whole would
inevitably fall to pieces. This separation would
restore our empire ; and divide et impera was a
maxim never held unfair or unwise in govern
ment. If this hope should b^ fiuftfated, and
that the proportion should do 7:0 good in America,
it will not bo wever fail of doing good in England.
First, it will stand as an eternal monument of the
wisdom and clemency, of the humanity and
justice, cf British government. —Secondly, it
will shew to the traders and manufaclureis of
England, the temper and moderation of parlia
ment, and the oLftinacy and difaffiftion of the
Americans ; and will of cour e support them
under the decay and loss of trade, and all the
miferie, of war. They will bear with patience
all these temporary losses, when they are as
sured that they are incurred for the fake of a
large revenue, which is to ease them from the
many and heavy taxes which at present oppress
their induffry.—Thirdly, it will animate the
officers and soldiers we fend out to America to
a vigorous and manly exertion of their native
courage, without doubt or scruple, when they
Justice and policy, he said, required, that
every person under any government should be
compelled to become tributary to that government,
according to his ability, and to the support he de
rives from it. This principle ought to extend to
the Colonics, and to all, other dependencies of
this empire, just as much as to any part of Great-
Britain; and the slightest relaxation of any penal
or refritiive statutes, now made or hereafter to
be made, in consequence of their disobedience and
contumacy, ought not to be so much as listened to,
until they come to Parliament, and offer such con
tributions, as that Sovereign Judge and Legislator
should decide to be their just and fair proportion
towards the common defence of the whole em
pire; and that this offer m&ft be understood as
the Condition upon which we are to accept their
Allegiance.
in the late address of the two Houses, a promise
was given to ledrefs the grievances of the Ame
ricans. It was indeed impossible to define what
Parliament ought to deem a real grievance among
the many factious complaints of the Americans.
But as there was one point upon which they and
others were most particularly clamourous, the
matter of TAXATION, it would be proper
to come to a fair and indulgent explanation on
that fubjed; and as many new reftridions on the
trade of the Americans had been already propo
sed, and as many more were intended, in that si
tuation the Colonies ought fairly to know what
they are to lxpect, and what is expected
from them.
Such is the substance of the plan, and of ar
guments used in support of it. The House at
firft seemed strangely agitated and divided. Al
- all of those who usually support Ministry,
manifefted so great a dMlike of the measure,
that many apprehended Lord North on a division
would be found in a minority. On the other
hand, several in opposition seemed unwilling
to vote against any thing which carried with it
even the name of conciliation with the Colonies.
However, as the debate proceeded, the true na
ture and purpose of the propnfition were more
fully developed. The opposition to it went dif
ferent ^ays, and on totally different grounds.
On cne fide it was oppof.d by Mr. Welbore Fl
- s, Vice 1 reafurer of Ireland ; by the Solici
tor General of Scotland; by Mr. Adams, Mr.
Ackland, arid some others of the minilierial
members.
If it should seem to be abandoning the high
ground taken in the address, or to be contrary
to the assurances so frequently given, " that no
terms should be held out to America previous to
its submission," this is nothing (said Lord North)
but what is common. The greatest powers have
done it. In the war of the succession it was a
fundamental point, that no prince of the house
of Bourbon should ever fit on the throne of Spain.
This was several times repeated, and in the most
solemn manner --such politics are necessary to
gain, or to animate allies—yet all the powers
which composed this confederacy yielded; and
a prince of the house of Bourbon did fi r , and one
cf the fame house does now fit on the throne of
Spain. In the Spanish war of 1739 we declared,
that we would never treat with Spain until she
had given up the point of search. Yet peace:
was made without her giving up this point, and
the search continues. Lord North added to
these, several other instances, in which great
powers had abandoned theit pretentions, and
disappointed the hopes they had held out to their
allies.
Mr. Ellis declared, that possibly he might dif
fer from every other gentleman, and stand quie
single. But it was his opinion, the House
would be funk, by the acceptance of the noble
Lord s motion, into the lowest Rate of degrada
tion. A very few days ago no less than three
hundred of them had carried up to the Lords an
Address, declaring all the Colonies in a Rate of
disobedience, and one of them in a&ual rebel
lion ; an Address offering their lives and for
tunes for the suppression of that rebellion ; —an
Address making the previous submission of the
Americans, in their tumble petition to Parlia
ment, and their acknowledgment of its autho
rity, conditions indispensable to all redress of
grievances, real or imaginary. In a few days
after, without any reason affigried, without any
known variation of circumstances, without any
petition, submission, or acknowledgment what
ever, for the House to come to a refoluJon di
le&ly contrary to the former, was the most hu
miliatory ttroke to the dignity of Parliament,
which in his long experience he had ever re
membered. Nothing could so highly reflect
upon its courage, honour, wisdom, and con
firtency; but as the fubje& was full of irrita
tatior, and as he was afraid, though a very old
member, that he might be betrayed into some
improper expressions, he chose to fit down
without further diicuffion of a matter, which in
deed spoke so fully for itfelf.
I he fame line of argument was taken by the
other gentlemen on the Court fide, who op
po fed the motion upon the principle of its in
confirtency with all the former declarations of
administration, and with the late address of
bpth Houles of Parliament.
are affared they no longer fight for a phantom,
and a vain, empty point of honour, but for a
substantial benefit to their country, which is to
relieve her in her greatest exigences.
That this is putting the quarrel at last upon
^ proper ground—a dispute for revenue—a dis
puce to compel America to come to the relief of
Great-Britain. That it was no conceding pro
position—but what true policy must suggest, if
they had adually subdued America, and had
her prostrate at their feet. That it is notto aban
don the authority of parliament, but to confirm
it; it is to enforce it in the most effectual man
ner, and for the most essential objects ; —becaufe
the taxing power is, by this resolution, in the
bands of parliament ; and to be exercised merely
according to its diferetion. All the vigorous
measures, either by penal laws, or by the mi
litary force, are to go on exactly as before; and
no further relaxation whatsoever is intended.
This is the ultimatum.
Ihe gentlemen of the minority, who had
opposed all measures of severity towards Ame
rica, declared, with a marked solemnity, -that
they came to the House on the report of the
change of measures, with a full refolntion of
fuppjrting any thing, which might lead in any
way towards conciliation—but that they found
the proposition altogether insidious in its nature,
and therefore purposely rendered to the last de
gree obicure and perplexed in its language. In-
Read of being at all fitted to produce peace, it
was calculated to increase the disorders and
corfufions in America ; —and therefore that
they never could consent to it.