The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1779-03-30 00:00:00, page 2

SIP
As Chairman of the Republican Society, your name
is signed to several pieces published in toe late papers,
which from the stile and manner of them appear to be
performances of James Wilson, Esquire : To him be the
honour or the flume of the consequences which may arise
fronithern. Whatever pains I was at to spread abroad
copies of the reminflrance to the Honorable House of Ge
n ral Assembly, I #ill take at lead ten times the pains to
fp'read through every part of the State the publications
hgued by you; and from this you may form an opinion
of the effects which I think they will produce.
The Republican Society had an undoubted right to
adopt the sentiments which they contain, nd publish them
to the world, it they thought proper, and, whatever my
be the consequences of those publications, I Ihall ever be
lieve that many of the members of your club meant ho-
neftly.
But there are sentiments expressed in each of them which
come from you witli a peculiar ill grace, and some oftliem
affect me, both as a member of the Convention and as
Secretary of the Council : For it is true, and 1 feel no blulh
in acknowledging it, that " ^y daily bread depends on
my office." If there is ' any dishonour arising from ftich
circumstances, take your Afire of it : For I think you de
pend on ,our office for your duty bread as much as I do on
mine. And, if there are ofer circumflances in which
your fate and mine have had a pretty strong likenrfs, you
have my cenfent to name them if you please. How, then,
can you without a blush charge poverty on any man as a
crime? And Mr. Wilson, who now holds up his head so
vey high, may, if he pleases, consult his authorities for a
few years back, and form an opinion concerning his title
to a sentiment of this kind to be addrefied to him. When
I confider how many of the brave officers of our army,
who have nobly defended our common country and t.e
cause of liberty, depend, honorably depend, on the com
mission and office which they have bravely earned by their
virtue and firmnefs---men whose conduct does honor, not
only to themselves, but also to that country which their
{words hav@ 'defended---! fay, when I confider this cir-.
cumftance, I am aftoaifhed that such a sentiment mould
have been obtruded on the world by the Republican Soci
ety. For my part, I think it am honor to any man to
earn, by a faith ul difeharge of his duty, the bread he
eats, and it. is peculiarly so in a Republican government.
It is not my intention to confider the arguments, since
they are to be called arguments, which have been urged
by your club against the constitution. They shill have
their r ull force with my full consent. Neither is it my in
tention to remark, upon your having quoted ai oath from
the confutation whieh is not to be found in it, although
this pretended quotation miy be fairly urged as a full proof,
that the gentlemen of your focisty have not read, with
attention, the publication whi h they have fignel, or,
that they had not read the constitution with much care
and circumfpeaion. But, it is to my purpose to remark,
that if there have been " deceivers" w o have era eivour
el to eflablhh a single branch of legislature in the govern
ment of Pennsylvania, the Members of the Convention
who framed it must, surely, be taken^into the number ;
and, you cannot have forgotten, that your venera 1 Ie fa
ther-in-law was one of tnem. You muff know, Sir, if
you have given any attention to public affairs, that the
Convention paid the highest refpeft to his opinion on this
very point.* The thought occurred to me, an! I was
about to have asked, Whose opinion, among the Members
of your Club, would have an equal weight in the po itieal
world? But I correct the question, and ask, Whether the
opinion of the mbde Republican Society has a right to
Hand opposed to his single opinion, and to claim equal re
fpe& ? Let him answer th@ question who chufes to do so,
and let it be answered candidly and freely. To you, Sir,
I would propose another question, Do you believe, that,
on this point, he was a “ deceiver," od did not give uis
real sentiments ? Look at the elegant print sos toat good
old man, which you have lately received from Paris,^-ob
ferre the cheerful dignity of his countenance, justly copi
ed -a picture ot patriedfm and pnilofophy, of virtue and
of truth—look fleadily, recollect the original, and then
answer the question —and, having answered, let me anc
you further, Is there no meaning in trie compliment con
tained in the label, lying open on the globe at his rig t
hand, which ascribes to him " the Constitution of the go
vernment of Pennsylvania ?" Can you, Sir fee the ge
nius of liberty, defending with a- wreath of laurels in
each hand, extend her arms as if eager to crown his vene
rable temples with deserved honours: Honours deserved
by his fuccefsful efforts to eftablilh a system which secures
liberty, equal liberty to all ? The fight warmed my heart
with a generous and, I will sty, an affiaiouate joy. Tnis
print must have been intended for some friend of the Pa
triot and Philosopher, and hive been handed to you by
mistake; or, perhaps, his piercing and prophetic fpirtt
forefaw your condutt, and sent it to you as a just and a
f The print here alluded to is done in a new tafe. The
fubjea, probably, is the Doflo', c^n choice The design
and execution by a celebrated band. Ibe principal figure is
the genius of Liberty defending---one foot on the ear b---both
arms fully extended and a wreath of laurels in each band —
She is surrounded with light while clouds representing Ig
norance and Slavery are driven back by her prefence---^
Before her is a bufl of the Doctor, which foe is in the aft of
coining with laurels —and the cause of ber so doing is ex
pressed—by a globe on his right band—America in view
with an olive branch bearing fruit running up it—Behind,
eind leaning on the globe, ts the genius of the Doctor with the
sword of justice and other emblems in its right band—in its
left is a Scroll falling open upon the globe, on which u in
feribed " Constitution of the Government of Pennsylvania"
—in front of the globe is a bundle of fafces bound with olive
branches also bearing fruit, representing future union, peace
and plenty — The crowning of the bnd expresses the honors
which will be paid to bis memory — Under the whole is in
fcribeda " DoQor Franklin crowned by Liberty?
* When the, debate mat nearly c^ofed, Doctor Franklin
was requeued ty the Convention to give bis opinion on the
,oint---and be declared it to be clearly and fully in javor of
a legislature to consist of afingle branch, as being much the
fafeft and heft.
To RICHARD'BACHE, Efauire, Chairman of the
For the PENNSYLVANIA PACKED.
Republican society.
needful reproof. RefleH, Sir, for one moment, and con
fider how bis benevolent heart mul lbleed at the insult
which you nave offered him- You, whose present im
portance is fwpported by his merit. I fay this because, I
think, you have no pretensions to it from any extraordi
nary exertions in favour of our American cause, or from
the possession of more than common abilities. T ere are,
however, many consolations, to be drawn from a want of
consequence, among which you and I may fafely reckon
this as one, Tuat neither of us are in danger of be ng
bribed, or of being fufpeaed to have been bribed by the
enemies of America —And, this conflation is within the
reach of a readable part of the Republican Socie
ty ; but, such as chufe to reject it, may do so without of
fending me, and I am sure I do mot with to offend them.
Those who are best acquainted with the politics and
practice of the EritilL court, and the characters of its
late Commissioners in America, do not hesitate to fay, It
is not likely that Britilh gold has been offered to one man
only : —This would be afenbing too much consequence to
that one. The idea being once raised, it is natural for the
people to look round and enquire whose conduct will juf
trfy a fafpicion against them, America has heard of a
maxim, adopted by Great Britain, " divide and govern,"
and is at no loss to judge of the measures which will be
attempted by Britiih emissaries, whenever, and in who
ever shape they may appear among us And, it behoves
every man, and every set of men to take care, that n Part
of their conduD bears too strongly t.e marks of an at
tempt to divide, diffract and weaken. As it is a comfort
to the unimporta t, that they are fife from suspicions of
this kind; it is the misfortune of those who have very ex
tensive connexions, great riches, great abilities, and who
are lupvofed to have great influence, to be the pecu iir ob
jects of such suspicions —and, more especially such of tris
character who nave nung upon the skirts of America,
and have^come late and relevantly into her measures, and
especially the CAPITAL ONE of her independaace.
Who, or whether any of the Members of the Republican
Society may trunk these sentiments worth their attention,
I ihall leave to be debated and determined at a full meet
ing---and to others, more at large, to judge whether the
confederation ought not to extend into a very small part of
a more extensive and important circle.
It is a truth which is not my particular business, or du
ty, to mention, but it is a truth which it would be mi
candid to conceal from you, that I have heard it repe it
edly asked, What can, now, be the obje& of t,.e leading
Members of the Republican Society ? And this ^bferva
tion has constantly attended the question---Surely their
object cannot be an alteration in the form of government,
after they have heard the sense of the people expressed on
the fubjed in the decisive manner in which it has been
expressed. One sentiment more and I have done. Let
some cool and ditpaffionate member of your club look on
the prih in whi^h you are treading, and ount how ma
ny steps there remains before you, between you and the
line on wnich i, marked Conspirators, and I fufpeV, that
he Will be induced to think you have gone far enough.
T. MATLACK.
Your firft complaint is, that the Constitution vefls the
whole legislative authority in a Jingle body without any con
troul•, and then you go on to shew ma§y terrible cenfe
quences that may be apprehended from so much power
committed to one set of men. But your whole argument
falls to the ground, nnlefs supported by a supposition that
these men, chosen by the people at large, are net the
wisest and best men possible, and every way fit to be truft-<
ed with such enormous power. A supposition which is in
itfelf absurd. Does net our Schoolmaster, nay our Mi
nister, tell us, that vox popud is vox dei—hi Englilh, that
it is impoflible for the people to chufe wrong. I domain
tain it, that every mam elected by she people as a Member
of Affemblv, becomes, from the moment he takes his feat
in the Honfe, the most wife, honest and fit man for that
Ration that could have been chosen. How is it possible to
be @therwife ? Would the people ever ele& a man disabled
by ignorance, warped by ambition, or tinctured with ava
rice ? I confefs the dangers you point out would become
seriously alarming ; but as this can never be the case, I
hope I have fully answered your firft objection.
You next complain of the mode in which the courts of
justice are eflabbfoed by the Constitution. Jou wifli to
To the R E Puctl c A N Society at Philadelphia.
Gentlemen,
1A M one of those who signed the petition for refeind
ing the resolution of Assembly of the zßth of Novem
ber last, and have carefully pertifed your two addreffus to
the Citizens of Pennsylvania. I confefs you have either
been well informed, or have ingeniously guessed several
motives that hive been urged to induce our country people
to sign this petition. You have not, however, hit upon
my pirticul ir reasons for signing it. The truth is, like
m ny ottiers, I had neither time nor inclination to. confi
der the nature and tendency of the paper to which I was
required to fubferibe my name ; but I had two very fufficient
motives for doing it, which I will now candidly lay be
fore you. In the firft place, I propose shortly to bring an
action agaiaft one of my neighbours, in a case somewhat
doubtful which muflbe determined by the Magistrates of
our diftrift, and sure I am, I should Hand but a poor
chance with the 'Squire, If I had refufed to sign the afore
faid petition. Another circum^an^e that weighed with
me was tris—neighbour , the tavern keeper, was
within a few votes of being eleaed a Justice of Peace for
our county, and experts to carry his point in a future day ;
he is therefore a zealous conftitutionalift, and as I stand
in his books for a large score, which it does not suit me at
present to wipe off, it would be very imprudent for me to
oppose his political views. Be my motives, however,
what they may, I have signed the petition, and am happy
in fin ring, on furtiier consideration, that 1 can fully juni.
fy what I have done.
If our present Constitution is the best of all possible Con
flitutions, why should it be exposed to any rilk? Why
take the sense of the people upon it, and fubjeEt it to the
uncertain event o. vote# and opinions ? But you fay it re
mains to be proved that it is the best of all possible Consti
tutions, and have published a long address with a purpose
of shewing 'hat it is founded on tyrannic principles, and
is danger' to the liberty and independence of the peo
ple. I ihall endeavour to answer your principal objecti
ons to our present excellent Frame of Government, by a
few plain and fatisfaaory reasons.
After all, where is the great evf lof the Constitution yo,
so ze loufly deery ? Is it not as pliable as a glove, not
withft nding its rigid appearance? If there is any thing
amiss in it, cannot the all powerful Assembly, at any
time, and at all times, alter and amend it to their minds
Have they not already, in several instances, broke its
flrongef l coids; and may we not hope that, like Sampfen
in the bible, tuey will, e'er long carry its very gates on
their shoulders? The people have commi ted all into the
hands of their Assembly, who are certainly the only pro
per judges when the Constitution ought to be relaxed and
w era ftriftly adhered to; they being the only proper
judges when it will suit their purposes and when not.
You may possibly imagine that the publif.rng laws for
the consideration of the people, previous to their' being en
aded, will be productive of confufion and contention ;
but it would be well for you to confider that these publi
cations qre not reaa by one tenth part of the good people
of tnis state, and their scope and tendency not widerftood
by one fiftn part of that tenth ; and further, that in cases
of f©rae nicety it is easy for the Assembly te keep the peace,
by avowing an urgent neceffty for passing a law in the
fame sessions in which it Ihall be proposed; by which
means the people will not have time or opportunity to ca
bal against it and advance their toolifh objections
I have the charity to believe that your address was dic
tated by good hearts, but weak heads. And as it d^es not
fall to the lot of every one to fee things in a clear dCcifive
point of light, we who are blef iwith more vigorous ua
derftandings, ought to pity rather than blame. Upon the
whole, I thinlc I have fully answered your most material
objedions, and I pray Heaven to e Lighten your minds,
t^at you may be enabled ta receive and hold faft the
truth. I am, Your friend and fellow citizen,
March, 1779. A Constitutionalist.
have the Judges rendered independent of the power which
appointed them, and enabled to determine in ever) case
according to what they would call their judgments or con
fidences. Hear a plain and conclusive argument: If the
men who appoint these Judges are the best and wisest of
men (and that they mufibe so, is fully ffiewn above) is it
not quite proper th I they should govern and influence
these Judges in their dacifions? Were it otherwise, the
Judges might take it in tiieir heads at some period or other,
to oppose the iatereftaand views of the very men who ap
poimed them, and attempt to set up their opinions in op
position to the higher powers, which would be Contrary to
the very spirit and intention of our excellent Constitution.
The horrible picture you are pleased to give of the
Council of Censors is falfe, both in the out-lines and in the
colouring Nothing lam sure can be apprehended from
this harmless Council of Genfors, for this evident reason:
Long before the period arrives, in which this devil is to
be conjured wp, the Assembly will be so well efiablifhed
in power and influence, that there is no doubt but these
Censors will be men, perfectly agreeable to, and in the
interests of that Honourable Honfe. Where then is the
threatened danger of having the foundations of government
tonup ? that anarchy and licentiousness ^ill r+am unaw
ed and unrefrained; ghat ,here Jball be no fixed laws? &e.
On the contrary, I doubt not but that the foundations of
our Constitution wdl be confirmed and Rrengthened; our
laws, whether good or bad, be rivitted and fixed by the
Council of Censors, and every thing go on in the old chan
nel without one difalfefted person daring to move a finger
against our Governors or their edicts, let his distresses,
real or pretended, be what they may.
As to the insinuations you throw out against gentlemen,
once averse from the present Constitution, and now filling
high offices under it, they are to the last degree invidious.
When these gentlemen held no posts of honour or profit
in t.e date, hid they not a good right to inveigh against
its government ? But the case is altered now, and they are
bound, by the ties of honour and interefl, to support a
Constitution which fapports them ; whatever private ob
jections they may have to it. The truth is, they have go,
into the cable and fliut the gates, and from its lofty bat
tlements point and laugh at you who are cooling your heels
without, and are fpitefully pelting their honours with
flones and dirt.
CHARLESTOWN, (South-Carolina) February 24.
T H E enemy's shipping at Tybee and Savannah con
-1 fifts of the Phoenix and Fowey at Tybee, about 30
transports with all t: eir fails bent, and the Vigilant and
George at Savannah. And there are t # ree twenty gun
fllips, the Perseus, Daphne and Unicorn, with about fif
teen privateers, three or four of them bri, s, the rest sloops,
fmill schooners, and boats, cruizing upon this coast, from
New-York, New-Providence, St. Augufiine and Sa
vannah.
Several Dutch faips full of soldiers from Spain, arrived
at Havanna about ten days ago.
The Monmouth privateer brig, of Salem, commanded
by Capt. Samuel Ingerfol, arrived here last Sunday. The
Friday preceding she engaged a thip of twenty guns, and
hid several of her men wounded.
Last Sunday a party of the rsilitia who were Rationed
at the low^r fort at George Town took a Lieutenant and
five men prisoners, belonging to an English privateer, who
had driven a New-England vessel afiiore and taken paf
feffion ofher.
B O S TON, March 8.
Every body knows that peace, founded on a conceffioa
of the independence of America is theintereft of Britain ;
and that every view of her affairs absolutely demands it.
But the interest of Britain, and that of Sir Harry Clinton
and the army, are two things. Tie emoluments of the
latter lead them to with a continuance of the war. Hence
these hirelings are employed to keep the breach open, by
every method of feurrility and ranc®r. In this Qy
serve themselves, but not the nation that pays them, nor
the best of sovereigns, in whose name they fight. Let them
take their own course. The longer the war continues the
mere thoroughly will Britain be weakened, and the inde
pendence and liberties of America eflablifcd.
Yeflerday arrived hese Capt. Wellman, in thirteen days
from St. Croix, but brings no news whatever : He was
chaced to the bar by a final! pink-stern schooner: Sunday
in Long-bay, he was chaced by a brig and two pilot
beats.
If the people of this State will now exert themselves,
there may soon be another Burgoynade in the southern
quarter of America.