Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-06-12 00:00:00, page 1

City 6f Philadelphia, June 12, 1775.
The ASSIZE of BREAD.
Fine Floor, at Eighteen Shillings and Six
pence, per Ct.
Middlings, at Fifteen Shillings and Six-pence
per Ct.
Rye, at Ten Shillings per Ct.
Whitebread Ib.oz. Midd. do. lb. oz. Rye do. lb. oz.
id.loafiso 7 l id.loafiso 8| id.loafiso 11
2d.ditto,o 14? 2d.ditto, 1 % 2d.ditto, 1 6|
4d.ditto,! 132 4-d.ditto,2 1% 4d.ditto, 2 12%
Sd.dittog 11 Bd.ditto, 4 3 Bd.ditto, 5 9
T2d.ditto,§ 84 izd.ditto, 6 4||i2d.ditto,U 6
Set by SAMUEL RHOADS, Mayor.
SAMUEL SHOEMAKER,?
SAMUEL POWEL, ^Aidermen.
May 18, 1774.
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD,
nAN AWAY from the fubferiber, living in
Sadfbury Townflrip, Lancaster County', a
Servant man named GEORGE DOYLE,
about five feet fix inches high, about nineteen years
of age, round Shouldered and Stoops in his walk, of
a fair complexion, with fh®rt hair scalped before;
had on and took with him, a walnut coloured home
made coat and jacket, the fore part white and red
mixed cloth, the back part of a lighter colour, with
final! metal buttons, two pair of trowfers, one
Striped holland and the other tow cloth, one home
spun fnirt, a remarkable pair of shoes half foaled,
and two cuts of an axe on one of them, with old
plated buckles, and an old felt hat: He is this
country born. Whoever apprehends and takes up
Laid Servant, and secures him so that his matter
may get him again, shall have the above Reward,
^nd reasonable charges, paid by
WILLIAM HENEY.
TWENTY DOLLARS REWARDS
RAN AWAY on the night of the 3d instant
(June) from the fubferiners, living in Penn's
Neck, Salem County, Weft New-Jersey, the two
following servants, viz. an English servant lad,
about twenty years of age, of a middling stature,
svell made, fair complexion, and brown hair fome
xvhat inclining to curl ; he calls himfelf JOHN
"WILSON, but it is probable he may change his
name and pass for this country born, and will give
an account of liis living in the Jerseys and different
parts of Pennsylvania, and will make use of peo
ple's names of character in order to deceive those
he eonverfes with ; had on and took with him, a
pretty good hat which he generally wears flopped
befoie, a Short brown broadcloth coat, and jacket
of the fame, about half worn, a new white shirt
marked V. P. striped Holland trowfers, half worn
dhoes and Stockings, with other eloathing unknown.
The other a Negro mart named BE N, Stout and
well made, fix feet two inches high, straight clean
limbed, not very black, and has been used to the
•water for many years; his diefs is uncertain, but
it is probable he will wear a furtout coat, light co
loured jacket which has been ripped down the
Shoulder, buck Skin breeches, half worn shoes and
stockings, one of the shoes ripped in the upper lea
ther; He appears to be about twenty two years of
age. It is thought they are gone away by water
and made down the river Delaware, and it is pro
bable will go towards Carolina or some of the Low
cr Counties. They took with them a quantity of
(hip bifeuit, pickled poik, three earthen jugs, and
R bag marked D H. It is thought they went offih
a very large batteau with a sheet for a fail. Who
ever will secure the said servants in any of his Ma
jesty's goals, sh ,11 have the above Reward for them
and batteau, or EIGHT DOLLARS a piece for
either and FOUR DOLLARS for the batteau, and
reasonable charges if they are brought home or con
fined in Salem or Newcaitle gaol, and leaving word
with George Montrow, Esq, in Newcastle, paid by
HENRY SPARKS,
DAVID HENRY,
, URIAH PAUL.
FORTY SHILLINGS REWARD?
RAN AWAY from the fubferiber, living in
Derry Township, Lancaster County, on Sa
turuay the third inst. (June) an English servant
iffin named THOMAS YOUNG, aged about
twenty years, five feet seven or eight inches high,
well made, of a good complexion, dark hair, some
what round Shouldered ; had on when he went away,
a fly coat made of light coloured country coating,
with white metal buttons, a crimfoh velvet jacket
much faded, the back parts of red caliinanco, good
buckfkiii breeches, blue yam Lockings, half worn
shoes with carved yellow buckles, a wool hat, and
country made linen shirt; he may probably change
his name to that of George Bryan, and endea
vour to pass for a tallow-chandler, being bred to
that business in England. Whoever take's up and
secures said servant, so that his matter may have
him again, Shall have the above Reward, and rea
sonable charges, paid by
JOHN M'FARLAND.
FOUR I)OLLARS REW &RD?
P ANAWAY on the 3d init. (June) from
11 the fubferiber, in Chetter County, an English
Servant man named JOHN SMI fH, by trade
a cooper, has' been in the army, is about five feet
eight or nine inches high, and about thirty years
of a g e i had on when he went away, a wilton coat
and waistcoat of a brown and white colour, with
coating Sleeves newly put into the coat, a blue la
pelled waistcoat, coarse shirt and trowfers, old shoes,
large brats buckles, and an old hat. Whoever se
cures said servant, so that his matter may have him
a pi n > shall have the above Reward and reasonable
charges, paid by
JOHN M'CLENAHAN.
^f^^^W^
0 R,
GENERAL
V OL. IV.
M O N D A Y,
SIXTEEN DOLLARS REWARD.
STOLEN out of the pasture of the fubferibers,
living in Weft Fallowfield Township, Chester
County, Pennsylvania, new Cochran's tavern, on
the night of the q.th inst. (June) two M ARES,
viz. one a bright bay, four years old, fourteen and
a half h r. Is high, paces and trots, long bodied and
• ery well made, no particular marks except a white
pot on her off hind buttock. The other a dappled
grey, fix years old, fifteen hands high, large and
well made, lofty carriage, trots natural and very
faf, her two hind feet white below the fetlocks.
T hoever takes up Did mares and thieves, so that
he owners may have the mares again and the
thieves be brought to justice, shall have the above
Rev ard, and for the mares only EIGHT DOL
LAR S, and reasonable charges, paid by us
WILLIAM MARSH.
JAMES SMITH.
FOUR DOLLARS R£ WARD.
RAN AWAY from the fubferiber, a certain
JAMES MARTIN, who fays he was
born in Newcastle County, and it is supposed that
he is or will be some where near St. George's; had
on a brown coat and waistcoat of coarse cloth, buck-
Skin breeches, felt hat, and old shoes tied with
firings: He took with him a bay Mare, shod before,
and is lame in one of her fore feet, an old saddle
patched upon the pummel, the bridle tied in the
head-piece with a leather thong. Whoever will
bring the man or mare to the fubferiber, living at
Isaac Dawson's tavern, eight miles below Dover,
shall have the above Reward and all re^fona Ie
charges, by ft:ARK MANLOVE, Constable
of Murtherkiln Hundred.
Just Published and now Selling by ROBERT
BELL, in Third-street, and W ILLIAM
WOODHOUS E, in Front-street, Philadel
phia, (Price Twenty Shillings, Two Vo
lumes, octavo, in neat binding)
POLITICAL DISQUISITIONS:
Or, an ENQUIRY int > Public Errors, Defects,
and Abuses; illustrated and eltablifned upon
Fa&s and Remarks, extra&ed from a variety of
authors, ancient and modern.
Calculated to draw the timely attention of Govern
ment and People to a due confederation of the
necessity, and the means of reforming those Er
rors, Defects, and Abuses; of restoring the Con
flitution and saving the State.
By J. BURGH, Gentleman ; author of theDiG
nity of Human Nature, and other works.
After treating cf our duty to the Gods, it is proper
to teach that aubich nee once to our Country. For our
Country is, as it nuere, a secondary God, and thefrJi
and greatest Parent.—lt is to be preferred to Parent's,
Wives, Children, Friends, and all things, the Gods
on'y excepted.—And if our Country perifoes, it is as
impossible to save an individual, as to preserve one of
the fingers of a mortified hand. Hierocles.
*, Subscribers who live in the country are
requeued to fend for their books.
To ihe Encouragers of this Work.
SINCE the propofols fo r printing an American
Edition of the Political Disquisitions were
laid before the Public, the author in London hath
published another volume, being the third and last,
with compleat Indexes to the whole ; which is the
completion of this very ufeful and interesting work,
peculiarly necessary at this time for all the friends
of Constitutional Liberty, whether Britons or Ame
ricans—To accommodate these Gentlemen with
complcat sets, who were pleased to encourage this
edition by fubfeription, the Publishers, ROBERT
BELL, of Third-Street, and WILLIAM WOOD
HOUSE, of Front-street, Philadelphia, are deter
mined to print this third and last volume, at the
fame price to fubferibers, with each of the other
volumes, viz. Ten Shillings; Pennsylvania curren
cy; although the English edition in three volumes
is fold at Forty Two Shillings.
N. B. Those Gentlemen who intend to honour
the work with their fubferiptions, are requested to
favour the Publishers with their names; a lift of
which will be printed in the third and last volume,
because the price of the three volumes (to non
fubferibers) will then be advanced to Thirty-fix
Shillings.
CLOCKS and WATCHES,
Made, fold and repaired, in the best manner, by
THOMAS HOWARD,
At his Shop in Second-street, between Market and
Chefnut-ftreets, and next door bat one to Trot
ter's-alley,
WH EREhe carries on the Clock and Watch
making business in its various branches,
and will be much obliged to his triends and the
public to favour him with their custom.
N. B. Masters of fhallops or others, who bring
up watches from the lower counties, or effewhere,
to be repaired, by favouring him with their custom
may have their own done gratis. Likewise an ap
prentice wanted to the said business.
May 1775.
THESE are to give notice to the credi
tors of James Davis, Samuel Johnston
and GarretVoorhees, prisoners confined for debt
in the goal of Burlington, that they be and appear
before Robert Smith., and Thomas Rodman, two of
the Judges of the inferior Court of Common Pleas
for said County, at the house of Joseph Haight, in
Burlington, on Wednefdav the 21st of June next,
to shew cause why the said debtors Should not be dif
eharged, agreeable to n aft of the General Aflem
bly, entitled, an aft for the relief &c. of insolvent
debtors.
W A N T~ E
A GARDENER and his WIFE, to take
care of a Gentleman's Country Seat about four
miles from this city. Enquire of the Printer,
D U N L A P's
i^^o^^^^
Some THOUGHTS on the Conflitution of the
Britifo Empire; and the Contreverfy between
Great-Britain and the American Colonies.
all lawful government is found
ed in c.omp^ il behoves those
JwV A C w "° c ™ n f authority, to prove that
•"' haveiti English government
'" territ ° ria ^ that is, it is limited
r to certain diftri&s of territory, and
owning lands within these limits gives a right to
participate in the government, and those who own
the lands have a right to fix the terms on which
others may reside within the jurifdi&ior. This
principle seems to be founded on the law of na
ture, and therefore those who are net freeholders
are justly bound by the laws of the land, thT
they have no vote in electing members of Par
liament, and not on the principle of virtual re
presentation, yet they have this security that the
freeholders and other inhabitants are governed by
the fame laws.
A civil society, or state; is a number of Pro
prietors of land within certain limits, united by
compact or mutual agreement, for making laws and
appointing persons to execute those laws for their
common benefit.
The British empire consists of a number of such
societies, fubjc& to one King, each having a aif
tinft legnlat^re; such is the realm of Great-Bri
tain, the realm of Ireland, and each English Co
lony in America.
This doArine of diftinft dominions, or states,
fubje& to the fame crown, is not a new do&rine,
but was known in the English nation long before
the settlement of the American colonies, as is
well known to all who are acquainted with the
English history. One instance of this kind will
appear by the following extras from a petition
prrfented to the King of England by the inhabi
tants ofthe county palatine of Chester, in the year
1450, wherein they fay—“ The said county is
“ and hath been a county palatine as well before
" the conquest of England, as continually lince,
“ within which county you and all your noble
" progenitors, since it came into your hands,
“ have had your high courts of Parliament, and
“ no poffeffioners, or inheritors within the said
" county, be not chargeable or liable, nor have
" not been boundeh, charged nor hurt, of their
" bodies, liberties, franehifes, lands, goods nor
“ possessions; within the fame county, but by such
“ laws as they have agreed'unto ; and also they
“ have no Knights, Citizens, nor Burgesses, nor
“ ever had of the said county to any Parliament
'' holden out bf the said county, whereby they
" might by any way of reason be bounden," &c.
Whereupon the King difeharged them from pay
ing a subsidy granted by ad of the Parliament of
England, held at Weftminftef, notwithstanding
that county was expfefsly named in the a&.
Whence then doth the Parliament of Great-
Britain derive the authority it claims to make fea
tures to bind the people of the colonies in Ame
rica, and other dominions of the crown not within
that realm, nor represented in that Parliament,
but who have Parliaments of their own ? Is this
claim founded in compact ! Where is the evidence
of such a compact? The land-holders in America
are not incorporated with those of Britain for the
purpose of legislation, nor does their being owners
of real estates in America (to any amount) intitle
them to a voice in the election of any members of
the Briti(h Parliament. Should it be said, that
the colonies were fubjeds of the crown of Eng
land, and members of that state before their
emigration, and therefore mus: continue so unless
they can Shew that they are difeharged by some
express agreement —It may be answered that their
compact as members of that state was, in the na
ture of it, limited to their continuance in that
realm, and consequently was difeharged by their
emigration.—Should it be farther enquired how
is it that they continue fubjeds of the crown of
England or Great-Britain since their emigration,
if their relation to that state was dissolved ? I an
swer, that the people bf each colony, either before
or soon after their emigration, entered into parti
cular compacts with the Kings of England to con
tinue in allegiance to them, their heirs and suc
cessors, and allo as to their particular forms of
government, which appears by charters, royal
proclamations, and the laws and regulations in
each colony, made by the mutual confect of the
King and the People. But it may be further ob
je&ed that the British Parliament hath, from time
to time, made laws to bind the colonies, which
have been acquiefeed in for more than a century
part, by which it appears that it was mutually
understood that the Parliament had authority \ o
make such laws. To which it may be answered
that when the Parliament of England firft attempt
ed to exercise legislative authority ever the domi
nions of the crown out of that realm, their au
thority was denied by Ireland, Virginia, and the
ancient colony of the Massachusetts Bav; the last
mentioned colony refufed and neglected to yield
any obedience to the acts of Parliament for regu
lating the plantation trade in the reign of King
T HE
ADVERTISER.
J UNE 12th, 1775.
Charles the 11. from the year 1660 to 1675,
when the King wrote to the Governor and Com
pany of that colony requiring their conformity to
said ads; to which they returned an answer that,
they had not conformed to them because they
judged them to be an infringement of their rights,
for that the authority of the Parliament was li
mited by the four seas ; but as his Majesty had
fignified to them that it was his pleasure that the 7
should conform to said regulations, they had en
joined obedience to them by an act of their own;
for which the King in another letter returned then
bis thanks. This shews how some of the colonics
understood the constitution while some persons
were living who were a&ive in fettling the terms
of it. Now can the conformity of some indivi
duals in the colonies, to acts bf Parliament, from
motives of necessity or convenience, be construed
as the consent of the colonies, to the authority of
the Parliament to make laws to bind them ? Some
fuppofc there is a superintending. power in the
British Parliament over the colonies, refuhing
from the nature of colonization, and their relati
on to the parent state; especially for regulating
and retraining their trade. But how can paren
tal authority be applied to support or illustrate
such a principle? A parent has a natural right to
govern his children during their minority and con
tinuance in his family; but has no such authority
over them after they arrive at full age and arc
fettled in families of their own. A mutual affec
tion, friendfhip and regard to each other's inte
rests ought always to subsist between parents and
children, and likewise between parent states and
their colonies, but no connexion in government
but what is founded in mutual compact : Nor can
the arbitrary demands or exactions of any parent
states from their colonies, be a foundation to de
termine what is right in the present case.
It has been trged as a reason wlay the colonies
should acknowledge a right in the British Parlia
ment to make laws to regulate their trade, that
no colony legislature is competent for that pur
pose, their authority being confined to the limits
of their refpe&ive colonies. But if the authority
of the British Parliament is limited to that realre,
it is no more competent to make a law to extend
without the limit of its jurifdi6tion than a colony
legislature. But it is further said that Great-
Britain, by her navy; has power to enforce obe
dience to her laws of trade and navigation, there
fore the people of the whole empire mull submit
to them; and that flie protests their trade, and
therefore it is reasonable that she should regulate
it so as may be most conducive to the good of
the nation. To which it may be replied, that
upon the two last mentioned considerations, the
people of the colonies have, for about a century
past, chearfully consented to the operation offuch
ads of the British Parliament as aredimited to the
regulation of their external commerce, for the
mutual advantage of Great-Britain and her colo
nies, and fecm still aifpofed to persevere in the
fame line of condu&, so that no controversy will
be likely to arise on that fubjed but what may re
late to the justice or utility of particular regula
tions, and the only way to remove that ground of
controversy is for the legislature of each colony to
confirm, by their own a&s, all such laws of trade
as are to be executed within their refpe&ivejuris
dictions, which doubtless they would readilya^ree
to, and by that means the ads of trade would be
more ftri&ly observed. But as the present enquiry
is whether the British Parliament hath authority
to make laws to bind the people of the colonies in
any case without their consent, it mar be well
confider that there is an important difeindion & c .
tween authority to command and p&^cr to J.fare'
submission, and also between an ennF B - r fe
Greffßa^n to receive a t^fon f rom
the colons for protests their trade, and her
having a legislative authority or ,
Lityer them to compel
them to make that compe n fat° CTn : • V
~ .. ""-ion in any particular
way without their cons ent. 1 1 l
d 4 and why has not the #
Parliament as good a r rh + 1 1
~ r 1 gto compel them to make
such compenfatton b y ,„ ws _
"IT^ as by Draining their trade,
h,f u government is founded in com
pact, the 1 arh&ment cannot have right in either
case to make j aws to bind the peop!c°of the colo
nies withon( their consent.
B Accor@ng to Lord Somers's opinion, the
right of the people to ffiare in legislation is so ne
ceSlary for the preservation of the society, that
t;„ cannot part with it even by their own con
f~nt. Take the opinion of that ce'ebrated author
in his own words—“ Amongst all the rights aid
“ privileges appertaining unto us, that of having
“ a Share in the legislation, and being to be go^
“ verned by such laws as we ourselves shall chufe,
“ is the most fundamental and essential, as well
“ as the most beneficial; for thereby we are en
“ abled to make such successive and continual
“ provisions as to the preservation of the Society
" and the promoting either the temporal or eter
“ nal welfare of the fubfea, as fh a H be fbe^^
“ expedient, &c. No man or society of n.n
“ have power to deliver theii preservation, or the
NUMB. 190.