The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-04-15 00:00:00, page 2

ricans, and that thetnglith were so eff ^^y cut off
from the communication with the Mississippi; thO'pur
fuing the line thit was considered as the boundary' be
tween America and Britain, they could not en'er that
river unhfs they should come round by Cape Horn.
He (hewed the immense expence, at which, if we meant
seriously to keep poffbffion of Canada, how We are
Gripped of the forireffes and passes, we must keep an
army in that province. He asked what was to become
of tie English prisoners in the hands of the Americans?
of the loyalists that had bone arms agdnft the Ame
ricans, and of the officers of the British army, who,
after the conclusion of the last war, had fettled in A
merica, but whose loyalty to this government had made
them so obnoxious to the united fiates of America ?
His lordfllip parting to the Eafl Indies, observed that
the territory conceded to France had effectually cut off
the communication between Bengal and the Carnatic.
With regard to Chardernagpre, he observed, that the
ditch which was to be drawn round that city would
soon be ornamented by a rampart, and the rampart
with a counterfcrap. On the whole, he thought that
the concessions made to America and France, were
greater than Britain ought to have made, and he par
ticularly lamented, and was moved with indignant con
cern at the unworthy treatment of the American loy
alists; therefore he would give his hearty vote for the
amendment.
The Duke of Chandois, recalled to the remembrance
of their lordfllips the despondency and the complaints
of the nation last spring ; reminded them of the vast
taxes under which the nation groaned; and declared,
for his part, that the peace, in his opinion, was bet
ter than he expefted it to have been.
The Duke of Grafton lamented the endless divisions
and contentions and parties that diftra&ed the Britifli
senate, and wondered that all the nations in Europe
being acquainted with their want of unanimity, did
Dot take up arms against them. Much had been said
about the loyalifls. He pitied them as much as the
most sympathetic amongst their lordships, and wiftied
them to be refiored to the possession of their effects and
estates But was this reflitution likely to be effected
by expressing a doubt of the honor and good faith of
congress, and thereby teaching them a lesson against
thoe, whom, he doubted not, they intend to befriend ?
If the Britilh house of lords fhali fay this day, we put
no confidence in congress; they will never do any
thing for the loyJifts: no such thing! What is this
but to renew the resentment of America, to tear up
the heading wound, and to prevent that returing affec
tion, which he hoped would one day reunite the two
countries? Ministers, who had slept forth on a most
critical emergence, and lent themselves to the public,
and exposed themselves to danger, in responsible capa
cities, for the common fafety, in his Grace's opinion
deserved well of their country. And he trusted that
the candour and generous humanity which was insepa
rable from noble minds, would incline their lordfllips
to judge of the conduct of the minister and his col
leagues in office, with the most perfect equity and
fairnefs.—ft was easy to diferiminate the articles of
peace ; but the queflion was, could this nation procure
or expert a better? In order to answer this queflion,
it behoved their lordships to enter into the compara
tive or relative Rate of Great Britain to that of the
surrounding hostile nations. This his Grace did in a
concise and forcible manner, and concluded that Eng.
land, bleeding at every vein, ought to refpeft and bless
the hand that bound up her wounds, and to seek for
a restoration of vigour, by unanimity, moderation,
and the various arts of industry and peace. Bis grace,
in the coorfe of his speech, had occasion to mention
with admiration, the invincible firmnefs of Hyder Al
ly, who, on occasion of any disaster, never defponded,
but deviled Bill some new scheme for attacking his
enemies.
Lord Keppel claimed no merit to himfelf: the flou
rifhing condition of the navy was the effed of a general
exertion. But he would fay that it was never so formi
dable as it is at this moment. The noble duke who
spoke last had put the queflion, what kind of peace
could be expe&ed? Heexpeded a secure peace. He
had represented that a fleet of forty fail lay in the har
bour of Cadiz, with troops on hoard, to the number of
16,000. Twelve fllips of the line, he had said, were at
the H^vanna, and ten at St. Domingo' ,with 25,000 men
ready to be transported to Antigua, or Jamaica, but
his grace bad asked what must have been the case if
that fleet had failed ? He wished it had failed, and that
it had met with admiral Pigot. Fifty-four ships un
der the Britifli flag would, he doubted not, have op
posed the enemy, though somewhat superior in num
ber, with success, and that, said he, would have given
security to your peace. Lord Keppel said that the
Britifli fleet consisted of 109 line of battle fllips, and
that the united fleets of France and Spain did not ex
ceed 125, many of the Spanish fllips being in a very
crazy condition, mouldering faffaway, and almost un
fit for service. He gave an account of his quitting the
admiralty He said, that he was unluckily a positive
man, and could not think of subscribing a peace, that
he thou ght derogatory to the honour of the crown, as
well as prejudicial to the interests of the nation.
The duke of Richmond allowed that miniflers were
well warranted by the voice of the nation to abandon
the American war, and to declare America indepen
dent. He reprobated, as usual, the origin, and the
continuance of that war, and then proceeded to the
consideration cf the queflion before the house. On
this he infixed the house was not competent to decide,
until they should have previously known what options
or alternatives they had; what alliances they might
have made; what diversions they might have occasion
ed by such alliances, or otherwise of the enemy's force ?
These, with other particulars, must be known be
fore miniflers could be entitled to what they so ear
nestly wished for—a parliamentary fandion to a very
precipitate measure
Lord Stormont, having Hated with great accuracy
the question before their lordships, viz. “ Whether the
" preliminary articles of peace were such as merited
" their applause, or deserved their disapprobation,"
considered them for bis own part, as injurious to the
He adverted to the fhameful ignorance, and simpli
city, and folly, and absurdity, that appeared in the
negociation and provisional articles of peace between
England and the united American states.—What rea
frn could be given for fending out such a man as Mr.
Oswald to treat with the four American commission
ers ? He was far overmatched by any one of them :
nor would any man compare him to Dr. Franklin, or
Mr. Laurens, or any one of the commiffioners—
impar congreffu Achilli —said his lordship; for I am
sure there was not one of them who was not an Achil
les, compared with him. But it was not Mr. Oswald,
he said, that he had to do with, but those tvho confid
ed in him and employed him.
The firft queflion that the Britifli agent ought to
have put to the American commissioners, was, whe
ther they had full powers to conclude and agree up
on a general amnefly and restitution of goods to all
loyalists without exception ? These were men whom
Britain was bound in justice, and honour, and grati
tude, and affection, and every tie, to provide for and
protest. Yet, alas, for England as well as them!
they were made a part of the price of peace. Those
who were the best friends of Britain, were eo nomine,
on that very account, excepted from the indulgence
of congress, Britain connives at the bloody facrifice,
and seeks for a fharneful retreat, at the expence of
her most valiant and faithful sons! How different
from this was the conduct of Spain to the loyalists in
the Netherlands, in the reign of Philip 111, on occa
sion of the famous truce in 1609, and also in the peace
of Munster. Their effeds and estates were either re
fiored, or they were paid interest for them at the rate
of 6 1 2 per cent, on the purchase money. (Here
lord Stormont repeated several of the articles of the
truce between Philip 111, and the united provinces,
which was concluded at Antwerp, 1609; which arti.
des were also agreed to at the peace of Munster.) A
general ad of indemnity was passed, without excepti
on of place or persons. Lord Stormont also touched on
the case of the Catalonians, who revolted from Spain,
once when they 'put themselves under the protection cf
France, and again when they put themselves under the
protection of Britain. In both cases, their privileges,
lives and properties, were preserved to them. Even
cardinal Mazarin, foartful, so fhuffling and fallacious ,
and I am sure I mean not the most distant allusion to
any of his majesty's miniflers, (for the parliament of
Paris determined, that to call any person a Mazarin,
was a reproach to him) even he, though so little scru
pulous on most occasions, deemed it found policy to
observe good faith to the Catalonians. He negociated
the peace of the Pyranees himfelf, and he took care,
that an aft of indemnity should be published in their
favour, on the fame day in which a proclamation was
issued, reclaiming their obedience. Hißory and expe
rience furnifhes no example of such base dereliction: If
they do, said lord Stormont, let any noble lord (peak
out, and, on this fubjeft, I will be hlent. From the
loyalifls he passed on to our Indian allies, with whom
we had had a long connection, on whom we had be
stowed the name of the children of the king, and with
whom, said be, you swore to preserve an inviolate
friendfllip as long as the woods, and mountains, and
rivers should remain.
His lordfllip next turned his attention to the boun
dary line that had been agreed on by the American
commissioners, and that very extraordinary geogra
pher and politician Mr. Richard Oswald. There was,
prefixed to the articles of peace between England and
America, a very pompous preamble, setting forth
that those treaties were the beftobferved in which were
reciprocal advantages. He was a long time at a loss to
underhand the meaning of those words, reciprocal ad
vantages. But at last he difeovered, that they meant
only the advantage of America. For in return for the
manifeld conceflions on our part, not one had been
made on theirs.
His lordship then took a view of our concessions on
Newfoundland, the ceded islands of St. Pierre and Mi
quelon, which being fortified will command the en
trance of the river St. Laurence. The liberty accord
ed to the Americans to fettle in Nova Scotia; the ceffi
oh of Penobfcot, a nursery of masts ; the giving up of
all that was valuable in Canada- ,the Floridas impor
tant for their situation, and agreeable in refpeft of cli
mate and foil.—St. Lucia was of such military im
portance that, with that in our hands, we might have
flood on the Uti Poffidetis in the Weft-Indies. A de
sire of regaining that island would have wrested all our
islands from France without exception, His lordship
passed then to the coast of Africa, thence to the East-
Indies, and returned to Dunkirk. All along in his
extensive course, he difeovered important concessions
on our part, but no equivalent returned by the ene
my. Trincomale, in the East-Indies, he feared was to
be given up without any return, as well as the other
possessions we had taken from the enemy. He enlarg
ed on the importance of Dunkirk to France. In a war
with England, that harbour, opened and'repaired,
would be capable of containing twenty or thirty ships
of good size and burthen. These issuing out, at all
seasons, would annoy our trade in its very cen ter, and
essential irtterefts, dangerous to the fafety, derogatory
to the honour of Great Britain, and not warranted or
juflified by the situation of the war. And firfl of all
he observed, that in limited governments, like Sweden
before the •ate revolution, and like Poland bill, it
might happen that no treaty of peace could be valid
without the ratification of all the estates that composed
the legislative power. Here he quoted Burlamaqtii,
onthe law of nature and nations. It was contended
by some persons, that in such a case as the present
dismemberment of America, the prerogative royal of
the crown, could not alone conclude a treaty for ef
feding that reparation. But his lordship did not rest
his footon that ground. The constitution had placed,
and wifely placed, the making of peace or war in the
executive power, and God forbid, said his lordship,
that I should ever fee that privilege wrefled out of it.
What his lordship considered, was the fitnefs or expe
diency of it, in all those refpefls, which naturally
presented themselves to his view, when he considered
the articles before them.
His lordship went over the fame ground that had been
occupied by other speakers on the fame fide, with great
energy and feeling ; and added to their arguments, that
we had abandoned to the dominion and mercy of con
gress a colony of industrious Moravians on the coast of
Labrador ; and that it were better for Great-Britam to
be without Canada, with its appendages altogether,
than to hold it on the present terms.
Lord Howe described the situation of the fleet, which
he drew in fable colours, and gave many hints of rotten
mads, mouldering hulks, &c. &c. and, on the whole,
did not think that it was equal in strength to the unit
ed fleets of France and Spain.
Lord King made a lively and humorous speech in fa
vour of the amendment. He was not ikilled in arms,
but had he been a prime minister, about the commence
ment of the American war, he would have a&ed either
with lenity, or with vigour. After he had drawn the
sword, he would, however, have left the troops in A
merica, on their own bottom. He would not have sent
them any money. If they could not make way for
themselves, let them come back again. As matters
flood, however, he thought we should carry on the war
a year or two longer against the Bourbons.
The earl of Shelburne said, that without having re
course to much reasoning, he would throw light, he
hoped, on several particulars that did not appear to
be well understood, by the direct and intuitive evidence
01 a few plain matters of fact. And this he considered
as his duty, as he thought himfelf obliged to fatisfy,
as far as in his power, both their lordships and the
public, concerning his own condud and that of his
colleagues. He would not pretend to derive any ad
vantage from referring their lordships to the arduous si
tuation in which he and they had lent themselves, in
responsible fixations, to the public. He protefled that
nothing in their power had been left undone, to pro
cure a good peace. He confeffed that he had not been
able to obtain such a peace as were to be wished for,
"^X"' '"" a P eace to have been expelled; and he
wished that while noble lords condemned the peace
that lay before them, they would hint what terms of
peace they would have been willing to offer. He had
indulged hopes, from the many profeffions of candour
that had fallen from their lordships, on the fubjeft of
peace, about a month ago, that they would have quash
ed the voice of clamour, and been fludious to promote
harmony and unanimity. Inflead of that, while there
was little or no clamcur without doors, clamours ori
ginated within doors, among themselves. With re
gard to the loyalifls,' he said, that the recommendation
of congress would, he hoped, be more effeaual than was
imagined. The united states of America were a young
power, and full of the ideas of freedom. The autho
rity of congress was, as yet, but weak, but, such as
it was, it had been fufficirnt to raise levies and contri
butions for the support of the war. The fame authori
ty apd influence would be exerted in favour of the
counterbalance in some meifute, the advantages ofour
local situation for commerce. Dunkirk, at the fame
time, would be no use to the French, but in a war with
England. In our precipitancy to allow the reparation of
Dunkirk, therefore, the language of the crown, with
out any exaggeration or colouring was plainly this:
'' to fi^w my good brother of France, how earnestly
" I desire his friendfhip, I will give him up Dunkirk
" for the conveniency of making war on my loving
“ fubjefts."
Lord Stormont concluded a speech of two hours in
length, with a review of the comparative flrength of
Great-Britain, with that of her enemies, reasoning from
public documents, from the tefliroony of miniflers,
and from private information. Having recounted with
rapture the atchievenients of lord Rodney, admiral
Hughes, general Elliot, and lord Howe, he said, that
the heart of every Briton, at the recollection of these
exploits, would swell, and diflend with pride, if it did
not suddenly fink into despondency and shame, on the
remembrance that miniflers had made our very victo
ries a pretext for precipitating our disgrace, and con
verted our glory into shame and humiliation.
Lord Grantham represented, in a few words, some
errors, which had crept into certain expressions, in the
articles, but which he had been so happy as to have
correCted. What these were we could neither hear or
learn. His lordship also described the very great dif
ficulty of forming and concluding a treaty with so ma
ny different powers.
Lord Sackville deplored the situation of the loyalifls,
and expressed his indignation at that weak policy that
had abandoned them. Congress might recommend
them to the mercy of their exasperated neighbours;
but as congress possessed not any legislative authority^
it was but too probable their recommendations, though
sincere, would prove ineffectual. In confirmation of
this, he produced to the house an authentic paper he
had lately received from Philadelphia, from which it
appeared, that the province of Virginia had resolved
unanimously,
" That the laws of this slate confifeating property
held under the laws of the former government (which
had been dissolved and made void) by those who have
never been admitted in the present social compa&, be
ing founded on legal principles, were flrongly diaated
by that principle of common justice, demands that, if
virtuous citizens, in defence of their natural and con
stitutional rights, risk their life, liberty, and property
on their success, the vicious citizens who fide with ty
ranny and oppression, or who cloak themselves under
the mask of neutrality, should at least hazard their
property, and not enjoy the benefits procured by the
labours and dangers of those whole deftrudion they
willed.
“ That all demands or requests of the Britifli court,
for the restitution of property confiscated by this slate,
being neither supported by law, equity, or policy, are
wholly inadmissible, and that our delegates in congress
be inflruaed to move congress, that they may direst
their deputies, who fhali represent these states in the
general congress for adjuring a peace or truce, neither
to agree to any such reflitution, or submit that the
laws made by any independent slate of this union, be
fubjefted to the adjudication of any power or powers
on earth."