The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-05-29 00:00:00, page 1

Address and Recommendations
to the States,
BY
The United States in Congress Assembled.
THE profpea which has for some time existed, and
which is now happily realifed, of a fuccefsful ter
mination of the war, together with the critical exigen
cies of public affairs, have made it the duty of congress
to review and provide for the debts which he war has
left upon the United States, and to look forward to
the means of obviating dangers which may interrupt
the harmony and tranquility of the confederacy The
result of their mature and solemn deliberations on these
great objerts is contained in their several recommen
dations of the ißth instant, herewith transmitted. Al
though these recommendations speak themselves the
principles on which they are founded, as well as the
ends which they propose, it will not be improper to
enter into a few explanations and remarks, in order
to place in a Wronger view the necessity of complying
with them.
The firft measure recommended is, effectual provision
for the debts of the United States. The amount of
these debts, as far as they can now be afeertained, js
42,000,375 dollars, as will appear by the schedule No. r.
To difeharge the principal of this aggregate debt at
once, or in any short period, is evidently not within
the compass of our resources; and even if it could be
accomplished, the ease of the community would require
that the debt itfelf fliould be left to a course of gradual
extinguishment, and certain funds be provided for pay
ing in the mean time the annual interest. The amount
of the annual interest, as will appear by the paper Isft
referred to, is computed to be 2,415,956 dollars. Funds,
therefore, which will certainly and punctually produce
this annual sum at least, muftbe provided.
In deviling these funds, Congress did not overlook
the mode of supplying the common treasury, provided
by the articles of confederation ; but after the most re
fpertfu) consideration of that mode, they were constrain
ed to regard it as inadequate and inapplicable to the
form into which the public debt must be thrown. The
delays and uncertainties incident to a revenue to be
eflablifhed and collected from time to time by thirteen
independent authorities, is at firft view irreconcilable
with the punrtuality essential in the difeharge of the
interest of a national debt. Our own experience, after
making every allowance for transient impediments, has
been a fufficient illuflration of this truth. Some depar
ture, therefore, in the recommendations of congress,
from the fcederal confutation, was unavoidable ; but
it will be found to be as small as could be reconciled
with the object in view, and to be supported besides
by solid considerations of interest and found policy.
The fund which firft presented itfelf on this, as it did
on a former occasion, was a tax on imports. The rea
sons which recommended this branch of revenue, have
heretofore been stated in an aft, of which a copy, No. 2,
is now forwarded, and need not be here repeated. It
will fuffice to recapitulate, that taxes on consumption
are always least burthenfome, because they are least
felt, and are borne too by those who are both willing
and able to pay them : that of all taxes on consumpti
on, those on foreign commerce are most compatible
with the genius and policy of free states: that fr< m
the relative positions of some of the more commercial
Fates, it will be impossible to bring this essential re
source into use without a concerted uniformity: that
this uniformity cannot be concerted through any chan
nel so properly as through Congress, nor for any pur
pote so aptly as for paying the debts of a revolution
from which an unbounded freedom has accrued to
commerce.
In renewing this proposition to the states, we have
not been unmindful of the objertions which heretofore
fruftrated the unanimous adoption of it. We have li
mited the duration of the revenue to the term of twen
ty-five years, and we have left to the states themselves
the appointment of the officers who are to colled it.
If the flrirt maxims of national credit alone were to be
consulted, the revenue ought manifeftly to be co-exist
ent with the objea of it, and the collertion placed in
every refpert under that authority which is to dispense
the former, and is responsible for the latter. These re
laxations will, we trust, be regarded on one hand as
the effect of a disposition in Congress to attend at all
times to the fenthments of those whom they serve, and
on the other hand, as a proof of their anxious desire
that provision may be made in some way or other for
an honourable and just fulfilment of the engagements
which they have formed.
00^1^ r
VOL. XII.]
THURSDAY,
general advertiser.
]2 bl 2"??T:'™^^ AND SATURDAY.—Price Six-Pince.
With a view to the resource last mentioned, as well
as to obviate disagreeable controversies and confufions,
Congress have included in their present recommenda
tions, a renewal of those of the 6th day of September,
and of the 10th day of Ortober, 1780. In both those
refperts a liberal and final accommodation of all inter
sering claims of vacant territory, is an object which
cannot be pressed with too much solicitude.
The last object recommended is a conflitutional
change of the rule, by which a partition of the com
mon burthens is to be made. The expediency and
even necessity of such a change has been (efficiently
inforced by the local injustice and difeontents which
have proceeded from valuations of the foil in every
state where the experiment has been made. But how
infinitely must these evils be encreafed, on a compari
son of such valuations amng the states themselves!
On whatever fide indeed this rule be surveyed, the ex
ecution of it must be attended with the most serious
difficulties.
If the valuations be referred to the authorities of
the several states, a general fatisfa&ioa is not to be
T° render this fund as productive as possible, and at
he fame time to narrow the room for collusions and
rauds, it has been judged an improvement of the plan,
to recommend a liberal duty on such articlesas are most
susceptible of a tax according to their quantity, and
are of most equal and general consumption; leaking all
other articles, as heretofore proposed, to be taxed ac
cording to their value.
The amount of this fund is computed to be 915,956
dollars. The estimates on which the computation is
made, are detailed in paper No. 3. Accuracy in the
essay on so Complex and fluctuating a fubjert is not
to be expeded. It is presumed to be as near the truth
as the defeCt of proper materials would admit.
The residue of the computed interest is 1,500 000
dollars, and is referred to the states to be provided for
by such funds as they may judge molt convenient.
Here again the ffriCt maxims of public credit gave way
to the desire of Congress to conform to the sentiments
of their conflituents. It ought not to be omitted, how
ever, with refpert to this portion of the revenue, that
the mode in which it is to be supplied, varies so little
from that pointed out in the articles of confederation,
and the variations are so conducive to the great object
proposed, that a ready and unqualified compliance on
the part of the states may be the more justly expected.
In fixing the quotas of this sum, Congress, as may be
well imagined, were guided by very imperfect lights,
and some inequalities may consequently have ensued.
These, however, can be but temporary, and as far as
they may exist at all, will be redressed by a retrospec
tive adjustment, as soon as a con ftitutional rule can be
applied.
The necessity of making the two foregoing provisions
one indivisible and irrevocable ad is apparent. With
out the firft quality, partial provision only might be
made where complete provision is essential; nay, as
some states might prefer and adopt one of the funds
only, and the other states the other fund only, it might
happen that no provision at all would be made: with
out the second, a single state out of the thirteen,
might at any time involve the nation in bankruptcy,
the mere practicability of which would be a fatal bar
to the eflabUfnment of national credit. Inflead of en
larging on these topics, two observations are submitted
to the justice and wisdom of the legislatures. First : the
present creditors, or rather the domeflic part of them,
having either made their loans for a period which has
expired or having become creditors in the firft inflance
involuntarily, are intitled on the clear principles of
justice and good faith, to demand the principal of
their credits, instead of accepting the annual interest.
It is necessary, therefore, as the principle cannot be
paid to them on demand, that the interest should be so
effectually and fatisfartorily secured, as to enable them,
if they incline, to transfer their flock at its full value.
Secondly : if the funds be so firmly constituted as to
inspire a thorough and universal confidence, may it
not be hoped, that the capital of th® domeflic debt,
which bears the high interest of fix per cent, may be
cancelled by other loans obtained at a more moderate
interest? The saving by such an operation would be a
clear one, and might be a considerable one. As a proof
of the necessity of substantial funds for a support of
our credit abroad, we refer to paper No. 4.
Thus much for the interest of the national debt : for
the difeharge of the principal within the term limited,
we rely on the natural increase of the revenue from
commerce, on requisitions to be made from time to
time for that purpose, as circumflances may dilate,
and on the profpea of vacant territory. If these re
sources should prove inadequate, it will be necessary,
at the expiration of twenty five years, to continue the
funds now recommended, or to eflablifh such others as
may be then found more convenient.
O R, THE
THE
To individuals in a foreign country, in the next
place, who were the firfl to give so precious token
of their confidence in onr justice, and of their friend
ship fcr our cause, and who are members of a repub
lic which was second in espousing our rank among
nations. For the claims and expectations of this class
of creditors we refer to paper No. 6.
Another class of creditors is, that iduftrious and pa
triotic band of fellow citizens, whole blood and whole
bravery have defended the liberties of their country,
who have patiently borne, among other distresses, the
privation of their flipends, whilf l the diflreffes of
their country difabhd it from bellowing them; and
who, even now, alk for no more than such a portion
of their due, as will enable them to retire from tl^fe
field of virtory and glory into the bofornof peace
and private citizenship, and for such effertuaf securi
ty for the residue of thei claims, as their country is
now unqueflionably able to provide. Fora full view
of their sentiments and wifhee on this fubjert, we tianf
mit the paper No 7; and as a frefh and lively in.
fiance of their fup^roritr to every species of fedurtion
from the paths of virtue and of honor, we add the Pa
per No. B.'
hoped for : rs they be executed by officers of the Uni
ted states traversing the country for that purpose, be
sides the inequalities, against which this mode wou'd
be no fecunty, the expence would be both enormous
and obnoxious: if the mode taken in the ad of the
February last, which was deemed on the
lcaft objectionable, be adhered to, still the in
fuffiejency of the data to the purpose to which the,
are to be applied, must greatly impair, if not utterly
deltroy all confidence in the accuracy of the refult
not to mention that as far as the result can be at all %
just one, it will be indebted for the advantage to the
principle on which the rule proposed to be fubflituted
is founded. This rule, although not free from ob
jections, is liable to fewer than any other that could
be devised. The only material difficulty which attend
ed it in the deliberations of Congress, was to fix the
proper difference between the labour and ioduftry of
free inhabitants, and of all other inhabitants. The
ratio ultimately agreed on was the effort of mutual
concessions ; and if it should be supposed not to cor
respond precisely with the fart, no doubt ought to be
entertained that an equal spirit of accommodation a
mong the several legislatures, will prevail against lit
tle inequalities which may be calculated 011 one fide
or on the other. But notwithstanding the confidence
of Congress as to the success of this proposition, it is
their duty to recollert that the event may possibly
disappoint them, and to request that measures may
still be pursued for obtaining and transmitting the in
formation called for in the art of the 17th of February
last, which in such event will be essential.
The plan thus communicated and explained by
Congress must now receive its fate from their conflitu
ents. All the objerts comprised in it are conceived to
be of great importance to the happiness of this confe
derated republic; are necessary to render the fruits
of the revolution a full reward for the blood, the toils,
the cares, and the calamities which ha^e purcha fed it!
But the objert of which the necessity will be peculiarly
felt, and which it is peculiarly the duty of Congress
to inculcate, is the p ovifion recommended for the na
tional debt. Although thi' debt is greater than could
have been wished, it is still less on the whole than
could have been ex perted ; and when referred to the
cause in which it has been incurred, and compared
with the burthens which wars of ambition and of
vain glory have entailed on other nations, ought to
be borne notcnly with cheerfulnefs but with pride.
But the magnitude of the debt makes no part of the
queflion. It is fufficient t?at the debt has been fairly
contrafVd, and that justice and good faith demand that
it should be fully difeharged. Congref shad no option
but between different modes of difeharging it. The
fame option is the only one that can exist with the
states. The mode which has, after a long and elabo
rate difeuffion, been preferred, is, we are persuaded,
the least objertionable of any that would have been
equal to the purpose. Under this persuasion, we call
upon the justice and plighted faith of the several states
to give it its proper effeft, to reflert on the consequen
ces of rejerting it, and to remember that Congress will
not be answerable for them.
If other motives than that of justice could be requi
site on this occasion, no nation could ever feel strong
er ; for to whom are the debts to be paid ?
To an ally in the firft place, who to the exertion of
his arms in support of our cause, has added the fuc
cours of his treafyre; who, to his important loans,
has added liberal donations; and whole loans them
selves carry the impression of his magnanimity and
friendfhip. For more exart information on this point
we refer to paper No. 5.
^A Y 29; 1783;
[NUMB. 1047.