Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-04-10 00:00:00, page 8

that aft augmentation ts 2600 seamen should be
made. That nt mber, it was apprehended, wculd
be lufncjeut for the purple of retraining the
commence of die Ne,.-Englanders; and for pre
venting the clandeßine trade which feme were
fearful would be carried into practice with foreign
nations; thacthele objects weie very essential ones,
and inch as muR be provided for; and at the
fame time it was also inexpedient to weaken the
other standing letvic sos the navy, which were at
prefect amply provided for, and were meant to be
left upon too icfpetlable a footing to leave the
least apprehensions of any attack from our neigh
bours; that it was defined to Ration a proper
number of frigates in the most beneficial manner
for commanding the whole coaß of North-Ame
rica; and it was to be hoped that when the Co-
I nifts found that this c .untry was fully determin
ed to exert the utmost of her force in order to
secure obedience to the legislature, that they would
then quit their prelent delation, and return to
their duty.
In reply, it was contended, that the whole con
dud of administration, from the beginning of this
affair, was full of blindness and incapacity: That
they had been for several sessions called upon for a
reduction of the navy estimate: That while there
was no use in the enormous establishment, so long
was it kept up; but that as soon as, upon their
own ideas and princip es, there was reason to fore
fee a waqt, just then we found it reduced, rot
effi ntially and effectually reduced, but merely by
way of a paltry expedient to flop the mouth cf
eppofaion. Why was the navy reduced at a time
that the Ministry ought to have forefeet the tract
that would probably arise: Fvery dispatch fr< m
America changes the plan of government ; the hue
gs the Ministry changes, like the camelion, with
the objeds that approach it. The augmentation
row alked is but an experiment ; they design it to
try what it will do; —they forefee no effects ; and
inßead of governing events by the penetration of
a great Ratcfman, they wait with anxiety to know
tee Rate of their trial: Full of boasts at the mo
ment of aiming this House for the money of the
fubje&, you would then suppose them lookingin
to the mod <'ißant events, and prGdifling nothing
but the clearest success. Next session
1 ext month, they will be of another mind, and
I aving changed their tone with the advices they
receive, will come for three times 2000 net,
perhaps five times as many.
That the conduct of the land forces has been
upon the fame principles. At firft three regiments,
as a garrison in Boston were to do all the business
• —were to carry the aRs into execution, and pre
vent all future application to Parliament, pre
sently that hopeful plan gave way for another;
five regiments were found necessary; the next
dis patches made seven necessary, and thus we found
the army run up to sixteen regiments, but are as
sured that General Gage will then be perfectly
jafe; by and by we shall find the fear of admini
stration speak a different language; we fha.l gra
dually hear of 20, of go, and of 40,000 mem
The conduct of administration was not only
glaringly inconsistent and absurd, when examined^
1 pun their own principles, but unhappily those
.principles themselves were to the lad degree fatal
10 the most important interests of this country. In
what are these add tional feamsn to be employed?
To destroy and prevent the filing trade of New-
England, and thereby throw into the hands of
France the employment of 20,000 sailors and fifh
crmen. The fifnery ofßofton, &c. will natural
ly and inevitably go to the French—you cannot
take it up —the towns in Britain that carry it on,
it. is well known, succeed them. That the go
vernment proceeded as if they had nothing to fear,
and as if they were quite at leifuie for the schemes
of the greateß magnitude. Not content with go
verning all the internal part of America by arms,
at a time when they cannot yet go beyond the
parrifoning a bugle town, they attack the Ameri
cans clandestine trade; and finding themselves un
able to retrench indead of annihilating it, they
give themselves much larger work, by declaring
ail American commerce contraband; and thereby
enlarging infinitely that work, which when small
they could not execute. That while there was so
little forefight, so little provision for future events;
while the means taken to execute the greatest
works were so inadequate to the fmalleß ends,
and while the whole was under the guidance of
imbecility and imprudence, negligence and inca
pacity, nothing was to be expected but the most
inferable attendants on the most horrible civil
convulsions, both at home as well as in America.
The question was put at eleven o'clock, and the
House divided, ayes 261, noes 85.
1 he resolution of the committee was agreed to
without a division, and a bill ordered to be
brought in.
We hear, that previous to the commencement
any hostilities in America, a manifesto will be
ibuted amongftall the provinces, lotting forth
( urge the claims of government on one fidfe, and
', _ expedited concefli ns of America on the other.
The Upper Assembly yesterday went through
the land-tax and marine mutiny bills, without
amendment.
Reported'his Majesty's answer to the address
of thanks, for communicating the American pa
pers, &c.
Yesterday the Earl of Rochford presented the
Upper Aflembly a message from his Majesty un
der his sign manual, the purport of which was,
“ That, in consequence of the address he had
received, he was determined to the more speedy
and effectual meafu.es for supporting thejuft rights
of the Crown and two Houles of Parliament, in
which undertaking, he informed them, an addi
tion to his forces by land and sea would be found
necehdry, not doubting but their Lo'dihips wculd
readily concur in such measures as the exigencies
cf the case ihould require.
In consequence of the above mefTage, their
Lordships agreed to an humble address to be pre
sented to his Majesty, humbly to assure his Ma
jesty, that they will, with the utmost zeal and
chearfulnefs, concur with his Majesty in such
x^afures as the prefect exigency may require.
The SPEECH of the LORI)
on the Motion of Lord North,
to his Majesty against the American..
Mr. Speaker,
H E business now before the House refpec-
I ting the Americans is ofas great importance
as was ever debated in Parliament. It compre
hends almost every question relative to the com
mon rights of mankind, almost every question of
policy and legislation. I do not mean to enter into
so vast, so well trodden a field. I will confine
myfelf to the bufine's before vs. The address
now reported from the Committee of the whole
House appears to me unfounded, rash and sanguin
ary, and most unjußly to draw the sword against
America; but before administration are fuffered
to plunge this mat on into the horrors of a civil
war, before they are permitted to force English
men to sheathe their swords in the bowels of their
fellow fubjeßs, I hope this House will seriously
weigh the original ground and cause of this un
happy dispute, and in time refle& whether justice
is on our fide. The affirmed right of taxation
without the consent of the fubjeftis plainly the
cause of the prefect quarrel. Have we, Sir, any
right to tax the Americans? That is the question.
The fundamental laws of human nature, and the
principles of the English constitution, are equally
repugnant to the claim. The very idea of pro
perty excludes the right of another's taking any
thing from me without my consent, otherwise I
cannot call it my own. What property have I
in what another can seize at his pleasure? If we
can tax the Americans without their consent, they
have no property, nothing which they can call
their own; we might take their all. The words
“ liberty and property," so dear to an Englishman,
so pleating in our ears, would become mockery
and insult to an American. The laws of iociety
are profeffedly calculated to secure the property
of each individual, of every subject of the state.
The great principles ofthe con ftitution under which
we live, likewise clearly determined this point. All
subsidies to the ciown are grants from the Co 11-
mons, free gifts from the people. fheirfuil con
sent is always expressed in the grant. Much has
been laid of the Palatines of Chester, and the prin
cipality of Wales, and the period of their taxa
tion; but, Sir, there is a more remarkable case
in point, which alone would determine the ques
tion. If any gentlemen will search the records in
the Tower, they will find that the town of Calais
in France when it belonged to the imperial crown
of these realms, was not taxed till it sent repre
sentatives to Parliament. Two Burgesses from
Calais a&ually fat and voted in this House. Then,
and not till then, was Calais taxed. The writ of
Chancery, and the return to it, in the regn of
Edward VI. with the names of the Burgesses, are
Kill anext. I faithfully gave them to the public
from attested copies.
But, Sir, it will be said, is America then to
enjoy the protection ofGreat-Britain, and to con
tribute nothing towards the fuppoit of that very
Rate, w,hich has so long given it protection and
security, which has nursed it up to its present
gieatnefs ? The Americans themselves have
given the fulleß answer to this objection, in a
manner not to be controverted, by their conduft
through a long series of years, and by the molt
explicit declarations. Equally in words and acti
ons of the most unequivocal nature, they have
demonitrated their love, their ardor, their strong
filial piety towards the mother country. They
have always appeared ready not only to contribute
towards the expences of their own government,
but likewise to the wants and the necellities of this
Rate, although perhaps they may not be overfond
of all the proud expeufive trapings of royalty. In
the two laid wars they far exceeded the cold line
of prudence. With the most liberal hearts they
gave you almost their all, and they fought gal
lantly by your fide with equal valour against our
and their enemy, against the common enemy of
mankind, the ambitious and faithlefs French,
whom we now fear and flatter. Our journals,
Sir, will bear witness to the grateful sense we had
of the important services of the Americans, and the
great funis we voted to be repaid them, for what
they expended in their spirited expeditions, which
they carried through with equal courage and
conduct, sometimes without the least knowledge
or participation on our part, will demonstrate the
warm affection of.their hearts to this country. But,
Sir, the whole was the gift of freemen of fellow
fubjeds, who feel that they are, and know that
they have a right to be as free as ourselves. What
is their language now, when you are planning their
deftrußion, when you are declaring them rebels?
In the late petition of th^ General Congress to
the King, they declare “ they are ready and wil
ling as they ever have been, when conftitu rionally
required, to demonstrate their loyalty to his Ma
jesty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts in
granting supplies and railing forces." This is the
unanimous resolution of a Congress, composed of
deputies from the several Colonies of New-Hamp
shire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode lfland and Pro
vidence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York, Neu -
Jersey, Penfylvania, the counties of New-Castle,
Kent and Sussex, on Delaware, Marfland, Vir
ginia, and the two Carolinas. I have heard, Sir,
of a plan of accommodation, which 1 believe
would reconcile all differences, but alas! Sir, it
did not come from any servant of the crown. It
comes from the noble Lord of whom this country
has the most essential obligations, and is so much
indebted for its late fplendour and glory. It is
to aflemble another Congress in the spring, under
.the authority of the Parliament of G reat-Britain;
the deputies of the several Colonics to meet toge
ther and to be jointly empowered to regulate the
various quotas, to be paid by each province to the
general treasury of the whole empire. I would
in addition to that plan propose, that a regulation
similar to what actually takes place with refpedl to
Scotland to be adopted as to America. The pro
portion of each colony might be fettled according
to the land tax in England at one, two, or more
Killings in the-pound. 1 am not deep poli
tician enough to knew what the proportions should
be of each province, and they will vary greatly
men, with the spirit 1 hope we should. They
will sooner declare themselves independent, and
rifle every consequence offuch a contest, than sub
mit to the yoke which administration is preparing
forthem. An address of so sanguinary a nature
cannot fail of driving them to despair. They
will fee that you are preparing not only to
dr?.w the sword, but to burn the scabbard. You
are declaring them rebels. Every idea of a re
conciliation will vanish. They will pursue the
most vigorous measures in their own defence. The
whole continent will be dismembered from Great
Britain, and the wide arch of the raised empirefall.
But I hope the just vengeance of the people will
overtake the author of these pernicious counsels,
and the loss ofthe firft province to the empire be
fpeediiy followed by the loss of the heads of those
minißers who advised these wicked and fatal
Tfa cen theirqu^ta
ays to b< to the land tax
bis coun - Colonies of the
Maffachufe • . South-Carolina,
for instance, lore, the smaller
and poorer ~mie^otN ew-riampfhire and New-
Jersey less; but, Sir, I insist not a single drilling
can be taken without their consent; and afrertbis
day's debate, should the address be carried, I
greatly fear every idea of a reconciliation will be
utterly impracticable.
The Americans, Sir, have of late both within
doors and without been treated with the greatest
injustice, and even a wanton degree cf cruelty.
An honourable gentleman hasjuft told us that they
comolain of the navigation aft, and insist on its
repeal. We have authentic evidence to the con
trary. In these resolutions of the Congress they
repeatedly desire to be put only on the footing
they were at'the dose of the fate ivar, " as to the
system of statutes and regulations;" nor among
the various a&s, of which they desire the repeal,
do they once mention either the navigation or the
declaratory aft. It is said likewise, they wish to
throw off the supremacy of this country. Many
express resolutions, both of the General Congress
and the Provincial Congreves, are the fulleft evi
dence of the sense which the Americans entertain
of their obedience and duty to this country. They
are two numerous to be quoted. Their full claim
as Rated by themselves, is so well warded, I beg
to read it to the House from their petition to the
King. % ajk but for peace, liberty and fafety.
Surely, Sir, no request was ever more reasonable,
no claim better founded. We nvifo not a diinuni
tion of the prerogative, nor do ace f licit a grant of
any new right in our favour. Tor royal authority
over us, a^d our connexion with Great- Britain, ice
foal! always carefu ly aud zealouflj endeavour to
Jupport and maintain; while adminif iration are
endeavouring to tear affunder those tics, which
have so long and happily bound us together.
The address, Sir, mentions the particular pro
vince of Massachusetts-Bay as in a Rate of actual
rebellion, and the other provinces are considered
as aiding and abetting them. Much has been said
by ome learned gentlemen to involve them in all
the consequences of a declared rebellion, apd to
encourage our officers and troops to ad against
them as against rebels. Whether the present Rate
is that of rebellion, or of a fit and proper refin
ance to unlawful a&s of power, to our attempts to
rob them of their property and liberties, as they
imagine I do not determine. This I know, a
fuccelsful resistance is a revolution, not a rebellion.
Who can tell, Sir, whether in consequence of this
very day's violent and mad address to his Ma-
jeßy, the scabbard may not be thrown away by
them as well as by us, and should success attend
them, whether in a few years the Americans may
not celebrate the glorious tera cf 1775, as we do
that of 1668? Success crowned the generous ef
forts of oar forefathers for freedom, else they had
died on the fcaffbld as traitors and rebels, and
the period of our history, which does us the most
honour, would have been deemed a rebellion
again f lawful authority, not a refinance authori
led by all the laws of God and man, not the ex
pulsion of a tyrant.
The policy, Sir, of this measure, I can no more
comprehend, than I can acknowledge the justice
of it. Is your force adequate to the attempt? I
am fatisfied it is not. What are your armies and
how are they to be recruited? Do you recoiled
that the single province of MaiTachufetts-Bay has
at this moment above 50,000 men, well trianed
aid dilciplined, and can bring near 90,000 into
the field? They will do it, when they are fight
ing for their liberties. You will not be able to
conquer and keep even that single province. The
noble Lord proposes only 10,000 of our troops to
be there, including the four regiments now going
from Ireland, and he acknowledges very truly that
the army cannot enforce the late ads of Parlia
ment. Why then is it sent? Boston indeed you
may lay in ashes, or it may be made ^ftrong gar
rison, but the province will be loft to you. Boßon
will be like Gibralter. You will hold in the pro
vince of Maflachutetts Bay, as you do in Spain,
a single town, the whole country in the power
and possession ofthe enemy. Your fleets and ar
mies may keep a few towns on the coast, for fume
at least, Bolton, New-Yu r k, St. Au'guftine. The
vast continent of America will be loft to you. A
few fortreffes on the coast and some sea-ports only
you will keep, all the back settlements will be in
dependent of you, and will thrive in the rapid pro
gression of your violences and unjust exa&ions on
the towns. The ancient Rory ofthe Carthaginian
hide will be verified as to you. Where you tread,
it will be kept down, but it will rife the more in
all the other parts. Where your fleets and armies
are Rationed, the peflehion will be yours, but all
the rest will be 1011. 1 fear from this day in the
great scale of empire you will decline, aud the
Americans will rife to independence; to power,
to all the greatness of the most renowned Rates,
for they build on the solid btis of public liberty.
Sir, this address is founded io injustice and
cruelty. It is equally contrary to the found max
ims of true policy, and to the unerring rule of na
tural right. The Americans will defend their
p operty and their liberties with the spirit of free-
Extras of a letter from Nezu-York, A,ri! 12.
" The Earl of Dunmore, Capt. Lawrence, arri
ved lad evening, and bitings accounts as late as the
23d of February, by which we are informed, a mo
tion was made by Lord North, and carried to bring
in a bill to suspend all the American laws, a very
unexp.&ed and sudden change ofmeafures."
Extras of a letter from New-York of the fame elate.
“ Yerterday afternoon arrived here the Earl of
Dunmore, Capt. Lawrence, from England, who
has brought prints to the 23d of February, in which
is the following motion, viz. Lord North on the
21st of February moved for a suspension of the se
veral American a&s, until it should be known which
of the provinces would agree to the railing a reve
nue, and to the acknowledgment of the suprema
cy of the British Legislature. Such of the provin
ces as did thus agree, were to be permitted to raise
the revenue in the mode meft suitable to themselves,
but in the other Colonies ftiU refractory, the seve
ral a&s were to be rigorously enforced. I have ta
ken the foregoing fiom a written copy which I have
no dou t is an exact copy from the print."
Various accounts having be-n given of Lord
North's .motion for the relief of the Colonies, the
following we presume may be depended on as truly
authentic : —From the Middlesex Journal, of
February 21. " Yesterday the Commons refblved
itfelf into a Committee of the whole House f< r the
Confidcration of the American Papers and Affairs,
when a motion, molt un.exp.Qed without doors but
for which the members had been prepared by cl%<,
desiring their attendance, was made'by Lord North,
for adopting conciliatory measures with America,
and the following may be depended upon as an au
thentic copy of the above motion : " That it is?the
opinion of this Committee, That when the Gene
ral Council and Assembly, or General Court of any
of his Majeffy’s Provinces or Colonies in America
shall propose to make provision, according to the
condition, circumstance, or fituatiun of such Pro
vince or Colony, for contributing their propor
tion to the common defence (such provdion to
be railed under the authority of the General
Court or Aflembly of such province and difpolable
by Parliament) and (hall engage to make provision
also for the support of the civil government, and
the adminiltration of juttice in such province 01 Co
lony, it will be proper, if such propofol (hall be ap
proved by his Majesty and the two Hotifes of Par
liament, and for lo long as such provfon (bill 1 e
made accordingly, to forbear in refpiCt of inch Co
lony to lay any duty, tax or affeffnient, or to impose
any further duty, tax or aftbff.nent, except only
luch duties as it may e expedient to Continue to
levy or impose for the regulation of commerce, the
neat produce of the duties lad mentioned to be
carried to the account of fuc h province or Colony
rcfyc&ively. On a division 274 for 28 agaii.fi."
Ext,afl of a letter fro;// New-To/k, rfril 12.
The Earl of Dunmore, Captain Lawrence, ar
rived fall evening, and brings acc .tints + late as
the 23d of February, by which we arc informed
a motion was made by Lord No'tii ^m cured, to
bring in a Bill to suspend al lthe Am<rcan Law^
a Very urey^t: 4 a^/ TdJ .u -1 .% . .^^^^^
.LADELPH [A, fol^
A Letter from New-York, dated tl> e 1 Ith left,
fays, " Captain Lawrence arrived here this after
noon in fix weeks from Portfmonth, failed in com
pany with a ship for your port. Hearings news
to the 23d of February. In one of thelaft papers
a paragraph mentions, That Lord North moved
in the House, “ That all American ARs be sus
pended until advice could be received from the Co
lonies what they would give or offer towards a fun
port of government, and those that proved refrac#
tory, to have the a&s put vigorously into execu
tion in such Colonies". This is the fubftanoe cf
the motion, but the particular wording you will
find in the papers published here, which you will
have by to-morrow's post. We are in a great
measure in the dark, as private letters by the ship
do not come down to so late a date, and Captain
Lawrence lay at Portfm'otith when he received the
paper. The House of Commons treated the Pe
tition of the Merchants very indecently; they
presented two Petitions, and then their Commit
tee were called in, and one of them, who was de
puted for the purpose, verbally vaved their appli
cation, unless the House would refer their Petition
to the fame Committee to whom was referred the
Confederation of American Papers; the House
declined doing that and they wihdrew. It also
appears that the Corporation of London were
about petitioning.
" Capt. Lawrence declares that he never saw
the citizens of London in Inch a situation, no bu
siness going forward that was perceivable, and a
general apprehension of the consequences to be
expected from the violent measures intended to be
put in execution by administration. I have one
or two letters of the fame import.—lt is talked
of here, but I did not hear it by Capt. Lawrence,
that Lord North was, in all probability, intimi
dated into this motion by feeing a hundred thou
sand people round the Parlianjent-houfe, which I
judge may be poflible. If the Corporation went
in a body with their petition they doubtless would
have a refpeßable a body to attend them. It is
furrnifed that the movements of the Spaniards
might have given cause for this motion: Be it as
it may, I think it very providential that this sus
pension takes place just at a time when we expect
ed the fworT to be drawn.—l am also informed,
the troops are flopped coming. Mr. Burke, tow
ards the elofe of a spirited speech, declared, to this
effe&, " That if the violent measures were carri
ed into execution, he pledged himfelf, that if the
people would second him, he would bring the au
thors to condign punishment. The protest of the
Lords against the address to the King, I am in
formed, is the best thing ever put together—ln
fbort, we have friends, and I am thankful that a
door is yet open to a happy reconciliation. The
joint address of the Lords and Commons to the
King desiring him to use the most effectual measures
to make America submit— and so soon thereafter
for the Minißer to make a motion in the House for
a suspension of the laws, and come into nem. con,
by the House, is a mystery that gives me great
reason to fulped, that the ostensible reason offered
by Lord North, in the motion, is not the foie in
ducement for him to make it. I don't doubt but
the address of the two Houses will alarm all that
depend on trade and manufactures, and the dis
content will become more general as they feel the
loss of our custom."