Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-05-23 00:00:00, page 5

From /^Bristol Ga z ette, of March 24, i 774.
Lord Chatham's Speech on the declaratory bill
of the Sovereignty of Great-Britain over the Colo
nies.
^AAA&}HEN I spoke last on this fubjed,
g %A ) I thought I had delivered my fen
✓M W "b timents so fully, and supported
N^ them with such reasons, and such
5 < authorities, that I apprehended I
%s¥'>o/*fy'j' should be under no necessity of
troubling your Lordship again. But I am com
pelled to rife up and beg your further indulgence ;
I find that I have been very injuriously treated;
have been considered as the broacher of new fang
led doctrines, contrary to the laws of this king
dom, and subversive of the rights of Parliament.
My Lord, this is a heavy charge, but more so
when made against one Rationed as I am in
both capacities, as P— and J —, the defender
of the law and the constitution. When I spoke
last, I was indeed replied to, but not answered.
In the intermediate time many things have been
said. As I was not present, I must now beg leave
to answer such as have come to my knowledge.
As the affair is of the utmost importance, and in
its consequences may involve the fate of kingdoms,
I took the ftri&eft review of my arguments; I re
examined all my authorities; fully determined, if
I found myfelf mistaken, publicly to own my mis
take, and give up my opinion : But my searches
have more and more convinced me that the British
Parliament have no right to tax the Americans.
I shall not therefore coriGder the declaratory
bill now lying on your table ; for to what purpose,
but loss of time, to confider the particulars of — ,
the very existence of which is illegal, ab
solutely illegal, contrary to the fundamental laws
of nature, contrary to the fundamental laws of
this constitution grounded on the eternal and immu
table laws of nature ; a constitution on whose foun
dation and center is liberty, which fends liberty
to every fubjed that is or may happen to be with
in any part of its ample circumference. Nor, my
Lord, is the do&rine new, it is as old as the con
stitution ; it grew up with it, it is its support;
taxation and representation are inseparably united ;
God hath joined them, no British Parliament can
separate them ; to endeavour to do it is to stab our
Very vitals. Nor is this the firft time this do&rine
has been mentioned ; seventy years ago, my Lord,
a pamphlet was published, recommending the le
vying a Parliamentary tax on one of the Colonies;
this pamphlet was answered by two others, then
much read; these totally deny the power of tax
ing the Colonies ; and why ? Because the Colonies
had no representatives in Parliament to give consent;
no answers, public or private, was given to these
pamphlets, no censure passed upon them ; men
were not startled at the doctrine as either new or
illegal, or derogatory to the rights of Parliament.
I do not mention these pamphlets by way of au
thority, but to vindicate myfelf from the imputa
tion of having firft broached this doctrine.
My position is this—l repeat it—l will main
tain it to my last hour—taxation and representati
on are inseparable; this position is founded on the
laws of nature; it is more, it is itfelf an eternal
law of nature; for whatever is a man's own, is
absolutely his own , no man has a right to take it
from him without his consent either expressed by
himfelf or representative ; whoever attempts to do
it, attempts an injury ; whoever does it commits a
robbery; he throws down and deftroyS the dif
tin&ion between liberty and slavery. Taxation
and representation are coeval with and essential to
this constitution. I wish the maxim of Machiavel
was followed, that of examining a constitution, at
certain periods, according to its firft principles ;
this would correct abuses and supply defeats. I
wish the times would bear it, and that mens minds
were cool enough to enter upon such a talk, and
that the representative authority of this kingdom
Was more equally fettled# lam sure some histories
of late published, have done great mifehief; to
endeavour to fix the sera when the House of Com
mons began in this kingdom, is a most pernicious
and deftrudive attempt; to fix it in an Edward's
or Henry's reign, is owing to the idle dreams of
some whimsical, ill-judging antiquarians: But my
Lord, this is a point too important to be left to
such wrong-headed people. When did the House
of Commons firft begin ? When my Lord ? It be
gan with the constitution, it grew up with the
constitution ; there is not a blade of grass growing
in the most obfeure Corner of this kingdom which
is not, which was not ever represented since the
constitution began; there is not a blade of grass
which, when taxed, was not taxed by the consent
of the proprietor.
There is a history written by one Carte, a his
tory that most people fee through ; and there is
another favourite history, much read, and admi
red. I will not name the author, your Lordship
must know whom I mean, and you must know
from whence he pilfered his notions concerning the
firft beginning oi the House of Commons. My
Lord, 1 challenge any one to point out the time
Dnc T 1 c r D TDnr
T O T HE
PENNSYLVANIA PACKET,
O R, T H E
GENERAL ADVERTISER. No. t 3,
From the Public Advertiser, of frill, 177,
To the Earl tfB UCKINGHAMSHIRE.
On /^BOSTON PORT BILL.
My Lord;
WHEN! mentioned a few of the conse
quences that might arise from blocking up
the harbours in North-America, and promised to
make some remarks upon other schemes that had
been projected for humbling the colonists, I did
hot intend to trouble your Lordship or the public
by stooping to remark upon that ferrago of re
proaches, which are daily thrown out against the
inhabitants of that country, by people whp appear
to be ho better acquainted with their history or
constitution than they are with the inhabitants of
the moon; my intention was to take notice of such
schemes as were frequently mentioned in public,
and such as it seemed probable the Minister might
adopt, because they were of the fame species with
some that have already been adopted. But we are
no longer to form conjectures about what manner
in which Great Britain is to punish the Americans;
we now fee the course in which she is to proceed,
though we are not certain how long she may con
tinue in that course. The port of Boston is to
be shut up ; its trade is to be utterly destroyed;
the inhabitants, about twenty-five thousand in
number, are devoted to poverty, hunger and death.
We have been told by Governor Hutebiufon, that
when any tax was laid upon any person by Parlia
ment, that person being unrepresented in Parlia
ment. The Parliament laid a tax upon the pala
tinate of Chester, and ordered Commissioners to
collect it there, as Commissioners were ordered to
collect it in other counties; but the palatinate
refufed to comply; they addrbffed the King by
petition, setting forth, that the English Parlia
ment had no right to tax them ; that they had a
Parliament of their own; they had always taxed
themfelves, and therefore desired the King to or
der his Commissioners not to proceed. My Lord,
the King received the petition ; he did not declare
them either seditious or rebellious, but allowed
their plea, and they taxed themfelveL Your
Lordship may fee both the petition and the King's
answer in the records in the Tower. The Cler
gy taxed themselves ; when the Parliament at
tempted to tax them, they stoutly refufed, said
they were not represented there ; that they had a
Parliament of their own, which represented the
Clergy; that they would tax themselves ; they
did so. Much stress has been laid upon Wales,
before it was united as it now is, as if the King,
standing in the place of their former Princes of that
country, raised money by his own authority; but
the real fad is otherwise : For I find, that long
before Wales was subdued, the northern counties
of that principality had representatives and a Par
liament or Assembly. As to Ireland, my Lord,
before that kingdom had a Parliament, as it now
has, if your Lordship will examine the old records,
you will find, that when a tax was to be laid on
that country, the Irish sent over here representa
tives; and the fame records will inform your
Lordship what wages those representatives receiv
ed from their constituents. In short, my Lord,
from the whole of our history, from the earliest
period, you will find that taxation and represent
ation were always united; so true are the words
of that consummate reasoner and politician Mr.
Locked I before alluded to his book ; I have
again cdhfblted him; and finding that he writes so
applicable to the fubjed in hand, and so much in
favour of my sentiments, I beg your Lordship's
leave to read a little of his book.
" The fupteme power cannot take from any
" man, any part of his property without his own
“ consent ;" and B. 11. p. 136-^139, particu
larly 140. Such are the words of this great man,
and which are well worth your Lordship's serious
attention. His principles are drawn from the
heart of our conftithtiot; 'which he thoroughly
understood, and will last as long as that shall iaft ;
and, to his immortal honour, I know not to what,
under Providence, the revolution and all its happy
effeds are more owing than to the principles of go
vernment laid down by Mr. Locke. For these
reasons my Lord, I can never give my assent to
any bill for taxing the American Colonies, while
they remain unrepresented ; for as to the diftindi
on of a virtual representation, it is so absurd as
not to deserve an answer; I therefore pass it over
with contempt. The forefathers of the Ameri
cans did not leave their native country, and fub
jed themselves to every danger and distress to be
reduced to a state of slavery : they did not giveup
their rights; they looked for protection, and not
for chains, from their Mother Country; by her
they expected to be defended in the possession of
their property, and not to be deprived of it ; for
should the present power continue, there is no
thing which they can call their own ; or, to use
the words of Mr. Locke, “ What property have
they in that which another may by right take when
he pleases to himfelf?"
the men of property, and a great majority of the
better fort of people, are steady friends to go
vernment ; the late riots were certainly committed
by a small mob. Now it is discovered that the
most equitable and merciful way of obtaining re
dress for the outrages committed by a wrong
headed mob, is by destroying trade, punishing men
of fortune, and bringing thousands of innocent fa
milies to ruin. Doubtless there were other me
thods of obtaining redress. In former cases when
a house has been pulled down, or a citizen's goods
destroyed by riot, the Provincial Assemblies have
been applied to, and have paid the damages: The
Assembly of Massachusetts Bay would doubtless
have paid for the Tea, had it been required of
them in the usual form. It is well known, that
the father of this city, and several other gentle
men, were willing to give security for the payment
of the Tea on those terms. But that would have
been a trifling scheme, by which we could hardly
expe& the pleasure of making a Angle woman or
child died a tear; whereas the present plan per
fedly agrees with our ideas of governing a distant
colony; it affords the pleasing profped of starving
at least a thousand ofthem to death, arid reducing
half or the remainder to beggary; to fay nothing
of the motion that it niuft give to the wheels of
trade on this fide of the water. By this plan also
we are certain of securing the affections of the co
lonies: After this fg^al proof of lenity and kind
ness, they will never forget us : If we should ever
need their assistance in the time of danger, they
will certainly embrace the firft opportunity of
shewing their gratitude, and returning our favours
in kind. Such are the observations, that are
often made in favour of the measures tbit are
now adopted for punishing the colonies. For my
part I may be Angular in my opinion, but though
1 cannot commend the measure, I shall, on all
occasions, endeavour to speak of it with that ve
neration which is due to a scheme fandified by the
voice of a British Parliament. In the mean while
I may be indulged in offering a few conjectures
concerning the probable operation of that aft by
which the port of Boston is to be destroyed.
Certainly the design of the aft is not to shut up the
port of Boston till the people have paid for the
Tea that was destroyed, because restitution might
be obtained by gentler means; and the Minister
would never offer such an insult to humanity as to
starve, ruin, or distress above twenty thousand
people in order to colled ii,oool. nor could he
value himfelf upon taking that by force which the
people would havh given willingly. Neither is
the design of the ad to shut up the fort till the
people have made submission for the late riot, and
promised not to do the like again; for it is not
to be supposed that the rioters are known, else
they may be punished in due course of law; and
the public cannot possibly make submission for an
adion that was not done by the public, though
they may pay tl e damages; nor can they promise
without being guilty of the greatest absurdity, that
ho future riots shall be committed, because riots
may happen, and frequentlydo happen, under the
most orderly and perfed police. The design then
of the ad must be, and this appears to be the de
sign on the very face ofity “ to shut up the port of
“ Boston until the people have engaged or pro
“ mifed to pay all customs and duties whatever
" that are imposed by a British Parliament."
Now, as I take it, theinhabitants of the town of
Boston can give no security for the future payment
of such duties, because they may not be able to
perform, though they should promise; and what
is done by the fried men, or even what is dorieby
a town meeting, will be a weak bond wherewith
to bind the populace. The inhabitants of the
neighbouring towns are as a&ive in all those ri
ots, perhaps more adive than the inhabitants of
Boston. The Minister knows very well that the
town of Boston alone can give no promise, which
shall be security. Nor is it intended that the
submission or promise of that town should be con-
Adered as fatisfadory. A submission and promise
is expeded from the other towns as well as BoRoh;
in plain terms, it is expeded that the Commons
House of Assembly should acknowledge 66 the
“ right of the British Parliament to impose taxes
" on the inhabitants of that province." Nowmy
Lord, if the port of Boston is to remain fliut till
the people in that province acknowledge the right
of Parliament to impose any taxes or duties what
ever, except for the regulation cf commerce, it
must remain shut till the very name of a British
Parliament is forgotten among them. You ma,
fliut up their ports, cue by cne, as the Minister
has lately threatened. You may reduce their ci
ties to ashes; but the flame of liberty in North
America shall not be extinguished. Cruelty; op
preflion and revenge shall oily serve as oil to in
crease the fire. A great country of hardy pea
sants is not to be subdued. In the grave which
we dig for the inhabitants of Boston, confidence
and friendfllip shall expire, commerce and peace
shall rest together.
I have the honour to be, &c.
FABIU S.
, (Concluded)
DUPLAISE, for the firft time, turned an
eye cf resentment and indignation on his
patron. Has Adolphus, he cried, another king
dom to give me in exchange for myintegrity ? Or
though he had, can there be any property, any
peace to a traitor.
. If nothing else will prevail, replied Valvaife,
the law offelf-prefervation must constrain you to
deliver meup to justice; your own life will, other
wise, be the forfeit of my escape,
I would to God, rejoined Duplaife, that it might
even be so ! with what transport should I then
embrace my fate ! A death, in the a6t of virtue,
how eligible, how desirable ! I would not ex
change it for the longest and happiest life upon
earth.
Brother of the fehtiment of my inmost foul !
Cried Valvaife, be it so ! —-You have conquered—-
it is but just, that the greater virtue should tri
umph over the less He then opened a small
casket, and taking a diamond buckle which the
King had ftript from his own hat, and given to
his favourite : Accept of this, my friend, said he,
as a kind though little remembrancer ! When
you shall hereafter look upon it, let it remind you,
that such a person as your unhappy Valvaife was
once among the living. # ,
Duplaife at once turned his head and heart aside
from the dazzling temptation ; and thrusting the
gift back with a nobly averted hand, talk not to
me, he cried, of tokens and remembrances: Is there
a bit I eat, a refped I receive, any object I fee
about me, that does not hourly put me in mind
cf your friendfllip and your bounty / When m,
wife and infants are around me, Valvaife smiles
in their smiles, and comes to my heart in the midst
of their carefles. 0, my friend, my beloved, everi
next and near to my God! I feel no irkfomenefs^
no weight under your many obligations ; the bur
den is light and delightful unto me; and the sense
of my own gratitude doubles every enjoyment that
I derive from your affe&ion.
They parted; and Valvaife pet on with such
speed, that, ere it was turned of noon, he had
gained upward of twenty leagues, and deemed
himfelf past danger of captior or pursuit.
His principal attendant then rode up, and. tak^
ing out a large purse huffed with gold of different
coins, my Lord; said he, your friend Duplaife
enjoined me not to present you with this, till the
distance should put it past your power to return it;
and he prays you to accept it, in part of tribute
for the Revenues which he enjoys through your li
berality.
Valvaife; ere right, might have reached the
frontiers, and have gotten clear of the dominions
and power of Adolphus; but being fatigued, and
coming to a large town where Chriftiern presided;
he held It unkind to pass his fellow student without
a visit.
Chriftiern welcomed his patron with denionftra
tions of joy surpassing those of Duplaife, and with
refpe&s befitting none save his King, or rather his
God. His entertainment wds such, that the ge
nerous Valvaife deemed it ungrateful not to place
an entire confidence id him; and, taking him apart,
he informed him of the difgr^ce he wa^ in with his
maffer, and of the tempting reward that was pro
mised for his capture.
The countenance of bls host instantly fell on
this intelligence, his converse grew confuted, and
his demeanour constrained. Valvaife, however,
was unfufpeaiog of treachery in the case, till he
was awakened by sixty armed men in the morn
in ^,
They rudely bartered him to rife; and, having
loaded him with chains, they put him into a elofe
carriage, and set out in the way to Stockholm.
In the mean time, disconsolate Adelaide pined
in secret during the absence of her beloved, and
the hidden malady began to prey upon her health
and her complexion. At length the heard of the
fatal orders that had issued agdinft her Valvaife;
and, casting all concerns save those of her passion
aside, she hurried to Court, and precipitately catt
ing herfelf at the feet cf Adolphus, where, hap si
ly, none were present save the officers in waiting;
who kept a refpedful distance.
The King was at once furpri2ed and affected
by the suddenness of her appearance, and the dis
tress of her action. He would have spoken, bt#t
was prevented; Ah, my Liege 1 fie exclaimed;
what is it that I hear? If Adolphus has death in
store for those who Wish to lay down their livec
for his fake, what recompence does he keep in re
serve for traitors? I understand you, replied the
Monarch; but death is doe to all who would de
prive me of Adelaide. Valvaife also is a traitor ;
he confeffes himfelf a traitor; he was f@en in year
embraces ! —That may be, my Lord; but no eye
ever beheld me in the arms of Valvaife.—Let him
give me your heart; and I will give him my king
dom. —Ah, my Lord, it is a worride— l^art, he
prizes it not ! He would gladly have given it to
you, with all the kingdoms in the world, and
with his own precious heart and life and foul &HL
T^HISTORY of VALVAtS E.