Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-04-25 00:00:00, page 5

From the Public Advertiser, for Feb. 19, 1774.
To the PRINTER.
S'l R,
°°'Y of the following Letter to
<() Dr. Franklin, with his answer to
A it, having accidentally fallen into
(Am my hands, I request you to give
4 > them a place in your paper. The
writers of them, I flatter myfelf,
can have no objection to their being laid before
rhe public ; and though they are now of an old
date, your intelligent readers will easily fee the
propriety of their appearing at this juncture.
I am your constant redder,
A. Z.
To Dr. FRANKLIN.
Dear Sir, Nov. 21, 1769.
TN the many conversations we have had toge
ther.about our present disputes with North-
America, we perfectly agreed in wiflung they
may be brought to a speedy and happy conclusion.
How this is to be done is not so easily afeertained.
Two objects, I humbly apprehend, his Majesty's
servants have now in contemplation, ift, To re
lieve the colonies from the taxes complained of,
which they certainly had no hand in imposing.
idly, To preserve the honour, the dignit y and the
supremacy of the British legislature over all his
Majesty's dominions.
As I know your singular knowledge of the fub
jeft in question, and am as fully convinced of your
cordial attachment to his Majesty, and your sin
cere desire to promote the happiness equally, of all
his fubjeds, I beg you would in your own clear,
brief and explicit manner, lend me an answer to
the following questions : I make this request now,
because this matter is of the utmost importance,
and must very quickly be agitated. And Ido it
with the more freedom, as you know me and my
motives too well to entertain the most remote sus
picion, that I will make an improper use of any
information you shall hereby convey to me.
ift. Will not a repeal iof all the duties (that on
Tea excepted, which was before paid here on ex
portation, and of course no new imposition) fully
fatisfy the Colonists? If you answer in the negative
2d. Your reasons for that opinion.
3d. Do you think the only effectual way of com
roung the present differences is to put the Ameri
cans precisely in the situation they were in before
the paflingthelate stamp aft? Ifthat is your opinion
4th. Your reasons for that opinion.
sth. If this last method is deemed by the legif
jature, and his Majesty's ministers, to be repugnant
to ther duty as guardians of the just rights of the
crown and of their fellow fubjeds, can you fug^
geft any other way of terminating these disputes,
confftent with the ideas of justice and propriety
con 'eived by the King's fubjeds on both tides of
rhe Atlantic.
6th. And if this method was actually followed,
'0 you not think it would ndually encourage the
violent and factious part of the Colonies, to aim at
till farther concessions from the Mother Country?
7th. If they are relieved in part only, what do
you, as a reasonable and dispassionate man, and
an equal friend to both sides, imagine will be the
probable consequences ?
The answers to these questions, I humbly con
ceive, will include all the information 1 want ; and
I beg von will favour me with them as soon as may
be. Every well-wifnef to the peace and prospe
rity of the British empire, and every friend to our
truly happy con ftitution, must be desirous of fee
ing even the most trivial causes of diffention among
our fellow fubjedts removed. Our domestic squab
bles, in my mind, are nothing to what I am (peak
ing of. This you know much better than I do,
and therefore I need add nothing farther to recom
mend this fubjeA to your serious consideration.
I am, with the most cordial
citeem. and attachment,
Dear Sir, your faithful and
affectionate humble servant,
W S
The A N SWE R.
Dear Sir, Craven-street, Nov. 29, 1769.
BEING just returned to town from a little
excursion, I find yours of the 21st, contain
ing a number of queries that would require a pam
phlet to answer them fully. You, however, desire
only brief answers, which I shall endeavour to give.
Previous to your queries, you tell me, that
" you apprehend his Majesty's servants have now
in contemplation, 1 ft. to relieve the Colonists from
the taxes complained of; 2d. to preserve the ho
nour, the dignity, and the supremacy of the Bri
ti'h legislature over all his Majesty's dominions."
I hope your information is good; and that what
you suppose to be in contemplation, will be car
ried into execution, by repealing all the frws that
have been made for railing a revenue in America
by authority of Parliament, without the consent
of the people there. The honour and dignity of the
British legislature will not be hurt by such a^ ad
of justice and wisdom. The wisest Councils are
liaise to be milled, cfpecially in matters remote
from their infpediem. It is the perffling in an
POSTSCRIPT
TO THE
PENNSYLVANIA PACKET,
. O R, THE
GENERAL ADVERTISER. No. 131.
error, not the correcting it, that lessens the honour
of any man, or body of men. Th efupremacy of
that legislature, I believe, will be best preferred
by making a very sparing use of it; never but for
the evident good of the Colonies themselves, or
of the whole British empire; never for the partial
advantage of Britain to their prejudice. By such
prudent condud, I imagine that supremacy may
be gradually strengthened, and in time fully estab
lished; but otherwise, I apprehend it will be dis
puted, and loft in the dispute. At present the
Colonies consent and submit to it, for the regula
tions of general commerce ; but a submission to
ads of Parliament was no part of their original
constitution. Our former Kings governed their
Colonies as they had governed their dominions in
France, without the participation of British Par
liaments. The Parliament of England never pre
sumed to interfere in that,prerogative till the time
of the great rebellion, when they usurped the go
vernment of all the King's other dominions, Ire
land, Scotland, &c. The Colonies that held for
the King, they conquered by force of arms, and
governed afterwards as conquered countries: But
New-England, having not opposed the Parliament,
was considered and treated as a filler kingdom in
amity with England, as appears by the journals,
March 10, 1642.
Your firft question is,
ift. “ Will not a repeal of all the duties (that
on Tea excepted, which was before paid here on
exportation, and of course no new imposition)
fully fatisfy the Colonies?"
Answer. I think not.
2d. " Ypur reasons for that opinion ?"
14. Because it is not the sum paid in that duty
on tea, that is complained of as a burthen, but the
principle of the a& expressed in the preamble, viz.
That those duties were laid for the better fapport of
government, and the adminiflration of justice in the
colonies. This the colonists think unnecessary,
unjust, and dangerous to their most import
ant rights. Unnecefary, because in all the co
lonies (two or three new ones excepted) govern
ment and the administration of justice were, and
always had been, well supported, without any
charge to Britain : Unjust, as it made such colonies
liable to pay such charge for others in which they
had no concern or interest: Dangerous, as such mode
of railing money forthofe purposes tended to ren
der their assemblies useless; for if a revenue could
be railed in the colonies for all the purposes of go
vernment by a& of parliament, without grants
from the people there, Governors, who do not
generally love assemblies, would never call them;
they would be laid aside; and when nothing should
depend on the people's good will to government,
their rights would be trampled on; they would be
treated with contempt. Another reason why I
think they would not be fatisfied with such a par
tial repeal, is, that their agreements not to import
till the repeal takes place, include the whole, which
shews that they object to the whole; and those ar
guments will continue binding on them, if the
whole is not repealed.
3d. " Do you think the only effectual way of
computing the present differences, is to put the
Americans precisely in the situation they were
in before the passing of the late Ramp-ad?"
/. I't'hink so.
4th. " Your reasons forthat opinion."
ri. Other methods have been tried. They
have been rebuked in angry letters. Their peti
tions have been refufed or rejeded by Parliament.
They have been threatened with the punishments
of treason by resolves of both houses. Their as
semblies have been dissolved, and troops have been
sent among them: But all these ways have only
exasperated their minds and widened the breach.
Their agreements to use no more British manufac
tures have been strengthened; and these measures,
instead of composing differences, and promoting a
good correspondence, have almost annihilated your
commerce with those countries, and greatly en
dangered the national peace and general welfare.
sth. If this last method is deemed by the le
gislature and his Majesty's Ministers to be repug
nant to their duty as guardians of the just rights
of the crown, and of their fellow fubje&s, can yen
suggest any other way of terminating these dis
putes, confident with the ideas of justice and pro
priety conceived by the King's fubje&s on both
sides the Atlantic?"
A. I do not fee how that method can be deemed
repugnant to the rights of the Croton. If the Ame
ricans are put into their former filiation, it must
be by an aft of Parliament, in the passing of which
by the King, the rights of the Crown are exerci
'fed, not infringed. It is indefferent to the Crown,
whether the aids received from America me grant
ed by Parliaments here, or by the assemblies there,
provided the quantum be the fame; and it is my
opinion that more will be generally granted there
voluntarily, than can ever be exacted or collected
from thence by authority of Parliament. As to
the rights of felloivfcbjrib (I suppose you mean
the people of Britain) cannot conceive how those
will be infringed by that method. They will Rill
enjoy the right of granting their own money, and
may still, ifit pleases them, keep up their claim
to the right of granting ours ; a'right they can never
exercise properly, for want of a fufficient know
ledge of us, our circumstances and abilities (to fay
nothing of the little likelihood there is that we
should ever submit to it) therefore aright that can
be of no good use to them; and we shall continue
to enjoy in fad the right of granting our money,
with the opinion now universally prevailing among
us, that we are free fubjeds of the King, and that
fellow fubjefts of one part of his dominions, are
notfovereigns over felloe fubjefts in any other part.
If the fubjeds on the different sides of the Atlan
tic have different and opposite ideas of “ justice
and propriety," no one “ method" can possibly be
consistent with both. The best will be to let each
enjoy their own opinions, without disturbing them
when they do not interfere with the common good.
6th. “ And if this method was adually follow
ed, do you not think it would encourage the vio
lent and factious part of the colonists, to aim at
still farther concessions from the Mother Country ?"
ri. Ido not think it would. There may be a
few among them that deserve the name of factious
and violent, as there are in all countries ; but these
would have little influence, if the great majority
of sober reasonable people were fatisfied. If any
colony should happen to think that some of your
regulations of trade are inconvenient to the gene
ral interest of the empire, or prejudicial to them
without being beneficial to you, they will state these
matters to Parliament in petitions as heretofore;
but will, I believe, take no violent steps to obtain
what they may hope for in time from the wisdom
of government here. I know of nothing est they
can have in view; the notion that prevails here of
their being desirous to set up a kingdom or com
monwealth oftheir own, is to my certain know
ledge entirely groundless. I therefore think, that
on a total repeal of all duties laid exprefly for thepur
pofe of raising a revenue on the people of America,
without their consent, the present uneasiness would
subside, the agreements not to import would be
dissolved, and the commerce flourifh as heretofore:
And I am confirmed in this sentiment by 'all the
letters I have received from America, and by the
opinions ofall the sensible people who have lately
come from thence, Crown Officers excepted. I
know indeed that the people of Boston are griev
oully offended by the quartering of trcops among
them, as they think contrary to law; and are very
angry with the Board oT Commissioners, who have
calumniated them to government: But as I sup
pose the withdrawing of. those troops may be a
consequence of reconciliating measures taking place;
and that the commission also will be either dissolv
ed, if found useless, or filled with more temperate
and prudent men, if still deemed ufeful and ne
ceflary, I do not imagine these particulars would
prevent a return of the harmony so much to be
wished.
7th. “ If they are relieved in part only, what
do you, as a reasonable and dispassionate man, and
an equal friend to both sides, imagine will be the
probable consequence ?"
ri. I imagine, that repealing the offenfive duties
in part will answer no end to this country ; the
commerce will remain obftruded, and the Ameri
cans go on with their fcheines of frugality, indus
try, and manufactures, to their own great advan
tage. How muck that may tend to the prejudice
of Britain, I cannot fay: Perhaps not so much as
feme apprehend, since Ihe may in time find ne<v
markets. But I think, if the union of the two
countries continues to subsist, it will not hurt the
general interest: For whatever wealth Britain lo
ses by the failing of its trade with the colonies,
America will gain ; and the crown will receive
equal aids from its fubjeas upon the whole, if not
greater.
And now I have answered your questions as to
what may be, in my opinion, the consequences of
this or that supposed measure, I will go a little
farther, and tell you what I fear is more likely to
come to pass in realit,. I apprehend that the Mi
nistry, at least the American part of it, being ful
ly persuaded of the right of Parliament, think it
ought to be enforced, whatever may be the con
sequences; and at the fame time do not believe,
there is even now any abatement of the trade be
tween the two countries on account of these dif
pu^s; or that if there is, it is small, and cannot
long continue. They are allured by the Crown
Officers in America, that manufactures are impofi
fible there, that the discontented are few, and
persons of little Consequence; that almost all the
people of property and impoftance are fatisfied,
and disposed to submit quietly to the taxing power
of Parliament ; and that if the revenue a^s are
continued, and those duties only that are called
anti-commercial being repealed, and others perhaps
laid in their stead ; that power ere long will be Pa
tiently submitted to, and the agreements not to
import be broken, when they are found to produce
no change of measures here. From these and fi
m:lar mifinformations, which seem to be credited,
I think it likely that no thorough redreis of griev
ances will be afforded to America this feffiodA
This may inflame matters still more in that coun
try ; farther rash measures there may create more
resentment here, that may produce not merely ill
advifed difTolutions of their Assemblies as last year,
but attempts to dissolve their constitutions; more
troops may be sent over, which will create more
uneasiness ; —to juftify the measures of government,
your writers will revile the Americans in your
news-papers, as they have already begun to de;
treating them as mifereants, rogues, dastards, re
bels, &c. to alienate the minds of the people here
from them, and which will tend farther to dimin
ish their affections to this country. Possibly too
some oftheir warm patriots may be diftra&ed enough
to expose themselves by some mad actions to be sent
for hither; and government here be indiscreet
enough to hang them, on the ad of Henry VIII.
Mutual provocations will thus go on to compleat
the separation ; and instead of that cordial affecti
on that once and so long existed, and that harmo
ny so suitable to the circumstances, and so necessa
ry to the happiness, strength, fafety, and welfare
of both countries; an implacable malice, mutual
hatred, such as we now fee subsisting between the
Spaniards and Portugueze, the Genoefe and Cor
sicans, from the fame original mifcondu& in the
superior governments, will take place: The same
ness of nation, the similarity of religion, manners,
and language, not in the least preventing in our
cause, more than it did in theirs.—l hope, howe
ver, that this may all prove falfe prophecy, and
that you and I may live to fee as sincere and per
fect a friendfhip eftabliflied between our refpedive
countries, as has so many years subsisted between
Mr. Strahan and his truly affectionate old friend
B. FRANKLI N.'
From the Public Advertiser, of Feb. 12.
To Lord NORT H;
AS the arbiter of the affairs of these kingdoms
I address your Lordship, and cordially hope
t 0 engage the impartial attention of your under
standing, while I lay before you truths too imports
ant to be neglected at this crisis, when the happi
ness of a brave and loyal people, from wrong ap
prehensions, is likely to be facrificed to Ministerial
power.
The American Revenue Aft has long been mat
ter of contention, and some of our most judicious
members have advised the repeal, wifely confides
ing it as the only means to prevent, perhaps, the
total defection of the Colonies; but this advice,
though so evidently calculated for the general good,
has been disregarded; the duty on Tea continued;
an article tis well known the Americans refufed
to import; and lately the East-India Company
have been authorifed to fend over great quantities,
consigned to gentlemen who they thought proper
to depute their agents; for it does not appear there
was any order from the merchants ; by which
stratagem it was, doubdefs, expected they would
quietly have acknowledged the legality of the aft.
The event has proved the contrary : They are
nobly unanimous in their determinations to refufe
it ; and in consequence of this refufal the public
prints assure us several ships are now fitting out for
that station with all possible expedition, probably
to oblige them.
Sensible dispassionate men, my Lord, will never
be convinced by violence, and obfliiiacy is so cer
tain an indication of weakness, that for your out
honour it will be necessary to deliberate.
I have lived some years in America, have flu
died the difpohtioraof the inhabitants, and am.
though a native of England, sincerely interested
in their happiness.
They are a polite, well-improved people, jnftly
tenacious of their liberty, and thoroughly sensible
of its value. From the cradle they are taught to
boast their privilege, nor will they ever patiently
endure the yoke of oppression. They are oppressed,
they are injured. Had they ever refufed to grant
his Majesty such supplies as were honourably re
quested, or in any other instance been defective in
loyalty or obedience, there would be some excuse
for these proceedings: On the contrary nothing
can be alledged against them with jnft'ce, but that
they will not surrender their birth-right, and per
severe in their determinations to rai'e such monies
as the exigencies of the state require, by .such
methods as Ihall be least injurious to the happiness
of individuals. Is it poflible an English Parliament,
even if the members of which it is composed were
wholly diunterefted, should know properly how to
levy contributions on a country at so great a dis
tance, and with which they are in general so little,
acquainted ? Have not the Americans reprefenta^
tires of their own ? And do they e^r pass a law
without the Royal approbation? Why then will
you not grant them the privilege which other fub
jeds in the fame predicament enjoy? The privi
lege of railing their money in a mode thev most
approve? Surely nothing can be more reafonable#
Should vour Lerdlhip attempt to enforce, by
military discipline, laws they do not acknowledge
legal, the consequences will, I fear, be fatal; for
so determined are these generous people to preserve