Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-09-26 00:00:00, page 5

From the Public Ledger of July 22.
# |A ,^ Al } OTwlthst ending the many boasted
g/?^ 4 y advantages we FANCY our mode of
N ^') government poffefTes above all others,
,'^ ^% yet as the royal prerogative remains so
,^^t g very indefinite, whilst Kings regard not
iS^Yrw*"' t h e sacredness of an oath, what security
have we but that the man who is entrusted with our li
berties may, instead of being their guardian, prove their
destroyer ?
Power is ever insatiable, and will soon get the better
of every barrier the laws have provided against it; fad
proofs of which this country has often experienced.
By the fundamental laws of this kingdom, the pow
ers of the crown are so fettled, that whilst they retrain
the Sovereign from committing all arbitrary afts of in
justice, they at the fame time allow him the God-like at
tributes of MERCY and BENEVOLENCE in the
most extensive manner the heart of man can wifli for ;
thus by depriving him of the power of ading wrong,
and affording him every opportunity of anting right,
they place him in a filiation most capable of conferring
happiness and content. On his part it is required,
that he preserves the LAWS and LIBERTIES of his
fubjeds inviolable, that he is watchful, and uses his ut
most endeavours to guard against all encroachments
that may be attempted by FOREIGN States; and
maintains, in every refpe&, the rights and dignities of
his people. How well these purposes have been an
fivered by any of our Kings, whether they have been
Satisfied with the authority the constitution permits of,
we must examine into their conduct to determine. 1
fear we thall not find, amongst them all, one who has
aided in every refpeft conformant to the oath he binds
himfeffby when he firft enters on his OFFICE ; have
they not, on the contrary, totally neglected all obser
vance of tne compact between them and their people?
Have not some of them, in the most barefaced manner,
trampled on the laws and liberties of their fubje&s;
whilst others, with less resolution and abilities, but with
equally wicked intentions, have spent their whole reigns
in FILCHING away, under various plausible pretences,
the rights of the people, and in striving to overturn
that constitution they so solemnly swore to maintain?
So intent and resolved have they been to accomplish
this design, that they have meanly truckled to the na
tional enemies of the state, left they should be disap
pointed in their glorious attempt of subduing their own
fubjecls.
Such has been the treatment we have constantly ex
perienced from Kings, a race of beings seemingly set
apart TO DISTURB THE HAPPINESS OF
MANKIND; men who, in their pride of heart, think
th;mfelves above all moral law, who despise the common
ties of humanity, who aid as if those millions of people
who are under their government, were created merely
to gratify their ambition, an ambition which, as it
would fwaliow up all that is valuable, I trust will ever
be most firmly OPPOSED by the inhabitants of this
country. Thanks be to providence the absurd do&rines
of " divine hereditary right" and “ non-refinance,"
which in former ages assisted the designs of tyrants, have
been long since exploded and forgotten, and though
there will be always found base and unworthy men, who
for the fake of immediate gain, will be ready to assist
in enslaving their fellow-citizens and posterity; though
the spirit of the nation may for a time fecm lulled, yet
it will never fail to break forth, before the treachery is
compleated ; the votaries ofliberty are NUMEROUS,
they will rife in defence offreedom, to the utter shame
and confufion of those who attempt to subvert it: We
have many such examples in the annals of our country,
our ancestors were often obliged to hazard their lives in
opposing the arbitraay designs of their Kings, their cause
was the cause ofjuftice, they always were vjdoriQus in
the struggle; as revenge is no part of the character of
the truly brave, they never infli&ed any difgraceful pu
nishment on their oppressors, they only demanded RE
DRESS OF THEIR GRIEVANCES, and security
that we, their posterity, might enjoy the freedom they
had so well and hardily contended for; nothing but
the most evident certainty of the duplicity, and faith
lefs intentions of one unhappy ill-advised man, could
ever have induced the then race of patriots to inilia the
death be fuffered ; he merited his fate, and however ex
ecrated that action may be by the courtly fyeophants of
power, the Sons of Liberty will venerate the deed, and
esteem it an action the most ILLUSTRIOUS, and
worthy those noble affertors of freedom: They scorned
to use THE DAGGER or THE BOWL in private,
they avowed their design in the most open manner, and
astheir prisoner had been guilty of public crimes, they
awarded a public punishment.
May there never be wanting men in those kingdoms
capable of such exalted heroism ! for those only are
worthy to ENJOY the rights of freedom, who have
the nobility of foul to ASSERT them.
IW ILL follow the Quebec bill to the throne, as I
would the framer of it to a SCAFFOLD.
I have told the King that if he assents to the bill he
will break his coronation oath; and a breach of an
oath, whether in a King or a peasant, I call PERJURY.
The English government is founded on an agreement
POSTSCRIPT to the Pentfyhania Packet. No. 153.
To the PEOPL E.
GRACCHUS.
mutually entered into by the King and people. The
King swears, that “ the ESTABLISHED LAWS and
" CUSTOMS of the realm shall be the rules for his
" conduct, and that he will govern, in every refpefy
' ACCORDING TO THEM." The people take an
oath of allegiance, but it is CONDITIONAL; they
are bound to obey no longer than the Sovereign ad
heres to the terms of HIS oath ; for it would be absurd
to suppose the people fettered down to a promise, after
the firft magistrate has thought himfelf at liberty to
sport with the most solemn engagements. —I therefore
repeat it, that the moment a King of England Anil
PER [URE himfelf, that instant are his fubjeds AB
SOLVED FROM THEIR ALLEGIANCE; the
compact is broken ; the government founded on that
compact is diflolved. It is no excuse, at the bar of
Reason, to alledge “ that the Prince was ILL-AD
VISED;" for, after repeated warnings, who but an
obflinate semblance of Majesty would persist in the
wrong ? It is of no consequence to the people, whether
a King perjures himfelf at the instigation of BUTE,
MANSFIELD, JEFFEREYS, or the DEVIL: he
who is so wicked as to violate his oath at the instiga
tion of KNAVES, is too weak to be trusted with the
rights of HONEST MEN.
I have only then one question to ask of the people ;
it is this : If ever they should be so unhappy as to live
under a PERJURED PRINCE, whether they would
not sooner fee ANOTHER SCAFFOLD ereded at
WHITEHALL, than ANOTHER CORONATI
ON in Weftminder Abbey? Isl know any thing of
the spirit of Englishmen, the fcaffbld would be crowd
ed with heroes, the Abbey with children, for the fake
of the raree-fhow; whilst thus would run the general
shout of the people OFF WITH THE HEAD
THAT PAYS NO REGARD TO THE SA
CREDNESS OF AN OATH !
A SCOTCHMEN.
My L 0 rd,
CY ONSIDER what you do. The present dispute
J between England and her Colonies is a matter of
greater weight than has come under the view of any
minister since the cocqueft. Our very exigence as a nati
on, depends upon the wisdom of your present measures.
Where the fafety and prosperity of millions is at
stake, whatever is for tire advantage of the whole is to
be adopted without hesitation. If you lose fight of this
great confederation for a moment, you call down upon
your own head every misfortune that will ensue. It is
said that the honor of Great-Britain is at flake. Un
doubtedly it is; not to support the measures of a mini
ster, whose views were most pernicioufly'contraAed,
but to acknowledge and redress injustice. Let us lif
ted for a moment to the Americans. They are p;r
funded you have no tight to tax them; that you have
this right cannot be clear, for the contrary opinion has
been publickly maintained by some of the most coofpi
cuous characters here. In ibis persuasion the Colonies
will come to any extremities rather than refen a right
which they believe they possess, and which they well
know to be the great Bulwark of civil Liberty.
Remember, my Lord, that they ar? defeended from
men who forlook their native land for thh then inhos
pitable Shore, who braved famine, and danger, and
death in pursuit of 'her adored Liberty. Beware of
rouzing in the sons the enthusiasm that inspired the fa
thers, to which you most assuredly have ac power of
equal force to oppufe.
Suppole your right of taxing the Americans to be
elearas it is disputable; suppose (tho' it is a supposition
scarcely to be made) that you force them to adqutefce
in an exertion of it, every new instance of acquiescence
must be purchased by a new aft of force ; and what tax
could answer being levied upon your own fubje&s like
contributions from an enemy? What nation could con
tinue to exist in such a state of violence and division ?
By the repeal of the Stamp Aft you have confefled
the inexpediency of any effeaual exertion of the right
of taxing America. Now every exertion of the Le
gislative Power without expediency is i,fe faßo an aft
Taranny; and as I defy the warmest afiertors of this
odious claim even to imagine a period when an Ameri
can tax will be more expedient than it was in 1764; or
to invent a mode of taxation less barthenfome, kfsob
noxious than the stamp duties, it follows that the right
of taxing America is the right of a Tyrant, which, ac
cording to my political logic includes a flat contradic
tion in terms.
The Americans know that the power of internally
taxing a country, which is obliged exclufiv&y to re
ceive your commodities upon your own terms, and to
pour only into your lap the superabundance of its in
dustry, cannot for its own fake be worth contending
for. No, my Lord, they fee into tlve obstinacy with
which you persist to take from them what will be to you
of little value, and is to them inestimable: —
« What not enriches you,'
" And makes them poor indeed 1
an avowed design to reduce them to the most abjea fcate
of lubmifiion.
If the right of taxing our American Colonies was at
all events to be averted, it was surely undertaken with
mol! unlucky auspices, The very extraordinary mea
firc of including the whole in°a general law has the pc-
From the Public Advertiser.
To Lord N O R T H.
following answer
Gentlemen,
J7 HEN you lately applied tr me refpeßing my order
ing some cannon to be placed at the entrance of this
town, which you term the erefling a fortrefs, IJo fully ex
pressed my sentiments, that 1 thought,ou were Jatisfied the
peop e had nothing to fear from that meafire, as no use
would be made thereof, un est their ho/iile proceedings
JlwFd make it necessary; but as you have this da, ac
quainted me that their fears are rather encreafed, 1 have
thought proper to afire you, that I tave no intention to
prevent the free egress ani regress of an, perfin to and
from the town, or reducing it to thefaty of a garrison,
neither flsail Ifuffer any under m, command to injure the
furfen or property of any ofhis MajffsfcbjeGs. But as
it is m, duty, so it fall be my endeavour to preserve the
peace, and promote t'e hap,infs of every individual. And
I earned I, recommend toyou, and ever, inhabitant, to cul
tivate t'efame first; and I heartily wijb that they may
live quietly and ha,pi) in the town.
Boston, Sept. 9, 177?. T. GAG E.
To the Gentlemen Selectmen ofthe town of Bodox.
culiar felicity to unite in one common cause nations, in
whose fepararion alone your real power over them con
fided. Divide et imperi is so trite a maxim, that even
G. G. could not have been ignorant of it. He chose to
neglect it, and is defined to furnilh to posterity a no
table instance of its force.
My Lord, you have the chara&er of a minifler not
indifferent to the public good. Nations look up to you
to save them from the horrors of civil difeord—to res
tore them to peace and prosperity. The eyes of all
Europe are fixed upon you. You are urged by every
motive of glory and humanity—by every confederation
of wisdom and good policy, to redore to us the goodwill
of the Colonies. Give up this deeded, this wouhlefs
claim to taxation. By this concession y ou will fectire to
yourfelf in the fulled: extent every other advantage
arising to England from her CoLnes. Make then "a
virtue of neceflity whilst it is yet time—present the
Americans with what they will not allow you to keep
bind up the slackened ties of dependency by this en
dearing gift. It may be conferred with parental digni
ty, and will be received with filial fubmihion.
My Lord, l shall rest here—l have too much refpe&
for your Lordship to think it neceflary to repeat all that
might be said upon this great fubjeA. If your senti
ments arc friendly to the liberties of mankind, I have
already said enough, if they are not, all would be infuf
ficient. Lysander.
4~***^#s-M^*4ssO^^
8 A L E M, (New-England,) September 9.
Last Tuesday arrived here the ffiip Julius C^far,
Charles Fea, master, from London, having on board
thirty chetis and three half chests of tea, the property of
one Montgomery,of London, consigned to Messrs. Smith
and Atkiofon, merchants in Boftou, who were equally
furprized and offended at the consignment, it bein^ en
tirely unknown to them before the drip's arrival ;°and
they solemnly declare, that Mr. Montgomery, previous
to this consignment, never had any intercourse, or com
mercial correspondence with either of them. As soon
as the Committee of Correspondence here had made
difeovery sf the tea, the master feat an express to Smith
and Atkinson; and the next morning Mr. Smith came
to town, and frankly declared that the tea should not
be landed, nor any duty paid on it here, if he could pos
sibly prevent its being done. On Tuesday and Wed
nesday nights the Committee set guards in thefhip. On
Thursday Messrs. Smith and Atkinson procured a ves
sel to take the tea on board, and carry it to Halifax.
That night also a guard was set. And this morning at
day-light, the tea was taken out, and put on board the
veiTel procured to receive it, in presence of the guard ;
who having taken the marks and numbers ofthe chefts,'
found them to agree with the bill of lading and cocket^
By seven o'clock the vessel with the tea on board got
under fail, and before ten was out of the harbour with
a fair wind.
BO S TO N, September 12.
On Frida, last the Sebeamen of Boston waited on bis Ex
celled. General Gage, with the following Address.
Mav it p!eafc,our Excellency,
r pHE Selectmen of Boston, at the earnest desire
X of a number of Gentlemen ofthe town and coun
try, again wait on your Excellency to acquaint you,
that since our late application, the apprehensions of the
people, not only of this but of the neighbouring towns,
are greatly encreafed by observing the designs of erect
ing a fortrefs at the entrance of the town, and of re
ducing rhe metropolis in other refers to the state of
a garriton. This, with complaints made of abuse from
some of the guards pofled in that quarter, assaulting
and forcibly detaining several persons who were peacea
bly palling in and out of the town, may difeourage the
market people from coming in with their provisions as
n'ual, and oblige the inhabitants to abandon the town.
This event we greatly deprecate, asit will produce mi
ferics which may hurry the provinces into a&s of des
peration. We should therefore think ourselves happy
if we could fatisfy the people that your Excellency
would suspend your present design, and not add to the
diftrefes of the inhabitants occasioned by the port-bill,
that of garrisoning the town.
John Scollay, Chairman of the Committee.
To which his Excellency was pleafcd to return the