The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1778-05-20 00:00:00, page 4

L d'N D 0 N, February 6.
Th jVh^Q.is an authentic copy of th Ear; cf
ABINGDON'S Speech on Wednesday hft.
Mv Lord's,
^ A', HEN I made my last motion to your Lord-
VV mips for acail of the Judge; in order to take
their opinions upon the legality of raifiog regiments
for his Majesty's service without the faction of Par
liament, I had two reasons for doing so.
Mv firft reason was, my own conicious want of
legal knowledge to decide upon so important a case.
" My fecund, that the twelve Judges, like the twelve
Apostles, being upright men (and yet, my Lords,
even among these Apostles, there was one Judas
Ifeariot, who, as that Reverend Bench will tell us,
betrayed his Master; and with a kils too, my Lords.
God forbid, that under the femblaace of attachment,
there be any Judas Iscariot among our Judges !)
1 fay, my Lords, that the Judges having not now
on the fetters of corruption (for, my Loras, cor
ruption has taken an higher course, and it is our
Leffators, and not our Judges, that are corrupt)
I was in hopes to have found in them, or at least in
a majority of them, an heneft and an unbiased opi
nion. .
Such, my Lords, were the motives of my moti
on; but there was Rill other ground I had to rest it
upon; 1 had conceived that the Judges, being the
Constitutional attendants of this Houle, to advise
W : th them in points of law, was the very reason of
their being so, and that it was of right to every Peer
of the Hou'e, for the more fafe and better direction
of his vote and condud, to call for their attendance
to this erd; but, my Lords, inflead of this, I find
that none have a right to information that are not in
the majority. If the majority think fit, the Judges
may give their opinions ; if they do not, the mino
lity must remain in ignorance.
It has been objeded that no single Lord has a
rightto call fcr the attendance of the Judges. In
the firft place, I deny the fad, that any fugle Lord
did call for their attendance. It was the voice of
many, and of thde who ought to have the greatest
weight with this Hetife; bit if it had not been so,
and I were alone in this motion, I wood maintain
the privilege in my own peifon. Let the Journals
of the Hou'e shew an order to the contrary.
Another objection was on account of the inexpe
di„ of putting such a quefiion to tha Judges.
Good God ! my Lords, can it ever be inexpedient
to know righ' from wrong? Can it be inexpedient
^determine legality from illegality? Is it not our
duty to do this'? I only aik to have the laws of the
^^ expounded to me. I required nothing illegal;
all I desired was information; intending, that if this
mode of ra sing men was legal, to propose an ass cia
tion of independent whigs of this c untry, for the
purpefe of embodying troops to defend the King and
preserve the constitution. It it be illegal, how durst
Ministers countenance and encourage illegality ?
A third obj &ion was, that I had not proved the
sass that regiments were railing Without he fandion
of Parliament. My Lords, this quibble might well
become a pleader at the Old Bailey, but it was un
becoming of him from whom it came, and of the
dignity of this [loufe. Your Lordships would
hardly force one of yourselves to bring witness to the
bare to prove a fall of so much notoriety. But, my
Lords, I will trouble your Lordships no mote upon
this head. Perceiving that the prefect Ministers
tire ready to vote away that privilege which a better
Minißry w: uld wish to preserve, 1 shall withdraw
my motion for the attendance of the Judges, and
will take the feofe of th $ House upon thole points
which were intended to be propounded to them.
My Lords, it cannot be expected of me, that I
enter minutely into the difeuffion of the great and
important question that I am now about to submit to
veur Lordships confederation. zs this would have
been the bufi iris of the Judges, had they attended,
so must 1 now leave it to the wiser and the better in
formed of this Hcufe; but, my Lords, as your Lord
flips may expert my sense of this matter, it is my
duty not to withhold it from you.
My Lords, I will read your Lordships an adver
ti'emeut from a public paper, which I have in my
hand.
rHere the advertisement from the London Ta
vern was read.]
My Lords, if this be not unconstitutional, I know
not what is. In my poor opinion, it is not only
the mofc notorious violation of the rights of Parlia
ment that has happened since the levying of Ship
money, but when 1 compare the cales together, and
confider what has been done since, in the establish
merit cf our constitution, I can fee nj difference
between them, they both, to me, appear equally
unconstitutional.
LANC ASTE R, Printed by J O H N D U N L A P.
Charles the Firfl evaded money from, is fubfe&s,
without the authority of Parliament. Here, my
Lords, is a set of contractors, under the immediate
influence of the crown, and would be contractors,
with such like vermin of the Rate, entering into a
very large lubfcription cf money (pending the fitting
es Parliament, and without its authority) for rail
ing men to Serve his Majesty, in what manner he
shall fee fit.,
1 am aware, my Lords, I shall be told, that the
one is a voluntary act, and that the other was the
etted of companion; but this, my Lords, makes no
alteration in the case. It was the thing obtained,
and not the mode of obtaining it, that constituted
the illegality. It was the money that Charles
wanted, that he might hare nothing to fay to his
Parliament; and whether he obtained it by exadion,
or by gift, the danger and the illegality were the
fame.
It is true, the petition of right fays, “ that no
man shall be compelled to make or yield any gift,
loan, benevolence, tax, or such like charge, with
out common consent by ad of Parliament;" but,
my Lords, it is not by the let er cf the law that
Parliament is to be directed, but by the meaning,
and the spirit of the constitution. And, my Lords,
uhat is the meaning of the law herein, and the spi
rit cf the constitution? ft is, 1 my Lords, and no
Lord of Parliament will venture to deny it, that
the King shall receive no Supplies but through the
medium ot Parliament; for tills is to make the King
independent of Parliament, and to make Parliament
an useless burthen upon the nation. Money is power;
money produces armies, and against armies the li
berties of this country cannot contend. And yet,
mv Lords, here is money fuMcribtug, in vast sums,
for raifiog aimies, to the use of the crown, without
grant of Parliaments
My Lords, I will repeat and aver, that there is
no difference between this caie, and the case of Ship
money; for the Crown is dependent on Parliament
fa every national supply. Let us now fee what the
Bill of Rights lays:—
The Bill of Rights declares, “ that the levying
of money for, or to the use of the Crown, by pre
tence of prerogative, without grant of Parliament,
for a longer time, or in any other manner than the
fame is, or shall be g anted, is illegal." My Lords,
to levy money is to rade money. I know no other
meaning belonging to the term ; and is not thi; then
railing money to the use of the Crown without grant
of Parliament? And for the worle purpose too —
for the purpose of railing men in arms; not, my
Lords, as has been fuggeded, to mislead this House,
as recruits for the army voted by Parliament, but
as new regiments, for the witdom cf the Crown to
dispose of.
But now, my Lords, I (hall be told that this has
been done before. 1 ihall have precedents quoted
upon me, and I shall hear that the lame thing was
done in the lad rebellion. Bus my Lords, besides,
that precedent cannot a.ter the conßitution, upon
what plea was it done? Upon the tyrant's pica—
the pea ofnccefif. England was invaded by Scotch
rebels, and the now loyal county of Lancaster was
is rebellion too, against his ptefeat Majesty's grand
father.
This was the necessity, and I hope it will never
exist again; but even when this necefity urged the
meaure, what was laid against it?
I will te I your Lordships from a speech cf Mr.
Humphry Sydenham, in the Houle of Commons in
the year 46; —he laid, •' 1 mud observe that this
way of raising money fcr the public service, by the
Subscription of private men, is such an ir.croachment
upon the p ivileges of this House, and of such dan
gerous confcquence to the liberties of the nation,
that, in my opinion, it highly deserves our cenlure."
This was the language, even in those days, when
we had a rebellion railing even in the very heart of
the kingdom ; and if it was then thought an incroach
mint upon tie privileges of Parliament, and of dan
gerous ccnfequer.ee to the liberties of the nation,
what mull it now be, when the rebellion, if it be a
rebellion, is 3000 miles distant from us.
1 here is one thing mure I will bring to your
Lordships notice.
The only excuse, for I will not call it an argu
ments I have ever heard for the right of Parlia
ment to tax the Colonies, and of couik for this ne
farious war, was, “ that if the Colonies give free
grants to the Crown, as has been cufiomary to do
upon requisition, the Crown might become indepen
dent on Parliament for Supplies" This was the cry
of Minihers, to hide their worse designs. This was
the do&rire cf cur pulpit. It was the terrifying
appreheofion of Parliament, and therefore fay Par
liament, the Americans shall not give and grant
their own money to make the Crown independent
of Parliament, fur we wifi give and gr^t :•?> mo
ney forthem. Let us net thea, my Lords, fuffer
that to be do\e under our very neks, which was the
pretence of levying a lavage war upon America,
Shall thousands and tes cf thousands cf pou-di
belaid at the feet of the Crown, without even the
knowledge of Parliament, c;d those who do it, re
ceive honours from the Crown for so doing, whifft
we remain unconcerned Leasers thereof? My
Lords, let our example inform the o^er HcuU of
Parliament ofits danger. 1 chiefs, ray Lores, I
am alarmed at these proceedings, aid I will tell
your Lordships why.
When l ories, Jacobries, and Scotchmen, are
thefirf addreffe:3 for taking away the liberties of
three millions of his Majesty's lubje&s in America,
and are now theftf to take up arms in this country,
common feefe then tells me, that there is lomethmg
more in this than mere loyarty to the fickle of
Hanover.
It is my loyalty then to trie King, it is my duty
to Parliament, and my zeal for the liberties or the
people, that is the cause of my alarm, rihrie are
the motives, which, from much loved retirement,
has brought me forth into the busy iceres <f life;
and which nothing could reconcile to my cripriLiou
but a fenie of my duty.
My Lords, I will now submit to your Lordships,
two Refdlu tions for the adoption cf this House,
without any other recommendation of them <bao
their own importance.
Revived, That it be the opinion of this House,
that the giving or granting of money, as private
aids, or benevolences, without the (auction of Par
liament, for the purpose of rahug armies for his
Majesty's service, is againd the spirit cf the coc.fr
tut.on, and the letter of the law.
Resolved, That it is the opinion of ibs Hoafe,
that the obtaining of money by iub'cripxion, and un
der the direction cf a committee of the fubferibers,
to be applied in railing men for his Myefty's service,
in such manner as his Majeßy fh^li think hr, is not
only anconftitutional and illegal, but a dired in
fringement of the rights, and an absolute breach of
the privileges of Parliament.
From the General Adveriifer of February 17-
To the Earl of ABINGDON.
H E a&ive part you have tiken of late against
I the most profligate and detestable Adndmftra~
tion that ever disgraced the annals of this country,
must endear you to every fenfire and honett man-
Proceed, my Lord, be not daunted by the threats
of power ! — Mafie tuis virtutiixe efto! The regard
that your country bears you constitutes a flfield that
will protest you from all affauits. The loss cf
trade, the fall of flocks, the disgrace that has pur
sued the attempt of subjugating the brave Ameri
cans, their humanity, joined to the gross folly aod
cruelty of our Ministers, have opened the eyes cf
the nation. If you propose an association of the
Independent Whigs, thousands will immediately
consult with you for the preservation of the liberties
of the people. Why should you not do this to-mor
row? In the name of Gad. do it, my Lord, arid
be the Hampden cf our country.
A Difcipie cf Locke.
^^^^^^^^^B^^c*2^±^^^^
AL L persons indebted to the estate cf
Matthias Hollensach, late of NewTLt
over Townthip, Philadelphia County, deceafeu, by
bond, note, vendue paper, or book debt, zre rfcprired
to ceme on the 25th, 26th or 27th day of May, to the
dwelllng-houfe of George Dieterich Bucher, where
said Hobenbach lived, and fettle their accounts : And
all who have demands on said ^ftate are likewifi de
fied to bring them in at the tim^ and place aforefriß:
And if any pecten or persons Gould have any kind of
writings in which the said Hollenbach is bound as (?-
curity, they are r<qnefted to give notice thereof, aa
the heirs are not willing to be any longer bound.
JACOB V ANBUSKIRK, " ]A nriTri
GEORGE DIETERICH BUCHEP,] t^o^.
Camp. Farey Forge, April 18, 1775,
EIGHTDOL I, A RS REWARD.
]-} ESERTED from Capt. John David Woelpper's
" company, in the German regiment, GEORGE
KELLER, about nineteen or twenty years old, a^d
five leet fix inches high, dark brown hair; had cn
when he deserted, a white hunting frock and breeches,
and striped laggings : He Rule of Peter Mayer, soldier,
a black silk handkerchief, a shirt, a pair of docking'
and a pair of shoes. Whoever takes up said deleft
aid confines him in any Continental gaol, and give
notice thereof to Capt. Woelpper, (ball have t'eiwwe
reward, over and above the. reward which the Congers
3I'U^S. :
W A N T E Dr
For the Treasury Office of the United States,
rw^WO good Clerks and Accomptants; Su:h
I as may apply to be admitted, mult bring with
them good recommendations of their moral conduit