The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-04-19 00:00:00, page 2

The last CRISJ S, No.Xlll
'' T™ HE times that tried mens fouls," * are
I over —and the greatest and cornpleatefirevo
"lution the world ever knew is gloriously and f
happily accomplished. {
But to pass from the extremes of danger to fafety—
from the tumult of war, to the tranquility of peace,
though fwe^t in contemplation, requires a gradual
composure of the senses to receive it. Even calmhefs
has tee power of Running when it opens too ioftantly
upon us. The long and raging hurricane that Ihocid
cease in a moment, would leave us in a state rather of
wonder than enjoyment ; and some moments of recol
lection must pass before we could be capable of tafling
the full felicity of repose. There are but few instan
ces, in which the mind is fitted for sudden transitions:
it takes in its pleasures by refleaion and comparison,
and those must have time to ad, before the relish for
new feenes is compleat.
In the present case—the mighty magnitude of the
objeX—the various uncertainties of fate it has under
gone— the numerous and complicated dangers we have
Buffered or elcaped-—the eminence we now Hand on,
and the vast profpea before us, must all conspire to
impress us with contemplation.
To fee it in our power to make a world happy—to
teach mankind the art of being so—to exhibit on the
theatre of the universe a charaXer hitherto unknown—
and to have, as it were, a new creation entrufled to
our hands, are honors that command refleaion, and
can neither be too highly estimated, nor too gratefully
received.
In this pause then of recolleXion—while the Rorrn
is ce ding, and the long agitated mind vibrating to a
rest, let us look back on the feenes we have passed, and
learn from experience what is yet to be done.
Never, I fay, had a country so many openings to
happimfs as this Her fitting out into life, like the
rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and promising.
Her cause <as good. Her principles just and liberal.
Her tamper serene and- firm. Her conduct regulated
by the nicest steps of order, and every thing about
her wore the mark of honor.
It is not every country (perhaps there is not another
in the world) that can boafl so fair an origin Even the
firfl settlement of America corresponds with the cha
rafter of the revolution. Rome, once the proud mis
tress of the universe, was originally a band of ruffi
ans. Plunder and rapine made her rich, and her op
preffon of millions made her great. But America
needs tiever be ash med to tell her birth, nor relate the
flages by which die rose to empire.
The remembrance, then, of what is past, if it ope
rates rightly, inußinfpire her with the most laudable of
all ambition, that of adding to the fair fame Ale began
with. The world has seen her great in adversity. Etrug
ling, without a thought of yielding, beneath accu
mulated difficulties. Bravely, nay proudly, encoun
tering diflrefs, and rifiog in resolution as the fiorm
encreafed All this is jufily due to her, for her fortitude
has merited the character — Let, then, the world fee
that she can bear prosperity; and that her honest vir
tue in time of peace, is equal to the bravest virtue in
time of war.
Had the Rates federally been less able than they were
when the war began, their united strength would not
have been equal to the undertaking, and they must, in
all human probability, have failed—And on the other
hand, had they severally been more able, they might
not have seen, or, what is more, might not have felt,
the r^ceffity of uniting ; and either by attempting to
t That the revolution began at the exaX period of
time best fitted to the purpose, is Efficiently proved
by the event—But the great hinge on which the whole
machine turned is the union of the states: and
this union was naturally produced by the inability of
any one state to support itfelf against a foreign enemy
without the affi fiance of the rest.
She is now defeending to the feenes of quiet and do
meflic life. Not beneath the cypress shade of disap
pointment, but to enjoy in her own land, and under
her own vine, the sweets of her labours, and the re
ward of her toil. —In this situation, may she never for
get, that a fair national reputation is of as much im
portance as independence. That it possesses a charm
which wins upon the world, and makes even enemies ci
vil. That it gives a dignity which is often superior to
power, and commands a reverence where pomp and
fple odor fail.
' It would be a circumflance ever to be lamented and
never to be forgotten, were a single blot, from any
cause whatever, fuffered to fall on a revolution, which
to the end of time must be an honor to the age that
accomplished it: and which has contributed more to
enlighten the w rid, and diffufe a spirit of freedom and
liberality among mankind, than any human event (if
this may be called one) that ever preceded it.
It is not among the least of the calamities of a long
continued war, that it unhinges the mind from those
nice sensations which at other times appear so amiable.
The continual fpeXaele of woe blunts the finer feelings,
and the neceffiry of bearing with the fight renders it
familiar. In like manner, are many of the moral obliga
tions of society weakened, till the custom of anting by
iwceffity, becomes an apology where it is truly a crime.
Vet let but a nation conceive rightly of its character,
and it will be chastely just in protecting it. None ever
b^gan with a fairer than America, and none can be un
dr a greater obligation to preserve it.
The debt w< ich America has contraXed, compared
with the cause she has gained, and the advantages to
flow from it, ought scarcely to be mentioned. She has
it in her choice to do, and to live, as happily, as she
phases. The world is in her hands. She has now no
foreign power to monopolize her commerce, perplex her
legislation, or controul her prosperity. The flruggle
is over, which must one day have happened, and, per
haps, never could have happened at a better times.
* “ These are the times that try mens fouls." Cri
sis No. i. published December 19, 1776.
stand alone, or in small confederacies, would have been
separately conquered.
Now, as we cannot fee a time (and many years must
pass away before it can arrive) when the strength of
/ any one state, or of several united, can be equal to the
whole of the present united Rates, and as we have seen
the extreme difficulty of colleXively prosecuting the
war to a fuccefsful issue, and preserving our national
importance in the world, therefore, from the experi
ence we have had, and the knowledge we have gained,
we must, unless we make a wafle of wisdom, be Rrongly
impressed with the advantage, as well as the necessity,
of strengthening that happy union which has been our
salvation, and without which we should have been a
ruined people.
While I was writing this note, I caff my eyeon the
pamphlet Common Sense, from which I shall make
an extraX, as it applies exadly to the case. It is as
follows.
' I have never met with a man, either in England or
' America, who hath not confeffed his opinion that a
c separation between the countries would take place
' one time or other : And there is no inßancein which
' we have shewn less judgment, than in endeavouring
' to describe, what we call, the ripened or fitnefs of
' the continent for independence.
4 As all men allow the measure, and differ only in
' their opinion of the time, let us, in order to remove
<miftakes, take a general survey of things, and endea
' vour, if possible, to find out the very time. But
' we need not go far, the enquiry ceases at once, for,
' the Time hath found us. The general concur
‘ rence, the glorious union of all things prove the
<f*a.
' It is not in numbers, but in a union, that our great
' strength lies. The continent is just arrived at that
' pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to
6 support itfelf, and the who'e, when united, can ac
' complifh the matter; and either more or less than
' this, might be fatal in its effeXs.'
Pamphlet Cqmmon Sense.
The Rates of Holland are an unfortunate ioflance
of the effeXs of individual sovereignty. Their dis
jointed condition exposes them to numerous intrigues, ,
losses, calamities, and enemies; and the almost im-'
possibility of bringing their measures to a decision,
and that decision into execution, is to them, and
would be to us, a source of endless misfortune.
It is with confederate Rates as with individuals in
society ; something must be yielded up to make the
whole secure. In this view of things we gain by what
we give, and draw an annual interest greater than the
capital.—l ever feel myfelf hurt when I hear the union,
that great palladium of our liberty and fafety, the least
irreverently spoken of. It is the most sacred thing in the
conflitution of America, and that which every man
should be the most proud and tender of. Our citi
zenship in the united states is our national charaXer.
Our citizenship in any particular state is only our lo
cal diflinXion. By the latter we are known at home,
by the former to the world. Our great title is, Ame
ricans ; our inferior one varies with the place.
So far as my endeavours could go, they have all
been direXed to conciliate the aifeXions, unite the
interests, and draw and keep the mind of the country
And instead of a domineering mailer, she has gained
an Ally, whose examplary greatness, and universal li
berality, have extorted a tonfeffion even from her ene
mies.
With the blessings of peace, independence, and an
universal commerce, the Rates, individually arid col
leXively, will have leisure and opportunity to regulate
and establish their domestic concerns, and to put it be
yond the power of calumny to throw the least reflexi
on on their honor. Character is much easier kept
than recovered, and that man, if any such there be,
who, from any sinister views, or littleness of foul, lends
un'feen his hand to injure it, contrives a wound it will
never be in his power to heal.
As we have established an inheritance for posterity,
let that inheritance defeend with every mark of an
honorable conveyance. The little it will cost, com
pared with the worth of the slates, the greatness of
the objeX, and the value of national charaXer, will
be a profitable exchange.
But that which must more forcibly Rrike a thoughts
ful penetrating mind, and which includes and renders
easy all inferior concerns, isthe union of the states.
On this, our great national charaXer depends. It is
this which must give us importance abroad and secu
rity at home. It is through this only that we are, or
can be nationally known in the world. It is the flag
of the united Rates which renders our ships and com
merce fa fe on the seas, or ina foreign port. Our Me
diterranean passes must be obtained under the fame
Rile. All our treaties, whether of alliance, peace, or
commerce, are formed under the sovereignty of the
united Rates, and Europe knows us by no other name
or title.
The division of the empire into Rates is for our own
convenience, but abroad this diflinXion ceases. The
affairs of each state are local. They can go no farther
than to itfelf. And were the whole worth of even the
richefl of them expended in revenue, it would not be
fufficient to support sovereignty against a foreign at
tack. In short, we have no other national sovereign
ty than as united Rates. It would even be fatal for
us if we had—too expensive to be maintained, and
impossible to be supported. Individuals or individu
al Rates may call themselves what they please ; but
the world, and especially the world of enemies, 'is not
to be held in awe by the whiffling of a name. Sove
reignty must have power to proteX all the parts that
compose and constitute it: and as united states
we are equal to the importance of the title, but other
wise we are not. Our union well and wifely regulated
and cemented, is the cheapest way of being great the
easiest way of being powerful, and thehappieft inven
tion in government which the circumflances of Ame
rica can admit of.—Becaufe it colleXs from each state,
that, which, by being inadequate, can be of no
use to it, and forms an aggregate that serves for
all.
IFrom the NEWJERSEY GAZETT E,
1/ dated April 16.
Alaft Advice to the TORIES and REFUGEES in
New-York.
POOR, unhappy, deluded, anti infatuated peo
ple: now after all your vigorous exertions by
influence and arms in favour of your king, he
has basely shook you off with a cold recommendation
to the mercy of your insulted and injured countrymen.
If your king has no mercy upon you, after all your
faithful services, how can you expeX it from your
enemies ?
Vour country is informed that multitudes of you
purpose to tarry in it after the departure of the En
glish. Be assured you cannot do it. Read the above
association * and resolution, and firmly believe, that
it is the genuine spirit of more than nine-tenths of tie
people of the country. State laws will no longer be
feebly executed ; they will have their perfeX effeX.
Many of you in whining accents will fay, " We
" have done nothing, only taken refuge in New-York;
" we have said nothing; we havefriends in the ccun
“ try who will save us; by the articles of peace con
“ grefs is to recommend us to the.Rates to fuffer us to
" tarry in them," &c. ——Allow me here to observe:
Those of you, who have done nothing, and said no
thing, (such you know are both few and infignificant
among yourselves) may possibly escape; but, depend
upon it, they will ever be treated as underling wretch
es, and held in abhorrence and con empt. But very
few of you indeed, but what have both done and said
many things; and be assured, every aXion you have
done, and every word you have spoken against your
country, will be remembered against you, and you will
beinfallibly executed, or perpetually banished, or
you will be so harraffed that you will be obliged to
make your escape and exile yourselves. I tel! you.
naked truth. I know what I fay, and whereof I af
firm. But,
You will fondly hope your iniquities cannot be prov
ed. Do not any longer indulge a spirit of delufien.
You have been too long deluded already. Too many
of us have been prisoners in New-York. We have
always had many whigs and friends in that city ; and
many of yourselves will turn witnesses for the'/flate, one
against another, so that not a secret word or single
aXion you have be n guilty of against your country
in general, or against any individual whig in particu
lar, but what will be produced and supported by iu
conteftable teflimony.
Confider before what courts you are to be tried;
who are to be the juries to try you; and who your
prosecutors. Ar^ they not all to a man determined
whigs? Have they not all fuffered ard been injured
by you? “ Whigs, you will fay, will do justice:"
Depend upon it. Juflice, flri& justice you wild
have; therefore fear and fly before it is too late.
You (ay,“ You have many friends in the country."
This is too true. But your friends have no influence.
If they can now save themselves, they must be more
prudent and silent than they have been for fix years
past. They muR no longer ihew themselves as the
friends or favourers of tones, plunderers, house-burn-,
ers and enemies of their country. Remember those,
who wish you well, will not dare to put forth a hand
to help, and scarcely will lisp a word io your behalf.
Yea, many of those persons you now imagine your
friends, will become your most zealous persecutors
and enemies, in order to ingratiate themselves with
their countrymen, and wipe the fiigma of toryifrmfrom
their own charaXers, which now they would be
glad to have removed.
together; md the beffer so rißifl is this foundation
work of the revolution, I have avoided all places of
profit or office, either in the state I live in, or in the
united Rates; kept myfelf at a distance from all par
ties and party connexions, and even disregarded al!
private and inferior concerns : and when we take into
view the great work we have gone through, and feel,
as we ought to feel, the just importance of it, we
shall then fee, that the little wraoglings and indecent
contentions of personal parly, are as dishonorable to
our charaXers, as they are injurious to our repose.
It was the cause of America that made me an author.
The force with which it struck my mind, and the
dangerous condition the country appeared to me in,
by courting an impossible and unnatural reconciliati
on with those who were determined to reduce her, in-
Read of firiking out into the only line that could ce
ment and save her, a declaration of indepen
dence, made it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to
be silent: and if, in the course of more than seven
y^ars, I have rendered her any service, I have like
wise added something to the reputation of literature,
by freely and disinterestedly employing it in the great
cause of mankind, and Viewing there may be genius
without prostitution.
Independence always appeared to me pra&icable and
probable ; provided the sentiment of the country could
be formed and held to the objeX : and there is no in
stance in the world, where a people so extended, and
wended to former habits of thinking, and under such a
variety of circumflances, were so instantly and effec
tually pervaded, by a turn in politics, as in the case of
independence, and who supported their opinion, un
diminished, through such a succession of good and ill
fortune, till they crowned it with success.
But as the feenes of war are closed, and every man
preparing for home and happier times, I therefore
take my leave of the fubjeX. I have most sincerely
followed it from beginning to end, and through all
its turns and windings : and whatever country I may
hereafter be in, I shall always feel an honest pride at
the part I have taken and aXed, and a gratitude to
Nature and Providence for putting it in my power
to be of some use to mankind.
Philadelphia, April 19, 1783.
* Thi^ association to be in a future p^per.
COMMON SENSE.