The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-05-11 00:00:00, page 2

In January 1780 I published part of the Crisis No.
VIII tn the Philadelphia news-papers but did not con
clude it in the following papers, And the remainder has
lain by me to the prefect day.
There appeared about that time some disposition in
the British cabinet to cease the further prosecution of the
war, and as I had formed my opinion, that whenever
such a design should take place, it would be accompani
ed with a difhonourable proposition to America reced
ing France; I had addressed the remainder of that number,
not to expose the baseness of any such propofition.But the
arrival of the next news from England declared her de
termination to go on with the war, and consequently as
the political object I had then in view was not become
a (object, it was unnecessary in me to bring it forward,
which is the reason it was never published.
The matter which I allude to in the unpublished part
I Shall now make a quotation of, and apply it as the
more enlarged Rate of things at this day Shall make con
venient or necessary. It is as follows.
" Py the Speeches which have appeared from the
" Britifli parliament it is easy to perceive to what im
“ politic and imprudent excesses their passions and
" prejudices have in every instance carried them during
" the present war. Provoked at the upright and ho
'' nourable treaty between America and France, they
" imagined nothing more was necessary to be done to
" prevent its final ratification, than to promise, through
" the agency of their commissioners (Carlifle, Eden and
" and Johnflone) a repeal of their once offenfive a&s
"of parliament. The vanity of the conceit was as uh
" pardonable as the experiment was impolitic. And
'A so convinced am I of their wrong Ideas of America,
'* that I Shall not wonder, if in the last flage of politi•
" cal phrenzy, they propose to her to break her alli
« ance with France and enter into one with them. Such
<c a proposition, should it ever be made, and it has al
" ready been more than once hinted in parliament,
“ would difeover such a disposition to perfidiou(nefs,and
« such disregard of honour and morals, as would add
" the finishing vice to national corruption.—l do hot
" mention this to put America on the watch, but to
* put England on her guard, that She do not, in the
" looseness of her heart, envelop in disgrace every frag
" ment of reputation." —Thus for the quotation.
By the complexion of some part of the news which
have transpired through the New-York papers, it
seems probable /that this insidious era in the British
politics is beginning to make its appearance. I wish
it may not ; for that which is a disgrace to human na
ture, throws Something of a shade over all the human
characer, and the individual feels his Share of the
wound that is given to the whole.
The policy of Britain has ever been to divide Ame
rica in some way or other. Tn the beginning of the
dfpu'e, She praCtifed every art to prevent or destroy
the union of the states, well knowing that could She
once get teem to flanl singly She could conquer them
unconditionally. Failing in this project in America
She renewed it in Europe ; and after the alliance had
taken place, She made secret offers to France to induce
her to give up America, and what is Fill more extra
ordinary, She at the fame time made propositions to
doctor Franklin then in Faris, the very court to which
She was secretly applying, to draw off Amerjca from
France. But this is not all.
On the 14th of September, 1778, the British court,
through their Secretary, lord Weymouth, made ap
plication to the marquis D'Almadovar the Spanish.
ambaflador at London, to “ ask the mediation" for
these were the words of the court of Spain for the pur
pose of negociating a peace with France, leaving Ame
rica (as I Shall hereafter Show) out of the question.
Spain readily offered her mediation, and likewise the
°7 of Madrid ar the place of conference, put will
certain ; that they have run their length of madness, and
are undvr a necessity of changing their measures may
easily be seen into; but to what this change of mea
sures may amount, or how far it may correspond with
our interest, happiness and duty, is yet uncertain; and
from what we have hitherto experienced, we have too
much reason to fufpe& them in every thing.
I do not address this publication so much to the peo
ple of America as to the British mioiftry, whoever they
may be, for if it is their intention to promote any kind
of negociation, it is proper they mould know before
hand,that the United States have as much honour as bra
very ; that they are no more to be seduced from their
alliance than their allegiance; that their line of poli
tics is formed, and not dependant, like that of their
enemy, on chance and accident.
On our part, in order to know, at any time, what
the British government / will do, we have only to find
out what they ought not to do, and this last will be
their conduct For ever changing and for ever wrong ;
too distant from America to improve circumstances,
and too unwise to forefee them ; scheming without prin
ciple, and executng without probability, their whole
line of manage merit has hitherto been blunder and base
ness. Every campaign has added to their loss, and
every year to their disgrace ; till unable to go on, and
ashamed to go b^ck, their politics have come to a halt,
and all their fine profp-Cts to,the halter.
Could our affections forgive or humanity forget the
wounds of an infant country, we might, under the in
fluence of a momentary oblivion, ftand.flill and laugh.
But they are engraven where no amusement can con
ceal them, and of a kind for which there is no recom
pence. Can ye reflore to us the beloved dead ? Can ye
fay to the grave give up the murdered ? Can ye oblite
rate from iur memories those who are no more? Think
not then to tamper with our feelings by insidious
contrivance, nor to fuffocate our humanity by seducing
us to difhonour.
SINCE the arrival of too, if not three packets, in
quick succession, at New York from England, a
-variety of uncbnn¥led news bas circulated through
the country, and afforded as great a variety of {pecu
lation.
The CRISIS, No. XI.
That something is the matter in the cabinet and
councils of our enemies oh the other fide the water is
On the present State of NEWS.
" From what has been observed it evidently fol
" lows, that the whose of the English politics was, to
" disunite the two courts of Paris and Madrid, by
" means of the suggestions and offers She Separately
" made to them; and also to Separate the colonies
" from their treaties and engagements entered into
" with France, and induce them to arm against the
" house of Bourbon, or more probably to op
" PRESS THEM WHEN THEY FOUND, FROM BREAK
" ING THEIR ENGAGEMENTS, THEY STOOD ALONE
" AND WITHOUT PROTECTORS."
We know that at the time this mediation was on the
carpet, the expeOations of the British king and minis
try ran high with refpeft to the concueft of America.
The English packet which was taken with the mail on
board, and carried into I'Orient in France, contained
letters from lord G. Germaine to fir Henry Clinton,
which expressed in the fulle ft terms the miniflerial idea™
of a total conquest. Copies of those letters were sent
to congress and published in the News-papers of last
year. Colonel Laurens brought over the originals,
some of which, signed in the hand writing of the then
secretary, Germaine, are now in my possession.
" This, therefore, is the net they laid for the Ame
" rican Bates ; that is to fay, to tempt them with
" flattering and very magnificent promises to come to'
" an accommodation with them, exciufive of any in
" tervention of Spain or France, that the British mi
" niftry might always remain the arbiters of the fate
" of the colonies.
" But the Catholic king, (the king of Spain) faith
" ful on the one part to the engagements which bind
" him to the most Christian king, (the king of France)
“ his nephew . ,just and upright on the other, to his
“ own fubjeds whom he ought to prote& and guard
“ against so many insults; and finally, full of huma
"nity and companion for the Americans and other
“ individuals who Suffer in the present war; he is de
" termined to pursue and prosecute it, and to make
“ all the efforts in his power, until he can obtain a
'< solid and permanent peace, with full and fatisfado
“ ry securities that it fhajl be observed."
Thus far the memorial ; a translation of which, into
English, may be seen in full, under the head of State
papers, in the Annual Register for 1779, page 367.
The extracts I have here given, serve to shew the
various endeavours and contrivances of the enemy to
draw France from her cooneaion with America, and
to prevail on her to make a separate peace with Eng
land, leaving America totally out of the queflion and
at the mercy of a merciless, unprincipled enemy. The
opinion, likewise, which Spain has formed of the Brit
ish cabinet charader for meanness and perfidioufnefs,
is so exaßly the opinion of America, re pe&ing it,
that the memoria , in this instance, contains our own
fentimeuts and language; for people, however remote,
who think alike will unavoidably fp-ak alike.
Thus we fie the insidious ufr which Britain endeav
oured to make of the propofidons for a peace under the
mediation of Spain.—i fh^ll now proceed to the second
proportions under the mediation of the emperor of
Germany and the empress of Russia ; the general out
line of which war, that a congress of the several pow
ers at war should meet at Vienna, in 1781, to fettle pre
liminaries of peace.
I Coul I wish myfelf at liberty to make use of all the*
information I am possessed of on this fubjed, but as
there is a delicacy in the matter, I do not conceive jt
prudent, at least at present, to make referencies and
quotations in the fame manner ^s I have done with
refpea to the mediation of Spain, who publifhed'the
whole proceedings herfelf ; and, therefore, what comes
from me, on this part of the business, must rest on my
own credit with the public, assuring them, that when
the whole proceedings, relating to the proposed con
gress at. Vienna, shall appear, they will find my ac
count not only true but studiously moderate.
I Shall now give some extracts from the foftifying
memorial of the Spanish court, in which She has set the
conduct and character of Britain, with refpeCt to A
m-rica, in a clear and firiking point of light.
The memorial, (peaking of the refufal of the British
court to meet in conference with commissioners from
the United States, who were to be considered as inde
pendent during the time of the conference, fays,
" It is a thing very extraordinary and even ridicu
" lous, that the court of London, who treats the co
" lonies as independent, not only in aCting, but of
" right, during the war, Should have a repugnance to
" treat them as such, only in anting during a truce or
" Suspension of hostilities. The convention of Sara
'' toga ; the reputing general Burgoyne as a lawful
" prisoner, in order to suspend his trial; the exchange
" and liberating other prisoners made from the colonies;
" the having named commissioners to go and fuppli
" cate the Americans, at their own doors, request
" peace of them, and treat with them and the Con
" grefs ; and finally, by a thousand other aRs ofthis
" fort, authorifed by the court of London, which have
" been, and are true signs of the acknowledgment of
'' their independence.
" In aggravation to all the foregoing, at the fame
" time the British cabinet answered the king of Spain
" in the terms already mentioned; they were infinu
" ating themselves at the court of France by means of
" secret emiffaries,and making very great offers to her to
" abandon the colonies and make peace with England.
" But there is yet more: for at this fame time the
" Englifhminiftry were treating by means of another
" certain emissary, with doctor Franklin, minister ple
" nepotentiary from the colonies, residing at Paris,, to
" whom they made various proposals to disunite them
" from France, and accommodate matters with Eng
“ land."
all, proposed that the United States of America Should
be invited to the treaty, and coofidered as independent
during the time the business was negociating. But
this was not the view of England. She wanted to draw
France from the war, that She might uninterruptedly
pour out a I her force and fury upon America ; and
being diflapointed in this plan, as well through the
open and generous conduct of Spain, as the determina
tion of France, She refufed the mediation Shehad soli
cited.
But over and above the mere letter of the alliance,
we have been nobly and generously treated, and have
had the fame refpe& and attention paid us, as if we
had,been an old eftablilhed country. To oblige and o
be obliged is fair work among mankind, and we want
an opportunity of foowyng to the world that we area
people sensible of kindness and worthy of confidence.
Character is to us, in our present circumftapces, of
more importance than interest. We are a young na
tion just stepping upon the flage of public life, and
the eye of the world is upon us to fee how we aft. We
have an enemy that is watching to destroy our repu
tation, and who will go any length to gain some evi
dence against us, that may serve to render our con
duct fufpefted and our character odious; because,
could the accomplish this, wicked as it is, the world
would withdraw from us, as from a people not to be
trusted, and our talk then would become difficult.
There is nothing sets the character of a nation in a
higher or lower light with others, than the faithfully
fulfilling, or perfidioufly breaking of treaties. They
are things not to be tampered with ; and should Britain,
which seems very probable, propose to seduce America
into such an aft of baseness, it would merit from her
some mark of unusual deteftation.lt is one of these extra
ordinary inffances in which we ought not to be content
ted with the bare negative of Congress, because it is an
affront on the multitude as well as on the government.
It goes on the supposition that the public are not honest
men, and that they may be managed by contrivance tho'
they cannot be conquered by arms. But, let the world
and Britain know that we are neither to be bought nor
fold. That our mind is great and fixt ; our profped clear;
and that we will support our character as firmly as
our independence.
But I will go Bill farthet. General Conway who
made the motion in the British parliament for disconti
nuing offensive war in America, is a gentleman of
an amiable character. We have no personal quarrel
with him. But he feels not as we feel; he is not in our
situation, and th^t alone, without any other explana
tion, is enough.
Filled with these high ideas, nothing could be more
insolent towards America than the language of the
British court on the proposed mediation. A peace
with France and Spain she anxiously solicited ; but
America,as before,fhould be left to her mercy, neither
would the hear any proposition for admitting an agent
from the United States into the congress of Vienna.
On the other hand, France with an open, noble and
manly determination, and the fidelity of a good ally
would hear no proposition for a separate peace, nor
even meet in congress at Vienna, without an agent
from America : and likewise, that the independant
charader of the United States, represented by the
agent, should be fully and unequivocally defined and
fettled before any conference should be entered on.
The reasoning of the court of France 011 the feverai
propositions of the two Imperial courts, which relate
to us, is rather in the stile of an American than an
ally; and the advocated the cause of America as if
the had been America herfelf.—Thus the second medi
ation, like the firft, proved ineffectual.
But since that time a reverse of fortune has over
taken the British arms, and all their high expectations
are dashed to the ground. The noble exertions to the
southward, under general Greene , the fuccefaful ope
rations of the allied arms in the Chefepeak; the lofa
of most of their islands in the Weft Indies and Minor
ca in the Mediterranean; the persevering spirit of
Spain against Gibraltar; the expected capture of Ja
maica ; the failure of making a separate peace with
Holland, and the expence of an hundred millions fieri
ing, by which all these fine losses were obtained, have
read them a loud lesson of difgracefui misfortune, and
necessity has called on them to change their ground.
In this situation of confufion and despair their pre
sent councils have no fixt character. It is now the
hurricane months of British politics. Every day seems
to have a storm of its own, and they are feudding;
under the bare poles of hope. Beaten, but not hum
bled; condemned, but not penitent, they aft like
men trembling at fate and catching at a straw.—
From this convulsion in the entrails of their politics,
it is mere than probable that the mountain groaning
in labour, will bring forth a mouse as to its size, and
a monster in its make. They will try on America
the fame insidious arts they tried on France and Spain.
We sometimes experience sensations to which lan
guage is not equal. The conception is too bulky to
be born alive, and in the torture of thinking we Rand
dumb. Our feelings imprisoned by their magnitude,
find no way out, and, in the struggle of expression, e
very finger tries to be a tongue. The machinery of the
body seems too little for the mind and we look about
for helps to shew our thoughts by —Such must be the
sensation of America, whenever Britain fieaming with
corruption, shall propose to her to facrifice her faith.
But exciufive of the wickedness, there is a personal
offence contained in every such attempt. It is calling
us villains; for no man asks another to aft the villain
unless he believes him to be incited to be one. No
man attempts to seduce a truly modest woman. It is
the supposed lofenefs of her mind that starts the thought
of fedußion, and he who offers it calls her a prostitute.
Our pride is always hurt by the fame propositions which
offend our principles ; for when we are shocked at the
Crime we are wounded by the supposition of our com
pliance.
Could I convey a thought that might serve to regu
late the public mind, I would not make the interest ot
the alliance the basis of defending it. All the world
are moved by interest, and it affords them nothing to
boast of. But I would go a flep higher and defend it
on the ground of honour and principle. That our
public affairs have flourished under the alliance, that
it was wifely made and has been nobly executed, that
by its affiftaace w@ are enabled to preserve our coun
try from conquest and expel those who fought our de
flruftion, that it is ourtrue interest to maintain it un
impaired, and that while we do so no enemy can con
quer us; are matters which experience has taught us,
and the common good of ourselves, abdraEted from
principles of faith and honour, would lead us to main
tain the connection.