The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-07-20 00:00:00, page 2

his majesty's American Loyalists.
To the king's most excellent majetiy, to both houses of
parliament and the people of Great Britain.
WE, his majedy's mod dutiful and faithful fub
jefis, the loyal inhabitants of America, who
have happily got within the protection of the British
forces, as well as those who, though too wife not to
have foremen the fatal tendency of the present wanton
and < aufelefs rebellion - yeq from numberless obstacles,
and unexampled ^-verities, have hitherto been com
pelled th remain under the tyranny of the rebels, and
Submit to the measures of cougreflional usurpation ;
animated with the puref lprinciples of duty and alle
giance to his majefly and the British parliament, beg
leave, \vitiithe deepest humility and reverence on the
present calamitous occasion of public and na ional mif
furtune, in the furread r of lord Cornwallis, and the
army under ids lorlfhip's command at York-Town,
humbly to imrear, that your majrfty and the parlia
m nt, would be graciously p eased to permit us to of
fr this renew d testimony of loyalty and attachment
"to our mod gracious sovereign, anl the British nation
and goy rnment • aod thus publickly to repeatour mofl
heart-fe t acknowledgments for the infinite obligations
we feel ourselves under for the heavy expences that
have been ncurrgd, and the great national exertions
that have been made 0 save and refeue us and your
American colonies from impending ruin, and the ac
cumulated diAreffes and calamiti sos civil war. For
such difiinguifhed proofs of national earn and regard,
we confe s ourselves unable to make that adequate re
turn which our hearts, rep'ete with the most dutiful
and grateful sensations, most willingly offer, but which
we have not words fufficient to txprefs. Our (offer
ings as men, and our duty as loyal fubjeds, point out
to us at once rhe propriety, in our present situation,
of thus publicly repeating our assurances, that we re
vere, with a kind of holy enthusiasm, the ancient con
stitution of the American colonies ; and that we cannot
but lament every event, and be anxidufly solicitous
to remove every cause or suspicion that might have
toe n,O riiflant tendency t® separate the two coun
tries, or in any remote degree to lessen the claim we
have to the present aid and continued exertions of
Great Britain ; especially if it should arise from any
misrepresentation or distrust, either of our fidelity or
num ers, to entitle us to the future countenance and
protection of that sovereign and nation, whose govern
ment and laws, we call God to witness, that in the in
tegrity of our fouls, we prefer to all others. The lo
cal prejudices of birth and education, and the weight
of pad and happy experience, Confpir@ together to
render in our breads, most sacred and inestimable our
relation to British fubjeds and British laws. We deem
it more valuable than life itfelf, and under the most
trying circumflances, have invariably resolved, in de
fiance of every hazard, to assert our rights; and, as
far as in our power, in opposition to every other slate
and kingdom in the world, to adhere to the nation
and country from which we sprung, and to which,
with honest pride and gratitude, we acknowledge that
we owe both our natural and political exiftance.
Unhappy, indeed, for ourselves, and ne cannot but
think unfortunately too, for Great-Britain, the num
ber of wtll-a&aed inhabitants in America, to the pa
rent country, cannot, for obvious reasons, be exactly
afeertained. But there are fads from which the most
undoubted and undeniable conclusions may be inferred,
and to which, for want of other evidence, we mus ire
cur; refling our appeal upon such proofs to the uner
ring and urbiaffed decision of truth and candour.
The penalty under which any American fubjed in
lifts into his majefty'sfervice, is no less than the im
mediate forfeiture of all his goods and chattels, lands
and tenements : and if apprehended and convided by
the rebels, of having inlifted, or prevailed on any 0-
ther person to inlift intohis majelly's service, it fs con
sidered as treason, and punished with death: whereas
no forfeiture is incurred or penalty annexed to his en
tering into the service of congress ; but on the contrary,
his property is secured and himfelf rewarded.
In the former case, he withdraws himfelf from his
family and relations, without any possibility of receiv
ing any affiflance from or affording any relief to either.
In the latter, he is fubjeft to no such peculiar (elf-de
nials and real diftreffes.' The embodying provincial
corps in New-York, and fending them on service to
Savannah—or in Philadelphia, and ordering them to
Pensacola, w< en they might he more ufefully employ
ed in the province they were raifed.The drafting troops
from the corps, and from under the command of of
ficers with whom they inlifted, to form new corps, and
to give a command to other officers, are all measures
which have had their difeouraging effects on the re
cruiting service.
The desultory manner also in which the war has
been carried on, by firft taking possession of Boston,
Rhode Island, Philadelphia, Portsmouth, Norfolk in
Virginia, Wilmington, in North-Carolina, &c. &c.
and then evacuating them, whereby many thousand in
habitants have been involved in the greatest wretch
edness, is another fubflantial reason why more loyal
ills have not inlifled into his majesty's service, or o
penly espoused and attached themselves to the royal
cause: yet not withstanding all these difeouraging fy.
cumfian.es, there are many more men in his majesty's
provincial regiments, than there are in the Continental
service. Hence it cannot be doubted, but that there are
more loyalists in America than there are rebels; and
also, that their zeal must be greater, or do many would
not have inlifted into the provincial service, under such
very unequal circumflances. Other reasons might be
enumerated, why many more have not inlifted into his
majesty's provincial service, if we were not prevent
ed from it by motives of delicacy and tenderness to the
character of the person to whose management the
business of that department was principally committed.
We also infer from the small number of militia col
leded by general Greene, the most popular and able ge
neral in the service of congress, in the long circuitous
march he took through many of the most populous,
and canfeffedly the most rebellious counties in that
From the LONDON'CHRONICLE, Ma;rch 9.
The humble and dutiful Declaration and Address of
The eflablifhing civil government, and forming a
militia in a colony as soon as 'the rebel army is drove
out of it, is the best measure that can be adopted to
make the loyal inhabitants importantly ufeful to the
king's interest. Tt is the highest political absurdity
that ever was thought of, to imagine that a colony is
to be retained, and the peace and good order of govern
ment restored by the force of arms and martial law,
and that too without the partial aid and concurrence of
its inhabitants. And it is equally prepoflerous to ex
ped that aid and concurrence, without some regard is
paid to the prejudices and inclinations of the people.
They should be treated with confidence and honoured
with notice, by being appointed to all offices of civil
government. The protecting authority and persuasive
influence of which is the oply measure that can extend
to, and conned the people of a British province in one
common interest and voluntary submission. A province,
thus restored to the influence of civil government, and
the exertions of the militia, the natural force of the
country, that there must be a vast majority of loyal
ists in that part of America, as well as elsewhere. The
prefuniption becomes Wronger, from a consideration of
the wel known fedudien and compulfon which were
made use of by the rebel generals and other officers,
in order to embody the militia, as well as from the
manner in which the militia are there mentioned by ge
neral Greene, in his public dispatches in the course of
one month In that of the 10th of March, he fays,
" Oar militia have been upon such loose anduncertain
" footing, ever since we crossed the Dan, that I could
" attempt nothing with confidence." In his next, of
the 16th, in giving his account of two brigades of mi
litia, consisting of three captains, ten fubaiterns, and
561 rank and file, he returns two captains, nine sub
alterns and 592 rank and file miffing, besides one regi
ment of which he could get no return, and adds,
" thole miffing are supposed to have gone home." Ac
cording to thereport of the generals and field officers,
very few were killed or taken, most of them having
thrown away their arms and abandoned the field ear
ly in theaftion. In that of the goth, he writes, " that
'' nothing but blood and daughter have prevailed a
" mong the whigs and tories, and their inveteracy a
" gaini each other must, if it continues, depopulate
" this part of the country." Surely, whole brigades
throwing away their arms and returning home, and all
that fort of condud, must carry with it the most pre
sumptive evidence, not only of their difaffedion to the
measures of congress, but of their loyalty and attach
ment to his majefly, and the British nation and govern
ment ; especially if you take into the account this well
known fad, that the rebels have recruited the conti
nental army, and in all inftaoces assembled the militia,
by deceiving some, terrifying many, and driving more,
to affid in their military operations. On the contrary,
the service of the loyalists has in all cases been ready
and voluntary ; and in many unsolicited, and some un
noticed, if not rejeded.
A party of militia, also, not long ago, went from
Wilmington, in North-Carolina, 60 or 70 miles into
the country, and took major-general Afhe, with two
or three field officers, and some other persons, and
brought them prisoners to his majefiy's garrison at
Wilmington Another party of militia lately went
near 200 miles up into the country fromWilmington,to
a place called Hillsborough, and with a body of 6 or
700 militia, attacked a party of rebel troops, who
were there as a guard to the rebel legislature, then fit
ting at that place, and took the rebel governor, Mr.
Burke, several of his council, 11 continental officers,
and about 120 of the troops prisoners, whom the mili
tia delivered to major Craig, who commanded the
king's troops at Wilmington.—Other more voluntary
alerts, performed by the loyalists in South Carolina,
and elsewhere, might be mentioned without number.
Surely such are not timid friends! We defy the most
incredulous opposer of American loyalty, as well as
the most determined advocate for congressional usur
pation, to point out a single instance, wherein the like
has been done, or attempted by the rebel militia ;
or that they have, in any instance, voluntarily assem
bled in such numbers, or attempted any military at
chievements whatever, without the express orders and
coercion of their tyrannical rulers.
It it should be said, if such is the number and disposi
tion of the loyalists in America, how comes it to pass
that they have not been of more importance 'to his ma
jesty's service? We answer, might it not with equal
propriety be enquired, why his majesty's forces have
not more fully answered the just expectations of the
nation ? And might not the quefiion with greater pro
priety be put to his majesty's commanders in America ?
A due deference to whom, we trust, will be thought
the most decent apology for our waving the mention
of many more of the true and undeniable causes which
we have it our power to assign. And permit us to add,
that it is only from modesty, and a w>fh to avoid both
the appearance and imputation of feififh oflenation,
that we decline entering into a particular enumeration
of such proofs of allegiance and fidelity, from the con
dud and fufferings of American loyalists, as have ne
ver been equalled by any people, in any age, or in any
country. We cannot, however, refrain from hinting
at some inconteftible advantages the loyalists have been
of, in affording supplies to the royal army—by ading
as guides and pilots, and (independent of those emyloy
ed in the provincial line) as militia and parizan troops.
As corps of refugees, they have been too often difiin
guifhed by the zeal and gallantry of their behaviour,
to need the mention of any particular infiance; if they
did, we might refer to the affair of the block-house,
opposite fort Knyphaufen, where captain Ward, with
about 70 refugees, withftbod and repulsed the attack
of general Wayne, at the head of three chosen bri
gades of continentals. As a militia, ading by them
selves (for we take no notice of the many thousands,
that at different times, particularly in Georgia and
South-Carolina, have attached themselves to the royal
army) a small party, some time ago, under the com
mand of one Bunnion, went from LbHg-Ifland to Con.
nedicut, and there surprised and took prisoner a rebel
major-general, named Silliman, and several other ofc
ficers.
country, the royal army might proceed to the next,
ever keeping the rebel forces in front. Thus, province
after province might and would be speedily reclaimed
to their former happy and most eligible situation of
British fubjeds.
The policy of prosecuting the American war is strik
ingly obvious for more reasons; but particularly, as
it affords the most encouraging hope that can possibly
be held out to his majesty's loyalists, to persevere in
their principles and exertions, at the fame time that it
affords a number of fafe ports to the royal navy dur
ing the war. It is also political, in order to prevent vast
numbers of distressed people from going to England,
and throwing themselves and families, helpless and ru
ined, upon national bounty for maintenance and sup
port. It is humane and just, from a consideration of
the repeated declarations that have been made, that
" It was the gracious and firm resolution of his majes
ty and the British nation to persevere, in every just
and necessary measure, for the redemption of his ma
jesty's faithful American fubje&s, from the tyranny
and oppreffiou of congress, and restoring them to the
protection and benefit of British laws." The impor
tance rhe possession of some part, if not the whole of
the revolted colonies must be of, as an asylum for loy
alists, as well as the weight it would be of in fixing
the preliminary articles, and influencing the definitive
treaty, whenever such an event should take place, strong
ly enforces the political propriety and necessity of the
American war. It also appears to be a political
and necessary measure, in order to detain the rebel
forces in the revolted colonies; for there can be no
doubt, if his majesty's troops were withdrawn from
thence, but their views and operations would be imme
diately turned towards the province of Quebec, to the
northward, and the British Weft-India islands to the
southward; and when the contiguity of the one, and
the proximity of the others, to the revolted colonies is
considered, it is not improbable to suppose, from the
connexion now fabfifting between America and France,
Spain and Holland, but that, by the united forces of
those powers, in those adjacent islands, co-operating
with the Americans, that the British islands must be
immediately taken; and that all the continental posses
sions of Great-Britain would soon after be irrecovera
bly loft. If we take into our view the effect the abdi
cation of America must have upon the minds of people,
and the unavoidable intercourse there has been, and
must continue to be, from the mutual wants and fup
phes of each other, it would be folly to imagine, but
that many of the inhabitants of Quebec and the islands
would, from various motives, and with different views,
under such circumstances, contibute in some measure
towards facilitating their own reduction, and hastening
the surrender to some other power. If Great-Britain
can maintain a naval Superiority in the American seas,
the continent, with proper conduct, is undoubtedly re
tainable. If she cannot, her insular possessions in Ame
rica are Bill less tenable than her continental : for this
plain reason, that the former are more assailable by na
val force than the latter. Consequently the profecy
tion of the American war, with magnanimity and vi
gour, appears to us the best, if not the only measure
for re-animating his majesty's loyalists in America, to
a strenuous exertion of their most difiinguifhed endea
vours, for difoouraging the efforts of the rebels—for
dispiriting the hostile powers Europe, and for main
taining the dignity, and preserving the exterior terri
tories of the British nation and empire.
Relying with the fulleft confidence upon national
justice and Compassion to our fidelity and distresses,
we can entertain no doubts but that Great-Britain wilt
prevent the ruin of her American friends, at every risk
ihort of certain deffruaion to herfelf. But if compels
led by adversity of misfortune, from the wicked and
perfidious Combinations and designs of numerous and
powerful enemies abroad, and more criminal and dan
gerous enemies at home, an idea should be formed by
Great-Britain of relinquishing her American colonies
to the usurpation of congress, we thus solemnly call
God to witness, that we think the colonies can never
be so happy or so free as in a conflitutional connexion
with, and dependence on Great- Britian; convinced,
as we are, that to be aßritifh fubjed, with all its con
ftquences, is to be the happiest and freeft member of
any civil society in the known world ; we therefore, in
juflice to our members, in duty to ourselves, and in
fidelity to our posterity, must no', cannot refrain from
making this public declaration and appeal to the faith
ful fubjefts of every government, and the compaffioa
ate fovefeigu f every people, in every nation and
kingdom of the world, that our principles are the prin
ciples of the virtuous and free ; that our fufferings are
the fufferings of unproteded loyalty, and persecuted
fidelity; that our cause is the cause ot legal and constitu
tional govirnment, throughout the world ; that oppos
ed by principles of republicanism, and convinced from
recent observation, that brutal violence, merciless feve
r'ty> retentlefs cruelty, and diferetionary outrages are
the difiinguifhed traits and ruling principles of the pre
fect fydem of congressional republicanism, our aversion
is unconquerable, irreconcileable. That we are attache
ed to monarchial government, from past and happy
experience— by duty, and by choice. That to oppose
insurrections, and to listen to the requests of people so
circumfianced as we are, is the common interest of all
mankind in civil society. That to support our rights,
is to support the rights of every fubjeft of legal go
vernment: and that to afford us relief, is at once the duty
and security of every prince and sovereign on earth.
Our appeal, therefore is just ; and our claim to &d and
assistance is ex'enfive and universal.
Hut if r<&aing on the uncertain events of war, aad
finking under the gloomy profpea: of public affairs,
from the divisions and ccmtefls unhappily exiling io
great councils of the nation, any apprehensions should
have been excited in our beasts, with refpe& to the is
sue of the American war, we humbly hope it cannot,
even by the most illiberal, be imputed to us as an a
batement of our unihaken loyalty to our most graci
ous sovereign, or of our unalterable predilection in
favour c' thp British nation and government, whom,
may God long protect ant, preserve, if, in consequence
thereof, we thus humbly implore that your majefly,