Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-07-17 00:00:00, page 5

POSTSCRIPT to the Pennsylvania
The TWELVE UNITED COLONIES,
by their Delegates in GO NGRESS, to
ike Inhabitants of GREAT- BRIIAIN.
Friends, Countrymen, and Brethren!
^^ Y these, and by every other appellation,
g-^/re^^x, that may designate the ties, which bind
B "{ US to each other, we entreat your feri-
M^ ous attention to this our second attempt,
to prevent their diflblution.—Remem
<&\r^W brance of former friendfllips; pride in
the glorious atchievements of our common ancestors,
and affection for the heirs of their virtues, have hitherto
preferred our mutual connexion; but when that friend
ship is violated by the grossest injuries;—when the pride
of ancestry becomes our reproach, and we are no other
wise allied than as tyrants and Slaves, when reduced to
the melancholy alternative of renouncing your favor, or
@ur freedom,—-can we hesitate about the choice? Let
the spirit of Britons determine.
In a former address we asserted our rights, and fla
red the injuries we had then received. We hoped,
that the mention of our wrongs, would have roofed
that honest indignation, which has dept too long for
your honor, or the welfare of the empire.—But we
have not been permitted to entertain this pleating ex
pedation; everyday brought an accumulation of inju
ries, and the invention of the Ministry has been con
stantly exercised, in adding to the calamities of your
American Brethren.
After the most valuable right of legislation was in
fringed, when the powers, affirmed by your Parlia
ment, in which we are not represented, and from our
local and other circumftaoces, cannot properly be re
presented, rendered our property precarious; after
being denied that mode *f trial to which we have long
been indebted for the fafety of our persons, and the
prefervatien of our liberties; —after being in many in
stances divested of those laws, which were transmitted
to U S, by our common ancestors, and fubje&ed to an
arbitrary code, compiled under the auspices of Roman
tyrants; after annulling those Charters, which encou
raged our predecessors to brave death and danger in
every Shape, on unknown seas, in defarts unexplored,
amidst barbarous and inhospitable nations ! —when,
without the form of trial, without a public accusation,
whole colonies were condemned ! —their trade destroy
ed; their inhabitants impoverished; when soldiers were
encouraged to embrue their hands in the blood of Ame
ricans, by offers of impunity;—when new modes of
trial were instituted for the ruin of the accused, where
the charge carried with it the horrors of cohvi&ion; —-
when a despotic government was established in a neigh
bouring province, and its limits extended to every of
our frontiers; we little imagined that any thing could
be added to this black catalogue of unprovoked inju
ries ; —but we have unhappily been deceived; and the
late measures of the British Ministry fully convince us,
that their object is the reduction of these Colonies to
slavery and ruin.
To confirm this assertion, let us recal your attention
to the affairs of America, Since our last address; —let
vis combat the calumnies of our enemies; and let us
Warn you of the dangers that threaten you in our de
ftruflion. Many of your fellow-fubjells, whose situ
ation deprived them of other support, drewtheir main
tenance from the sea; but the deprivation of our Li
berty being infu fficient to fatisfy the resentment of our
enemies, the horrors of famine were fuperadded, and
a British Parliament, who in better times were ths
protedors of innocence and the patrons of humanity,
have, without diftinAion of age or sex, robbed thou
sands of the food, which they were accustomed to draw
from that inexhaustible source, placed in their neigh
bourhood by the benevolent Creator.
Another ad of your Legislature Bruts our ports and
prohibits our trade with any but those states, from
whom the great law of fel s-preservation renders it ab
solutely necessary we should at present withhold our
commerce.—But this aiff (whatever may have been its
design) we consider rather as injurious to your opulence
than our interest.—All our commerce terminates with
you; and the wealth we procure from other nations,
is soon exchanged for your fuperfluities,—Our remit
tances must then cease with our trade; and our refine
ments with our affluence.-—We trust, however, that
laws which deprive us of every blefling, but a foil that
teems with the necessaries of life, and that liberty which
renders the enjoyment of them secure, will not relax
©ur vigour in their defence.
We might here observe on the cruelty and inconsis
tency of those, who, while they publickly brand ns
with reproachful and unworthy epithets, endeavour to
deprive us of the means of defence, by their interpola
tion with foreign powers, and to deliver us to the law
lcfs ravages of a merciless soldiery. But happily we
are not without resources; and tho' the timid and hu
miliating applications of a British Ministry should pre
vail with foreign nations, yet industry, prompted by
neceflity, will not leave us without the necessary sup
plies.
We could wish to go no further, and, not to wound
the ear of humanity, leave untold those rigorous alls
of oppreflion which are daily exercised in the town of
Boston, did we not hope, that by disclaiming their deeds,
and punishing the perpetrators, you would Shortly vin
dicate the honor of the British name, and re-cftablifh
the violated laws of Justice.
That once populous, flourishing and commercial
town is now garrisoned by an army lent, not to proted,
but to enslave its inhabitants.—The civil government is
overturned, and a military despotism erected upon its
ruins.—Without law, without right, powers are aria
med unknown to the constitution.—Private property is
unjustly invaded. —The inhabitants daily fubjeAed
to the licentiousness of the soldiery, are forbid to re
move in defiance of their natural rights, in violation of
the most solemn compacts.—Or if after long and weari
some felicitation, a pass is procured, their effeds are de
tained, and even those who are most favoured, have no
alternative but poverty or slavery. The ditbefs of ma
ny thousand people, wantonly deprived of the necsff.l
- of life, is a f<bjelt on which we would not wish to
enlarge.
Yet we cannot but observe, that a British fleet (un
juftifed even by aids of your legislature) are daily em
ployed in ruining our commerce, seizing our ships, and
depriving whole communities of their daily bread. Nor
will a regard for your honor, permit us to be silent,
while British troops fully your glory, by allions which
the most inveterate enmity will not palliate among civi
lized nations; the wanton and unneceffury deftru&ion
of Charleftown, a large, ancient, and once populous
town, ju^ before defected by its inhabitants, who had
fled to avoid the fury of your soldiery.
If you still retain those Sentiments of Companion by
which Britons have ever been distinguished—ls the hu
manity which tempered the valour of our common un
ceftors, has not degenerated into cruelty, you will la
ment the miseries of their descendants.
To what are we to attribute this treatment? If to
any secret principle of the confutation let it be menti
oned; let us learn that the government we have long
revered is not without its defects, and that while it
gives freedom to a part, it necessarily enclaves the re
mainder of the empire. If such a principle exists why
for ages has it ceased to operate ? Why at this time is
it called into action ? Can no reason be assigned for this
conduit? Or mult it be resolved into tbs wanton exer
cise of arbitrary power? And shall the descendants of
Britons tamely submit to this —-No, Sirs ! We never
will, while we revere the memory of our gallant and
virtuous ancestors, we never can surrender those glori
ous priviledges, for which they fought, bled and con
quered. Admit that your fleets could destroy our towns,
and ravage our sea coasts; —these are inconsiderable
obje&s, things of no moment, to men whose bosoms
glow with the ardor of liberty —We can retire beyond
the reach of your navy, and without any sensible dimi
nution of the necessaries of life, enjoy a luxury which
from that period you will want; THE LUXURY
OF BEING FREE.
JVe know the force of your arms, and was it called
forth in the cause of justice and your country, we might
dread the exertion; but will Britons fight under the
banners of tyranny ? Will they counteract the labours,
and disgrace the victories of their ancestors ? Will they
forge chains for their posterity ? If they defeend to this
unworthy talk, will their swords retain their edge, their
arms their accustomed vigor ! -Britons can never
become the inilruments of opprelfion, till they lose
the spirit of freedom, by which alone they are invinci
ble.
Our enemies charge us with sedition; in what does
it consist? in our refufal to submit to unwarrantable
ads of injustice and cruelty ? If so, Shew us a period
in your history, in which you have not been equally
{editions?
We are aecufed of aiming at independence; but how
is this accusation fupp,rted ? By the allegations of your
ministers, not by our actions.—Abuled, insulted and
contemned, what Steps have we pursued to obtain re
dress? we have carried our dutiful petitions to the
throne ; —we have applied to your justice for relief, we
have retrenched our luxury and withheld our trade.
The advantages of our commerce were designed as a
compensation for your protection: When you ceased
to protect, for what were we to compensate?
What has been the success of our endeavours? The
clemency of our Sovereign is unhappily diverted; our
petitions aretr^ated with indignity; our prayers an
swered by iofults. Our application to you remains un
noticed, and leaves us the melancholy apprehension,
of your wanting either the will, or the powers, to al-
Sift us.
Even under these circumstances, what measures have
we taken that betray a desire of independence? Have
we called in the aid of those foreign powers, who are
the rivals of your grandeur ? When your troops were
few and defencelefs, did we take advantage of their
distress and expel them our towns ? Or have we per
mitted them to fortify, to receive new aid, and to ac
quire additional strength.
Let not your enemies and ours persuade you, that in
this we were influenced by fear or any other unworthy
motive. The lives of Britons are still dear to us.—
They are the children of our parents, an uninterrupted
intercourse of mutual benefits had knit the bonds of
friendship.—When hostilities were commenced, when
on a late occasion we were wantonly attacked by your
troops, though we repelled their assaults, and returned
their blows, yet we lamented the wounds they obliged
us to give ; nor have we yet learned to rejoice at a victo
ry over Englishmen.
As we wish not to colour our a&ions, or difenife our
thoughts; we Shall, in the simple language of truth,
avow the measures we have pursued, the motives upon
which we have acted, and our future deSigns.
When our late petition to the throne produced no
other effect than fieth injuries, and votes of your legis
lature, calculated to justify every Severity ; when your
fleets, and your armies, were prepared to wrett front
us our property, to rob us of our liberties or our lives ;
when the hostile attempts of General Gage evinced his
designs, we levied armies for our security and defence;
when the powers vested in the Governor of Canada,
gave us reason to apprehend danger from that quarter ;
and we had frequent intimations, that a cruel, and Sa
vage enemy, was to be let loose upon the defeneeleis
inhabitants of our frontiers; we took fetch measures as
prudence dictated, as heceffity will juftify. We poffefFed
varfelves of Crown-Point and Ticonderoga. Yet give
us leave, most Solemnly to assure you, that we have
not yet loft tight of the object we have ever had in view ;
a reconciliation with you on constitutional principles ;
and a restoration of that friendly intercourse, which to
the advantage of both, we till lately maintained.
Ihe inhabitants of this country apply themselves
chiefly to agriculture and commerce.—As their faffii
ons and manners are Similar to yours; your markets
mull afford them the conveniences and luxuries for
which they exchange the produce of their labours.
The wealth ofthis extended continent centers with you ;
and our trade is so regulated as to be subservient, on y
to yourintereft. You are too reasonable to expe& thac
by taxes (in addition to this) we Should contribute to
your expence, to believe after diverting the fountain
that the Streams can flow with unabated force.
It has been laid that we refufe to Submit to the re
ftriftions on our commerce. From whence is this in
ference drawn? Not from our words, we having ie
peatedly declared the contrary, and we again profrfs
our submission to the Several acts of trade and navigati
on palfed before the year 1763, trusting nevertheless in
the equity and justice of Parliament, that such of them
as upon cool and impartial consideration, fliall appearta
have imposed unnecessary or grievous reftriftions, will,
at some happier period, be repealed or altered. And
we cheerfully content to the operation of Such alts ofthe
British Parliament as Shall be retrained to the regulati
on ofour external commerce for the purpose of Securing
the commercial advantages of the whole empire to th#
Mother-country, and the commercial benefits of its re
fpe&ive members, excluding every idea of taxation in
ternal or external, for railing a revenue ou the fubje&s
in America without their consent.
It is alledgtd that we contribute nothing to the
common defence, to this we answer that the advan
cages which Great-Britain, receives from the motion
poly ofour trade, far exceeds our proportion of the
expence necessary for that purpose. But should these
advantages be inadequate thereto, let the restrictions
on our trade be removed, and we will cheafully con
tribute such proportion when conAitutionally re
quired.
I; is a fundamental principle of the British Consti
tution, that every man Should have at lead a repre-
Tentative Share in the formation of those la s by
which he is bound. Were it otherwise, the regula
tion of our internal police by a British Parliament
who are, and ever will be, unacquainted &ith our
local circumstances, mult be always inconvenient,
and frequently oppressive, working our wrong, with
out yielding any possible advantage to you.
A plan of accommodation [as it has been absurd
ly called] has been proposed by your Ministers to
cur refptetive ASSemblies. Were this proposal free
from every other objection, but that which arises
from the time of the otter, it would not be unexcep
tionable. Can men deliberate wi;h the bayonet at
their breast ? Can they treat with freedom while their
towns are sacked ; when daily instances of injufhee
and oppression disturb the flower operations of reason ?
If this proposal is really such as you should offer,
and we accent, why was it delayed till the nation
was pet to uSeLfs expence, and we were reduced to
our present melancholy Situation ?—lf it holds forth,
nothing why waj it proposed. Unless indeed to de
ceive you into a belief that we were unwilling to
listen to any terms of accommodation : But what is
submitted to cur consideration ? we contend for the
disposal of our property; we are told that our de
mand is unreasonable, that our aflemblies may in
deed collect our money, but that they must at the
fame time offer, not what your exigencies, or ours,
may require ; but so much as shall be deeraed fuffi
cient to fatisfy the desires of a minister and enable
him to provide for favorites and dependants. [A
recurrence to your own treafurv will convince you
how little cf the money already extorted from us has
been applied to the r< lief cf your burthens.) Io
fuppefe that we would thus grasp the Shadow, & d
give up the fubitance, is adding insult to injuries.
We have nevertheless again presented an humble
and dutiful Petition to our Sovereign ; and to re-
Hiove every imputation of obstinacy, have requeued
his Majesty to dired some mode, by which the
united applications of h'is faithful colonists may be
improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation.
We are willing to treat on such terms as can alone
render an accommodation lading, and we flatter
ourfeives, that our pacific endeavours will be attend
ed with a removal of the troops, a repeal of those
laws, of the operation of which we complain on the
one part, and a dissolution of our army and com
mercial associations, on the other.
Packet. July 17, 1775.