Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1777-05-27 00:00:00, page 2

iOde does not then exceed two years, for the said bat
talion ; the laid officer or inhabitant paying to the mas
ter or mistress of such apprentice or servant, such sum
of money as the time of such apprentice or servant
shall be valued at by three freeholders, or any two of
them, to be nominated and appointed by some Justice
of the Peace of this State, and to be on oath or af
firmation, deducting Ten Pounds for freedom dues, if
the apprentice or servant should be thereto entitled by
contrast.
And be it further enafied, That no officer, or other
person, (not being thereunto particularly authorized by
Congress, or His Excellency General Washington in
pursuance of a Resolve of Congress) (hall inlift any
recruit within this State, for any battalion belonging to,
or to be raised by any other State, until the quota of
troops to be raised by this State is compleated, under
the penalty of One Hundred Dollars for every recruit
so inlifted; to be recovered by any person or persons
who (hall sue for the fame by action of debt, bill or
plaint, in any Court of Record within this State,
wherein no protection, wager of law, or more than one
impedance (hall be allowed, and such inliftment (ball
be void.>
And be it father enabled, That it (hall not be law
ful for any person or persons to arrest the person of
any soldier in the army of the United States of Ame
rica, or any of them, for any debt or sum of money,
unless such person or persons, or some other person for
him, her or them, shall, previous to such arrest, make
oath or affirmation before some Justice of the Court of
Common Pleas, Juftiee of the Peace or Prothonotary,
issuing the process agaioft such soldier, that he is justly
indebted to the plaintiff or plaintiffs in such process in
a him of money exceeding Fifty Dollars, and unless
there be a certificate of such oath or affirmation being
made indorfed on the back of said process by the per
son issuing the fame; and any Judge or Judice of the
Peace before whom such soldier may be brought, who
fhdll be arrested contrary to the directions of this Adi,
may and shall, and he is hereby authorized and required
ro difeharge the said soldier from such arrest, upon his
entering common bail, or giving a warrant of attorney
to any Attorney at Law to appear for him in the Court
where such process is returnable.
And be it further en^ed, That from and after the
publication of this AR, no inn keeper, tavern keeper,
or public house keeper shall demand, take or receive
from any recruit or soldier, whilst upon a march, any
n,ore than one Sixth of a Dollar for any one meal, or
demand, take or receive any thing whatsoever for the
lodging of any recruit or soldier, under the penalty of
Forty Shillings for every such offence, to be recovered
bv warrant under the hand and leal of any one Justice
of the Peace of the County where the said offence shall
be committed, one moiety thereof to be applied to the
life of the poor of the Hundred where the offender re
tides, the other moiety to be paid to the informer.
Sieved br order of the House of Afembiv,
THOMAS M'KEAN, Speaker.
Signed bv order of the Council,
GEORGE READ, Speaker.
Fer the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET.
IN the beginning of the present controversy, public
buficefs was done by Committees for Counties, or
leffier Dilrias. These bodies were of great advantage:
They were elected, on account of their abilities and
patriotism, by the freemen of the place where they in
habited : They re,refented the number, interests and
property of those freemen ; and their condud and re
iolurjons carried with them all the weight and influence
of their constituents. A different mode has lately been
adopted by some people in riris city: Weare advertised,
in the news-papers, of a Whig Society; and now and
then fee their publications. It is unknown to the pub
lic, who this Society' are.. In what charter do they
appear? Have they any condiments, from whom they
r e powers? Are they a (elf conftitufed body? If
- ormer, it (hould be known, who those constituents
If the latter, it should be known, of whom, and
of what nuAber the felf configured body confits. For,
in this case, their weight fhou'd he proportioned to their
own number and charades Till these points are ex
plained,, the address of the Whig Society is entitled
to be considered only as that of an anonymous writer.
As such it may not be improper to examine it.
The firft thing observable in this performance, is the
mifreprefenta^on of the title of the address upon which
it animadverts. The address was directed to “ The
President of the Executive Council, and Board of War
for the State of Penn ^vania." The Whig Society call
it an address " signed and presented by a certain num
ber of gentlemen to the Board qf!Var, and then des
cant upon the “ great indelicacy in prefenting'their re
qUeft to" [the Afonb'y, for that, I presume, is their
meaning, when thev xfe the terms) " this House thro'
the medium of a Board of War, and are obliging
enough to alcribe this indelicacy to an ignorance of the
" nee ffary civilities of Society, and the study of the
rights of mankind." It is true that the address was
pre ented tc-the Board of War: But this was not the
fault of the gentlenUn who presented it. They kpe&-
ed to have found the President there; as he, and the
other members of the Executive Council, who could be
had, together with the Board of War, were, under the
recommendation of Congress, the only fembiance of
native Power in the State. He was absent; but
it is hard, that his absence fliould be,imputed to those
who signed, or those who presented the address, as a
great indelicacy. They were the less apprehensive of
an indelicacy upon this head, as they had observed a
former application tu the lame body, which was so far
from being thought “ uncivil" with regard to the Ai
fembly, that the President, who ought to know incivi
lities of this nature as well as the Whig Society, pro
mised to use all his influence with the Assembly to
have the application granted.
Another objection to the regularity ofthe address, is,
That “ the fubferibers, who are. but forty-two in num
ber, and nearly all of them resident in this city, have
of themselves requested a particular a& to be done by
this House, whi^h ad is to extend over the whole State."
This they confider as “ a great departure from the
pure principles of freedom." Now this objection is
founded upon as gross a misrepresentation as the former.
The request ofthe address is, that the President of the
Executive Council and Board of War should concur
with some proposals : One of these proposals was ; that,
as soon as the Assembly should meet, application (hould
be made to them to recommend the election of a new
Convention. With what degree of candour, then, can
it be said,, that " the fubferibers have, of themselves,
requested a particular ad to be done by this House, which
ad is to extend over the whole State."
Besides; this objection comes with a very bad grace
from the Whig Society. They fay, in this very ad
dress, “ That they (hould be unmindful of their duty
to the State in general, were they to permit such an at
tempted innovation on the public rights to pass unno
ticed." In a former address,. they pray “ That the
'Affembly would provide some effectual means for the
prote&iori and encouragement of those, who are for
supporting the independence of the United States, as
declared by Congress; and for the deletion and sup
pression of those who are not." Do these matters re
late only to the Whig Society ? Or are they applicable
to the different parts of the State ? Is it the prerogative
and duty of the Whig Society alone to take notice, in
their addresses to the Assembly, of Inch things as affect
the State ingeneral? Why accuse those who addressed
the President and Board of War of this, as of “ a great
departure from the pure principles of freedom," when
the very fame fault, if it be a fault, is repeatedly com
mitted by themselves."
Havingdifeuffed these objections against the regulari
ty and civility of the address ; which, I confefs, I did
not imagine would have drawn down the attention of
those, who, in the beginning of this publication, had
exprefled so lofty a contempt of “ modes and forms,
even in Government; I proceed to examine some re
marks which they mean to be more substantial, with
regard to the Address before-mentioned, and the Me
morial proposed to be presented to the Assembly. They
" conceive that the gentlemen who complain so loudly
of the prefect government, (hould, in order to prove
their complaints well grounded, firft, make it clear to
the people where the defects lie. Secondly, declare io
an open and unreserved manner, that they havegiad no
hand in producing the difficulties and inabilities, under
which, they fay, the government labours. And third
ly, that they have done every thing in their power to
put the prelent form of government in execution.
As to the firft, enough has been said and done al
ready to make it clear to all, who do not wilfully fliut
their eyes. But none are so blind as those who will
not fee. If faCts can be trufted,a majority of the peo
pleware already convinced. The defects, the errors,
the intonfiftencies, and the dangerous genius and tend
ency of the Conftitation have been frequently pointed
out in the news papers. Will the Whig Society believe
the Aflenibly? They have given their testimony by
fads, which speak louder than words. How can the
Assembly accuuntfor their numerous deviations from
the Conttitution, tiniefs upon a supposition that it is both
erroneous and defective?
With regard to the fecund —-let it be answered in
any manner the Whig Society please, the aniwer will
include the ftrongett proof that the Conttitution ought
to be altered. Suppofethat the gentlemen who com
plain of it, have been able to produce the difficulties
and inabilities undei which the Government labours ;
it is evident, that some more regard than the Whig
Society seem willing to allow, should be had to their
sentiments: For the inability is on all hands confeffed to
be extreme. Suppose again, that thole Gentlemen
have had no hand in producing those difficulties and
inabilities, it is evident that they rauft spring from an
other source; and this is the truth. They spring from
the Constitution and the prelent Government. Those
who eppofe the Constitution, have had no other hand
in producing them, than what will be admitted and
juftified under the third article.
“ They have not done every thing in their power
to put the present form of Government in execution."
Is it modest or just to expect that they should? They
were convinced, that the Constitution framed by the
Convention, was repugnant to the principles and ends
of good government, that it was unfriendly to liberty,
jaffice and happiness; that instead of producing advan
tages to the State, it would be productive of every
evil to be dreaded by a wife and free people. Expe
rience, as far as experience has gone, has justified their
opinions ; and yet they are blamed ror not doing every
thing in their power to put the present form of Govern
ment in execution. Is this reasonable? Could these
who think that the Confliudon of the late Convention
will be deftruttive to the S-afre, be jollified in support
ing and doing every thing in their power to establish)
the present form of Government? Would not this be
an evident violation of their duty ? Would it not be.
facrificing the intereßs of the State to those of th%
friends of the Constitution? This is a conduct which,
those in the opposition have never^given their &ntago
nifts grounds to expe&, nor others grounds to dread.
To oppose and to embarrass a bad Government or a bad
Administration are incumbent on every true friend to
his country.
I have r ad the Parliamentary Remitters, and find
the fame charges made by the British Ministry and their
parrifans against the friends of America,, of freedom,
aid of mankindrin the British Parliaments to be pre
cisely of the fame nature with those which the Whig
Society bring against the oppofers of the present, plan
es Government. The Patriots in Great-Britain are
accused because they have not dene every thing in their
power to put thefchemer of Admtni,ration refpeßing the
Colonies in execution; and for giving, oppoftion to those
febemes. Alk a Tyrant-why have yon ordered the
head of a virtuous man to be cut off? He anfwers,—
because he would notdo every thing in his power to
support my dominion. Can it beimputed as a crime
even to (laves, that they will not do every thing in
their power to river their chains ?
But though those who dislike the Constitution will
not do every thing io their power to put the present
plan of government in execution, they have ffiewn
themselves willing to concur with the friends of the
Constitution in every measure nec^ffary for securing the
State, and repelling the common enemy. When Ge
neral Howe made his progress through New-Jersey
last Fall, and it was plain that the Assembly had not
from those who were in favour of the Constitution,
weight and irflnence fufficient to be of any service to
the general cause, weight and influence were, from
the most generous and difioterefted motives, bestowed
upon them by those who disapproved of it. What was
the consequence ? The ACembly, as appears indisputa
bly from their a&s and proceedings, availed themselves
of these advantages, for promoting the partial design
of establishing their own power. Those in the opposi
tion observe now the fame open and generous conduct
as heretofore : ft isa part of their plan, that until the
meeting of a new Convention, the Assembly and the
Executive Council, or the body formed under the re
cimmendation of Congress, should be fapported by the
United Whig Interest ofthe State. - Whence then all
this alarm? Is it because the measures proposed will
have a bad effect upon the public affairs? It is plaia
that they will have a good cfle&, if union and vigour
are likely means of producing one. Can there be any
dangerin allowing the good people of Penofylvania ao
opportunity of giving their sentiments, un'etteied by
oaths, concerning the Constitution ? There may be
some danger to the party who support it, but there can
be none to the State. They cannot be afraid of feeing a
majority declare in favour of the Confrirution. It
would be a strong confirma ion of it, would silence
those who oppo^ it, and would be a fubjeft of triumph
to its friends. What then are they afraid of? No
other reason can be aligned for their fears, than a faf
picion that a majority of the State would declare agaioft
the Constitution.
Ever since the commencement of this di,ire about
the government, it has been the practice of those, who
have written in support of it, unjuttly to afpcrle the
characters of their antagonists, and to attempt railing
groundless and malicious fufpiciors against them in the
minds of the public. Much of this disingenuous method
of proceeding is discoverable in the address ofthe Whig
Society. Nooppofition was ever carried on in a more
open and candid manner. The Address to the Presi
dent of the Executive Council and Board of War; the
anfyty of the Board of War to that address; the me
morial proposed to be presented to the Affemb,; and
the circular letter of correspondence have been all pub,
lifhed. It is not the practice, nor is it agreeable to the
principles of those in the oppefcion to lend private let
ters about the country and desire “ that the writers
nifties should be concerted, left they (hould be known
to be printyara^nts. They have done nothing—.
they mean nothing, which they are afraid or ashamed
to own. „ What foundation, then, is there for the
injurious fuggellion, that “ something mortis intended
than is at firft fuffered to be seen." Nothing can jufti
fy such an insinuation ; nothing can operate even in its
excuse, except the principle by which men are led to
judge of the ceodud and views of others by their own.
It is true that the Philadelphia members were elected
by those who did not take the oath, and that the oath,
required of Electors, is not a part of the Confutation ;
though it is equally true that the agents of the Cooftitn
tioa impeded it, or attempted to impose it, .wherever
they could succeed, or had,a profpe& of fucceedmg.
But the fame reprehensible part of the oath is, by the
Constitution, required from the officers ofthe State. In
the fortieth fe&ion are the following words : “ Every
officer, whether judicial, executive or military, in au
thority under this Common- Wealth, (hall take the fol
lowing oath or affirmation of allegiance, and general
oath of office, before he enter on the execution of his
office: The oath or affirmation cf office—l do swear
(or affirm) that I will be true and faithful b 'o the Com
mon-Wealth of Pcnafylvania; And that / wiil not