Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-02-13 00:00:00, page 6

expensive war so fascinated nr, that our Parliaments, like
the Senate of tome, prefer conquest to the wife policy of
their ancestors? Will they cease to be legislators in order
to be a council of war: Must the merchants of Great-
Britain be forgotten, annihilated, that our Generals may
obtain the glittering additions of Americanus, Virginienfis,
Boftonienfis? "•
,From the St. James's Chronicle, of Dec. 3.
Tie true Art of Government conffts in not governing too
much. ~St. Afaph's Bishop.
CT~" " E conduct of Administration corresponds exa&-
I ly with the measures pursued by Philip of Spain
against the Low Countries. The reason given by one in
Administration for attacking the Colonies seems to be co
pied from the famous advice of the unfeeling Duke of
Alva that " Specie retinene dignitatis" that cost his mas
ter his glory, his happiness, and his provinces, and funk
his country into distresses from which she is not yet reco
vered. It is evident that the British Ministers have dili
gently fludied Strada, and the other authors who have
tranfmtted to posterity the pleasing and inftru&ive An
nals of Philippic Policy, as every measure they have ta
ken is founded on a precedent set by that celebrated School
of Humanity. Alva is the favourite master; on his con
dud they keep their eyes steadily and reverently fixed,
and it may be truly said, they follow him with no un
equal fleps. Great, good, and wife men! whom some
future Puffendorf or Temple will duely celebrate.
The whole country of the Seven United Provinces is
not so large as one half of Pennsylvania, and when they
began their contest with Philip, fcr their Liberty, con
tained about as many inhabitants as are now in the province
of Massachusetts Bay; Philip's Empire then comprehend^
ed all Europe, all Spain, and Portugal, the two Sicilies,
many inlands in the Mediterranean, the Milanese, all the
dominions belonging to Spain and Portugal in Africa and
Asia; in America, the immense Colonies fubjed tothofe
two Kingdoms, with all their unexhaufted mines, and the
Spanish Weft-Indies; his armies were numerous and ve
teran, and commanded by renowned Generals. During
the war in the Low Countries, so great was his force,
that his General marched twice into France, and obliged
Henry the Fourth to raise the siege of Paris and Rouen.
In the fame war he fitted out the Armada against Eng
land; yet seven little Provinces, inspired by one generous
Resolution, "to die free rather than to live Slaves," not
only baffled, but brought down into theduft, that enormous
Power that had contended for universal Empire, and for
half a Century was,the terror of the world.
These Provinces afterwards actually protested Spain
against the power of France.
Philip and his Junto thought themselves very wife, and
politic as so many Machiavels ; but what fays, and what
will fay, mankind, as long as the memory of those events
is preserved?
That their Counsels were despicable, their motives de
t.ftable, and their minds like those described by the Bi
shop of Lerida, that exactly resembled the horns of the
cows in his country, little, hard, and crooked.
JEKELL.
I From a LONDON PAPE R.
Thefate of a Kingfandeth more assured by the love and
favour of thefubjeG, than by the dread and fear of laws.
TO a man who has considered with attention, per
haps it will not appear too bold to aver, if an
A rchangel had planned the connexion between Great-Bri
tain and her Colonies, he could not have fixed it on a
more lasting and beneficial foundation, unless he could
have chanced Human Nature. A mighty naval power
at the head of the whole ; that power aParent State, with
all the endearing sentiments attending the relationship ;
that never could difpblige, but with design; the depend
ent States much more apt to have feuds among themselves;
she the Umpire and Controuler; those States producing
every article necefsafy to her greatness ; their interest,
that he should continue free and flourishing ; their ability
to throw a considerable weight into the scale, fliould her
government get unduly poised; she and all those States
Protean', arc some of the circumstances, that, delineated
by the masterly hand of a Beccaria, would exhibit a plan,
vindicating the ways of Heaven, and demonstrating that
humanity and policy are nearly related. An Alexander,
a Casfar, a Charles, a Lewis, and others, have fought
thro' Fields of Blood for universal Empire. Great-Bri
tain has a certainty, by Population and Commerce alone
cf attaining to the most aftonifning and well founded power
the world ever saw. The circumstances of her situation
are new and striking. Heaven has offered her glory and
prosperity without measure. Her wife Ministers difdain
td to accept them, and prefer "A Pepper-Corn."
E.
From the St. James's Chronicle.
FR O M the present situation of America, and more
especially from his Majesty's speech, we have rea
son to think ourselves on the eve of a civil war. The
consequences of actually commencing it are too dreadful
not to be contemplated with horror and apprehension. Be
fore we strike the fatal blow, we ought surely to confider
whether the cause be just, and the object adequate.
To afeertain the justice of it, we must know what of
fence, what crime the Americans have committed to draw
upon them deservedly the sword of vengeance. They have
denied the right of the British Parliament to impose taxes
upon them, because they are not represented in that Parlia
ment ; and they have refufed obedience to a law framed up
on that principle for the purpose of raising upon them a re
venue by the authority of the British Parliament.. They
have affirmed that to be tried by Juries, and to have their
udges independent of the Crown, are their inherent, un
enable Rights ; and that the violation which the King's
Ministers have lately offered to those Rights is arbitrary
and unconstitutional.
This is the Offence : These are their Crimes.
Kings and Ministers invariably impose these names up
on all actions, which counteract their views of trampling
*pon the Liberties of Mankind. But the Publick, which
is interested in preserving the Liberty of America as con
genial with that of England, and in preventing the ruin
of our commerce which a civil war will produce, Ihould
beware of ralhly approving the proceedings of an arbitrary
Government. The Independency of Judges, and the
Trial by Jury, are so essential to Liberty and Justice,
that it it not only not criminal to contend for them, but it
is the highest Virtue.
VESFUCIUS.
The following very fririted Address to his Majesty, is prefix
ed to a Pamphlet juf pubUfoed, and entitled, " A Sum
mary View of the Rights of Britifli America."
To the K I N G.
SIRE,
THERE is not a man of thought in the whole na
tion, who does not espouse bad measures from bad
principles, but is justly alarmed, and seriously anxious for
the common good. Affairs of such magnitude now em
ploy the public attention, as seem to involve in them the
fate of Empire. The times are big with great events.
What will be the consequence, is not in human sagacity
to foretel. But if the lame system be pursued, which for
a longtime hath employed the attention of your Majesty's
ministers, they ought to tremble for their heads.
The present contentions with America, if not soon hap
pily terminated, must end in such feenes oftrouble, blood
shed and devastation, which, in contemplation alone,
shock us with horror. But little time remains for delibe
ratiooj or choice: a blow will lead on to the decisive
feene; and the sword must end what tyranny began.
This a:ra of your Majesty's reign is likely to be marked
with the most important characters. It is impossible for
fubjefts to stand by idle, unaffected fpe&ators, when
they fee their sovereign, and themselves, nearly involved
in distresses, which, for aught he can forefee, may end in
the ruin of both: you, Sit, may lose your sovereignty and
honour ; we, our liberties, fortunes, and lives.
The charge of presumption upon individuals, for speak
ing freely upon these important things, is at once taken
off, by the evidence of the thing, themselves, and the
tranfeendant interest that every man has in them. Of the
modes ofcarrying on the weighty affairs of Bate; of the
artifice, cunning, address and fubtilty of courts, it is the
general lot to be ignorant: but of the great principles of
government, especially of this free state, of those laws
and proceedings, that are either subversive, or corrobora
tive of the system, many are as liable to judge as any
minister employed in his Majesty's service. These, with
the firft laws of nature, the prerogatives of man in human
society, with the sacred and immutable laws of justice,
equity, moderation and wisdom, men fully understand,
who were never tutored, or well received at Court; where
indeed, for the most part, men are more likely to lose than
gain, accurate ideas of these things. They are not among
the arcana imperii; we can judge cf them; and have a
fair, undoubted, conftitutio^al right, as free fubjeds, who
claim liberty by birth-right, and enjoy it by the laws, to
apply these principles to the present conduct of your Ma
jesty's ministers. And in justice bound to our country,
and ourselves, and that fidelity we owe, Sir, to you, as
our Sovereign, we openly declare, that the whole proceed
ings against our brethren in America, who are entitled, in
common with ourselves, to the privileges of men, and the
liberties, franchifes, and protection of Englishmen, are in
open violation of the natural laws of equity and justice;
and unparalleled infractions upon the principles, and pro
mulgated laws of this free Bate : not to fay that every
idea of good policy is facrificed to maintain and inforce
the most vicious and dangerous system that ever infatuated
despots pursued.
Fruitless were the hopes that these few pages will ef
fed, what the sagest counsels, the most consummate wis
dom, and plainelt remonstrances, of some of the wifefl:
and best men, of the present age, have not been able to
accomplish. But if the perusal, either by your Majesty,
or your Ministers, fliould, for a moment, suspend their
fatal counsels, or designs which are now taking, or seem
systematically planned to overturn American Liberty, I
shall think my labours well rewarded. God is my wit
ness, that I write not thefe,things to excite sedition, or
dir up rebellion : I should deem my life well disposed of,
if, by the facrifice, your Majesty would learn the wis
dom of righteous government, and your Ministers be
taught to counsel good things. Happy should I be to
convince your Majesty, where legal authority ends, and
tyranny begins ; and that your dignity alone consists in
the happiness of your fubjecis; and that when virtue and
justice forfake your councils, error and ruin must inevita
bly ensue. With your Majesty's Ministers we can keep
no longer. If at any time we pitied their innocent infir
mities, that pity has long ago been converted into abhor
rence from the wickedness of their counsels, and the in
justice of their deeds. By their, breaches upon your pre
rogative, Sir ! they have broken down the legal barriers
of the constitution, and destroyed the diftin^ions of go
vernment; they have changed, or attempted to change
lawful possession into arbitrary dominion: and in the mad
career, they may endeavour to make their Sovereign dif
pence with every thing that entitles him to obedience ;
and by this means, convert the firft duty of fubjeds into
an oppetition, which the great and primary law ofnature,
felf-defence, makes necessary. Those cruel, inexpedi
ent, tyrannical measures, which firft they adopted, re
(pelting America, mrUthflanding the perilous circum
stances into which they have brought both the colonies,
and our own country, they carry violently on; as if they
could persuade us that perseverance was integrity ; and
open oppreflion, state necelfity. Their system is not on
ly manifeftly repugnant to the laws of this Rate ; but it
runs counter to the whole stream ofauthority, and exam
ples derived from the various histories of the several dates
of the world. From them, they ought to have learned
that confidence is the firft, and ftongeft principle of obe
dience , and, which once loft, is seldom recovered; and
that almost all struggles for liberty, against violence and
oppreflion, have been crowned with success ; and, with
out impiety, whatever dodrines concerning provicence
may prevail at court, we attribute such success to the in
terposition of Heaven: and to Heaven the Americans now
appeal. And, would to God that any accommodations
could foften those rigours which your Majesty's Mini
sters seem determined to pursue. But it seems that no
equivalent but Liberty, will be deemed a.Efficientfatisfac
tin for the affronts which the honest struggles for freedom
have given : under the pretence of law, natural justice
and equity fall defeated ; and the constitution is wound
ed under the semblance ®f a temporary cure.—Your Mi
nisters, Sir! are total strangers to those nice tempera
ments and allays to mitigate the evils and maladies of the
state, in which much of the wisdom of government con
sists. They strain, where they ought to relax ; and
think to accomplish by exertion, what they want abilities
to effect by lenient meafures,—They do not fee these hap
p, mediums, so neceffaryin the adjustments of great af
fairs ; by which authority is preserved on the one hand,
and allegiance secured on the other. These impracticable
men renounce all expedients but power They have
recourse to arms, when they should seek oniv counsel.—
They attempt that by oppreflion, which justice, well ad
ministered. would more effeaually accomplifh.—Thev
talk of enforcing the laws, when they are violating the
constitution: and urge the necessities of state, whenthey
themselves are the authors of the very necessities ofwhich
they complain:—They are for doing that in a free date,
which the most despotic, in like circumstances. if wife,
would carefully avoid.—What is there. Sir, to counte
nance so great a hazard of ruining America, and didrefT
ing ourselves? of exciting them to arms, and ourselves
to the (laughter of our own sons ? have your Ministers,
Sir! difeovered mines of inexhaustible riches in Ameri
ca, which they wish to plunder, to difeharge our enor
mous national debt? Alas ! they find no other riches,
but what a strenuous industry hasgained: virtue, which
the love of liberty has inspired ; and a race of m „ no
degenerate enough to part with freedom without a noble
st ru ggle. Before their charters were violated, their laws
infringed, their trade oppressed, one of their chief cities,
and its inhabitants, proscribed, and military expeditions
sent to awe and intimidate them, their lives and fortunes
were at our disposal : can fubjeds offer, can they give
more? I will be bold to declare to your Majesty, that
before these fatal proceedings, no nation in the known
history of the world, considering the growing strength,
grandeur, and extent of that mighty empire, though de
pendent, could ever boast such confidence and obedience,
as Great-Britain did in her colonies.—These are row in
danger of being irrecoverably loft, not by their defection,
but our own unaccountable folly.— Qios Deus vu!t pre
dere, eos prius dementat.
Your Ministers, Sir ! as tyrants ever do, juftify their
oppressions, by the refinance they have met with: and
perhaps have imposed upon their Prince, by talking of
the fatisfadlion which the honour and dignity ofthe crown
should receive upon their supposed violation. Satisfy,
Sir ! the dignity and honour ofthe Crown : but set your
Ministers beware they do not facrifice your Crown to the
vain, and impracticable schemes of fatisfiing its honour,
and maintaining its dignity—l will boldly affirm, Sir,
that if the dignity and honour of the crown are to be pur
chased at the rate your Ministers seem to estimate them,
that the price will be held too dear by every good, and
virtuous man in the nation.
Andhere, Sir ! pause disappoint your Minifters,and
gratify millions of yourfubje&s—-The Americans have not
as yet revolted—They have not thrown off their allegi
ance.—Their submission is so habitual, that it cannot eafilr
be difpenled with. Do them but jufice. and they will
esteem it an ad of Grace. They will call that a favour n%r,
which hereafter they will claim as their right.— -What they
now demand, the following pages, which,with all due fub
miflion,l offer to your Majesty, will decla re.--Hitherto they
have kept themselves within proper limits; and have ex
tended their requests no farther than they were counte
nanced by the laws, and that friendly protection, which,
from our country, they had reason to expeCh But fur
ther oppressions, Sir, may probably change their mode of
suit. Allegiance will sometimes relax its fubmiflion.
Wisdom itfelf does not intermeddle in the regulation of
extremities ; and what can moderate the conduft of de
spair ?—When dangers surround men, they are not verr
nice in the method of salvation. And the only means of
extricating themselves, will appear the right.— When our
friends rife up to oppress us, it is pardonable, and jufti
fiable, to throw ourselves into the arms, even of an ene
my, for proteaion.
I am, with all due fubmiflion, and allegiance,
Your Majesty's faithful fubjed,
TRIBUNUS.
B O S T O N, February 2.
Several rpfolves of the Continental Congress are pub.
liflied in the London papers. These resolves seem to stag
ger the ministry. In short, the scale is likely to turn i,
our favour, if we continue FI RM and U NITE D,