The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1779-09-18 00:00:00, page 2

From the LONDON MORNING CHRONICLE,
oj May 25, 1779.
Supposed to be avritten by Mauduit.
CICERO, in an oration addressed to Ctefar, who had
pardoned Marcellus, the confederate of Pompey, de
livers himfelf to this effefi : “ It was with concern he had
heard Caesar fay, that he had lived long enough, either
for the purposes of nature, or the acquisition of glory ; that
indeed this might be true, if he lived for himfelf alone ;
but since he was born for his friends, his country, and the
whole race of fnankind, he could not be laid to have lived
long enough, either for nature or glory, till he had restor
ed the laws and couftitution of Rome, and given peace
and security to her diftrafted citizens."
The Sentiment, in its full extent, is extremely beautiful ;
and it would have been happy, as well as honorable for
Caesar, if, feeling its force, he had made it the rule of his
future conduct. But, alas ! the conqueror of the world was
the captive of his own lusts.
Yes, Cicero ! we aie born for others, as well as for our
selves, and therefore, whatever may be our personal in
quietude, whatever our weariness of the world, and its pur
suits, it is an indifpenfible duty, while we can be ufeful in
our station, at lead to be contented with, if not to covet,
life.
For C^far, perhaps l , there existed Wronger motives to
live, than ever occurred to any other mortal. Master of
Europe, Asia, and Africa^ he might have dispensed free
dom and happiness to the Roman people, and protection
and Security to mankind at large.
The Sphere of human adion in general, compared with
that of his celebrated commander, is extremely limited; it
is confined to domeflic acquaintance, to the inhabitants of
an adjacent village, perhaps of a neighbouring town. A
citizen of Great-Britain, however, moves in a wider orb
than the members of other communities : Like them, he
may Soften, by ads of kindness, the distress of all around
him; but Superior to them, he may alleviate, by f&tary
sou©fel, the calamity of the State.
tin as the attack began to advance along the fide of the
river and gain the Enemy's right, to prevent their escaping
across the Cayuga. General Poor moved on to gain the
hill, and General Clinton followed as diretied; but they
were for some time delayed by a moraf, Gen. Poor had
however arrived near the foot of the hiU,Mhen the can
nonading began in front of their works; but upon at
tempting to ascend it, found a large body of the enemy
rafted there, who began a fire upon him, but he formed
bis troops, charged with bayonets, and Sometimes fired
upon them advancing. They retreated from tree to tree,
and kept up an iacenant fire until he gained the summit
of the hill with his troops. General Clinton detached two
regiments to reinforce General Poor, and followed him
felf with the residue of the brigade as direded. The two
regiments arrived just before he gained the summit of the
hill, and prevented the enemy from turning his right,
which they were then attempting. Our cannonade in
front, and I doubt not, the unexpected fire from General
Poor on the enemy's left, occasioned them in flantly to
abandon their works in the utmost confufiou ; they fled in
the greater disorder, leaving eleven of their Indian war
riors and one female dead on the ground, with a great
number of parks, blanke a, arms, camp equipage, and a
variety of their jewels, some of which are of considerable
value. We took two prisoners; one a Tory, the other an
inlifted negro in one of the Tory companies. They both
agree that tuere were five companies of Whites, and their
main strength confiding of the Indian warriors of seven
nations, and that this was the place where they meant to
make their principal opposition, and that they had keen
waiting here eight days. Both the Butlers, Brandt, and
Capt. McDonald was here, each having a separate com
mand. Brandt had been some time since slightly wounded
in tte foot, but is recovered. They further fay, they sent
offtueir wounded on horseback, many of them no doubt
were carried off in canoes,and many of their dead must have
been carried off or concealed as we found many bloody
packs,coats, shirts and blankets, and, in fhort,every appear
ance not only of havoc but of fright and confufion was left
behind them. The main army purSued them abouta mile,
and the light corps about three; but fear had given them
too great speed to be overtaken. Our loss was three kill
ed and 39 wounded, principally of General Poor's bri
gade; among the latter were Mujor Titcomb, Captain
Cloyfe and Lieutenant M'Aulay, all badly; the latter is
since dead. The other two it is hoped will Survive, The
residue are principally slightly wounded. General Poor,
his officers and men, deserve the highest praise for their
intrepidity and soldierly conduct ; as do Colonel Prohor,
and the whole artillery corps. Major Par, and the rifle
corps also distinguished themselves by their great vigilance
and spirited conduit In fhort,every officer and soldier con
duced in a most soldierly manner ; and those who were
not immediately in the engagement, manifefled their ea
gernefs for the combat in every aCion. Indeed the con
duct of the whole army was truly pleasing, and gave the
most ftrikff evidence that no equal number of troops can
oppote their progress. I cadnot help faying that the dis
position of the enemy's troops and the conftrudion of their
works would have done honor to much greater officers than
the unprincipled wretches who commanded them. The
numbers of the enemy cannot be ascertained, but from the
extent of their works and the polls they occupied, they
must have been numerous.
This place, in English called Newtown, is a large scat
tered settlement, abounding with extendve fields of the best
corn and beams, so extensive and numerous as t® keep the
whole army this day industriously employed in destroying,
and the business yet unfinifhed. From the vast quantity
of corn planted at this place and its vicinities I conclude it
b have been designed as their principal magazine. Ex
clusive of this town, which contained about twenty houses,
Generals Clinton and Poor on their yesterday's rout fell
in with another of thirty buildings, about two miles to the
east of this, which is also destroyed. The number of In
dian towns destroyed since the commencement of the expe
dition, including those burnt by General Clinton previous
t® the junction, is I think fourteen, some of them confide
table, others inconsiderable.
I have the honor to subscribe myfelf with particular
esteem, Dear General,
Very much your humble fervantt,
JOHN SULLIVAN.
Published by Order of Cougref;
CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary.
The exercising of legislative supremacy over the Ame
rican Colonies, by an ad of our legislature to tax them,
has been to us another fruitful Source of ill. The Colonists,
defeended with ourselves from anceflors who profeffed, on
principles of nature, the privilege of disposing of their pro
perty, felt themselves excluded by this aft from partici
pating with us the fair inheritance of their fathers; Hence
a withdrawing of their confidence in oar justice; hence a
confederacy among themselves to refill our coercive mea
sures ; hence a declaration of their independance; and
hence an actual maintaining of it, even to the pre ent mo
ment, on the ground of treaties, domestic and foreign ;
hence a civil war, absorbing much of our blood and trea
sure; and hence a foreign one, threatening the feat of our
empire.
Having thus taken a view of our danger, and traced it
to its source, let us pause for a moment, and looking a
round, as from an eminence, endeavor to descry the paths
that lead to fa fety.
The measures calculated for the relief of Britain are those
that tend to Supply her with additional revenues, and to
prevent an undue efflux of her strength.
With refped to the former, a late celebrated Statesman,
Speaking Some time since on this fubjeft, declared in ge
neral, that, in his opinion, we had many refcurces still left.
The prefect Chancellor of the Exchequer has made a si
milar declaration; and Mr. Fuitney, 111 a recent publica
tion, proposes, as a means of Supply, a yearly contribution
from every individual of one and a half per cent, of his en
tire capital ! a measure impracticable, even in h's own Sen
timents, but in an event that at present has no existence.
If after such authorities I may be allowed an opinion, it is
this:—The augmenting of the public revenue, by duly le
vying the land tax, by extending some other imposts,
and by forming one entirely new, ( all which, I think,
may be effected without oppression) in order by this means
to lessen the quantity of money to be borrowed, and thus
preserve the State from being the prey of monied men, is
all that is practicable in our present situation
By duly levying the land-tax, I mean the making of a
new survey of real property, and assessing the tax upon it
equally, according to its full fyalue. There are many rea
sons for this measure. Jt is fulfilling the intention of the
original flamers of this impeft ; it is laying a burthen on
a solid fund, and in an equal manner ; it is procuring an
additional Supply, without incurring the odium of a new
tax. In some places, indeed, where another tax operates
to an extent peculiarly wide, it may be proper to assess
the present one by a rule particularly limited. But other
wise, as wealth now circulates thro' the kingdom in nearly
equal flreams, it cannot but be reasonable that those Streams
should flow into the State, the grand reservoir, in a nearly
equal proportion. But arguments, founded on personal
considerations, are urged against me. An individual has
purchased of another an estate, assessed to the land tax far
below the truth, and paid a price proportionably high ;
and therefore, to increase the ass ffment, will be injustice
to the purchaSer. What is the implication of such reason
ing ? Plainly this : public justice is to yield to private con
venience ; and the contrast of two individuals is to bar the
just, the legal claims of a third party, not privy to the
tranfadion. Would not such a dodrine be rejected with
disdain by our courts of judicature, when intented to effect
a private person ? And Shall it be allowed to prevail in
the great assembly of the nation, to tne manifeft injury of
the community at large ?
By extending some of the other imposts, I chiefly un
derhand an increase of the tax on offices and penfiems.
Under this proposal I couch ne censure. Great-Britaia
has called into her Service many individuals, and it is hi h
ly proper the Ihould reward their toil. However, it can
not be denied, that, in consequence of an extensive com
merce, profufion has reigned in public, as well as in pri
vate, and has Shewn itfelf, in the department of the State
in appointments surpassing the merit of the receiver, and
the ability of the giver. To retrench the national expence,
by revoking these grants and instituting others more pro
portionate, may not be practicable ; but, in this hour of
exigence, to add Something to the public revenue, by aug
menting the tax on rewards generally profufe, Seems a just
a necessary, a feafible measure. To this end, and to im
pose a burthen only where it may be borne, I propose that
It is with this latter view that I have taken up my pen;
and altho', in the course of observation, I may fall into a
variety of error, yet the intention of propounding truths,
important to my country, will, I trust, in the judgment
of candour, attone for my numerous mistakes.
The danger of our situation, as a people, is confeffed by
all Ministers, and the opponents of Ministers agree in ac
knowledging the melancholy truth : But it is not Suffici
ent to security that we are aware of peril. Deliberating on
the means of fafety, we ihould decide with caution, and
having determined our conduß, we Ihould proceed to aft
with vigour.
The ills that so justly alarm us seem principally to ori
ginate in two causes; firft, the system of funding, establish
ed by our anceflors about a century ago; and secondly,
the fy hem of supreme legiflalion, adapted by ourselves over
the American Colonies.
The former, like Pandora's box in antient fable, has oc
casioned great and numerous mifehiefs to Britain; It im
planted a principle of fatal delusion in our body-politic—
fu staining at firft, without a sense of difficulty, the taxes
requisite for paying the interest of the money borrowed,
we fondly imagined ourselves equal to the debt itfelf.
Hence a series of measures beyond our ability ; hence quit
ting our peaceful Situation in the ocean, where nature had
kindly placed us, we joined ourselves to the continent of
Europe, and mingling in its contentions, unnecessarily pro
fufed our strength; hence we extended Britain to every
quarter of the globe, and exhausted, in the pursuit of fo
reign dominion, the very principles of her own existence;
hence we conquered for America, when duty only requi
red us to enable her to defend ; and hence too, in the con
clusion of the war, we presented her with gifts, which, from
from principles of generous affection, file ought not to have '
accepted, and which, from motives 01 prudence, we should
have forborne to offer. Proceeding thus in a train of er
ror, the result is, a public debt, precluding, by its mag.
nitude, the hope of redemption ; a sense of oppression,
through every member of the State, from the taxes requi
site for paying the interest of this debt, and defraying the
expence of a peace establishment; a total deleft of reve
nue to answer the present extraordinary demands; and,
as the consequence of all, a decline of our national cre
dit.
an additional (hilling in the pound be laid on salaries and
pensions of the yearly value of three hundred pounds and
upwards.
Under this head may be included the abolishing of the
privilege of franks. While the office of a Senatr was
considered as a burthen, for the bearing of which it was
proper a recompence should be made, and while by the few
nefs as well as badness of the public r®ads, all personal com
munication between the members of the legislature and the
people at large was both difficult aod dangerous ; it Seem
ed reasonable to annex to the persons of the hereditary
council of the nation, and to those of the representatives of
the commons, a privilege, rendering their literary inter
course easy and free from charge. But at present, when the
Rate of things is changed ; when the office of a Senator is
unhappily become lucrative ; and when, by the number
as well as commudioufnefe of the highways, perfonai access
is made easy and fafe ; it appears equally reasonable to a
bolish this privilege, and, in so doing, to augment the re
venue of the State.
By the mention of a new tax, I exclu Ie not the reason
ableness of more, but only advert to an impost, in my ap
prehension, practicable and inoppreffive. This tax re
fpeCts the transfer of money, and confifis in requ ring that
all payments, to the amount of ten pounds and upwards, be
evidenced by a receipt, written on a Shilling stamp. This
proposal, like most others, may be liable to objections; but
as I am not aware of them, I cannot judge of their force.
Every argument, however adducible in favor of the stamp
duty on otheb conveyances, feenis to Support the impost
now offered ; and tii§re is this additional reason, that mo
ney, hitherto too Succtef, in eludingthe grasp of govern
ment, is, by this means jrrefted in its course, and made
contributory to the common welfare.
These means, ftrißly pursued, will, with the intended
house-tax levied in its full extent, considerably augment the
public revenue, revive the national credit, and enable the
State to borrow money at a moderate interest.
The measures preventive of an undue efflux of the nati
onal strength, feun of two kinds, and reipe& economy,
both civil and political.
Civil ©economy is of considerable extent, and includes,
in my idea, a system of internal policy eftablifht-d by a
slate for its regulation Mid government But it is only to
a single branch, the dispensing of the public treasure, that
I now advert. If laviihment prevail, it naatters little from
what principle, whether from ignorance, indolence, or in
justice. These causes, in their Several effeds, are equally
fatal to the community.
Even in a lime of peace, the public revenue is a sacred
deposit, demanding in its guardians stria integrity and vi.
gilant attention. But in the season of war, when danger
threatens from without, and every faculty drains itfelf
within, how Scrupulously nice should this integrity be! and
how perpetually wakeful this attention! In making new
appointments, the necessity should be apparent; in grant
ing rewards, the merit should be undoubted ; in forming
contrasts, the equity Should be manifeft; and in all, the
welfare and ability of the state should be the great rules of
conduct. Is it a time for inattention to these points, when,
by the demands of luxury, and the high imposts of govern
ment on almost every necessary of life, the day labourer,
exerting all those powers with which the Great Creator has
kindly endowed him for his Support, can with difficulty
procure a Subsistence for himfelf and family ? Is this a time
for a few individuals, through the negle& of chief minis
ters, and the connivance of inferiors in office, to be at li
berty to enrich themselves with the Spoils of the public ?
Or is it a time, think you, for any conduct in Statesmen,
but that which is £igid in its parsimony, and unremitted
in its exertions>
By political (economy, I uriUerftand a system of policy
adopted by an independent slate towards other communi
ties. But it is only of the political ©economy of Great-
Eritain, that I now mean to speak, and of this firft, as it
refpt&s the American Colonies ; and secondly, as it relates
to foreign states. As the heftile system we have pursued
against the Colomifts, has occasioned an extreme effufion
0; blood and treasure; so it is certain, that the disconti
nuance ®f that system, and the withdrawing of our troops,
would flop that efflux and prevent a rapid decline. But
it is objected, that this amounts to an acknowfegement of
American independance; and in this even, the fun of our
glory will be set, and our remaining possessions across the
Atlantic be insecure. This objection, urged by an emi
nent statesman, lately deceased, and by a noble Peer, now
living, seems founded on these several principles: First,
that conquest is in our power; secondly, that glory is ne
cessary to our welfare; and lastly, that our remaining
possessions will be Secured by continuing the war
In Support of the firft principle reasons are adduced,
drawn from the Superior Skill and bravery of our officers
and troops, and fr®m the zeal and affection still retained
by many of the Colonists for the parent slate.
As t@ the courage and conduct of our military men,
much praise is due on this account ; but still it ought to
be remembered that qualifications, like those, by long
converse and experience, may be acquired by an adversa
ry ; and then vinery will preponderate on the fide of num
bers. But, with all our Superior Skill and courage, how
unimportant was our success, even while America was un
trained; but this, it feeins, was owing to error, both in
the plan and execution pf measures. On all human en
terprizes of great extent, error, I believe, is an insepara
ble attendant. This is the general condition of humanity,
and it is the peculiar nature of a distant war, that a rem&.
dy can Seldom be applied in due time. Whatever may ba
Said of the mistakes of a Secretary of State, and two Com
manders in Chief, I believe they have done their duty ;
that is, they have aded according to the best of their abi
lity, and, as at the time of taking their resolutions, cir
cumstances seemed to juftify. And is it in mortals to do
more? But if conquest was unattainable by us, while A
mer's? rafted alone, is it in the class of probabilities now
that She is connected with France ? The treaty farmed be
tween them stands on a solid base. A sense of mutual
wants, and a view of Supplying them, constitute the foun
dation of this alliance ; and I leave to writers on the law
of nations to determine, whether there be a ground of
union more durable and comprehensive.
reSpeft to the zeal and affection retained by many
of the Colonists for the Parent State, the assertion may be
. me . degree, but not, perhaps, in the extent we
r 1 • imagine. Reflect on the principles on which the
Colonists as firft resisted; reflect on their success in arms;
Ihet rdeclared independence ; their union with France;