Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-12-19 00:00:00, page 1

united—And therefore it is our duty to confider
the regulations of the Congress as obligatory upon
us, and every attempt to destroy them as a direct
attack upon the liberties of our country. It is a
maxim in politicks that the best way to avoid a
war, is to be prepared for it—So the mart
likely means to avert the dreadful evil of coming
to extremities with our parent Rate, ' is to shew
them that in so doing they must contend with the
united and consolidated force of all America.
I have therefore with real concern seen a late
pamphlet, evidently wrote to disunite the Ame
ricans and raise a party in favour of ministerial
ineafures. I have employed a few hours in an
swering the material parts of this daring piece.
The author, after mentioning the wisdom of
the English conftiturion and the superior happi
ness of the American colonies, in page 4. fays,
" they have become rich, by praftifing at their
case, the peaceful arts of agriculture and com
merce; and were they to pursue the sane path
which has brought them thus far, there is no
doubt but they would go on to flourifh, &c."
That which, according to our author, has brought
America to it's present happy state, is the prac
tising at their ease, the peaceful arts of commerce;
and the method pointed out to increase in hap
piness, is to pursue the Yame path. Happy for
America ! Happy for Britain ! would it have been
if that path had never been interrupted ! Why
has not America been of late years permitted to
enjoy at it's eale the peaceful arts of commerce?
If America does not now continue in that path
which has led her to happiness, it is not because
she has wantonly strayed from it, but because
Great-Britain has forced her out of it.
The old exploded doctrine of paflive obedience
and non-refinance is revived by our author in it's
full extent. " The ill consequences (fays he,
p. 5.) of open difrefpe& to government are so
great, that no mifeondud of the administration
can jurtify or excuse it." What ! will not all
the injuries America has received, all the oppres
sions of the British Parliament and insults of Bri
tish ministers, even excuse her for shewing an open
difrefpe& to a government, thus cruel and tyran
nical ? But it is trifling to argue further on a po
rtion, which if true, would prove the Revolution
to have been wrong, and his present Majesty an
usurper and tyrant !
In page 7. our author asks this important ques
tion : “ Wherein have the British Parliament
been arbitrary and in what do you fuffer?" This
question our author soon dispatches, and in the
name cf an American, thus he answers it: " Why
it leems a duty of 3d. per lb. has been laid upon
their Teas exported to America." And is this,
good candid Sir, the only arbitrary aft of the
British Parliament that America has reason to
complain of? And has America no fufferings, but
what arise from that duty? Had you, Sir, been
ooffeffed of a spark of candor, your answer would
have contained a long and black catalogue indeed !
Can there in nature be any thing more arbitrary
than the attempt of Parliament to raise a revenue
from three millions of unrepresented people? Can
an American possess even a shadow of liberty, it
Parliament can exercise such a power? Are the
aAs of Parliament which deprive the Americans
of the sacred right of a trial by jury—for extend
ing the powers of the courts of admiralty—for
fending Americans to England for trial of offences
charged to be committed in America—are not
these arbitrary ads of a British Parliament? Have
we not just ground to talk of fufferings, when a
Landing army is kept up in times of peace, in
defiance of law and the constitution?
A % %&& HOEVER carefully attends to
< /r^ .) the prefentconteft between Great
(^ ty );,f Britain and theAmerican colonies
^)^> must certainly be struck with it's
< ^^ > magnitude. History scarce records
sr^Ti/V an eve nt of so much consequence
as must be the ifue of this struggle. Not only
the liberty, and of course the hapfoefs of Ame
rican millions and their porterity, but the present
system of power in Europe, greatly depending
upon it.—By several late a&s of the British Par
liament, the question on the part of America was
reduced to this—whether she should submit to
the arbitrary and unconflitutional claims of a Bri
tish Parliament; or enter upon an opposition which
might involve her in a dangerous and bloody war?
Such was the filiation of English America, at
the time of the meeting of the late Congress. To
them America, with a virtuous unanimity com
mitted the determination of the important question.
Their decision is known to the world—Every
American should look forward to the consequences.
Before I proceed I would beg leave to intro
duce a hackneyed observation, which never should
be out of the mind of an American, viz. That
the refinance of America to be effectual, mud be
A fens R £ M 4 RKS on a Pamphlet lately
pub'ifoed, entitled " A Friendly Address to all
considerate Americans."
IW^ ffltthutm
0 R,
GENERAL
MO N D A Y,
V 0 L. IV.
By a Friend to bis Country.
But, fays our author, all these things the Par
liament have a right to do. If you complain, it
will be an open difrefpedl to government and a
subversion of the order of nature. Now to shew
that Parliament has a right he argues thus—
" I suppose we are, most of us, but indifferent
judges of the rights of Parliament, or however
the Parliament must a& according to their own
judgment, a?d not according to ours." Let us
examine this argument and fee if it will not
equally suit an American. " I suppose (fays an
American) the Parliament is but an indifferent
judge of the rights of America— or however Ame
rica must act according to her own judgment and
not according to that of Parliament.''How ad
mirable does this argument suit both or either of
the disputants.
It is remarkable through the whole of this
pamphlet how the author constantly takes the im
portant point in question for granted, and then
confidentially declaims against the Americans.
Thus in page 8. he fays thisis the firft time that
" a Jovereign power has been in want of prece
dents, &c." and immediately after, “ It is a con
tradition in the nature of things to suppose that
the supreme legislative power of any kingdom does
not extend to the utmost bounds of that kingdom."
But pray, Sir, do you not know that the Ame
ricans contend, and contend with reason and the
constitution on their fide, that the “ sovereign
power" of each colony, is the legislature of that
colony, and not the British Parliament? And
that the legislative power of Parliament extends
not to the colonies? These, Sir, are the claims
of America.
The author is at great pains to drew that the
duty on lea is not a tax, but a mere regulation
of trade. I would appeal to the common sense
of every man whether it is not a convincing ar
gument of this duty being intended to operate
different from a bare regulation of trade, when
he considers the obstinacy and eagerness which
the Ministry have (hewn tn prevaiAon the Ame
ricans to submit to it? Against a mere regulation
of trade America has never yet refilled. The
violence of the Ministry on the one hand, and the
vigilance of America on the other, clearly demon
flrates that the ad has another object. But it
does not rest on conje&ure only. Thea& itfelf
declares that it is, not (as our author insists) to
regulate trade, but for the express purpose of
railing a revenue. 'Tis clearly a part of a form
ed system of American taxation.
We find our author retailing out old and long
exploded arguments to (hew that America should
not be exempted from the authority of a British
Parliament. There are, fays he, “ millions of
people residing in England who have no votes in
ele&ions and are never confuted about the expe
diency of laws." How often must this argument
be refuted ? Our objection is, not because we
have no vote in ele&ing members of Parliament,
but because we are not, and from owr local situ
ation never can be, represented there. Now tho'
there may be, as our author fays, millions of
people in England who have no right to vote, yet
there is not a man, montan or child but who is actu
ally represented by one or more members, , ) can
lay no tax without fubjeding his own estate to it.
There is no person in England, but must live in
some county —There is no county but has two
or more members. Thus in each province, there
are many persons who have no right to vote for
the eledion of representatives; but there is not a
man in America who is not represented in the
provincial legislature where he resides. When
our author comes to mention the American char
ters, he thus exclaims: “ Can you conceive that
any of them can place you beyond the reach of
Parliamentary authority?" And again, “ Does
not the charter of Pennsylvania fay expressly that
taxes may be laid upon the inhabitants by ads of
Parliament ? None therefore should plead their
charters, &c."
Upon this fubjeft permit me to observe, that
the exemption which America claims from the
authority of the British Parliament is not founded
on charters : It rests, Sir, upon the stable ground
of the English constitution and the eternal laws
of nature. Can then the charter of a King de
prive the fubje& of this privilege, and place him
under the authority of Parliament? This would
be re erfing the order of things indeed ! For the
diftindUon is well known that the charter of a King
may enlarge, but can never abridge the rights of
a fubjedt. The charter of Pennsylvania expressly
gives to all the King's fubjefts within it, the rights
of Englishmen. The most essential of thole rights
is that he shall be bound by no laws but those to
which he consents in person or by bis representa
tives. How absurd then to talk of a charter
abridging the rights of a fubjed.
In page 13. the author opens the great objed
he has in view—“ None of the colonies but the
Massachusetts are aflefled by any other of the late
a&s of Parliament, and have 00 dispute of their
own with the mother country, but what arises
from the Tea-aa." It is scarce possible to read
D U N L A P's
fl^^=ii2=sp^^^
The author now enters into a jjftincatron of the
Massachusetts and Canada Pills. He begins with
the Port Bill; which is both just in its principles
and tender in the punishments inflicted. Let us z
examine his arguments. It is granted by our au
thor that in common cases, no one should be
punished without a regular trial ; but, he adds,
" Here the case was uncommon and extraordina
ry-— Ihe most essential rights of government were
audaciously invaded—the crime was notorious and
unquestionable— a regular trial must have been the
work of time, and while this would be depending
the evil it was imagined would spread." “ Such
confideratibns indeed would not authorife a Judge
to proceed in that compendious manner—but when
a case comes before the whole legislative body,
they have".—and we have now before us the au
thor's juftification of Parliament. lam ready to
grant that the “ care was uncommon and extra
ordinary." The attempt of the Ministry to force
a submission to arbitrary revenue ads by means of
the Fast-India Company was uncommon and ex
traordinary ; and the people were juftified by the
firft principles of the law of nature to take “ un
common and extraordinary" means to avert the
dreadful evil. Desperate diseases juftify despe
rate remedies. But, fays our author, " the most
eflential rights of government were audaciously
invaded." This, Sir, is petitio principii. Again
—ls the railing a revenue on the people of Ame
rica one of the " mod essential rights of the
British government?" It is one of the very points
in conreft. it is what America will never yield.
But, Sir, admitting for arguments lake, your
position to be true, does it follow that the essen
tials of jurtice are to be dilpenfed with because
" it was imagined the evil would spread?" Is not
condemning upwards of twenty thousand people
unheard, a flagrant violation of the firft principles
of jurtice? And although the crime (as you call it)
was notorious and unquestionable, yet, Sir, were
the whole twenty thousand inhabitants of Botlon
guilty of it? And if not, was it “ notorious and
unquestionable" who were the perpetrators of it?
And is it agreeable to justice in inflicting punish
ments to confound the innocent with the guilty ?
And can you, Sir, seriously assert that " the se
verity of the punishment was no more than Cut
ting up a port till fatisfa&ion should be made for
a flagrant injury and insult of which it had been
guilty ?" Give me leave, Sir, to make a small
quotation from your pamphlet, and pardon me
for making a few alterations that it may properly
apply. " Surely none who have as high a sense
of publick guilt as of private can think" any
“ punishment too severe" for the author of such
a sentiment, " considered under ail its aggrava
tions."
(For the remainder fee the Pof cript.)
**&ss-s.,<, •,.,$ *-*<. ^4.*s%!,
T O- M O R R O W,
At ONE o'clock in the afternoon, at
J OH N H A R T's
V ENDUE - S TORE,
At the corner of South and Front-Streets,
Will begin the SALE of a neat atforiment of
M F. R C HAND I Zr, Viz.
FURNITURE checks, cambii ks and law ns,
1 pins, Ituir shoes, fhalloous, cdlimancues, cam
blets, ribbonds, wAties, Pt rfians, peelon?s, woifh d
hofc, brown Hollands, blankets and rugs, pirins
coatin, s, embossed flannels, houlhold furnituu,
wearing appaii, &r.
A. S. Good) for sale received at said Lore.
such a sentiment without feeling a glow of indig
nation. Surely our author must be one of that
infernal crew, who have been deceiving the peo
ple of England into a belief that the opposition
to ministerial meaftires would vanish on the ap
pearance of a military force, and that the people
of Bofion would not be supported by the other
colonies. Deceived in this their favourite expect
ation, they are now endeavouring to destroy that
union so essentially necessary for the support of
American liberty. But, surely, the views of ad
miniffration in attacking the colonies singly, were
easily seen. Did not the meanest capacity com
prehend how easy the victory over all America
would be, if once the people of Boston could be
brought to a submission of the slavish aAs made
agarnft their liberties r Did not the Ministry great
ly rely on the hopes of a disunion of the colonies
and that Boston would be left to fight her own
battles? And is not this author now endeavour
ing to create a defection and disunion, the last and
desperate hope of our enemies? But waving the
ads particularly arreting the Maffachufett's go
vernment, have the other colonies " no dispute
of their own with the mother country but what
arises from the Tea-ad ?" A wretch who can
publifli to the world, that keeping standing armies
in times of peace among us—taking away trial by
jury—extending powers of admiralty courts —at-
tempting to try persons in England for offences
charged to have been committed in America —I
lay a wretch who can declare that these are not
even matters of ai/pute with the mother country,
does not deserve to breath the free air of America.
BOWWOW
T HE
ADVERTISER.
DECEMBER 19th, 1774-
JOSEPH STANSBURY,
Athis store opp^fite Chrifl Church in Secend-ftreet,
Hath for S ALE,
Looking glasses, from 14.1. to g<.
each, fume of them highly finifhed, in oval
Values, carved and gilt. China — Bowls from two
gallons to half a pint, coinpleat dining table setts,
enamelled and pencilled tea table setts, soup tu
reens, two sizes, dishes of all forts and fives, cream
tureens, two sizes, table and desert plates, patti
pans in fixes, pickle facers, tea pots, sugar dishes,
Cream pets, coffee pots, sauce boats, mustard pots,
pickle leaves, squares for a desert fei vice, tea, cof
fee and chocolate cups handled and plain. Orna
mental China—Jars and l eakers, myrtle pots,
chimney vales, images of all forts and sizes, some
uncoloured and unglazed, Japanned cabinets,
dressing boxes in fans, fnuff boxes, tea trays,
waiters, tea tongs, bottle hands or coasters, foe
screens, various trinkets. Glass—Cut candlesticks,
decanters, v%(htumblers, wine glasses, bitter bot
tles, tumblers, fallad dishes, sweetmeats, fw^et
water bottles, butter tubs and sugar dishes. A ge
neral assortment of common glass wares, sheet
glass in crates, window gl:fs 9 by 7, 10 by 8, 11
by 9, 18 by 13, and 17 by 12 and a half; crates
of footed phials, a few Turlington bottles, an as
sortment of apothecaries furniture, marble and
glass mortars, separating and common funnels,
ointment and pill pots, shop tyles, gallipots, spice
bottles, retorts, boltheads, alembicks, nipple shells,
fleck stones, tubes for barometers, magnus, mad
der, pipes in boxes, crewet frames froit 41. 10s. to
7s. od. each, guns from 51. 10s. to 275. each, pistols
50s. a pair, pinchbeck buckles, plated tankards;
fours and buckles, pinchbeck and steel watch
chains, seals of 2 new composition, yielding ini
preffions equal to the true antiques, common black
quart bottles, bottles of this country pattern uhich
hold a full quart. An txtenfive aflortment of all
kinds of earthen wares, as plain and enamelled
Queens ware; plain, enamelled, and blue and
white stone ware ; t< rtoife shell, black and colli
fliwered Dutch stone and Bristol stone wares; jugs
from five gallons to a pint ; crates of yellow dishes
and porringers ; delft, chequered and Portobello
wares; red and brown China; Egyptian China
after Etrufean models; curious pocket bibles, 455.
each ; black lead pencils, &c. &c. &c. most of
which will be fold very low for ready money.
FIFTEEN POUNDS REWARD.
RAN AWAY, about the 24th of June, 1774,
from tile fubriri ^r living in Philadelphia, a
Negro man named CAESA R, of a middling black
colour, about 22 years <?f .ge, 5 feet 3 or 4 inches
high, well made, uith a long neck and falling
shoulders, walks very upright, has bandy well made
legs, with thick muscular calves, a large mouth
and lips; is much inclined to laugh, and when he
laughs thews much of his gums and teeth; is talk
ative and impertinent, witu often an elevated voice,
where he dare make free ; is insolent and ready to
box amongrt his companions, and is fond of ply
ing scraps of tunes on the file, of which he has fe
veial : He having taken a Bristol pipe b x, about
two feet and a half long, with sundry cioaths, may
change his dress, but may have on either a mend
ed cloth colour, or an old dark blue, fupeifine
cloth coat, a blue knap round-about, or short, lea
jacket lined with white flannel, a red and white
narrow Hriped waistcoat, green plush or black flock
ing breeches, remarkable narrow ttriped Irifli tick
en breeches and trowfers, thread Hockings, &c.
The reward of FIVE POUNDS with reasona
ble charges, on delivering the laid Negro at Bhilai
delphia, or the above reward of FIFTEEN
POUNDS, on proving and prosecuting to con
vittion the p # rfon who aided, assisted or carried him
off, will be punfteady paid bv
PHILIP WILSON.
N. B. He was born at Jamai a, lived vritliTho
mas and James Lucas and Co. of the Grenades,
a no 1766 ; they fold him to Captain Godfrey
M'Donnell, who fold him to James Wallace of
Philadelphia, anno 1767.
December 12, 1774..
EIGHT DOLLARS REWARD.
r> AN AWAY on Saturday night last, from
the fubferiber, living in Tuckakoe, Queen
Ann's County, Maryland, an Irish servant man,
named THOMAS TOLBERT, about 18 or
ig years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, well made,
somewhat pitted with the small-pox, and has (hort
black hair : Had on and took with him, a fine
beaver hat bound with black velvet round the brim,
an old fafhiohed furtout, and a redifh fagathy coat,
a white cotton jacket, two pair of white drilled
breeches, one pair of nankeen ditto, striped hoR
land trowfers, three pair of coarse yarn dockings,
one pair of country thread ditto, four white (hires,
one uik handkerchief, and a pair of fltoes with
double rimmed pinchbeck buckles: He also took
off with him, a bay Mare, with a white llar in her
forehead, branded on the buttock with an 1.
Whoever apprehends the said servant so that his
mailer may have him again, if taken in the c uruy
(hall have FOUR DOLLARS Reward, and
it out of it and in the province, the above Rev^cl,
besides what the law allows, paid bv
ANDREW LEVINGTON.
December 1774.
TWO DOLLARS REWARD,
n AN AWAY from the fubferiber, the nit
" of Nov. ult. a Negro Bey, named CA TO,
about 4. feet 7 or 8 inches high, Urengand well made;
had on when he went away, a scarlet coatee, a iu
peifinc purple jacket, and a small hat. Whoever
takes upfaid negro and brings him home, or fecutes
him so that his matter 'mav get him again, (hall have
the above reward nd reasonable charges, paid by
WILLIAM TOD.
N UMB. 165.