The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-08-10 00:00:00, page 2

left%f f?fch a thing Tf'neeeWary we might appeal to
the extorted tellimohy of an enemy, in general Bur
goyne's piaurefque description of the bold and bloody
aßion of the 7th OHober, 1777, which terminated in
the rout and Slaughter of the flower of his army, and
the I6fs of a strong redoubt carried by storm at the
point of the bayonet. Various other instances might
be quoted to prove, that the Americans were in that
day, what they are now, (perhaps)the most persever
ing d cifive, r'folute people in theuniverfe.
If the patriots of 1775 and 76, have been swept away
by difaffedion and timidity, after bequeathing us all
the evils we at present contend against: I ask, who—
what —and where are the men? who protested you at
Trenton, when fear shook your frame and petrified your
senses, on the approach of the Britifn army? who baff
led the arms of the enemy, checked the torrent of their
successes, and revived the langu Ihing cause of our
country? were they the fame men who confined the
enemy to the walls of Philadelphia, when (confeffedly)
the tremendous voice of a British centinel congealed
you with terror? fay, Leonidas ; or was it the solid
phalanx on whom we have become so dependent of late ?
or yet these friends in their hearts, who w^re afaid to
lend us th^ir money ? No! they ignobly skulked and
abandoned their country to its fate. '' These were
times that tried mens fouls." The cause of America
rested solely upon the voluntary exertions of her vir
tuous sons ; their efforts equalled her expeditions, and
refeued her from bondage : but, thanks to Heaven, she
owes no part of the obligation to timid friends or luke
warm whigs, who prefer whole bone, a found skin, with
a gold chain and a British yoke, to the generous
toils and hazards of the field, crowned with independ
ence and the inestimable blessings of liberty.
''Tis difficult, Leonidas, to penetrate your meaning,
you write so much ,ithout any : but if I might be in
dulged in a conjecture, it would be, that the solid
phalanx whom you have laboured to exalt on the ru
ins of the patriots of 1775 an d 76, is the identical jun
to, whom, to our eternal disgrace, we have lately be
held stalking with giant flrides, over the depressed
heads of uniform inflexible whigs, into public treft
and public importance. Leonidas, you know these
men—you know they are hoflile to our independence
.—you know they have adhered to the enemy, that
they abetted him during his possession of our city—you
know that they are bigotted to the Briifh government;
that they devoted themselves to its interest, until Brit
ish misfortunes extinguished hope; and now! now that
their idol is pulled down, they are coming among us,
teeming with depravity, predetermined to corrupt the
simplicity of our manners, to subvert the purity of
government, and to lay flat every bulwark of equal
liberty; and you, Leonidas, are employed to gloss
their past offences, and reconcile them to the public,
under the delusive idea of their wealth, weight and
Importance.
One word more, and for the present I have done with
you. In time be advised, cease prating on a fubjed
which you can only perplex ; cease advocating an in
terest, which sooner or later must necessarily be facri
ficed to the peace, liberty and happiness of Pennsylva
nia ; cease, Leonidas, and recur to your harmless oc
cupation of writing encomiums on the administration
of the regenerate g-v--n-r of a neighbouring Bate.
Ju'y, 1782. VIRGINIUS.
L O N D O N.
HOUSE of COMMONS, May 17, 1 7 &
E House being pretty full when Mr. secretary
Fox came in, he opened the business of the day
by the following motion;
" That the house resolve itfelf into a committee of
the whole, in order to take into consideration his majes
ty's most gracious message of the ,th of April, rela
tive to the affairs of Ireland."
In consequence of a second motion, the clerk hav
ing read aloud the addresses of both houses of the par
liament of Ireland, to the king, and also other papers
concerning Ireland, the secretary of Rate made a speech
of which the following is the most substantial part.
'' As the circumstances, wherein we hand with re
gard to Ireland are very extraordi'nary, and certainly
very new, you must not be astonished, if; in the pro
positions I have the honour to make, you remark some
thing very extraordinary and very novel. If notwith
flanding this opening, any, member should be flill dif
fatisfied with this novelty, and should be of opinion
that too great facrifices are made, from a deflre to
re-establish the unity of the two kingdoms, I mail an
swer, that the present ministry ought not to be blamed
for that, but those whom they succeeded, and who
have managed the affairs of Ireland with so much neg
ligence on the one hand, and so little judgement on the
other, that they have reduced us to the new and ex
traordinary measures of which I have spoken.
Gentlemen will easily recoiled, that a few years since,
Ireland, considering submission as the most suitable
mode of asking redress of grievances, humbly besought
the British parliament for divers matters set forth in
her petition, the whole of luch a nature, that as to
England, it was a matter of absolute indifference, whe
ther they were granted or not.
But at that time, unfortunately, it was the constant
practice of administration to pay no regard to what was
just, and not to coufider, in any business, more than the
convenience of the moment. Not only a deaf ear was
turned to the humble supplications of Ireland, but the
premier himfelf, went into parliament to vote against
the modest petition of that kingdom.
The year after, the fears ofan invasion drove the
Irish to the expedient of arming themselves for the de
fence of their country. They took up arms with loy
alty in their hearts, and there can be no doubt, that
if a proper occasion had offered, the firft design of em
ploying them against the enemies of Britain would have
been put in practice; but they only threatned, they
did not appear. The brave volunteers in the interim
perceived, that their weapons might be exerted in be
half of their country, in a different manner, and that
if they were not employed in her defence, they might
be ufeful of recovering her rights. Thus one patrio
ric a& was substituted for another, but then they (poke
so loudly, that the ministry could not but hear them,
and the very minister which had opposed their humble
supplications, determined to atone for the deaf ear he
had formerly turned to them, came again into this
house to give to the Irish four times as much as he had
at firfl refufed them. This conduct pointed out to Ire
land, in the most palpable manner how the English
statesmen were to be managed- The people of that
kingdom saw clearly that the humble and submissive
mode was not the fuccefsful one ; they altered their
tone, and affairs changed their face. It remains to ex
amine how far Great-Britain is affected by this resolu
tion.
It is therefore prudent, not to fay indifpenfibly he
ceffary, that an end be put to these discussions ; to these
national jealousies : and it wiK become us to do it with
the best grace. I shall begin with proposing the re
peal of the a& of the 6th of George Ift, by which
this country attributes to herfelf, as inherent in her, the
power of making laws to bind Ireland. It was hot at
this day only, that the complaints of that kingdom
have been heard bn this fubjed. They rose very high
at the paffng of the aft and have never ceased since.
After repealing the aa of 6th George 111, as to mak
ing laws to bind Ireland, what interest shall we have
in opposing another demand of Ireland; I mean, the
reeflablifhing to Ireland the jurifdiaion of appeals, or
the deciding, in the last instance, legal controversies.
These two disputed points, are the only ones which
concern parliament direßly, and upon which this
house will, of consequence, have to pronounce: the rest
refpefl the crown, with whom, properly, the parlia
ment of Ireland is to adjust them. Of this latter kind
is the repeal of Poyning's law; by virtue whereof,
the privy- council cf Ireland were enabled to flifte every
bill of that parliament, before it was transmitted to
England ; insomuch, that it was not unusual to fee a
bill go through both houses there, though the mem
bers were secretly opposed to it ; giving their votes on
ly that they might be popular; on a certainty that it
would mifearry in the privy-council. Hence, Poyn
ing's law must have become odious to the nation.
Another abuse of it, which was incurable, was this:
the privy-council of England rffumed under it, a
power to revise the bills passed in the Irish parliament ;
and to return them mutulated in such a manner as fre
quently to destroy the original objed. We can scarce
ly have a conception how far the abuse of this pretend
ed authority was carried. Ireland always fufpeded,
and I believe with reason, that this revision and mutu
latibn here, was the business and doing of one man on
ly. An instance which railed the difeontent of Ireland
to the highest pitch, lately happened: A bill came
over for the punishing of mutiny among the army,
provided for and paid by Ireland. The person employ
ed to revise this bill, was so rash as to change an aft,
which in its nature and design was temporary, into a
perpetual law; contrary to the warm and impassioned
ideas of the people of Ireland on this fubjeft. Thus
the army of that kingdom became permanent, and the
people provoked to the highest degree. Can you won
I have ever looked on Ireland as a part of the Brfe
tifh empire, partaking in a right to all the advantages,
and all the immunities which Britain enjoys. But the
late miniflers of the Crown did not fee matters in this
light. Their flrange notions of the constitution led
them to concenter in the isle of Britain, all that re
mained in it of the spirit of liberty ; to oppress and
tyranife to the highest excels over such of the fubjefts,
rs had the misfortune to dwell in Ireland, or beyond
the Atlantic. My opinion as to Ireland is the fame
asit was as to America; my opinion is that it is ab
oard and unrighteous to wish to make laws for people
dueling in another country, without their concur
rence or consent. Accordingly I have never ceased
crying out against the unrighteous treatment which
America has had. I do not hesitate to declare, that the
pretentions of Ireland are just in their nature; I shall
therefore rest on the principle of justice, the propor
tions which I shall have the honour to make to the
house. To these I might add, confederations of policy
and meer prudence; but is there a single member, who
does not perceive as I do, that the moment we are in
volved in a complicated war, with divers foreign pow
ers, it is not a time to employ different measures, which
might perhaps be taken to punish her irregular con
duff. I truftthofe times are over, when the ideas of
coercion ; the inconsiderate motions of resentment, of
anger, of vengeance, were the unhappy instigators of
British councils; and that the example of America has
taught us wisdom by dearly bought experience. Ido
not therefore suppose, that it will be necessary to ad
duce arguments to engage the hou e to think with me,
that it would be madness to aft with Ireland as we
aded with North-America ; and that instead of fiudy
ing means to torment her; inflead of adding to her dis
tresses, our firft care should be to relieve her ; to make
her as happy as it is possible for her to be; to do all
in our power to contribute thereto. The only means
of making Ireland tritely ufeful to Great-Britain, is to
bind her to us in the strongest manner, by the princi
ples of gratitude.
T will not deny, that the manner which Ireland ha)
taken to accomplish her views, is not so agreeable as
we, in England, could have wished ; yet, I cannot
fee that she is to be blamed, even in this refpeß, be
cause the late administration had taught her, that no
other means would avail.
Let us coufider now, if, whilst on the one hand, Ire
land gains all, whether we realy lose any thing by a re
volution, which gratifies her utmost wishes.
The authority which England pretends: to exercise
over the dependencies of the empire, to legislate su
premely for all, was it truely a positive right, or rather
was it a meer symbol of supremacy, exiting by virtue
of a tacit convention ? I take it to be only this sym
bol, and that, as such, it might have subsisted between
the two Countries rill the end of time, without giving
the least umbrage; but his majefly'slate miniflers
Drained it to a positive right, and the abuse which they
have, without cesfing, made of a power, which they
built upon rights of their own deviling, has alarmed
Ireland to such a degree, as to force her into the mea
sures she has taken.
Lord Sandwich seconded these motions, repeating the
panegyrick that had been bellowed upon fir George
Rodney in the Warmest terms. Fettering, he said, as
the approbation of that house was at all times to be
Considered, and pleasant &s it would undoubtedly be,
yet something further was necessary, in his estimation,
toward the braye commander, who had fought so of
ten and so fuccefsfull} for his country. His naval con
duf lhad been a succession of glorious anions, and was
made up of great and brilliant events. He had taken
three flag officers, and a greater number of ships of the
line than any other commander hal ever done before
him. By the re-capture of St. Euflatius, and other
contingencies during the course of the present war, the
brave admiral's fortune had been considerably affected;
and it would be a disgrace to this country, if every pos
sible comfort, every accommodation should not be of
fered to the man who had done so much service. His
heabh had also fuffered in the fame glorious cause, and
government were loudly called upon to give ease and"
affluence to the remaining days of such a man, or once
more renovatehim for the service of his country. If he
might fugged, he conceived it necessary, that the admi
ral should, in the firft instance, be created a member
of that house, with such diftinßion as government might
think proper to give him : and that in the second place,
a pension of 2000!. be fettled upon him, in such a man
ner, and under such regulations as the executive power
in its wisdom should think proper. Having said thus
much of the gallant principal in this business, his lord
ship proceeded to compliment some of the officers con
cerned. He said fir Samuel Hood ought to be creat
ed an earl or vifeount at least ; and that a proportional,
degree of refpeß ought to be paid to admiral Drake
and commodore Afflick.
Lord Loughborough joined in the chorus of general
plaudits which where so justly poured out in behalf of
fir George Rodney, and proceeded to condemn witir
great acrimony, what he deemed the unjuftifiable mea
sure of his recall. Before the gallant admiral, he said,
would receive the congratulations of that house, for
the noblest action ever performed or recorded in the
annals of any country, he would be told of his recall;
and as a reward for his illufirious conduct, receive the
information, that his majefly's ministers deemed him
no longer a proper servant of the crown, nor a proper
director cf its naval operations. His lordship added,
that the sudden and unforefeen difmiffion of the late
ministry, was the sole cause why several of thfrpfficers
employed in Hie service of their Country had nOTreceiv
ed so ample a compensation as they deserved.
The duke of Richmond spoke in the highest terms of
fir George Rodney, but begged their lorfhips to recol
left, that a single event, however glorious, was by no
means a (efficient criterion of the propriety or impro
priety of any political measure. If there was any good
reason for recalling hr George Rodney, previous to
the a&ion of the 12th of April, certainly the contin
gency of that glorious victory could not make minis
ters reprehensible for a measure adopted before that
event took place. The noble and learned lord, he said.
HOUSE of PEER S, Monday, May 27.
Lord Kappel rose, and said it was with peculiar plea
sure that he rose to address their lordships, as the ob
jea of his troubling them originated in an event the
most glorious to his country, of any that perhaps had
ever been recorded in our annals. The honour derived
to 'his country from the late brilliant success of his
majefly's fleet in the Weft-Indies, constituted but an in
ferior part of the advantages resulting from it, as the
effea is likely to be felt in consequence would probably
be permanently experienced, and restore to us our pos
sessions in that quarter, or at least secure all that re
main of them. It was impoflible for their lordships, or the
country, to entertain too sanguine an idea of the re
cent vi&ory obtained by fir George Rodney in the Weft-
Indies. It was one of the most decisive and glorious
victories that had ever attended the naval exertions of
this country, renowned as it was for its success at sea;
and there was no acknowledgement, no record in th@
power of the nation to confer, which they are not bound
In justice, and in honour, to beflow upon the brave
and Ikilful officer who had the leading hand in produc
ing it. His lordship spoke with every appeatance of
hooeft energy upon the fubjeft, and bellowed his com
pliments with a lavish generosity upon the glorious ob
ject of his harangue, who certainly is the only indivi
dual existing to whom so liberal an eulogium could
have been applicableand not exaggerated. He conclud
ed with moving, “ That the thanks of that house be
given to admiral fir George Rodney, for his brave and
meritorious conduct on the 12th of April, in his en
gagement with the French fleet under the command of
the comte de Graffe. And that the thanks of the house
be also presented to rear admiral fir Samuel Hood,
rear admiral Drake, commodore Afflick, the captains,'
officer, and men belonging to the fleet, for their meri
torious conduct ont he fame occasion."
der, after this, that Ireland should reclaim the right
of legislating for herfelf, when we have made laws for
her after this manner ?''
The minister concluded with making, in form, the
6rft of his two motion), relative to the repeal of the
act of parliament, of Great Britain, of 6th George Ift.
As this met with no opposition, we find nothing re
markable during a long conversation which ensued-
This being ended, Mr. Fox made his second, in these
terms:
" That the sense of this house is, that for the inter
est and honour of both kingdoms, it is indifpenfibly
necessary, that the conne&ion between them be eflab
lifhed by mutual consent, on a solid and permanent
foundation." This passed without opposition, as the
firft had: and with regard to other matters, which the
minister had laid before the house, as immediately in
teresting the Crown, he made this motion, with design
to facilitate the adjustment of them.
" That an humble address be presented to his ma
jefly, that he will be graciously pleased to take such
measures as, in his royal wisdom, may most diredly
tend to this important end."
This, as the former, was agreed to nemine com-
TRADICENTB.