The Connecticut courant and Hartford weekly intelligencer — Hartford, Conn., 1775-08-07 00:00:00, page 1

Containing the Freshest ADVICES,
A Copy of General BURGOYNE's Answer to Ge
neral LEE, dated July Bth, 1775.
Dear Sir,
'SMMMMM^.HEN we werelaft together in Ser
^^^%€ )K*^ vice, I mould not have tho't it
WW" ' X.^. within the Vicissitudes of human
WW W W.tf Affairs, that we should meet at
W'^ Wei an y Time, or in any Sense, as
^^•^WWW^ Foes. The Letter you have ho
i»'^ ^^^.^ noured me with, &my own Feel
ings, combine to prove we are ftiil far from being
personally such.
I claim no Merit from the Attentions you so kind
ly remember in the early Periods of our Acquain
tance, but as they manifelt how much it was my
Pride to be known for your Friend ; nor have I de
parted from the Duties of that Character,, when, I
will not scruple to fay, it has been almost general
Offence to maintain it :---I mean since the violent
Part you have taken in the Commotions of the Co-'
lonies.
It would exceed the Limits and the Propriety of
our present Correspondence to argue at full the
great Cause in which we are engaged. But anxious
to preserve a confident and ingenious Character,
and jealous I confefs of having the Part I sustain
imputed to such Motives as you intimate,! will date
to you as concisely as I can the Principles upon
which, not voluntarily, but mod confcientiouiiy I
undertook it.
The vital Principles of the Constitution, in which
it moves and has its Being, is the Supremacy of the
King in Parliament---a compound, indefinite, inde
feafible Power, coeval with the Origin of the Em
pire and co-extensive over all its Parts.
I am no Stranger to the Doctrines of Mr. Locke,
and other of the belt of Advocates for the Rights of
Mankind- ,upon the Compacts always implied be
tween the governing and governed, and the Right
of Resistance in the Latter when the Compact Hall
be so violated as to leave noother Means of Redress.
I look with Reverence almost mounting to Idolitry
upon those immortal Whigs who adopted and appli
ed such Doctrine during part of theßeign of Charles
the lit, and in that of James the Ild.
Should Corruption pervade the three Estates of
the Realm so as to prevent the great Ends for which
they were instituted, and make the Power veiled in
them for the good of the whole People operate, like
an Abuse of the Prerogative of the Crown, to gene
ral Oppression, I am ready to acknowledge that the
fame Doctrine of Resistance applies as forcibly a
gainst the Abuses of the collective Body of Power,
as against those of the Crown or either of the other
competent Branches, feparatively : Still always un
derstood that noother Means of Redress can be ob
tained :---A Case I contend much more difficult to
suppose when it relates to the whole than when it
relates to Parts.
I have, like you, entertained from my Infancy a
Veneration for public Liberty. I have likewise re
garded the BritilhConftitution as the belt Safeguard
of that Blessing to be found in the Hillory of Man
kind.
But in all Cases that have eillxed or can be con
ceived, I hold that Resistance, to bejuftifial^le, must
be directed against the Usurpation or undue exercise
of Power, and that itis molt criminal when directed
against any Power itfelf inherent in the Constitution.
And here you will immediately difeern why I
draw a Line in the Allusion I made above to the
Reign of Charles I. Towards the Close of it the
true Principle ofßefiftance was changed and a new
Syflem of Government projeded accordingly. The
Patriots previous to thelong Parliament and during
great part of it, as well as the glorious Revoluti
bnifts of i6BS, refilled to vindicate and restore the
Constitution; the Republicans refilled to subvert it.
Now Sir, lay your Hand upon your Hart, as you
have enjoined me to do on mine, & tell me to which
of these Purposes do the Proceedings of America
tend ?
MOND AY, August 7, 1775.
CONNECTICUT
AND
WEEKLY
Is it the Weight of Taxes imposed, and the Im
possibility of Relief after a due Representation of
her Burthen, that has induced her to take ARMS ?
Or is it a Denial of the Right of British Legislation
to impose them and consequently a Struggle for to
tal Independency r For .he Idea of Power that can
tax externally, and not internally, and all the So
phistry that attends it, tho'it may catch the Weak
ness and Prejudice of the Multitudein a Speech or
Pamphlet, it is too pre, oftcrous„to weigh feridufly
with a Man of your Under Handing ; and I am Con
fident you will admit the Case to be fairly put. Is
it then from a Relief of Taxes,or from the Controul
of Parliament " in all Cases ^vbat/oeier" we are in
War r If the former, the Quarrel is at an End
there is not a Man of Sense and Information in A
meiica who does not know it is in the Power of the
Colonies to put an End to the exercise of Taxation
immediately,and forever, I boldly assert 'it, because
Sense and Information will also suggest to every
Man, that it can never be thelntereil of Britain, af
ter her late Experience to make another Trial.
But if the other Ground is taken,and it is intend
ed to wrest Torn Great-Britain a Link of that fab
ftantial and I hope perpetual, Chain by which the
Empire holds---think it not a minillerial Mandate ;
think it not a mere .profeffional Ardour; think it
not a Prejudice against Fart of our Fellow Subjects,
that induces Men of Integrity, and among such you
have done me the Honour to class me, to aft with
Vigour ; but be assured it is a Conviction that the
whole of our political System depends upon the Pre
servation of its great and essential Parts dillinftly,
and no Partis so great and essential as supremacy
of Legillation.---It is a Conviction, that as a King
of England never apneras in so glorious a Light as
when he°employs the Executive Powers of the State
to maintain the Laws, so in the present Exertion of
that Power, his Majesty is particularly intitled to our
Zeal and grateful Obedience, not only as Soldiers
but as Citizens.
T IT E
FVB^& ^k 01%
These Principles, depend upon it, Adluate the
Army and Fleet throughout: And let me at the
lame Time add, there arc few, if any Gentlemen a
mong us who would have drawn his Sword in the
Cause of Slavery.
Butwhy do I bind myfelf to the Navy & Army ?
The Sentiments I have touched are those of the great
bulk of the Nation. I appeal to the landed Men
who have so long borne Burthens for America ; I
appeal to those, trading Towns who are Sufferers by
the Dispute and the City of London at the Head of
them, notwithstanding the Petitions & Remonstran
ces which the Arts of Party and Fa&ion have extor
ted from some Individuals ; and last, because lead
in your Favour, I appeal to the Majorities in the
Houses of Parliament upon American Questions this
Session. The most licentious News- Writers want
Assurance to call thele Majorities Miniftcrial; much
less will you give them that Name when you impar
tially examine the Characters that compose them.
---Men of the most independent Principles & For
tunes, and many of them profeffe lly in opposition
to the Court in the general Line of their Condud.
Among other Supporters of the Britiih Rights a
gainst American Claims, I will not speak politively,
but I firmly believe, I may name the Man of whole
Integrity you have the highest Opinion, and whose
Friendship is reared your Heart.---I mean Lord
Thanet, from whom my Aid de Camp has a Letter
for you, and also one from Sir Charles Davers: I
do not enclose them, because the Writers, little
imagining how difficult your Condud would render
our Jatercourfe, desired they might be delivered to
your own Hands.
For this Purpose as well as to renew “ the Rights
of Fellowlhip," I wilh to fee you ; and above all, I
Ihould find an Interview happy ii it Should induce
fuchExplanations at might tend in their Con sequence
to Peace. I feel in common with all around me,
for the unhappy Bulk of this Country ; they forefee
not the Distress that is impending over them. I
know Great-Britain is ready to open her Arms upon
the firfl Overture of Accommodation ; I know Ihe
is equally resolute to maintain her original Rights ;
and if the War proceeds, your One Hundred and
Fifty 1 houfand Men will not be a match for her
Power.
both FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.
[NUMBER 554,
tOUR A N T,
HARTFORD
INTELLIGENCER.
= ~ I an,„ l
The Place I would propose for our Meeting is the
House upon Boston Neck, just within our Advanced
Centuries, called Brown's House.—--Twill obtain
Authority to give myParole of Honour for your fife
Return. I shall expedlthe fame on your Part that
no Insult be offered to me. If this Plan is agreeable
to you, name your Day and Hour. At all Events,
accept a sincere return of the Assurances with which
you honour me, and believe me in all personal Con
siderations, affectionately yours.
P. S. I obeyed your Commands to Generals
Howe and Clinton. I also communicated your Let
ter and my Answer to Lord Percy. They all join
me in Compliments, and authorife me to assure you
they do the fame in Principles.
A Copy of General LEE'$ Letter, declining the in
terview proposed by General BURGOYNE.
Cambridge, Head-Quarters, July 11..
GENERAL LEE's Compliments to General
BURGOYNE.—WouId be extremely happy
in the Interview so kindly proposed. But as he
perceived that General BURGOYNE, has already
madeuphisMind on this greatSubjeft ; andit is im
possible that he [Gen. LEE] ffiould ever alter his
Opinion,he is apprehensive that thelnterview might
create those Jealoufics and Suspicions, so natural to
People struggling in the dearest of all Causes, that
of Liberty, Property, Wives, Children, and their
future Generation. He must therefore defer, the
Happiness of embracing a Man whom he moft' sin
cerely loves until the Subversion of the present ty
rannical Ministry and Sydem, which he U perfwad
ed must be in a feWMonths,as he knowsGeat-Britain
cannot hand the Contest He begs General BUR
GOYNE will fend the Letters which his Aid de
Camp has for him. If Gardiner is hit Aid deCamp,
he desires his Love to him.
The C R I S I S. No. ix.
The avorjl of^ll^nraim^fy Laiu.
To THE K
SIR,
YOU aicended the throne of these realms with
advantages,which, if properly improved,would
have rendered your reign not only glorious and hap:
py, but have made you the moil powerful monarch
upon earth; you might have kept the world in awe.
Yet, O shame to tell, though the times demand it,
you soon facrificed your own peace, the tranquility;
honour and interest of this great and mighty king
dom, to the ambitious views,and pernicious defigrs,
of your infernal minion Lord Bute, and his profli
gate and abandoned adherents. Your accession td
the throne filled with joy the breast of everyEngliffi
man; but alas, it was of short duration, y,u soon.
convinced them of their millake, and the compli
ments paid to your understanding, the calm hour of
reason soon convinced us were ill founded.
No sooner seated upon the throne of this vast em
pire, than you, like ail other Kings, as well as ty
rants, made the people many and fair promises. You
told your Parliament, that the fippreffion of vice and
immorality, rhe encouragement of trade and com
merce, and the preservation of peace and harmony
amongst your people, Should be the rule of your con
du&, and your principal study. How far you have
kept your word, the sacred pen of nuth fhafl now
declare.
I hefe men you still continue to countenance, e
very feene of iniquity they have been concerned'in,
and every ad of violence, oppression, and murder
they have committed, ha, been by you tacitly ap
proved, nay applauded. Aduhry, debauchery, and
divorces, are more frequentnow'than in the corrupt
and predicate days of Chark; the second; these, fir
Scarce seated in regal dignity before you drove
from your presence and councils, by the advice of
your Scotch favourite Lord Bute ; every man of
honour and integrity,who was valued for his love to
his country, and affedion for your family. You im
plicitly followed the adviceof yournorthern minion,
and in their room took only those who were the most
conspicuous for their vices, and the most abandoned
in principle ; these are fa&s which Sandwich, Bute,
Grafton, North, &c. will confirm.