The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1779-10-16 00:00:00, page 1

From the Remembrancer, publidied in London.
THE SPIRIT AND RESOURCES OF GREAT-BRI
TAIN CONSIDERED.
IN TWELVE LETTERS.
LETTER I.
IT will be in vain, perhaps, to recommend an open and
immediate application to the American plenipotentiary
at Paris, for the attainment of that peace which is so es
sential to the welfare of the State ; the acknowledgement
of the independency of America, which must be the
ground- work of fueh application, is thought to be a mea
sure so fatal to the interest of Great Britain, that nothing
but real and evident necessity can juftify its adoption:
it would be better, it is said, to run the utmost risk of
the exigence of the nation itfelf, than submit to such
condescension: “if England must fall, let her fall with
“ arms in her hand ; if her fun must set, let it set in
“ glory."
This Is the language of all who wish to provoke the
continuance of the war- of those who had rather have
their country fink past redemption, than that their prin
ciples, counsels, and conduct, Mould be so publickly
condemned • of those who live by the enormous corrup
tion of the war and of those who with the continuance
thereof for no other end than to dispossess their oppo
mints of power, and gain the emoluments of office. & The
two firft classes are wicked ; the last is wicked, impu
dent, and weak but the whole together are powerful
in numbers, and wonderfully clamorous for the honor of
their King and their country, when they have, perhaps,
nothing in view but the gratification of their own pride,
rapacity, and ambition.'
Should we, however, agree with these men in their
specious and designing language, should we confefs, that
nothing but a real and evident necessity can induce, and
juftify, the acknowledgement of the Independency of
America, we shall be brought to examine, whether that
necessity does not now exist.
It would, however, be in vain for him, who Ihould
undertake io prove the exigence of that necessity, to
enter into a detail of the present condition of the king
dom ; of the weakness and wickedness of the public Coun
cils ;'of the loss of public an+private credit : of the de
cay of hufb^ndry and trade- the dissipation of the re
venues- and the miserable condition of the navy: a de
tail of this fort would be totally disregarded ; it would
be answered at once--" The object is too important,
“ the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources
" with which God has blessed her too numerous to give
" up so many Colonies." Alas! it is well remembered
when these flattering expressions were made use of, which
vanity, ignorance, and ambition, echoed with felf com
placency. How far t' ey were then just, may now be
examined time has given a proof of their propriety,
and enables us to judge, whether the high spirit of the
people, and the resources of the kingdom, are such as
to obviate the necessity of acknowledging the Indepen
dency of America.
In the firft place, we must examine the nature of that
spirit, the firmnefs, purity, and miraculous powers of
which can (and none but such can) save a finking and
desperate people at the last gasp.
The Prince of Orange, the defeendant of him who
flrugglqd with noble fortitude in defence of his country's
liberty, against the base and violent attemps of that proud
and obstinate oppressor Philip the Second of Spain, an
swered well, when he was pressed to fay what he would
do when all hopes were over of defending his country
against an invader of its rights, liberty, and religion,---
that" he would die in the last dyke." A perfiftance to
death is the firft duty, and lad effort, of freemen:
but such perfiftance is only necessary in the cause of
religion and of liberty- those tests of our duty to
God and ourselves, without which life is not worth pof
feffing, the glory and comfort of it resulting from them.
Is the cause in which this country has plunged herfelf
of that nature, as to demand, and juftify a similar per
fiftance? Is her's the cause of liberty, or of oppression ?
I dare not answer the question; it must be left to the
sense of all Europe, the feelings of America, and the
conscience of every independent Englishman.
LETTER 11.
Although we may not determine, whether the cause in
which this country has plunged herfelf, is the cause of
liberty or oppression, it may be fafely said, that felfifh
nefs and arrogance are not the signs of true spirit. There
can be no spirit in which a man can properly pride him
felf, which is not founded on justice and honour. We
may go further; it may be said, that the nation which
violates the firft principles of society, and in particular,
those of its own Government, in order to obtain some fi-•
nifterobje&, has loft all sense of honour and justice and,
having said this, we my ask---what can be clearer in
the principles of society and letter of the Constitution,
than that no State or Potentate ought, without an ex
press commission from God, or consent of the people,
assume to themselves the power of making laws tg bind
^^^W^M^
GENERAL
SATURDAY,
O R
[ Published every Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. ]
those who have not only not given their assent, but open
ly objected thereto? What can be more unjust, than that
one part of the fubjeas of aState should have aright to the
Lordfhipover, and to dispose at their will of, thelives, pro
perty, liberties, and religion of another part thereof, at
the difiance of 3000 miles, at their pleasure, and in fub
ferviency to their interests? What can be more absurd
and wicked than to maintain, that Government was in
stituted for the benefit and emolument of the Governor,
not of the Governed ? Are not these principles contrary
to the laws of God, of reason, and the fufferance of man
in his own case ? Can any Englishman advance, or sub
mit to these wicked absurdities? Can any man of real
spirit, such as an Englishman ought to be, maintain there
must be a supreme power in Government, although such
power may be claimed by usurpation, and exercised in
tyranny? That the assent of the people is not necessary
for its establishment? that its true foundation is the pa
rental authority ? That such power cannot be refilled,
although it aims at the misery and deftrudion of its fub
jeds, and must be exercised in its full extent, though
it involves the whole Empire in one general ruin ?
The Englishman who maintains these doctrines, must
have loft the spirit of his ancestors ; who, knowing that
such tenets naturally led to the establishment of an arbri
tary, felfifh, unknowing, and unfeeling power in the King
over the people of this island, opposed him bravely and
fuccefsfully in arms, and brought about the great work
of the Revolution.
Let not that glorious event be a reproach to the pre
sent age ; it will be so in the opinion of mankind, if the
noble principles of it are contradicted in the American
contest : those principles are as just now, as they were
then. Let not the people, who manifefted a great and
necessary spirit in opposition to the wretched family
which had invaded their rights, debase and shew them
selves unworthy inheritors of the great bequest of their
ancestors.
Is it, that the people of this island, having once govern
ed the people of the continent of America with their
free consent, have such a right to govern them without
their consent, as to make it fhameful to give it up ? and
that right, once so possessed, must be ever considered
as indefeafible? Such assertion is too general there are
great ^nd noble exceptions to it : whoever maintains an
argument of this fort, must have forgot the conduct of
his ancestors, and the great example of the Roman patri
ots. The acknowledged rights of James and Tarquin,
did not prevent those of former times from driving these
oppressors from their thrtnes. The cleared right may
be forfeited by abuse ; but power is seldom quitted with
out reluctance. James and Tarquin were men of high
spirit, and, having resources, struggled to the last for the
repossession of their authority ; but James and Tarquin
being defeated in their efforts, the freedom of England
and of Rome were established at their expulsion.
When the fatal question was firft agitated, both sides
appealed to the nature, principles, and end of society,
and of government in general: and, in particular,
to the letter and spirit of the English Constitution. th^t
fide which gained nothing, but loft every thing by the
appeal, soon had recourse to arms in which, it was im
agined, they were as strong as they found themselves
weak in argument. This violent action was preceded
and accompanied by a feminine violence of speech. Ca
lumny and abuse became an engine of Government
Men were hired to provoke the people to folly and mad
ness. The Americans were publicly declared rebels and
cowards, and were considered as such by the generality
of the people, who were told so by men unquestionably
brave, and of competent judgment what was and what
was not rebellion. The former bravery of such men,
however, ftoed not in need of fuch' arts to set it off,
whatever their present loyalty might. The people, not
attending to the quarter from whence this feurrility pro
ceeded, willingly listened to, and adoptedit; their inte
rest and their honour induced them to credit the asser
tion, that the Americans were cowards and rebels: if
they were not cowards, the danger of insulting and at
tacking them would be great ; if they were not in re
bellion, they themselves were tyrants and oppressors.
This illiberal behaviour at home, spread itfelf in every
speech and action abroad. Read the Letters, Manifes
tos, and Proclamations of the generals in America is
one of them dictated by that magnanimity which scorns
mfult, and avoids the appearance of infofence ?
If proofs were wanting of the nature of the boasted spi
rit and principle of the present contest, the means which
have been used for the attainment of the national object,
having refused from them, would supply such proofs.
The methods taken to rouze the people to enter into
this deplorable business, were surely mod unworthy the
least degree of spirit. No one can recoiled, without
blushing, the invectives, bordering on feurrility, which
echoed round the walls of the mod public and solemn
places. Should any one endeavour to account for this
licentiousness of speech, he would, perhaps, do it in the
following manner.
^Wm^^^maQ, Qg
LETTER 111.
THE
^>^^B&^
ADVERTISER
LETTER IV
« "^ r % m ^" ^ h ^ h fpirit ^ and cannot part
with our subjects.” Ye country Gentlemen, this
the language of avarice and pride, which will bring you
to beggary and shame. If you have an high spirit! take
care left it shew itfelf like that of the ioconfiderate drunk
ard, who, in hs midnight broils, feruples not to draw
his (word on his best friends; or, of the bravo, who is
mfolent, because he imagines his opponent is weak or
cowardly.
You once, indeed, had a spirit, warranted by the
Constitution, and wort yof Englishmen. You had the
spirit of watchfulnefs over, and diflruft of Ministers
You were, during the reigns of the preceding Kings
the Hanover House, jealous of, and violent in eppofi
tion to, every meafu re of the Court. At present
ly submitting to the dilates of a Favourite, y o 'u have
nothing in you, but the spirit of acquiefeence in the
most pernicious conduct The Minister knows your
meanness, and has treated you accordingly.
Havingoften clamoured against taking into pay the
troops of Europe, necessary for the defence and liber
ties of this country, you were, for the fake of consist
ency, under the necessity of feemmg to be averse to a
late proposal of that kind. The Minister, having
en his part laughed in your face at your pretended
squeamishness, and pursued his project. A contempt
This condufl, which succeeded so well, is a reproach
to the nation. There was a time when such artifices
were unnecessary ; when the courage of the people of
Great Britain stood not in need of such provocations •
when they Viewed themselves possessed of real strength and
unquestioned bravery, and did not depend for success on
the weakness or cowardice of their enemy, when their
cause was so just as not to stand in need of recrimination.
The bhame of such illiberality is not more obvious than
th® folly and mifehief of it.
If it railed a kind of courage in the people of this isl
and, that led them to the mod unpitiable anions, it in
cited, at the fame time, a general opposition and abhor
rence in the Americans: it railed a resentment, which
England will feel in the four quarters of the globe.
This insolence of speech is, however, somewhat check
ed. The Americans have given the lie to their revilers
and calumniators: they have fought bravely : they
have shewn themselves possessed of the true foundation
of courage, their magnanimity and generosity, amidst
the most unworthy treatment, have astonished Great-
Britain, and met with the applause of Europe
But unfortunately, the people being in the habit of
abuse, have not considered the danger of extending it to
those who Have ever had the power and inclination to
relent every impeachment of their honour and courage
Having provoked one another by this falfe and unwor-'
thy method, to insult their ence fellow-fubjeds, they
have taken the fame ridiculous and unmanly way of a
nimTing themselves against the neighbouring nations-
The consequence of fucn proceeding may be fatal to this
country. That the vulgar and ignorant are guilty of
feurrility, may not be furprizing: but, when men of
great note give into such intemperate use of speech we
are loft in astonishment. No one of real courage 'and
knowledge would brand a whole kingdom with cowardice
especially if his situation was such as secured him from
the danger of merited resentment ; nor would a good ci
tizen fay or do any thing in the wantonness of his heart
which might in any manner prejudice the State in gene-'
ral.
Let not then an indecent freedom of speech be taken
with the people ofFrance. It will be found the French
cannot, any more than the Americans, put up with grofg
feurrility ; and that, if they cannot pluck the libeller
from his privileged shelter, they will astonish him with
the must noble ads of valour ; and, to his shame resent
the affront on the body of the people, who have not had
sense or decency to check and punilh the indignity.
Let the fubjeas of Great-Britain have a clear under
landing of that freedom of speech, of which they are
so proud, and justly tenacious, in their public proceed
ings; let them considered it as a freedom which they
claim of right to be exercised in their own proper trans
a&ions: it is a claim agiinft the interference and ani"
madverfion of their Kings; but this right, which is a
security and honour to the people of this island, ought
not to operate ag inst the repose and honour of the
neighbouring nations: it will, in that case, become a
licentiousness of the worst kind, and most dangerous
tendency. In vain will the privilege of Parliament be
pleaded agamft the resentment of a King, or nation
treated with insult within its walls. The unguarded
speeches in Parliament, from whomsoever they may
come, will be noticed out of Parliament, notwithftand
ing the refoltitions of the two Houses ; and the privilege"
which is of such consequence in England, will be con^
fidered in foreign countries not only with contempt
but abhorrence and indignation, as a cloak to a licen
tioufnefs which may, if unreftrairied, embroil the world"
OCTOBER 16, 1779.
THE
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