The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1779-03-11 00:00:00, page 2

m you can ootain tomething petter in;neu ot it. 'Your
privilege of cutting logwood in the Bi, of Honduras, is
ufele^/now that so much better is brought from Cam
peachey. And considering their fixation, you cannot
long possess the Floridas, or with to hold the Bahamas.
Why not then abandon all these things to Spain, who can
give you territory of far greater value, and may perhaps
extricate you from the embarrafaent of your finances.
Nova Scotia, inhabited as it is by emigrants from the
eastern lines, and commodious for their filheries, is useless
to you, tho' necessary for us. Nor can you suppose we
shall think you sincere, if, in a treaty of perpetual peace,
you infill on keeping. Halifax to check our hiheries and
letter our commerce. Bermuda is so dependent on us,
that you cannot will to hold it in terrorem at a certain na
tional expence, when it can be of no national advantage.
Especially as compensation may be made you, in various
ways, for ceding these things. Among other benefits you
may nope from the cession are these, the saving of men
and money ; neither of which you abounded. A return
pt the tweets of American commerce, which h continuance
of hoflilnies may deprive you of for ever; and a certain
and firm guarantee of all your American peffeffions.
Great-Britain and Ireland condensed within themselves,
will become more powerful than with their late domains.
Being not so easily attacked, their defence will be less ex
pepfive. They will be more capable of offence, because
their force will not be employed in the protection of distant
poffehrons. You can have nothing to apprenead from us,
because our system is from its nature, and must be trom
necedity, pacific and commercial. You will become more
populous, because you will not fuffer the fame waste of
men frqm emigrations, garrisons, &c. By admitting a re
yrefentation from Ireland, your government might be fim
olified so as to become aQive and efficacious. It is no pa
radox to fay, thaj your manufaaures would be in a mote
flourishing situation. Those in which you cannot rival o
ilver nations, might languifli; but those which are natural
to you, and being derived from your own relourc.es, do
not depend upon fortuitous incidents : These would be be
nefited by the accession of that money, labor, and inge
nuity, which is now directed to other objects. And as
tnefe manufactures are not precarious, the wealth of a
country miaht fafely be refUd upon them. It is a mirtake,
that exclusive privileges are advantageous. The character
of a monopolizer is as odious, applied to a nation, as it is
th a mad, and as unprofitable as it is contemptible, but
I beg pardon) Sir, for political disquisitions to so refined
a politician, and for mentioning the means of peace to one
enamoured of war. To the force of necessity ; to the em
•barrafTment of your finances; tp that w..eel of fortune
which you wish not to be thrown out of, and whole revo
lutions will place your country as low in this as Ine was
hi^h in the last war ; to these I leave you. When all o
ther views are precluded, then you wdl fee your true in
terests, and then you will join in a prayer for peace witli
Your most obedient and humble servant,
An AMERICAN.
Philadelphia, March 4, 1779.
To the Printer , of the Pennsylvania Packet.
SIR, .
Ry giving 'he following queries a place in your oeful
paper, you will oblige one of your customers.
ifi. HETHER George the First, on his accef-
V, fion to the throne of Great Britain, did not,
by making himfel/the King of a party inflend of the whole
nation, sow the feeds of the subversion, not only of the li
berties of the people, but of the ruin of the whole em
pire?
2d. Whether, by p^fcribing that class of men his mi-
Diftry were pleased to call Tories, he did not in the end
make them in reality Tories and Jacobites ?
id. Whether the consequences of these measures were
not two rebellions; and whether the fruits of these rebel
lions were not septennial parliaments—a large Handing
army—an enormous additional pecuniary weight and in
fluence thrown into the scale es the Crown, which in a
few years have borne down the substance if liberty all
sense of pntriotifm —th^ morals of the people and in the
end, overturned the mighty fabric!: of the British em
pire ? , r , . ,
4th Whether the present Rulers of Pennsylvania do
not tread exactly in the steps of the ministry alluded
to, by proscribing and disfranchifing three fourths of the
citizens of the Rate, upon suspicion only of their being
Tories? Whether liberty to be durable, should not be
conftruded upon as broad a basis as possible? Whether
the fame causes do not always produce the fame effects ?
And whether it is not natural for men, who have been
Stripped of their rights by the hand of unjust power, to
with for, and secretly aim at, the deffrudion of the wel.
fare of the wh .le community?
gth. Whether the strength and happmefs of this state
does not depend upon tne number of the people who have
a viable interest in its freedom and independance ?'
6th. Whether the test imposed upon the Freemen of the
state previous to their exercising the right of voting for
Rulers, was not designed to keep the whole power of the
state in the hands of a small faction ?
7 th. Whether @y power on earth has a right to de
prive a Freeman cf the privilege of chufing his Rulers,
except in cases es proven incapacity or guilt ?
Sth. Whether all laws throwing obftncl.es in the way of-
Freemen voting at eleftions, are not infringements of the
constitution of the state?
9th. Whether the test law of Pennsylvania, which not
only has a retrospective operation, but dives into the hearts
and conferences of all who take it, is not the most absurd,
tyrannical and wicked-law that ever was palled jn a free
country?
10th. Whether political ; s not as bad as religious feerfe
cution for confidence-fake ?
nth. Whether it is not as absurd to look for uniform
it, in political as it is in religious opinions ?
izth. Whether unlimited power is not as dangerous in
the hands of one jet of men, as another ?
13th. Whether all men are not naturally tyrants: and
whether the perfection of governments does not consist in
bridling and checking the lust of dominion which belongs
to all men — Whigs as well as Tories?
14th. Whether in reforming abuses, or correcting er
rors in government, a wife man ,should praßife the one, and
conformed the' other, or openly bppofe both ?
15th. ,Whether a community is fafe, iVhen the voice and
influence of one man can make and repeal laws ? ,
16th. Whether this monopoly of power does not often
prove as fatal to the possessor of it, as it is odious to the
people over whom it is exercised ? and whether it is not
repugnant to every idea of republicanism?
17 th. Whether the op,6fition to a convention for a
meuding the constitution among the honest and jealo s
Whigs of Pennfy vania, does not arise from an opinion
artfully propagated among them, that the constitution in
its present form is the best fafeguard of the liberties of ,o&r
people ? —Whether this is not a mofi palpable falfehood?
And whether the present constitution is not calculated to
throw all The power of the state into the hands of rich
men?
TH E great purpose of legislation is to do justice to all
men. To secure to all their rights, privileges and
property. When men are called together to legislate for
a people, and deviate from this, they become contempti
ble in the eyes of the world. Those whom they attempt
to govern, despise them; and as their actions merit, so
will their constituents approver reprobate their conduct
It is beneath the chara&ers of r^en legally chosen and in
Assembly met, to view one part of their constituents as
proper objects to distress, whilst another part are court
ed by them as friends, and rewarded largely for their pro
fehions. They ought to view all their constituents as legal
members of the state, and deal out justice impartially with
out diftin&ion to fe&s or parties. No man, either for his
profeffion or opinion, ought to fuffer. With refpe& to
taxation all should contribute according to their abilities ,
and that only should be the rule for those to decide upon,
whose duty it is to point out the proper objects of taxa
tion. That our Assembly in their legislative capacity this
sessions are like to deviate from the above maxims, is evi
dent from the two following quotations from laws publish
ed by them for the consideration of the people. In the
aft to raise the supplies for the year 1779, is the following:
" And that all and every person or persons, having, using,
< c or exercising any public office or employment, (such
" military officers who are or shall be in niuftef by the
“ Mufler-MaHer General of the United States, or of this
« slate, and salaries voted by the General Assembly of the
" fate, only excepted) shall yield and pay the sum
“ of Five Shillings for every Twenty Shillings he or they
^ do receive in one year, by virtue of any fees, profits,
“ perquisites, or advantages whatsoever to him or them
'• accruing, for or by reaf@n of such their offices or em
« ployments " In thea&, intitled, An a& to increase the
fines and penalties on public officers for refufal or neglect
of duty ; and also to augment the fees of officers herein
aftermentioned, is the following clause: " That from and
" after the publication of this ad, the several fees of the
" Attorney General, Sheriff, Coroner, Justices of the
" Peace, Justices of the Common Pleas, Justices of the
" Orphans Court, Prothonotary or Clerk of the Supreme
" Court, Clerk of the General Quarter Sessions of the
“ Peace, Prothenotary or Clerk of the Court of Common
<c Pleas, Clerk of the Orphans Court, the Register of the
" several counties, Master of the Rolls, and of the feve
" ral Recorders of Deeds, Attornies, Constables, and
“ Cryer of the Court, and all other the civil officers in this
« government (except the officers herein after-named)
< r whofe fees Rood regulated by the laws thereof in force
“ on the 25th es March 1778, foall be three times the sum
" and sums as they refpeSively at that time food ra r ed."
Here I cannot but lament the great difficulty and expeace
thrown in the way of justice; these enormous fees will re
quire, in many cases, the injured person to throw away a
small fortune, before he can obtain justice of his oppres
sor, or recover his property from a thief. From the clause ?
firft quoted, every servant of Congress is obligated to pay
one-fourth part of their whole income or salary :—whilh
the other clause increases the income and salary of the
servants of Assembly, three times the sum they flood
rated. Why this partiality from men sworn to do justice
to the people and their liberties ? Why this diflin,&ion be
tween the fer^jants of Congress and Assembly ? Are they not
all, as their several appointments require, engaged in pro
moting and securing the great cause of Independancy?
I tru ft the bare mentioning so great and glaring a piece of
injustice, will be fufficient to prevent the Hon. House of
Assembly doing so great an injury to so valuable a part of
the community as those employed by CongrKs ; many of
whom reside here only to be convenient so Congress.
Wealth ought to be the object of taxation, be it in whose
hands it may, whether officers of the state or of Congress;
in this enquiry it only ought to be fought for, as nothing
else, however tortured or distressed, can afford the neces
sary aid for the support of government find the slate. The
Assembly would have aded more confident with the cha
rather they profefs, by recommending the servants of
Congress, both in the civil and military line, to the con
sideration of that Honourable Body, as proper objeds of
their benevolence ; their perfeyerance in the cause they
have engaged in, merit more than they receive, and is
deserving reward from the House of Assembly, not injury.
The House may, with great propriety, begin their me
morial, by adopting the clause proceeding that which
raises the wages of their own officers. Sure I am, it is li
terary true with refpe£ tto the civil and military under
Congress, and I dare venture to fay, if their merits are
much longer neglected, the fame bad consequences will be
experienced by Congress that the Assembly dreaded, and
are providing against.
SOCRATES.
18th. Whether absolute poraer is not more to be dread
ed in the hands of rich men, than in the hands of men of
middling property?
19th. Whether the mode prescribed in the constitution,
for proportioning reprefentatiefa to taxation, will- not
immediately'terror the ambitious views of rich men ?
20th. Whether the legislature of Fehnfylvania, if it re
mains three years longer in the hands of ©ne body of men,
will not be as complete an arifocracy as the Republic of
Venice?
%ift. Whether the present leaders of the people will be
as dear to them four years hence as they are now?
2zd. Whether honefy is not as much the best policy in
public as it is in private life ?
DEWIT T.
For the PENNSYLVANIA PACKET.
In GENERAL ASSEMBLY of Pennsylvania,
Thursday, March 4th, 1779."
The bill intitled, A fupplemcnt to an ad intitled
an aft for the attainder of divers traitors, if they render
not tuemfelves by a certain day, and for vetting Qr
estates ip this commonwealth, and for more effectually
discovering the fame, and for afeertaining and fatisfyin^
the lawful debts and claims thereupon," being read the
second time, and debated by paragraphs, was thereupon
ordered to be tranferibed for a third reading, and printed
in tne mean time for public consideration.
Extract from the minutes,
JDHN MORRIS, Junior
Gierk of the General Assembly.
A SUPPLEMENT to an aft intitted, " An act fc r &
attainder oj divers traitors, ij they render not tbemjelves
by a certain day, and for wefttng their elates in this com
<muHiueallb, and for more effeaually diferocring the fame,
andjor afcertatniug and fotifying the lavjue debts and
claims tbereupen?
WH EREAS in and by the aft above-mentioned
puffed at Lancaster the sixth day of March, in
the year One thousand seven hundred and feventy-eiabr
it is enacted, that the Frefideßt, or Vice-Prefi Rut, and
Council, may and sh 11, within twelve months after the
claims and debts upon the efta,es therein described ih^
be refpe&ively adjudged, or in case there shall be n®
debts, fell, or cause the said estates to be fold by audios
to the best and highest bidder;
AND WHEREAS it is highly necessary and expe
dienb to compel an exhibition of such debts or demands
in a reasonable time, and prevent farther wafle and fpoi!
of the said estates, and to make seasonable provifien for
the defence of the Rate and the contingent charges there
of, that the said estates, both real and perfoi^l, should
be f®ld without further delay, and the monies thence aris
ing carried into the public.trehfury for the purposes afore
faid.
Be it therefore enabled, and it is hereby enaßed by the Re
presentatives of the Freemen of the Cbmmomueahb of Penr.-
fylvama, in General Assembly met, and by the authority of
the fame, That the Prefidentor Vice President and Coun
cil, may and shall, with all convenient speed, fell, or
cause to be fold by public außion to the best and highest
bidder, all and every the estates of traitors, duly forfeited
to this commonwealth by virtue of the a— to which this
isa supplement, er, by virtue of any judgment of any
vourt of law within this state, and cause the monies aris
ing from foch sales to be paid into the pu& treasury of
this commonwealth in manner herein after directed ; any
thing in the said aft to the contrary notwith ftandin^.
And be it further enabled by the authority a/orefaid" Thai
whenever such intended sales shall be advertised, public
notice shall also be given to the creditors of the said trai
tors, and to all claimants upon the said refpe&ive estates,
to exhibit their several claims and demands to the Justices
of the Supreme Court fee payment or fatisfadion, as is
by the said ad directed, within thereafter
if residents within this state, or within
if residents in any other of the United States, or be fore
ver barred from the recovery thereof.
Philadelphia, March
We are authbriled to fay, that remonstrances from above
fifteen hundred more of the Freemen of this State, ag^inft
taking the sense of the people concerning calling a new
Convention to revile the Constitution, and calling upo&
the Assembly to refeind their resolves of the 28th of No
vember lafi, have been delivered in since Saturday the
27th of Februarf. The whole number of the Citizens of°
this State, who have thus Ipontaneotifly declared their
minds on this occasion, are about fifteen thousand ; a far
greater number than were ever known to manifeft their
diliike of any public proceedings by this mode heretofore.
The Members of the House were so generally convinced
that the body of their condiments harmonized in repro
bating the resolves of Assembly, unanimously entered in
to last fitting, that seven only refufed to agree to the vote
for rewinding. These were Robert Morris, GeorgeCly
mer, Samuel Meredith, and General Mifflin, Esquires,
Representatives for this City, and George Woods, Ber
nard Dougherty and Thomas Smith, (brother to Proyolt
Smith) Efqrs. of Bidford County ; on the other hand f^r
ty-feven concurred in fatisfying the withes of rhe-people,
on a fubjeM in which the public happiness is deeply inte
rested.
Provided always, nevertheless, That if any such credi
tor or claimant shall at the time of such notice given, be
within the age of twenty-one years, feme covert, non
compos mentis, imprisoned, or beyond sea, that then
such person or persons shall be at liberty to exhibit their
claims or demands as other persons now may, so as the
fame be done within after such disability is
removed.
And be it further enabled by the authority aforefaid, That
if any process or proceedings, by virtueof which any
such attainder or judgment has been or may be made as
aforefaid, shall hereafter be reversed or made void for er:
ror, or for any other cause whatsoever, the fame shall not
affect or injure, or in any wife operate against any bona
fide purchaser under this ad, but against the state only:
But every such purehafer shall hold and possess the estate
by him purchased for ever exonerated and difeharged of
all former claims and demands whatsoever in law or equi
ty (other than such as are herein after mentioned) and in
every such case the plaintiff in error, or person injured by
the attainder or judgment, by virtue of which any such
estate shall be fold, shall apply to the legislature to be in
demnified out of the public treasury to the amount of the
purchase-money of such estate.
Provided always, That no claim against any forfeited
estate shall be admitted by the Justices of the Supreme
Court, but such as might have been brought and support
ed against the person forfeiting such estate at or before the
time of such forfeiture, or such as were or may be cony
traded at or before that time to become due and payable
thereafter.
And be it further enabled by the authority aforefaid, That
all sales and other alienations of any goods, chattels or
personal estate whatsoever, made „ any person after his
convidion or attainder for treason, or by any of his or her
agent or agents, atto'rny or attornies, after the 'commiffi
on of the fad or facts whereupon such attainder or convic
tion is founded, shall be deemed and adjudged, and are
hereby declared to be fraudulent and void to all intents
and purposes.