The Rhode-Island American, and general advertiser — Providence [R.I.], 1810-01-26 00:00:00, page 2

ter presenting the memorial to thr King oi
Great-Britain, to publish it together with
th' letter.*for the information of the Bri
fish nation. The Chancellor Zinzeiidort
affirm* in this letter, “ that it is easy to see.
that the speech was made* fos no other
purpose but to excite, the nation to aQ open
- war with the Emperour and Spain, and t<>
make the Parliament approve the
tate and burthensome measures, which
the government has taken t for private
ends, too well known.
” Th»- allegations, (continues the histori
an,) contained in <his letter andmemoiia.
se> m but too well founded—huk the intent
pci at - language of these papers gave high
and just offence; and Mr. SU'ippcn, Mr.
Huag'-rf'ird, Sir William Wyndham, and
all the leaders of the opposition in Parlia
ment, warmly concurred in the address,
presented to the throne on this occasion.—
(Sec Belshim’s George I. p 190. et.seq.)
Are you not astonished, Sir, at the auda
city of those who have dared to identify
this case of M. Palm, with that of Mr.
Jackson ? whose stupid temerity has rested
your defence on a ground so untenable;
and one which at the same time subjects
you to imputation not less disgraceful than
those which will forever attach to the Ha
noverian politicks of the House of Bruns
wick ? Be not alarmed, Sir, I shall not
exercise my privilege of speech even to the
extent in which it was enjoyed by the wor
thy Aiderman of London, although were 1
on the floor of Congrws, I should lay my
thoughts be fore you in a constitutional man
ner certainly not with less freedom than
I do at present. Be. assured, Sir, that
(whatever you tnny have been told by your
Ministers, and which they have got at se-
• cond and third hand from the creatures of
Wilkinson, backed by the testimony of the
contractors) there is not a single important
post in the United States, (except pet haps
Philadelphia and New-Orleans, which owe
their safety chiefly to local situation,) that
has any efficient protection from an ene
my’s fleet, other than what may be affuid
ed by its own population, and those arms
which the resoutces of the several states
may have furnished. Immoveable batte
ries, (whatever our Hyde-Park Generals
and Colonels may tell you,) are unable to
cope, [even with the aid of gun-boats,'}
with the Leviathan-agility of a ship of the
line. As well may the trees of our swamps,
backed by the musquetoes that nestle and
hide in their branches, defy the axe of the
vigorous and hardy backwoods-man. Our
understandings are not yet so benumbed by
the torpedos of Mr, Fulton as to rely for
our defence on this miserable system, or
even on the ingenuity ot this [tof-dwou/,]
Archimedes. Are these the resources for
carrying on a war against a nation, one
branch of whose revenue alone, has* during
the past year, under the management of a
driveling ministry, increased by a sum of
near five millions of dollars ?
•• But all this, Sir, you may say, and per
haps not unjustly, is mere surmisk. Let
us come then to facts, to damning facts,
which unmask the junto by whom you are
surrounded; whose victim you will as
suredly be if you consent to become their
instrument, or their dupe. Deceive your
•elf not Sir, with the belief that yue owe
the support which you have received from
these men to any regard for your publick
ee 'ices, any respect for your abilities, ot
attachment to your person. Considerations
“ Sir John Barnard, as able and upright
a patriot as ever sat in a legislative body
declared in hia place, in the year 1727.
** that the usserjiuns hazarded io royal
speeches or messages, were not to be im
plicitly relied upon; for that the crown
might assert, and in fact had asserted, in
consequence of lusty, or treacherous in
formation, what afterwards proved not
to be true. Parliament hid, (he said,)
been assured l»y a sole mu speech from tin
throne that an alliance had been entered
into between the Emperour and Spain, in
conformity to the secret articles of which,
Gibraltar was to have been wrested from
us, and the pretender placed by force w.
the throne of Great-Britain. Considering
the situation and circumstances of the con
tra* yog powers at that period, this intel
ligence appeared to many, at that time,
romantick and incredible; and it was now
known to be false, though it was then re
presented jus highly dircsfiectfyl to the
crown, so much as to doubt it**
“ It is remarkable enough, that this de
claration of Sir John Barnard refers to
that speech of the King of England, made
in the preceding reign, which gave such
just umbrage to the court of Vienna, that
M. de Palm, the Imperial Minister at Lon
don was ordered by the Emperour to pre
sent a remonstrance to the British Court,
charging the King “ with calumnious mis
representations, and with hazarding as
sertions void of all foundation ;** and
seating that his Imperial Majesty was
struck with the utmost astonishment, that
thr King of Great-Britain could suffer him
self to*be prevailed upon to deciare front
the royal throne, to that most renowned
nation, as certain and undoubted facts.
things absolutely void of all foundation."
With this memorial was transmitted from
Vienna, a letter from the Chancellor Zin
zendorf, (the Imperial Prime Minister,) t<>
Count Palm, exptessly commanding him
in the name of his Imperial Majesty, af
of a nature quite foreign to all these led
o their selection of yourself as President
f the United States; and when these pur
poses shall be answered they will lay you
aside with as little ceremony, or scruple,
ts they put aside your venerable lieu
tenant on a recent occasion. They have
every quality of lago, but his abilities*—
Thein are purely se[fish. They
wanted a capital of character, and they
cast about ftp* some one who could furnish
it; they pitched upon you, (as they had
before done upon Mr. Clinton.) as one who
would answer their purposes, and not be
ip the way after they should be answered
But to oar facts. Paulo maj ora canamus.
“ The brother of the Emperour ol
France, (and I might say of continental
Europe,) marries a beautiful American
woman: the feelings of manhood have nut,
as yet, been extinguished in him by the
infection of royalty. He carries his preg
nant wife to his brother’s dominions. Shr
is sternly denied the rites of hospitality.—
The blood of an honest American woman
is deemed unworthy to mingle with the
pure stream of a military adventurer. In
jury is followed by insult. By the mandate
of despotism the feelings of the lover, thr
husband and the man are ordered to be
suppressed, and they are suppressed ac
cordingly, The unhappy mother is driven
like another Hagar to a strange, and to
her, (partaking of the character of hei
husband,) hostile land—there to drop her
burthen. By the strong hand of power the
marriage is dissolved. Those whom God
had joined, man—impious, upstart man,
dares to put asunder. The marriage ip de
clared •uotSg-the issue is bastardized. The
father having taken to himself hy com
mand another wife of royal blood, the dis
consolate mother returns with her infant
charge to the bosom of her country and her
friends for tuna tarn sua si bona norit. But
she is destined again to become, (with
'he unoffending fruit w her womb,) the
port of avarice and ambition. Carry in
vour mind, Sir, that she is the' niece of
your Secretary of State and of a Senator ot
Maryland by blood ; of a conspicuous Jtid
influential member of the Ilnuse of R» pre
untatives. by marriage—that she is the
sister of the man to whom he has given his
daughter as a wife—that she is connected
bx affinity with the family of your prede
cessor ;-—with the Attorney-General of
Virginia ;—that her connexions are rami
fied from Lake Ontario in the north tn
Kentucky in the west:— that Wilkinson is
their bosom friend, and that Burr was al
most domesticated with them until the very
eve of his downfall. It required no great
penetration to see, that if ever this con
nexion should obtain possession of the gov
ernment of the United States, Bonaparte
would be wanting in his usual sagacity if
he did not attempt, (notwithstanding past
injuries and insults,) to make use of them
through tys nephew, and that thry would
depart not less widely from their maxim,
“ rem quocumque rnodo rem,** (which al
though they should be unable to trans
late they fully, understand,) if they fail
ed to avail themselves of his gracious
condescension—(“ A great deal of money,
sister Heidelburg!— taste damnably of the
Borachio Mister Canton!”) By a chain of
circumstances, which seem to set wisdom
and virtue equally at defiance, these illite
rate aspiring people, after various tergiver
sations, (“ too tedious to enumerate,”) do
actually possess themselves of the govern
ment of the Onited States and the state of
Maryland, especially, again submits itself
to the proprietary rule of the new Lords
Baltimore. The situation of General Tur
reau is peculiarly calculated to impress him
with a deep sense of the consequence of the
Smith family. What is the result ? Ma
dame Bonaparte, {alias, Miss Patterson,)
.is forthwith created a Dutchess, and her
son a Prince of the Empire! And the
Councils of the United States after a mo
mentary fluctuation accommodate them
selves, at once, to the views of France!
The inference is irrisistible. Let me ask
you, Sir, if the ppople of the United States
would endure, that a royal Dutchess and a
Prince <f the blood of England —(suppose
it to be Lady Augusta Murray and her
bastardized son,) should stand in the rela
tion in which this poor child and his mother
stand to the great officers of state, and the
influential leaders of our councils in con
gress ? The late rumoured resignation, if
true, of one of the grand uncles of our
Crown-Prince, and especially the manner
of it, and more especially the character <f
that man, is calculated rather to excite
than to allay suspicion as to him. Do you
think, Sir, it required any spirit of prophe
cy to suggest, as was done in debate two
years ago, that “ perhaps the Prince Regent
of the future sovereign of America was then
within the walls of the capitol I'* It required
only •• sagacity** to perceive that Bonaparte
must make use of the tools then in our coun
cils, if unhappily they should succeed in
retaining, (much more in increasing,) their
influence.
“ This sagacity, which young Ministers
cannot understand is the true source nf in
telligence—Sagacity to compare causes
and effects; to judge of the present state of
things, and to discern the future by a care
ful review of the past. Oliver Cromwell
who astonished mankind by his intelligence,
did not derive It from spies in the cabinet
and some other of his worthy compeers
have been supposed fit tp vote taxes and
appropriations. He is therefore every way
calculated to set brave men and generous
nations the ears, whilst he hobbles off
with the spoil.
“ Nothing but the power, which by some
strange, mysterious dispensation of provi
dence, he seems to have acquired of being
hurtful to my country, could induce me
to stain my paper or to pollute my lips
with the mention of his name.—” But the
lleel of the seed of the woman shall bruise
the head of the serpent.” The publick
good requires it—God himself hath com
manded it. The French faction in the
heart of our country, in the bosom of our
councils shall be unmasked. I devote my
self to the task. ‘ I will follow the sacred
impulse of conscience and zeal, even if it
lead to ruin and to martyrdom. lam pre
pared toencounter their rage. Their ven
geance will pursue me through life ; and
yet I would not suppress or soften a word
for all the applauses, and all the honours,
which they and their master can bestow,
“ Fake his his own lips.
Compare I beseech you, Sir, his late
speeches in the Sen ate—the last especially,
as it appears in the ” National Intelligen
cer,” with those which, no doubt, you have
heard him utter Ob the floor of the House
of Representatives, in justification of the
revolutionary government of France, and
in crimination of his own government, ad
ministered by the father of his country !
then judge yourself of his principles. Re
member, Sir, that he was the only man who
had the hardihood, [the coward will bk.st
phetne his God,] publickly to* insult the
great founder of our Wh a you
once thought due to the awful Majesty of
his character may be inferred from the ad
dresses of the House of Ht presentatives,
(so many of which have flowed from your
pen,) in answer to his speeches to the two
Houses of Congress.
of ev%ry Prince io Europe: he drew it
from the Cabinet <f hie own sagacious
mind. He observed facts and traced them
forward tu their consequences. From what
was, he concluded what must be, and hr
never was deceived,* But with all their
adventitious advantages of upstart wealth
and alliance, this new family compact is
utterly destitute of that sort of talent,
which, with all the decorations of scenery
and dress, set off by stage trick and puff,
paragraphs, can impose, even for a sea
son, on an intelligent people. Accordingly
they cast about for an ally, and they find
in Mr. Giles precisely the character they
want. This man, although ignorant and
illiterate, and vulgar as themselves, pos
sesses in a high degree talents of a certain
sort. He is every way calculated to have
been the tool of Marat, and Danton, and
Robespierrre, and like those worthies of
jacobinism, is a fit precursor of an * Em
perour of the two Americas.* His know
ledge, although chiefly confined to Hoyle’s
games and what he has picked up at the
ordinaries and cross-roads of Virginia and
from the brothels and gaming houses in
Philadelphia, is far from being despicable’
Such as it is, it is suited to 'he part he is
destined and which alone he is fitted to
act; and when aided by his utter destitu
tion of principle, and enforced by his im
pudence, is truly formidable. Having none
of his own to protect, he has the greater
leisure and capacity to take charge of the
honour of his country. Upon the same
principle, I suppose, that beau —.. .
” But I have exhausted my own strength
and most probably your patience ; and yet
before I again solicit its exercise, for I
must again throw myself on your attention,
I would beg leave to remind you of the
opinion of some of the ablest men in Eu
rope of our present situation. These wri
ters, it is proper to premise, are as strenu
ous sticklers for our rights to the colonial
trade ; as bitter enemies to the Orders in
Council, and their ” contemptible fabrica
tors ;” and as great admirers of the cha
racter and administration of Mr. Jefferson,
as any men in America.
“ While they remain at peace however,
(say the Edinburgh reviewers, speaking of
ourselves, vol. 12, page 476,) “ and con
tinue to prosper, their present government
will answer well enough. The truth is that
in such a situation they scarcely require
any government at all; and their political
arrangements are more matters of specula
tion to the ambitious, than the concern
ment of the truly patriotick. But war
would give a tremendous shock to all these
arrangements; nor do we see indeed how
they could maintain any considerable army
without the adoption of a different system
of government.” [They advise a consoli
dation.] “ 7'he very high wages of labour
would make the expense of their establish
ment far greater than in any other coun
try in the world; and their antipathy to all
sorts of taxes would make it far more dif
ficult to d<fray that expense. The govern
ment would become unpopular on occasion
of the slightest disaster. Party spirit and
local interests would'easily graduate into
rebellion; and the whole frame of the con
stitution, it appears to us, would be in dan
ger of falling to pieces.” I cannot accord
with those learned criticks in the opinion
“ that the state governments ought to ba
dissolved but with them I agree, that
the mam.'icture of our taws should be en-
“ With the continent of Europe at his
command what is to prevent Napoleon
from conquering the world? Will he be
satisfied with what he has already con
quered ? Be not deprived. Alexander, af
ter he had conquered the world, wept be
cause then, was no other world to conquer.
Napoleon cannot stop if he would—he has
large armies, and they must be employ
ed. Military achievements are the only
road to honour in a military nation. His
ambitious and aspiring officers, will tflfrst
for opportunities to signalize thrmsehes,
and will have war as long as there is an
independent nation to make war upon.—
What then, I ask again, is to prevent
Napoleon from conquering the world ?
“ I answer, England. In giving this an
swer, I know I subject myself to be call
ed a tory. For fear of being so called,
shall I not speak the truth ? My country
men, I disregard all that can be said about
my being a tory ; and I despise and abhor
the wretch who calls me so, for I am none.
Yet I speak boldly—if the people of the
United States will not hearthetruth; if
any scoundrel, who can cry tory, can in
duce them to turn a deaf ear to it, then an
we indeed lost In my soul, I believe, that
England alone stands between the world
and universal domination; and believing
so, I should despise myself if I feared to
tell you so.
“Give France the British navy, by
which she could transport millions of sol
diers into our defenceless country, could
we successfully resist them ? If we could,
how much blood and how much treasure
must we spend in our defence? Let every
American seriously ask himself these ques
tions.
“The French Republick began their
revolution by declaring war against kings.
They have ended it by waging war against
the liberties of the world. The Romans
were a nation of soldiers, and conquered
the world. The French are a nation of sol
diers and never will be satisfied but with
universal domination.
” The nations on the continent of Eu
rope, have either surrendered to his arms,
or under the name of allies, are subject to
her will. Spain indeed, is yet struggling
for her liberties, but there is too much rea
son to fear that it is the last struggle of
an expiring nation.
“ As the energies of the People,” say
President Madison, in answer to J. G. Jack
son, Chairman of a Regiment in Virginia
who sent a quantity of RESOLUTION:*
to our government for the purpose of fight
ing Great-Britain ; “ as the energies of th<
people,” are the only foundation on which
next to the favour of heaven, we ought t»
rest the security of every thing dear to i.
free and independent nation, it may not be
unacceptable to him to read the account o'
the Federal meeting in Mew- York, fot
supporting Jonas Platt, Esq. Govern
our of New-York. The following extracts
from an excellent speech of Mr. D. B. Og
den, on this occasion, deserve perusal:
“If we go to war with England, we
must either be successful or unsuccessful.
If successful, we should be ruined, if un
successful, disgraced.
“ Why then do our rulers mean to force
us into a war which must injure us mate
rially, let its issue be what it may ; let the
advocates for the war answer for them
selves ; they tell us because the British
minister has dared to insinuate that Robert
■Smith, our Secretary of State, knew what
he did not know, and which he had told the
British Minister he did not know. This
insult as it is called, is the avowed reason
why Mr. Jackson has been dismissed ; why
resolutions have been passed by large ma
jorities in Congress, declaring in language
the moat indecorous and provoking to G.
Britain, that the President should be sup
ported. Is it for this that every thing has
rbeen done which our rulers think may in
duce Great-Britain to make war upon us,
in which we shall be called on to shed out
blood, to spend our treasure, to risk the
existence of our nation ? Are the people of
the United States ready to enter into such
a war for such a reason ?”
trusted only to the master workmen of the
country. PHILO-LAOS.”
■—
“ The People's energies at Mew- York.*'
T here, has been very little done in the
House this day. The most of the time has
been taken up with contested elections
which is a subject of very little conse
quence to the people of the United States
in general.
Mr. Sheffey offered a resolution which,
was adopted by the House, to appoint a
committee to inquire and report whether
the monies drawn from the Treasury be
tween the third of March, 1801,
fourth of March, 1809, had been faithfully
applied and properly accounted for.
The great question, or rather little ques
tion which has took up the time of the
House these two days past was decided a’
two o'clock this day. On the question on
the resolution of the committee of elec
tions for vacating the seat of Jonathan Jen
nings, there ware only thirty in the af-
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Friday, January 12.
Congre##.
Boston Gaz.
James Madison,
President of the United States.
Monday, January 15.
Mr. Lyon appeared and took his seat.
Mi. Mumford appeared and took his seat. •
Mr. Emmott presented a petition from
Mr. Ma'kon and others, merchants of New-
York, praying the cancelling of their bond
for double duties, on a cargo of merchan
dise, brought from Europe, without a
knowledge of the reinstatement of the non
intercourse law. Referred to the commit
ee of commerce and manufactures.
M ACON’S BILL.
The House resumed the consideration
>f the bill respecting the commercial inter
course between the United States and
Great-Britain and France and their de
pendencies.
Mr. Burwell moved to postpope its fur
ther consideration until to-morrow. He
remarked, that he had some propositions
which he wished to submit to the House
before this bill were further discussed, and
is soon as the message of the President on
Friday last should be printed and laid on
their table. The propositions related to
the commerce of this country with Europe.
He thought it would be consistent with the
honour of the United States to mark out
distinctly those commercial rights, for
which they were determined to contend.—
If the naval force were not to be used to
protect and defend those rights, it was a
waste of publick money to make appropri
ations, from session to session, for the sup
port of that force. He thought he could
demonstrate, at a proper time, to the
House, that this country could now prose
cute a trade to the continent of Europe,
through the northern ports, almost as ex
tensively as at any past time. He was
willing to establish such principles and
Ailes in our commerce with the bellige
rents, as would be to us even still more un
favourable. He would consent to a modifi
cation in some respects pointed out by the
belligerents themselves, and thus place
the United States on a still higher ground
of justice. Mr. Burwell said, if we sub
mitted to the deprivation of rights which
we ought to enjoy, our independence was
at an end; but fixing them on a scale
pointed out by foreign nations themselves,
every bone of contention would be at an
end.—That he might have an opportunity
<>f submitting propositions in relation to
these subjects, he hoped his motion for
postponement would prevail.
Sir —I have the honour of laying before
you a report of the operation of the Mint
for the last year.
From the Treasurer’s statement here
with transmitted, it Will appear that dur
ing this period there have been issued
from the Mint, of gold coins in half eagles,
33,875 pieces, amounting to 166,375 dollars;
of silver coins* in half dollars and dimes,
1,450,520 pieces, amounting to 767,376d011ars
lars ; and of copper coins in cents and half
cents, 1,377,439 pieces, amounting to 8,001
dollars, 53 cents—making in the whole two
millions eight hundred and sixty-one thou
sand eight hundred and thirty-four pieces
of coin, amounting to eight hundred and
eighty-four thousand seven hundred and
fifty-two dollars fifty-three cents.
The supply of bullion is still abundant;
nor is there any apprehension of a defi
ciency.
This motion was carried by a large ma
jority. ,
The House then went into committee of
ihe whole, on the bill to deprive, in cer
tain cases, vessels of their American cha
racter ; and to prevent, under certain dis
abilities, any citizen of the United States
from taking a license from any foreign
power to navigate the ocean, or trade with
any other foreign or independent power—
Mr. Helms in the chair.
Mr. Livermore opposed, and Mr. M'Kitn
supported the bill.
firmative, Mr. Jennings of courMkeeps his
-eat.
Messages from the President, covering
eports from the Secretary of Stale con
aining information called for by the House
on the 6th <>f December, and on the Jd
in st. were read and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Macon gave notice that he should
call up his bill respecting the commercial
intercourse between this and foreign coun
tries on Monday.
The following is the report of the di
rectory of the Mint, as laid before Con
fess last Wednesday:
Mint of the United States, Jan. 1,1810.
Mr. Newton remarked, that the object
of the bill Was to prevent and to punish
prostitutions of the American flag,
Mr. Pickman objected to the hill, on the
ground that it wnuld totally destroy the
trade to the Baltick. It was customary for
American, as well as other vessels, to pro
cure licenses from the Danish government
tit pass the Sound, and to trade with the
empire of Russia.
Mr. Newton said, that the bill was only
to operate in cases where licenses should
be taken from one foreign power to trade
to another foreign power.
Mr. Pickman replied, that the trade he
had before mentioned, was certainly, in his
opinion, included in the bill; or its lan-
The House then adjourned until Monday
text.
I have the honour to be, &c.
R. PATTERSON.