The Connecticut courant and Hartford weekly intelligencer — Hartford, Conn., 1775-02-20 00:00:00, page 1

Containing the Frelheft ADVICES,
From the MASSACHUSETTS SPY.
NUMBER I.
•fl the Inhabitants of the MassachUsets-BaY;
M, dear Countrymen,
AT a time when our civil liberty is invaded,
our government unhinged, our fountains of
justice dryed up, our conflitution destroyed, and
all America in convtilfions, the voiee of duty is too
loud not to be heard, too plain and too diftind to be
mistaken. It calls to every individual for man
hood and courage becoming the mighty occasion.
At such a time to offer one's sentiments with that
zeal and resolution that exigencies require, and the
importance of the case demands, is incumbent on e
very honest man. To be tame, supine, and uncon
cerned, or only concerned to sneak or skulk from
personal danger, betrays a disposition, A turpi
tude of foul that wants a name.
Ido not mean to blow up the flame of faction, or
to found the trumpet of sedition; but only to con
firm you in your manly and loyal exertions. There
are jundures when opposition becomes necessary:
And submission treason against the constitution.
Every citizen ought as willingly to share in the
dangers, difficulties and hardships of opposing;
as to reap the glory, honour and advantages of
foccefs.
As an inhabitant of the world, I claim the pri
vilege indulged by its great author, of speaking my
mind with freedom and decency. As a member of
a ranch injured community, with zeal and firm
nefs I have nothing to hope or fear, from party
or preferment. Am not dazled by the glitter of
office; or charmed by the sweets of emolument.
Not frightened by the menaces of the powerful, or
threats of the cruel. All united ffiall not deter from
duty. 1 Ihall not endure to exchange tranquility of
mind, for the empty plaudits of tyrannic men; or
the privilege of speaking honestly, for the base em
ployment of feeding the vanity, soothing the pas
sions, flattering the inclinations, recommending the
measures, exagerating the virtues, disguising the
faults, or concealing the oppressions of proud u
forpers.
I have no connexions to please, no interest to
serve, and expe& to stand or fall with my friends
and countrymen. My veneration is for truth; my
attachment to Liberty; my affeXion for my coun
try, and my obligations to my God, myfelf and the
human race.
There are persons of a certain ingenuity of tem
per, whom in private life I admi/e, in public pity.
Whose unfufpeXing confidence is easily beguiled;
whose personal friendships are for those of the court;
whose private virtue betray them into political
vices. These are fubjeds of tenderness, but ten
derness must not degenerate into weakness. These
are ordinarily made subservient to persons of a very
different character, the habit and complexion of
whose fouls are clearly displayed by their condud;
who, as they aim at aggrandizing themselves at the
public expence; dread, are alarmed at nothing
more than an attempt to awaken, to arouse the
jealousy, attention and vigilance of the people:
Who know, if the spirit of enquiry once spreads in
our land, the voice of opposition will be heard in
our streets. Who when genius is barren, arguments
fail, and their great go&efs in danger, try to a
muse, and hope to prejudice, by applying to the
friends of liberty, the itale appellations of pretend
ed patriots, wrong-headed politicians, popular fire
brands, incendiaries, desperadoes, &c. and modest
ly assuming to themselves the deluding name of
friends to government. Attributes do not alter es
sences, nor is a parade of words admitted for evi
dence. However they do not flop here, every engine
is played, every artifice pra£tifed, every opportu
nity improved, to cajole, millead, and intimidate.
On the one hand the arm of power, long and migh
ty, strung with horror is Wretched to view, On
MONDAY, February 20, 1775
CONNECTICUT
A N D.
WEEKLY
Open to all PARTIES- not under the in FLUENCE of ANY.
Thus you fee every quality of the head is employ
ed; and every passion of the heart addressed; not
to convince, but to flatter, frighten, and deceive.
These are arguments well calculated for women and
babes; for the base, the servile, and the untutored ;
for the gloomy regions of Turkey, not the splendid
meridians of America.
Give me leave therefore my countrymen to address
you, as Americans, as Britons, as Englishmen.
You are called upon in the course of providence, to
manage a con troverfy, which for its nature, varie
ty, temperance and consequences, will perhaps stand
alone in the annals of time. To conduct it with be
coming dignity and wished for success, requires a
compleat facritice of our vices, our foibles, our lux
uries and our gewgaws. A cheerful partial surren
der of our wealth, our ease, and our attachments,
and an undaunted undeviating obsequiousness to the
calls of duty, and the demands of our country.
Nay if your God and country require it, you must
take the field, and seal with your blood the eaufe
you have embraced.
The unhappy dispute between Grcat-Britain and
the colonies is far advanced. It seems to be no
longer a question of right: for obvious reasons she
has tendered, but to issue upon a different ponit. As
it refpeXs her, it is now become a mere question of
power: Or at best a consideration of interest.
A controwrfy so serious, certainly ought to be
well underwood and prudently managed; in order
to which, you are sensible, all felfifh views, parti
alities, prejudices, party jealousy, and attachments
Ihould yield to the nobler flowings of humanity;
and the purest ardors of public spirit. With calm
ness then lilten to the di&ates of reason, and the
language of truth, under whatever circumstances
she utters her voice. It is common even among the
sagacious and difeerning, to fuffer passion to usurp
and perform the offices of the underilanding ; to as
sume and maintain principles ; to oppose and
ftrennohfly defend measures, as they are fubfervlent
the other, the bosom of mercy, fair and ample,
courts submission. Sometimes you are to b dandled
on the knee of pleasure, at others, to be toft on the
billows of affliction; Sometimes your case is des
perate, at another, you have a fair opportunity of
making your peace. At one time there is no space
for repentance, no more remission for fin, nothing
to be looked for from out gracious sovereign, but
fiery indignation to devour us. He is arrayed in
dreadful majesty, with the sternness of ajudge, and
the severity of a master. All at once he is seized
with the relentings of a father! and the yearnings
of a mother! The arms of mercy are thrown wide
open again, and the feepter of compassion stretched
out anew. Now we hear him acoft us in #£ tender
accents of our heavenly father. " Oh America!
how often would I have gathered you, as a hen ga
thers her chickens under her wings?" Soon, when
invention is on the stretch, and fan,, is on wing,
we may have painted to our imagination, die ele
ments up in arms against us, mighty armies with
flaming fivords, and warlike chariots marlhaling
in our atmosphere, as once hovered over a devoted
city. The horrors of war are dressed in the most
striking colburs. The moment we oppose by force,
we are to become the sport of cruel fortune; to have
an all deftruclive navy in our front. Canadian and
savage barbarity raging in our rear. An Achillean,
an invulnerable army in our centre, every door of
hope shut against us; deserted, if not opposed by
our filler colonies ; without money, and without dis
cipline; destitute of fores, and of friends; cut off
from all refourfes at home and abroad; and to com
pleat the pidure, we are to be split in parties. Bit
ter dißentions and mutual animosities are to attend
us. The tumult of divisions and the fury of factions
are like a destroying angel to pass through our land.
But at length, we are to have the good fortune to
perish in the struggle ; and so to escape a more in
famous death.
both FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.
to some finiilet view, or favorite wiffi. It is fafhion
able with modern disputants, of a peculiar genius, '
great fineffe, and affected acuteness, from design or/
habit, to assume particular truths, applicable only ,
to peculiar circumfa ices, and with, great address <
make them the criterions es right and wrong, in in- 1
stances unattended with those peculiarities, from
which alone their support results. Thus by a so
phistical arrangement of ideas, an artful fele&icn of
known fads; a misapplication of admiffib.'h maxims,
a prostitution of venerable observations, and a play of
words ; a fair mind is confufed, a plain one embai
raffed, truth obfeured and falfhood eloathed in her
sacred robes. It would be happy if the serpent's
fubtilty was always qualified with the dove's innc=
cency. Art may be innocent; if it has for its object,
something just; something laudible. But artful de
signing practices for bad ends is complicated guilt.
It always associates with the vices of the great;
sometimes with the virtue of the good.
The principle of intelligence within, that parti
cle of divinity, was given you by its munificent do
nor, for valuable purposes ; to difeover truth front
falfhood, good from evil, to investigate the nature
and tendency of actions, their qualities, causes and
effects, the connexion and relations of things and
the duty refusing therefrom. Let us then, my
countrymen, one and all so far ad up to the dignity
of our nature, as to examine for ourselves, determine
for ourselves : it is our duty, it is manly, it is be
coming; the fubjeft demands it; our happiness
depends upon carefully diftiriguifhing between pro
positions deduced from fine spun hypotheses framed
by designing men, and felf-evident principles ; be
tween plausible representations, and plain stubborn
facts. Let us boldly and impartially follow the in
formation of our conferences, and abide the conclusi
ons of o.ur own judgments; Recoiled fads with
their concomitant circumstances ; call to mind your
past experience. Renew former observations, and
try the force of accustomed arguments. Do not be
afraid, truth like a diamond tne more it is handled
the brighter it shines.
Let us then fairly state the dispute between Great+
Britain and the Colonies : Candidly and impartial
ly examine it in its nature and principles : Confider
what will be the probable consequences of a decision.
in our favour, or against us---whether those conse
quences will make opposition prudent, politic, and
heceffary : And if so, to what degree, and in whaC
manner ? If by comparingour present measures with
the result of such an enquiry, they appear wife, and
necessary, let us persevere with firmnefs; if rash and.
deftru&ive (compared with the alternative) let us
like honest men, ofliberal minds, frankly confefs
cur errors, and change the course of our condud.
The exercise of a little common sense, a moderate
knowledge of human nature, obvious principles, in
disputable fads, with a few manly feelings, will
lead us to some general and pretty fafe couclufions
n on each of these questions.---The question as stated
by Great-Britain, is whether the perliment, “ had,
hath, and of right ought to have, full power and au
thority to make lawsand statutes of fufficienrt force
and validity to bind the Colonies and people of A
merica, fubje&s of the crown of Great- Britain in all
cases whatfoevers”---This is her claim without any
qualification or rekridion.
This is the Question. And to this claim is our
opposition made. She has chosen to fettle her claim
and for reasons apparent, by trying a collateral mat
ter necessarily connecting with it i. e. by trying the
force of laws enabled by this claimed authority. So
that a submission to the operation of those laws,
depending intirely on parliamentary authority for
their validity, and in instances not juftified by our
consent, as in those for the regulation of trade ; must
be veiwed by us---will be viewed by them, and all
mankind, and thatjuftly, as an admission of their
pretended authority.
I am sensible this question of right has been dis
C OURA N T,
HARTFORD
INTELLIGENCER.