The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1783-09-13 00:00:00, page 2

fro.Jthe LONO®& PUBLIC ADVERTISER,
dated June 16, 1783.
Upon the American commerce, and
COMMERCE in General.
mutual terms.
It would now be time to conclude, but that to pre
vent mistakes, I shall once more touch upon the quel
tion of commerce at large.
And I would join issue with those, who think it ne
cessary above all things to give employment 4to one's
own people; but I with to fee this attempted in those
articles in which they would mos tfucceed ; and conse
quently whenever there should appear a chance for a
natural demand, either home or foreign, there (ceteris
paribus) should be turned the nation's Brength. There
are few nations that have not something to please their
neighbours with; and if they have nothing, the case
will form no objection to theft principles, bcaufe these
principles cannot there be in queflior J. Ad exchanges
it is observed have a bound; and when a certain pro
portion of Hi article has gone out, or come into a
c unity, its fcarci'y cr plenty will bring the exchange
to a top, vith this farther circumflance to help it,
that t e clog which carriage gives serves as a, bounty 10
wiat is furmfhed at home, and a prohibition to w at
cures from abroad. Price therefore^ generally a bet
ter Baud rd of a ration's interests than any Batefman's
tteory. It may next be remarked, that a Cofopetiti <ll
f >n abroad may be partit ohT/ useful by Keeping cur
p? pie always awake and can lows, left they should loie
tHr fk II and g od habits; as well as tend to pteferve
a bate r n m any great impulsions on the part of its
own fubjfts. A free trade too would be the 'odl
means of making an ignorant country acquain ed with
all fr s of foreign improvements. But farther, the
^ppheauon of the forcing engine of the laws to the pro
ducts of a country, instead of to the people of a coun
try, is mak ng the attempt at tie wrong end The
people being amended, there is no fear that every thing
in the country will become amended ; but how can the
Ba'efman perform any work, till he has tirft thaped his
infir ments?—Upon any other plan than the one pro
posed, the Rate is left to the accidental qualities of its
flatefutu ; and statesmen, even where they are nonefr,
are left in the hands cf (harpers and fools, and of thole
who are the pair ns of (harpers and fools. Asa found
principle will generaly succeed, in spite of the evil a
riling from a few exceptions, the public officers of the
country, and the country itfelf at large, should be tied
down to plain rules, where the sy stem is meant to be
ful y introduced. In other countries, where a free
trade cannot be introduced, a knowledge of its princi
pes will prevent many new blunders being added to
the oid ones, and lead to the correction of some few
of the many that exist; it will also prepare for better
ti ties, and though not adopted with foreigners and old
Concerns, many at had take place with connected do
minions and new concerns.—There are writers I may
add, who inßead of feeling alarmed at the neighbour
hood of rich and polished nations to their own, think
that the ingenuity and capitals in those nations will
p ovide more articles for exchange with their own, and
give it most opportunity for (upplying its wants. No
Sovereign would be alarmed at having two rich provin
ce, possessing necessary differences of circumstances,
Contiguous to each other; or suppose that because one
o' th<m was rich, it would ruin the other, and therefore
mike prohibitory laws between the two: Why then
Arnold neighbouring Dates that are rich, but different
ly rich, fear each other. “ Ces't aux mechants a fe di
' vifr et a fe cramdre (fays a French writer) les bons
" fadent, et deviennent mellieurs et plus puiffans." —
I may add as a final remark, that an open trade will at
ah times secure a tolerably equal supply of commodi
ties, which will not only favea nation from being at
a iy period in total want of such articles as are found
in several different countries; but by reducing prices
mire to a certainty, be of advantage to private fami
lies, (whether held as consumers or producers) as well
a< affid the fair and experienced trader, in preference
to rath adventurers and monopolies.
But to conclude —These opinions I know will be
called fyfiems: but are not car actual English laws
(Concluded from our paper of Saturday lafl.)
<&7 ITH regard to the objection that an open trade
allowed to America would involve us in con
tradiaions on account of other publicengagements we
have mad , particularly with Russia and Ireland (who
are laid to be entitled to demand from us whatever we
praare with other people)l profefs I admire to fee
such difficulties occurring to statesmen, who are so Dip
pery in great concerns, and yet feel qualms of consci
ence upon trifles. However, I hope to ease them.—
To Russia, then, I would have them fay, that in foro
confcientiae ; America, by the nature of things, muflbe
held an excepted, because ir was never a forefeen case ;
that the Amricans were once genuine fubjeHs, and
are Bill brethren to us; that the high price we paid to
them in the provisional articles was not for peace mere
ly, but to restore connection; and that as America
must give to us equivalent liberties in the way of com
jnerce Russia in no event could atk for fimdar privile
ges till she was prepared to allow an exalt exchange to
us, by making us Ruffian citizens in return. To Ire
land I would fay, in addition, that they had received
late boons from our hands, and must act magnanimous
ly in return for them ; that we meant, however, to de
rive no benefit from America, from which Ireland
could possibly be excluded ; that relaxing in a part of
cur navigation laws, where Ireland became a Iharer
in the exception, by no means annulled the whole of
t, efe laws; that it would be unjuß for Ireland to tie
our hand^ io this commerce, when file intended a free
trade for herfelf with America (either legal or illegal)
and that Ireland must moreover forfeit all pretentious
to American friendfllips, if she set herfelf in the way of
any English intercourse which America had requeued.
In my opinion, however, if England is well advised,
ihe will fay that next to America Ireland and Russia
are her b ft cuflomes; that a frer trade with each of
them is for their mutual interests; and that file will
therefore mmediately admit them all to fimitar and
founded upon fyftenis? One therefore is as much liable
to cavil as the other. lam not wild however upon the
subject. In theory I differ from those who are learned
in laws, and igrreranUef filings ; in practice I agree
with laws, and give up things. I refpeft even preju
dices ; and, for example, would not give up the pre
sent prohibition on the export of wool, as our manu
fadure has revived; because, while we have an exclu
sive possession of this article, we may+gain not only up
on the raw produce, but upon the fabric of it; and it
may be ufeful to reserve tnis article, in order to help us
to purchase freedom of trade from our neighbours.=
The claim of the sugar colonies too, I am ready to re
fpea; becaue the eßates (here, having been chiefly
bought or felled upon the faith of an exclusive mark
et here at home, and 30 millions of debts being (aid to
be du thence 10 Britifli merchants; if we laid the
trade open incautiously, a v*ft c^i'al would vanish,
and infinite difireis be produced; as the withdrawing
of the whole duty would not compensate for the fall of
price arising from foreign competitors; befities, that
while wars contime, and other nations monopolize
their islands, we should perhaps lo(e a nursery for sea
men, which we could no where elie regain.
With America, however, where the decision is of most
importance, te queßion of an open idtercourfe, is al
moßwithout any Briking objection, which good f-^ e
cannot explain away, remove, or supersede. There
seems poly this one difficulty attending it, which however
I am afraid is,mot to be furmoumed, namely,That, the
period of the very last adminiftratiou excepted, England
appears never to have thoroughly underflood one Afae
ricanqueftiod since Columbus tirftdifeovered the coun
try. ABY-STANDER.
P. £ By the terms of open and free trade, I do not
mean a trade without taxes, duties, and excises, but a
trade without preferences, and where , particular sub
jeßs are not made paramount to foreigners, at the ex
pence of the country at large.
I I think it may be held a rule therefore, that after
she lab ur, capital, and product of a date have been
once placed to the most advantage, the Bate will have
reached its very fummtt ; and that forcing any unnatu
ral markets afterwards between fubjeft and fobjed,
at the expence of any natural ones betw en fubjAts and
-foreigners, will Effect the nation's receipts and increase
its payments, and produce a loss in the sum total of
the nation's enjoyments. Every feller ught to get the
most possible, and every buyer to pay the least pofEble;
and every aftive citzn to become ranged in one of
these two classes ; and when these elaffes are full, the
state has done its utmof l ; and to attempt any further
meafu'es to the injury of theft claffcr, would be lessen
ing a part of what was well done, because more could
not be added to it. The root of most of the mistakes
on this fubjea, I believe springs from hence ; that it is
forgotten that a nation's fituarjun becomes bounded as
soon as its powers are confined at home ; and that it is
only by interchanging with foreigners and by foreign
conneaiom, that its prosperity can be increased. But
it cannot be expected that we should have much (hare ,
of foreign markets, if we let foreigners have no Ihare
io ours. —it seems indeed unaccountable, that England,
the molt euterprizing and fkilful nation in the wcr'd,
with a small home market to be rivalled in, should re
fute to have an open trade with nations far more helpless
than itfelf, and that have larger markets to be rivalled
in, and which therefore afford greater opportunities.
—Nay even those very helpless nations themselves, that
are each so anxious to improve, will soonest improve by
admitting foreigners to help them; and I will venture
tofay,that with systems, fufficiently illiberal to exclude
foreigners, few of them will at all improve. The citizen
wio affords a Bate ITs profit in its tranfaftions titan
foreigners would do, is a bad citizen, and not to be
encouraged.
From the French Journal of Annual Literature,
a Periodical Work printed at Paris.
Lettre adreffee a l'Abbe Raynal, fur les affaires de
l'Amerique feptentriotale ; ou l'on releve les erreurs
dans lefquelles cet auteur est tombe en rendant compte
de la revolution d'Amerique, traduite de l'Anglois, de
M. Thomas Paine ; maitre-es-arts de I'Uuiv^rfoe de
Penfylvanie; auteur du phamphlet intitule it decs
The following Petition was presented by a deputation
of the People called Quakers, after their yearly Meet
ing in London, held in June lafl, viz.
To the COMMONS of Great-Britaix in Parlia
ment Assembled..
The PETITION of the People called QUAKERS'
SMEWETH,
^,HAT your petitioners met in this their annual
assembly, having foiemuly considered the state of
the enslaved Negroes, conceive themselves engaged in
religious duty to lay the (offering Situation of that un
happy people before you as a fubjefl loudly calling for
the humane interpolation of the legislature. Your pe
titioners regret, that a nation profiling the Chrifhan
faith, should so far councerad the principles of huma
nity and jufiice, as by cruel treatment of this oppress
ed rue, to fill their minds with prejudices against the
mild and beneficent doctrines of the Gospel.
Under the countenance of the laws of this country,
many thousands of these our fellow creatures entitled
to the natural rights of mankind are held as personal
property in cruel bondage, and your petitioners being
informed that a bill for the regulating of the African
trade, is now before the houfe,containing a clause which
retrains the officers of the African company from ex
porting Negroes;y ur petitioners deeply affixed with a
confederation of the rapine, oppreffinn and bloodshed at
tending this traffic, humbly request that this reßriaion
may be extended to all persons whatsoever, or that the
house would grant such other relief in the prtmife&, as
in its wisdom may seem meet.
Signed in, and on behalf of our yearly Meeting,
held in London, the 16th day of the sixth month,
1783.
WILLIAM TUKE, Clerk to
the Meeting this year.
Commun, and aufres outrages. A Philadelphia; &
fe trouve a Paris, chez Knapen and fils, imprimeurs
libraires, Pont Saint-Michel.
r-^ HIS pamphlet has had prodigious success in Eng
ft land, and the English papers a ready advertise the
third edition. The translation (into French) which
appears to day, has been made sometime ago, and
'would have appeared sooner, if particular reafoas had
not delayed the publication.
It is a figtit at once so moving and so mijeßic, to fee
a people immense, rife with order and without confufi
on against the attempts of arbitrary power, difeufs their
rights and defend their natural prerogative with intre
pidity, and at last break the yoke, only in order to give
themselves wifeand moderate laws, such as were dictated
heretofore by people lcfs enlightened, the Lycurgas's
and Solons ; it is a thing so new to fee reason and wis
dom preside at bloody Icenes, ihat the least details re
lative to this admirable revolution, cannot fail to be in
tereHing to the reader.
The author of this letter is the American Mr. Paine,
already known by the Pamphlet Common Sense.
Secretary in the foreign department of Congress, and
acquainted with their affairs: He therefore ought to
know better than any other writer, the nature and
principles of the revolution, and his teflimony is of great
weight against th^ author whom he refutes.
We invite the reader to follow him in the account he
gives of the origin of the firfl troubles, and in his de
tails of the firft attempts of the English parliament up
on the libertiesof the Americans. This part of the work
is the more interefling, as the English, during the course
of the war, never ceased to treat the generous resoluti
on of the Americans as rebellion. It beingof the great
est importance to make appear, that those pretended re
bels were in theft freemen, who knew and defended
privileges which their enemies did no longer refpeft.
One muff have recourse to the letter itfelf, reipefting
what is relative to the paper money, of which Con
gress favoured the circulation, to encreafe, by this re
source, the infant credit of the state. We must then
fee how, by tire consent, cr aft of every body, the
gradual depreciation thereof, (applied, during five
years, the place of taxes, which muß otherwise have
been levied to fupporr the war ; and then we cannot:
fail to admire the patriotic devoteweht of this gene
rous people who did not think that liberty could be
bought too dear, even at the price of their lives and
fortunes.
QUEBE C, August 7.
Since our lafi the German auxiliary troops embark
ed on board 25 transports, and began on Sunday morn
ing to fall down to Bique where they are to rendez
vous, and from thence fai ! for Europe, under convoy
of his majesty's ship Pandora, captain Inglis ; they
confiß of the fallowing regiments and corps, viz.
Troops of Bruefwick, under the command of major
general Riedtfel.
Riedefel's dragoons, commanded by major de Bauman.
Prince Frederick's battalion of grenadiers, by colonel
Praetorius.
Riedefel's regiment of infantry, by colonel de Hille.
Rhetz's ditto, by major de Louke.
Specht's ditto, by major Ehreokrook.
Troops of the Lan 'grave of Hesse Caffel, under major
general de Loos.
Lofberg's regiment, commanded by major general de
Loos.
Troops of Hesse Hanau, under colonel Lentz.
Company of artillery, commanded by major Paeufth.
Corps oi chaffeurs by colonel de Creutzbourg.
Frftbanal on of the hereditary prince of Hesse Hanau,
by colonel Lentz.
KINGS T O N (Jamaica) August 9.
The good consequences of the peace are now univer
sally felt: since the firft of this month beef and turtle,
wuich used to be fold at a Filling a pound, have been
vended in the pub ic market at seven-pence half
penny ; mutton, from is. Bd. has fallen to a (hiding ;
veal, from is. 3d. to rod. and fifli, from is, 3d. to 7 j:
the price of almost every other necessary of life has de
creaftd in nearly a similar proportion § so that whatever
reason many may have had to wish for a continuance
of the war, the middling and lower classes of the people
mus frejoice at de termination.
Since our last arrived his majesty's armed brig Kep
pel, from New-Orleans, having on board the perfous
concerned in the revolt against the Spaniards in the
province of Louisiana, who, after being condemned to
death, were pardoned by the Spanish governor, Don
Galvez, in compliment to his royal highness prince
William Henry ; and the (hip Jane, Ross, from Anti
gua.
We find in this letter some articles on military ope
rations badly underflood in Europe. But that which
ought to interest readers of all ranks and conditions,
in tte perusal of this little work, is the purity of the
mo al which is to be found in every part of it, and
that pathetic effufion of foul, governed by the preci
ous sentiment of the love of mankind, without whicli
there can be no true philosophy.
It is to be regretted, that Mr. Paine had not gone
on a more extended plan, and given an entire history
of the revolution. Nobody was more capable than
himfelf to paint to vs those celebrated chiefs, whole
names and victories history will consecrate; but whom
the world will with to know by those particularities,
so interesting to the wife, who look f&r the man in the
hero, in the politician, and the negociator; and which,
to be well delineated and perceived require the eye of
a fkilful observer and the abi'ities of a writer.
Mr. Paine deserves praile for the justness of his cri
tifms, which appear to us to be well founded; but
he deserves flill more for his moderation. One is pleas
ed to fee this refpe&able man constantly preserve the
dignity of virtue, and combat an adversary, undoubt
edly lets circumfpea than himfelf, with that modefly
Which does not always accompany abilities.
The truncation is as elegant as it is just. It is the
work of a young gentleman whole flile appears to be
already formed, and who promises by this firft essay,
that he will one day deserve to be himfelf tranftated.