Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-05-29 00:00:00, page 6

contrary , foal ejleem it thy „atefl kappinefs I 3 def end
ana protect them againf every species of violence and
appreflon. lam, Sir, &c.
THO. GAGE.
Hon. Governor Trumbull.
PHILADELPHIA, May 24.
His Excellency Governor Colden's ANSWER
to the ADD RESS published in our ialt.
Gentlemen,
THATE the bes authority to assure you, that our
' mos gracious Sovereign, and both Htufes oj Par
liament have declared their readiness to afford every
jufland reasonable indulgence to the Colonies, whenever
they foou Id make a pro", er application, on the ground of
any real grievances they may have to complain of. —
'This declaration has been followed by a resolution oj the
House of Commons, which it was expected would
have manifefled thejufice and moderation oj Parlia
ment, and a diftofition to comply with every wifo of
thefubjeas tn America.—They offer to forbear every
kind oj taxation or assessment on America, except fueb
as are necessary for the regulation of commerce ; and
only require that the Colonies jbould make proviJion,
by fueb ways and means as are bes suited to their rej
pektive circumstances, jor contributing a broportion to
the common defence of the empire, andjor the fapport
of their own civil government and the adminf ration
ofjufice. His Majefy's miniflerj did not doubt this
temper in Parliament, would meet with fetch a return
on the part of the Colonies, as would lead to a happy
ifoe of the present disputes, and to a re eftablikhment
cf the public tranquility, on grounds of equity, jufice,
and moderation. Is it not then to be lamented as the
moji unfortunate event, that the patience oj the people
was exbaufled at the moment of this profpecl oj a peace
able and happy accomplifoment of all their wifoes ? —
Will not tkofe in whom they now confide, yet endea
vour to obtain it ? —Mus this country, till now hap
py and flourishing beyond parallel, be involved in the
dreadjul calamities ever attendant on civil war,
while there remains one pofible means, untried, by
which so great, so cruel an evil might be averted !—
You tell me, Gentlemen, that the people have loft all
confide nee in the ordinary officers of government, and
that they have cafi their eyes upon you for advice and
direction. 1 cannot divefl myfelf of the mos affedion
ate concern for the welfare, the peace, and prosperity
of the people over whom I have so long prefded as the
immediate Representative of their augufl Sovereign—
with whom I have lived the term of a long life, and
among whom I leave all that is dear and valuable to
me. lam impelled by my duty, and a mes zealous at
tachment to the interef and fafety of this people, to
exhort, ou not to irritate the present enraged fate of
their minds, nor fuffer them to plunge into labyrinths,
from whence the, can neither advance nor retreat,
but through blood and deflation.
His Majeflfs miniflers have, in the flrongef terms,
exprefed the fatisjaEiion with which the King re
cei bed the aflurance of the loyal, and affection of bis
faithful fabjefls in this government, and oj their ardent
ri feefor a permanent reconciliation with tke Mother
country.—l cannot then conceive upon what grounds a
fafricion is entertained, that the city of Neda-York is
to be reduced to the present situation of Boson. I
have not bad the leaf intimation that at, regular
troops were defiined for this prov nee. It is proper
that General Gage Jboutd knowyrur sentiments on this
fubjed, and IJball embrace tkefirfl opportunity of com
municating your requefl to bim. At the fame time, I
think there is reason to fufoeA that this report has
been invented to facilitate the introduction of an armed
jorcefrom Connecticut, which lam told is meditated.
Willnot the apprebenjion of fueb a design rouse you,
Gentlemen, andevery virtuous citizen, to avert, by
every means in your power, a measure so degrading,
so dangerous to the honour, tbefajety, and freedom of
this colony.
I have beheld with inexpreffble anxiety the fate of
tumult and disorder which raged in tke metropolis of
this province; rind lam sorry that a recent infiance
face your appointment, revives the threatening prof
ped of insecurity to which the inhabitants are reduced.
I exhort you to carry into effect the afltrances you give
me, tbatyou are determined to improve that confidence
with which the people have honoured you, in Jlrengtb
ening the bands oj the civil magijiraies. Let this be
done immediate,, and with impartial firmnefs on eve
ry occasion, that the boufes, persons, and property, of
yuurjeUoav citizens may nt be attacked and infused
with impunity, and every degree 0/ domefic security
and bag,infs sapped to the foundation.
CADWALLADER GOLDEN.
May i 3, 1775.
To His EXCELLENCY
WILLIAM FRANKLIN, Esquire,
Captain-General, Governor and Commander in
Chief in and over his Majefy's Colony of No
va-Cafarea or New-ferfey, and territories
thereon depending in America, Chancellor and
Vice- Admiral in the fame, &c.
The Humble ADDR ESS of the Repre
sentatives of the said Colony in General
Affemblv convened.
May it plcafe your Excellency,
WE, His Majesty's loyal and dutiful
fubje&s, the Representatives of the
colony of New-Jersey, in General Assembly
convened, have taken under our consideration
your Excellency's speech at the opening of
the session, together with the resolution of
the House of Commons accompanying the
fame, containing a proportion for accommo
dating of the unhappy differences at present
lubfifting between our parent country and the
colonies.
- As the Continental Congress is new fitting
to confider of the present critical situation of
American affairs, and as this House has al
ready appointed Delegates for that purpose,
we should have been glad that your Excel
lency had postponed the present meeting until
their Opinion could be had tfpdM the ftfoluti
on now offered for our consideration, and to
which we have no doubt that a proper atten
tion will be paid ; more especially as we can
not suppose you to entertain a suspicion that
the present House has the least design to de
sert the common cause, in which all Ameri
ca appears to be both deeply interested and
firmly united, so far as separately and with
out the advice of a body in which all are re
presented, to adopt a measure of so much im
portance. Until this opinion is known, we
can only give your Excellency our present
sentiments, being fully of opinion that we
shall pay all proper refpe& to, and abide by,
the united voice of the Congress on the pre
sent occasion.
Your Excellency is pleased to tell us, that
this resolution " has had a variety of inter
pretations put on it" —“ that scarcely any
have seen it in its proper light" —-and you
proceed to give us that explanation of the de
sign and occasion which you apprehend will
enable us and our constituents to judge how
far the plan it contains ought to be acquiesced
in, and what steps it may be prudent to take
in the present situation. We confefs that
your Excellency has put a conftruaion on
the proposition which appears to us to be new,
and if we could be of the opinion that the re
solution " holds no proposition beyond the
avowal of thejuftice, the equity and the pro
priety of fubje&s of the fame state, contri
buting according to their abilities and situa
tion to the public burden," and did not con
vey to us the idea of submitting the disposal
•of all our property to others in whom we
have no choice, it is more than probable that
we should gladly embrace the opportunity of
fettling this unhappy dispute.
Molt Assemblies on the Continent have, at
various times, acknowledged and declared to
the world their willingness, not only to de
fray the charge of the administration ofjuftice
and the support of the civil government, but
allo to contribute, as they have hitherto done,
when constitutionally called upon, to every
rcafonable and necessary expence for the de
fence, protection and security of the whole
British empire ; and this colony in particular
hath always complied with his Majesty's re
quisitions for those purposes: And we do
now assure your Excellency that we shall al
ways be ready, according to our abilities, and
to the utmost of our power, to maintain the
interests of his Majesty and of our parent slate.
If then your Excellency's conftruftion be
right, and if a proposal " of this nature" will,
as you are pleased to inform us, be received
by his Majesty with every possible indulgence,
we have hopes that the declaration we now
make will be looked on by bis Majesty and
his Ministers not only to be similar to what
is required from us, but aifo to be a “ basis
of a negotiation" on which the present dif
ferences may be accommodated—An event
which we most ardently with for.
We have considered the resolution of the
House of Commons—We would not wish to
come to a determination that might be juttly
called precipitate in the present alarming situ
ation of affairs—But, if we mistake not, thi;
resolution contains no new proposal: It ap
pears to us to be the fame with one made to
the colonies the year preceding the passing
of the late Stamp A&; at least it is not ma
terially different therefrom. America then
did not comply with it, and though we are
sincerely disposed to make use of all proper
means to obtain the favour of his Majesty and
the Parliament ofGreat-Britain, yet we can
not, in our present opinion, comply with a
proposition which we really apprehend to give
up the privileges of freemen; nor do we want
any time to confider whether we shall submit
to that which, in our apprehension, will re
duce us and our constituents to a Rate little
better than that of flav'ery.
By the resolution now offered, if assented
to, we think we shall be to all intents and
purposes as fully and effectually taxed by our
fellow fubjeCts in Great-Britain, where we
have not any representation, as by any of the
late a&s of the British Parliament, under
which we have been aggrieved—of which we
have complained—and from which we have
prayed to be relieved, and that too in a much
greater degree, perhaps, than by all those
acts put together. We cannot consent to
fubje& the property of our constituents to
be taken away for services and uses, of the
propriety of which we have no right tojudge,
while to us are only left the ways and means
of railing the money. We have always
thought, and contended that we had a right to
dispose of our property ourselves, and we
have always cheerfully yielded our afiftance
to his Majesty In that war, wben ffie exi
gencies of affairs required us so to do and he
has condescended to ask it from us. It is the
freedom of granting, as well as the mode of
railing monies which this House cannot vo
luntarily part with without betraying thejuft
rights of the constitution. The present reso
lution seems to require us to raise a propor
tion which a Parliament of Great-Britain
may at any time think fit to grant. At this
time we cannot form any judgment, either
of the extent of the proposition, or of the
confequenccs in which the good people of the
colony may be involved by our assent to a
provision so indeterminate ; for it appears to
us to be impoflible to judge what proportion
or £hare the people can bear until we know
what situation they will be in when any sum.
is intended to be raised.—Upon the whole,
though sincerely desirous to give every mark
of duty and attachment to the King, and to
shew all due reverence to the Parliament of
our parent state, we cannot, confident with
our real sentiments, and the trust reposed in
us, assent to a proposal big with confequenccs
deftru&ive to the public welfare; and hope
that the justice of our parent country will not
permit us to be driven into a situation the
profpea of which fills us with anxiety and
horror.
There may be much truth in the observa
tion “ that mankind generally a&, not ac
cording to right, but according to present in
terest, and most according to present passion:"
Yet we trult that our conduct, on the pre
sent occasion, is neither influenced by the
one nor the other ; and we persuade ourselves
that your Excellency is so well acquainted
with the people you govern, that it is quite
unnecessary for us to make use of any means
to convince you of the injustice of the charge
that the Americans have deeper views, and
mean to throw off all dependance on Gieat-
Britain, and to get rid of every controul of
their legislature."
We heartily pray that the Supreme disposer
of events, in whose hands are the hearts of
all men, may avert the calamities impending
over us, and influence our Sovereign, his
Ministry and the Parliament, so as to induce
them to put a stop to the effufion of the blood
of the Colonists, who wish always to look
upon their fellow fubje&s in Britain as their
brethren, and are really desirous to promote
their interest and happiness upon any reason
able terms; and it will give us great pleasure
to find your Excellency amongst those who,
by just and proper representations of the dis
positions of the inhabitants of these Colonies,
ihall assist in fettling of the present unhappy
differences. By order of the House,
CORTLAND SKINNER, Speaker,
Ilouje of Afembly, May ig, 1775.
His Excellency's ANSWER.
Gentlemen,
THAEE done my duty. I loft no time in lyino
before you the propositions 1 had received for an
amicable accommodation of tke present unhappy dif
ferences. I gave you as full and candid an expla
nation of them as I was authorifed or enabled to do.
H hetker those proportions, or my explanation of them,
did or did not contain any thing new is but little tn
the purpose. The question is, whether they ought or
ought not to be approved, either in whole or in part, or
be m<de the ground of a negotiation ; and whether,
in tke latter case, every AjJembly on tke continent
ought not to tale some active measures to effedl an end
so defrable. In fating tke matter to you, 1 could
have no suspicion that you did not think yourfehes
competent to the bufnef, and were necessarily to wait
tke determination of another body, kt was but the lafl
session that you assured me tbatyou would not " fuffer
any of tke rifts vefed in you by tke constitution to be
wrefled out of your bands by any person or perfonx
wbatfoever." Ifoall forbear to point out tbe incon
fftency of this address with that declaration. Nor
Jha I I aim to convince you of tbe wrong ideas you
have formed of tkofe proportions. Were they ever f,
rightly underfood, or ever so well approved by you,
yet, tojudge by,our own declarations, it could be of
no avail. Tbe times are indeed greaty altered. I
foall be happy to fee some proper attempts to mendthem.
My representations and endeavours from the frf
commencement of this unnatural dispute to this day,
have not been, nor shall they ever be wanting towards
effecting a reconciliation. lam persuaded that if a
difpoftion of this fort is manifefled, and the proper
fte,s are pursued by tkofe, who have it in their poirer
to take tke lead in this important affair on the
part of America, it may be eajily accomplished to
mutual fatisfaftion. His Majesty, I amfure, would
wijh to avoid tke fedding of tke blood of bis Ame
rican, as much as that of bis British Jubjecls.—•
They r.ufl be all equally dear to bim, if they are
equally dutiful. Tbe Americans in general bave
been, and I hope will ever prove as well disposed
to bis Majesty and bis family, as tke fubjecls of
any other part of tke dominions.