Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-08-08 00:00:00, page 2

From tie Morning CHRONIC LE.
To the K IN G.
S I R,
I A M going to address you in a stile with which
the ear of a monarch is but little acquainted.
I equally detest the panegyric of a courtier, and
the malignity of a pietended patriot. Stimulated
by a real zeal for the welfare of mycountry, it
stall be my endeavour to point out the'brink of
dJlruCuun on which we at this inouwiit Rand: it
ought to be your's to snatch us froir*.
I have laid that this nation is on the verge of
ruin. Think not that such an addition is idle de
clamation. There is but one method that I know
of, by which we can judge of the future ; it is by
a retrofpeftto the past. Look back, Sir, to what
hath happened in similar situations: from thence
yen will be able to form a truer judgment than
from the information which reaches you through
toe medium of a court. Let the hiflorian be the
I ithful inftrudor of my Sovereign. He who
legates the conduct of thole who are no more,
hath no interest in deceiving. The gloss of the
p.ju:^ may indeed be worn of, but its real beau
t; > are matured by time.
Believe not thole who tell you that this country
is in a Hourifniog condition ; it is their interest
that leads them to impose such falfehoods on your
royal ear. They know that it is next to impof
lible they should be detected. You have only an
opportunity of beholding the wealth and grandeur
of your metropolis, with the beautiful country
around it; the wretchedness of the more distant
parts is unknown. The cries and distresses of the
poor never pollute the atmosphere of a palace.
Your heart, I am confident, is capable of the
moll benevolent feelings. Were you but ac
quainted with the milcry that proceeds from that
corruption which is too notorious to be doubted,
you would no longer fufrer the inductions poor to
be plundered, to bellow thousands upon men who
are a burthen to their country, and a disgrace to
the hands that exalt them.
I am awaie of the nice (iteration in which a mo
narch is placed; lurrounded by Sycophants, to
whom truth is a Granger, I pity him for measures
which I cancot but detest ; and where every pri
vate virtue adorns him, 1 mail Kill esteem the
man, however 1 condemn the magidnae. But,
Sir, it behoves you to pierce through the veil that
Surrounds you : try to discern things as they aie,
not as they seem; and let your own judgment be
the director of your conduct. Be it iny care for
the present to display a few truths to your view,
with that duty and rcfpcA which I owe to you, as
my Sovereign, and with that freedom which 1 owe
to royfelf and man.
I hare before said, that we are to judge of the
future by the calf —Everv empire fin^e the begin
ning of the world might be brought home to my
fubjecl. The Roman was the latest, and, 1 be
lieve, the strongest example; to it therefore I (hall
coniine mylelf. Shall 1 beg your attention? it
Cannot be of diiTervice.
In the early days of Rome, its citizens were
linked together by the strongest bond of nature,
that of felf-preferyation. The meanest un
derstanding very clearly perceived, that to defend
themselves from the foes that surrounded them,
unanimity was the firft effeniial. They perceived
also that power belonged only unto those, whose
superior abilities could dilate the wisest measures
in the cabinet, and bell enforce them in the field.
Nor were abilities the only requisite to diftin&ion ;
the ftri&eft virtue, the noblest rectitude of life,
was allo necessary. They lodged not tower with
,those whose principles were fufaded, left they ftould
betray. Rome conquered every foe, not by a ma
jority of numbers, but by superior virtue. Love
of country, and the public good, were the darling
passions of a Roman. They did not Jerve the state,
to plunder it; they led not mercenary armies to
the field, but men who fought for all they held
dear. No other forces could withstand them, for
no other forces pofTeffed such uncorrupted man
ners. Surrounding nations fought their ruin, and
numbers seemed to ensure it; but Roman virtue
towered above them all: their eagles flew victori
ous, and conquest crowned their arms.
Such once was Rome. In some degree, such
once was Britain. Let us then take a view of
Rome's decline: it may perhaps come home to
times more modern.
There is an old observation, and I believe a
true one, that every crime carries with it its own
punishment: it is at least verified in the case be
fore us. Whilst Rome fought only against her
real enemies, and from the just principle of felf-de
fence, die raised herfelf to the highest pitch of hu
rpan greatness; but when fee carried her arms to
distant nations, that never had molelled her: when
the sword was drawn from the infamous motives of
plunder and of conquest, she laid the foundation
of her own deftruftion. Her Asiatic wars, indeed
brought wealth and riches into Rome, but with
them were introduced luxuries that had been be
fore unknown. From that moment virtue and
public spirit funk apace: dissipation banished tem
perance and independence. Their bodies became
enfeebled, and their fouls depraved. A few en
grefHd the riches of the empire, and poverty de
prefled the lower ranks of men. it was no long
er virtue that railed men up to the hrfl employ
ments of rhe state, but the chance of birth, and
the capriceof fortune. • Those men, whole ge
nius and whole sentiments would have reflected
honour on the highest offices, fled from a Court
where vice and villainy prevailed. Such a situa
tion could not long continue. When universal
corruption overspreads the body, diTolution is at
hand. Bodies enervated, and minds polluted,
were but feeble opponents, when attacked by in
vaders, who followed nature undebauched by art.
The Roman empire, that had flourifhed for ages,
that had been the mistress of the world, was over
turned from her very foundation in less than two
centuries. How inftrußive is such an example to
succeeding nations ? Whilst the Roman people
were virtuous; whilst every office and honour
were bellowed on those only whole superior merit
claimed pre-eminence; whilst public good was the
universal pursuit, aud whilst none were possessed
of overgrown fortunes, nor wanted the real neces
saries of life, they were invincible. But when the
diminutions of birth and riches arose, and to be
good no longer led to greatness; when the public
treasure was squandered on unworthy individuals,
and the poor were plundered to enrich the rich ;
when love of country yielded to the love oflclf;
when one man was possessed of hoarded thousands,
and millions were unfupplied with the comforts
of life, they funk to ruin and diffoked away.
Such, Sir, is the portrait which I lay before
you. My observations, though general, are, I be
lieve, fufficient to convince you, that those very
symptoms which preceded the fall of Rome, ap
pear but too evidently in the British constitution.
Similar causes must ever produce similar effeds.
Tfie mode of our death may indeed be different,
but it is equally certain, unless some means can be
found to recall our political health. We may
perhaps be too far gone even for medicimeto avail,
but however that may be, the attempt would
crown you with immortal glory. You would
have all the honors due to the faviour of his coun
try, though the enterprize should fail. You fee,
Sir, I do not accuse you of being the cause of those
evils I complain of; however popular such accu
sations may be, lam fatisfied they are unjust. It
is the universal depravity of the times that gives
rife to those measures with which you are charg
ed; I shall not therefore attack any particular in
stance of corruption which may have happened
since the commencement of your reign, but shall
endeavour to point out the original source from
whence that corruption hath proceeded.
The source I mean to attack is the perversion
of the Houle of Commons. I shall not detain you
in proving what you cannot be unacquainted with.
In the conftrudlion of every body, the foundaefs
of each partis absolutely necessary to the perfection
of the whole; how happens it then that a majority
is obtained in the House of Commons, who will
implicitly obey the dictates of a cruel minister?
who no longer meet to deliberate on what is ne
cessary for the good of the nation, but to give
their votes as they have been before inftrußed.
' Its true they have yet the Ihadow of free debate,
but how long even the shadow will remain after
the substance is gone, is not very difficult to de
termine. Sir Robert Walpole, to secure his power
and to defend himfelf from the infamy due to his
administration, firft broached the absurd doctrine
or the interests of King and People being different;
interefled men have since supported it, and it now
learns eftablilhed beyond redress. But,' Sir, be
not blinded by fal fe representations ; give a fair
and candid examination to the nature of that con
stitution of which you are the head; you will then
find that your real interest is inseparably united
with that of your people; you will find that your
fliength invariably depends upon theirs; you will
find that the wealth of individuals may be of small
service in the hour of danger, when compared with
the assistance which an independant and happy yeo
manry would cheerfully afford; you will find that
the affections of your fubje&s would be the bell
bulwark against every invader, and the most faith
ful guardians of your person; in short, you will
find, that the prosperity and happiness of a British
monarch depends on every branch of the constitu
tion, having that power and independence which
was originally designed. I know it may be said
that there is a party against government as well
as for it. I grant it to be so; but let the one be
no more, the other will cease to exist. In the
present Parliament that indeed might not be the
case: let us suppose one according to the plan that
follows:
A King of England, convinced that his good
and that of his people were one and the fame thing,
issues his royal mandate for the election of members
to serve in Parliament. Asthe welfare ofthe con
stitution is his foie aim, he declares that no bribe
of any nature, nor any interposition from the throne,
shall influence the election of members, or biafs the
debates of the House of Commons when assembled.
Let me afl< what would be the probable conse
quence of such a measure? it would be that those
men, who at present spend such sums to be re
turned, would no longer be candidates; for they
no longer would have the profped of being amply
repaid. The belt men in the kingdom would then
be called forth by the people to receive the sacred
trull of representatives; for the people's poverty
would no longer be tempted to make them resign
their judgment and integrity. Men, who now,
from principle, fly to retirement, from principle
would then return to the world; for they would
be happy to serve their country, when they could
do it without an expence productive of ruin. The
designing knave would no longer dupe the vulgar
with pretended patriotism and noisy bombast, for
he would then have nothing to hope for. The
King would meet a Parliament ready to do every
thing that loyalty and affection could dictate, for
it would be the study of such a Parliament to pro
mote the power and welfare of him and his king
doms. The taxes would then be laid on those
shoulders that are belt able to bear them, and the
real necessaries of life would come at the lowed rate
to the meanest of the people. Luxury would then
be made Ilil! more luxurious; for such a Parlia
ment would supply the wants of the crown by du
ties that would be levied off the wealthy, not off
the indigent. With such a Parliament, the con
fidence of the nation would be unlimited; domestic
foes would be unknown, and foreign enemies
might well be disregarded ; wherever you appeared,
you would be hailed the deliverer of your country
and the benevolent father of your people. Through
life your applauding fubjedts would look up to you
with adoration, and at your death the weeping
multitude, in dismal accents, would proclaim, our
guardian is no more.
Such, Sir, is the only method that occurs to
me in the present emergency. I cannot for a mo
ment fufpeft you of aiming at the subversion of
our liberties; if 1 did, I should net trouble you
with this address. For a man's real character I
shall ever look into private life; here I have ex
amined your's, and find it without a fault. But,
Sir, though you do not harbour a sentiment in your
royal breast that is deftru&ive to your people; we
know not what your facceffors may do. The
measures pursued since your reign hath commenced,
must evidently tend to absolute monarchy. You
cannot blame your fubje&s for being alarmed,
when they behold the most useless employments
created, to reward the most worthless of men;
when they fee pension after pension bestowed on
beings, who have never in the smallest instance been
of service to their country; bat all their jealousies
and fears would cease, was the Parliament to be
restored to its primitive state ; that is only to be
done by withdrawing the temptation that perverts
the institution. At present men lay out money in
purchasing feats, as the flock-jobber does in the
alley, from the expedation of making hundreds per
cent.
These, Sir, are the sentiments of a man who
from his infancy hath been taught to think, the
Hanoverian fucceflion, a source of freedom and
independence. Next to my country I would serve
you with my. life; God forbid the service of the
one should ever be incompatible with that of the
other. SHIPPEN.
From the N E w-Y ork Journal.
Mr. Printer,
If you think the following tends to promote the interest
of America, plefe to give it a place in your weekly
paper. B. N.
IT seems now to be amatter past doubt, that
there will be a general congress of delegates
from the several British colonies in America. A
very important assembly it will be. The weal of
America, yea and of Britain too, will very much
depend upon their proceedings. Never in this
country has more depended upon an assembly of
men, than depends upon this. Liberty or oppres
sion, if not abject slavery, depends upon the turn
that things shall now take. The coated between
Britain and the colonics runs high. Matters are
now come to a crisis. Something must be done
by America: and nothing considerable can he
done till there is a general congress. The eyes of
all America will be on this assembly. The pro
vinces are ripe for doing something: they want to
know what. How much depends upon the wis
dom and integrity of these delegates ! How fatal
to us all, ifby any means they give a wrong turn
to our affairs ! If they should not agree, so that
the colonies might unite in some proper measure,
America is undone : or at best thrown into the ut
most confufion.
It should not be deemed arrogance, or presump
tion, for any person in a modest and rational man
ner, to fuggeftwhat is thought proper to be done
at the general congress. On the contrary 'tis ve
ry desirable that numbers from various parts of
our land, would impartially offer their sentiments
on this head. The delegates must certainly de
sire to know the mind of the country in general.
No rational man will think himfelf so well ac
quainted with our affairs, as that he cannot have a
more full and better view of them. No human
mind is capable of taking in all things. We by
degrees obtain the knowledge which we have. No
delegate, before he meets the rest, should think he
knows the state and interest of all the provinces, so
fully and clearly as that he cannot know them bet
ter. No delegate should go with a full persuasion
that he has so formed the proper plan ofprocecd
ing, as that he will by no means alter. Every
wife man will alter for the better, as he fees op
portunity. Yet 'tis very desirable that every mem
ber of that important assembly should have as
general and compleat a view of our affairs, and
what is proper to be done, as he possibly can, be
fore he meets in general congress. And for this
reason, the more there is suggested in our public
papers the better, if it is done in a becoming man
ner.
The delegates should go to the congress with
hearts deeply affeded with the weight and vast im
portance of their business : with a proper concern,
if not anxiety of mind, considering how much is
depending, and how difficult it may be to determine
matters in the befl manner. Every wife man will
have a modefl diffidence as to his own abilities, in
managing such arduous affairs. In this view let
it not be thought amils, if I fay, they should go to
the great congress with a proper dependance on the
Father of lights and mercies, who gives wisdom
liberally to -those who ask him. And no doubt
many will pray for them.
When the delegates are met, several things will
lie before them, as matters of consideration, inqui
ry, or debate. Some of these will be matters of
great importance, others of less. One important
inquiry no doubt will be, in what manner shall we
make our application to Great-Britain? Shall we pe
tition as humble supplicants ? Or shall we in lift on
things as our right? Shall we apply for all that we
deem our rights and privileges ? Or only for relief
in those matters that now press us? Shall our ap
plication be madeby this general congress? Or shall
this assembly only point out and advise what the
several provincial assemblies or Houses of Burgef.
fes shall apply for?
Another confderable head of enquiry reftefts our
trade. Shall we flop importation only, or shall
we cease exportation also? Shall this extend only
to Great-Britain and Ireland, or shall it compre
hend the Weft-India islands? At what time shall
this cessation begin? Shall we flop trade till we
obtain what we think reasonable, and which will
secure MS for time to come; or shall it be only till
we obtain relief in those particulars which now im
mediately oppress us? Shall we firft apply for re
lief, and wait for an answer before we flop trade,
or shall we flop trade while we are making appli
cation !
'Tis the general voice of the colonies that we
cannot submit to be taxed by the British Parliament;
but we by no means refafe to bear our proper, a
reasonable parr of our public expences. [life
ourselves being file judges of tbe propriety and reajon
ebienefs of ad requiftions that may be made, and of
she mode of levying and app ying all we fcall think
proper to raije.] If we can have all our natural
privileges of trade, we are willing to bear our
proper part of the burthen of expences. We are
willing to let Britain know this ; we ought now
The delegates from the provinces ought to be
the most hearty friends to America, men that will
give up their own private interest for the public
good, when these two come in competition. He
that will not do this is no real friend to the public.
This important assembly will be in danger from
falfe or pretended friends. There are a few in
almost every province, who, from one reason or
other, wotald be glad to bring America to submit
to the miniflerial uncooftitutional measures which
we are now threatened with. If any of these per
sons, under disguise, should be sent to the congress
(as possibly some may) they will, under shew of
friendfllip, try to embarrass and confound the
measures proposed. They will aft as Hujbai did
with alfolom. It may be difficult, sometimes, in
the congress, to know whether a man opposes a
proposition from a true regard to the good of his
country, according to his view of things; or whe
ther he does it to undermine the whole design.
The members of this important assembly should
not be too jealous of each cither ; that will destroy
free debate. They must receive and treat one
another as open heaited friends; but not be so
off their guard as if they were certain there was no
enemy among them.
Considering the vast importance of this congress,
the long train of most interesting consequences
that may follow from their advice or determina
tions; considering the need they have of wisdom,
as well as integrity, it might be proper for the se
veral provinces to observe a day of failing and
prayer about the time that the delegates meet;
and if the provinces as such do not, yet it may
be proper for as many perlons, or societies, as can,
to do it. There are two reasons why this may
be proper: First, because human wisdom comes
down from the Father of lights and mercies, and
human determinations are over-ruled by the great
God, who is a prayer- hearing God. A greater
statesman and politician than will meet in this con
vention, has left us this observation:“ There are
many devices in the heart of man, but the counsel
of the Lord that shall stand." Secondly, in a politi
cal view, such a day of failing would win people's
attention to the importance of the intended con
gress, and fit them to receive, and be ready to a&,
upon the determinations of that important assembly.
If what I have offered should induce any friends'
to America to offer their sentiments upon the fore
mentioned queries, or others of the like nature,
and be a means, though in the least degree, to
assist any of the delegates at the intended conven
tion, it will be a fumcient compensation for what
I have here done.
From Nro-Jerfey, Jfo 25, 1774.
^-4*s%'ss'?*s°'« ?"*V>s*'?V'4"*
B OST O N, 'July 2^.
On Wednesday last Captain Giddings arrived
at Portsmouth in 9 weeks from London; but
has brought no Tea, not any late news, as has
been reported.
MASSACHUSETTS-BAY.
By the GOVERNOR.
A PROCLAM 1 I' I ON, for the encourage
ment of pietv and virtue, and for preverting
and punching of vice, profanity and immo
rality.
IN humble imitation of the laudable example
of our moll gracious Sovereign G EORGE
the Third, who, in the frit vear of his reign,
was Rleafed to issue his royal proclamation for
the encouragement of piety and virtue, and f r
preventing of vice and immorality, in which he
declares his royal purpose to punish all peifors
guilty thereof; and upon all creations to bettow
mark' of his royal favour on persons dillinguJh
cd for there jet) and virtue:
to express our readiness to it. Therefore another
important enquiry may be, in what mannerfsail we
pay our part of the public national expence? This
matter once fettled, and our proper privileges and
natural rights of trade secured, then peace, most
agreeable peace, is eftablifned between Britain and
the colonies. Jealousies will be then removed,
and cordial friendfhip continue. The mother coun
try and her offspring colonies will then go on to
prosper, and numerous blessings attend them both.
'Tis true this matter cannot be fettled by the
congress, beeaufe it will be a work of time, and
must be by mutual agreement between Britain and
the colonies: yet it may be highly expedient for the
congress to confider this matter, and propose what
may be proper for the several provincial affembhes
to offer, or comply with. The several provinces
ought to be agreed in this matter"; and they can
not so well agree as by a general congress.
Another enquiry among the delegates no doubt
will be, whether we/ball offer to pay for the tea that
has been defrayed? T his should be freely and calm
ly debated. What will be proper in point of equi
ty ? What may be proper in point of prudence or
expediency? What consequences will they in Bri
tain draw from our offering to pay for it? In point
of equity the following queries may take place.
Was the all of Parliament that brought the tea
here, an unconstitutional aft, tending to produce
the pernicious confequenccs that have flowed from
it ? Was the East-India Company previously warn
ed by several members of Parliament, and told
they would fuffer loss by fending their tea here?
Has not that unconstitutional ad of Parliament,
and the East-India Company's condud, been the
proper and unavoidable cause of ten times more
damage to America, than the East-India Compa
ny have sustained ? If the Company mull be made
whole, is it not as reasonable that the expence
should lie upon Britain as America, since a British
aft was the faulty cause of it, and the deftrudioa
of the tea, was not the ad of America, norof par
ticular cities, as such, but of mobs?
Some queries of less importance, may refpeft
the mode of the delegates proceeding among them
selves. Shall the congress be open to all that can
fee or hear, or shall the delegates be by themselves?
Shall they allow their debates to be taken down,
in short hand? Shall they keep minutes of their
proceedings and votes, to be afterwards printed,
as is done in provincial assemblies, that the colo
nies may know how each member flood affeded,
and voted ?