The Connecticut courant and Hartford weekly intelligencer — Hartford, Conn., 1775-04-24 00:00:00, page 1

Mr. W ATSO N,
Please to irtfert the following in jour next and you mill
oblige a number of jour confant readers.
WHERE AS the worthy committee of observa
tion for this county, (in order to obviate the
afperiiors cast upon this colony) have taken occasi
on to declare their sentiments, on the fubjeft of in
dependence, government, and toleration, and with
refpe& to the latter, have been pleased to fay : " To
'' the objection of intolerance, the laws of the colo
“ ny are a fufficjent refutation ; by those laws every
" denomination of chriftians are protested in the
" full enjoyment of their own religious worship,
“ and privileges, and the road to honours and pre
" ferment is open to men of every religious fed,&no
" one is fubjetl to any, even the lowest kind of
" persecution, on account of religion. In such a
46 government as this every one may be sensible that
46 the laws will conform to the general sense of the
*' people, and are a true picture of their prevailing
" sentiments : We dare appeal to the candid of e
-66 very denomination in this colony for the truth of
66 this observation: And we do not think ourselves
“ any more answerable for the intolerance of our
" ancettors one hundred years ago, than the worthy
" bishops and clergy of the church of England, of
'fthe present day, are for the intolerance of their
'' predecessors, which forced our ancestors into this
" wilderness, and provoked them too hastily to re
-46 taliate upon them,when they followedafter them."
, Itmuft be confeffed, this is indeed a fufneient an
swer if what is said be in fad true; but itis appre
hended that, it is not, and that the laws of the go
vernment countenance, encourage, and uphold it.
According to the laws of the colony refpefting
ecclesiastical parishes, every individual within the
local bounds of societies, were originally, holden to
support that religion, and that minister which the
majority of the society chose ; and altho' there has
since been laws enaded for the relief of churchmen,
quakers, and baptists, yet all this comes vastly short
of universal toleration, : There are great numbers
of people in this government, more or less in almost
every town and society, who profefs con fciencioufly
to dissent from the established religion, who are
neither churchmen, quakers, nor baptists, and man^
of them, to all appearance, honest, well minded peo
ple, and good members of the common wealth, and
these lie at the mercy of the parish in which they
live ; whose tender mercies are often so cruel, that
they will deftrain away their goods, and imprison
their bodies, under a pious pretence of supporting
the gospel.
There is not a plainer dictate of reason, or scrip
ture, than that every individual has the right of
choosing his own religion, and whatever has an
abridgement of that right, favours of antichriftian
tyranny. This, no doubt, is one of the foundation
principles of protestantism : What good reason then
can be given for, or what good end can be answer
ed by compelling those persons who differ in fenti
pients of religion, either in refped of articles of
A faith, modes of worship, or forms of discipline, from
the body of the society in which they are included,
to pay their money for the support of religion, in a
way they judge in their consciences to be wrong?ls it
nothing of the nature of persecution, to take persons
who confciencioufly refufe to pay their money for the
support of our religion and worship, and shut them
up in prison, or take by force their interest from
them ? Or, if this may not with propriety be called
persecution, yet,is it not as really persecution as Par
liamentary taxation }
" Neither pagans, nor dissenting chriftians (fays
" the celebrated Mr. Locke) can with any shew of
'.'reafon be deprived of their worldly goods, by the
" predominating faction of a court-church.
Cpntaining the Freiheft ADVICES,
Mr. Watson,
As Farmington Committee of Infofiion, have rendered
m, hams infamous and odious, throughout this Country,
flcafe to insert the following.
AND in the firll place, I profefs a hearty ap
probation of the doings of the late Contiheh-
MON DAY, April 24, 1775.
CONNECTICUT
AND
WEEKLY
Open to all PARTIES-—not under the influence of ANY.
tal Congress, as published, md mean to comply
therewith according to their ^ue intent, and literal
conftrudion, by which I do not suppose myfelf pro
hibited absolutely, and in all cases, from the use of
tea as a medicine, but ftridLy so as diet.
Secondly, I do solemnly deciare, that I never
called for tea ^t home nor abroad since the firft of
March, 1775.
Thirdly, as to my drinking tea at Farmington,
I will give a true narrative of the affair, and the
public will judge whether I have been to blame or
not: For my own part, I never imputed blame to
myfelf, nor to any one else, neither then nor since.
About the middle of the month of March last
past, I called for breakfaft at Captain Solomon
Cowles, the Landlady said file would get some,
and aiked what would suit, and added, fays she,
I suppose you don't drink tea ? I answered, that
I had not pradifed it to be fare since March
came in, but as I feel this morning, it would not
wrong my conscience to drink a dish or two if I
could come at it, (for I had got a new cold by rid
ing in the wet the night before, had slept very lit
tle, &c.) the Landlady replied, that if I felt un
well, she supposed she might get me some, and ac
cordingly went and prepared it, and drank thereof.--
And if Mrs. Cowles was conscious of blame in
herfelf in the affair, I have nothing against her
making what concession or retraction Ihe pleases for
herfelf. But whether ihe had ; fight to accuse me
in the publick manner ihe hath done, and whether
the Committee have not scandalously violated the
resolves of their own county Congress in publishing
my name as a transgressor of the laws of my country,
without the least intimation of my supposed crime,
either to myfelf, or our committee, are questions for
the candid public to decide. But this appears to me
anew kind of court of judicature, to receive a falfe
accusation from a single prejudiced person and with
out any further evidence, or ever notifying the ac
cused, proceed to try, condemn and punish.
Litchfield April 6th, 1775. SETH BIRD.
LONDON, Feb. 11.
An anonymous correspondent fays, that he has re
ceived advice from Embden, that seven Prussian Ihips
of war are now fitting out at that port, on board of
which, five regiments of infantry are to embark with
all proper necessaries ; but their destination is kept
an entire secret.
Since the last Address from the Convocation has
been presented to the King, and in consequence of
the Clergy's promise to double their Diligence, and
observe their own conduct and example, it is r^ Ived,
that there shall be no more routs or cards at Lambeths;
and one prelate has already reduced himfelf to a
bottle of port after dinner, and the like after supper.
To those whom it may concern the most, by having mos
to lose.
A Civil war both at home and abroad will be the
ifl'ue of sanguinary measures with the Ameri
cans. The French and Spaniards exult at the pro
mising harvest ; they have reason ; they will not for
get, but, if opportunity offers, revenge their national
disgrace and losses in the last war. The firft blood
drawn in America more fatal to this kingdom than
their secret exultation, will be the ruin of public cre
dit. No one in his senses will keep a single farthing
in the funds, and our public funds, if not reduced to
a state of bankruptcy, will be shut up. What, or who
is to support the public credit ? The merchants to be
sure. They erf, can, which is not probable from the
contempt lately shewn to their petition ; they muff be
poltroons indeed, should they do it. The landed
interest can furnifh little fuccour ; an additional tax
for that purpose will increase the afflictions and dis
tresses of the poor, already too great. If govern
ment therefore is resolved to proceed to the extreme,
all persons interested in the public funds will forth
with fell out, and those who have notes will convert
them into cash, knowing the uncertainty of events.
They will aft wifely in doing it ; to delay it even a
moment will have the appearance of madness.
MB MENT®
TH E.
f ^^re2^^Zffl Lzjffl^h jfflh^gQg7„ffi' :
both FOREIGN and DOMESTIC.
* And would not this be an American land-tax, by
the authority of a Britifi Parliament ?^WW,d #% tr
That after the Delegates to the intended Con
gress, are fufficiently authorifed by their constitu
ents, to fettle and levy the refpe&ive quotas of
each Colony, for raising the proposed Revenue;
that in order to authorize and make their proceed,
ings legal, it shall be an indispensable condition,
that they duly recognize the supreme legislative au,
thority and superintending power of the Parliament
of Great-Britain over the Colonies as afore faid:-^
That this free grant of the Colonies to the Crown,
is not to be understood as a condition of Redrefy
but as a just testimony of afteftion.--- [For maternal
tendernefs/)---That from time to time passing this
provincial Aft of Parliament, the powers of Ad
miralty and Vice admiralty courts in America, shall
be restrained within their antient limits ;---the trial
by jury in civil cases restored—that in capital cases,
no American fubjett shall be indided or tried; ex
cept in the place where the faft was committed, and
by a jury of the vicinage :-^-that the three Boston
and the Quebec bills, the a& relating to the quar
tering of soldiers, and such parts of several other
ads as were thought to be grievous, shall be, and
are hereby fuf,ended, and to have no effect or exe
cution from the date of this aft; and from and af
ter the due recognition of the supreme legislative
authority and superintending power of parliament
over the Colonies, then to be finally repealed and
annulled.
That the judges in courts of laws in the Colonies
of America, be appointed with salaries from the
Crown, and to hold their places as in Englands
during good behaviour.•, #. § ~ t .&
That the American Colonies are juhly entitled
to the privileges, franchifes and immunities grant
ed by their several charters and constitutions, and
that these ought not to be invaded or resumed, un
less for misuser or some legal ground of forfei
ture. v,,.„ \. , 5 . > .: - ,
" So shall true reconcilement avert impending
calamities, and this mod solemn national accord
between Great-Britain and her Colonies stand an
Thtfollowing is the fubflance <f Lord Chatham's pro*
posed Bill to be brought into Parliament, entituled,
" A Provisional Adi for fettling the troubles in Amer
rica, and averting the supreme legislative authority
and Superintending power of Great-Britain over the
Colonies".
rpHE supremacy and authority of Great- Britain,
are averted in the very words of the declara,
tory a&, only that the words in all cases whatsoever,
are omitted, and in their stead the following in
serted: '' In all matters touching the general weal of
the whole dominion of the imperial crown of Great- Bri
tain, and beyond the competency of the local Re, refer
tative of a diflant Colony." especially for the regula
tion of navigation and trade, and keeping a hand
ing army, or such regular forces in : any of the
Colonies in time of peace, &c. as his Majesty may
think proper, without the consent of any Assem
blies of the said Colonies; Nevertheless, that the
Colonies shall not be liable to any tallage, tax, or
other charge for his Majesty's revenue, without the
consent and aft of their refpedive Assemblies.
That it shall be lawful for the Delegates from
the refpe&ive provinces to meet in General Con
gress at Philadelphia on the 9th of May next, in
order to take into consideration and make due re^
cognition, of the supreme legislative authority, and
superintending power of Parliament over the said
Colonies, as aforefaid---That the Congress be re
quired, (over and above the usual charge for sup,
port of civil Government in the refpedive Colonies)
to make a free grant to the King, of a certain per
petual Revenue, fubjed to the disposition * of Par
liament towards the difeharge of the national debt.
No doubt being had, but thejuft free aid being in
such honourable proportion, as may seem meet and
becoming from great and flourifhing Colonies, to
ward a parent hate labouring under the heavies:
burdens.
(NUMBER 539.)
COURAN T,
HARTFORD
INTELLIGENCE R.