The Pennsylvania packet, or, The general advertiser — Lancaster, Pa.;Philadelphia, Pa., 1782-12-31 00:00:00, page 1

* « S I R, camber z, 1782.
"AN attack upon my character having lately been made in
your paper, which probably will be repeated, I most chearfully
content to your publication of every piece written against me,
that flhall be offered to you; but I desire that nothing may be
published in my defence or favor.
I am, Sir, 'your very bumble Jervart,
Mr. Bailey. JOHN DICKINSON."
"S I R, Oiaober z, iflz.
"AN attack having lately been made from the pref; upon
my character, which probably will be repeated, 1 bag leave to
inform you, that I am perfectly willing every piece written
againft'me, and offered to you for publication, ffiould be inserted
in your paper; but, I desire that nothing may be published in
my defence or favor. Your compliance with this request will
exceedingly oblige, Sir,
Your very bumble Servant,
, JOHN DICKINSON."
Mr. Claypook. J
A similar letter was sent to Messieurs Bradford and Hall, Mr<
Oswald, and Mcff, Hall and Sellers.
I (hall be obliged to you, if you will be pleased to
give the following piece a place in your paper. Its being
written in fragments of evenings, after attention to the
public and private duties of the day, will, I hope, be
admitted as a fufficiept apology for its defects. I am,
Sir, with great refpeCt,
Tour very humble Servant.
JOHN DICKINSON.
To my Opponents in the fate Elections of Councillor for
the County of Philadelphia, and of President oj the Su
preme Executive Council of Pcnnfylvania.
Gentlemen,
lADDRESSI ADDRESS you as men of sense, candor and in
tegrity. If I hereby overrate the characters of some
of you, they, no doubt, will under-value mine. Such
a kind of retaliation will corre& the favor (hewn them ;
and while it gratifies them, I dial! not repine: For it will
give me much, lets pain to be traduced by them, than to
fail in the refpeCt due to any man of merit among you.
The persons firft described will regard truth and rea
son; and will be pleased to find themselves furnifhed
with fads and arguments, enabling them to disengage
their minds from the prejudices arising out of erro
neously combined ideas, of which, thro' the frailty of
our nature, party zeal is too frequently computed.
Before the late elections, I was diligent in affording you
every advantage for carrying on your operations. I flood
ftill —cast away all defence —and bared my bread to re
ceive every blow, cither openly or covertly aimed at me ;
and you yourselves could not complain, that •" I de
clined receiving your whole weapon into my body."
I wrote to the * printers of this city, requesting them
to publish every piece that should be offered them against
me, but nothing for me; and I entreated my friends to
rely on the votes, that should be dictated by the judg
ments and confeiences of a difeerning and virtuous peo
ple. As to myfelf, I never at any time stepped out of my
house, for the purpose of electioneering; and upon the
morning of the election for the county, I went into the
Delaware State, where I Raid several weeks, and till
within four days of the election of a President.
You mrfl^ have perceived by this conduct, that I de
fied, beyond expreflion,,all your efforts against me. In
deed I 1. What was my support, amidst the unpro
voked v,: you waged upon me, or, what would have
been my c isolation, if you had exceeded, perhaps you
ay at Co te favorable opportunity hereafter difwver,
rtbu it ~ that, if you had succeeded, I ffiould not
- attempted to comfort myfelf,,by aiking for your at
the? .< , the reputation of one of her private citi
?i <,t h we been of little, confcquence to Pennfylva
. low. tdefire of being ufefuito her, in the Ration
nl aligned me, and of vindicating those who have
hr ored me vdh their votes, calls upon me to shew, that
1m >no die man I have been by some of you so labori
emiyrepresented.
As lt ?hm: ves will, I hope, even in your opinion,
juftifytK mean eslam taking, permit me to expect from
yourlinearity, that you will of course forgive my com
pliance u ith the necessity, which you have imposed upon
ft, of making myfelf the fubjeCt of this address.
„ : y o. you, gentlemen, were children, many of you
ft ^ rs to this land, during a considerable period, in
wh llwas re dering to it all the services within my
power. Let those who were witnesses of my behaviour
deciare, whether, throughout my whole life, I have been
the warm, ditiiucrefted friend of the people, the zealous
and industrious asserter and maintainer of their rights and
liberties, or the artful pursuer of private advantages.
I challenge my enemies to point out a single inßance,
where, either as a Lawyer, or as a Member of Assembly,
I ever took a part in the least degree unfavorable to
those rights and liberties, Igo farther. I challenge them
to point out the inßances, while I praCtifed at the bar, or
had a feat in Legislation, where questions of moment
to the public arose, and I was not found on the fide of
my country.
TUESDAY, D ECEMBER 31, 1752.
THE
OR, THE
G E NERAL ADVERTISER.
VOL. XL!
Mr. CLAYPOOL E.
Published every TUESDAY, THURSDAY and SATURDAY. —Price Six-Pence.
you and them, than I bad been for mrferi. For you and
them I free/,devoted myfelfto every hazard. F.r you and
:them I exerted all my cares and labors, that not one drop
of blood should be unnecelTarily drawn «rom American
veins, nor one scene of misery needlefly introduced with
in American borders.
My firft objection to making the declaration of inde
pendence, at the time when it was made, arose from this
consideration: It was acknowledged in the debate, that
the firft campaign would be decisive as to the final event
of the controversy. I inlifted that the declaration would
not strengthen ns by one man, or by the least fapply---
on the contrary, it might be combued to manifelt such
an aversion on our part, as might inflame the calamities
of the contest, and expose our soldiers and inhabitants in
general to additional cruelties and outrages —We ought
not, without some prelufory trials of our strength, to
commit our country upon an alternative, where, to re
cede would be infamy-and to persist might be destruction.
No instance was recollected of a people, without a bat
tle fought or an ally gained, abrogating for ever their
connection with a great, rich, warlike, commercial em
pire, whose wealth or connections had always procured
allies when wanted, and bringing the matter finally to a
prosperous conclusion.
It was informing our enemies what was the ultimate
object of our arms, which ought to be concealed until
we had consulted other powers, and were better prepared
for refinance. —It would too soon confirm the charges of
those in Great Britain who were most hostile to us, and
too early contradict the defences made by those who were
most friendly towards us—lt might therefore unite the
different parties there against U 3, without our gaining any
thing in counterbalance—And it might occasion disu
nion among ourselves, and thus weaken us.
With other powers, it might rather injure than avail
us There was a certain, weight and dignity in such
movements, when they appeared to be regulated by pru
dence, that would be 1011, if they were attributed to the
emotions of passion --If politicians fhouhl be induced to
ascribe the measure to the violence of this dictator, we
might be deprived in their judgment, of the merit of
what they thought we had well done before, and of a
just credit with them in future for our real force and fixed
intentions How such a judgment would operate, was
obvious.
Foreign aid would * not be obtained by the (declara
tion, but by our actions in the field, which were the
* This was confirmed by the conduct of France.
How long, how fervently, have numbers of you com
mended and loved me for my exertions, fueb as they
were, in the cause of freedom? How lately, and violent
ly, you have endeavoured to disgrace and rum me, is
fufficiently known. With what justice remains to be en
quired.
Four charges are brought against me.
Firfl. That I opposed the declaration of independence,
in Congress.
Secondly. That I highly disapproved the Constitution of
this State.
Thirdly. That I deserted my battalion when it went in
to the field in December 1776, and the American cause,
till the treaty with France, or, as some fay, till the Con
vention of Saratoga.
, Fourthly. That I injured, or endeavoured to injure the
continental money, particularly, by writing a letter to my
brother.
The firft charge, as it is made, I deny: but I confefs
that I opposed the making the declaration of independ
ence at the time when it was made. The right and au
thority of Congress to make it, the justice of making it,
I acknowledged. The policy of then making it I disputed.
To render this charge .criminal, it Should be shewn that
Iwas influenced by unworthy motives. It will not be
enough to prove that 1 was mistaken ; so far from it, that
if it appears I was actuated by a tender affection for my
country, I know my country will excuse the honest error.
When that momentous affair was considered in Con
gress, I was a member of that honourable body for this
State. I thereby became a truflee for Pennsylvania imme
diately, and in some measure for the rest of America.
The bufinef; related to the happiness of millions then in
existence, and of more millions who were unborn. I
felt the duty, and endeavoured faithfully to difeharge it.
Malice and envy must sigh and confefs, that I was
among the very firft men on this continent, who by the
open and decided steps we took staked our lives and for
tunes on our country's cause. This was done at an ^ra
of the greatefc danger, as it was unknown how far we
Should be supported. In this point no reserve, no caution
was used by me; and, tho' marked out by peculiar cir
cumstances for the resentment and vengeance of our ene
mies, if they had succeeded, I frankly pledged my all
for her freedom.
Thus rar I had a right to go, whatever I ventured, for
I wa^ rifting only % own. But when I came to delibe-,
rate on a print of phe loft importance to you and my
other fellow cni/ou;, and to your and their posterity,
then, and not till then, I became guilty of reserve and
caution if it was guilt to be mme concerned for
only evidences of our union and vigor, that would be
refpeCted,—and by the sentiments statesmen should form
upon the relative consequences of the dispute. This opi
nion was confirmed by many similar instances, particular
ly in the war between the United Provinces of the Low
Countries and Spain, in which France and England assist
ed the former, before they declared themselves independ
ent, which they did not do till the ninth year of the war.
If it was the interest of any European kingdom or state
to aid us, we should be aided without such a declara
tion.—ls it was not, we should not be aided with it.—
On the sixth day of July, 1775; &year within two days
before the declaration, Congress assured the people of
America in an address, that, J " Foreign affiance was
undoubtedly attainable." Facts subsequent to
THAT DATE, WITH WHICH EVERY MEMBER WAS AC
QUAINTED, IT WAS NEEDLESS TO MENTION.
We ought to know the difpofitinns of the great pow
ers, before such an irrevocable step should be taken; and,
if they did not generally chufe to interfere, how far they
would permit any one or more of them to interfere. The
ereCtion of an Independent Empire on this continent was
a phenomenon in the world---Its effects would be im
menfe, and might vibrate round the globe---How they
might affeCt, or be supposed to affeC t old establishments,
was not afcertained---lt was singularly difrcfpcCtful to
France, to make the declaration before her sense was
known, as we had sent an Agent exprefflv to enquire
" whether such a declaration would be acceptable to
her;" and we had rcafon to believe he was then arrived
at the Court of Ferfoilles---Such precipitation might be
unsuitable to the circumstances of that kingdom,' and
inconvenient---The measure ought to be delayed, till
the common interests should be in the best manner con
sulted, by common consent. Besides, the door to accom
modation with Great- Britain night not to be dint, until
we knew what terms could be obtained from feme com
petent power---T'nus to break with her, before we had
compacted with another, was to make experiments on
the lives anddiberties of my countrymen, which I would
focner die than agree to make; at best, it was temow us
into the hands of some other power, and todie at mercy;
for we should have passed the river, that was never to be
repaffed---lf treated with force regard, we might yet be
obliged to receive a disagreeable law, tacked to a necessary
aid. This was not the plan we should pursue. We ought
to retain the declaration, and remain as much ripafters as
possible of our own fame and fate---We ought to inform
that power, that we were filled with a just detercation of
our oppressors; that we were determined to cast off for
ever all fubjedion to them; to declare ourselves independ
ent; and to support that declaration with our lives and
fortunes---provided that power should approve the pro
ceeding; would acknowledge our independence; and
enter into a treaty with us upon equitable and advanta
geous conditions.
True it is, that we have happily succeeded, without
observing these precautions ; and let my enemies triumph
in this conceflion, when they iliall have produced an ex
ample from hiltory to equal thejuftice, wisdom, benevo
lence, magnanimity and good faith, displayed by His
Most Christian Maiefty, in his conduct towards us. Till
then, at least, let me be pardoned for having doubted---
whether there was such a Monarch upon earth.
Other objections to making the declaration, at the time
when it was made, were suggested by our internal cir
cnmftances. To me it feeroed, that, in the nature of
things, the formation of our governments, and an agree
ment upon the terms of our confederation, ought to
precede the assumption of our Ration among Sovereigns.
A fovereiguty, composed of several diftinft bodies of men,
not fubjed to established constitutions, and those bodies
not combined together by the function of any confirmed
articles of union, was such a sovereignty as had never
appeared. These particulars would net be unobserved by
foreign kingdoms and Rates, and they would wait for *
other proofs of political energy, before they would treat
us with the desired attention.
With refpeCt to ourselves, the confederation was Rill
more serious.
The forming of our governments was a new and diffi
cult work. They ouQt to be rendered as generally fa
tisfaCtory to the people as possible---When this was done,
and the people perceived that they and their posterity
were to live under well regulated couftitmHns, they
would be encouraged to look forward to confederation
and independence, as ccmpleating the noble system of
their political happiness—The objects nearest to them
were now enveloped in clouds, and therefore those more
distant must appear confufed—That they were independ
ent, they would know; but the relation one citizen was
to bear to another, and the connection one State was to
have with another, they did not, could not know. Man
kind wire naturally attached to plans of government,
that promised quiet and security under them — General
iatisfaCtion with them, when formed,.would be indeed a
(Continued i° th* Fourth Page. )
+ Journals as ''^n^ref-, V 4.1. P - 147.
* See dot tonified in the Fench ‘ Observations on the
fffcativc Memriri w the Court of London,"
[NUMB. 983.