Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-08-08 00:00:00, page 1

England by its constitution, has the happy mix
ture of power and liberty; but vice has sapped its
foundation and is preparing to exhibit it to after
ages, as the mighty ruin of a once noble fabric!:.
America, with retrograde afpe&, arose in the weft
to display to eastern realms the comely and grace
ful figure of Liberty. Railed on a throne of Truth
with Virtue at her right hand, Justice on her left,
Wisdom, with the pages of antiquity displayed be
fore her, and Innocence supporting her Shield.
'When firft the " arose from out the main" the
morn was still, the sky was serene, the western
air breathed foft and gently its refrefhing gales,
and pleasingly held forth the signs of a joyful and
happy day: But soon there came a lowering cloud
with black and horrid gloom, which obfeured its
glories, and cast a baneful shade acrofi the land.—
Pardon me, my Brethren, for thus roving into
the fields of Fancy, and kindly receive me again at
the gates of Reason.
The long disputes depending between England
and her colonies, have compelled them into a
close search after their natural rights, and as they
have repeatedly declared them in resolves from
one end of the continent to the other, I will make
bold to take a review of their general sentiments
of liberty.
Nov. 29th, 1765, the ATembly of South-
Carolina resolve, that his Majesty's liege fubjefts
in this province are entitled to all the inherent
rights and liberties of his natural born fubjefts
within the kingdom of Great-Britain—that the
increase, profpeiity and happiness of the people of
this province, depend upon the fa/ and free enjoy
ment of their rights and liberties.
Sept. 28th, 1765, the Assembly of Maryland
resolve, that the firft adventurers and settlers of
this province of Maryland brought with them and
tranfmit'ed to their posterity, and all other his Ma
jesty's fubje^s since inhabiting in this province,
all the liberties, privileges, frunchifes and immu
nities that nt any time have been held, enjoyed and
pofleffed by the people of Great-Britain.
Sept. 21st, 176 g, the Aflembly of Pennsylva
nia resolve, that the inhabitants of this province
are entitled to all the liberties, rights and privileges
of his Majesty's fubje^s in Great-Britain, or else
where, and that rhe constitution of government in
this province is founded on the natural rights of
mankind and the noble principles of Englifo liberty,
and therefore is, or ought to be, perfects) free.
Goaded by oppression, and urged by the exer
tions of unjust and unreasonable power, the inha
bitants of America have unitedly risen in a manly
and virtuous opposition. Unawed by the tyran
ny of imperious rulers, we rouze with indignant
hearts, and boldly assert the extent of our rights.
Every latent spark is drawn forth to enlighten the
scene. The clouds of obfeuring ignorance are ex
pelled and dispersed, whilst the blaze of human
freedom darts far and wide its chearing rays. We
trace with enquiring minds the principles of go
vernment ; we closely investigate the origin
of power, and deduce from unvarying laws that
Man, the image of his maker—Man, a little lower
than the Angels, has a title, an undoubted title, to
unlimited freedom, and though the necessities of
civil society oblige us for the conveniences of life
to deliver up part of the unbounded liberty of our
natures, yet this surrender we cautiously circum
scribe, and mark it within the bounds of publick
good, by which every individual is protested in his
just and equal share. At firft when the dedications
of power are perverted to the injury of the people,
they rife with jealous anger and enquire the cause ;
but such is the depravity of human nature and the
artfulnefs of vice, that the very means which were
devised to secure and protect, become the en
gines of definition. With diferetionary confi
dence we trull power in the hands of a few, and
these by a gradual insatiable desire of unlimitted
sway are, with boundless pursuits, undermining the
principles of their appointment. Nation after
nation have fallen vi&ims to the luftof power, and
the wretched inhabitants can now scarcely descry
the vestiges of freedom.
N U MBER VI.
Jft POLITIC IL REFLECTIO NS,
f Emitted to the confderation of the British
Colonies. By a Citizen of Philadelphia.
tf^ 53 °'UHLSTthe mind is diverted from
( ^/Cl^ s ) ;objects of personal interest, to the
cfr W ', more important affairs of national
<' % concern, will it be deemed treache
✓^ ^ rows to fe zeon it in that unguarded
^^y moment, and consign it a prey to
the cause of virtue; or canthe fubje& ofthis paper
be thought foreign or impertinent,when the question
in agitation is a question of liberty.
To every principled and virtuous son of freedom
I ferioudy appeal, and crave your attention to a
fubjed united and connected with the common
cause. I beseech you to come, calm and unpre
judiced—divested of everyungenerous and unmanly
sentiment, with hearts and fouls unreservedly de
voted to the great butiovfs of the day; the bufioefs
of eftablilhiog the ground work of lading happiness
to an ex;enfive continent.
OBl^^
GENERAL
V O L. ill.
MONDA Y,
O R,
These several resolves from South-Carolina to
New-England, fully indicate the general idea of
liberty, entertained by the colonists at the time of
the Stamp Aft. And the sentiments in the present
opposition are much the fame, some of the resolves
being couched in the fame words, they rest their
claims on the just principles of “ natural right,"
and contend for their privileges, as “ founded in
" the lain of God and nature and the common rights
" of mankind , rights which " no law of society
" can confidently divest them of."
Now, my Brethren, I will beg leave to come
close to the point, and call for an examination of
our own conduft—Let us try if it will square with
our pretensions, whether we can reconcile the
exercise of Slavery with our profeffions of freedom,
" founded on the law of God and nature and the
" common rights of mankind" —l beseech ye, Bre
thren, with dispassionate and disinterested minds to
lurvey the fubjedt—Can we suppose that the people
of England will grant' the force of our reasoning,
when they are told, that every colony on the conti
nent, is deeply involved in the inconsistent practice
of keeping their fe 'low creatures, in perpetual bon
dage ? So much has been wrote on this fubjed by
abler pens, that it may be difficult to set it in so
new and striking a point of light, as to gain your
attention; but whilst the evil remains, the fame
arguments will necessarily arise; nor will they
ever lose their force. In vain shall we contend
for liberty, as an “ efenflal in our confitution,
till this barbarous inhuman practice is driven from
our borders. Let him who claims an exemption
from the controul of Parliamentary power, shew to
the world, by what right, human or divine, he
keeps in cruel slavery his fellow man. We declare
with ajoint voice, that all the inhabitants of Ame
rica, are entitled to the privileges of the inhabi
tants of Great-Britain; if so, by what right do we
support slavery ?—the instant a slave sets his foot
in England, he claims the protection of the laws,
and puts his master at defiance; if British rights ex
tend to America, who shall detain him in bondage?
Ifhis pretended owner, can shew no personal con
tract with the unfortunate African, is there a
court on the continent, that would unrighteously
declare him a slave? You fay you bought them, of
thole who had a right to fell.—l dispute it—on
behalfof the injured Blacks, I dispute it, and call
on you to shew your title. When a servant is of
fered for sale in the colonics, are we contented
with the Captain's asseverations ?—no—we call for
the indenture, the personal contrast: if that is
not to be produced, where is the man who will be
hardy enough to fell him ? If he is indebted for
his passage, he is at liberty to make his own bargain
with the purchaser, and enters into a voluntary
temporary servitude: even if he is a convill, and
has forfeited his life to the laws of his country, and
is respited for transportation, I presume no Cap
tain ever came over unprovided with authentic do
cuments, from the records of Newgate: though
many contend, that servitude if no part of their
sentence, as being inconsistent with the liberty of an
Englifhinan, and 1 have been assured, that some on
their landing in America, have demanded their li
berty.—ls this be the case—is the English confu
tation guards the liberties of men, who have been
condemned to die for the breach of their own coun
try's laws, how comes it, that we undertake to
inflict so barbarous a punishment upon the natives
of Africa, for their transgressions in Guinea; which
is the lall wretched argument of refuge, which th^
Dec. 25th, 1765, at a large and refpe^able
meeting in the colony of Connecticut for the county
of Windham and parts adjacent, they resolve,
that Cod has by nature given us a right to freedom,
and by solemn charter, compact and agreement
made with our forefathers, we are, as natural heirs
by inheritance, entitled to all the rights and privi
leges of the English constitution, by which our
natural rights are confirmed.
Sept. 16, 1765, the Affemblyofßhode-Iflund
resolve, that the firft adventurers, settlers of his
Majesty's colony and dominion of Rhode-Illand
and Providence plantation, brought with them, and
transmitted to their posterity, and all other his Ma
jesty's fubjefis since inhabiting in this his Majesty's
colony, all the privi eges and immunities that have
at any time been held, enjoyed, and pfeffed by the
people of Great- Britain, and that by a charter granted
by King Charles the second, in the irth year of
his reign, the co ony aforefaid is declared entitled
to al privileges of natural bornjubjeds to all intents
and purpoles, as if they had been abiding and born
within the realm of England.
Oa. 29, 1765, the AfTcmbly of Massachusetts
Bay resolve, that there are certain essential rights of
the British conftirution which refunded in the lam
of God and nature, and are the common rights of
mankind; therefore, that the inhabitants of this
province are unalienably entitled to those efential
rights in common with all men, and no law of
society can, cenffent with the lam of Cod and
nature, divefl them of tbofe rights. That his Ma
jesty's fubje&s in America are, in reason and com
mon sense, entitled to the fame extent of liberty
with his Majesty's fubje^s in Great-Britain.
DUNLA P's
=r "~,z==^™°""^^
MOA
WW^MW^
^^^i^^
advocates for slavery insist on ; and that not con
tent withg'orioufy taking up the caufeof an Ethio
pian savage government, and nobly becoming their
honourable executioners, we visit the fins of the fa
thers, to the latest generations : but if we admit
the propriety of the argument, I request on behalf
of the injured and distressed, that you produce the
records of their courts, or the proofs of t'neir
crimes; if you do neither, what better testimony
do you shew for your possession, than the house
breaker or highway-man ? Wherever a man
claims and supports his property, he shall undoubt
edly recover it. Now every slave by his personal
appearance, makes that claim—he for ever carries
about him the strongest proofs in nature, of his
original right —he is the firft grand link; and un
less his pretended owner shall deduce a regular
chain of conveyance, I contend, that by the laws
of the English constitution, and by our own declara
tions, the instant a Negro sets his footin America,
he is as free as if he had landed in England. If
force and power are the only important links in the
title, what arguments can we advance in their fa
vour, which will not militate against ourselves,
whilst England remains superior by land and by
sea.
Shall a climate, a colour, ora country, deter
mine the miserable inhabitants as (laves and vaflals
to the rest of the world ; or from what quarter
shall we derive our reasonings, to prove and support
our tyrannizing power ?—ls there such a thing
with Englishmen—high claiming Englishmen —as
partial liberty ?—has the Almighty decreed us
their millers, and degrading the workmanship of
his hands, stamped slave to eternity on their fore
heads? by what law has he thus vested us with
barbarous and cruel sway? Is it possible we can fit
down in the cool of the day, and laying our hands
on our bosoms, fay, we believe they were formed
for our servants? On the other hand I would ask,
is there a fugle argument to be adduced in support
of our right to their services, which would not
equally hold in favour of their enslaving us, if we
were trepanned into their country ? But why need
I argue on the point ? I cannot consent to believe
that there is a tingle flare holder on the continent,
who is from principle a tyrant. Their interests
are so nearly connected with the fubjeft, that their
judgments are milled. With such men it is hard
to contend; their reason lies buried and conceal
ed; when called forth it appears with reluctance,
and urges its efforts with enervated force. Yet
many there are in the several colonies, who are
earnestly concerned in this important cause.—To
you, my Brethren— you genuine sons of liberty, they
look for support. Let us set foot to foot, and
shoulder to ftioulder, to expel this horrid Daemon
from our land.—How oft is my heart funk into
sorrowing sympathy, with these poor and unfortu
nate wretches. When I hear of the brutal cru
elties exercised over them, by their inhuman own
ers, when I view these usurpers of human free
dom, baling in the beams of success, and bowling
through life with undaunted career, I look up
with wondering eye, to the great and Almighty
Author of our being, and am loft in contemplating
the difpeplations of his Providence.
The noble, Spirited and virtuous Assembly of
Virginia, not long ago, petitioned his Majesty for
leave to pass an ad to prohibit the importation of
(laves, as inconsistent with the principles of hu
manity; but the petition was rejected. Yet should
the colonies with their joint voice at the Congress,
make a forcible remonstrance against the iniquity
of the slave trade, it would breathe such an inde
pendent spirit of liberty, and so corroborate our
own claims, that I should dare to hope far an in
tervening arm of Providence, to be extended in
eur favour. Should the colonies gain permission
to pass prohibitary ads against future importations,
I should then with expectant joy, look forward
for the glorious dawning of a day of liberty.
Unimportant as this may seem to some, I hesi
tate not to pronounce, that the true interests and
welfare of America, are more intimately connected
with it, than the repeal of every ad which now agi
tates the continent— one we might probably out
grow in a series of yea r s, but the other would
“ strengthen withour strength," and involve us in
endless perplexities. If a flop could be put to the
importation, the grand, difficulty would be over.
Means might soon be devised to discharge the un
happy race amongst us, and wear out this mon
strous badge of unrighteousness. To the Congress
I would earnestly uVge this weighty point, and to
the internal policy of every government, I would
press the necessity of removing every legal obstruc
tion, which stands as a bar to their freedom. I
am unacquainted with the general laws of eman
cipation in the southern and eastern colonies, but
those of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New-
Jersey have fallen within my knowledge. In
the firft any slave holder may set his (laves at
liberty without charge or encumbrance, provided
they are not aged or infirm, but in Pennsylvania
the law requires a bond of indemnification, of
thirty pounds, to prevent the (lave becoming a
burthen on the townihip, and the law is so word-
ADVERTISER.
AUGUST Sth, 1774.
Were the colonies as earnest for the preservation
of liberty, upon its true and genuine principles, as
they are to oppose the supremacy of an English
Parliament, they would enter into a virtuous and
perpetual resolve, neither to import, nor to pur
chase any (laves introduced amongst them after the
meeting of the Congress. A resolve so replete
with liberty, fe truly noble, would indelibly con
vey to future age;, a memorable record of disin
terested virtue; whilst thousands, ten thousands
yet unborn, might bless them in their native (hades,
carving on the smooth bark of every tree, Noble
Americans. With grateful hearts might they
look up “ to the unknown Go I," and urge this ar
dent prayer Great and Almighty ruler of the
universe, fewer down the choicefl of thy blc,ngs on
yon weflern c imes.
Here I shall close these reflexions, and submit
them to the candour ofmy countrymen. Ifmy con
ceptions of equity, or conjeclures on the political
interests of the continent, should differ from many
of my Brethren, I shall open my heart to convic
tion, and stand a willing convert to the voice of
reason. The welfare ofmy country alone engaged
my feeble pen, and prompted me to steal on the
publick, with a cloak of disguise; a cloak which
may haply proteß me from the keenness ofinvec
tive, and shield me from reproach. Though the
storms of obloquy and virulence, may pour o'er
my head with unremitting violence, and the lon {
thunders of angry zeal, may roar in my ears with
incessant peals; though the slashes of political fire,
may dart their forky vengeance with fiercenefs
round my dwelling,—fnug and retired, beneath
the shelter of a humble roof, I brave the danger
and defy the storm.
•,,s<}*<)s<,4,?-,^^ ^
Tobe SOLD by PUBLIC VENDUE,
On the 18th inst. (Anguft) at the honfe of WiLLb
liam Gess, near the premises,
A TRACT of land called Profpe&, containing
one thousand acres; this tra& is entirely wood -
land, the foil well adapted for farming, being well
watered by a constant stream, from which a quanti
ty of good meadow may be made; the road from
the Garrison Church to Murray's, where it interfe&s
the Conuewago-road, runs through this land ; it is
convenient to several places of worship, and several
merchant mills ; the didance from Baltimore only 1$
miles, on a good public waggon road, by which the
purchaser may attend with ease, the weekly mar
ket at Baltimore ; where the highest price is given
for every article that can be produced and spared
from a farm ; the land is capable of great improve
ment, being frefh ; it may be divided into three or
four plantations. The title and terms of (ale may
be made known, by applying to Robert Alexan
der, Esq; in Baltimore, or Levy Narks, in
Philadelphia. Reasonable credit will be given, if
required, on giving good security.
July 26, 1774..
THREE POUNDS REWARD.
RAN AWAY from the (übferiber, living in
Woolwich township, Gloucester county, a
servant man, named JAMES LAND, about
5 feet 4. or 5 inches high, has black hair and black
eyes, middling well set, this country born ; had on
and took with him an old raccoon hat, oznabri^s
shirt, two pair of oznabrigs trowfers, a pair of white
yarn flocking, half worn (hues with brais buckles,
and an half worn broadcloth jacket and under afto.
Whoever takes up hid servant, and Secures him in
any of his Majesty's gaols, or brings him to his
mailer again, thall have the above Reward, and
reasonable charges, paid by
SAMUEL ELLIS,
r 0-m0 r r 0 w,
At O N E o'clock in the afternoon, at
JOHN H A K T's
V ENDUE - STORE,
At the corner of South and Front-Streets,
Will begin the SALE of a neat assortment of
MERCHAN D I Z E.
ed, as to admit of a doubt, whether such bond
totally difeharges the master's estate; and in some
cases the courts before whom such emancipation
is to be declared, have so far exerted their pow
er, as to refufe admitting the security, though un
doubtedly good, and the (laves intended for free
dom healthy and young; by which means, ther
were kept in bondage against the inclinations oftbeir
owners. In New-Jersey, the law requires a secu
rity of two hundred pounds, but the afl'embly of
that province at their last session, took upthemat
ter on virtuous principles, and made an essay to
wards “ an all for the more equitable manumission of
saves," by which any person declaring his Negro
free, before proper authority, at the age oftwen
ty one, may do it without charge or encumbrance,
and for every year exceeding that age, the owner
so intending to set him free, is to pay into the
hands of the overseers of the poor, the sum of
twenty (hillings, which (hall be a total discharge :
This with a few diferetionary reftri&ions is pub
llfhed in their votes, for the infpeflion of their
constituents, and it is hoped by every lover of li
berty, that it will pass into a law at the next fef
(ions.
T HE
NUMB. 146.