Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1775-04-17 00:00:00, page 5

Covernor JOHNSTONE'S SPEECH,
on the ^uejiion for re-committing the Addict,
declaring the Colon, of Massachusetts-Bay in Rebel
lion.
Mr. SPEAKER,
BEFORE you pronounce this dreadful sentence
upon a MERITORIOUS, SOBER, INDUS
TRIOUS people, I hope the House will indulge me
with a few words in difeharge of the duty I owe my
felf, and likewise with a view of transmitting my cha
racter fair to posterity, when those BLACK feenes shall
be examined without prejudice.
The real question before us is, upon the proper
measures to be pursued refpeding our fellow-fub
jeds in America. In order to judge of this we must
confider the REAL CAUSE of dispute: I fay the
substantial difference turns on the RIGHT OF TAX
ATION. Most of the advocates on the other fide
have endeavoured to slur this point, and alledge,
" that the claims of the Americans extend far beyond
this article, and that the Aft of Navigation iifelfis in
danger." —But it is impossible for a judicious mind
to read the material papers, and not to fee that this is
ILLUSORY The Congress has exprefly told us,
" they are willing to acquiesce in those laws which
secure to us the monopoly of their trade, as necessary
in the mutual connexion; and the inftrudions from
Philadelphia, on which the Proceedings of the Con
gress are chiefly formed, avow THESE DOCTRINES
in more full and explicit terms. This method of con
demning men by INFERENCE and CONJECTURE,
contrary to their repeated declarations, i cannot ap
prove; I shall therefore bend the whole force of my
argument to the original cause of quarreI—TAX
ATION.
The great and only secret yet found ,out for pre
ferring the liberties of mankind from the encroach
ments of that power which is necessary for the execu
tive in large kingdoms, is the POWER OF THE
PURSE. This was the fubjed of contention in the
civil wars of Charles the Firll: It is this privilege
alone which makes the House of Commons refpe&able:
This was the point which HAMPDEN obtained for
us! And I leave every one acquainted with the history
of those memorable times, to determine in his own
mind, " whether we should ever have enjoyed this
blessing, if he had tamely paid the tax, and had not
RESIS I ED?—From this power we derive the certain
ty of assembling the Representatives of the People ;
by this redress of grievances may PRECEDE supplies ;
and the security that the exercise will not be abused is
derived from hence, that the House cannot impose on
others, what they are not to feel themselves. By the
principles of the Constitution, every man should be
xeprefented ; but the deviation from a rule, too nice
for practice, is fafely borne, because the interest of
every particular member remains as a pledge, that no
individual can be ov rburthened : When this security
is removed, there is no longer fafety for those to whom
the faft does not apply. What is the case refpefting
the Americans ? Does any member feel himself affetl
cd by the Impositions he shall lay on them? Nay,
does not the CONTRARY PRINCIPLE prevail ?
The more he shall BURTHEN America, the more
be will RELIEVE himfelf.—JUDGE HOBBERT
fays, "If an Act of Parliament was made, conhitut
ing a man a judge in his own cause, it would be void
by the law of nature." Yet such is the precile situa
tion in which we contend we ought to be placed ref.
pelting the Americans, and for th^ denial of which
we are ready to condemn our fellow-fubjefts to all the
tortures enacted by the laws of tieafon.
Let us look round, and view the fate of different
flares that have yielded or preferred the privileges for
which the Americans contend. So soon as the COR
TES loft this power, their slavery was compleat. POR
TUGAL has now no vellige of this palladium—Here
is Tyranny supreme! In FRANCE, where the traces
are left, (as in the Pays d'etat) their happiness is dif
tinguifhubie from the misery of other parts. In
BRITAIN we are yet free, because we retain it. In
HOLLAND, SWITZERLAND, and the other states
of Europe, they are more or less so as they preserve it.
What are the circumstances that distinguish and
protend the BRITISH Colonies from those of OTHER
nations? The Representatives of the people met in
GENERAL ASSEMBLY, and the TRIAL BY JU
RY—If the system of taxation by the Parliament of
Great-Britain takes place, what being can be so cre
dulous as to expert the Assemblies of the People will
ever meet; and it is confeffed that Admiralty Courts,
disclaiming Trials by Jury, are necessary to enforce
this species of taxation. Here then are all the essen
tial privileges of an Englishman dependant on this
question, and the real interest of the date is no way
concerned in the contrary scale, since the prosperity of
the Colonies must ever prove the riches and glory of
England—Nothing but the ABSURD PRIDE, or,
NARROW IGNORANCE of the PREVENT AD
MINISIRATION, can be thrown into it—When
once this system takes place, we shall then feel the
tyrar.nv and opprehion of Governors, with all their
train of dependents, as in the Provinces of ROME,
which are now quoted as an example.
Thus much supposing the Americans RIGHT in
the dispute (as I believe they are); but supposing them
WRONG, I shall now Hate their excuse, and fee
what heart can condemn them, and retain any claims
to humanity.
The quellion concerning the RIHGT to tax the
Colonies, though clear to those who are accustomed
to think deeply on the principles of free Governments,
POSTSCRIPT to Dunlap's Pennsylvania Packet. April ig, 1775.
is difficult to common apprehensions. MONTES
QUIEU has observed, " that in Despotism every thing
ought to depend on two or three ideas." As for in-
Itauce, Is there any thing so fit to solve this dis
pute as the UNITY of the British Empire---the SU
PREMACY of the Legislative Authority of Great-
Britain--theOMNIPOTENCEof Parliament? Is there
any man f> ignorant, after having heard those SOUN
DING words, as not clearly to comprehend the whole
of the controversy ? Plodding, thinking creatures,
who are accuflomed to confider the complicated pri
vileges in a free Government, from whence the har
mony of the whole Iprings, may be puzzled ; but
men who have never dilturbed their reprofe with such
dry con fiderations can have no doubt on the matter.
Be that as it may, certain it is, that the difeuffion of
this most important question was debated in this As
sembly by the GREATEST ABILITIES, after the
FULLEST INFORMATION, that ever accompa
nied any political quefions. The decision was IN
FAVOUR of the Americans ; the damp a& was RE
PEALED.---! admit that " Principles of EXPEDI
ENCY" are alledged as the REASON, in the pream
ble of the Bill; but the men who boldly DENIED
during this difeuffion, the power of taxing the Colo
nies, as con ftitutionally exiting in the Commons of
Great-Britain, namely, LORD CHATHAM and
LORD CAMDEN, (men of as extraordinary talents
as ever adorned society) the one was made Prime Mi
nister, the other was created a Peer, and Lord High
Chancellor of Great-Britain, the Keeper of the King's
Conscience ! --What American could have retained
any doubt of his cause in the mind of his Majesty, or
the nation, after fucli a decifion?-- The compromising
ad soon followed (for the fake of gratifying a party)
violating all the principles of Commerce and Policy
in the lump-giving draw-backs here, exading duties
there, committing the power and authority of the na
tion on fubjefts which never could produce any effec
tual revenue, and this in a manner that all men of
sense mull ever condemn.
When the Americans saw, by this Ad of Parlia
ment, that the great question was likely again to re
turn upon them, in the progress of time, through the
greed, ignorance, or caprice of Itatefmen, they meet
the position in its fly, circuitous, queftionabie thape;
they recurred to their old principles; they revolted
against the preamble; they transmitted petitions; and
all failing, they entered into non-importation agree
ments. This produced LORD HILLSBOROUGH'S
circular letter, which 1 will repeat again and again,
till a contrary conduct is pursued ; for no fatiT^c
tory answer can be given about it, while the present
doftrines are avowed.---The Americans, thus FOR
TIFIED in their opinions concerning the point of
taxation, are unanimous AGAINST our power, from
NOVA SCOTIA TO GEORGIA. If there be any
doubt on this fad, why not call GOVENOR EDEN?
We are told he lately arrived: It would have been be
coming to have produced him. But I call on his re
lations, friends, or any man, to contradict me in this
assertion, " that the Americans are unanimous againit
this power of taxation, as lodged in the British Par
liament." They are rcfolved to refill; and since you
have placed them in a situation where they must ci
ther be Rebels or Slaves, the blame mult lie with those
who have drove them to this dilemma.
In di cuffing the question of RESISTANCE,
the gentlemen of the other fide have great advanta
ges : We Hand on difficult ground, since, from its
nature, it never can be defined, or admitted as
lawful. The firft officer of the CROWN has
fairly exptyTed my ideas on this fubjedt. The
principle should never be extinguished in any go
vernment,. much less in a FREE country ; the
occasion must ever be referred to the general feel
ings of mankind. Now, it depriving a trading
town of its commerce—if cutting off whole socie
ties from the benefit of the elements which GOD
has given them—if proceeding to deprive them of
the filhery, their fubfiftance—if altering their char
ter, and annihilating all their rights, without
hearing ' them in defence—lf establishing, in its
Head, a new form of government, which leaves all
things in cenfufion—if erecting a system of tyran.
ny ih their neighbourhood, and ESTABLISHING
(not tolerating) all the absurdities of the ROMAN
CATHOLIC RELIGION —Trial by Jury dis
missed—Habeas Corpus denied—the Representa
tives of the people determined ufelefs—inferior
duties levied by Act of Parliament—in short, pre
cedents for the violation of every thing we hold
most sacred in this country : I fay, if ads like these
can VINDICATE resistance, the AMERICANS
can quote them, and GOD and THE WORLD
mull judge between us. For my own part, I eon
fider, with LORD SOMERS, " that treason
againit the CONSTITUTION is the FIRST
SPECIES of that crime." Acts of Parliament are
sacred things, and yet they may be so made, grind
ing the face of mankind, that human nature will
revolt at their severity.—DUDLEY and EMPSON
were HANGED for anting—according to Ad of
Parliament.
I have now Hated the arguments which should
induce you to pause at leatl before you take this ir
retrievable Hep. I shall examine next the conse
quences.
Suppose we should SUCCEED in subduing the
Americans, is it n)t clear from henceforward that
we mull govern them by MILITARY FORCE?
Must not our arm, be increased in proportion ?—
While his Majesty retains the power of moving his
troops from one part of his dominions to another,
^an their be any fafety for the liberties of THIS
country? If the mortification begins at the EXu
TREMITIES, will it not soon communicate to the
CENTER ? Every man acquainted with the his
tory of nations must fo<efee the consequences. If
we FAIL in the attempt, which is the hap. ielt
event that can occur, what difficulties may not dis
gust, irritations and all the horrors of civil war,
engender? While the jullice and moderation of
this country are blotted from the face of the earth,
and the accumulated expence, when the springs of
riches are cut off, must SHAKE PUBLIC CREDIT
to the very center.
The noble Lord has hinted, “ if repealing the
Tea Tax would do, he would yield that," and he
speaks even FAINTLY on the power of taxation.
If these are his principles we are yet more inex
cufeable. We are going to punish men for MAIN
TAINING what we are ready to YIELD, and to
engage the nation in endless expence for the fake
of a QUIDDITY. Since whether renounced on
the principles of expediency or right, the fatisfac
tion must be equally compleat to the Americans.
But the noble Lord alledges, " that yielding the
point of taxation would not now do " This is
conjecture on his part; But at lead it would pro
duce this good effect,—we would divide the Ame
ricans: we should unite men in this country, and
go 10 the contest with better hopes of success.—The
proofs the Noble Lord gives for his opinion are se
veral INDISCRETE aCts of different meetings
since the late confusion in America.—Such detail
never affects me. I think no conclusions can be
drawn from them —ln all civil wars, when the
people are let loose to reason on government, a
thousand absurd doctrines are broached —Let us
apply this to our own country —let us remember all
the ridiculous circumHances which HUDIBRAS
has painted better than I can. But should the
GREAT CAUSE OF LIBERTY, in which our
r ancedors were engaged, fuffer from such circum-
Hances? To their FEELINGS we may trust, on the
REASONING of the multitude there is little de
pendence For my own part, 1 think with CAR
DINAL DE REIZ, " that any number above one
hundred is at belt but mere mob." [Here the House
felt the expressions as too firong ] —lt never could be
my intention to apply the rule to this House, long
trained in form and difei. line, though sometimes
there are doCtrines and proceedings even HERE
that would furprize a Hranger into this belief
But the noble Lord fays. " Why not petition,
firft and ACKNOWLEDGE the right and then
we will grant relief." Have they not petitioned ?
Is there a means of supplication and proftratioa
they have not tried ; I am convinced they went to
the Crown merely as a mode of introducing their
petition here. Now you deny hearing their agents.
An Hon gentleman in administration fays, “ he
wished we had heard their petitions," Do not
then condemn them fir NOT PETITIONING,
ti I you have declared your ref lution to HEAR
THEM. Can it be expected the Americans will
ad on the innuendos of a minister? If you mean
fair, why not declare your intentions bv iome bind
ing all ? After the East India company, who will
trull you? You invited THEM to petition under
hopes and declarations, and afterwards made use of
this very petition, to deprive them both of their
MONEY and their PRIVILEGES. In the ceded
Ifiands you invited men to fettle under the ROYAL
PROCLAMATION, and then levied 4 and a half
per ce,nt. on their produce, which procedure has
lately been condemned in the courts of law. InCa
nada you have been guilty of a greater violation,
as liberty is dearer than property. Here you have
deipifed the Royal Proclamation, and forfeited
your engagements to mankind. I repe^t it again,
what man or society of men can trull you ?
The next objection to the Americans is THE
CONGRESS. This is now termed an 66 ILLE
GAL MEETING." Government here, lay by
with great expectation, waiting their resolves. If
they had been favourable to their views, or had
any untoward circumstances broke their union, we
should have had much EULOGIUM on the Con
gress. Now they have come to resolves favourable
to the liberties of mankind, all is ABUSE. Ido
not know by what law (except that of common
sense) mankind can be regulated on these occasions.
What kind of meeting can that be called which was
held in this place at the REVOLUTION ; Alder
men and old Members of Parliament mixing in
confutation. The neceffityon these occasions gives
rife to the case. You wished to know the sense of
the people of America: Was ever the judgment of
a people so fairly taken ? First the occasion is pro
mulgated. The people chufe representatives.
These chufe deputies. The deputies in Congress
publish their proceedings, each member returns to
his refpedive Colony, where his conduct is again
approved !—NO PLACE, no PENSION, no
BRIBE, to influence his election, or biafs his vote.
—But even as to the legality. The manner of
meeting is not new. Government itfelf called a
CONGRESS in the lalt war, to apportion the
quotas of men and troops.
One gentleman has said, " that our situation is
quite new, and there is no example in history to
diied our Reps." I fay there is a case directly