Dunlap's Pennsylvania packet , The general advertiser — Philadelphia, Pa., 1774-07-18 00:00:00, page 1

To the Printer of the Pennsylvania Packet.
In publishing the following Remarks on the frft and
fecund numbers of the Political Reflections, which
appeared in pour paper, you will much oblige,
Yours, &c.
To the FREEMEN of the city of Philadelphia,
and province of Pennflvania.
This smooth difeourfe and mild behaviour oft
Conceal a Traitor—Something shifters me
rill is not right — Cato beware 9/ Lucius.
Brethren and Felloe-Countrymen,
{'', 1,"') BEGAN to read the piece enti
g J^^l. ^ tuled, A few Political Reflections,
g'' I ^% & c# with great expectations, and,
M% as I read, my heart glowed with
} ^ < pleasure and fatisfaXion. The two
I'&W^ or three firft paragraphs appeared
the effufions of a noble, generous, determined, tho'
prudent son of freedom and America. My heart
approved his firmnefs and moderation, and my un
derstanding was bribed to favour his sentiments.
I soon, however, met something like treachery;
but it ^as succeeded by such warm expressions in
favour of libcrty, as nearly wiped offits impression.
Thus I continued some time, uncertain what
judgment to form of the author's intentions. At
last, as is my custom when I meet with fubjeXs of
an intricate nature, which I want to examine to
the bottom, I Gripped his reflexions of all that
warmth and glow of expreflion, harmony of words,
and oratorial embellishment, which are so apt to
impose on the mind, and reduced them to mere
proposals, then examined their tendency, and drew
such consequences from them, as I think experi
ence will verify, if ever they be adopted. These
I offer to your most serious consideration. If the
author should be offended at my freedon, my apo
logy is, that to you I submit them, as he has his
reflections; and that I hereby present him with a
fair opportunity of removing the suspicion of his
being an enemy in disguise.
I will fay nothing of that “ bewitching power
of eloquence," which is so “ apt to gain the plaudit
of the judgment," and mislead the understanding.
If he intends to serve the cause of liberty, he has
certainly raiftaken the proper measures. But ifhe
be a disguised enemy, all his rhetorical flourifhes
and Harveyan flowrinefs flhall not, I trust, impose
upon us ; nor will the ardent zeal of pretended pa
triotism, with which he has so highly enlivened
his proposals, prevent our difeerning their real
tendency.
Proposals extracted from the Political Reflexi
ons, ^c. with their most probable consequences.
1. Condemn the measures, so generally recommend
ed by the other colonies, as the surest means of pre
ferring our freedom ; for this will give room to
fufpeX you of difafFeCtion to the cause, and not
only occasion distrust, cause divisions between you
and your brethren, and difeover a want of fted
faftnefs and unanimity in your councils, but pro
duce such delays in your proceedings, as will answer
the fame end as immediate fubmiflion.
2. Hint that Great-Britain may pofbly reduce us
to a fate of anarchy, and lay our civil government in
ruin; that we may be deterred by the thought
from pursuing the most effectual measures.
3. Propose the scheme of answering the demands
cf Great-Britain, by quay of requisition; for there
are but small hopes of the Parliament's agreeing to
it; and the measure would furnifh such pretences
for delay, as would ruin Boflon, exbauft our spirit,
and enfave America.•
4. Let the plan of a general nonimportation alone
he adopted ; because it will be much more tedious
and uncertain in its operation, and will not interest
one half the number in your favour, as a more ge
neral stoppage of trade would do ; but left a general
non-importation, with a temporary fufpenflon of
remittances, should work our deliverance.
5. Let us not flop payment; for if we did, the
merchant and manufacturer would feel it immedi
ately, and be forced to clamour loudly in our favour.
As this proposal is of somewhat a delicate na
ture, and evidently calculated to catch the man of
honesty, integrity and ftriCtjuftice, I would beg
leave to be indulged the liberty of remarking a
little upon it, by way of digression, before I proceed
to his other proposals.
V O L. 111. NUMB. 143.
DUNL A P's
O R, r. T HE
GENERAL | ADVERT! SER.
M O N D A Y,^^^^^ JULY :Bth, 1774.
Far be it from the heart of every lover of liberty
and America ever to be aXuated by sinister motives,
or once to entertain the thought of defrauding the
merchants in Great-Britain, of what we so justly
owe them. If a merchant may with-hold payment
for a few months, without being chargeable with
the crime of injustice, when he finds his affairs re
quire it, and that by negleXing this necefTary step
he is likely to become bankrupt, and unable to pay
his creditors, can it be accounted injustice in us
to aX upon the fame principle, and with-hold re
mittances for a time, when our fafety in some mea
sure depends upon it. If we can hereby rouse
them to a more spirited and warm exertion in our
favour, where is the injustice? and if continuing
our remittances would operate greatly against us,
why ihould we do it?
We are told by the author of the reflexions,
that we always owe to the merchants in Great-
Britain three millions sterling, or to the amount
of a year's imports. Now if we remit this sum to
them as usual, which in other circumstances it
would be our duty to do, will not they be enabled
thereby to employ and pay the manufacturers for
one whole year after importation has ceased, in all
which time otfr measures would only be felt by
ourselves. Thus while we adopt one measure to
preserve our liberty, we will effectually counteract
its influence by another. We are warmly solicited
by the Refle&or to put an implicit and unlimited
confidence in the honour, principles and friendship
of the British merchants. I must beg leave to tell
him, that their conduct will by no means juftify
the measure. One of their largest and wealthiest
trading companies has already lent its aid to en
slave us. And the very men who live by our
trade, and are enriched by our commerce, have
never exerted themselves to any purpose, unless
when compelled to it. Shall it then be reckoned
rashness and injustice in our Maryland brethren
to propose the temporary flopping of remittances,
in order to procure their utmost exertion to obtain
our relief? Or Shall we, through a mistaken no
tion of justice, put it in their power to defeat our
measures? They wont want their money long, if
proper measures are pursued. Let them be told,
that they have not exerted themselves on our be
half so early and warmly as they ought. That
they have seen us oppressed, without being moved
at our calamities. That we are therefore obliged
to adopt measures, which nothing but the present
exigency of our affairs could ever induce us to,
and which that exigency will abundantly juftify.
In Short, that we are by their supineness and indif
ference laid under the necessity of preferring our
liberty by every peaceable measure in our power.
That we will therefore distress them to the utmost,
until they rouse themselves effectually in our be
half; but that their money Shall be at their Service,
as soon as they beflir themselves in good earnest,
our ports Shall once more be opened, and that we
will pour into their laps the wealth of America.
Gentlemen, I ask pardon for the digression. Could
I have fufpeded that the proposal proceeded from
the Reflector's Sincere love of justice, I Should not
have, controverted it, though I would always have
regarded it as mistaken policy, and the highest
injustice to a cause, in defence of which the God
of justice has often miraculously exerted his power,
and commiflioned his Angels to defend it by the
edge of the sword. I revere men of principle, and
would dissuade every unj'uft proceeding. But as I
fufpeC this intentions, and as the very men who
would be the greatest fufferers by the resolutions,
would never attribute it to our injustice, but to
the cursed machinations of a despotic Ministry,
who have reduced us to the necessity of adopting
the measure to preserve our freedom, I Shall make
no further apology for this long digression, but
proceed to his other proposals.
6. Let us continue our exports; for we will here
by make provisions cheap in Great-Britain, and the
manufacturer will be enabled to live without our
imports, or at least will not feel the effects of our
flopping them so Severely.
Let us, if possible, double our exports, let us bring
them in our debt; for then they will have us com
pleatly in their power. Our country wdl be ex
hausted of its produce without any return, our farm
ers, millers,&:c. will be unable to proceed in their
business, and reduced to indigence, and our own
market raised upon our citizens. Three millions
sterling and more would be entrusted to the honour
of an English merchant, and left in Lis hands until
all things are fettled ; and a ministerial mandate,
ordering the merchant to refufe payment until we
submit, may arm the whole landed interest of Ame
rica against our liberties.
7. Stop not even the Tobacco trade; for as it pro
duces at least 400,000!. sterling to the revenue,
it would be too likely to operate strongly in our
favour.
8. Don't flop trade mitb the islands; for then the
seventy members in the House of Commons, whose
estates would be well nigh ruined by the measure,
may favour America, and obtain our redress.
9. Let us afeertain and agree about what can be
meant by acts of trade and navigation, before we
proceed to a final settlement; for if every other mea
sure would fail our enemies, this alone would re
quire many years to determine it, and leave the
whole in the hands of our oppressors.
10. If we flop remittances^ let us er,age to pay
to the merchants in Grent-Britain at leaf 1 50,000/1
sterling, by way of compensation; for this would
eiTeXually flop their mouths, and make us soon
sick of our own measures ; but that we may quarrel
among ourselves as soon as possible.
11. Let a large and refpeflable Committee be ap
pointed to wait on our importing merchants, and
oblige them to fell the goods they have on hand at such
an advanced price, as foal! indemnify them for the
J^fP a g e cf their trade, be it ever so long; for this
is a measure the country has ever been averse to.
And finally, to compleat our deftruXion,
For the Pennsylvania Packet.
When furious rages with boiling heat,
G'etfows fair Wisdom s fracious bounds,
Its blind impetuous course it bends
O'er friend and fee —a carnage dire.
It foams and roars, and horrid in its train,
Spreads deflation tl.ro' each fertile plain.
Anonymous.
JUST before the Jaft Packet was struck off, the
writer of the Political Reflexions picked up, in
conversation with a friend, that the author was sup
posed by some to have had a treacherous intent, and
further understood, that a short piece in the York
paper had thrown out the fame refleXion. Sensibly
affeXed with the charge, he hastily fat down and
dispatched, in a few minutes, a fort defence for
the Packet, which the gentleman who conduXs
that paper offered to croud in if inlifted on, but
intimated that the occasion of the reply was so little
known, it might be eftecmed a stepping forth to
public notice without a cause—This effeXually
touched the author's sensibility, and the piece was
suspended—But as a harfn, ungenerous paper,
signed a Plain Dealer, has since appeared in the
Gazette and Journal of this day, July 13, the
writer has determined to commit to the press that
fbort defence, just as it came hastily and warm from
his heart, without a tittle of alteration or amend
ment, having established it as a pretty certain
maxim, that the firft emotions of the foul always
bespeak its most genuine sentiments. In reply to
the Plain Dealer, I shall fay but little ; 'tis not a
cause depending between writers that is to catch
the attention of the public, who are engaged in
matters of vastly greater importance ; but I cannot
help remarking, that I know not why it is that in
public controversies writers so generally fall into
the mistake of attacking each other more warmly
12. Let us make as large a demand on Great-Bri
tain as pofible; that the few friends we have left
in her may be aShamed of Supporting us.
Let the Iron Bill, the Hat Bill, the Wine
Act, &c. &c. be trumped up, and added to our
present demands; that the Parliament may be kept
firm to the plan they have adopted, and leave no
means untried to enclave America, and bring us in
Sackcloth to the feet of Lord North.
These are the measures for which our Reflector
contends, with a zeal which convinces him he is
right. These the plans on which he has exerted
his utmost powers of elocution, and laboured with
all his might; and should they ever be adopted,
their event will ju^ify my conclusion ; for then in
deed America will fall, but, as some one has
beautifully expressed it, She will fall like a Strong
man, and pull down the pillars of government
along with her.
Left I should be thought t.o pay too little at
tention to his earnest zeal for justice, I would re
mark, that in the present exigency of our affairs,
every freeman in the Britilh empire who is not
for us, is against us; and that every one, who can
behold with indifference the oppression of another,
is neither a just, good, nor upright man. And as
the elands have above seventy members in that
House, which is now oppressing America, if they
exert not themselves in our behalf as much as in
their power, we have great reason to resent their
indifference to our calamities, and may with the
highest degree of justice, adopt such measures as
will oblige them to do their duty. And every
freeman in Great-Britain, who fees the raeafures
pursued by his Representative against us, and does
not stand forth in our defence, is as great an ene
my as Lord North. And, I trust you will give
credit to the afiertion, every American, who is
not willing to adopt the most strenuous and effec
tual measures, is our real, ifnot avowed and deter
mined enemy, whether he dress himfelf in the guise
of a Moderate Man, a Political Reflector, or any
other garb whatever.
Your fafety depends on your own virtue. You
have the means of your Salvation in your own
hands. And if you are enslaved, blame not your
ENEMIES but blame YOURSELVES.
Remember your anceitors, who planted liberty
in this country, remember yourfekes, your wives,
your children, and your latef tposterity, who are to
reap the fruits of your present condu&. But above
all, remember that God, who has appointed this
land of liberty as a city of refuge to the distressed
of all nations. To him you can look up with con
fidence, and in him you may trust. You fee your
liberties are wresting from you, a military govern
ment is establishing, you are to be harraffed and
oppressed to madness, and then, if you complain,
you are to be carried home and hanged at Tyburn.
O God, thou fountain of justice, thou protestor
of the distressed, infp'ire us with firmnefs and reso
lution, and let thy vengeance, and the vengeance
of thy American children, fall heavily on the head
of every secret abettorof oppression, despotism,
and Slavery.'
A PLAIN DEALER.
than the fri' e ß; they certainly thereby weaken
their ar^unents, and at last so teize and worry
the public, that the little reasoning which does ap
pear is passed by without a reading.
From any thing that is yet thrown out against
the opinions, contained in the Political Reflexions,
the writer does not apprehend there is the least
necessity for any further reply titan that he fill
avotvs the sentiments, and is contented to rest them
with the public, whose judgment he presumes can
never be milled by a person who is really and truly
a Plain Dealer ; but he wishes the ofeXions had
been published in the fame paper with the Re
flections —However, that they miy have their full
force, he has done the Plain Dealer the justice to
request the printer of the Packet to copy them
from the Gazette and Journal, that one paper may
contain the whole; for as the writer of the Poli
tical Reflexions always entertained an opinion that
few pieces are of so much importance as to bear a
publication in every paper, he had not the v, nity
to think his writings would deserve it, and there
fore was contented with turning them abroad in
the Packet.
The hasty defence sent last week was as follows.
TH O' justly alarming are the present import
ant affairs of this mighty continent, and the
“ dawning" day is “ big with the fate" of future
times, yet when the heart beats high with indig
nant lenfations of unmerited reproach—when the
swelled bosom throbs with the cruel tortures of
injurious suspicion, will not an indulgent and ge
nerous world pardon the unhappy fufferer, should
he obtrude on their candor, for a moment, the
unimportant concerns of a private individual.
With an acuteness of pain, beyond the concep
tion of those who have never felt the fling, has the
author of the Political Reflexions beard the hard,
the tormenting suggestion of treachery, applied to
his honest and well-meant designs ; and that, un
der the cloak of moderation, a deep laid intent of
barbarous mifehief was insidiously concealed. To
every feeling, to every fenfibld heart, he ardently
appeals for justice ; and craves the patronage of
an impartial public, in listening to the defence of
a charaXer most unjustly afperfed.
With earnest solicitude for the liberties and
prosperity of a country, in which the happiness of
every inhabitant is inevitably involved, I hastily
threw forth, with honest freedom, the sentiments
of my heart—sentiments which are open to public
scrutiny, and sentiments by which I am willing to
stand or fall.
If on the most critical revision, bv the ftriX and
impartial eye of Justice, they are found to contain
the base-born progeny of an American traitor, let
me fall an odicus viXim to the bittern ft contempt
of my injured country; may every mark of infamy
and indignity be my portion: may I be banished
from the sweet endearments of domestic joys, and
wander a detested exile, in the most barbarous re
gions of savage obfeurity.
I have hazarded, it is true, a freedom of thought
which the warmest advocates for American liberty
may, in fume measure, rejeX; but I will venture
to fay, that the general denial of parliamentary
power, and assertion of American independence,
have not been more strenuously infilled on by any
writer on the continent. If my reasonings on the
fubjeX are unjust, pr my inferences wrong, they
will foil in their design, and be justly condemned
to deserved negleX; but hard is that man's un
happy fate, whose errors in judgment ffiall be cru
elly imputed to the badness of his heart ; —if this
is to be the rule, where is the man, pef'eTcd cf
sensibility in the remotest degree, who will due to
rifque his sentiments abroad? I am bold to declare,
that the day you foppref, the darling privilege of
fpeakiog and writing with freedom, that day you
introduce a more direful train of horrid evils, than
the basest heart of dJpotilm could conceive or
devile.
But that the principles of the author of the Po
litical Reflexions may not be mistaken, he begs
leave to Rate them in as few words as possible.
First. He acknowledges George the third, of
the royal houie of Hanover, to be the sovereign
of America.
Secondly. That the parliament of Great-Britain
have no right or authority, to impose any kind of
laws, to tax, or regulate the internal concerns of
these colonies, whereby money will be extraXed
from us, or our manufaXures reftriXed.
Thirdly. That, therefore, the aXs rettriXing our
manufacturing the raw and natural materials cf
these colonies, is an absolute infraXion of ourjuft
rights.\
Fourth!:. That it is our natural and just right,
to enjoy every privilege in trade, poffehed by the
people of England at large.
Fifthly. That if parliament can diffolre the so
lemn contraXs of charters, granted to these colo
nies, they can with much greater propriety annul,
destroy, and make void, that grand palladium of
English liberty, the Magna Charta.
Sixthly. Thar whilst the feat of empire rests in
Britain, it is our political interest to afford the