Alexandre Hébert (4 March 1921, Alvimare, Seine-Maritime - 16 January 2010), was a French activist, anarchist and trade unionist.
 He had a pivotal role in the accession of anarchists to the French trade-unions congress Workers' Force (CGT-FO).
 He became secretary of the departmental union of "Loire Atlantique", from its inception, as well as Raymond Patoux, secretary of the departmental union of "Maine et Loire", as shown by the research "Libertaires et syndicalistes révolutionnaires dans la Confédération Générale du Travail - Force Ouvrière (1946-1957)" by Guillaume Trousset, and"L'Union Départementale CGT-Force ouvrière de Maine et Loire de 1948 à 195" by Manuella Noyer.
 He played an important role in the accession to these unions of militants of the autonomous "Fédération de l'Education Nationale" in 1982, 1983 and 1984.
 Its activities of militant trade unionism had been permanently in the style set out by Fernand Pelloutier in the letter to his anarchist friends "Lettre aux anarchistes" in 1899.
 He didn't cease to fight against all the followers (official and unofficial) of trade unionism who were subservient to political parties, Christian trade unionism, autonomous trade unionism, partisan trade unionism, and all varieties of company sponsored or integrated trade unionism; he could never get along with the followers of all these sorts of trade unionism!
 A fighter for workers' emancipation in all circumstances, he did not hesitate to separate himself from some of his anarchist fellows who took another way, including that of joining the varieties of Christian trade unionism.
 As a militant anarchist, he was of those who reconstructed the anarchist movement after the second world war, through the "Fédération anarchiste"; in 1954, he was one of those who reconstructed the "Fédération anarchist" destroyed by the Leninist action of Georges Fontenis; in 1961, he contributed with his followers of the "Groupe Fernand Pelloutier" to the publication of the news bulletin L'Anarcho-syndicaliste, prelude to the constitution of the Union des anarcho-syndicalistes.
 Not having any sectarianism, he tried at all times to gather together the activist workers anxious to preserve the independence of trade unions; a friend of Pierre Boussel alias Pierre Lambert, he certainly helped the abandonment by the members of his Trotskyist party of the Marxist–Leninist-Trotskyist idea of the need to link the unions to the “revolutionary party”.
 Free-thinker, secular activist, and rationalist, he took part in the initiative of the l'Appel aux laïque against the policy concerning the public schools and the institutions of the Republic followed by the President of the Republic François Mitterrand.
The Chicago Star was a weekly publication, founded in 1946 and financed by Trade unions.
 The board of directors were Ernest De Maio, Frank Marshall Davis, William L. Patterson, Grant Oakes, and William Sennett.
 Davis was the executive editor, Sennett the general manager, and Carl Hirsch managing editor.
 Howard Fast was a columnist, and Rockwell Kent a contributing editor.
 In an introduction to a book about Davis, John Edgar Tidwell indicated that the first issue was launched on July 4th to "[wrap] itself in the holiday's symbolic meaning."
 The paper carried Davis's weekly editorial "Frank-ly Speaking".
The Free Trade Unions (German: "Freie Gewerkschaften"; sometimes also translated as Free Labor Unions or Free Labour Unions) comprised the socialist trade union movement in Germany from 1890 to 1933.
 The term distinguished them from the liberal ("yellow") and Christian labor unions in Germany.
 Coordinated by the General Commission of German Trade Unions until 1919 and later by the Federal Executive of the German Trade Union Federation, the Free Trade Unions consisted of forty-six individual labor organizations with a total of 2.5 million members as of 1914.
 The term "free" was to note that these unions were independent worker organizations.
 The liberal ("yellow") unions were considered to be controlled by management and the "Christian" trade unions by the Catholic Church.
Disunited and poorly organized for most of its history, trade unions in Ecuador developed only slowly and had only a marginal political impact.
 Precise figures on unionization in the late 1980s were practically nonexistent, even within the unions themselves.
 The organized labor movement in Ecuador was divided into four confederations and a number of independent federations.
 At the local level, labor organizations also took the form of artisan guilds, cooperatives, and neighborhood associations.
 In addition to representing only a minority of the workers in all sectors of employment (approximately one-fifth), the labor movement traditionally was weakened by rivalry and government repression.
 Nevertheless, it had influence disproportionate to its numbers as a result of the concentration of trade unions in urban areas, mainly Quito and Guayaquil, its organizational power, and the political impact of strikes and demonstrations on governments that did not enjoy strong support.
Frank Marshall Davis (December 31, 1905 – July 26, 1987) was an American journalist, poet, political and labor movement activist, and businessman.
Trade unions in Azerbaijan are governed under the Act on Trade Unions (1994) and the Labour Code (1999).
 Trade unions may be formed with seven or more members, although those in military service or in management positions may not form unions.
 The constitution provides for a right to strike, although essential services are excluded from this right.
 Trade unions are prohibited from carrying out political activities and may not associate with political parties or receive finances from political parties.
 The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) notes, "such a general prohibition is deemed contrary to the principles of freedom of association."
 The Azerbaijan Trade Union Confederation (ATUC) is the sole national centre.
 Azerbaijan has ratified the two key International Labour Organisation Conventions covering trade union rights on freedom of association and collective bargaining (Conventions 87 and 98).
The organizing model, as the term refers to trade unions (and sometimes other social-movement organizations), is a broad conception of how those organizations should recruit, operate, and advance the interests of their members, though the specific functions of the model are more detailed and are discussed at length below.
 It typically involves many full-time organizers, who work by building up confidence and strong networks and leaders within the workforce, and by confrontational campaigns involving large numbers of union members.
 The organizing model is strongly linked to social movement unionism and community unionism.
 The organizing model contributes to the discussion of how trade unions can reverse the trend of declining membership, which they are experiencing in most industrial nations, and how they can recapture some of the political power, which the labor movement has lost over the past century.
The Free Association of German Trade Unions (German:    ; abbreviated FVdG; sometimes also translated as Free Association of German Unions or Free Alliance of German Trade Unions) was a trade union federation in Imperial and early Weimar Germany.
 It was founded in 1897 in Halle under the name "Representatives' Centralization of Germany" as the national umbrella organization of the localist current of the German labor movement.
 The localists rejected the centralization in the labor movement following the sunset of the Anti-Socialist Laws in 1890 and preferred grassroots democratic structures.
 The lack of a strike code soon led to conflict within the organization.
 Various ways of providing financial support for strikes were tested before a system of voluntary solidarity was agreed upon in 1903, the same year that the name "Free Association of German Trade Unions" was adopted.
The history of union busting in the United States dates back to the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century which produced a rapid expansion in factories and manufacturing capabilities.
 As workers moved away from farm work to factories, mines and other hard labor, they faced harsh working conditions such as long hours, low pay and health risks.
 Children and women worked in factories and generally received lower pay than men.
 The government did little to limit these conditions.
 Labor movements in the industrialized world developed that lobbied for better rights and safer conditions.
 Shaped by wars, depressions, government policies, judicial rulings, and global competition, the early years of the battleground between unions and management were adversarial and often identified with aggressive hostility.
 Contemporary opposition to trade unions known as union busting started in the 1940s and continues to present challenges to the labor movement.
 Union busting is a term used by labor organizations and trade unions to describe the activities that may be undertaken by employers, their proxies, workers and in certain instances states and governments usually triggered by events such as picketing, card check, worker organizing, and strike actions.
 Labor legislation has changed the nature of union busting, as well as the organizing tactics that labor organizations commonly use.
The Australian labour movement has its origins in the early 19th century and includes both trade unions and political activity.
 At its broadest, the movement encompasses an industrial wing (Australian unions) and a political wing (Australian Labor Party).
 Trade unions in Australia may be organised (i.e., formed) on the basis of craft unionism, general unionism, or industrial unionism.
 Almost all unions in Australia are affiliated with the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU), many of which have undergone a significant process of amalgamations, especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
 The leadership and membership of unions hold and have at other times held a wide range of political views, including communist, socialist and right-wing views.

Question: The Chicago Star was a weekly publication, founded in 1946 and financed by Trade unions, the board of directors were which American journalist, poet, political and labor movement activist, and businessman?
Answer: Frank Marshall Davis