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+{"start_page": 7, "end_page": 9, "text": "--- PAGE 7 ---\n\nthem were statues of the moon god Hubal, Abraham, and\nIshmael. After the idols had been smashed, Muhammad came\nto the door of Kaaba and proclaimed the new dispensation,\n\"There is no God but God; there is none with him\" (Payne\n1987: 55-56; Lapidus 1988: 36; Glasse 1989: 179).\nIslamic tradition from early on, viewed India as the land\npar excellence of idolatry. One hadith described India as the\nfirst country where idolatry was practised and stated that\nancient Arab idols were of Indian origin (Friedmann 1975:\n214-215). Ibn Asir, author of the influential Kamilu-t Tawarikh,\nnoted that on the night Mahmud was born, \"an idol temple in\nIndia, in the vicinity of Parshawar, on the banks of the Sind,\nfell down\" (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 269-270). Mahmud\nGhaznavi proudly professed himself on his coins, Mahmud\nbutshikan, 'Mahmud the breaker of idols.' His standing in the\nIslamic world rested on two interlinked successes - breaking\nthe idols and de-hoarding the temple treasures of al-Hind\n(Wink 1997: 321). As Ibn Asir recorded, in recognition of his\nservices, Mahmud became the first Muhammadan king to\nreceive the title of Sultan from the Khalifa.\nThe cumulative effect of the Islamic onslaughts was a\nthorough uprooting of the sacred geography of India. It would\nbe a phenomenal task to locate a shrine in northern India that\npre-dated the eighteenth century. Yet apologists repudiate\nthe theology of iconoclasm. Rather, they assert Hindu kings\nroutinely dishonoured temples of rivals from their own faith.\nThe practice of desecrating temples of adversaries had been\n\"thoroughly integrated\" into Indian political behaviour from\naround the sixth century CE. The Turks merely \"followed and\ncontinued established practices.\"\nFurther, Hindu temples have been defined as \"pre-\neminently political institutions.\" They articulated \"the shared\nsovereignty of king and deity,\" which made them politically\nvulnerable (Eaton 2002: 105-107; Eaton and Wagoner 2014:\n39-40). A corollary appended to this hypothesis was that\ntemples emerged as centres of political resistance to the new\nrulers, and had necessarily to be removed.\nMore recently, it has also been contended that mosques\nbuilt of temple parts displayed \"a productive engagement with\nlocal traditions of temple architecture.\" The reuse of temple\ncolumns in mosques required careful architectural planning,\nand conformed to indigenous principles of design. The most\nelaborately carved columns were placed on either side of the\nmihrab aisle, and simpler columns in the remaining spaces.\nWhat occurred was a mere \"translation\"; one type of sacred\nspace was translated in terms of another. In the process, a\ncertain degree of communality between the two was\ncommunicated (Katherine Kasdorf in Eaton and Wagoner 2014:\n45-46; Eaton and Wagoner 2014: 44; Patel 2004: 144-150).\nTHE MANIFOLD FALLACIES\nConspicuous in the above analyses was the absence of any\nreference to Hindu notions of sacred. Could the lacuna be\natributed to a particular orientation in certain scholarly circles?\nNo instance has been cited of appropriation of temple parts\nand their radical reconfiguration in a new kind of religious\nspace before the Islamic advent (Willis 2012: 135).\nTemples have been downgraded to transactional\ninstitutions concerning king and deity alone; divested of all\nsacredness. The millions who thronged to them over the\ncenturies have simply been erased from history. Also\nunexplained in the medieval context, what prompted ordinary\ndevotees, far removed from political processes, to endanger\ntheir lives to protect deities enshrined in temples? And why\nwere demolished shrines rebuilt again and again, even in the\nabsence of Hindu kings? Also, who led the resistance from\nwhich temples?\n2 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nINTRODUCTION | 3\n--- PAGE 8 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"INDESTRUCTIBLE IMAGES\\nInterestingly, several works composed in the medieval era\\nasserted that murtis were too suffused with divine energy to\\nbe felled by iconoclasts. Dhanapala, a Jain poet and scholar\\nwho was an eyewitness to the depredations of Mahmud\\nGhaznavi, in his Satyapuriya Mahavira Utsaha (1024 CE), extolled\\nthe power of an image of Tirthankara Mahavira at Satyapura\\n(modern Sanchor in southern Rajasthan) that Mahmud failed\\nto destroy; \\\"For can even a large number of stars dim the\\nlight of the Sun or snakes swallow Garuda?\\\" (Yadava 1982: 2-\\n4).\\nAn almost identical account of that Mahavira image was\\npresented by Jinaprabhasuri (1261-1333), leader of the\\nKharatara Gaccha branch of the Shwetambar Jains. In his\\nVividtirthakalpa (1333 CE), he wrote that when the lord of Gajjani\\n(Ghazni) reached Satyapura on his return journey after\\nplundering Gujara (Gujarat), he saw the beautiful temple of\\nJina and tried to demolish the icon of Mahavira instated there.\\nBut neither elephants nor bullocks could uproot the pratima.\\nThe blows directed at it struck the vandals themselves (Yadava\\n1982: 4).\\nJinaprabhasuri visited ravaged Jain holy sites and recorded\\nthe triumph of the faith in every instance of its encounter with\\nIslam. Though kingdoms collapsed and cities were reduced\\nto ruins, Jain images continued \\\"working their magic\\\" (Granoff\\n1991: 196; Granoff 1998: 130-133). In a similar vein, the Acara-\\nDinakara, a Svetambara text of the fourteenth century, stated\\nthat images more than a hundred years old, or those installed\\nand consecrated by the best of men, must continue to be in\\nworship, even if mutilated (Shah and Dhaky: 269).\\nINTERMENT OF IMAGES\\nIn the consciousness of countless inhabitants of the\\nsubcontinent, the Islamic advent became synonymous with\\ndstruction of temples and deities. An inscription found at\\n4 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nEtawah fort (UP) of the late twelfth century, of Maharaja\\nAjayasimha, nephew of Jaichand Gahadavala, stated that the\\nking and his purohit had performed a Chandi mahayaga (a great\\nsacrifice for Durga) and subsequently placed the image in a\\npit (gartta) so that mlecchas could not destroy it,\\n... My rationality has been destroyed because of my fear of\\nthe Mlecchas.\\nWith great sorrow, touching her with my head (to honour\\nher), I place this Durga, the dweller of the fort and destroyer\\nof bad luck, into this pit, till the god Skanda turns their\\n(Mlecchas) glory (Sun) to dust.\\nWhen ill fate meets the Yavanas, she might re-appear, or\\nmanifest herself again amidst uproar.\\nUntil that time I am a fool like a drunkard. (However) let not\\nfear enter you; the gods will quickly return (with victory)\\nalong with you (Prasad 1990: 92-94).\\nThe Durga burial was one documented case. North India\\nabounded with stories of deities appearing in the dreams of\\ndevotees, directing them to places of their entombment; and\\nof cows shedding milk at particular spots, leading to\\unearthing of pratimas (Granoff 1998: 131). Govindadevaji\\n(Vrindavan), Govardhannathji (Braj), Mahavirji (Rajasthan)...\\nWere these images actually hidden during invasions and\\nsubsequently recovered?\\nBurial of bronze images occurred on a considerable scale\\nin south India. Dr. R. Nagaswamy, writing in 1987, estimated\\nthat over two hundred bronzes had been found in Tamil Nadu\\nalone in the previous decade. Most were unearthed by\\nvillagers, not archaeologists. All were found carefully placed,\\nface down, in specially dug pits often lined with brick or stone,\\nand filled with sand for protection. The bronzes had generally\\nnot suffered much damage, as they had been interred with\\ndeep reverence and extreme care. The intention was clearly\\nINTRODUCTION | 5\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 9 ---\n\nto retrieve them in favourable times, and recommence their\nworship. However, the threat persisted longer than\nanticipated, and later generations lost track of the buried\ntreasures. These now reappeared sporadically and accidentally\n(Nagaswamy 1987: 1-2).\nThe fortuitous recovery of bronzes corroborated the\nincidence of mass burial in medieval India. A rough calculation\nby scholars revealed that at least half the missing bronzes\nwere destroyed by Muslims. Equally, many hidden images\nwere never recovered (Dehejia 1990: 124).\nIn at least four cases, bronzes were found buried along\nwith copper plate charters. The Tiruvalangadu Nataraja was\ndiscovered with a copper plate record of Rajendra Chola I, as\nwere the Esalam bronzes. The Tandantottam copper plates\nwere found with a remarkable group of bronzes that included\na Nataraja. The finds at Tiruttani Velanceri included two\ncopper plates, one of Aparajita Pallava, the other of Parantaka\nChola (Nagaswamy 1987: 2-3).\nMEDIEVAL DELIBERATIONS ON ICONOCLASM\nThe preservation of sanctified spaces and images was a subject\nof serious concern in medieval India.\u00b9 Temple hagiographies\n(mahatmyas) and site histories (sthala puranas), composed in\nthose times, gave considerable thought to the matter. The\nEkalinga Mahatmya, which related the history of the Ekalinga\ntemple in Mewar, addressed the issue of iconoclasm. Therein,\nGod Vayu told sage Narada that just as the demons had tried\nto harm the Gods, so the yavanas had a natural tendency to\ndestroy divine images. Further, though the Gods had the\ncapacity to retaliate, they understood that conflict between\nthem and the demons was eternal, and each was fated to suffer\nsetback in turn. For periodic dissolution of the world was\npart of the natural order. Vayu advised that if an image had\nbeen desecrated, another should be consecrated to replace it,\nand in unfavourable times stone images should be preferred\nto costly metal ones (Granoff 1991: 191-195).\n6 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n1. The Hathigumpha cave on which the\ninscription was inscribed, Bhubaneswar.\n2. A statue of\nBrahma found at\nGhazni. Its face\nwas worn out due\nto the stream of\npeople who\nwalked over it.\n3. A girl doing puja before fire, dated 1650-1660, Harvard Art\nMuseum/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, the Stuart Cary Welch\nCollection.\n"}
+{"start_page": 10, "end_page": 12, "text": "--- PAGE 10 ---\n\n4. Temples of Kafir Kot and Bilot.\n5. The Sun temple at\nMultan and the\nadjacent mosque/\ntomb.\n7. The Prahaladpuri\ntemple, Multan. A\nmosque can be seen\nbehind the ruins.\n6. An image of Surya found in\nthe ruins of the Sun temple at\nMultan now at Ashmolean\nMuseum, Oxford.\n8. The Narasimha pillar at\nMultan. The image of\nNarasimha was believed to\nhave been removed for\nsafety and subsequently\nplaced in a temple in\nHaridwar.\n--- PAGE 11 ---\n\n9. Sharda temple, Kashmir. The photograph was taken by Samuel\nBourne in 1870, Rijksmuseum.\n\n10. State of Sharda temple today.\n\n11. Ruins of the Martanda temple, Kashmir. Photograph taken by John\nBurke, 1868. It was reproduced by Henry Hardy Cole in Illustrations of\nAncient Buildings in Kashmir (1869). Cole wrote, \"The most impressive\nand grandest ruins in Kashmir are at Marttand, which is about three\nmiles cast of Islamabad...\", courtesy British Library.\n--- PAGE 12 ---\n\n12. The Parihaspur shrine, Kashmir.\n14. Hindu sculptures at the Quwaat ul Islam mosque, from\nHenry Hardy Cole's The Architecture of Ancient Delhi,\nEspecially the Buildings around the Kutb Minar (1872).\n13. Ruins of the Avantiswami temple (Kashmir) built\nby Avantivarman; photograph by John Burke in 1868.\n15. An old photograph of the Delhi Iron Pillar\nuprooted from Udayagiri, published in Henry Hardy\nCole's The Architecture of Ancient Delhi, Especially the\nBuildings around the Kutb Minar (1872).\n"}
+{"start_page": 13, "end_page": 15, "text": "--- PAGE 13 ---\n\n16. Keshavadeva temple at Mathura; the idgah can be seen nearby.\n\n17. The Govindadeva temple, from Henry Hardy Cole's Illustrations of\nBuildings near Muttra and Agra (1873). The beheaded temple was turned\ninto a mosque. The mihrab was removed by F.S. Growse and the temple\nreturned to Hindus in 1871.\n\n19. Atala mosque\nalso built of\ntemple parts.\n\n18. Main fa\u00e7ade of\nthe Lal Darwaza\nmosque at\nJaunpur, which\ncontained pillars\nof Hindu temples\nfrom Banaras.\nPhotograph by\nJoseph David\nBeglar, 1870,\ncourtesy British\nLibrary.\n\n20. The Adi\nVisveshvara\ntemple built near\nRaziya mosque,\nwhich occupied\nthe site of the\nearlier temple.\n--- PAGE 14 ---\n\n22. An old\nphotograph of\nGyanvapi, the\nWell of\nKnowledge.\n21. The Gyanvapi\nmosque, with the\nremains of the\ntemple wall visible\non the back side.\n24. A sketch of the Gyanvapi mosque/Vishwanath temple by James\nPrinsep in 1831. There was a clash between Hindus and Muslims in\n1809 when Hindus tried to construct a small shrine on the narrow strip\nof land between the mosque and the temple. They seem to have succeeded,\nas this sketch shows a platform on the contested ground (Eck 2015: 128).\n23. Kashi\nVishwanath\ntemple complex,\nwith the Nandi\nstatue (photo\ntaken in the\n1880s). Nandi is\nstill facing the\nGyanvapi mosque\nwhich was\noriginally the\nVishwanath\ntemple.\n25. Photograph of the Dharahara mosque built by Aurangzeb in place of\nthe Bindu Madhava temple, by Samuel Bourne in 1866.\n--- PAGE 15 ---\n\n26. Krishna lifting\nGovardhan parvat. The\nstatue was found at\nBakariya Kund, which\nwas converted into a\nMuslim site.\n\n27. Mahakaleshwar temple, Ujjain;\nphotograph taken in 1869.\n\n28. Sanskrit inscription at the Lakshman\ntemple, Khajuraho.\n\n29. Image of Vishnu\nVaikuntha at the\nLakshman temple at\nKhajuraho.\n\n30. Lion capital of the fallen pillar at\nUdayagiri, photograph by Joseph Beglar\nin 1875, courtesy British Library.\n\n31. The Bijamandal mandir/mosque.\n"}
+{"start_page": 16, "end_page": 18, "text": "--- PAGE 16 ---\n\n32. Pillar in the Bijamandal mandir/\nmosque with an inscription of\nNaravarman.\n34. Inscriptions in\nSanskrit and Prakrit on\nthe floor of the Kamal\nMaula mosque found by\nK.K. Lele in 1903.\n35. A photograph taken in 1912 shows the longest\npiece of the Dhar Iron Pillar lying in a sloping\nposition in front of the Lat Masjid.\n33. The Bhojashala.\n36. Babur inspecting Jain\nimages at Gwalior Fort,\nMughal miniature painting.\n37. Desecrated Jain images at\nGwalior Fort.\n--- PAGE 17 ---\n\n38. Partly ruined facade of Shaikh Jodh's mosque at Patan\n(Gujarat), with pillars from Hindu temples; photograph by\nHenry Cousens in the 1880s.\n39. A photograph of Sun Temple at Modhera by D.H. Skyes\naround 1869.\n41. Ruins of the main portal of the Rudramahalaya temple, Gujarat,\n1874.\n42. The Rudramahalaya\nturned into a mosque.\n40. Mutilated image of the Sun god at\nModhera site museum.\n43. Somnath temple converted into a mosque.\n--- PAGE 18 ---\n\n\u0631\u0647\u0645\u06cc \u0634\u062f \u0627\u0631\u0632\u0648\u06cc \u0645\u0646 \u0634\u0647\u0631 \u0633\u0627\u0644\u0647 \u06a9\u0647 \u0645\u062a\u0646\u0648\u0639\u062a \u0628\u0648\u062f \u0628\u062e\u0646\u062f \u0628\u0631 \u0631\u0648\u06cc\n\u067e\u0627\u06cc\u0634 \u062f\u0631 \u0622\u0648\u0631 \u0686\u0648\u062f \u0631\u06cc\u0627\u0633\u062a\u06cc\n\u062c\u0648\u0627\u0632 \u06a9\u0627\u0631 \u0645\u0647\u0646\u0647 \u062e\u0628\u0631 \u06cc\u0627 \u0646\u0634\u0633\u062a\u06cc\n\u067e\u0633\u0646\u062f \u0648 \u06a9\u0647 \u0627\u0632 \u0645\u0646 \u0631\u0627 \u0631\u062f\u0648 \u0628\u0627 \u0633\u06cc\u0627 \u062f\u0627 \u06a9\u0647 \u0628\u0631\u0634\u062a\u0647 \u06a9\u0646\u0645 \u0627\u0646\u06af\u0627\u0631 \u06a9\u0647 \u06a9\u0631\u062f\u0645 \u0622\u0646 \u0628\u0648\u0645 \u0648 \u0628\u06a9\u0631 \u0633\u06cc\u0645\n\u0648\u0627\u0646\u0633\u062a\u0647 \u0627\u0646\u062f \u0648 \u0622\u0646 \u0628\u0631\u0646 \u0628\u0627 \u062f\u0631\u06a9 \u0631\u0633\u06cc \u062f\u0631 \u062e\u0648\u0646 \u0645\u0646\n44. Sadi throwing a priest\nfrom Somnath down a well,\nfrom a manuscript of the\nBustan, circa 1585.\n45. Naganatha temple, where the\ndeity was placed under the\ngarbhagriha as a precautionary\nmeasure.\n46. Fa\u00e7ade of Jami mosque (Bharat Mata mandir), Daulatabad.\n47. Entrance to the Jagannath temple, photograph by Henry\nDixon in the early 1860s.\n48. A photograph of the Sriranganatha temple by an\nunknown photographer in the 1880s.\n"}
+{"start_page": 19, "end_page": 21, "text": "--- PAGE 19 ---\n\n49. Minakshi temple, Madurai.\n\n50. The Nataraja temple, Chidambaram. Sketch by F. Swain Ward,\nBritish Museum.\n\n51. Colonel Alexander\nGreenlaw, a British\nofficer and\nphotographer, who\ntook the first\nphotographs of\nHampi in 1856.\n\n52. The Krishna temple, Hampi,\nphotographed by Colonel Alexander\nGreenlaw.\n--- PAGE 20 ---\n\n53. Image of\nBalkrishna instated\nin the Krishna\ntemple by\nKrishnadeva Raya,\now in State\nMuseum, Chennai.\n\n55. The temple at Tirupati.\n\n56. The Naganathaswamy Chola temple (Thanjavur) before its\ndemolition.\n\n54. Ruins of Vijayanagara; photograph by Edmund David Lyon in\n1868.\n\n57. The demolished Naganathaswamy temple.\n--- PAGE 21 ---\n\n58. A thousand year-old Ganesh statue intentionally thrown from\na mountain top in Bastar.\n59. A second century BCE yakshi stolen\nfrom Chandraketugarh, Bengal.\nIn Rajashekharasuri's Prabandhakosa (1349 CE), Goddess\nAmba cautioned a devotee that in bad times when \"so many\nare outside the Faith,\" a costly image on display \"would only\nbring harm to the Faith by inviting their attacks on the temple.\"\nA stone image was more suitable for the times (Granoff 1991:\n201-202).\nThe Vimanarcanakalpa, a medieval priestly handbook of the\nVaishnava Vaikhanasa School, recommended interment of\nimages in times of danger. Laying down ritual procedures for\nsuch acts, it stated that after preparing the burial pit and\nworshipping Earth Goddess, the priest was to enter the\nsanctum sanctorum and request God, \"As long as there is\ndanger, O Visnu, please lie down in a bed with the goddess\nEarth.\" He was to then transfer the divine energy (shakti)\nlocated in the image to either the fixed image, or to a kurca, a\nbundle of fifty stalks of sacrificial grass, which was thenceforth\nto be worshipped in place of the image, as it was less likely to\nincite iconoclasts (Davis 2015: 127-128).\nBesides burial, various other tactics were devised to shield\nimages. The threat never fully abated. In 1702-03, the 84 year-\nold Emperor Aurangzeb asked for information on the situation\nin Somnath, where early in his reign the temple had been\ndemolished and worship discontinued. He ordered that if\nHindus were found to have revived worship, the temple\nshould be destroyed in such a manner that no trace of it\nremained (Mirat-i-Ahmadi 1965: 341).2\nTHE FATE OF MOSQUES\nIf temples were symbols of royal authority, that reasoning\napparently did not apply to mosques. It would be hard to\nrecall a mosque built by a Muslim ruler vandalized by a\nsuccessor Muslim sovereign. In Multan, in 1006 CE Mahmud\nGhaznavi restored the Umayyad masjid built by Muhammad\nbin Qasim in 712 as the place of Friday prayers. He did not\ndemolish the Shia mosque erected in the tenth century, just\nleft it to decay.\nINTRODUCTION 7\n"}
+{"start_page": 22, "end_page": 24, "text": "--- PAGE 22 ---\n\nSultan Ahmad Shah of Gujarat did not touch mosques at\nBharuch, Khambhat, and Dholka, built by the previous Tughlaq\ndynasty. Instead, in 1414 CE he chose to demolish the\nRudramahalaya temple built by Jayasimha Siddharaja in 1140,\nsome three centuries earlier.\nThe shrine of Muin al-din Chishti at Ajmer was visited by\nseveral rival Muslim rulers, beginning with Muhammad bin\nTughlaq. Even Nadir Shah planned a visit (Currie 1989: 97-\n116). No one contemplated harming its sacred precincts. Babur,\non winning Delhi from the Lodis in 1526, instantly extended\npatronage to Chishti institutions in the city. The pattern was\nreplicated when the Mughals expanded into provinces\nformerly ruled by Indo-Muslim dynasties.\nHINDU ICONOCLASM?\nThe claims of some scholars notwithstanding, a Hindu theology\nof iconoclasm would be difficult to substantiate. To counter-\npose Islamic jubilation at the \"bravado of iconoclasm\" with\ninstances of Hindu desecration was dubious, at the very least\n(Ahmad 2003: 38). Instances of appropriation of images by\nHindu kings in times of conflict reiterated the contrast with\nIslamic iconoclasm. Almost without exception, Hindu rulers\nhonoured the images they acquired, thereby reaffirming a\nshared sense of sacred. In the Islamic case, seizure of an image\nentailed its very dismemberment.\nKALINGA JINA\nThe earliest case known so far of image appropriation in the\nIndian subcontinent dated to the 2nd-1st century BCE. A Nanda\nking of Magadha was alleged to have carried away an image\nof Kalinga Jina (a Jain Tirthankara), from Kalinga.\nSubsequently, king Kharvela of the Mahameghavahana dynasty\nattacked Magadha and retrieved the pratima. He recorded the\ndeed in the famous Hathigumpha inscription (Pl. 1); incised\non the roof of an artificial cave, on the southern face of\n8 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nUdayagiri hills, near Bhubaneswar\u00b3 (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX:\n71-89).\nThe inscription was first noticed by A. Stirling in 1825,\nand published by James Prinsep from an eye-copy prepared\nby Lieutenant Kittoe in 1837. Subsequently, Alexander\nCunningham published a tracing in the first volume of Corpus\nInscriptionum Indicarum. Another version was prepared by\nRajendralal Mitra in 1880. Thereafter, many leading\nepigraphists examined the inscription. In 1965, D.C. Sircar\nprepared what remains the critical edition of the inscription.\nLine 12 of the inscription stated that king Kharvela,\ncausing panic amongst the people of Magadha (he) drives\n(his) elephants into the Sugamgiya (Palace), and (he) makes\nthe King of Magadha, Bahasatimita, bow at his feet... the\nJina of Kalinga' which had been taken away by King Nanda\n(was) brought home ... (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 88).\nThe 'Jina of Kalinga' was probably a reference to\nTirthankara Sitalanatha, who was born at Bhadalapura\n(Bhadrapura or Bhadrachalam) in the Godavari district.\nSugamgiya Palace was mentioned in Vishakhadatta's Sanskrit\nplay, Mudrarakshasa (Act III) as the residence of Chandragupta\nMaurya (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 85-88). The inscription was\nevidence that a Jina image existed in the time of the Nandas,\ni.e. in the fourth century BCE (Cort 2010: 45-46).\nVATAPI GANESH\nAnother recorded instance of arrogation of an image related\nto the Pallava king, Narsimhavarman (r. 630-668), who\ndefeated the Chalukya ruler, Pulakesin II (r. 610-642) in the\nbattle of Vatapi, in 642 CE. His general, Paranjothi brought\nback from Vatapi an image of Ganesh, which he took to his\nbirthplace Tiruchenkattankudi, near Thanjavur, and\nworshiped as Vatapi Ganesh (Dikshit 1980: 94-100).\nSubsequently, Muthuswami Dikshitar (1775-1835), of the\nINTRODUCTION | 9\n--- PAGE 23 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"musical trinity that included besides him, Tyagaraja (1767-\\n1847), and Shyama Shastri (1762-1827), composed the Vatapi\\nGanapatim in Sanskrit in honour of the image. It remains\\ninstated in a shrine in the Uthirapasupatheeswarar temple\\ncomplex, and prayers continue to be offered to it (Ayyar 1982:\\n402-404).\\nBUDDHA IMAGE FROM MAGADHA\\nLalitaditya Muktapida (r. 724-760 CE), the most powerful ruler\\nof the Karkota dynasty of Kashmir, had a minister, Cankuna\\nwho came from Tukharistan and was likely a Turk. A stupa\\nwas credited to him at Parihasapura, as well as the foundation\\nof two stupas with gold statues and a caitya, one of which was\\nseen by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, Wu-kung sometime\\nbetween 759 and 763 CE (Wink 1997: 74). As recompense for\\nhis services, Cankuna asked the king for an image of the\\nBuddha transported from Magadha,\\nFavour your humble servant by giving him that image of\\nSugata (Buddha), which was brought on the shoulders of\\nan elephant from Magadha (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147).\\nHis request was accepted and the icon gifted to him.\\nCankuna placed it in his vihara, where Kalhana, the twelfth\\ncentury author of the Rajatarangini, could see it several\\ncenturies later,\\nthe image of the Blessed [Buddha], which [still] shines in\\nits brownish (bronze) beauty as if clothed in the brownish-\\nred garment [of the mendicants] (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147).\\nNAGA KALIYA\\nThe Bilhari inscription (at the Chandrehe temple near Rewa)\\nof the Kalachuri king, Lakshmanaraja II (r. 945-970 CE) recorded\\nhis invasion of Orissa, and defeat of the Kosala ruler. He\\nobtained from the Prince of Odra an image of Naga Kaliya,\\nworked with jewels and gold (Memoirs of the ASI 1931: 12).\\n10 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nLakshmanaraja II gifted that image to Shiva in the Somnath\\ntemple in Gujarat, where he had earlier dedicated a car (ratha)\\n(Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteers - Shahdol 1994: 40).\\nVAIKUNTHA VISHNU\\nThe Chandella ruler, Yasovarman (r. 925-950 CE) constructed\\nthe Lakshmana (Vaikuntha) temple at Khajuraho for a revered\\nimage of Vaikuntha Vishnu he had obtained from the Pratihara\\nruler, Devapala. Verse 43 of a Sanskrit inscription found amidst\\nthe ruins of the temple, stated that Yasovarman had received\\nthe image from Devapala, son of Herambapala, and he placed\\nit in the temple he constructed. Herambapala himself had\\nacquired the image from Sahi, the king of Kira, who in turn\\ngot it from the lord of Bhota, who had found it in Kailash\\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. I: 124). The journey of the image was\\ntestimony to a shared sense of sacredness among various\\nsovereigns.\\nINJUNCTIONS ON IMAGE APPROPRIATION\\nWhile discussing image appropriation, a verse in the Purva\\nKarana Agama bears recalling. It stated that whenever a king\\nplanned to invade the territory of a rival, he had to ensure\\nthat the women, children, aged, and sick were relocated to\\nsafe places and sheltered from the ravages of war.\\nFurther, it was essential for a triumphant king to bring\\ndeities from the vanquished kingdom, and arrange for their\\nworship. Such an act would serve a dual purpose - it would\\ndivest the defeated ruler of divine protection, and additionally\\nensure that the pratimas remained under veneration. An\\ninteresting supplement was that it was obligatory for an\\noverpowered king to exert himself and retrieve the images\\nwithin a span of three years (Purva Karana Agama 2003: 875-\\n876; Nagaswamy 2011a: 41).\\nINTRODUCTION 11\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 24 ---\n\nIMAGES TAKEN BY CHOLA RULERS\nChola emperors brought back several images from the lands\nthey conquered. A Pala image of Ganesh, worshipped at the\nNageswara temple at Kumbakonam, could have been acquired\nby Rajendra Chola (r. 1014-1044) during his expedition to\nBengal. Two Ganesh bronzes, one from Muthupet (Thanjavur)\nand the other from Thiruvanaikka (near Trichy), resembled\nthe Pala Ganesh, but were cast in Tamil Nadu (Nagaswamy\n2011a: 41-42).\nRajadhiraja Chola I (also known as Vijaya Rajendra Chola;\nr. 1044-1052), brought back the statue of a Dwarapala from\nthe kingdom of the Western Chalukyas (with whom the Cholas\nwere frequently at war for control of the fertile Vengi region).\nAn inscription on the pedestal stated that the Dwarapala was\nbrought by Shri Vijaya Rajendra Chola after burning down\nKalyanapura (capital of the Western Chalukyas). The image\nwas later kept in the temple of Darasuram, the new capital\nbuilt by Rajaraja II (r. 1150-1173), and is currently in the Tanjore\nArt Gallery.\nA Pala Nataraja from Bengal in the Melakadambur temple,\nbuilt in the time of Kulotunga I (r. 1070-1122 CE), may not\nhave been taken in war. Kulottunga's rajaguru hailed from the\nBengal region, and could have brought the image for his\npersonal worship (Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).\nCHALUKYA AND KALINGA PRATIMAS AT\nGANGAIKONDACHOLAPURAM\nSeveral Chalukya and Kalinga icons were found in the\nGangaikondacholapuram temple complex built by Rajendra\nChola I. The most outstanding Chalukya image was a\nSuryapitha, now worshipped as Navagraha in the temple. A\nsizable number of images brought from the Chalukya region\nwere of Durga, indicating that the goddess as the deity of\nvictory was a singular object of acquisition. Among other\n12 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nChalukya images was a Ganesh, now called Kanakkupillaiyar,\nIn a shrine south-west of the Gangaikondacholapuram temple.\nAn icon of Durga was enshrined in a temple in Veerareddi\nStreet (Nagaswamy 1970: 59; Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).\nThe Tamil Nadu State Department of Archaeology found\nthree beautiful images of Kalinga origin in a mound called\nKilaichengamedu, a mile east of the Gangaikondacholapuram\ntemple. Near the temple was Meykavalputtur village, the\nancient hamlet of body-guards. A Durga image (actually a\nKali murti over seven feet tall), believed to have guarded the\nEastern gate of the Palace, was discovered there. Another Kali\nIcon depicted the eight-armed Devi seated on a pedestal,\nholding various weapons. Nearby were three Kalinga\nsculptures, two representing Shiva as Bhairava, and the third\ndepicting Bhairavi. All were carved in the red sandstone found\nat Bhubaneshwar and Konark, and were excellent specimens\nof Kalinga art (Nagaswamy 1970: 59-60).\nRajendra Chola's generals, who returned from their march\nto the Ganges through Kalinga, could have brought these\nsculptures (of the ninth century) and erected a temple in the\ncapital (Nagaswamy 1970: 60-61). The three sculptures\nindicated the impact of the Shakta cult on the Cholas. That\nwas confirmed by two Tamil literary works, Kalingattuparani\nand Takkayagaaparani, which were linked to the Shakta tradition\n(Nagaswamy 2011a: 41-42).\nMAHAVIRA MURTI RETRIEVED AND WORSHIPPED\nJinaprabhasuri wrote of an image of Mahavira that had been\ncommissioned by a lay devotee, Manadeva, in the city of\nKannanaya, in the kingdom of the Cholas. It was consecrated\nIn Vikrama 1233, and worshipped till vs 1248. That year\nPrithviraj Chauhan was defeated by Muhammad Ghori, and a\nJain lay follower, the merchant Ramadeva, sent a message to\nhis community, \"The Muslims have taken over the kingdom.\nINTRODUCTION 13\n"}
+{"start_page": 25, "end_page": 27, "text": "--- PAGE 25 ---\n\nYou must keep the image of Mahavira in hiding.\" The image\nwas concealed in a heap of sand in a village. Subsequently, it\nwas taken to Delhi and kept in the treasure house of\nMuhammad bin Tughlaq, in Tughlaqabad. The guards waited\nfor the Sultan to return from Devagiri to instruct them on\nwhat to do with it. Jinaprabhasuri, who wrote in the third\nperson, described the incident,\nHe (the Sultan) had it brought from the treasure house at\nTugulakabad. In front of the entire assemblage of his\ncourtiers he had the image brought before him, borne there\nquickly on the shoulders of his equestrian nobles, and after\nhe had a good look at it he handed it over to the monk\nJinaprabhasuri. With great rejoicing and much fanfare the\nimage was welcomed into the community and all the faithful\nthen together placed the image in a temple known as the\nMalikatajdin Sarai. The master Jinaprabhasuri performed\nthe ritual of sprinkling powder over the image after reciting\nsome sacred words to consecrate the powder. The image\nwas worshipped with much ceremony.... (Shinohara and\nGranoff 2006: 4-6).\nJinaprabhasuri recorded his contribution to the\npreservation of his faith in the troubled times,\nAnd everywhere his army had conquered, the Muslim Lord,\npleased with Jinaprabhasuri, the ornament of the Kharatara\nlineage of monks, by an edict ensured the safety of Jain holy\nsites, like the Glorious Satrunjaya, Girinar and\nPhalavardhi.... What more need I say, for everyone can see\nhow the Lord of Men, the Muslim ruler, won over by the\nexcellent qualities of the master Jinaprabhasuri, performs\nso many services for the Jain faith.\nEvery morning as the sun rises the auspicious sounds of\nconch shells reverberate from the many Jain temples...And\njust as monks did when the Hindus ruled, and the times\nwere not so evil, Jinaprabhasuri roams freely, spreading the\nJain faith... (Shinohara and Granoff 2006: 17).\n14 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nBALAKRISHNA AT VIJAYANAGARA\nKrishnadeva Raya, the greatest of Vijayanagara kings, acquired\nA stone image of Balakrishna from a temple in Orissa after his\nvictory over the Gajapati ruler, Prataparudra. He instated the\nimage in the Krishna temple he constructed at Hampi, in 1515\n(South Indian Inscriptions Vol. IV, Nos. 254-255: 44-50).\nAPPROPRIATED ICONS VENERATED, NOT VIOLATED\nNone of the instances mentioned above entailed desecration\nof a temple or image. If images were brought as trophies of\nwar, as some have alleged, they remained objects of reverence.\nIndeed, in several cases they continue to be worshiped till\ntoday.\nHINDU ICONOCLASTS?\nSome instances of Hindu defilement of Buddhist and Jain\nplaces of worship have been cited, but the evidence was \"too\nvague to be convincing\" (Wink Vol. II 1997: 308-310).\nForemost among Hindu rulers described as iconoclasts\nwas Shashank, who became king of Gauda sometime before\n606 CE, with his capital at Karnasuvarna (present day\nMurshidabad). The story of his persecution of Buddhists was\nmentioned in a twelfth century text, Arya-manjusri-mulakalpa\nwhich repeated the statements of Chinese traveller, Hiuen\nTsang. R.C. Majumdar regarded it \"extremely unsafe\" to accept\nstatements made in that work as historical (Majumdar 1943:\n64).\nWhile travelling in Magadh in 637-38 CE, Hiuen Tsang\nreported that Shashank had cut down the Bodhi tree in Gaya\nwhere Buddha had attained enlightenment, and also ordered\nthe removal of a Buddha image in a neighbouring temple.\nAccording to Hiuen Tsang, when the king learnt that his order\non the Bodhi tree had been implemented, he was \"seized with\nterror; his body produced sores; and his flesh rotted off, and\nafter a short while he died\" (Beal Book II 1884: 122).\nINTRODUCTION | 15\n--- PAGE 26 ---\n\nThe accounts of Buddhist writers could by no means \"be\nregarded unbiased or unprejudiced,\" at least as far as Shashank\nwas concerned. For Shashank had been engaged in a prolonged\npower struggle with Harsha of Kanauj (r. 606-647), a patron\nof Buddhism. The hostility of Hiuen Tsang and Banabhatta,\nnoted Sanskrit poet at Harsha's court, gave Shashank a bad\nname. According to Majumdar, such religious intolerance was\nrare in ancient India. He regarded Shashank as \"a great king\nand a remarkable personality during the first half of the seventh\ncentury A.D.\" (Majumdar 1943: 67).\nThe Bodhi tree was said to have been restored a few\nmonths later by Purnavarman, king of Magadha (Sinha 1977:\n147). In the course of one night it was said to have grown to a\nheight of over three metres, which was clearly an anomalous\nsituation (Wink 1997: 310).\nAlso on the list of Hindu vandals was king Sankara\nVarman (r. 883-902 CE) of Kashmir (son of the great\nAvantivarman of the Utpala dynasty). He never desecrated a\ntemple or image, confining himself to temple lands and\ntreasures. As the Rajatarangini stated,\nThis robber of what temples possessed in villages and other\n(property), established two new (revenue) offices....He took\nfrom the temples the profits arising from the sale of incense,\nsandal-wood, and other (articles of worship), under the\npretext that they were the (king's legal) share of the selling\nprice. Then, again, he plundered straightway sixty-four\ntemples, through special officers (placed over them) under\nthe pretext of (exercising) supervision. The king resumed\nthe villages which belonged to the temples, against a\ncompensatory assignment (pratihara), and (then) cultivated\nthe land himself as (if he were) an agriculturist\n(Rajatarangini Vol. 1: 206).\nSankara Varman was credited with the construction of\nthe Samkaragaurisa and Sugandhesa Shiva temples, and the\nappointment of a Brahmin well-versed in the four Vedas, as\ntheir custodian (Chaku and Chaku 2016: 86).\n16 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nAnother king of Kashmir, Harsa (r. 1089-1111) of the\nLohara dynasty, certainly defiled images. The Rajatarangini\nwas unequivocal, \"There was not one temple in a village, town\nor in the city which was not despoiled of its images by that\nTuruska, King Harsa\" (Rajatarangini Vol. 1: 353).\nThe colossal image of Buddha in the Rajavihara at\nParihasapura (built by king Lalitaditya), was among the few\nthat escaped being melted down by Harsa. However, the\nRajavihara itself was burnt down in the war between Harsa\nand his cousin, Uccala (of the second Lohara dynasty; 1101-\n1111). The silver image of Vishnu Parahasakesava was carried\naway and broken by Harsa. A new statue was instated by\nUccala, when he ascended the throne (Rajatarangini Vol. II:\n302).\nKalhana, while narrating the exploits of Harsa, bestowed\non him the title \"Turuska,\" i.e. Muhammadan, and made a\nreference to Turuska captains employed in his army and\nenjoying his favour. Was he \"instigated or encouraged\nsomehow by the steady advance of Muhammadanism in the\nneighbouring territories?\" (Stein \"Introduction\" in Rajatarangini\nVol. 1: 113). Kashmiri poetess, Lalla who condemned image\nworship, also appeared to have been influenced by Islamic\nideas on iconoclasm (Wink 1997: 311).\nA RARE OCCURRENCE\nThe Rajatarangini recorded a rare instance of wanton\ndestruction of an image by a Hindu king. Lalitaditya once\npromised safe passage to the ruler of Gauda (Bengal); but\nkilled him at Trigrami, \"though he had made the glorious\n[image of Visnu] Parihasakesava a surety [for his guest's safety]\" \n(Rajatarangini Vol. I: 152). The Gauda king's servants came to\nKashmir on the pretext of visiting the shrine of Sharda, to\navenge the murder of their leader. They resolved to attack\nthe image of Parihasakesava, which had been made a surety\nand was the favourite object of Lalitaditya's devotion. Seeing\nINTRODUCTION | 17\n--- PAGE 27 ---\n\nthem eager to enter while Lalitaditya was away, the attendant\npriests closed the gates of the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava.\nAfter a forceful offensive, the Gaudas reached the silver\nstatue of Vishnu Ramasvamin, and mistaking it for that of\nParihasakesava, broke it to dust (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 152-153).\n(Lalitaditya had noticed the silver image of Vishnu Ramasvamin\nin a remote part of Kashmir some years earlier, and built a\nsmall shrine for it near the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava).\nThe Gauda troops scattered the particles in all directions,\n\"while they were all being cut up by the soldiers who had\ncome from the city [Srinagara]\" (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 153).\nKalhana wrote of the long journey they had undertaken, and\ntheir devotion to their dead sovereign,\nEven the creator cannot achieve what the Gaudas did on\nthat occasion. To this day even the temple of Ramasvamin is\nseen empty, whereas the whole world is filled with the fame\nof the Gauda heroes (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 153).\nCASE OF MUSLIM INVADERS AND RULERS\nIn an overwhelming number of cases of image appropriation,\nvictorious Hindu kings instated them in grand temples. Muslim\nrulers destroyed entire temples, and where that was not\nfeasible, disfigured the images.4 The evidence was strewn all\nover the subcontinent. Alberuni wrote of some images that\nMahmud Ghaznavi seized,\nThe city of Taneshar is highly venerated by the Hindus. The\nidol of that place is called Cakrasvamin, i.e. the owner of the\ncakra, a weapon which we have already described. It is of\nbronze, and is nearly the size of a man. It is now lying in the\nhippodrome in Ghazna, together with the Lord of Somanath,\nwhich is a representation of the ... Linga [of Mahadeva]...\n(Alberuni 1910: 117).\nExcavations at Ghazni confirmed that images were taken\nto Ghazni \"for recontextualization and display\" (Flood 2009:\n18 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n32). Among the findings was an image of a Tirthankara. The\nItalian Archaeological Mission, during excavations in Ghazni\nin 1957-58, at a site referred to as the \"Palace,\" found a statue\nof Brahma, 0.98 metres high, broken in eight pieces, which\ncould be joined together, with the torso missing (Pl. 2).\nUmberto Scerrato, who wrote a summary report of the\nexcavations, described the find as, \"... an un-hoped for and\nstimulating evidence of the trophies brought along to Ghazni\nfrom India, following the triumphs of the Ghaznavids.\"\nHe quoted medieval historians to buttress his hypothesis.\nUtbi had recorded that Mahmud Ghaznavi used gold from\nimages he brought from Somnath to build the Arusu 'l-Falak\nmosque. Sibli noted that Mahmud transported a veritable\nmuseum from India. Ferishta stated that Mahmud had the\nSomnath statue broken into pieces, which he used in the\nthreshold of the Arusu 'l-Falak mosque (Scerrato 1959: 29,\n39).\nScerrato noted that the face of the Brahma statue had been\n\"completely wiped out, destroyed, it would seem, not by\niconoclastic fury but slowly worn away by passing feet, its\nappearance being much like medieval tombal stones in church\npavements\" (Scerrato 1959: 39-40). It would be hard to mention\ninstances of murtis subjected to such fate by victorious Hindu\nrulers.\nTHE MEDIEVAL RESPONSE\nThis work examines the medieval response to temple\ndestruction and image desecration.5 While temples were\ndestroyed on a considerable scale, also noteworthy were the\nrepeated endeavours to reconstruct them.6 In each instance of\nrebirth, the temple retained its original name, even though\nthere was a visible downsizing in its scale and grandeur. The\nKeshava temple at Mathura, the Vishwanath temple at Kashi,\nthe Somnath temple in Saurashtra, the Rama mandir at Ayodhya\nwere among the shrines continually restored, well after\nINTRODUCTION | 19\n"}
+{"start_page": 28, "end_page": 30, "text": "--- PAGE 28 ---\n\nHindus had lost all semblance of political power. The Bindu\nMadhava, the most important Vishnu temple in Varanasi, was\ndemolished in 1669 and a mosque constructed in its place.\nThe temple now bearing the name Bindu Madhava is a modest\nstructure in the shadow of the mosque, but continues the\ntraditions associated with the site.\nIn multiple cases, the reconstructed shrines had unknown\npatrons, pointing to the feebleness of the theory that restricted\ntemples to an alliance of king and deity. Intriguingly, mosques\nbuilt on temple sites often retained the sacred names \u2013\nBijamandal mosque, Lat masjid, Atala masjid, Gyanvapi\nmosque, and not to forget, masjid-i-janamsthan.?\nEqually worthy of study was the fate of images enshrined\nin temples. Many were swiftly removed by anxious devotees,\nmany more were hurriedly buried; some remained on the\nmove for decades, till such time they could be escorted back\nto their abodes. In several cases, images were damaged in\nflight. Countless images were lost, as their places of burial\nwere forgotten over time. That necessitated the consecration\nof new images in more peaceable circumstances. So there were\ntemples of the tenth-eleventh centuries, which housed images\ninstated in the sixteenth. In situations where neither temple\nnor image could be safeguarded, the memory endured, and a\nshrine was recreated after an interval of several centuries.\nTruly innovative, in the face of Muslim political presence\nand decline of large-scale temples, was the recourse to kirtan,\nbhajan, katha, lila, which did away with the need for images,\nwhile indicating the resilience of faith. In the case of lilas, the\nhuman being substituted for the image. Lilas (dramas) in their\npresent form are said to have originated in the Banaras region,\nduring or shortly after the lifetime of Tulsidas. Their\nperformance from the outset was linked to the Ramcharitmanas\n(Hein 1972: 105-25, 223-71).\nLilas were associated with the philosophy of the Bhakti\nmovement, which embraced all sections of society, and thus\n20 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ndisplayed \"positive strengths of their own.\" Ramlila enacted\non open grounds, expressed notions of cosmography and\npilgrimage that aimed \"at reclaiming and transforming the\nmundane world\" (Lutgendorf 1994: 254-255).\nThe decentralized nature of Hinduism also ensured that\ndevotees could worship their deities at home when temples\nwere under siege. A Mughal miniature painting portrayed a\npeasant girl cupping a brazier in her hand, appearing to revere\nthe fire (Pl. 3).\nThis is clearly not a comprehensive survey of the fate of\nevery temple and image in every region in the medieval era.\nA few illustrative examples have been presented to bring to\nthe fore this less deliberated dimension of Indian history. What\nwas notable was that most acts of desecration were the\nhandiwork of invaders, sultans, or emperors. There was not\nmuch evidence of involvement beyond political circles. Deities\nin flight were shielded by countless ordinary devotees, while\nroyal personages of varying stature participated in their\nreinstatement.\nThe chapter-wise breakup of the book remains rather\nunsatisfactory. It was difficult to adhere to a strict temporal\nor spatial framework. Different regions were attacked at\ndifferent times by different people, and within regions some\ntemples were repeatedly desecrated over the centuries. The\nfact that regional boundaries were not sharply etched added\nto the difficulties. These constraints have influenced the layout\nof the book. As each chapter stands alone, it is hoped this\nwould not cause too much disquiet to the reader.\nI have incurred many debts in writing this work, which\nI am happy to acknowledge. My deepest gratitude is to\nDr. R. Nagaswamy, who shared his wealth of knowledge on\nthe subject and gifted books not readily accessible. I benefitted\nenormously from discussions with the fine scholar and art\nhistorian, Dr. Kirit Mankodi who has also been actively\nengaged in tracking stolen artefacts in foreign lands. He kindly\nINTRODUCTION | 21\n--- PAGE 29 ---\n\nprovided me with many of his writings on heritage sites in\nCentral India and Gujarat. Shri B.M. Pande has always been\nmost helpful and offered valuable suggestions on an earlier\ndraft. He was also instrumental in the publication of some of\nmy earlier works. Dr. B.R. Mani first provided details of the\ndeity of the Sikarwar Rajputs, and its flight after the battle of\nKhanua. Madhukar Shah of the erstwhile Orchha royal family,\nnarrated oral traditions of the Rama murti his ancestor, queen\nGanesh Kunwari brought from Ayodhya.\nProfessors Y. Sudarshan Rao and Kiran Kranth Chowdhary\nfacilitated a visit to Tirupati, which proved extremely useful.\nHariprasad Nellitheertha gladly translated Sri Vadiraja\nTirtha's Teertha Prabandha for me. Vishal Aggarwal is an\ninvaluable source person for anyone working on Indian history,\nand I gladly accept his support. Vikas Saraswat provided a\ncopy of Sri Nathji ki Prakatya Varta, along with an excellent\nEnglish translation. Swadesh Singh patiently heard my various\nformulations on the theme. Michel Danino has encouraged\nevery endeavour of mine, for which I remain beholden.\nThrough my decades long association with him, Koenraad\nElst has remained most generous and supportive.\nI have used many libraries while writing this book, but\nwould like to especially record my gratefulness to Dr. Jyotsna\nArora of the Indian Council of Historical Research. She was\nquick to track the innumerable books and articles I requested,\nalways with a smile.\nI am indebted to Indic Academy, and its founder Hari\nKiran Vadlamani, for enthusiastic endorsement of my research\nand for hosting my first talk on the theme of this book.\nAbhinav Agarwal was appreciative of my earlier works, for\nwhich I am obliged. Rajiv Malhotra is a tireless soldier of Indic\ncivilization. I thank him for his inspiration.\nFinally, my heartfelt thanks to Vikas Arya, a most\naccommodating and understanding publisher, who spares no\neffort to make every book look so special and beautiful.\n22 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nNOTES\n1. Images seemed intrinsically linked with belief systems in India.\nThe large number of mother goddess figurines found at sites\nof the Indus Valley Civilization could indicate worship in\nprivate residences. Kautilya, in the Arthasastra, mentioned the\nabundance of temples and shrines for the family deity of the\nking, and tutelary deities of various groups living in different\nquarters of Pataliputra (Kautilya 1992: 54).\nInscriptional and archaeological evidence from Mathura\ninindicated the existence of a Jain stupa by at least the first\ncentury BCE. In addition, four inscriptions confirmed the\npresence of several Jain shrines in Mathura, from the second\ncentury BCE. Among their patrons was a layman who gifted\nthe arch (torana) for a temple; a laywoman who bequeathed a\ntemple; a woman, who along with her entire household\ndonated a Jina shrine; and a woman who installed an image\nof Mahavira in a Jina temple and also bequeathed a shrine.\nPossibly, the culture of shrines originated in the second century\nBCE, but was certainly in existence by the first century BCE.\nImages developed almost simultaneously in the three\ntraditions, possibly in Mathura (Cort 2010: 18, 30-32).\nIn 1937, some villagers in Lohanipur found Jina images near\nthe site of ancient Pataliputra. The finds included two stone\ntorsos in the bed of an abandoned canal. The villagers placed\nthem in a nearby mango orchard and began to worship them.\nThe larger torso was a little over two feet tall, the smaller one\naround a foot high. K.P. Jayaswal of Patna Museum said the\nlarger torso was \"the oldest Jaina image yet found in India,\nand it must belong at the latest to the Mauryan period,\" i.e.\nthird century BCE. This was confirmed by an excavation at the\nsite which revealed a Mauryan coin, and several Mauryan\nbricks that formed the foundation of a square temple,\nmeasuring 8 feet and 10 inches on each side. Jayaswal dated\nthe second image several centuries later than the taller one\n(Cort 2010: 32-34).\n2. The tenacious pledge to a sacred site was continually\ndisplayed. At the edge of Cholistan desert, was a tenth century\ntemple, now known as Pattan Munara (Pl. 4). The Pakistani\nINTRODUCTION | 23\n--- PAGE 30 ---\n\narchaeologist, Rafique Mughal identified its tower as the\n\"remains of a pre-Islamic shrine,\" and the site as \"early\nhistorical and Islamic.\" Till the nineteenth century, an\nimportant annual fair used to be held at Pattan Munara. Early\nBritish Gazetteers recorded, \"The Hindu Rajas and chiefs of\nSindh, Bikaner, and Jaisalmer used to visit the tower as late as\nthe beginning of the 18th century and annually celebrated a\nmela, called Shivaratri, in the month of Mangh.\" A structure\nwas pulled down in the nineteenth century, and a mosque\nbuilt to discourage Muslim women from worshipping the\ntemple's linga (Meister 2010: 52-57).\nMichael Meister, who studied the Salt Range and Indus\ntemples, noted 'continuity of local worship,' and the use of\nthe same spot for Hindu shrines. The Katas Raj temple still\nhad a stairway in the southern wall of its entry portico that\nled to an upper ambulatory chamber. The temple was\nrepeatedly rebuilt and repaired to keep it in active worship\n(Meister 2010: 16).\nAn interesting find of buried statuaries came from Sanghol,\nPunjab. The site was not identified through a textual source. It\nwas only after excavations commenced and the size of the site\nwas realized that a textual identification was made. In the\nearly twentieth century, the villagers of Sanghol frequently\nunearthed antiquities when tilling their fields. Though they\ninformed archaeologists about their finds, they were not taken\nseriously. A resident of Sanghol, G.B. Sharma, who after a\ncareer in the Air Force earned an M.A. in Archaeology from\nKurukshetra University, brought his collection of coins and\nseals to archaeologists A.K. Narain and Dr. Chhabra, for their\nassessment. After his finds were reported in local newspapers,\nthe Government of Punjab stepped in (Michon 2010: 72-74).\nAltogether thirteen archaeological excavations spread over\nseveral sites were undertaken by three archaeological units\nunder two separate bodies. S.S. Talwar and R.S. Bisht, under\nthe Punjab Government Archaeological Department,\nexcavated for five seasons from 1969 to 1973. The excavations\nrevealed two Buddhist stupas (nos. 1 and 2) in the area SGL-\n5 and SGL-11 respectively (Kuwayama 1997: 133). During the\nthird excavation season (1970-71), Talwar and Bisht noticed\n24 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\na small mound on the north of the Hathiawara or Citadel that\nwas locally known as \"the Manthan\". They unearthed the\nspokes of a stupa's anda, and another structure to the east\nthey called 'a Bodhi tree enclosure' (Michon 2010: 86-87;\nMichon 2015: 213).\nOn 1st February 1985, Yog Raj, a member of G.B. Sharma's\nteam, discovered in a pit a hoard of 117 Mathura sculptures\non 69 upright pillars, 13 coping stones, and 35 cross bars at\nthe excavation site SGL-5 (Yog Raj 1985: 15-16). Sanghol was\nlocated on the route from Mathura to Gandhara. Stupa 1 at\nSanghol resembled a typically Gandhara stupa, while the 117\npieces found as a hoard buried in the earth were of the Mathura\nschool. S.P. Gupta noted the close resemblance of the stupa\nrailings with those of Kankali Tila, raising the possibility that\nthe Sanghol stupa belonged to the early Kushan period of the\nfirst to second century CE (Kuwayama 1997: 136). The\nexcavations suggested that SGL-5 was founded in the late\n2nd to early 1st century BCE. It was in use till the 4th and 5th\ncentury CE. Excavations at SGL-11 indicated that the complex\nhad been used between the 2nd century BCE and 5th century CE\n(Michon 2015: 219, 227). The report on the ASI excavations\nseemed to have been written by Sharma, who knew the area,\n\"Phase II-B contains kiln baked cakes - I hazard a guess that\nthis is some sort of fire worship. Still today in the area on\nDussehra, such cakes with finger marks in the centre are\nprepared of cow dung. They are then smeared with curd, rice,\nand sweets, threads are wound around them: [that is] bade\nbaderian di pooja - worship of the elders. These customs, which\nmay not find any literary reference, still continue in the society\neven today\" (Michon 2010: 79-80). Being from Sanghol, Sharma\nwas able to note that this ancient custom had survived till his\ntime.\nIn trench BX-I at SGL-2, a pit labelled 'Ia' contained several\nantiquities. It seemed to have been intentionally created to\ncontain 'stashes of antiquities.' Why were these artefacts\nburried together? (Michon 2010: 80). Could it be an emergency\ndevise in the face of a sudden threat?\n3. Several inscriptions in the Hathigumpha cave, dated up to\nthe tenth-eleventh centuries CE, confirmed it was a sacred site\nINTRODUCTION | 25\n"}
+{"start_page": 31, "end_page": 33, "text": "--- PAGE 31 ---\n\nof long standing. That could be the reason Kharvela chose it\nfor his inscription. Possibly Mahavira had preached there.\nLine 14 of the inscription clearly referred to the preaching of\nJainism. The inscription, in Prakrit, seemed to have been\ncomposed by a Jain monk from Gujarat or Maharashtra\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 72-73). The inscription contained\nperhaps the first mention of Bharadhvasa (Sanskrit\nBharatavarsha), which referred to the plains of northern India\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XX: 78).\n4. The Muslim invasions that commenced in the seventh century\nCE had a great bearing on the history of India. Many fierce\nbattles were fought in Sindh and elsewhere in the northwest,\nin which local rulers offered stiff resistance to the invaders.\nAn early reference to the Tajikas (Arabs?) occurred in the Kavi\nplate from Broach district, Gujarat, dated 736 CE. It acclaimed\nthe military prowess of Jayabhata IV, a Gurjara feudatory of\nthe Maitraka ruler of Valabhi, against Tajikas. Jayabhata was\nable, \"even as a cloud extinguishes with its showers the fire\nthat troubles all people,\" to put an end to the unending\nmiseries of the people (asesa-loka-santapa). A military raid had\ntaken place on the city of Valabhi from Sindh, which had\nfallen to the Arabs in 712 CE (Chattopadhyaya 1998: 32).\nThe Navasari plates of the Chalukya ruler, Avanijanashraya\nPulakesin, dated 739 CE, listed the ruling houses that had been\noverwhelmed by attacks of the Tajikas. It stated, \"When the\narmy of the Tajikas, which poured forth arrows, javelins\nand iron-headed clubs; which destroyed, with its rapidly\nbrandished and glittering swords, the prosperous Saindhava,\nKacchella, Saurastra, Cavotaka, Maurya and Gurjara and other\nkings ...\" (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol. IV Part 1-2: 137-\n145). The invasions were undertaken by the officers of Junaid,\ngeneral of Khalifa Hasham. Avanijanashraya Pulakesin\nrouted the Arabs near Navasari, and turned back the tide of\ninvasions from peninsular India. A somewhat later\ninscription of Pratihara Vatsaraja, dated 795 CE, referred to the\nPratihara rulers, Nagabhata I and Vatsaraja, and their victories\nover Mleccha kings (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXXXI: 49-57).\nAn early epigraphic reference to the Turushkas (Turks?) as\npolitical adversaries occurred in a fragmentary inscription\n26 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfound at Hund, Attock district, Pakistan. The inscription, in\nSharda characters and Sanskrit language, was assigned, on\npalaeographic grounds to the second half of the eighth century\nCE. It referred to the defeat of a Muslim army in the Sindhu\ncountry by the local ruler, Anantadeva, whom it lauded \"as\ndexterous in the task of incessantly striking down the growing\nand formidable might of the Turushkas.\" The recovery of the\ninscription from Hund indicated that his kingdom bordered\non Muslim holdings in Gandhara and Multan. The epithet,\nudrikta-Turushka-pushkala-bala-kshep-aika-dakshatman, implied\nthat he had struggled unceasingly to defeat the invaders\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXXVIII Part I: 94-98).\n5. A considerable number of \"Hindu epics of resistance\" were\nproduced in the medieval period, particularly in Rajasthan,\nwhich embodied tales of Rajput resistance to Muslims (Ahmad\n2003: 41-45).\n6. In medieval India, sacred structures of non-Islamic faiths were\nedged out of public view. Excluding Rohtas (Bihar), the\nheadquarters of Raja Man Singh in Bihar, almost no temples\nexisted in Mughal palace towns. Man Singh constructed the\nGovindadeva temple at Vrindavan in the reign of Akbar, but\nthat was a pilgrimage centre and had no Muslim buildings\n(Asher 2002: 122-123).\nIn the Mughal capital of Shahjahanabad, mosques occupied\ncommanding positions on the main roads of every\nneighbourhood. There was no area that had temples and no\nmosques; not even Hindu-populated sections like Katra Neel\n(Asher 2002: 125-128). That was in accordance with Shah\nJahan's decree that \"in every lane, bazar, square, and street\" a\nmosque was to be found (Blake 1986: 180-181). A map of the\ncity, dated around 1850 CE, showed most of the mosques of\nShahjahanabad, but provided virtually no information on\nHindu, Sikh, and Jain religious edifices (Ehlers and Krafft\n2003: 21).\nAn archaeological survey conducted in the early twentieth\ncentury listed 200 mosques constructed in the city between\n1639 and 1857, of which half were built in the Mughal heydays,\nbetween 1639 and 1739. No temples were constructed in that\nperiod. Fifteen temples were built during the years 1739-1803,\nINTRODUCTION | 27\n--- PAGE 32 ---\n\nwhen Mughals were no longer dominant; and a record eighty-\none in the period of British ascendancy in the city, from 1803\nto 1857 (Blake 1991: 52, 110, 181). Even the temples constructed\nin Shahjahanabad between 1739 and 1857 were all virtually\ninvisible, perhaps the result of a deliberate effort to keep them\nconcealed from public view. There was nothing to even\nindicate their existence. Most were just small openings in\nalcoves, located in private courtyards surrounded by high\nwalls. None of the temples built in the city in that period had\nthe hallmark shikhara. The Digambar Jain Mandir and the\nGauri Shankar temples were built later. The shikhara in the\nKalkaji temple in south Delhi was added in 1816 (Asher 2002:\n127-135).\nThe prototype of visible mosques and hidden temples was\nestablished early on. In Rohtas, for instance, the Jami Mosque\nwas noticeable on the main arterial road, while a small temple\nbuilt by Man Singh could not be seen from a distance. Local\ntradition had it that the mosque site was originally intended\nfor a temple, but was turned into the Jama Masjid \"for fear of\nthe Emperor\" (Ali 1983: 131-132). In his home state of Amber\nas well, a huge mosque was erected on the Delhi highway on\nAkbar's orders, while Man Singh's own Jagat Shiromani\nTemple, built in memory of his eldest son, remained veiled\nfrom public gaze.\nIn response to the felt need for unobtrusive shrines, Jain\ntemples at Abu, Ranakpur, and Sanganer did not appear as\ntemples from outside. In cities like Varanasi too, mosques were\nthe conspicuous structures. Ahilya Bai Holkar's Visvanatha\ntemple was built in a side lane of the Gyanvapi mosque (Asher\n2002: 124-125).\n7. The spectre of iconoclasm continued to manifest itself even in\nthe twentieth century. The Bamiyan Buddhas, \"the largest\nBuddhist sculptures in the world\", had been carved out of\nrocks of the Hindu Kush mountains sometime between the\n3rd and 5th centuries CE. They were damaged following\nGenghis Khan's annihilation of Bamiyan in 1221 CE. Later\nNadir Shah also attacked the images. The legs were reportedly\nbroken on orders of Aurangzeb (Sengupta 2002: 142-143). Both\nstatues were blown up by the Taliban in March 2001, after\n28 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwhich the Justice Ministry issued a statement, \"We have\nobeyed the orders of Allah by destroying the idols.\" The\nTaliban Minister for Information stated that the decision to\ndestroy the Buddhas was taken on the advice of four hundred\nulema across Afghanistan, who declared the statues un-Islamic\n(Pattanaik 2002: 138).\nThe Bamiyan Buddhas were not associated with any Buddhist\nor Hindu kingly power, certainly not in the twenty first\ncentury. They had to go because they were \"idols\". As the\nLion of Al Lat, the temple of Bel, the Arch of Triumph, and\ncountless heritage sites and statues in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan,\nand other countries that fell victims to iconoclasm.\nINTRODUCTION | 29\n--- PAGE 33 ---\n\n2\nSunset in Multan\nThe hypothesis that temples represented a mere alliance\nof king and deity was first tested in Multan. Hindus of\nthe region, well after losing their kingdom to invading\nArabs and Turks, struggled to remain faithful to their gods.\nWith no king to protect them, for centuries they restored\ndemolished temples and deities, till not a glimmer of hope\nremained...\nEARLY HISTORY\nMultan has been identified as the capital of the Malli people,\nwho offered a stiff challenge to Alexander during his invasion\nof 326-325 BCE. It was known by several names, Kasyapapura,\nHansapura, Sambapura, Prahladpura, and Adyasthana, all\ninvocations to Vishnu or Surya. Tradition held that Multan\nwas founded by Kasyapa, father of the twelve Adityas (or\nSun gods) by Aditi; and of the Daityas (or Titans) by Diti. He\nwas succeeded by his eldest son, Hiranya-kasipu (the Daitya),\nwho refused to accept the omnipresence of Vishnu. Vishnu\nmanifested himself in his Narasimha avatar at Multan during\n30 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe reign of Hiranya-kasipu, whose son Prahalad was his\nardent devotee. Hiranya-kasipu's great-grandson, Banasur\nwas an adversary of Krishna.\nKrishna's son, Samba, was said to have instituted Sun\nworship. The Samba Purana stated that Samba was cured of\nleprosy due to his devotion to Surya. As a mark of\nthankfulness, he constructed the Sun temple at Multan.\nAccording to the Bhavishya Purana, the name Adyasthana was\nused for the temple Samba built. Adya could well have been a\ncorruption of the word Aditya or Sun (Cunningham 2006: 196-\n199; Hasan 2008: 86). The Bhavishya Purana also mentioned the\nexistence of a golden image of Surya. The ancient belief in the\norigins of Multan validated its importance at the dawn of\nIndian history.\u00b9\nCHINESE TRAVELLER DESCRIBED SUN TEMPLE\nThe Sun temple acquired great fame throughout India.\u00b2 An\nearly account of its sanctity was provided by the Chinese\nBuddhist scholar and pilgrim, Hiuen Tsang (602-664 CE) who\ncame to Multan in 641 CE, in the time of the Rai dynasty. He\ncalled the city Meulo-san-pu-lo, Mulasthanpura (city of the\nfrontier land), which was the first known mention of the name.\nHiuen Tsang saw the splendidly attired golden icon in the\nSun temple,\nThere is a temple dedicated to the Sun, very magnificent\nand profusely decorated. The image of the Sun-deva is cast\nin yellow gold and ornamented with rare gems. Its divine\ninsight is mysteriously manifested and its spiritual power\nmade plain to all. Women play their music, light their torches,\noffer their flowers and perfumes to honour it. This custom\nhas been continued from the very first. The kings and high\nfamilies of the five Indies never fail to make their offerings of\ngems and precious stones (to this Deva). They have founded\na house of mercy (happiness), in which they provide food,\nand drink, and medicines for the poor and sick, affording\nSUNSET IN MULTAN | 31\n"}
+{"start_page": 34, "end_page": 36, "text": "--- PAGE 34 ---\n\nsuccour and sustenance. Men from all countries come here\nto offer up their prayers; there are always some thousands\ndoing so (Beal 1884 Vol. II Book XI: 274-275).\nTHE ARABS IN SINDH\nThe most detailed account of the conditions in Sindh just prior\nto the establishment of Arab rule was provided by the Chach\nNamah, a Persian translation of an Arabic work by Ali, son of\nMuhammad Kufi, in 1216 CE. Two subsequent works - Tarikh-\ni-Masumi or Tarikh-i-Sind and Tuhfatu-l-Kiram - based their\nhistories of that period on the Chach Namah. According to these\nchronicles, Hinduism and Buddhism flourished alongside at\nthe time of the Arab invasions (Cousens 1929: 13).\nThe first Arab attack on Sindh occurred just a few years\nof the death of Prophet Muhammad. Intermittently for the\nnext seventy-five years, the Arabs continued their advance,\nraiding and then annexing parts of Makran, the arid\nmountainous region of Sindh. Finally, in 711 CE an Arab army\nunder the command of Muhammad bin Qasim, conquered the\nprovince.\nBuddhists were then numerically strong and influential in\nthe Indus Delta region, but few in Upper Sindh. Hindus were\ndominant in Upper Sindh, and equalled Buddhists in Lower\nSindh and Makran (Maclean 1989: 6-7, 14). The two\ncommunities responded differently to the Arab advent.\nBuddhists tended to collaborate to a significantly greater extent\nand at an earlier date than Hindus. During the period of Arab\nascendancy, Buddhism disappeared wholly as a viable\nreligious system. Alberuni, the renowned medieval Muslim\nscholar and scientist (973-1050), who visited Sindh, was unable\nto locate a Buddhist informant for his work on Indian religions.\nHinduism survived, though under severe pressure (Maclean\n1989: 50-53).\n32 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nMUHAMMAD BIN QASIM\nDebal (identified with the ruins of Banbhore) was the first\ncity to be stormed by Qasim. The ninth century Muslim\nhistorian, Al-Baladhuri, who wrote the most comprehensive\naccount of early Islamic intrusions into India, recorded that a\nsection of the population was killed in a massacre that lasted\nthree days. The dead included two guardians of the famous\nShiva temple. Qasim then marked out a quarter of the town\nfor the Muhammadan garrison, built a mosque, and left behind\nfour thousand men. The mosque at Debal was the first to be\nconstructed in the Indian subcontinent (Wink 1990: 203).\nExcavations at the site in 1958-1965 revealed a Shiva linga\nfixed on a yonipitha, besides one lying on the floor. Several\nother lingas had been re-used in the lowest tread of steps\nleading to the entrance of the mosque. The excavations exposed\nfour building phases. The first was the original temple that\nhad been in use till it was smashed in 712. A century later,\nAnbisa bin Ishaq, the new governor of Sindh, pulled down\nthe upper portion of the temple and converted the lower part\ninto a prison. Several blocks of the temple were used for\nrestoring other structures in the city. The city's buildings were\nrepaired after an earthquake in 854 CE. In 906, the edifice was\nconverted into a mosque, which survived till the city turned\ninto a ruin in the thirteenth century (Pal 2008: 75-78).\nFrom Debal, Qasim marched to other towns including\nNirun and Sadusan. At Nirun, he erected a mosque in place of\nthe temple of Budh (Buddhist stupa), and appointed a crier to\ngive the call for prayer (Cousens 1929: 20-22).\nThe major battle was with Dahir, the last Hindu ruler of\nSindh. Multan was besieged for over two months, and water\nsupply to the beleaguered city cut off by the invaders. It finally\nfell due to treachery; one of its inhabitants pointed to a weak\nsection of the walls which Qasim promptly breached, and\nsacked the town (Cousens 1929: 27). According to Al-\nBaladhuri, \"he made captives of the custodians of the budd,\nSUNSET IN MULTAN | 33\n--- PAGE 35 ---\n\nnumbering 6000,\" and confiscated the wealth, but not the Sun\nimage (Wink 1990: 187).\nTHE GREAT TEMPLE OF MULTAN\nQasim was informed that the wealth of the city was due to a\ntemple on the eastern side. It was owing to that temple that\nearly Arabs called the place Farj, or \"House of Gold.\" Alberuni\nrelated the fate of the temple,\nWhen Muhammad Ibn Alkasim Ibn Almunabbih conquered\nMultan, he inquired how the town had become so very\nflourishing and so many treasures had there been\naccumulated, and then he found out that this idol was the\ncause, for there came pilgrims from all sides to visit it.\nTherefore he thought it best to have the idol where it was,\nbut he hung a piece of cow's-flesh on its neck by way of\nmockery. On the same place a mosque was built (Alberuni\n1910: 116-117).\nThe people of Multan saved the temple by agreeing to\nsurrender one-third of its income. Each pilgrim had to offer a\nsum of money at the temple ranging from one hundred to ten\nthousand dirhams, according to his financial situation. The\npilgrimage was not considered valid till that was done. The\nmoney that accrued to the temple was divided into three equal\nparts. One portion was given to the Muslims, one kept for the\nimprovement of the city and its fortifications. A third was set\naside for the guardians of the temple and its upkeep\n(Friedmann 1972: 178).\nTEMPLE DESTROYED\nThe temple survived that way till it was destroyed in 986 CE\nby the Karmatians (a branch of Ismaili Shia Islam), when they\nbecame masters of Multan. According to Alberuni,\nWhen then the Karmatians occupied Multan, Jalam Ibn\nShaiban, the usurper, broke the idol into pieces and killed\nits priests (Alberuni 1910: 116-117).\n34 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nA new mosque was erected to replace the one built by\nQasim, which was ordered to be closed. Subsequently,\nMahmud Ghaznavi captured Multan in 1005-06 CE. He restored\nthe old mosque as the place of Friday prayers, leaving the\nShia mosque to decay. The inhabitants of Multan were said to\nhave been forced to pay a fine twenty million dirhams to save\nthe city from being sacked by him (Bosworth 1992: 76).\nARAB ACCOUNTS OF THE SUN TEMPLE\nSeveral Arab and Persian visitors to Multan described the\npopularity of the Sun temple.3 Al-Masudi, the Arab historian\nand geographer, who visited the valley of the Indus in 915 CE,\nwrote,\nThe inhabitants of Sindh and India perform pilgrimages to\nit from the most distant places: they carry money, precious\nstones, aloe wood, and all sorts of perfumes there to fulfil\ntheir vows. The greatest part of the revenue of the king of\nMultan is derived from the rich presents brought the idol of\nthe pure aloe-wood of Kumar ... (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I:\n23).\nAbu Zaidu-l Hasan of Sira (d. 950) stated,\nThe idol called Multan is situated in the environs of\nMansura, and people come on pilgrimages to it from many\nmonths distance. They bring thither the Indian aloes called\nal kamruni, from Kamrun, the name of the country in which\nit grows. These aloes are of the finest quality. They are given\nto the ministers of the temple for use as incense. These aloes\nare sometimes worth as much as two hundred dinars a\nmana. The aloes are so soft that they will receive the\nimpression of a seal. Merchants buy them of the ministers of\nthe temple (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 11).\nIMAGE OF WOOD COVERED WITH RED SKIN\nThe golden image Hiuen Tsang described was removed by\nMuhammad b. Qasim at the time of the initial Arab conquest.\nSUNSET IN MULTAN | 35\n--- PAGE 36 ---\n\nHowever, worshippers of the deity substituted it with a\nwooden one covered with leather. All later Muslim\ndescriptions were of the restored image (Maclean 1989: 19).\nThe medieval Persian geographer, Istakhari noted around\n951 CE that the image was greatly venerated by Hindus, and\nevery year people from most distant parts undertook\npilgrimage to it. He described the image,\nThere is an idol there held in great veneration by the Hindus,\nand every year people from the most distant parts undertake\npilgrimages to it, and bring to it vast sums of money, which\nthey expend upon the temple and on those who lead there a\nlife of devotion.... The idol has a human shape, and seated\nwith its legs bent in a quadrangular posture on a throne\nmade of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a\nred skin like Morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are\nvisible. Some believe that the body is made of wood, some\ndeny this; but the body is not allowed to be uncovered to\ndecide the point. The eyes of the idol are precious gems, and\nits head is covered with a crown of gold.... When the Indians\nmake war upon them and endeavour to seize the idol, the\ninhabitants bring it out, pretending that they will break it\nand burn it. Upon this the Indians retire, otherwise they\nwould destroy Multan (Zaki 1981: 33-34).\nAlberuni also presented a similar portrayal of the image,\nA famous idol of theirs was that of Multan, dedicated to the\nsun, and therefore called Aditya. It was of wood and covered\nwith red Cordovan leather; in its two eyes were two red\nrubies... (Alberuni 1910: 116-117).\nAccording to Alberuni, the Sun temple was no longer\nvisited by pilgrims as it had been demolished by the Shias\n(Wink 1990: 188). After the decline of the Ghaznavid dynasty,\nShias again became masters of Multan. They were not finally\nexpelled until 1176 CE, when Muhammad Ghori led an\nexpedition against Multan (Latif 1891: 14-15).\nTEMPLE REBUILT\nEven bereft of political power, Hindus succeeded in re-\nestablishing the temple and image. Al-Idrisi of Morocco,\nwriting around 1130 CE, observed that the Sun god was being\nworshiped with as much enthusiasm as before,\nThere is an idol here, which is highly venerated by the\nIndians, who come on pilgrimages to visit it from the most\ndistant parts of the country, and make offerings of valuables,\nornaments, and immense quantities of perfumes. This idol\nis surrounded by its servants and slaves, who feed and\ndress upon the produce of these rich offerings. It is in human\nform with four sides, and is sitting upon a seat made of\nbricks and plaster. It is entirely covered with a skin like red\nmorocco, so that the eyes only are visible. Some maintain\nthat the interior is made of wood, but others deny this.\nHowever it may be, the body is entirely covered. The eyes\nare formed of precious stones, and upon its head is a golden\ncrown set with jewels...\nThe temple of this idol is situated in the middle of Multan,\nin the most frequented bazaar. It is a dome-shaped building.\nThe upper part of the dome is gilded, and the dome and the\ngates are of great solidity. The columns are very lofty, and\nthe walls coloured...There is no idol in India or in Sindh\nwhich is more highly venerated. The people make it the\nobject of a pious pilgrimage and to obey it is a law. So far is\nthis carried out, that, when neighbouring princes make war\nagainst the country of Multan, either for the purpose of\nplunder or for carrying off the idol, the priests have only to\nmeet, threaten the aggressors with its anger and predict\ntheir destruction, and the assailants at once renounce their\ndesign. Without this fear the town of Multan would be\ndestroyed. It is not surprising, then, that the inhabitants\nadore this idol, exalt its power, and maintain that its presence\nsecures divine protection (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 81-82).\n"}
+{"start_page": 37, "end_page": 39, "text": "--- PAGE 37 ---\n\nFEW WORSHIPPERS LEFT\nHowever, Zakaria Al Kazwini, writing around 1263 CE, said\nthe only image worshippers left in the city resided in the\nprecincts of the temple,\n(Multan) is a large fortified and impregnable city, and is\nheld in high esteem by the Hindus and Chinese for it\ncontains a temple which is for them a place of worship and\npilgrimage, as Mecca is for the Muhammadans... The houses\nof the servants and devotees are around the temple, and\nthere are no idol worshippers in Multan besides those who\ndwell in these precincts (Elliot and Dowson Vol. I: 96).\nBefore Timur's invasion of India in 1398, his grandson,\nPrince Pir Mahomed Jahangir invaded Multan in 1396 and took\npossession of the city. After Timur's departure, there was no\nkingdom worth the name in India for a considerable period\nof time.\nEUROPEAN TRAVELLERS\nThomas Herbert, perhaps the earliest European traveller to\nmention Multan, provided no information on the Sun temple\n(Herbert 1638: 83, 90). However, the French traveller Jean de\nThevenot (1633-1667) in 1666 CE, referred to the continuing\nworship of the image clothed in red leather,\n... from all places of Multan, Lahors, and other Countries,\nthey come thither in Pulgrimage. I know not the name of the\nIdol that is Worshipped there; the Face of it is black, and it is\ncloathed in red Leather: It hath two Pearls in place of Eyes;\nand the Emir or Governour of the Countrey, takes the\nOfferings that are presented to it ... (Thevenot 1949: 78).\nAll observers from the time of Istakhari (951) till Thevenot\n(1666) described the image as made of wood and covered\nwith red Cordovan leather. The image Hiuen Tsang had seen\nwas \"cast in yellow gold and ornamented with rare gems.\"\nAlberuni stated that the Sun temple was destroyed in 986 and\nthe image broken to pieces. Was a wooden image substituted\nby devotees as a cautionary measure? Did that same image\nremain in worship from 951 CE Onward? Was it secreted away\nat every moment of peril, and brought back when the threat\nabatated?\nThe Sun temple was again devastated in the reign of\nAurangzeb and a Jama Masjid constructed at the site.\nSubsequently, the Sikhs converted the masjid into a powder\nmagazine, which was blown up by a shell from British batteries\nin 1848 CE, in the course of the second Sikh War (Maclagan\n1926: 274).\nToday, only the ruins of the temple remain (Pl. 5).\nInterestingly, a stone image of the Sun god was recovered from\nthe site and is now housed in a museum in England (Pl. 6).\nPRAHLADPURI TEMPLE\nThe Prahladpuri temple in Multan was also subjected to\nrepeated destruction. It stood at the site of the original temple\nbelieved to have been constructed by Prahalad. It was there\nthat the Narasimha avatar was said to have appeared out of a\npillar, and saved Prahalad from his father. The festival of\nHollika Dahan commenced from that site.\nDEMOLISHED, REBUILT\nThe temple was wrecked several times and mosques built in\nits streets. The shrine of Bahawal Haqq (Baha-ud-din Zakariya)\nwas constructed adjacent to it. The Mughal Emperor, Shah\nJahan used twelve temple pillars in the construction of a\nmosque. When the mosque caved in, Hindus again raised a\ntemple at that site, and instated the image. The temple was\nrebuilt in the early nineteenth century when the area came\nunder Sikh control. In 1810, Hindus increased the height of\nthe temple spire, which led to protests by guardians of the\nneighbouring mosque, and ended in a serious riot. When\nBritish explorer and diplomat, Alexander Burnes (1805-1841)\nSUNSET IN MULTAN | 39\n--- PAGE 38 ---\n\nvisited Multan in 1831, it was the principal shrine. But its roof\ncame down due to the explosion of a powder magazine during\nthe siege in January 1849, and was not repaired. Archaeologist,\nAlexander Cunningham (1814-1893), who was in Multan in\n1853, found it \"quite deserted.\" The shrine was subsequently\nrepaired by subscription, and a new image of Narasimha\ninstated around 1872. It was well supported by the Sikh\ngovernment and retained some revenue-free lands. In the early\ntwentieth century, a fair used to be held at Narsimha Chaudush\nin May (Maclagan 1926: 276-277, 286). The temple was located\non top of a raised platform inside Multan Fort. It was now\nunder the control of Hazrat Baha-ud-din Zakariya\nadministration, and no one was permitted entry (Pl. 7).\nThe image of Narasimha was said to have been removed\nfrom the temple for safety and at some point instated in a\ntemple at Haridwar, where it remains under worship to this\nday (Pl. 8).\nSURAJ KUND\nAnother place of great antiquity in Multan associated with\nworship of the Sun God was Suraj Kund, pool of the Sun. It\nwas linked with the worship of the Sun and Narasimha, Multan\nbeing a celebrated centre of both. Annual fairs were held, one\nin winter and the other in summer (Maclagan 1926: 290).\nTOTLA MAI - SHRINE RECONSTRUCTED\nThe shrine of Totla Mai used to stand on an immense mound\nthat marked an early location of the city. In Aurangzeb's time,\nan attempt was made to convert the temple into a mosque.\nThe Goddess was said to have walked out of the temple and\njumped into the adjoining well, still known as Muratwala well.\nHowever, the temple priest cured the Emperor's son of an\nailment, and was allowed to retrieve the image and take it to\na house in the city. Under Sikh rule, the present small shrine\nwas constructed (Maclagan 1926: 290-291).\n40 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nAll in all, for over ten centuries, the tenacity of devotees\nensured the survival of temples and deities even in the absence\nof a protective Hindu king.\nNOTES\n1. The antiquarian remains in Sindh fell into three categories;\nprehistoric, pre-Muhammadan, and Muhammadan. The early\nhistory of the region was unclear. A ruler of Sindh was believed\nto have send help to the Kurus in their fight against the\nPandavas in the Mahabharata war. Alexander's exhausted\narmy fought its way on the land, and Nearchus gathered his\nfleet to take it from the unchartered waters of the great river to\nthe sea. Around the sixth century CE, White Huns were present\nin the region (Cousens 1929: 7).\nOne of the most interesting antiquarian discoveries in Sindh\ncame from a field under plough, near Mirpur-Khas. It was a\nfine standing bronze image of Brahma, 3 feet 2 inches high,\nwith the sacred thread over his left shoulder. It would have\nbelonged to a temple of significance (Cousens 1929: 10).\n2. Alexander Cunningham discovered three interesting silver\ncoins in the neighbourhood of Multan (1872-73), all of which\nhe believed referred to worship of the Sun god of Multan. His\nhypothesis was rejected by Whitehead, who argued that the\ncoins did not belong to Sindh, nor was the deity of the Sun\ngod of Multan (Whitehead 1947: 327-329).\n3. Though worship of the Sun god centred primarily on the temple\nof Multan, there were other shrines dedicated to Sun worship,\nas indicated by the elaborate stone frame of Surya found in\nthe ruins of Brahmanabad (Cousens 1925: 55). The Chachnamah\nactually referred to the Multan temple as Mistravi and Minravi,\ndesignations which clearly reflected Mitravana ('forest of\nMitra'), an alternative Puranic appellation for Mulasthana\n(Maclean 1989: 18-19).\nSUNSET IN MULTAN 41\n--- PAGE 39 ---\n\n3\nKashmir - Bhusvarga\n\nK\nashmir, the land of scenic beauty and sacredness, was\nBhusvarga \u2014 heaven on earth. The name Kashmir\n(Kasmir) was believed to be a corrupt form of\nKasyapa-mar, Kasyapa's garden (after rishi Kasyapa, grandson\nof Brahma). Kalhana, author of the Rajatarangini, described\nKashmir as a place \"where there is not a space as large as a\ngrain of sesamum without a tirtha\" (Rajatarangini Vol. II: 367).\nIts every spring, lake, and river had a blessed mission to wash\naway the sins of the faithful. The hallowed Vitasta contained\nwithin its waters all that was holy in the world.\n\nSince early times Kashmir was a principal seat of Indian\ncivilization. It was said that at the time of his initiation, every\nboy in north and south India had to take seven paces in the\ndirection of Kashmir as a symbolic gesture that he had\nundertaken a pilgrimage to that land for learning. Kashmir\nwas the setting of the revered Shardapitha, the eternally pure\nseat of Ma Sharda.\n\nSir Walter R. Lawrence (ICS) recorded that the Valley of\nKashmir was the 'holy land' of the Hindus, and he had rarely\nbeen to a village which could not show some relic of\nantiquity,\n\nCurious stone miniatures of the old Kashmiri temples (Kulr-\nMuru), huge stone seats of Mahadeo (Badrpith) inverted by\npious Musalmans, Phallic emblems innumerable, and\ncarved images heaped in grotesque confusion by some clear\nspring, have met me at every turn (Lawrence 1895: 161).\n\nKashmir contributed to the spread of Buddhism in foreign\nlands, particularly China and Tibet. Kumarajiva (334-413 CE),\nwhose father was from Kashmir and mother from the kingdom\nof Kucha, was a renowned Buddhist monk and scholar. He\nstudied Hinayana Buddhism, later turned to Mahayana\nBuddhism, and attained great recognition in India and China.\nHe eventually settled in the latter country, and translated\nBuddhist texts written in Sanskrit into Chinese, during the\ntime of the later Chin dynasty (384-417 CE). He was conferred\nthe title Tungsheo, \"although young in years he was ripe in\nthe wisdom and virtues of old age.\" He was referred to as\n\"one of the four Suns of Buddhism,\" and was credited with\nthe introduction of a new alphabet (Kak 2000: 2-3).\n\nThe great philosopher, Abhinavagupta (950-1016 CE) hailed\nfrom a family of scholars, and composed over thirty-five\nwidely acclaimed works, among them Tantraloka, a treatise on\nTrika and Kaula (Kashmir Shaivism). Poets and litterateurs\nlike Kshemendra and Bilhana lent heft to Kashmir's standing\nas the land of learning, Sharda Desh. Many of Kashmir's pandits\nwere honoured guests of Indian princes. Bilhana wrote his\nwork, Vikaramankadevacharita at the court of Vikramaditya VI\n(1075-1126) of Kalyana. He fondly recalled the land of his birth,\nwhere ladies in every house in the city could converse in\nSanskrit as fluently as in their mother tongue (Kawthekar 1995).\n\nKashmir's beauty was first described to the Western world\nby Father Jerome Xavier who accompanied Emperor Akbar\nto the province, \"...the Kingdom of Caxmir is one of the\n\n42 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nKASHMIR \u2014 BHUSVARGA | 43\n"}
+{"start_page": 40, "end_page": 42, "text": "--- PAGE 40 ---\n\npleasantest and most beautiful countries to be found in the\nwhole of India, we may even say in the East\" (Keenan 1989:\n73). The French physician and traveller, Francois Bernier (1620-\n1688), who wrote an exhaustive account of the region, stated\nthat Kashmir \"surpasses in beauty all that my warm\nimagination had anticipated\" (Bernier 1916: 393-442).\nAlberuni described a festival in Kashmir that celebrated\nvictory over Turks,\nThe second of the month of Chaitra is a festival to the people\nof Kashmir called Agdus (possibly a mispronunciation of\nOkduh, which in Kashmiri means the first day of a lunar\nfortnight), and celebrated on account of a victory gained by\ntheir king Mutai over the Turks (Alberuni 1910: 178).\nHISTORIES OF KASHMIR\nThe most authoritative account of ancient and medieval\nKashmir was the Rajatarangini, composed by Kalhana in 1148-\n49 CE. He was born in a family of Brahmin officials, and imbibed\nthe traditions of the region from both oral and written sources.\nHis father, Champaka, was the minister of king Harsa. Three\ncenturies later, another Kashmiri Brahmin, Jonaraja, a\ncontemporary and court historian of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin\n(1421-1472 CE), also wrote a Rajatarangini. The work was\ncontinued by his pupil, Srivara. Other historians followed,\nlike Prayabhatta and Suka.\nTHE TEMPLE OF SHARDA IN KISANGANGA VALLEY\nThe shrine of Sharda Devi was at one time among the most\nrevered in Kashmir, indeed India (Pl. 9). The Sharda Mahatmya\nnarrated that once Muni Shandilya, son of Matanga, was\npractising great austerities to obtain sight of goddess Sharda\n(who as Shakti embodied Sharda, Sarasvati, and Vagdevi). A\ndivine voice directed him to Shardavana, the sacred spot of\nShardi (a small village and fort near the Sharda temple).\nIt was at the temple of Sharda that Shankaracharya was\n44 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\naccepted as a religious scholar of the highest merit. Bilhana\nstated that it was because of Sharda that Kashmir was\nrecognized as a centre of learning. The Prabhavakacarita (a work\nof the thirteenth century) narrated a tale about the temple.\nWhen king Jayasimha of Gujarat asked the Jain scholar,\nHemachandra (1088-1172 CE) to compose a new grammar, the\nlatter requested the king that he be provided with old\ngrammars that could only be found in the library of the Sharda\ntemple. These grammars were duly obtained, after which\nHemachandra wrote the Siddhahemachandra (Stein Rajatarangini\nVol. II: 286).\nAlberuni had heard of the shrine of Sharda during his\nstay in the Panjab. He described it as much venerated and\nfrequented by pilgrims, and accurately gave its location,\nIn Inner Kashmir, about two or three days journey from the\ncapital in the direction towards the mountains of Bolor,\nthere is a wooden idol called Sarada, which is much\nvenerated and frequented by pilgrims (Alberuni 1910: 117).\nMajor Charles Ellison Bates, who wrote A Gazetteer of\nKashmir, described Shardi as \"a village of some importance\nsituated on the left bank of the Kishan Ganga, at the northern\nextremity of Upper Drawar.\"1 He wrote of the temple,\nThe temple, which consists of the usual cella surrounded\nby a walled enclosure, stands at the foot of a spur which\nrises above the right bank of the Madhumati stream. The\ntemple is approached by a stair-case about 9 feet wide, of\nsteep, stone steps, some 63 in number... In the middle of the\nwall on the northside is an arched recess, which contains a\nlingam...The cella, which is about 22 feet square, stands on\nan elevated plinth about 4 feet from the present level of the\nground...The entrance is approached by a flight of steps.\nThe interior of the temple is square, and perfectly plain; on\nthe ground lies a large rough slab of unpolished stone,\nsomewhat like a huge mill-stone, which, with the walls, is\nKASHMIR BHUSVARGA 45\n--- PAGE 41 ---\n\nsmeared in places with red pigment, and flowers are inserted\nin cracks. This stone is said to have been disturbed by\nMansur Khan, Rajah of Karnao, in search of treasure,\n...exertions, however, were unsuccessful (Bates 1873: 338-\n340).\nBy the time the eminent Hungarian-British archaeologist,\nAurel Stein (1862-1943) searched for the shrine in 1892 CE, it\nhad become \"almost unknown to the Pandits of Srinagar.\" In\nhis quest, he was greatly aided by the clear indications Kalhana\nhad provided. Also helpful were Brahmins of the adjoining\ntracts, who had sustained the tradition of pilgrimage to the\nshrine.\nStein found the interior of the shrine bereft of any\nornamentation. The only noticeable object there was the large\nrough slab on the ground measuring about six by seven feet,\nand about half a foot thick. The stone was believed to cover a\nkunda, or spring. According to the Sharda Mahatmya, the slab\nmarked the sacred spot where Sharda appeared before\nShandilya. It was the object of special reverence of pilgrims.\nWhen Stein visited, a red cloth canopy with plenty of tinsel\ncovered the sacred spot. Conches, bells, and other implements\nof worship filled the remainder of the interior space.\nAccording to Chandra Pandit, who guided Stein, the\ntemple had been almost deserted prior to the Sikh invasion,\nwhen the Muhammadan Rajas of Karnav ruled as practically\nindependent chiefs in the Kisanganga Valley. Under one of\nthem, the shrine was used for the storage of gunpowder, the\nexplosion of which blew off the original roof. The temple was\nsubsequently repaired by Maharaja Gulab Singh. He also\nsettled a small sum of seven rupees Chilki per mensem on the\nfamily of Gotheng Brahmins, to which Chandra Pandit\nbelonged, and which claimed hereditary guardianship of the\ntemple.\nBesides the care of these appointed guardians, the shrine\nalso benefitted from the presence of a small Hindu community\n46 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nin the garrison of the neighbouring fort of Shardi (Pl. 10). The\nfort stood almost opposite the temple, and was erected in\nMaharaja Gulab Singh's time, to guard the valley from\nmarauders. Stein found a small garrison of Dogras and Sikhs,\nabout forty in all. They took interest in \"the sacred shrine\nentrusted, as it were, to their care.\" They also supported a\nHindu mendicant from the plains as an attendant of the\ngoddess (Stein Note B i. 37 Rajatarangini Vol. II: 279-284).\nThe temple of Sharda continued to enjoy great eminence.\nAbul Fazl wrote of the site:\nAt two days' distance from Haehamun is the river named\nPadmati which flows from the Dardu country. Gold is also\nfound in this river. On its banks is a stone-temple called\nSharada, dedicated to Durga and regarded with great\nveneration. On every eighth tithi of Shulkapaksha, it begins\nto shake and produces the most extraordinary effect (Ain-i-\nAkbari Vol. II 1927: 365).\nFrom Abul Fazl's account, it appeared that a miracle-\nworking image of Sharda, probably the same which Alberuni\nhad heard about, was in existence in the sixteenth century.2\nSHARIKA DEVI - REMOVED FROM HER SHRINE IN\nTROUBLED TIMES\nSharika Devi (a manifestation of the eighteen-armed Durga)\nwas regarded the presiding deity of Srinagar city. According\nto legend, Durga took the form of Sharika, or starling, and\ncarried a pebble in her beak, which she dropped on the demon,\nJalodbhava. The pebble grew into a mountain and crushed\nthe demon, thus saving the city from his depredations. Since\nthen the goddess was worshipped in the form of a rock which\noccupied the centre of the western hill facing the city. The\nrock was smeared with vermilion. Sharika was represented\nby a svayambhu, a naturally engraved Sri chakra on a green,\ncircular shaped sapphire (Warikoo 2009: 150).\nKASHMIR - BHUSVARGA 47\n--- PAGE 42 ---\n\nIn 1170 CE, at a turbulent moment in Kashmir's history, a\nglazed black stone murti of Sharika Devi was taken from her\nabode on Hari Parbat in Kashmir Valley to Sarthal Kistwar by\nking Ugra Dev. She was brought via Singhpora pass to the\ncave where the temple remains situated (Pushkar).\nSubsequently, the site was attacked by Shamsu'd Din\nAraki, an Iranian Shia Muslim missionary, who visited Kashmir\nafter the death of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, \"to pull down the\nidol houses of infidels and polytheists and to put an end to\nthe customs, traditions and habits of the kafirs (infidels)...\"\n(Pandit 2009: xi-xix, 95). According to his biography, the\nTohfatul-Ahhab (1642 CE),\nShamsu'd Din Araki began his enterprise (of destroying\ntemples) with the Koh-i-Maran (Har Parbat hillock or\nSharika Parvata, situated in downtown Srinagar)... There\nexisted a big idol temple on top of Koh-i-Maran. In Kashmiri,\nit was called Hareh Blari (Hareh Brari). Groups and clans\nof Hindu infidels, heretics and unbelievers\ncircumambulated it ...They observed the practices and rites\nof infidelity and polytheism... (They) were joined by the\nSultan, the officials, the nobles, the heretics, the miscreants\nand the wretched lot... Its foundation was dismantled, and\nthe idol house was set on fire till it was fully consumed in\nflames. The bright candle of religion and Islam brought by\nthe Prophet, and the law of his religion and the path of\nMustafa and Murtaza (Ali) was lighted (Pandit 2009: 211-\n218).\nA LOST TEMPLE DISCOVERED\nThe Rajatarangini recorded the fascinating story of a lost temple,\nconcerning Lalitaditya Muktapida, the great king of the\nKarkota dynasty who brought almost the entire north India\nunder his control. Lalitaditya once went out on an untrained\nhorse, in order to tame it. He saw two maidens, one singing\nand the other dancing. A short while later, when he was\nexercising the horse, he saw that the two, after completing\n48 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ntheir song and dance, bowed slightly and left. He visited the\nplace repeatedly, and each time saw the two girls re-enacting\nthe song and dance. He then enquired from them what they\nwere doing. They told him they were dancing-girls belonging\nto a temple. The village of Suravardhamana was their home.\nTheir mothers, who obtained their living there, had directed\nthem to perform at the spot, \"which our descent makes\nincumbent.\" \"This custom, handed down by tradition, has\nbecame fixed in our family. Its reason we cannot know, nor\ncan anyone else.\"\nOn learning of this, the astonished king ordered the entire\nground to be dug up. The excavations revealed two decayed\ntemples with closed doors. On opening the doors, were found\ntwo images of Keshava, \"which, as the letters engraved on\nthe bases (pitha) showed, had been made by Rama and\nLaksmana.\"\nThe King had a separate stone building constructed by\nthe side of the temple of Vishnu Parihasakesava, and the image\nof Ramasvamin was consecrated there. The image of\nLaksmanasvamin was instated by queen Cakramardika by the\nside of Shiva Cakresvara, after she had obtained it on request\nfrom the king (Rajatarangini Vol. I: 147-148).\nMARTANDA TEMPLE\nThe Rajatarangini referred to many temples built by Lalitaditya\n(Pl. 11). Among them was \"the wonderful [shrine] of Martanda,\nwith its massive walls of stone within a lofty enclosure\n(prasadantar), and its town swelling with grapes\" (Rajatarangini\nVol. I: 141). The Martanda Mahatmya related the legend that\nconnected the sacred springs of Martanda tirtha with the\nproduction of the Sun from the lifeless egg (mrtanda) which\nAditi, wife of Kasyapa, had brought forth as her thirteenth\nchild. The tirtha of Martanda was mentioned in the Nilamata\nPurana (verse 1036) as among the places sacred to Surya.3\nKASHMIR \u2013 BHUSVARGA | 49\n"}
+{"start_page": 43, "end_page": 45, "text": "--- PAGE 43 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"The Martanda temple was commonly called Pandu-Koru,\\nhouse of the Pandus and Korus (Bates 1873: 270). It was the\\nmost described site of Kashmir. G.T. Vigne (1801-1863), the\\nEnglishman who came as a private traveller and not as an\\nemployee of the East India Company, wrote of the temple\\nruins that indicated its scale and architectural beauty. Vigne\\nstated,\\nAt the village of Mar-tund, or 'the Sun,' ... is the most holy\\nspring in Kashmir, called, par excellence, Bawun, or spring.\\nIt is said that, after the valley was dried, small hills and\\ncaves appeared, and that Kashuf Rishi walked about in the\\ngreatest delight; that he accidentally found an egg (the\\nmundane egg of the Hindus) shining most brilliantly, which\\nhe picked up. He broke it in his hand, and from it flowed the\\nsprings of Bawun or Maha Martund, sacred, of course, to\\nVishnu...Houses of Hindus surround the small tank which\\nis formed near it (Vigne Vol. I 1844: 359).\\nThe British army explorer, Francis Younghusband (1816-\\n1942) pronounced the temple as \"... the finest structure, typical\\nof Kashmir architecture at its best, built on the most sublime\\nsite occupied by any building in the world - far finer than the\\nsite of the Parthenon, or of the Taj, or of St. Peters, or of the\\nEscurial - we may take it as the representative, or rather the\\nculmination of all the rest, and by it we must judge the people\\nof Kashmir at their best\\\" (Younghusband 1917: 135-136).\\nAurel Stein, after a visit to the site assessed it as, \\\"the\\nmost striking remains which have survived of the ancient\\narchitecture of Kashmir.\\\" Even at that time, he found the tirtha\\n\\\"one of the most celebrated pilgrimage-places in the Valley,\\\"\\nthat annually attracted visitors from all parts of India\\n(Rajatarangini Vol. I: 141).\\nPARIHASAPURA\\nThe Rajatarangini provided details of the temple of\\nParihasapura, also constructed by Lalitaditya, and the deities\\n50 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nenshrined in it; \\\"the glorious silver [image of Visnu]\\nParihasakesava [which] shone like the god [Visnu]...;\\\" \\\"the\\nfamous [image of] Visnu Muktakesava, made of gold; the\\n[image of Visnu] Mahavaraha.\\\" The king also instated a silver\\nimage of Govardhanadhara. He raised a great stone pillar\\nand placed a representation of Garuda on top (Rajatarangini\\nVol. I: 142). The Austrian noble, diplomat, and explorer,\\nCharles Baron Hugel (1795-1870) described Parihasapura,\\nIt was adorned with many fine temples and monuments;\\namong others, with a pillar cut out of one stone, twenty four\\nyards high, at the top of which stood the image of Garuda,\\nhalf-man and half-eagle (Hugel 1854: 159).\\nDuring his visit to Parihasapura (Paraspor) in September\\n1892, Aurel Stein was able to trace the ruins of the buildings\\nthat Kalhana had described (Pl. 12). Stein believed that the\\nruins contained the five great shrines Lalitaditya had built -\\nParihasakesava, Muktakesava, Mahavaraha, Govardhanadhara,\\nand Rajavihara. The first four were temples dedicated to\\nVishnu, the fifth a Buddhist vihara (Rajatarangini Vol. II: 300-\\n302).\\nParihasapura suffered grievously after the reign of\\nLalitaditya. His son, Vajraditya shifted the royal residence\\nfrom there. More injurious were the changes brought about\\nby Avantivarman of the Utpala dynasty (855-833), who\\nchanged the course of the Vitasta (Mitra 1993: 28). Then king\\nSankar Varman (883-901 ce) used materials from Parihasapura\\nfor the construction of his new town and temples at Patan\\n(Chaku and Chaku 2016: 81-86). Some of its shrines seemed to\\nhave survived to a later period, for the 'parisadyas' or purohitas\\nof Parihasapura were referred to as an influential body in the\\nreign of Samgramaraja of the Lohara dynasty (1003-1028).\\nSIKANDER BUTSHIKAN\\nMany revered temples of Kashmir were destroyed by Sultan\\nSikander Butshikan, the Idol-breaker (1389-1413). Alexander\\nKASHMIR - BHUSVARGA 51\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 44 ---\n\nCunningham observed that the tomb of his own queen in\nSrinagar was built on the foundation, and with the material,\nof a Hindu temple. The wall that surrounded the tomb of his\nson, Zain-ul-Abidin, was once the enclosure of a Hindu temple,\nand the entrance of a masjid in Nowa-Shehra (Srinagar), was\nformed of two fluted pillars of a Hindu peristyle. These\nexamples showed that at least three different temples in the\ncapital alone \"must have been overthrown either by Sikandar\nor by one of his predecessors\" (Cunningham 1848: 5).\nAmong the many temples devastated by Sikandar was\nthe Martanda temple. The final destruction of the temples of\nParihasapura was also attributed by chroniclers to him\n(Rajatarangini Vol. II: 303).\nSikandar was likewise credited with the devastation of\nHindu and Buddhist shrines at Pandrethan. Pandrethan, 5 km\nto the south-east of Srinagar, was the site of ancient Srinagari,\nbelieved to have been founded by Emperor Ashoka. When\nWilliam Moorcroft, George Trebeck, G.T. Vigne, and\nAlexander Cunningham visited Pandrethan in the first half of\nthe nineteenth century, almost all the structures had been\nreduced to shapeless ruins. Viewing the large masses of stones\non the slopes at the foot of the spur, Vigne was of the opinion\nthat a city and a vast Hindu temple complex once existed there.\nAlexander Cunningham saw enormous lingas and ancient\nremains extending over a five km stretch from the foot of the\nTakht-i-Sulaiman (Shankaracharya hill). One mound near the\nslope of the spur, excavated by Daya Ram Sahni in 1913,\nrevealed, besides several Buddhist sculptures, the remains of\ntwo dilapidated stone stupas and possibly a monastery, all\nassigned to the eighth century CE (Mitra 1993: 15-17).\nThe Buddhist sculptures found at the site are exhibited at\nthe Sri Pratap Singh Museum, Srinagar. Particularly noteworthy\nare two standing and one seated image of Buddha, and the\nupper portion of a sculpture depicting the birth of Siddhartha.\nAlso on display are nearly twenty large images of Hindu\ndeities, that were found at Pandrethan between 1923 and 1933.\nMost of the sculptures were more than life-size, with at least\neight representing Shiva (Mitra 1993: 17-18).\nThe Avantisvamin Vishnu temple and the Avantisvara\nShiva temple, both built at Avantipura by king Avantivarman\n(Pl. 13), also suffered at the hands of Sultan Sikander (Mitra\n1993: 29-39). The Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey\nof India recorded,\nThe process of destruction and denudation started in the\nlater part of the reign of Sultan Sikandar (1389-1413) who\nearnerned the epithet Butshikan (idol breaker) by virtue of his\nbreaking the images and demolishing the temples. Almost\nall the temples of the country are stated to have been\ndesecrated and pulled down (or badly shattered) and the\nimages were broken, mutilated, or thrown away from the\ntemples. The destruction of the temples is believed to have\nbeen effected by piling heaps of timber in the temples and\nsetting fire to these heaps (Annual Report, ASI, 1915-16, 1918:\n56).\nThe Sultan was aided in the planned destruction by his\nminister Suhabhatta, a Brahmin convert to Islam. Jonaraja\n(d. 1459) presented a vivid picture of the persecution of\nBrahmins and the wholesale destruction of temples and images,\nThe kingdom of Kashmira was polluted by the evil practices\nof the mlechchhas, and the Brahmanas, the mantras, and\nthe gods relinquished their power. The gods who used to\nmake the glory of their prowess manifest, even as fire-flies\nmanifest their light, now hid their glory on account of the\ncounty's sin. When the gods withdrew their glory, their\nimages became mere stones, and the mantras, mere letters...\nSuhabhatta who disregarded the acts enjoined by the Vedas,\nwas instructed by the mlechchhas, instigated the king to\nbreak down the images of the gods... the king forgot his\nkingly duties and took a delight, day and night, in breaking\nimages... He broke the images of Marttanda, Vishaya,\nIshana, Chakrabhrit, and Tripureshvara; but what can be\nKASHMIR BHUSVARGA 53\n--- PAGE 45 ---\n\nsaid of the evil that came on him by the breaking of the\nShesha? ... There was no city, no town, no village, no wood,\nwhere Suha the Turushka left the temples of gods unbroken.\nOf the images which once had existed, the name alone was\nleft, and Suhabhatta then felt the satisfaction which one\nfeels on recovering from illness (Jonaraja 1986: 59-60).\nIt was said that on learning of the fanatical zeal of Sikandar,\nseven hundred Sayyids led by Muhammad Hamadani had\nmigrated from Persia to Kashmir. Sikandar became a disciple\nof Muhammad Hamadani, whose arrival probably \"led to the\nreligious persecution which immediately ensued\" (Bates 1873:\n105; Chaku and Chaku 2016: 221). Sir Walter R. Lawrence\nsummed up the oppression that was unleashed,\nIt is a generally accepted fact that up to about the beginning\nof the fourteenth century the population of the valley was\nHindu, and that about the middle and the end of the century\nthe mass of the people was converted to Islam, through the\nefforts of Shah-i-Hamadam and his followers, and the violent\nbigotry and persecution of King Sikandar, the Iconoclast.\nTradition affirms that the persecution of the Hindus was so\nkeen that only eleven families of Hindus remained in the\nvalley (Lawrence 1895: 302).\nThere was a certain method in the mad zeal of Sikandar, for\nhe used the plinths and friezes of the old temples for the\nembankments of the city and for the foundation of the Jama\nMasjid. Having glutted his vengeance on Hindu temples,\nSikandar turned his attention to the people who had\nworshiped in them, and he offered them three choices,\ndeath, conversion or exile. Many fled, many were converted,\nand many were killed, and it is said that this thorough\nmonarch burnt seven mounds of sacred thread of the\nmurdered Brahmans. All the books of Hindu learning which\nhe could lay his hands on were sunk in the Dal Lake and\nSikandar flattered himself that he had extirpated Hinduism\nfrom the Valley (Lawrence 1895: 191).\nThere was noticeable relief in the reign of Zain-ul-Abidin,\nwho ascended the throne in 1417, by when it is said all Hindus,\nexcept Brahmins, had accepted Islam (Lawrence 1895: 191-\n192).\nAnd Ma Sharda, Surya (Martanda), Avantisvamin,\nAvantisvara, Varahmool, Meru Vardhana Swami, and deities\nof innumerable other shrines were banished forever from their\nsacred abodes\nNOTES\n1. The political conditions, combined with the tough route, led\nto the development of several substitutes of the ancient tirthas\nwithin the Valley. Among them was Sharda kunda, at the village\nof Tsatsa, close to Harvan, and about one and a half miles\nfrom the north-east corner of the Dal Lake. It was visited on\nthe very day prescribed for the ancient Sharda pilgrimage.\nAnother Sharda shrine was near the village of Kulyandi, in\nKhuyhom. A substitute shrine was created even on the route\nof the ancient Sharda tirtha (Stein Rajatarangini Vol. II: 288).\n2. Jonaraja's Chronicle contained a strange account of the Sharda\ntemple. Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin went to the shrine in the year\n1422 CE to witness the miraculous manifestations of the\ngoddess. These were said to be the appearance of sweat on the\nface of the image, the shaking of an arm, and a sensation of\nheat on touching the feet. The goddess, however, showed no\nmiracle to the Sultan. Having disappointed him, she was then\nsaid to have crushed her image to pieces. The destruction,\nrightly or wrongly, was connected with a pilgrimage of Zain-\nul-Abidin to the site (Stein Rajatarangini Vol. II: 286-287).\n3. Excavations at the site of the Martanda temple revealed the\nexistence of an earlier smaller temple. When Lalitaditya built\nhis temple, the base of the older temple was encased by a new\nbase of larger dimensions. The older temple was probably the\none built on that spot by king Ranaditya (Kak 2000: 131-135).\nDuring excavations in the temple courtyard, a number of large\nearthen jars were found embedded in the floor.\n54 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nKASHMIR BHUSVARGA 55\n"}
+{"start_page": 46, "end_page": 48, "text": "--- PAGE 46 ---\n\n4\nDelhi - Sacred Space Transformed\nT\nThe first-known defence construction in Delhi, Lal Kot\nwas built by the Tomar ruler, Anangpal at Mehrauli.\nThe name Mehrauli derived from Mihirapuri (or\nMihirapalli), which indicated the existence of a Sun temple.\nMehrauli was also the locale of the Yogamaya temple, which\nadditionally gave it the name Yoginipura, mentioned in the\nPalam Baoli inscription of 1274 CE, as an alternative of Dhilli\n(Delhi). Dhilli and Yoginipura figured frequently in the\npattavalis of the Jains. The site where the Quwwat-ul-Islam\nmosque and other early Islamic structures were erected, was\nonce the citadel of the Tomars and Chauhans, represented by\nthe ruins of Lal Kot and Qila Rai Pithora respectively (Pande\n2006: 2-5).\nThe Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque was constructed by\nQutubuddin Aibak to mark the victory of Muhammad Ghori\nover Prithviraj Chauhan, in the second battle of Tarain in 1192.1\nAn inscription clearly stated that materials of twenty-seven\npre-existing Hindu and Jain temples at that site were used for\nits construction.2 The inscription quoted verses 91-2 from Surah\n56 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nIII of the Quran, which was followed by the text,\nThis fort was conquered and this Jami'-Masji was built in\nthe months of the year 587 by the Amir, the great and\nglorious commander of the Army, Qutb-ud-daula wad-din,\nthe Amirul-umara Aibeg, the slave of the Sultan, may God\nstrengthen his helpers. The materials of 27 temples, on each\nof which 2,000,000 Deliwals had been spent, were used in\n(construction of) this mosque. God the Great and Glorious\nmay have mercy on that slave, everyone who is in favour of\nthe good builder prays for his health (Epigraphia Indo-\nMoslemica 1911-12: 13).\nNearly all the temple pillars used in the mosque had carved\nmotifs, which were intentionally disfigured. Some lintels\ndepicted scenes from the lives of Jain tirthankaras. Jain tradition\nholds that a temple dedicated to Parsvanatha existed at the\nsite. The poet, Sridhara in his Parshva Purana, made a similar\nclaim. The find of Jain sculptures and pillars lent credence to\nthat belief. The Archaeological Survey of India was in\npossession of a square pillar with the figure of a seated\nTirthankara on three sides and a Ganesh on the fourth that\nwas recovered from the site. Also retrieved was a four-armed\nVishnu, dated 1147 CE, currently displayed at the National\nMuseum. The birth of Krishna was depicted on one of the\nlintels (Pl. 14) (Pande 2006: 21).\nIRON PILLAR - UPROOTED FROM ITS HALLOWED SITE\nIn the thirteenth century, the Iron Pillar that originally stood\nat Vishnupadagiri (\"Hill with the footprint of Vishnu\"),\nUdayagiri, was uprooted and placed in front of the Quwwat-\nul-Islam mosque complex (Pl. 15). The pillar had a three-stanza\nsix-line Sanskrit inscription, dated between 400 and 450 CE,\nwhich recorded that it was erected by Chandra (\"having in\nfaith fixed his mind upon Vishnu\") at Vishnupadagiri.\nBased on a detailed study of the archer-type gold coins of\nthe imperial Guptas, Professor R. Balasubramaniam identified\nDELHI  SACRED SPACE TRANSFORMED | 57\n--- PAGE 47 ---\n\nChandra as the Gupta ruler, Chandragupta II Vikramaditya\n(375-414 CE). A distinctive feature of those coins was that the\nking's short name was inscribed on the obverse (i.e. region of\nthe issuing monarch's figure), while his full name and title\nwere mentioned in the circular legend. In all archer-type gold\ncoins of Chandragupta II Vikramaditya, the short name of the\nking was inscribed as Chandra and his full title and name\ngiven in the circular legend (Balasubramaniam 2008: 26-28).\nArt historian, Meera Dass showed that pada (foot) worship\nwas an ancient practice in the region around Udayagiri. She\ncited veneration of an inscribed Vishnupada at Charan Tirth\nsituated at the foot of Udayagiri hill, the Heliodorous pillar\nat nearby Besnagar, reverence of the footprints of Jain\nTirthankara Shitalnath in Cave 20 at Udayagiri (dated as per\nan inscription in the cave to 426 CE), and the discovery of a\nKushan-period brick with unfinished marking of a foot at\nUdayagiri. Further, she pointed to a tradition of iron-making\nin the Udayagiri-Vidisha-Besnagar-Sanchi region. She also\nnoted the astronomical significance of Udayagiri\n(Vishnupadagiri), situated at 23\u00b031\u2032 latitude, almost on the\nTropic of Cancer. It was a major centre for astronomical\nobservations and Sun worship in ancient times (Dass 2001).\nThere was a flowering of astronomical knowledge during\nthe reign of the imperial Guptas, with astronomers like\nAryabhata, Varahamihira, and Brahmagupta. Udayagiri was\ndeveloped as a major centre under Chandragupta II\nVikramaditya; nineteen of the twenty cave temples at\nUdayagiri dated from his reign. The association of Udayagiri\nwith Vishnu and the Sun was underscored by the invocation\nof Chandragupta's title, Vikramaditya which denoted the\noneness of Vishnu and Surya (Balasubramaniam 2008: 31-36).\nR. Balasubramaniam, who prepared a complete layout of\nUdayagiri, noted that the hill site was shaped like a foot. A\nsaddle connected the northern and southern hills. A\npassageway was especially cut at the place where the northern\n58 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhill met the saddle. That was the only path that led to the\nwest of the hill, and was the main approach to the temple on\nthe northern hilltop (identified by Michel Willis and Meera\nDass as the Sun temple which was destroyed in the thirteenth\ncentury CE). An ancient elephant path underlined the\nimportance of that corridor. Most of the cave temples were\nlocated around it, including Cave 5 (with the Varaha panel)\nand Cave 13 (with the image of Anantasayin Vishnu)\n(Balasubramaniam 2008: 32).\nAs the Udayagiri site was astronomically significant, the\nplacement of the Iron Pillar was carefully planned. According\nto R. Balasubramaniam and Meera Dass, the pillar was placed\nin front of Cave 7, facing the passageway. The site was\nimportant as during the summer solstice, the early morning\nshadow of the Iron Pillar would fall on the feet of Vishnu in\nthe Anantasayin Vishnu panel in Cave 13. Moreover, it was\nonly in the period before and after the summer solstice that\nthe early morning shadow of the Iron Pillar fell on the\npassageway in the direction of Anantasayin Vishnu. That was\ndue to the special angle of the cut of the passageway. R.\nBalasubramaniam and Meera Dass pointed to many other\nfascinating details about the movement of the sun and the\ndirection of sunrays regarding the Varaha and Anantasayin\npanels (Balasubramaniam and Dass 2004: 1134-1142;\nBalasubramaniam 2008: 35-36).\nThe decorative bell of the Iron Pillar originally had a chakra\non top. The inscription on the Iron Pillar clearly stated that it\nwas the standard of Vishnu (Vishnuordhvajah). One of the\nVishnu panels in Cave 6 at Udayagiri depicted the Iron Pillar\ncapital with the chakra. A cut was visible on the top surface of\nthe Iron Pillar capital, into which the chakra would have fitted\n(Balasubramaniam 2008: 32-34).3\nIltutmish (r. 1210-1236 CE), the first Muslim ruler to pillage\nMalwa in 1234 CE, uprooted the Iron Pillar and placed it in the\ncourtyard of the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque. The contemporary\nDELHI \u2013 SACRED SPACE TRANSFORMED | 59\n--- PAGE 48 ---\n\nPersian historian, Minhaj-us-Siraj (b. 1193) wrote of the spoils\nof the expedition,\n... Some other images cast in copper were carried with the\nstone image of Maha-kal to Dehli (Elliot and Dowson Vol.\nII: 328). The Iron Pillar was among those \"brass\" objects\n(Balasubramaniam 2005: 25).\nShams-i Siraj Afif (d. 1388), in the mid-fourteenth century,\nexplained Iltutmish's motives regarding the pillar,\nEvery great king took care during his reign to set up some\nlasing memorial of his power. So sultan Shams al-Din\nAltamash raised the large pillar in the Masjid-i Jami at old\nDehli, the history of which is well known (Elliot and Dowson\nVol. III: 353).\nWhile erecting the Iron Pillar at Delhi, the portion that\nhad been buried underground at Udayagiri, was placed above\nground level. That portion had been left uneven, so that the\npillar could be firmly gripped to the foundation\n(Balasubramaniam 2008: 37).4\nNOTES\n1. The mosque bore the telling name Quwwat-ul-Islam, 'Might\nof Islam.' Qutab Minar was labelled 'a pillar of victory' not in\nits Arabic, but in the Nagari inscriptions inscribed on its\nlowest storey - and therefore more visible than the other\ninscriptions. The message to non-Muslims \"could scarcely be\nmore explicit\" (Hillenbrand 2008: 235).\n2. Certain academic circles no longer mention the demolition of\ntwenty-seven Jain and Hindu temples to make the Quwwat-\nul-Islam mosque. Rather, they describe the mosque as\nconstructed of \"recycled architectural components - notably\ncarved stone columns from Hindu and Jain temples - from\nearlier Indic buildings\" (Talbot 2016: 78). But recycle would\nnormally mean salvaging from something that had been\ndiscarded. The Jain and Hindu temples were centres of\nworship. They had not been abandoned. Finbarr B. Flood held\n60 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthat it would be incorrect to depict the uprooting of the Iron\nPillar and its relocation in Delhi as \"a symbol of the domination\nof Islam.\" According to him, \"the appropriation and reerection\nof the iron pillar represented an 'indigenization' of the\nIslamicate present, for the object used and the practices\nassociated with it reveal a dependence on Indic models of\nlegitimation ...\" Iltutmish's re-erection of the pillar \"... had\nlittle to do with cultural rupture and everything to do with the\nconstruction of fictive continuities...\"\nAs per this argument, Iltutmish's act implied the deployment\nof Indic symbols for legitimation, nothing more. Further, Flood\nheld that Iltutmish merely followed the practice of earlier\nHindu kings. He cited the case of an Ashokan pillar at Kotla\nFeroz Shah, which Feroz Shah Tughlaq (r. 1351-1388) brought\nfrom Topra Kalan in Ambala district, and erected next to his\nFriday mosque. The first inscription on the pillar had been\ninscribed in Brahmi in the third century BCE. Around sixty\nyears before Iltutmish, in 1164 CE the Chahamana king,\nVigraharaja IV inscribed on the same pillar his victory over a\nMleccha (Ghaznavid or Ghurid) army (Flood 2009: 248-250).\nBut surely, inscribing an additional record on an existing\npillar could not be viewed as a hostile act, whereas uprooting\nit from its sanctified space would certainly qualify as such.\nAlexander Cunningham, who surveyed the Qutab complex\nin 1862-63, believed that Anangpal Tomar brought the Iron\nPillar to its present location in the eleventh century. This was\nshown to be an erroneous reading of an inscription on the\npillar (Talbot 2016: 79-80; Balasubramaniam 2008: 30).\nBesides the Topra Pillar from Haryana, Feroz also brought\nthe Meerut pillar from UP, which he set up on the Delhi Ridge.\nBarni described the process of transportation of the massive\npillars to Delhi.\n3. For manufacturing the Iron Pillar at least 7,000 kg of iron\nwould have been used and 200 furnaces operated\nsimultaneously, or the same furnace repeatedly used, to\nproduce that amount of iron of consistent quality (Tripathi\n2008: 126-128). The genius of the creators of the Udayagiri\ncomplex was apparent in the symbolic representations of\nVishnu pada and cosmic sleep by a skilful union of\nastronomical and architectural knowledge.\nDELHI - SACRED SPACE TRANSFORMED | 61\n"}
+{"start_page": 49, "end_page": 51, "text": "--- PAGE 49 ---\n\n4. Several observers, among them Alexander Cunningham,\ninitially believed that the Iron Pillar was made of brass. In\n1876, Percy Brown of Roorkee University conducted a chemical\nanalysis of the material used in the pillar, which revealed that\nit was made of pure iron (Balasubramaniam 2005: 25;\nBalasubramaniam 2008: 37).\n5\nHallowed Land of Krishna\nMathura, Braj, Vrindavan\n62 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nM\nathura was early on distinguished by its association\nwith Krishna. In the fourth century BCE, strong\nadherents of Vasudeva were to be found only in\nthe Mathura region (Raychaudhuri 1975: 55). Megasthenes (350-\n290 BCE), Greek historian and author of Indica, wrote,\nThis Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi,\nan Indian tribe who possess two large cities, Methora and\nCleisobora, and through whose country flows a navigable\nriver called the Iobares (McCrindle 1877: 201).\nOver a century ago, R.G. Bhandarkar identified the two\ncities as Mathura and Krishnapura (the latter according to some\nscholars was Gokul, near Mathura) and the river as Yamuna\n(Bhandarkar 1913: 9). Mathura was a \"seat of the Bhagavat\ncult from about the second century BC to fifth century A.D.\"\n(Agrawala 1965: 1; Raychaudhuri 1975: 53). It was also a\nflourishing centre of the Jain and Buddhist faiths.\nThe Mora Well inscription of Mahaksatrapa Rajuvula, of\nthe early decades of the first century CE, found in a village\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 63\n--- PAGE 50 ---\n\nseven miles from Mathura, stated that images pratima(h) of\nthe blessed (bhagavatam) five Vrishni heroes, were installed in\na stone shrine of a person called Tosa. The heroes were\nidentified from a passage in the Vayu Purana as Samkarsana,\nVasudeva, Pradyumna, Samba, and Aniruddha (Banerjea 1968:\n12-13). The English translation of the inscription read,\n... of the son of mahaksatrapa Ramjuvala, svami...\nthe images of the holy pancaviranam of the Vrishnis...\nthe stone shrine... whom the magnificent matchless stone\nhouse of Tosa was erected and maintained...\nfive objects of adoration made of stone, radiant as it were\nwith the highest beauty ... (Quintanilla 2007: 260).\nThe Mathura inscription of the time of his son,\nMahakshatrapa Sodasa recorded the erection of a torana, vedika,\nand chatuhsala at the Mahasthana (great place) of Bhagavat\nVasudeva (Panda 2007: 80). Several male torsos representing\nthe Vrisni heroes were also found in a shrine in Mora dating\nto the time of Mahakshatrapa Sodasa. In the reign of\nChandragupta Vikramaditya, a magnificent temple of Vishnu\nwas built at the site of Katra Keshavadeva (Agrawala 1965: 2,\n11).\nPanini, the Sanskrit linguist and grammarian, and Patanjali,\nwho wrote the Mahabhasya on Panini's sutras, also mentioned\nKrishna's association with Mathura (Srinivasan 1997: 316).\nKalidasa, hailed as the greatest poet and dramatist in Sanskrit,\nin the fourth-fifth century CE mentioned the groves of\nVrindavan and Govardhan hill,\n\"... the king of Mathura,\nWhose fame was acknowledged in song even by the\ndevatas...\nAt that moment, though still in Mathura, it appears\nAs if Ganga has merged with Yamuna at the Sangam...\nIn a Vrindavan garden which is superior even to\nKubera's garden, known as Chaitra-ratha...\n64 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nYou can, as well, during rains, look at the dancing peacocks,\nwhile\nSitting in a pleasant cave of the Goverdhan Mountain\"\n(Raghuvamsham 6. 45-51).\nThe Alvar saint, Andal visualized going to a pilgrimage\nwhich began at Mathura, then proceeded to Gokul, the Yamuna,\nthe pool of Kaliya, Vrindavan, Govardhan, and finished at\nDwarka (Hardy 1983: 424). The eleventh century Kashmiri\npoet, Bilhana (Vikramankadeva Caritam 18.87) visited Mathura\nand Vrindavan after leaving Kashmir en route to Karnataka.\nMAHMUD GHAZNAVI AT MATHURA\nMathura was plundered for twenty-one days during the course\nof the ninth invasion of Mahmud Ghaznavi, in 1017 CE.\nMahmud first attacked Mahaban, whose prince Kulchand\nkilled himself and his family to avoid capture. From there,\nthe invading force moved to Mathura. Al-Utbi, in his Tarikh-i-\nYamini, detailed the havoc he wrought,\nOn both sides of the city there were a thousand houses, to\nwhich idol temples were attached ... In the middle of the city\nthere was a temple larger and firmer than the rest, which\ncan neither be described nor painted. The Sultan thus wrote\nrespecting it:-'If any should wish to construct a building\nequal to this, he would not be able to do it without expending\na hundred thousand red dinars, and it would occupy two\nhundred years, even though the most experienced and able\nworkmen were employed.' Among the idols there were five\nmade of red gold, each five yards high, fixed in the air without\nsupport. In the eyes of one of these idols there were two\nrubies, of such value, that if anyone were to sell such as are\nlike them, he would obtain fifty thousand dinars. On another,\nthere was a sapphire purer than water, and more sparkling\nthan crystal; the weight was four hundred and fifty miskals.\nThe two feet of another idol weighed four thousand four\nhundred miskals, and the entire quantity of gold yielded by\nthe bodies of these idols, was ninety-eight thousand three\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 65\n--- PAGE 51 ---\n\nhundred miskals. The idols of silver amounted to two\nhundred, but they could not be weighed without breaking\nthem to pieces and putting them into scales. The Sultan\ngave orders that all the temples should be burnt with\naphtha and fire, and levelled with the ground (Elliot and\nDowson Vol. II: 248).\nGAHADAVALAS \u2014 PROTECTORS OF HINDUISM\nDespite the calamity, devotees did not forsake Mathura.\nAlberuni, writing sometime after Mahmud's sack of the city,\ndescribed it as a holy place \"crowded with Brahmanas.\" He\nnoted, \"It is venerated because Vasudeva was there born and\nbrought up, in a place in the neighbourhood called Nandagola\"\n(Alberuni 1910: 147-148, 199).\nIn the twelfth century, the Gahadavala dynasty stood forth\n\"as champions of Hinduism\" (Niyogi 1959: 200). Bhatta\nLakshmidhara, chief minister of the Gahadavala king\nGovindachandra (r. 1114-1155), wrote the earliest surviving\ncollection of verses in praise of the sacred sites of Mathura,\nwhich has been described as \"the first re-statement of the\ntheory of Tirtha-yatra\" (Aiyangar 1942: lxxxvii-lxxxviii). In his\nKrtyakalpataru, he devoted an entire section (9) to Mathura.\nKATRA \u2014 KRISHNA REAPPEARS\nThe most important pilgrimage site in Mathura was Katra\n('market place'), now referred to as Krishna Janmasthan ('the\nbirthplace of Krishna'). Excavations at the site revealed pottery\nand terracotta dating to the sixth century BCE, the remains of a\nlarge Buddhist complex, including a monastery called Yasha\nVihara of the Gupta period, as well as Jain sculptures of the\nsame era.\nThe temple at Katra was sacked by Mahmud Ghaznavi. A\ntemple was built to replace it in 1150 CE. The Mathura prasasti,\ndated Samvat 1207 (1150 CE), found in 1889 CE at the Keshava\nmound by Anton Fuhrer, German Indologist who worked\n66 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwith the Archaeological Survey of India, recorded the\nfoundation of a temple dedicated to Vishnu at the Katra site,\nJajja, who long carried the burden of the varga, together with\na committee of trustees (goshtijana), built a large temple of\nVishnu, brilliantly white and touching the clouds.\nJajja was a vassal of the Gahadavalas in charge of Mathura,\nand the committee mentioned in the prasasti could have been\nof an earlier Vaishnava temple. The prasasti was incised in the\nreign of \"his glorious majesty, the supreme king of great\nkings...\" The name of the king was unclear as a portion of the\nprasasti was damaged. It could have been Vijayapala or\nAjayapala. The inscription confirmed the date of one of the\ntemples buried under the Keshava mound (Epigraphia Indica\nVol. I: 287-289).\nA Vishnu temple, the ruins of which are now called\nChaurasi Khambha, was constructed at Kaman by local rulers,\nwho called themselves Yadavas. Another Vishnu temple was\nbuilt at Mahaban in the twelfth century CE by local Rajput chiefs,\nperhaps related to Kulchand.\nCOLLAPSE OF HINDU POWER\nHindu power in the Doab collapsed when the troops of\nMuhammad Ghori defeated Jaichand, the last Gahadavala king.\nAll Buddhist, Jain, and Hindu shrines in and around Mathura\nwere destroyed. Buddhism never recovered from the assault,\nand for the next four centuries any Jain or Hindu shrine\nconstructed, was demolished. The memory of those temples\nand their transformation into mosques was preserved in oral\ntraditions, and in the many modest shrines built for sculptural\nfragments of earlier structures (Entwistle 1987: 122-124).1\nKRISHNA TEMPLE DESTROYED\nThe temple built by Jajja at Katra was destroyed by the forces\nof Qutubuddin Aibak, though Feroz Tughlaq (r. 1351-88) was\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 67\n"}
+{"start_page": 52, "end_page": 54, "text": "--- PAGE 52 ---\n\nalso said to have attacked it. It was repaired and survived till\nthe reign of Sikandar Lodi (r.1489-1517). Ferishta recorded\nthat Sikandar Lodi was a staunch Muslim, with a passion for\nvandalizing heathen temples,\nHe was firmly attached to the Mahomedan religion, and\nmade a point of destroying all Hindoo temples. In the city of\nMutra he caused musjids and bazaars to be built opposite\nthe bathing-stairs leading to the river, and ordered that no\nHindoo should be allowed to bathe there. He forbade the\nbarbers to shave the beards and heads of the inhabitants, in\norder to prevent the Hindoos following their usual practices\nat such places (Ferishta Vol. 1 1908: 586).\nAbdullah (writing in the time of Jahangir) in his Tarikh-i-\nDaudi said of Sikandar Lodi,\nHe was so zealous a Mussalman that he utterly destroyed\nmany places of worship of the infidels, and left not a single\nvestige remaining of them. He utterly ruined the shrines of\nMathura, that mine of heathenism, and turned their principal\ntemples into saraes (sarais, rest-houses) and colleges. Their\nstone images were given to the butchers to serve them as\nmeat-weights, and all the Hindus of Mathura were strictly\nprohibited from shaving their heads and beards, and\nperforming their ablutions. He thus put an end to all the\nidolatrous rites of the infidels there; and no Hindu, if he\nwished to have his head or beard shaved, could get a barber\nto do it (Elliot and Dowson Vol. 4: 447).\nKRISHNA DEVOTEES ARRIVE AT BRAJ\nDespite the hostile circumstances, Krishna devotees continued\nto flock to the Braj region. Nimbarka (Bhaskara), a Brahmin\nfrom Andhra who probably lived in the thirteenth century\nand propounded the Vaishnava doctrine of bhedabheda\ndvaitadvaita (duality in unity), took up residence first at Dhruv\nTila in Mathura, and then proceeded to Nimgaon, near\nGovardhan. The temple of Sudarshan at Nimgaon had a statue\nof Nimbarka.\nMadhavendra Puri, a Tailanga Brahmin and acharya of the\nMadhva sampradaya, who probably lived from around 1420 to\n1490, was credited with installing an image of Krishna at\nGovardhan (Shyamdas 2004: 55-57). He later travelled to Puri\nwhere Mahaprabhu Chaitanya became his disciple (Vaudeville\n2005a: 128, 136-139).\nVallabha and Chaitanya also arrived in the Braj region, in\nsearch of sacred places that had been destroyed or lost.\nVallabha (1479-1531) belonged to a family of Telugu Brahmins\nthat had been Krishna devotees for generations. His mother\nwas the daughter of a priestly family that served the\nVijayanagara rulers (Barz 1976: 20-28). In the Shrikrsnashrayah,\nthat formed part of his Sodashagrantha, Vallabha said of his\nage,\nThe Mlecchas have surrounded all the holy places with the\nresult that they have become infected with evil. Besides, the\nholy people are full of sorrow. At such a time Krishna alone\nis my Way... (Barz 1976: 16).\nAccording to tradition, in 1493, when Vallabha was at\nJharkhand, Sri Govardhannathji ordered him,\nAs you know well, I am present in a cave of Sri Giriraj under\nmy essential form (svarupa) of 'Sri Govardhanadhara.' None\nbut the Brajvasis who live over there had a vision of Myself.\nNow I intend to make myself manifest to all but, for that\npurpose, I have been waiting for you. So now you must go\nquickly to establish my cult (seva) over there. The people\nwho were living there at the time of the Krsna-avatara have\ncome back to the Braj country. Do take them under your\nprotection and make them my 'servants' (sevaka) and I Myself\nwill play with them, so that, besides the dignity of being Sri\nHari's slaves they will also obtain the favour of my own\npresence (Vaudeville 2005a: 111).\nAs directed, Vallabha went to Braj and established the\nsvarupa under its true name, Sri Govardhannathji. A rough\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 69\n--- PAGE 53 ---\n\nshelter was erected over the svarupa, and a person appointed\nto perform simple seva (Shyamdas 2004: 47). Sri\nGovardhannathji also revealed to Vallabha the\nBrahmasambandha mantra, the sacred chant to initiate disciples\nto his sampradaya (the Pushtimarga). In 1520, the construction\nof a temple for Sri Govardhannathji was completed. In the\nlifetime of Vallabha, and his sons Gopinath and Vitthalnath,\nthat was the principal shrine of the sampradaya (Barz 1976: 28-\n29).\nVallabhacharya's descendants from the seven sons of his\nsecond son, Vitthalnath Gosain, had a special status in the\nsampradaya as each was given an image of divine origin, from\nthe nine treasures (navnidhis) he had obtained in his lifetime.\nVallabhacharya gave them to Vitthalnath Gosain, who in turn\ndistributed them among his seven sons. These eight major\nstem lineages, known as gaddis or pithas (seats), were ranked\naccording to their seniority of descent from Vallabhacharya.\nVitthalnath's eldest son Giridhar (and his descendants), had\nthe highest spiritual status, as he had the original svarupa of\nSri Govardhannathji (usually called Sri Nathji). The image of\nSri Nathji was the most revered, as it was believed to contain\nall the attributes of the other seven deities (Barz 1976: 41-42;\nPeabody 2003: 58).2\nAround the same time as the Pushtimarga, the Gaudiya\nsampradaya associated with Mahaprabhu Chaitanya (1485-\n1533) also took roots. The Caitanya Caritamrta stated that\nChaitanya sent two of his most famous disciples, Rupa and\nSanatan, to locate the holy spots and images in Braj that were\nmissing or \"hidden\" for centuries (Caitanya Caritamrta 1999:\n20-21). The Mathura Katha of Pulin Bihari Das said that Rupa\nand Sanatan spent fifteen years in Braj, recovering the lost\nlila-sthalas. Chaitanya, on his arrival in Braj in the year 1516 CE,\nidentified the lost Radha kund (Caitanya Caritamrta 1999: 596-\n597).3\nKESHAV TEMPLE IN THE TIME OF AKBAR\nThough vandalized in the Sultanate period, the Keshav temple\nseemed to have been adequately restored to serve as a place\nof worship by the time of Akbar's reign (1556-1605). The\nPortuguese, Father Antonio Monserrate (1536-1600), one of\nthe Jesuits at the Mughal court, visited Mathura in 1580-82,\nand noted that all temples built at sites associated with the\ndeeds of Krishna were in ruins,\n...only one Hindu temple is left out of many; for the\nMusalmans have completely destroyed all except the\npyramids. Huge crowds of pilgrims come from all over India\nto this temple, which is situated on the high bank of the\nJomains (Monserrate 1922: 93).\nFather Monserrate reported that pilgrims to the Krishna\ntemple had to first go to the river-side and shave off their\nhair and beards before being permitted to enter the temple,\nThe Brachmanae do not allow these pilgrims to enter the\ntemple till they have been to the river-side and shaved off\ntheir hair and beards in the case of men and their hair and\neye-brows in the case of women; then they must dip\nthemselves several times into the river, that the water may\nwash away their sins: for the Brachmanae promise\nforgiveness of all sins to those who have bathed in this\nwater. It is an extraordinary sight; for there are more than\nthree hundred barbers, who very swiftly shave a huge\nmultitude both of men and women standing up to their\nwaists in the river, on steps which have been built there.\nThe sexes are mixed together; but all is done with perfect\nmodesty. For the cunning of the Evil One is such that he has\nput a false idea of religion into their minds: so that they\nregard it as a heinous offence to do anything foul or\nimmodest in such a sacred place (as they regard it)\n(Monserrate 1922: 93).\n--- PAGE 54 ---\n\nKESHAVA TEMPLE REBUILT\nThe Keshavadeva temple was rebuilt in the reign of Jahangir\n(r. 1605-1627) by the Bundela ruler, Bir Singh Deo, at a cost of\nthirty-three lakh rupees, when gold was priced at Rs. 10/-\nper tola. A grand structure, it was regarded a \"wonder of the\nage\" (Sarkar Vol. III 1921: 266). The Anandakanda-campu,\ncreddited to Bir Singh's poet Mitra Misra, retold the story of\nKeshavadeva. In its last chapter, the sage Narada expressed\ngrief at the state of the earth after Keshava's departure. Brahma\ncomforted him, prophesizing that Bir Singh would come and\nrectify the situation, and then described the beauty of the\nKeshava temple at Mathura (Pauwels 2011: 228).\nShaikh Farid Bhakkari wrote of Bir Singh's temple,\nHe constructed such an idol-house (deorha) in Mathura as\nwill endure till the time of Resurrection. About ten lakh\nrupees have been spent on it. He had constructed in his\nnative state a tank, forts and lofty edifices. A number of\ntimes he seated himself to weigh against gold, and once\ngave in charity one thousand coins with one thousand silver\newers (lotas) to Brahmins (Dhakhiratul Khawanin 2003: 134).\nFrancois Bernier saw the temple in 1663,\nBetween Dehli and Agra, a distance of fifty or sixty leagues,\nthere are no fine towns such as travellers pass through in\nFrance; the whole road is cheerless and uninteresting;\nnothing is worthy of observation but Maturas (Mathura),\nwhere an ancient and magnificent temple of idols is still to\nbe seen (Bernier 1916: 284).\nThe French merchant, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier (1605-1689)\ndescribed it in 1650,\n... It is one of the most sumptuous buildings in all India ...\nAlthough this pagoda, which is very large, is in a hollow,\none sees it from more than 5 or 6 coss distance, the building\nbeing very elevated and very magnificent... (Tavernier 1889:\n240-243).\n72 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThe Central Asian traveller, Mahmud Balkhi who travelled\nacross north India from 1624 and 1631, wrote of 'the temple\nof Lala Bir Singh,' and the huge numbers who visited it,\nOutside this grand and matchless building are a school, a\nworship house, an inn, about 80 houses in all, fully occupied\nand engaged. Although the worship was coming to an end,\nthe men and women were dispersing, nearly thirty thousand\nmen and women together and close (to each other) were\npresent on that unique place. Orators, reciters of holy books,\ndominis, and all the administrators of affairs and others\nwere present. Everyone stayed with their respective guides.\nDue to the large crowd and the ecstasy due to religious\nsongs, it was difficult to keep one's bearing there (O'Hanlon\n2011: 196).\nENTER AURANGZEB\nThe Mughal Emperor, Aurangzeb (r. 1658-1707) first\nintervened in the affairs of the region in 1665, when he\nprohibited celebrations of Holi and Diwali, and cremation of\nthe dead on the banks of the Yamuna. The Italian traveller,\nNiccolao Manucci (1638-1717) noted the ban on Holi, \"He\nhindered the Hindus from enjoying their merry-making or\ncarnival ... The time of this festival or carnival falls ordinarily\non the moon of March\" (Manucci Vol. II 1907: 154).\nA year later, on 14th October 1666, Aurangzeb ordered\nthe removal of the stone railing prince Dara had presented to\nthe Keshava temple, as it was \"a scandalous example of a\nMuslim's coquetry with idolatry\" (Sarkar Vol. III 1921: 267).\nThe railing was made of wood, which had decayed, and Dara\nhad replaced it with one of stone (Sharma 1940: 170).\nIn 1669, Aurangzeb issued a general order for the\ndemolition of Hindu schools and temples, and in 1670,\nspecifically ordered the destruction of the Keshavadeva\ntemple. Saqi Mustaid Khan recorded,\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 73\n"}
+{"start_page": 55, "end_page": 57, "text": "--- PAGE 55 ---\n\n\"On Thursday, 27th January/15 Ramzan (27 January 1670)\n...the Emperor as the promoter of justice and overthrower of\nmischief, as a knower of truth and destroyer of oppression,\nas the zephyr of the garden of victory and the reviver of the\nfaith of the Prophet, issued orders for the demolition of the\ntemple situated in Mathura, famous as the Dehra of Kesho\nRai. In a short time by the great exertions of his officers, the\ndestriction of this strong foundation of infidelity was\naccomplished and on its site a lofty mosque was built by the\nexpenditure of a large sum... Praised be the august God of\nthe faith of Islam, that in the auspicious reign of this\ndestroyer of infidelity and turbulence, such a wonderful\nand seemingly impossible work was successfully\naccomplished.\nOn seeing this instance of the strength of the emperor's faith\nand the grandeur of his devotion to God, the proud Rajas\nwere stifled, and in amazement they stood like images facing\nthe wall. The idols, large and small, set with costly jewels,\nwhich had been set up in the temple, were brought to Agra,\nand buried under the steps of the mosque of the Begum\nSahib in order to be continuously trodden upon. The name\nof Mathura was changed to Islamabad (Saqi Mustaid Khan\n1947: 60).\nManucci described the event,\n...the great temple of Matora (Mathura), which was of such\na height that its gilded pinnacle could be seen from Agrah,\neighteen leagues away. In its place a mosque was to be\nerected, to which he gave the name of Essalamabad\n(Islamabad) - that is, 'built by the faithful'... (Manucci Vol.\nII 1907: 154).\nF.S. Growse, Collector and District Magistrate of Mathura,\nsubsequently wrote,\n...during the fast of Ramazan ... Aurangzeb had descended\nin person on Mathura. The temple specially marked out for\ndestriction, was one built so recently, in the reign of\n74 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nJahangir, at a cost of 33 lakhs by Bir Singh Deva, the Bundela,\nof Urcha. Beyond all doubt this was the last of the famous\nshrines of Kesava Deva ... The mosque erected on its ruins is\na building of little architectural value but the natural\nadvantage of its lofty and isolated position render it a\nstriking feature in the landscape (Growse 1874: 37, 126).\nAn Idgah was built at the site of the temple (Sarkar Vol.\nIII 1921: 281-2; Sharma 1940: 172). Alexander Cunningham,\nwho visited Mathura several times, noted,\n...there can be little doubt that the great temple of Kesava\nhad stood on this site (Katra) from a very early date, although\noften thrown down and as often renewed (Cunningham\n1969: 31).\nIn his second report of 1862-63, Cunningham wrote that\ninscriptions reused as pavement slabs in the mosque showed\nthat the temple was still standing in the year 1663. He verified\nthe charge against Aurangzeb,\n...by means of some inscriptions on the pavement slabs,\nwhich were recorded by Hindu pilgrims to the shrine of\nKesava Ray. In relaying the pavement the Muhammadan\narchitect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them\nfit into their new places. This was proved by several slabs\nbearing incomplete portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late\ndate. One slab has '... vat. 1713, Phalgun,' the initial Sam of\nSamvat having been cut off. Another slab has the name of\nKeso Ray, the rest being wanting, while a third bears the\ndate of Samvat 1720. These dates are equivalent to AD 1656\nand 1663; and, as the latter is five years subsequent to the\naccession of Aurangzeb, it is certain that the Hindu temple\nwas still standing at the beginning of his reign\n(Cunningham 1885: 39).\nAccording to Vijay (Braj bhumi mohini, Vrindaban, Svami\nSriram Sarma, Ramesvar Sadan, 1985), the deity of the\nKeshavadeva temple was taken to village Rasdhan in Kanpur\nDistrict (Entwistle 1987: 180-81).\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 75\n--- PAGE 56 ---\n\nBrajnath's Sri Braj Parikrama suggested that worship at the\nsite resumed at some stage. There was also a reference to the\npilgrimage of Datiya king Parichat, in 1822 in Braj Bhumi Prakas\nby Naval Singh Pradhan. It described the visit of the king,\nA new dwelling place had been made, two Siva temples\nand a Siva pond,\nHaving seen them, he took darsana of the meritorious grand\nKesavadeva.\nHe has a special crown (kirita mukuta) on the head,\nresplendent with a beautiful forehead mark (tilaka).\nHis special chest-jewel (kaustubha mani), and Vaijayanti\ngarland are gorgeous,\nDark hairlocks and curls, in his ears earrings shaped like\nmagic creatures (makara),\nHis limbs shine with the colour of a deep sapphire, Indra's\njewel in marvellous ways.\nIn his arms he carries the shell, disc, mace and lotus; his\nyellow cloth and sash shine.\nThus, taking in the auspicious sight of Kesavadeva's true\nform, heaps of sins are destroyed.\nWorshipping him with costly gifts, bowing his head,\nThe king stood taking in darsana of Vishnu for a long time.\nThe detailed account indicated that the image was similar\nto the one Aurangzeb had taken away (Pauwels 2011: 235-\n236). Or was it a mere visualization of an image and shrine\nthat no longer existed?\nTEMPLE REBUILT IN INDEPENDENT INDIA\nAfter the decline of the Mughals, the site became a subject of\nlegal disputes. In 1815, the East India Company auctioned the\narea of Katra Keshavadeva, which was purchased by Raja\nPatnimal of Banaras. He could not build the temple, as he was\nembroiled in legal battles over ownership of the land with\nMuslims of Banaras. Eventually, the judiciary ruled in favour\nof the heirs of Raja Patnimal. In 1944, Pandit Madan Mohan\nMalaviya, dismayed at the conditions at the site, arranged for\n76 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nacquisition of the land. Jugal Kishore Birla formed a trust to\nwhich the land rights were transferred. The Krishna temple\nwas completed in 1965 (Pl. 16).\nTEMPLES IN VRINDAVAN\nTHE TEMPLE OF GOVINDADEVA\nOn their arrival at Vrindavan, the followers of Chaitanya first\nerected a shrine in honour of Vrinda Devi. No trace of it\nsurvives. Rupa then built a temple for the image of\nGovindadeva that became manifest at the ancient site of\nYogapitha (Gomatila, the hill of Goma). A handwritten\nmanuscript in the Khas Muhar collection in the Jaipur Pothikhana\nstated,\nSri Govindadeva ji became manifest in Samvat 1592 (1535\nCE). Sri Rupa Gosvami had a dream on the eleventh day\n(ekadasi) in the bright fortnight of Jyestha; the ritual bath\n(abhiseka, marking the establishment of the image) took place\non the fifth day of the bright fortnight in Magha (Bahura\n1996: 199).\nAfter performing abhisheka, Rupa installed the image on\nan earthen platform at Gomatila and commenced worship. In\nhis Sri Mathura Mahatmya, Rupa said,\nText 155\nWhat heart, seeing the Deity of Lord Hari, who resides on\nGovardhan Hill, in the western part of the lotus, and who is\nthe master of the demigods, will remain unhappy?\nText 156\nA person who sees the handsome Deity of Lord Govinda in\nthe northern part of this lotus will not fall into the ocean of\nrepeated birth and death (Sri Mathura Mahatmya).\nRupa soon built a permanent temple of red sandstone, the\nruins of which can be seen in the northwest corner of the\nGovindadeva temple mound. The saint, Mirabai (1498-1546)\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 77\n--- PAGE 57 ---\n\nhad darshan of the deity when she visited Vrindavan in 1538-\n1539 CE on her way to Dwarka,\nO body! I am fascinated by Vrndavana where, in every\nhouse, tulasi is planted and Thakurji (Krsna) is worshipped,\nand regular darsana of Sri Govindadevaji is available (Nath\n1996: 162).\nBhatta Narayana's Sri Vraja Bhakti Vilasa (1552 CE), the\nearly authoritative source of the Braj mandal parikrama also\nmentioned \"Sri Govinda darsana\" at Vrindavan. The deity was\nworshiped in that red sandstone temple from 1535 to 1590.\nThe Vaishnava saints who settled in the area were noticed\nby Akbar, and Raja Man Singh, who accompanied the Emperor\non his visit to Vrindavan in 1570. On seeing Govindadeva, the\nLord of Gokul installed in a small temple, Man Singh vowed\nto construct a suitable shrine for the deity.\nWork on Man Singh's temple commenced in 1576 and was\ncompleted in 1590,5 as attested by several inscriptions on the\ntemple walls (Pl. 17). The temple comprised of a gigantic\nmulaprasada (shrine proper), that was probably surmounted by\na grand mahameru sikhara; the subsidiary shrines of Yogamaya\non the south and Vrinda Devi on the north, were probably\ncrowned by nagara shikharas. There was also a well-planned\nantarala (antechamber) with a vaulted ceiling (Nath 1996: 163).\nThe first image instated in the temple was of Govindadeva\nthat Rupa Gosain had obtained/discovered in 1535 CE. The\nsecond was a murti of Krishna, in the tribhanga posture, sent\nby Mahaprabhu Chaitanya through Kasisvara Pandita, with\nthe message: \"This image is identical with me.\" The third was\nthe image of Sri Radha, offered to Govindadeva in 1633 CE, by\nthe king of Udisa, Purusottama Deva (Bahura 1996: 206). Images\nof Vrinda Devi and Yogamaya were installed in attached\nshrines. Govindadeva was worshipped at that temple from\n1590 to 1669.\nAurangzeb's order of 1669 led to a mass exodus of deities\n78 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfrom the region. Most of them were taken to Rajasthan, where\nthey were assured protection.\" Their journey from the Mathura\nregion is detailed in a subsequent chapter.\nPILGRIMAGE CONTINUED IN BRAJ\nDespite the departure of deities, devotional activity in Braj\ndid not come to a complete halt. A few priests of the\nGovindadeva temple returned in 1675 to repossess land that\nhad been unlawfully seized when the shrine was abandoned.\nDocuments with the Kacchavahas of Amer confirmed that by\n1700 worship at the Govindadeva temple in Vrindavan had\nresumed, with a substitute image in the garbhagriha (Horstmann\n1996: 186-187).\nSAWAI JAI SINGH\nThe Amer ruler, Sawai Jai Singh (r. 1700-1743) availed the\nopportunity provided by Mughal decline following the death\nof Aurangzeb to buttress the Hindu position (Okita 2014: 32-\n33). He used his standing at the Mughal court to seek redress\nfor Hindu grievances. The jizya, abolished by Emperor Farrukh\nSiyar in January 1713, had been re-imposed in April 1717. In a\nletter to Jai Singh explaining the reasons for the reversal in\nimperial policy, the Emperor stated, \"Inayetullah (the new\ndiw\u0101n and former secretary of Aurangzeb) has placed before\nme a letter from the Sheriff of Mecca urging that the collection\nof jizya is obligatory according to our Holy Book. In a matter\nof faith, I am powerless (to intervene).\" Jai Singh successfully\npleaded against the tax with Emperor Muhammad Shah\n(Chandra 2003: 350-353). In 1728, at his urging, the Emperor\nabolished the tax on pilgrims at Gaya. In 1730, again on his\nintervention, the long-standing tax levied on Hindus at certain\nbathing sites was withdrawn (Sarkar 1984: 224-226).\nJai Singh strove to improve conditions for pilgrims in\nHindu sacred cities. In 1733, he secured the faujdari of Gaya\nin addition to that he held of Mathura, which enabled him to\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 79\n"}
+{"start_page": 58, "end_page": 60, "text": "--- PAGE 58 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"contribute to the betterment of holy sites in the regions\\n(Bhatnagar 1974: 340-341). He founded several small, fortified\\ntownships or localities, called Jaisinghpuras, in the provinces\\nwhere he was posted; at Kabul, Peshawar, Multan, Lahore,\\nDelhi, Agra, Patna, Burhanpur, Aurangabad, and Ellichpur.\\nHe also purchased land and established Jaisinghpuras at almost\\nall important Hindu religious centres in north India; Mathura,\\nVrindavan, Kashi-Banaras, Prayag-Allahabad, Ujjain, and\\nAyodhya, in a bid to restore Hindu dharma (Bhatt 2005: 145;\\nNath 2004).\\nAccording to his biographer Atmaram, when Jai Singh was\\nin Braj during the campaign against Churaman Jat, he bathed\\nat Radha kund on the full moon of Kartik, went to Mathura in\\nthe month of Shravan in 1724, and performed the marriage of\\nhis daughter on Janmashtami. He then undertook a tour of the\\nsacred forests of Braj, and, on his return to Mathura, founded\\nreligious establishments, and celebrated Holi. In 1727, he again\\nvisited Braj and offered his weight in gold at Vishram Ghat.\\nHe constructed some ghats at Vrindavan, and built a temple\\nof Sitaram on Vishram Ghat in 1732. Four years later, he\\nconstructed another temple at Govardhan, dedicated to\\nGovardhannath (Roy 1978: 228-229).\\nPILGRIMAGE BY FAMILY OF PESHWA\\nDuring the period of Maratha expansion, pilgrimage to holy\\nplaces in the north became frequent. The constant movement\\nof Maratha troops afforded pilgrims the requisite protection.\\nThe Peshwa's mother, Kashitai performed pilgrimage for four\\nyears in the north, visiting Mathura, Prayag, Ayodhya,\\nBanaras, and other holy places, during which Jai Singh ensured\\nher safe passage (Sardesai Vol. II 1946: 243).\\nNOTES\\n1. Hindus and Jains continued to observe their religious customs\\ndiscretely in Mathura on payment of a pilgrimage tax.\\n80 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nJinaprabhasuri Suri, in his Vividtirthakalpa (Mathurapurikalpa),\\ndescribed Mathura as twelve by nine yojanas in extent. He\\ndocumented that he \\\"restored the holy place of Mahura\\\"\\n(Shinohara and Granoff 2006: 16). The remains of a Jain temple\\nwere discovered at Sahar with inscriptions dated 1371-72 CE\\n(Entwistle 1987: 134-135).\\n2. Akbar granted several favours to Vitthal. When Akbar directed\\nhim to seek a royal favour, Vitthal asked for the grant of Gokul,\\nwhich he had decided to make his permanent residence. Akbar\\nbestowed it on him by a farman, dated 13th September 1577.\\nThe farman was not the grant of the village; it was an Imperial\\ncommand by Akbar directing his officers to allow Vitthal to\\nlive peacefully at Gokul, and not demand any taxes etc., from\\nhim, his relatives, or retainers. \\\"They must allow him to live\\nin his place and home, easy at heart, so that he might engage\\nhimself in praying for our daily increasing fortune and the\\nperpetuity of our eternity allied dignity\\\" (Jhaveri 1928: Farman\\n1). In another farman, dated 9th March 1581, the Emperor\\nordered Government officials, \\\"At this time we have ordered\\nthat the cows of the indisputable prayer-offerer (well-wisher)\\nVithalrai, wearer of the sacred thread (Brahmin), wherever\\nthey are, should be allowed to graze. In Khalsa or Jagir (lands),\\nno one should injure or obstruct them in the least...\\\" (Jhaveri\\n1928: Farman II). In what has been described as a rare instance,\\nthe Emperor's mother, Hamida Banu Begam, reiterated the\\norder to officers of the pargana of Mahaban, \\\"They must permit\\nhis cows to graze (wherever they are)\\\" (Jhaveri 1928: Farman\\nIII).\\n3. Vallabha and his successors were primarily devoted to the\\nchild Krishna, and advocated a type of bhakti known as\\nvatsalya. They focused on Gokul-Mahaban and Govardhan,\\nwhere their main temples were established. Chaitanya and\\nhis followers, were devotees of the cult of the divine couple\\nRadha-Krishna, and advocated the madhurya type of bhakti.\\nThey re-sacralised Vrindavan, where the Nimbarkites, who\\nviewed Radha as the supreme divinity, were also gathering\\n(Vaudeville 2005: 57-58).\\n4. Some scholars have made much of the fact that temples built\\nin Vrindavan in the 16th-17th centuries were of the same red\\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA 81\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 59 ---\n\nsandstone used in the construction of Mughal forts at Agra\nand Delhi. Bir Singh Deo's temple at Mathura was also built\nof red sandstone. According to them, \"This symbolizes nicely\nhow Braj bhakti was literally built with the same material as\nthe empire or implicated strongly in the Mughal imperial\nformation\" (Pauwels 2011: 224-225). While discussing the\ntemple at Mathura, the scholar repeatedly stated, \"none of\nthese sources specifies that the temple in Mathura was a\nJanmabhumi temple\" (Pauwels 2011: 227, 232). The purported\nfocus of her study was the temple of Kesavadeva at Mathura\nand of Caturbhujadeva at Orccha. Was the antiquity of the\nJanmabhumi temple also under examination even if not\nexplicitly stated, or was that added as an aside? Does that say\nanything about the neutrality of the scholar?\n5. Other temples built included those of Gopinath, Jugal Kishor,\nMadan Mohan, Radha Damodar, and Radha Ballabh. The\noriginal image of the Madan Mohan temple was taken to\nKarauli, where Raja Gopal Singh, who reigned from 1725 to\n1757, built a shrine for it. A new temple of Gopinath was built\nin 1821 by a Bengali Kayastha, Nand Kumar Ghose, who also\nconstructed a new Madan Mohan shrine. The Radha Ballabh\ntemple was repaired by Growse. The temple of Radha Damodar\nhad a special claim to distinction as it contained the ashes of\nJiva, its founder, and his two uncles, Rupa and Sanatana,\nwho in their life-time had expressed a wish to buried together\nin its precincts (Growse 1979: 252-257).\nAkbar made several revenue grants to temples in Mathura\nand its environs. The earliest surviving grant was in January\n1565. After 1580, no imperial grants were made to any temple\nin Mathura for eighteen years. A farman of 1598, recorded\ngrants to thirty-five temples in Mathura and its environs,\ntotalling 500 bighas ilahi, half in cultivated land and half in\nwasteland. In all, grants to temples and temple-servants\ntotalled 1000 bighas of land to thirty-five temples in Vrindavan,\nMathura, and its environs. The temples were set in seven\ngroups, and a separate farman was issued for each (Mukherjee\nand Habib 1988: 234-248).\nAkbar had a special relationship with the Kacchavahas of\nAmber, beginning with Raja Bharmal, who joined Mughal\n82 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nservice along with his son, Bhagwant Das, and grandson,\nMan Singh. In 1593-94, when the Ain-i-Akbari's list of\nmansabdars was drawn up, 13 of the 27 Rajputs mentioned\ntherein were Kacchavahas, variously related to the Amber\nhouse (Chandra 2003: 392).\n6. Growse described the Govindadeva temple as \"not only the\nfinest of this particular series, but is the most impressive\nreligious edifice that Hindu art has ever produced, at least in\nUpper India\" (Growse 1874: 241). He said that consequent to\nAurangzeb's order, the temple's sanctum was \"utterly razed\nto the ground,\" the chapel towers never completed, and that\nover the choir lost several of its upper quarters. All that had\ngiven the structure a stunted appearance. A plain masonry\nwall that had been constructed along the top of the central\ndome, had further added to the deformity. The wall was\nbelieved to have been erected by Aurangzeb to desecrate the\ntemple, though some hold it was built by the Hindus\nthemselves to assist in some grand illumination.\nGrowse ordered the removal of the wall, and cleared the debris\naround the building before handing it back to the Hindus\n(Growse 1874: 243-245). According to Growse, the sanctum\nwas roughly rebuilt in brick in 1854, and contained an image\nof Krishna as Giridhar, with two subordinate figures,\nrepresenting Mahaprabhu Chaitanya and Nityananda.\n7. Some scholars claimed that Aurangzeb destroyed the\nKeshavadeva temple in retaliation for the Jat rebellion. But\nJats were not the builders of the temple. Also, the demolition\nof the temple failed to quell the uprising. The people of the\nregion had long been victims of the highhandedness of Mughal\nfaujdars at Mathura. Murshid Quli Khan Turkman repeatedly\nharrassed Hindu women. Abdunnabi Khan built a mosque\n(the Jama Masjid) in the centre of Mathura on the site of a\nHindu temple (Sarkar Vol. III: 291-293; Goel Vol. II 1991: 83-\n84).\nAccording to Irfan Habib, the Jat rebellion \"had no connexion\nwith any particular religious movement\" (Habib 2003: 393).\nHe mentioned the high revenue demand as a factor that fuelled\nthe Jat unrest. Under the leadership of Gokula, other local\ncommunities like the Meenas and Gujjars, joined the Jats.\nHALLOWED LAND OF KRISHNA | 83\n--- PAGE 60 ---\n\nGokula was captured after a grim battle. In January 1670, on\n his refusal to embrace Islam, his limbs were hacked off, and\n his son and daughter forcibly converted to Islam (Dwivedi\n 1989: 29-31). That did not stem the uprising. The Jats resumed\n their rebellion under Raja Ram and Ram Chehra, zamindars\n of Sansani and Soghar, even pillaging Akbar's mausoleum at\n Sikandra. In 1688, Aurangzeb appointed prince Bedar Bakht\n to \u201c...raze their villages and to extirpate once and forever this\n malicious race and plague of public tranquillity.\u201d Raja Ram\n was killed and Ram Chehra taken prisoner. He was beheaded\n at Agra and \"publicly exposed at the largest gate, in front of\n the fortress and at the bazaar\" (Wendel 1991: 14-15). The death\n of Aurangzeb, and the succession disputes among his sons,\n gave the Jats an opportunity to recoup their strength. Under\n Churaman (1695-1721), they continued to raid the main route\n from Delhi to Agra. Their stronghold was, however, attacked\n in 1716-1718, and Churaman killed. Under Badan Singh (1721-\n 1756), \"the new raja of Birj,\" the Jats emerged more powerful\n than ever before. Besides a great number of foot soldiers, Badan\n Singh collected a considerable cavalry, a part of which he\n deployed on the Delhi-Agra route, and a part in extending the\n area of his jurisdiction. Dig, Kumbhir, Bharatpur, Wair were\n also fortified for future struggle. Jat power attained new heights\n under Suraj Mal.\nIt was also difficult to accept that Aurangzeb's order on\ndemolition of temples was provoked by the Bundela rebellion.\nThere was no Bundela unrest in 1670, when the temple was\ndestroyed. The first Bundela rebellion led by Jujhar Singh had\nbeen crushed in 1635, in the reign of Shah Jahan (r. 1628-\n1658). Jujhar Singh's two sons and a grandson were converted\nto Islam, one son who refused to convert was killed, and the\nladies of his household sent to the Mughal harem. Jujhar\nSingh was driven to the jungles, caught by a party of Gonds,\nand killed. The second rebellion ended with the death of\nChampat Rai, in 1661. Champat Rai's son, Chhatrasal, who\nhad joined the Mughal army against the Marathas, returned\nto the north only in 1671 (Kolff 1990: 141-143; Richards 1993:\n130; Goel 1991: 83).\nSome scholars reiterate that temple destruction was \"a\nstatement of reassertion of Mughal imperial power against its\nrecalcitrant vassals.\" Further, \"Far from posing a threat to\nHinduism, Mughal rule seems here to have helped solidify\nand extend what became 'mainstream' Hindu religiosity in\nnorth India by the eighteenth century, particularly via the\ninstitutionalization of Vaishnava religiosity in grand temples\"\n(Pauwels 2011: 237-238).\nHow would that account for the destruction of the Bindu\nMadhava temple, the most important Vishnu temple in\nVaranasi since the 5th century CE, by Aurangzeb? And could\n\"recalcitrant vassals\" be identified in every case of temple\ndestruction?\n"}
+{"start_page": 61, "end_page": 63, "text": "--- PAGE 61 ---\n\n6\nKashi and Ayodhya\nKASHI - CITY OF LIGHT\nM\nentioned in Vedic, Epic, Puranic, Buddhist, and Jain\nliterature, Kashi was a substantial settlement by the\nninth century BCE (Vidyarthi 1979: 25-26).\nExcavations at Rajghat Plateau traced the earliest habitation\nat the site to the eighth century BCE. Kashi's sanctity as a sacred\ncentre drew countless seers and pilgrims down the ages. It\nwas to Banaras that the Buddha went after his enlightenment,\nto deliver his first sermon at the Deer Park in Sarnath.\nMahavira also traversed there in the course of his wanderings\nas a spiritual teacher. Jain association with Varanasi, however,\npredated Mahavira. Jain tradition held that Suparshva, the\nseventh tirthankara, and Parasnath, the twenty-third, were both\nborn in the city.\nThe first seals with Shaivite emblems found in Varanasi\ndated to the early CE. The Tirthayatra parvan of the Mahabharata\nmentioned a Shiva sanctuary, Vrsadhvaja with an annexe\nbathing pool (Kapilahrada) at the edge of Varanasi. A variety\nof seals were found from the fourth to sixth centuries CE, mostly\n86 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nissued by Shaivite shrines, particularly of Avimuktesvara\n(Bakker 1996: 33-34).\nVaishnavism was also well represented in Varanasi.\nAmong the sculptural remnants recovered was a first century\nBCE image of Balarama, who became recognized as Krishna's\nelder brother. The finds included a small sixth-century image\nof baby Krishna stealing butter (Eck 2015: 66). The existence\nof a magnificent Vishnu temple was apparent with the recovery\nof a Gupta period image of Krishna holding aloft Mt.\nGovardhan, near Bakaria Kund. Many seals bearing\nVaishnavite personal names in Gupta characters were found\nin the Rajghat area. One seal depicted the replica of a Vaishnava\ntemple of the Gupta period. The Sarnath Stone Inscription of\nPrakataditya, of the late seventh century, recorded his\nconstruction of a temple for Vishnu, under the name Muradvis,\nand provisions for its repairs (Shastri 1975: 73-74).\nHiuen Tsang, who visited Banaras in the seventh century,\nrecorded that it housed a hundred or so Deva temples, around\nthirty sangharamas, and three thousand priests. In the capital\nthere were twenty Deva temples, \"the towers and halls of\nwhich are of sculptured stone and carved wood\" (Beal 1884:\nPart II Book VII: 44-45). The Vividtirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri\nlisted Varanasi among Jain holy sites.\nBANARAS ATTACKED\nBanaras experienced its first Muslim attack in 1033 CE, when\ntroops of Ahmad Nialtagin, son of Mahmud Ghaznavi,\nsuddenly appeared before the city. Nialtagin came to plunder\nand was in the city for a few hours. Abul Fazl al-Baihaki (995-\n1077) described the incursion,\nThe army could only remain there from morning to mid-day\nprayer because of the peril. The markets of the drapers,\nperfumers, and jewellers, were plundered, but it was\nimpossible to do more. The people of the army became rich,\nfor they all carried off gold, silver, perfumes and jewels, and\ngot back in safety (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 124).\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 81\n--- PAGE 62 ---\n\nHindu sanctuaries were desecrated, but the mutilation was\nlimited at that point. The following year, Mahmud Ghaznavi's\nnephew, Salar Masud on way to Bahraich, dispatched a portion\nof his army under Malik Afzal Alavi, towards Varanasi. The\ninvading force reached the city boundary, where it was wholly\nwiped out in a fierce battle. At the battle site later stood the\nMasjid-i-Ganj-i-Shahidan. The women and children who\naccompanied the troops were permitted to settle in the forest\narea north of the town (named Alavi-pura, after the leader of\nthe campaign, it survives to the present day).\nAs a counter to the Islamic challenge, towards the close of\nthe eleventh century the Gahadavalas shifted the seat of their\npower from the imperial city of Kanauj to the religious centre\nof Varanasi. They even levied the 'Turks' tax' (turuskadanda),\nto meet the costs of maintaining a huge standing army to meet\nthe new danger (Niyogi 1959: 180-181, 189). In their first known\ninscriptions, the Gahadavalas declared themselves \"protectors\nof the (north) Indian holy places (tirtha) ...\" (Epigraphia Indica\nVol. XIV: 197).\nTEMPLES REBUILT\nSix copper plates issued by Chandradeva (r. 1089-1103), first\nking of the Gahadavala dynasty, in the years vs 1150 and 1156\n(1090-1091-1098-1099), were found at Chandravati, Banaras\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. XIV: 192-196). The inscription of vs 1156\nstated that Chandradeva set up an image of Adi Keshava and\nadorne it with gold and jewels. Another inscription of the\nsame king recorded that after a munificent gift of gold and\nother valuables equal to the king's weight, and a thousand\ncows to the image of Adi Keshava, a village was granted for\nthe maintenance of the shrine of Chandra Mahadeva (Niyogi\n1959: 195).\nThe twenty-six shloka long Sarnath inscription of Kumara\nDevi, queen of Govindachandra Gahadavala (r. 1114-1155),\ndiscovered by Alexander Cunningham near Dhamek stupa in\n88 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n1908, mentioned a new vihara she had constructed. It stated\nthat Kumara Devi restored the \"Lord of the Turning of the\nWheel,\" Dharmachakra Jina (\"in accordance with the form in\nwhich it existed in the time of Dharmasoka, the ruler of men\"),\nat the request of Jambuki, \"foremost of the pattalikas\". The\nJina was instated in the vihara (Epigraphia Indica Vol. IX: 319-\n328; Bhattacharya 1924: 175).\nATTACKS RESUMED\nIn 1194 CE, Qutubuddin Aibak, military commander of\nMuhammad Ghori, led a force that devastated Banaras. Hardly\na shrine survived the offensive (Lannoy 1999: 568-569). Hasan\nNizami claimed that over a thousand temples were ravaged,\nthe royal army proceeded towards Benares, 'which is in\nthe centre of the country of Hind,' and here they destroyed\nnearly one thousand temples, and raised mosques on their\nfoundations; and the knowledge of the law became\npromulgated, and the foundations of religion were\nestablished; 'and the face of the dinar and the diram was\nadorne with the name and blessed titles' of the king. The\nRais and chiefs of Hind came forward to proffer their\nallegiance. 'The government of that country was bestowed\non one of the most celebrated and exalted servants of the\nState,' in order that he might distribute justice and repress\nidolatry (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 223-224).\nTEMPLE CONSTRUCTION RESUMED:\nA PILLAR OF VICTORY\nAibak's blitz did not appear to have served as a deterrent for\nlong. An inscription, dated 1212 CE, recorded the erection of a\nsacrificial post and a pillar of victory at the centre of Varanasi,\ndesignated the holy field (kshetra) of Shiva Visveshvara, the\n'Lord of All,' by a Sena king of Bengal, named Visvarupa. He\nperhaps lacked the resources and time to construct a larger\nstructure like a temple (Bakker 1996: 39-42).1\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 89\n--- PAGE 63 ---\n\nTWO GRAND TEMPLES BUILT\nPADMESVARA TEMPLE\nEarly in the fourteenth century, two grand temples were built\nin Varanasi - Padmesvara near the Visveshvara temple, and\nManikarnikesvara at Manikarnika ghat. The Padmesvara\ninscription of 1353 CE recorded the construction of the\nPadmesvara (Vishnu) temple on the north-side entrance of\nthe Visveshvara temple at Kashi by Padma Sadhu. The\ninscription recorded,\nOm! Glory be to Ganapati. In Ayodhya lived formerly\nSadhesadhu, the speaker of truth, beloved of good men,\nwhose delight consisted in the welfare of all beings. His son\nwas the famous Sadhunidhi, whose son Padmasadhu, of\nsteadfast virtue, on the north side of the entrance to the\nVisvesvara temple at Kasi built a solid and lofty temple of\ngod Padmesvara, on Wednesday, the twelfth day of the\nwaning moon of the month of Jyaishtha, in the year of Plava:\nSamvat 1353, on which day this eulogy was written (Fuhrer\n1889: 51).\nPADMESVARA INSCRIPTION TAKEN TO\nLAL DARWAZA MASJID\nIn the reign of Akbar, the Padmesvara inscription was shifted\nto the Lal Darwaza Masjid in Jaunpur (Pl. 18). By then, the\nVisveshvara temple had been demolished and its stones used\nby Bayizid Bayat. In his memoirs, Tazkira-Humayun O Akber,\nBayizid Bayat stated,\nAt that time (1570-71) there was an idol temple, which owing\nto passage of time had become deserted and become the\nplace of trade of the market people. I purged that place of\nthem and started erecting a madrasa for scholars. It was\ncompleted around those few days that Raja (Todarmal)\ncame from a bath (in the river). In that temple there was a\npillar 12 gaz (32 feet) high; and there was a date in the Hindu\ncharacters inscribed on it stating that it had been set up\n90 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nseven hundred years ago. When Bayizid took it down, he\nhad it cut into two parts, and the two parts again into four\nportions each. Six parts of the stone were used in the pillars\nand slabs of the mosque of the madrasa; and two parts were\ntaken by Khwaja (Dost) Muhammad, Bakhshi of the Khan\nKhanan (Munim Khan) who put them on the doorway of\nthe mosque at Jaunpur (Prasad 1990: 150).\nThe Lal Darwaza mosque had been built in 1447 by Bibi\nRajyi, queen of Sultan Mahmud Sharqi (Cunningham 1880: 116).\nThe presence of the Padmesvara inscription at Jaunpur\ncorroborated that stones of Varanasi temples demolished by\nFeroz Tughlaq, were hauled to Jaunpur for construction of\nmosques.\nMANIKARNIKESVARA TEMPLE\nThe Manikarnika Ghat Stone Inscription, dated 1359 Samvat\n(1303 CE), recorded the accomplishments of two brothers, both\npotentates. It stated that Viresvara, like his elder brother, \"has\nconquered (all the kings) through his arms.\" He \"has installed\nthe temples of Manikarnikesvara (Shiva) through his own\nefforts ... may good be to all...\" (Prasad 1990: 154).\nTEMPLES DESTROYED AGAIN, REBUILT\nAlauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316) did not attack Kashi at the\nbeginning of his reign. However, subsequently numerous\ntemples were destroyed, and mosques raised on their sites,\namong them the Arhai-Kangara mosque, the Chaukhambha\nmosque, the mosque at Golaghat, and several in the Alaipura\nward. After Alauddin's death, temples demolished on his\norders were rebuilt, some at new locations. Bakaria Kund was\nalso re-constructed at that time (Sukul 1974: 154-155).\nSHARQI RULE AND ATALA MASJID IN JAUNPUR\nJaichand (r.1175-1193), the last Gahadavala ruler, had\nconstructed the Atala Devi temple in Jaunpur, which was\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 91\n"}
+{"start_page": 64, "end_page": 66, "text": "--- PAGE 64 ---\n\nconverted to the Atala masjid by the Sharqi Sultans (Pl. 19).\nNine inscriptions found in the masjid confirmed that Firoz\nShah Tughlaq commenced appropriation of the temple in 1376\nCE to make the mosque. It was completed by Ibrahim Shah\nSharqi (r. 1402-1440) in 1408 CE (Fuhrer 1970: 180-181).\nIbrahim Shah constructed several masjids on the sites of\ntemples built by Vijayachandra Gahadavala (r. 1155-1169).\nMasjid Khalis Mukhlis (also known as Dariba or Charanguli)\nwas built on the location of Vijayachandra's temple around\n1417 CE. Rows of Hindu pillars were used for its construction.\nJhanjhari Masjid was also erected on the site of a famous temple\n(Fuhrer 1970: 181).\nSIKANDAR LODI  ANOTHER ICONOCLASTIC UPSURGE\nWhen Sharqi rule ended, temples again began to be constructed\nat Varanasi but not in their former grandeur, for fear of\nanother wave of iconoclasm. In 1496, soon after ascending the\nthrone at Delhi, Sikandar Lodi (r. 1489-1517) ordered\ndemolition of all temples at Varanasi. For the next eighty years,\nno temples were built in the city (Lannoy 1999: 569). People\ncontented themselves with paying homage to temple ruins.\nThe sixteenth century scholar and religious leader, Narayana\nBhatta who found the Vishwanath temple in ruins, in his\nTristhalisetu, consoled devotees,\nEven if the linga of Vishveshvara here is taken off somewhere\nand another is brought in and established by human hands,\non account of the difficulty of the times, whatever is\nestablished in that place should be worshipped And if,\nowing to the power of foreign rulers, there is no linga at all\nin that place, even so, the dharma of the place itself should\nbe observed, with rites of circumambulation, salutation, etc.,\nand in this way the daily pilgrimage (nityayatra) shall be\nperformed (Eck 2015: 134).2\n92 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nAURANGZEB THE ICONOCLAST\nThe last round of desecration was at the command of\nAurangzeb. The net result of the sacrilege that commenced\nwith Nialtagin was that Banaras of the Puranic mahatmyas was\ncompletely obliterated (Eck 2015: 84). The Krittivasesvara,\nOmkara, Mahadeva, Madhyameshvara, Visveshvara, Bindu\nMadhava, Kaal Bhairava, and countless other temples were\nall razed to the ground. In many cases, mosques were built\nwith \"calculated insolence\" in their place, and the sites forever\nclosed to Hindus (Lannoy 1999: 569). Rev. Sherring (who\nstayed in Banaras from 1852 till his death in 1880) remarked,\n\"It is worthy of notice, as illustrating the nature of\nMohammedan rule in India, that nearly all the buildings in\nBenaras, of acknowledged antiquity, have been appropriated\nby the Musulmans; being used as mosques, mausoleums,\ndargahs and so forth...\" (Sherring 1868: 22-23).\nKRITTIVASESVARA REBUILT FOUR TIMES\nIn 1659, just a year after ascending the throne, Aurangzeb\nordered the demolition of the famous Shiva temple of\nKrittivasesvara situated in Daranagar, the heart of the city.\nThe Alamgiri mosque was constructed in its place. A small\nempty tank that marked the site of the first, second, and third\nreconstructions remained under worship on Maha Shivaratri\nday. The offerings were taken by the Mutawalli of the mosque.\nA short distance away, a small temple was built in the\nnineteenth century by Raja Patnimal of Banaras, and the deity\nre-consecrated (Sukul 1974: 185).\nVISHWANATH RISES AGAIN AND AGAIN\nThe great Vishwanath temple was destroyed at least thrice\nfrom the twelfth century onwards. It was first attacked by\nAibak in 1194 CE. Queen Raziya (r. 1236-1240), during her short\nchaotic reign, appropriated the site and had a mosque\nconstructed there. The further history of Visveshvara has been\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 93\n--- PAGE 65 ---\n\ndescribed as \"one of stubbornness and bigotry\" (Bakker 1996:\n42). The temple became a prime symbol of Hindu resistance;\nthey repeatedly rebuilt, as Muslims continually destroyed.\nIn the Kashi Khand, probably compiled in the fourteenth\ncentury from earlier texts and traditions, Shiva spoken of his\nreturn to the city after a long exile, and celebrated the\nVisveshvara linga as the linga of lingas.\nA Vishwanath temple was constructed adjacent to Bibi\nRaziya Mosque in the first half of the eighteenth century,\nprobably by one of the Peshwas (Michell 2005: 81), or, as others\nhave suggested, by Sawai Jai Singh of Amber (Pl. 20). It was\nnamed Adi Visveshvara; Adi denoting it was the site of the\noriginal temple. Tradition holds that the argha, the ovoid seat\non which the lingam rested, was from the Visveshvara temple,\nwhich the Rajput ruler obtained as a favour from the Mughal\nruler (Sukul 1974: 177). From its exterior, the temple resembled\na Muslim tomb, perhaps a cautious move by its patron. The\nconstruction \"certainly suggests that a prior location for the\nVishweshwur linga may have existed in collective memory at\nleast at the turn of the eighteenth century when this building\nwas constructed\" (Desai 2017: 25).\nAs Raziya Mosque had occupied the place of the temple,\nthe Visveshvara linga was accommodated in the\nAvimuktesvara complex, located at the foot of the mound on\nwhich the Visveshvara temple had stood. Avimuktesvara was\nshifted a little northwards and space for Visveshvara created\nbetween the former's temple and Gyanvapi. An imposing\nstructure was erected there. However, another iconoclastic\nwave hit Varanasi, and temples were again demolished (Sukul\n1974: 179-180).\nDESTRUCTION AND RECONSTRUCTION\nAs the Avimuktesvara temple was also destroyed\u00b3 and the\nsite of Visveshvara occupied by Raziya's mosque, Hindus\ndecided to construct a new sanctuary at the site of\n94 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nAvimuktesvara, referring to it as Visveshvara. Avimuktesvara\nand Visveshvara began to be thought of as one. Avimuktesvara\nlost its identity and became another name for Visveshvara,\nwho became the holiest of holy. Even religious authorities\nbegan to believe that Visveshvara and Avimuktesvara were\ntwo names of the same lingam (Sukul 1974: 179-180).\nMittra Misra of Orchha, in his book Viramittrodaya \u2013 Tirtha\nPrakash Khand (1620), showed that according to the Kashi Khand\nitself the two great lingas were not the same, and Visveshvara\nworshiped Avimuktesvara. Their separate existence was\nrecognized once again, and a small temple built for\nAvimuktesvara near the northeastern corner of the\nVisveshvara temple. Due to continued upheavals, the only trace\nof Avimuktesvara that survived was an old stone fragment\nhidden amidst three Muslim graves north of the Gyanvapi\nmosque. It was sprinkled with flowers once a year on\nShivaratri. More recently, a linga of Avimuktesvara was\nestablished in the southeast corner of the present Vishwanath\ntemple (Eck 2015: 130-131).\nNarayana Bhatta was involved in the reconstruction of\nthe Vishwanath temple in 1585, about a hundred metres to\nthe south, along with Todar Mal's son, then a Mughal official\nin the Jaunpur region (Altekar 1937: 45-46). Bir Singh Bundela\nhas also been mentioned in connection with the Visvanatha\ntemple. That could have been a restoration (or completion) of\nthe work started by Narayana Bhatta in association with Todar\nMal's son (O'Hanlon 2011: 264-265). Narayana Bhatta also\ndevised a special procedure (prayoga) for renovating the\nShivalinga in the new temple (Bendrey 1960: 23). The temple\nadhered to the earlier cruciform layout described in the Kashi\nKhand (Prinsep 1831: 68; Michell 2005: 80-81).\nNarayana Bhatta's Tristhalisetu was likely composed after\nthe temple had been rebuilt, as it indicated that pilgrims would\nsee a new linga,\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 95\n--- PAGE 66 ---\n\nthough here the linga of Visvesvara is removed and another\nis brought in its place by human beings, owing to the times,\nthe pilgrims must worship whatever linga is in this place\n(O'Hanlon 2011: 196-197).\nTavernier, who saw the temple, stated,\n... the pagoda of Benares, which, after that of Jagannath, is\nthe most famous in all India, with which it is even, as it\nwere, on a par, being also built on the margin of the Ganges,\nand in the town of which it bears the name (Tavernier Vol. II\n1889: 230).\nBarely a century later, that temple was destroyed by\nAurangzeb's troops after a pitched battle with ascetics of the\nDashanami order at Gyanvapi (Sarkar1958: 67).4 Hindu\ntradition holds that several ascetic sects were militarized and\norganized into akharas (martial arts/wrestling schools) to\nprotect Hinduism from iconoclastic fervour (Farquhar 1925:\n413-452; Orr 2003: 187-193).\nA portion of the temple was intentionally retained as the\nrear wall of the mosque (Pl. 21). Ironically, the mosque was\nknown as Gyanvapi mosque, deriving its name from the sacred\nlocation on which it stood (Pls. 22, 23).\nArt historian, Catherine Asher advanced an intriguing\ninterpretation of Aurangzeb's destruction of the Vishwanath\nand Keshavadeva temples. She argued that Mughal amirs had\nbuilt grand temples, but had broken the allegiance system\nthat bound them to the Emperor. Aurangzeb responded to\nthat \"violation by destroying property maintained\npreviously with Mughal support.\" According to her,\nAurangzeb in a sense \"destroyed state-endowed property,\nnot private works\" (Asher 1992: 254). The scholar failed to\nexplain the earlier destruction of these temples by Muslim\ninvaders and rulers; and their reconstruction by non-Mughal\nemployees - Narayana Bhatta and Ahilya Bai.\nAfter the demolition of the temple, the Visveshvara linga\n96 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwas re-installed in an inconspicuous corner south of the\nGyanvapi well. No temple was built over it, and Hindus\nsecretly worshipped there, without knowledge of Mughal\nauthorities. According to some accounts, Maharaja Bhava\nSingh of Rewa in 1672, Maharaja Jagat Singh of Udaipur in\n1677, and Maharaja Aniruddha Singh of Rewa in 1695, came\nto venerate the deity. In 1734, Maharaja Jawan Singh of\nUdaipur consecrated a Shiva linga near Visveshvara, which\nsurvived under the name Jawanesvara. In 1749, Maharana\nSangram Singh of Udaipur offered his veneration, followed\nin 1765, by Maharaja Asi Singh (vide dairies of the tirtha\npurohits).\nIn 1777 CE, Ahilya Bai Holkar of Indore built the present\nVishwanath temple (the so-called Golden temple) over that\nlinga. Her royal inscription made no mention of establishing a\ndifferent linga. That explained why the Visveshvara linga was\nin a corner of the sanctum sanctorum, and not in the centre as\nwas the practice (Sukul 1974: 181-182).\nLocated a few metres south of Aurangzeb's Gyanvapi\nmosque, Ahilya Bai's temple lacked the grandeur of India's\ngreat temples. It was situated in a crowded part of city, its\narchitectural features hidden from proper view behind the\ncompound wall. Nonetheless, the temple typified the revivalist\nstyle of north Indian architecture in the eighteenth century,\nwith its combination of a spired sanctuary and a domed\nmandapa.\nThe prestige of Ahilya Bai's temple prompted Governor\nGeneral, Warren Hastings in 1781, to instruct Ali Ibrahim Khan,\nmagistrate of Banaras, to erect an ornate gateway to the temple\n(naubatkhana, or drum house). The pavilion protecting the\nsacred Gyanvapi, or Well of Wisdom, north of the temple\nwas added by Rani Baija Bai, widow of Daulat Rao Sindhia in\nthe early nineteenth century. The well was believed to have\nbeen dug by Shiva himself; its waters were a liquid form of\njnana, enlightening wisdom. In 1839, on orders of Maharaja\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 97\n"}
+{"start_page": 67, "end_page": 69, "text": "--- PAGE 67 ---\n\nRanjit Singh, the spires and dome of the temple were draped\nwith embossed gold sheets (Michell 2005: 81-82).\nSeveral subsidiary shrines were located in the courtyard\nof the Vishwanath temple. To the left of the entrance was an\nimage of Vishnu, which was to be worshipped along with\nVishvanatha. Near Vishnu, was the image of Avimukta\nVinayaka, the Ganesh of the old Avimuktesvara temple. And\nin a shrine to the far right was the Avimuktesvara linga (Eck\n2015: 120-125).\nTHE WAR OF THE LAT\nThe area of the Gyanvapi mosque remained the site of\nconsiderable tension. In 1809, one of the worst Hindu-Muslim\nclashes in the city's modern history broke out when Hindus\nattempted to erect a small shrine on the narrow strip of neutral\nground between the mosque and the Visvanatha temple.\nThe so-called War of the Lat involved three sacred spaces\n- the Visvanatha (Visveshvara) temple, the Kapalamochan tank,\nand Gyanvapi mosque. The Lat Bhairava pillar was very old\nand sacred. It was likely an Ashokan pillar that Hiuen Tsang\nhad seen in 636 CE near a Buddhist stupa. The Mahatmyas\nreferred to a 'pillar of the great cremation-ground'\n(mahasmasana stambha), that stood at the present location of\nthe Lat (Sukul 1977: 120-121, 260-61; Eck 2015: 196-197). The\narea around the mahasmasana stambha appeared to have been\nthe haunt of Kapalikas and Pasupatas. Through a gradual\nevolution, the Lat came into the religious custody first of Naths\n(Jogis), then of Gosains.\nThe temple-complex where the Lat Bhairava pillar was\nlocated had been destroyed by Aurangzeb, and the area\nconverted into a mosque and tomb-site. The pillar was left\nundisturbed, Rev. M. A. Sherring was to later observe,\n\"...either as an ornament to the grounds, or under a wholesome\ndread of provoking to too great a pitch the indignation of his\nHindu subjects\" (Sherring 1868: 141). The pillar was separated\n98 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfrom the idgah by a small enclosing brick wall. Just outside\nthe wall and to the north was the 'well of Bharata' (Bharat\nkupa). To the south was Kapalamochan, where Hindus took a\nholy dip.\nAs in several instances where temples were partially or\nwholly destroyed, Hindus held on to the site though it was\nsituated in the midst of a mosque and tomb ground. Muslims\npermitted Hindus some access to the pillar, in return for a\nshare of the offerings, as they admitted in a petition to British\nofficials in 1809,\nfor some years, the lower classes of Hindus and\nMuhammedans have annually celebrated the marriage of\nthe Laut and have divided the offerings between them\n(Freitag 1989: 206).\nThe pillar was once much taller. Tavernier, who saw it in\n1665, described it as 32 to 35 feet high. On the capital of the\npillar, he reported, was a round ball encircled below with a\nrow of beads. According to a legend heard by Tavernier, the\nLat was gradually shrinking. When its top became level with\nthe ground, it was said dharma would be completely eroded\nand chaos would prevail. That happened in 1809. The pillar\nwas almost completely levelled, and is now just a stump, 3\nfeet thick and 7 to 8 feet high. It was covered with copper\nsheeting after the riot by the British Magistrate.\nThe three day carnage started with a minor incident. A\nNagar Hindu, on recovering from illness and in fulfilment of\na vow, tried to erect a permanent stone enclosure in place of\nthe makeshift mud dwelling of Hanuman on the contested\nground between the idgah and the Lat. A gathering of Julahas\n(weavers), who used the idgah, objected that it represented a\npermanent encroachment on their space. On 20th October 1809,\nthey destroyed the stone structure. That prompted the Rajputs\nof the city to attack a nearby imambara following day. A crowd\nof armed Julahas then marched towards the Vishwanath\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 99\n--- PAGE 68 ---\n\ntemple. Before they reached there, they were confronted by\nan armed group and some of them lost their lives. Thereupon\nthe Julahas retreated and later in the day decided to destroy\nthe Lat Bhairava pillar. Next day, the Rajputs attacked the\nJulaha neighbourhood and nearby sites which included one\ndedicated to Fatimah. The Gosains attacked the Gyanvapi\nmosque. There were losses on both sides (Pinch 2012: 90-91).\nBishop Heber, who visited Banaras some years after the\nincident, was briefed on the incident by the magistrate,\nMr. Bird. Heber wrote,\nOne half of the population was literally armed against the\nother, and the fury which actuated both was more like that\nof demoniacs than rational enemies. It began by the\nMusulmans breaking down a famous pillar, named Siva's\nwalking-staff, held in high veneration by the Hindoos. These\nlast in revenge burnt and broke down a mosque, and the\nretort of the first aggressors was to kill a cow, and pour her\nblood into the sacred well. In consequence every Hindoo\nable to bear arms, and many who had no other fitness for\nthe employment than rage supplied, procured weapons,\nand attacked their enemies with frantic fury wherever they\nmet them. Being the most numerous party, they put the\nMussulmans in danger of actual extermination, and would\ncertainly have, at least, burned every mosque in the place\nbefore twenty-four hours were over, if the Sepoys had not\nbeen called in (Heber 1827: 428-436).\nHINDUS ERECT A PLATFORM FOR GYANVAPI\nHindus seemed to have emerged better in the incident for\nJames Prinsep's (1799-1840) drawing of the area in 1831\n(Pl. 24) showed that they had erected a platform for Gyanvapi\non the covered ground (Prinsep 1831; Eck 2015: 127-128). Today\nthe entire area around the mosque is filled with Hindu activity.\nA detailed report on the riot, based on first hand British\naccounts, and 'Memorials' written by Hindus and Muslims,\n100 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwas prepared by Phil Robinson. According to the Muslim\nMemorial, legal proceedings against a similar earlier change\nin shared sacred space were never settled and were\ninterpreted as victory by Hindus. The Muslim Memorial stated\nthat Hindus had even placed images of Rama and Lakshmana\ninto the pulpit of the idgah during Dussehra celebrations the\nprevious year, and had done the same in the present year\n(1809) (Robinson 1877: 114).\nThe Hindu Memorial countered by stating that the idgah\nwas esteemed by the Muslims only because it marked the\nformer ascendancy of Islam over Hindus, whereas the\nKapalamochan tank and the Lat were of the highest sanctity\nfor Hindus (Robinson 1877: 98-99).5\nTHE OMKARA TEMPLE\nThe Omkara temple housed the most important Shiva linga in\nKashi a thousand years ago. It occupied an entire hilltop. The\nwhole area was taken over by Muslims and remained scattered\nwith graves, and the shrine of a Muslim saint. The Omkara\ntemple was reduced to a small structure, built in the eighteenth\ncentury by Rani Bhavani of Nator (Bengal) and given to a\npriestly family from Banaras. That family delegated the daily\nworship and service of the deity to a pujari who resided at the\ntemple. For centuries that had been a predominantly Muslim\nneighbourhood, and hardly any Hindu visited the temple.\nThe few Hindus who lived in the vicinity were too poor to\nsupport it (Sukul 1974: 183-184).\nKAAL BHAIRAVA\nKaal Bhairava was originally situated near the Omkara temple\nin Pathani Tola. The image was re-consecrated at the present\nsite in the early thirteenth century in a thatched hut that was\nlater covered with country tiles. There was no temple, no\ndisplay, which saved the image from subsequent attacks. The\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 101\n--- PAGE 69 ---\n\nimage remained known to the Hindus, but did not attract the\nattention of iconoclasts for around six hundred years, till the\npresent temple was constructed by Vinchurkar, a general of\nthe Peshwas, around 1825 CE (Sukul 1974: 191).\nKEDARA\nKedara was one of the early temples of Kashi mentioned in\nthe Puranic mahatmyas. According to devotees, Kedara was\nthe respected elder of Visveshvara and the oldest Shiva linga\nin Kashi. It was also locally claimed that Kedara survived the\ngreat destruction of Aurangzeb in the seventeenth century.\nThat made the present Kedara temple older than the present\nVisvanatha temple. Legend has it that when Aurangzeb's\ntroops approached the temple they were counselled by a\nMuslim holy man to retreat. The advice was unheeded, and\nthe troops stormed into the temple. The commander slashed\nthe image of Nandi, kneeling before the doorway to the\nsanctum. Blood was said to have flowed from its neck, and\nthe assailants backed away in awe and fear (Eck 2015: 142-\n144). Kedaresvara is presently a large structure on the banks\nof the Ganges at Kedarghat.\nCountless other images were displaced. Viresvara, now\nknown as Atma Viresvara was an important deity, originally\nsituated near Rajghat plateau. The temple of Trilochanesvara,\none of the sixty-eight symbolic Shiva lingas installed in Varanasi\nto represent the most important lingas of India, remained in\nruins for several centuries as local Muslim governors resided\nnear the locality. The new temple was built by one Nathu\nBala.\nVrishabharadwaja, the only linga mentioned in the\nMahabharata in connection with Varanasi, is still worshipped\nby every pilgrim who performs the panchakosi yatra (Sukul 1974:\n185-186).\n102 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nVISHNU TEMPLES\nADI KESHAVA\nAdi Keshava, earlier known as just Keshava, was the patron\ndeity of the Gahadavalas. After the demolition of Rajghat fort\nin 1194, the temple lay in ruins for several centuries. It was\nrebuilt and re-consecrated in the eighteenth century, but did\nnot regain its earlier standing. During the Revolt of 1857, the\nruined Rajghat fort was used as army headquarters by the\nBritish, and the temple again closed for worship for several\nyears (Sukul 1974: 186; Eck 2015: 233).\nBINDU MADHAVA\nBindu Madhava was the most important Vishnu temple in\nVaranasi since the fifth century CE. It was mentioned, along\nwith Adi Keshava, in the Matsya Purana as one of the five\nimportant tirthas in Varanasi. Vandalized several times between\nthe twelfth and sixteenth, it was rebuilt the last time by Raja\nMan Singh in 1585, around the same time that Raja Todar Mal\nconstructed the Vishwanath temple. Commended by Tulsi Das\nin several poems, it was among the tallest and finest buildings\natop the Panchaganga Ghat. Tavernier described it as the most\nimposing structure along the Banaras waterfront (Tavernier\nBook III 1889: 179-182). A temple dedicated to Ramachandra,\nand a Vedic pathashala were built adjacent to the temple, and\nthe shrine of Mangalagauri was located inside the walled\nenclosure.\nIn 1669, Aurangzeb had the temple demolished, and a huge\nmosque with two tall minarets built in its place, which\ndominated the skyline at the Ghat (Pl. 25). Rama Mandir was\nspared due to a miracle, as per a local story. The minars of the\nmosque were always called Madhavarao Ka Dharhara by Hindus,\nin memory of the temple-towers they had displaced. By the\ntime Rev. Sherring wrote in 1868, the minarets had already\nbeen shortened by some fifty feet because of their instability.\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 103\n"}
+{"start_page": 70, "end_page": 72, "text": "--- PAGE 70 ---\n\nFinally one of them fell down, and the other was shortened\nstill further. Then they ceased to exist (Sukul 1974: 186-187).\nThe Vishnu image in the Bindu Madhava temple was kept\nconcealed in a dwelling. A fourteenth or fifteenth century\nimage of Bindu Madhava is still preserved in a private house\nnear the Kaal Bhairava temple (Sukul 1974: 188). The temple\nnow bearing the name Bindu Madhava was a non-descript\nstructure in the shadow of the mosque, but it continued the\ntraditions associated with the site (Eck 2015: 206-207).\nBAKARIA KUND\nBakaria Kund, an important Vishnu site in northern Banaras,\nfrom where a large Gupta period image of Krishna lifting\nMount Govardhan was recovered, was also ravaged. The\nlarger than life-size image showed that the temple must have\nbeen an imposing structure (Pl. 26). The area was likely the\nlocation of the Krishna cult. Rev. Sherring, however, described\nBakaria Kund as \"Buddhist ruins\" (Guha 2012: 68-71). A\nmosque built on its foundations survives, surrounded by\nMuslim graves.\nVISHNU\nAn image of Vishnu was instated in Varanasi in the hoary\npast, in the Mukti mandap. It was a very revered icon till 1669,\nbut with the destruction of the Mukti mandap, its worship\npractically ceased. Tradition, however, maintained that the\nVishnu image was safeguarded, and later placed in the left\nhand corner of the Visveshvara complex (Sukul 1974: 186-187).\nThe Kashi Khand mentioned forty-three other Vishnupithas,\nincluding those of Keshava, Madhava, Narsimha, Vamana, and\nVaraha. Most of the images presently instated in the shrines\nbelonged to the eighteenth century, except that of Tamra\nVaraha (situated in Brahmanala mohalla), which belonged to\nthe ninth century. The new images seemed to have been\nconsecrated at the time of Maratha ascendancy.\n104 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nBHAIRAVA PITHAS\nAsitanga Bhairava was originally situated near Krittivasesvara,\nand later re-consecrated in the Vriddhakal temple. Kapali\nBhairava had his temple somewhere in the Nag Kuan area;\nwhile Samhara Bhairava was initially located to the east of\nKharva Vinayak in Rajghat Fort, but re-consecrated near Patan\nDarwaza (Sukul 1974: 191-192).\nDEVI TEMPLES\nThe Kashi Khand listed many temples dedicated to goddesses,\nwhich no longer exist. Till the sixteenth century, Bhavani Gauri\nwas worshipped as Annapurna, and the deity in the temple\nwhere Annapurna is now worshipped was Bhuvanesvari. After\nthe demolition of both temples in 1496, the temple of Bhavani\nGauri remained a wreck, but a new temple was built at the\nsite of the Bhuvanesvari temple, under the name of\nAnnapurna. Though Bhavani Gauri's image was later re-\nconsecrated in a small temple, it never acquired its earlier\nstanding and the new Annapurna began to be worshipped in\nthe manner prescribed for Bhavan Gauri (Sukul 1974: 188-189).\nNumerous other shrines, too many to enumerate, were\ndisplaced, reduced in size, or simply erased. The Banaras\nthat was reconstructed in the eighteenth century was markedly\ndifferent from the Banaras destroyed. Sacred geography had\nchanged beyond recognition.\nAYODHYA - HINDUS HOLD ON\nThough the temple at Ayodhya was destroyed on orders of\nBabur in 1528, Hindu veneration of the site did not diminish.\nWilliam Finch, an English traveller, who visited India between\n1608 and 1611 CE, confirmed an active Hindu presence at the\nsite. He referred to \"the ruines of Ranichand(s) (Ram Kot,\nfort of Rama) castle and houses, which the Indians\nacknowled(g)e for the great God, saying that he tooke flesh\nupon him to see the tamasha (show or spectacle) of the world.\"\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 105\n--- PAGE 71 ---\n\nHe also observed the presence of Brahmins, \"in these\nruines who record the names of all such Indians as wash\nthemselves in the river running thereby...\" There was a cave\nsome two miles on the further side of the river \"where it is\nthought his (Rama's) ashes were buried. Hither resort many\nfrom all parts of India, which carry from hence in remembrance\ncertaine graines of rice as blacke as gun-powder, which they\nsay have beene reserved ever since\" (Foster 1921: 176).\nThe Austrian Jesuit, Joseph Tieffenthaler, who toured\nAwadh between 1766 and 1771, saw Hindus worshipping a\nreligious structure in the form of a vedi (cradle) in the premises.\nThe large gatherings of Hindus on the occasion of Rama Navami\n(Rama's birthday) also attracted his attention. Tieffenthaler\nwrote,\nOn the left is seen a square box raised 5 inches above the\nground, with borders made of lime, with a length of more\nthan 5 ells and a maximum width of about 4 ells. The Hindus\ncall it Bedi i.e. 'the cradle.' The reason for this is that once\nupon a time, here was a house where Beschan was born in\nthe form of Ram. ...in the place where the native house of\nRam existed, they go around 3 times and prostrate on the\nfloor.\nOn the 24th of the Tschet month, a big gathering of\npeople is done here to celebrate the birthday of Ram, so\nfamous in the entire India ... (Judgement of Justice Agrawal\nof Allahabad High Court: pages 3503-3509 para 3514).\nWalter Hamilton, in his Gazetteer of 1828, also noted the\ninflux of pilgrims who \"resort to this vicinity, where the remains\nof the ancient city of Oude and capital of the Great Rama are\nstill to be seen.\" He said religious mendicants \"walk round\nthe temples and idols, bathe in the holy pools, and perform\nthe customary ceremonies\" (Hamilton Vol. I 1828: 350).\nThe extensive court cases after 1857 demonstrated the\ncontinuing Hindu claim to the site. They also confirmed that\nlarge crowds visited Ayodhya throughout those centuries,\nparticularly on Rama Navami, and that special arrangements\n106 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhad to be made for the pilgrims on such occasions (Jain 2013:\n117-150).\nA report by the District Magistrate of Faizabad in the\naftermath of riots in 1912, also mentioned the large influx of\npilgrims in Ayodhya for the \"PaiKarma,\" (parikrama), and for\none of the three important bathing fairs of the year (N.A.I.\nHome Political Branch B April 1913, Nos. 109-114: 44-46).\nA letter from R. Burn, Chief Secretary to the Government\nof the United Provinces, to the Secretary to the Government\nof India, Home Department, dated 25th January 1913, stated\nthat,\nOne perpetual cause of friction was the existence of a\nmosque on the traditional site of Ram's birthplace. This\nwas constructed in 1528 by the Emperor Babar who\ndestroyed the ancient temple and used its materials for the\nnew building.\nThe letter said that before the annexation of Oudh in 1856\nthere had been many occasions on which bitterness between\nHindus and Muhammadans resulted in bloodshed. After the\nMutiny, however, there had been no major trouble till the\nrecent events. That was due to the fact that the Muhammadan\nresidents of Ajodhya were now,\nof comparatively little importance and have not been in a\nposition to assert themselves against the powerful\nassociations occupying the numerous Hindu temples and\nreligious establishments (N.A.I. Home Political Branch B\nApril 1913, Nos. 109-114: 39-43).\nThe Lieutenant-Governor, who visited Faizabad on 18th\nJuly 1915, observed,\nIt is very difficult... for anyone who is not a Hindu to\nappreciate the reverence which they feel for the holy ground\nof Ayodhya... (N.A.I. Home Political Branch A, October 1915,\nNos. 258-259: 5-6). During the riots of 1934, a large crowd of\nBairagis attacked Babri Masjid. When the Deputy Collector\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 107\n--- PAGE 72 ---\n\nvisited the site, he found at least 200 Bairagis at work\ndemolishing the mosque... (N.A.I. Home Department\nPolitical F. No. 5/2/1934 Poll: 4-6).\nSubsequently, on 20th November 1943, in a letter to the\nSecretary, Sunni Waqf Board, Kalab Husain, Mutawalli of Babri\nMasjid stated,\nthis mosque has been built on such a place where often riots\ntook place and every year there is apprehension of breach of\npeace (Judgement of Justice Agrawal of Allahabad High\nCourt 2010: pages 2940-2947 para 3103).\nA report by Muhammad Ibrahim, Inspector of Waqf (dated\n10th December 1948), confirmed continuing tensions at the\nsite. It stated,\nOn investigation in Faizabad city it was revealed that\nbecause of the fear of Hindus and Sikhs no one goes into the\nMasjid to pray Namaz Isha. If by chance any passenger\nstays in the Masjid he is being put in trouble by the Hindus.\nOut of the Sahan of Masjid there is a temple where many\nPandas reside and they harass the Muslims whosoever visit\ninside the mosque. I went at the spot and from inquiries it\nwas revealed that the said allegations are correct. Locals\nwent on saying to the extent that there is great danger to\nmosque from Hindus that they may harm its walls etc.\n(Noorani I 2003: 203-204).\nBarely two weeks later, Muhammad Ibrahim presented\nanother report (23rd December 1948), wherein he described\nhis visit to Ayodhya the previous day. He mentioned that\nBaba Sukhdas had visited Ayodhya three months ago and\nwhile addressing the Bairagis and pujaris said that Ramayana\npatha should be recited at the birthplace. The news had spread\nto the surrounding areas and within a month hundreds of\npujaris and pandits had assembled there. The recitation of the\nRamayana patha had been going on for weeks, during which\ntime the area in front of the Masjid was dug up by the Bairagis\n108 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nand a flag hoisted there. Several graves were also exhumed.\nMuhammad Ibrahim reported,\nThere is always a lock on the Masjid. There is no namaz or\najan at any time. The keys of the lock of the Masjid are with\nthe Muslims. Police do not allow the lock to be opened. On\nFridays for about two to three hours ... the cleaning and\nsweeping is done and Shube namaz is also done. Then it is\nlocked. At the time of the Shube namaz, a lot of noise is\ncreated, and when the namazis leave, from the surrounding\nhouses shoes and stones are hurled towards the namazis.\nMr. Lohia also visited Ayodhya ... The bairagees said the\nMasjid is Janmabhumi, and so give it to us. I spent the\nnight in Ayodhya, and the bairagees are forcibly taking\npossession of the Masjid. Today it is Jumma, I visited the\nsite, and what do I see there: ten or fifteen bairagees armed\nwith lathis and farsa, and many others with sticks in their\nhands are standing near the gate of the Masjid. Many are\nalso collecting there from nearby... (Noorani I 2003: 204-\n205).\nThe report confirmed that Hindus continued to enter the\ninner courtyard and worship there. No restrictions were\nimposed on their entry. Further, at least three non-Muslim\nstructures existed in outer courtyard, where also worship went\non unhindered.\nHINDU APPLICATION FOR CONSTRUCTION OF\nRAMA TEMPLE\nAfter independence, the Hindu public presented an application\nto the UP Government for the construction of a Rama temple\nnear the mosque. The City Magistrate submitted his report\non the matter on 10th October 1949, wherein he stated,\nHindu public has put in this application with a view to\nerect a decent and vishal temple instead of the small one\nwhich exists at present. There is nothing in the way and\npermission can be given as Hindu population is very keen\nto have a nice temple at the place where Bhagwan Ram\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 10\n"}
+{"start_page": 73, "end_page": 75, "text": "--- PAGE 73 ---\n\nChandra Ji was born. The land where temple is to be erected\nis of Nazul (Noorani I 2003: 205-207).\nRAMA IMAGE INSTATED\nOn 23rd December 1949, the Senior Sub-Inspector, in charge\nThana Ayodhya filed a First Information Report (FIR) that a\ngroup of fifty to sixty persons had entered Babri Masjid the\nprevious night and placed an image of Ram lalla in the mosque.\nSignificantly, no Muslim came forward to lodge an FIR or\ncomplain of dispossession or obstruction in his alleged use of\nthe Masjid.\nIn a letter to the Chief Secretary UP Government,\ndated 26th December 1949, K.K.K. Nayar, ICS, Deputy\nCommissioner/D.M. Faizabad pointed to \"the immense public\nsympathy in support of this cause\" (Noorani I 2003: 212-214).\nIn another letter to the Chief Secretary, on 27th December\n1949, Nayar said that the Commissioner had given him and\nthe Superintendent of Police a scheme for surreptitiously\nremoving the murti from the mosque. He described the idea\nas \"fraught with the gravest danger to public peace over the\nentire district and must lead to a conflagration, of horror\nunprecedented in the annals of this controversy.\" The Hindus,\nwith no exception, were for keeping the murti in situ, and,\nare ready to kill and die in this cause. The depth of feeling\nbehind the movement and the desperate nature of the\nresolves and vows in support of it should not be\nunderestimated...\nHe added,\nI shall also be unable to find in the district a Hindu, let\nalone a qualified priest, who will be prepared on any\ninducement to undertake the removal of the idol.\nNayar offered a solution for the Government's\nconsideration. He suggested that the mosque be attached and\nboth Hindus and Muslims be excluded from it, with the\n110 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nexception of a few pujaris who would offer bhog and puja before\nthe image, which could continue. The parties would be referred\nto the Civil Court for adjudication of rights. No attempt would\nbe made to hand over possession to the Muslims till the Civil\nCourt, if at all, decreed the claim in their favour (Noorani I\n2003: 215-218). Nayar's suggestion was supported by the\nDivisional Commissioner.\nA diary maintained by Nayar recorded events from 23rd\nDecember 1949, from 7am onwards. An entry, dated 30th\nDecember 1949, mentioned the visit of the Chief Secretary to\nthe site, where he was surrounded by a crowd which shouted,\n\"Bhagwan ka phatak khol do\" (Judgement of Justice S.U. Khan of\nAllahabad High Court 2010: 35-36).\nThereafter, on 29th December 1949, Markanday Singh, the\nAdditional City Magistrate, Faizabad-cum-Ayodhya, ordered\nattachment of the property under Section 145 Criminal\nProcedure Code 1898 and appointed Priya Dutt Ram,\nChairman, Municipal Board, as receiver to take care of the\nproperty. The receiver took charge on 5th January 1950 and\nimmediately took steps to ensure continuance of bhog and puja\nSeveral years later, on 1st March 1986, the District Judge\nFaizabad ordered the locks on Babri Masjid be opened so\ndevotees could have proper darshan of Rama lalla. On 6th\nDecember 1992, the masjid was demolished. Amidst all these\ndevelopments, Ram lalla remains virajman at the site, awaiting\nan appropriate abode.\nNOTES\n1. The importance of Varanasi can be gauged from the fact tha\nwhen jaziya was imposed on pilgrims visiting the city,\nHoysala king of Carnatak, Nrisimha III in 1279 CE donated a\nvillage with a revenue of 645 Nishkas, for the payment of tha\ntax by residents of Carnataka, Telengana, Talvi, Tirhut, and\nGauda, and for the worship of Visveshvara. Around the sam\ntime, Seth Vastupal of Gujarat sent a lakh of rupees for th\nworship of Visveshvara (Motichandra 1985: 190).\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 11\n--- PAGE 74 ---\n\n2. Sheldon Pollock pointed out that in the eleventh-twelfth\ncenturies a large number of dharma nibandhas were composed\nin court circles of the ruling classes. These included the now\nlost codes of king Bhoja of Dhar; the commentary on Yajnavalkya\nsmriti by Vijnanesvara, who was patronized by Vikramaditya\nVI of the Chalukya dynasty; the commentary on the same text\nby Aparaka of the Silahara dynasty; the fourteen-volume\ndigest, Krtyakalpataru by Lakshmidhara, chief minister of king\nGovindachandra; five copious works on dharma composed\nat the court of Ballalasena of Bengal, possibly composed by\nhim; the code of Hemadri, minister at the Yadava court at\nDevagiri; and the monumental work on Parasara by Madhava,\nminister at Vijayanagara. According to Pollock, there was a\nneed felt for a special reaffirmation of dharma at a time when\nthat way of life confronted in the Central Asian Turks a\nradically different social and religious formation (Pollock 1994:\n98-106).\n3. Avimuktesvara was the most sacred deity of Varanasi till the\nend of the twelfth century. From the beginning of the thirteenth\ncentury, Visveshvara enjoyed that position (Pathak 1957: 174).\n4. Some scholars have claimed that Aurangzeb destroyed the\nVishwanath temple as Brahmins had aided Shivaji during\nhis escape from Agra in 1666. That did not explain why the\nEmperor destroyed other temples in the city. It is likely that\nShivaji met the noted Gagabhatta at Kashi, while on his way\nback to Raigad from Agra. In 1673, Gagabhatta went to the\nDeccan to visit his native Paithan, and also worship at the\ntemple of Ma Bhavani. Gagabhatta called on Shivaji at Raigad.\nHe was of the view that in the interests of Hindavi Swarajya,\nShivaji should be consecrated king, as per the Shastras. He\nsupervised the coronation ceremony held in June 1674\n(Bendrey 1960: 22-29).\nThe destruction of the Visveshvara temple cannot be explained\nas a move to crush a rebellious Mughal opponent, for Banaras\nwas not a royal city. Some scholars attributed demolition of\nthe Visveshvara temple to reports Aurangzeb received of\nundesirable educational activities in schools and places of\nworship in the city, which attracted students from afar. Saqi\nMustaid Khan recorded that on 17 Zil-Qad A.H. 1079/8 April\n112 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n1669 CE,\n\"The Lord Cherisher of the Faith learnt that in the provinces\nof Tatta, Multan and especially Benares, the Brahman\nmisbelievers used to teach their false books in their established\nschools, and that admirers and students both Hindu and\nMuslim, used to come from great distances to these misguided\nmen in order to acquire this vile learning. His Majesty, eager\nto establish Islam, issued orders to the governors of all\nprovinces to demolish the schools and temples of the infidels\n(Hindus) and with the utmost urgency put down the teaching\nand the public practice of the religion of these misbelievers\"\n(Saqi Mustaid Khan 1947: 51-52).\nSuch single cause explanations fail to account for the systematic\ndestriction of temples in the city and elsewhere.\nThe most recent Visvanatha temple was New Visvanatha, in\nthe Banaras Hindu University campus. Work on it began in\n1938, and was completed in 1966.\n5. The Hindu Memorial was presented to the British on 20th\nNovember 1809 (Calcutta Review 1877: 15-21). It stated,\n\"We, all the Brahmins, Cuttries and persons of Byse and\nSooder castes, beg to lay before the English; a representation\nof the past, present and future, in order that it may be received\nwith mature circumspection and our existence as a people\npreserved. It is this \u2014\nWe, every sect of the Hindu persuasion, have emigrated from\nall parts of the country to this place, for our religion tells us\nthat Casjeejee (Benaras) is a spot eminent beyond all others\nfor its religious purity and a place of worship and adoration.\nIt is here that according to the Beyds, Poornas and Shastras,\nthe gods have always fixed their residence, and the Hindu\ninhabitants of the place have invariably performed with\nsincere hearts their devotion, ablution, and worship to the\nfour Deymuto (Divinities), vis., Seree Bisseysur jeo, the Ganges,\nUnpoorna jeo, and Kaul Bhyroo, Koolust hum jeo. According\nto the tenets of the Beyds, Poorans, and Shastras, we Hindus\nhave thus acted from the creation, and are still fixed in our\ntrue faith....\nWhen he [Aurangzeb] came to Benaras, considering (as it\nwould seem) the places of our Deymuto as pure and august,\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 113\n--- PAGE 75 ---\n\nhe erected a mosque on the site of the Temple of Bisseysur. As\nkings in their divine wisdom are mindful of religion, he knew\nthat the supplications of those who err are acceptable only\nfrom places like these, and he laid the foundation his mosques\non the ruins of many of the Hindu temples. As he was a\npowerful and mighty monarch we from necessity submitted\nwith patience.\n'The anger of a mendicant retorts upon himself.'\nThe Musalmans have now violated our religion. The story is\nthis -\nOn Monday, the 16th of Cooar, corresponding with the 28th\nShaban 1217 (9th of October 1809), many of the Hindus of\nBenaras went to make their offerings at Cuppeeladhara\n(situated... about three coss from the city) to the manes of their\ndeceased relatives, a duty incumbent on those whom the\ndeparted have left behind. On that day the Musalmans\nslaughtered a cow in Mehullah Naugnauth. It so happened\nthat a Luheyra (a worker in Lac) was on the spot; seeing this\noutrage he mentioned it to the Ruttun Singh Choudry, who\ntold it to his father. Ruttun Singh perceived that in concealing\nit the Hindu religion must be suppressed. Ten or twelve\ncreditable persons went to the Kotwal of the city. They did not\nmeet with the Kotwal of the city, and told the story of the\nslaughter of the cow to the Kotwal's Mootsuddee who wrote\nto the Thanawallah, and the person who slaughtered the cow\nwas apprehended. The Kotwal released him, expressed\ndispleasure at the persons who made the complaint, and paid\nit no attention. We determined amongst ourselves that, as the\ncourt was then closed, a petition should be presented to the\nHuzoor after the Bijjaee Dussmee and Burrup Millaup, which\nhappened on Thursday, 26th of Cooar, corresponding with\n9th Rumzaun 1217 (19th October 1809) were passed. On the\nday following, namely, Friday, the 27th (20th October), the\nsuffeeds bafs (weavers), at the instigation of the principal\nMusalmans, assembling in a body went to the of Bhyroonauth\njee, made a disturbance, beat the Jogees of the Lat, rooted out a\nchowra (stand) which contained a Toolsee tree as also the\nidol of Hunooman, &c., defiled the whole of the place and\ncommitted outrages, which it is highly indecorous consistent\n114 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwith our religion to mention. After these improprieties had\nbeen committed they returned to their homes. In the evening\nseveral Hindus went according to their usual custom to pay\ntheir devotions at the place and saw that the whole was filth,\nthat the idols were broken and the place of worship entirely\nspoilt. They asked the Jogees who were there, who has spoilt\nthe place? The Jogees related circumstantially what has\npassed. The Hindu overwhelmed with grief, distracted with\nastonishment, and pained to the quick, returned back. On\nreaching home they deliberated thus among themselves. \"We\nwere seeking justice for the slaughter of a cow: this other flower\nhas blown.\"\nIt was then night, and they rose and exclaimed \"Doohaye\" in\nevery Mohullah. They poured forth their complaint and\nvociferated. \"Oh Hindus, in this way have the Musalmans\nbeen before-hand in oppression, but every Hindu who is true\nto his faith unite in the morning, surround the Lat of Bhyroojee\nand see the violence which the Musalmans have done.\" On\nthe morning of Saturday, the 28th Cooar (21st of October), the\nHindus accordingly began to assemble, and met to the number\nof two or three hundred with grief and lamentation. On\nreceiving intelligence of this the Kotwal came on horseback to\nthe spot with 200 Chuprassies and Sawars and required the\nHindus to disperse. Fearful of their honour many of them took\ntheir way to the city, and the Kotwal took his seat on the\nChubbootra at the Laut and sent word for a few of the Hindus\nto come to him, and he would hear what they had to represent.\nThey obeyed the order... went to the Kotwal, who without\nmaking enquiries, took them with him to the Thanah at Cazee\nMundree and beat them. As thousands of Musalmans were\nassembled in the Imambarra, and the Hindus...to the number\nof two hundred remained, they began to pelt each other. In\nthis mutual attack part of the Jauly of the Imambarra was\nbroken and our Deymuto (Divinities) received some injury.\nThe Kotwal on hearing this immediately came to the spot,\ngave notice by proclamation that not a man of the Hindus\nshould remain, turned out the chuprassies, posted a guard of\nMusalman peons, and gave it to be understood that the\nMusalmans were going to the temple of Bisseysur and would\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 115\n"}
+{"start_page": 76, "end_page": 78, "text": "--- PAGE 76 ---\n\ncommit violence there. On hearing this, the Hindus reflecting,\nthat from the former neglect, the images of their Deymutto had\nbeen broken and rooted out, in order that a similar outrage\nmight not be committed at the Bisseysur, and injury heaped\nupon injury, all at once ran off and reached the Bisseysur. The\nMusalmans finding the place clear were glad to avail\nthemselves of the opportunity it afforded. At this period [the\nMusalmans] commenced a disturbance. They accordingly\ncollected large quantities of food, oil and dammer, and having\nrubbed the Lat from the top to the bottom with spirits and\ngun-powder, set fire to the whole, and bhishtees who came\nfrom different quarters sprinkled the pillar with water. It has\nbeen ascertained that the Lat notwithstanding all these\nattempts, did not fall till they sprinkled it with the blood of a\ncow and her young, which they got from a bhang and dragged,\ntied by the neck, to the spot. On this outrage the chucker on the\nBhyroo Lat jee spun round and tumbled and the Lat burst and\nfell to the ground. They cast the cow which they had\nslaughtered into the tank of Kapilmochun which is near the\nLat and completely defiled it. Such was the persecution\nimposed by a set of noorbeafs (weavers) of mean extraction at\nthe instigation of the Musalmans of rank, and a tyranny\nunknown to Aurungzebe Alumgeer himself was practised by\nthis vulgar race.\nWe, the Hindus, being informed of what happened, went all\nnight from house to house vociferating, exclaiming, and\nbeating our breasts till it was day. It was (a morning which for\nus was like to the last day) on Sunday, the 29th of Cooar, 22nd\nOctober, that the flame of dissension had become general, and\nthe principal persons amongst the Hindus as Brahmins,\nbankers, and others felt alarm as to what might be the pleasure\nof God and what was to happen. When this was known to the\nEnglish, Mr. Bird immediately came with other gentlemen,\nand day and night labouring to restore order and safety to the\ncity and to pacify the Hindus, went about from ward to ward\nand from temple to temple.\nThe Brahmins, Pundits and 10 sects of Gosains; the Rajpoots,\nGungapootras and Ghauties, 36 castes of Hindus, had seated\nthemselves on the bank of the Ganges, and with a two days\n116 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfast supplicated the Creator of the world for redress.\nThousands of them had abstained from food altogether, when\nMr. Bird, being informed of the penance they had imposed on\nthemselves, went in clemency and compassion to console\nthem, and with assurances of redress and justice desired them\nto break their fast and eat; all obeying the order rose and ate\ntheir food... He regretted that there was so much to lament and\ndeprecate, and observed that such things had perhaps never\nbefore occurred, but desired us to rest satisfied that justice\nwould be done us...\nFrom the personal bigotry of Aurungzebe Alumgeer, mosques\nwere erected on the site of our place of worship; the four\nprincipal Bisseysur (The old temple at Bisseysur on the ruins\nof which the present mosque was erected in the reign of\nAurungzebe Alumgeer. Part of this temple was left which\nprojects from the back of the mosque. The present temple of\nBisseysur is contiguous to the mosque and separated from it\nonly by a compound wall) and Gyanbaffi; Kirrit Baseysur (a\nsmall mosque built in the reign of Mahomad Shah is situated\nhere. There is a fountain in the centre of the same architecture\nas the mosque. On the anniversary of the Shiva Rattree, 13th\nof Phagoon, the whole body of Hindus visit this fountain for\nthe purpose of pooja in common with the other sacred places)\nBindoo Madho (The mosque with the famous minarets is\nerected here. The present temple of the idol is at a short distance\nto the eastward of the mosque); and Caul Bhyro Koolusthum\n(The Lat which has been destroyed. The ground about which\nwas taken for the Eedgah and other religious purposes by the\nMusalmans under the Mahommedan Government). Tha\nemperor in his zeal introduced his religion in common with\nours at these places.\nIt is prayed that these may be restored to us for the purposes o\nour worship; and we Hindus, by the favour of the English\nconfirmed as heretofore in the exercise of our religion, that w\nmay pray for the eternal prosperity of the English and th\nmutual differences which night and day subsist in regard t\nthose places be adjusted.\nThat the Musalmans be not allowed to come to the places c\nworship, or to kill cows, or for recreation and pleasure to pas\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 11\n--- PAGE 77 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"along the roads frequented by the Hindus in order that by this\\nmethod a line may be distinctly drawn between us. You are\\nyourself the distributer of justice and are acquainted with the\\nBheyds, Poorauna and Shaster. Let such measures be adopted\\nas may fix and confirm the Hindu religion, establish a certain\\nrule in future and adjust all differences.\\nThe English Company, may its prosperity be perpetual, as the\\nsovereign of Hindustan, give ear to the complaint of us who\\nare poor and helpless. If the Musalmans enjoy strength and\\npower for war and combat, let them look to the Caaba and\\nCurbulla, the true places of their worship. It is but lately, as all\\nthe world knows, that a sect of their own, the Mohaubies\\n[Wahhabis] attacked the Caaba, made a general massacre in\\ntheir holy city, rooted up the tombs and monuments of their\\nprophets and their imams, and plundering property by crores,\\ncarried it off as spoil. Allee Nukee Khan, the vakeel of the late\\nIbrahim Allee Khan, resided there with his family and with\\nhis women and children was put to death. Let them go there\\nand wage war with the destroyer of their race, let them seek\\nretribution for the blood of their own tribe, and in support of\\ntheir faith kill the enemies and murderers of their brethren\\nand be killed themselves. The fame of their attachment to their\\nfaith will be thus spread throughout the world, and they may\\nrestore their dilapidated tombs and Imambarrahs. By their\\nconstant dissensions with us poor creatures they vainly injure\\ntheir own hopes in the next world, and only harass us. You\\nare the ruling power, put a stop to this violence....\" (Calcutta\\nReview 1877: 15-21).\\nThe Muslim Memorial was presented on 27th November 1809\\n(Calcutta Review 1877: 21-28). It said,\\n\\\"... The practice of killing cattle for beef has been habitual\\nfrom the first dawn of Mahommedanism in the city. It was not\\nhindered or prohibited, though the province of Benaras was\\nheld and governed by Hindu chiefs.\\nFor three years the Dusseyrah and Mohurram occurred at the\\nsame period with each other; Mr. Duncan restrained the\\nHindus from celebrating the festival of the Dusseyrah till the\\nMohhurrum was over, by which arrangement peace and quiet\\nwere preserved. Whilst that gentleman was in power, there\\n118 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nwas a Mahratta who wished to appropriate a part of the\\ncompound of the mosque of Bebee Ranjey; the Musalmans\\nmet and remonstrated. An affray ensued in which an idol\\nwas destroyed; the Rajpoots assembled to breed a riot, and it\\nended in Mr. Duncan preventing the Mahratta from erecting\\nthe building he proposed... For three years the Hooly and\\nMohurrum happened together. By the arrangement made by\\nMr. Stuart for preventing dancing and the other festivities\\ncommon on the former occasion, the Hindus were restrained\\nduring Mohurrum, and tranquillity was preserved.\\nThe injury which the faithful have now suffered at the hands\\nof the Gosains, Rajpoots and other Hindus...For the purpose,\\nhowever, of obtaining justice, we beg to submit a distinct\\nnarration of what the Musalmans have suffered.\\nIn the suburbs to the eastward of the city of Benares, within\\nthe compound of an Eedgah, stood a pillar (Laut) of\\nconsiderable antiquity which the Musalmans suppose to have\\nbeen the structure of Feroze Shah, like the pillar (Laut) at\\nAllahabad, Delhi and other places, and which the Hindus\\nstate to have been erected by their own forefathers. But, be that\\nas it may, it was not as an object of their worship entitled to\\nany great veneration like the temples of Bisseysur and\\nBhyronauth; for no account of this pillar is to be found in any\\nof their orthodox books. The style of worship of the Hindus is\\nthis, wherever they find set up (a pillar) they call it, at the\\nincitement of their priests, a place of their worship, and after\\nsome time has elapsed they consider it as a place of worship\\nof the highest sanctity. The best is that about two and twenty\\nyears ago some Hindus corrupted Meer Khyraut Allee, the\\nMutwali (superintendent), of the Jumma Musjid of Alum geer,\\ncommonly called Bisseysur mosque, and pretending that\\nBisseysur had concealed himself in the well, they began to\\nworship the well (called the Geeanbefee), and shared the\\nofferings with the Mutawali. In the same way they worship\\nwith the utmost faith a stone fountain (it is this mosque and\\nfountain which the Hindus in their memorial state to have\\nbeen erected on the site of Kirrit Bisseyaur. The mosque appears\\nfrom the inscriptions on it to have been built by the orders of\\nthe Emperor Mahomed Shah at the solicitation of Moofti\\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 119\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 78 ---\n\nNooroollah in the year 1077 Hijree, on the ruins of a\nBhootkhana (temple of idolatry), the last Sheikh Hautim Allee\nwas a lineal descendant of Moofti Nooroollah ...) in the\ncompound of the mosque at the house of Sheikh Hautim Allee\nin Mohulla Daranugur. So also was the Laut of Feroze Shah\nconverted by them into the Laut of Bhyroo, and the lower\norder of Hindus worshipped it.\nA Laut was erected by Mr. Boddum at Gaya, it is just now only\na thing for the pilgrims to revere and the priests to make money\nof; but when all the persons who are acquainted with the fact\nare dead, it will be honoured with the name of Mahdeo or\nBrahma. It is just so at Benaras. The mosques which are built\nby Aurangzebe are called by the Hindus one, the mosque of\nBisseysur and another the mosque of Madho Roy (The mosque\nwith the famous minarets named Bindo Madhoo in the Hindu\nmemorial). For some years the lower classes of Hindus and\nMusalmans have annually celebrated the marriage of the Laut,\nand have divided the offerings between them. Near the Laut\nof the Eedgah there is a peepul tree, and under this tree the\nHindus put some idols and made it a place of their idolatry.\nWhen the Musalmans gathered together for the purposes of\nprayers at the Eed, &c., the Brahmins on the spot removed the\nidols. If there happened to be any which could not be\nconveniently taken away they were carefully concealed with\ngrass. The faithful on the day of the Eed used to perform the\nsacrifice there and never met with any interruption from the\nHindus. It is not long ago that under a tree, the Brahmins\nspoken of put a tiled chopper to shade an idol and called it a\nplace of worship. The Musalmans objected to it at the time,\nand brought their complaint before the Adalat; but it so\nhappened that it was never determined, and the tiled chopper\nwas not destroyed. The Hindus, considering this as a victory,\nproceeded to greater enormities, and they last year, on one of\nthe days of the Dusseyrah, put a Ram Luchmun into the\nmember (pulpit) of the Eedgah; went through ceremonies of\nthat, fasted, trampled the place in their shoes, and spit about\nit. This year they were for three days guilty of the same\ndisrespect; but the Musalmans reverence the Government, said\nnothing, and allowed it to lay over for a formal complaint to\n120 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe court. In every sense the Hindus are the original aggressors.\nBesides all this, a Naugur lately collected a number of bricks\nand stones for the purpose of making a stone temple within\nthe compound of the Eedgah. The Musalmans objected, but\nthe Hindus paid no attention to their remonstrances, and the\nmaterials collected by the Naugur are still on the spot. The\nNoorbeafs (Musalman weavers) who came as usual to Friday\nprayer at the Eedgah after prayers, were over, consulted about\nthe complaint that was to be made respecting the erection of\nthe temple.\nThe Hindoos say that some of them committed indignities\nsuch as removing the toolsee tree, &c. If this be true, the crime\nwas certainly not of a very heinous nature; and had the\nHindoos complained of it to the regular authority, the offenders\nwould have been punished. It is for the punishment of\noffenders, and that people may not take vengeance on each\nother, that courts are established. Several Hindoos, in\nopposition to this established rule of Government, assembled\nat night, proceeded to the Eedgah, and broke the door of the\nMimber. Though this itself was a flagrant outrage they did\nnot stop here. In the morning they assembled in a riotous\nmanner at the Laut, assaulted and stoned a Syud traveller\nwho was reading the Koran till they had nearly deprived him\nof his life, and tearing the holy Koran to pieces scattered it\nabout the road, when the Kotwal arrived and by mild\nexhortation succeeded in dispersing them. Notwithstanding\nthe prohibition of the Kotwal the Hindoos again assembled at\nthe Laut, insulted people as they passed along, proceeded to\nthe Imambarrah in the vicinity of the Laut, and tore the pall\n(ghilauf) to pieces, broke and destroyed the frill work (jauly)\nof the doorways, and stone chubootrahs, the lanterns, the\nconsecrated Kuddum Shurreef and Punjah Shurreef, and a\ngreat many tombs. A party of them afterwards proceeded with\nmischevious intent, towards the Durgah of the Punjah\nShurreef, which is situated in the city. On the occurrence of\nthis event a rabble assembled, moved towards the temple of\nBisseysur, which is situated in the city. They were attacked\nnear Gayaghat by the Hindoos, and one man was killed and\nseveral wounded. These low people (who are not of a\nKASHI AND AYODHYA | 121\n"}
+{"start_page": 79, "end_page": 81, "text": "--- PAGE 79 ---\n\ndescription to bear arms) finding that they had not the power\nto proceed further into the city, retreated, and, rallying at the\nLaut of the Eedgah, in return for the indignities committed at\nthe Imambarah, &c., destroyed the Laut. When this was known\nthe acting magistrate again came in person with a party of\nofficers and Hindoo troops, took measures for the general\nsafety, posted guards in different places, and gave of justice to\nboth parties. The Noorbaafs (weavers) who were assembled\nat the Imambarrah for its protection, did as they were directed,\nand returned to their homes. The court was still open to\ncomplaint, but not a man of the Hindoos chose to avail himself\nof it, and they prepared for riot. The Rajpoots of the Mohullahs\nof Peeree, Hurha, Darranuggur, Cazee Mundee, Bhardawjee\nTola, Publam Ghat, &c., and the Gosains and other disorderly\npersons among the Hindoos in every Mohullahs, urged on by\nSustee, Budloo Ramdeal, Lalchund and other officers of police,\nduring the whole night incited the people in every street and\nlane to insurrection and made them swear by their religion\nthat it was grievous, and that every man would leave his home\nand take \"vengeance on the Musalmans.\" Influenced by this\nincitement and oath, they poured forth in troops and gangs\nand filled the city with desolation and plunder; every man\nwhom they met was murdered.\nThe Imambarrah was re-attacked by a band who sacked and\npillaged it of sacred relics which cannot be regained. Its\nbuildings were pulled down and burnt with the property they\ncontained.\nThe like atrocities were committed by the Hindoos at the Royal\nJumma Musjid in Mohullah Bisseysur, by fire and sword. The\nmosque was ravaged, the minarets were thrown down;\nproperty plundered and burnt; the buildings round the\nmosque were reduced to ashes; the artisans who inhabited\nthem were deprived of life, and the child of the Mutwali\n(superintendent) of the mosque, was wounded, though his\nlife was saved by a Brahmin who was rewarded for the act.\nThey pulled down and destroyed upwards of 60 Musjids and\nbroke up hundreds of tombs; every man whom they met with\na beard they took for a Musalman and killed. The Gosains\nsacked hundreds of private dwellings; when they had taken\n122 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nup the property they set fire to the dwellings, and every one\nfound in them they slew. They ran about in armed bodies for\nthe purpose of plunder and murder, and a large party of them\nwent to pull down the Punjah Shurreef and the Prince's\nMuzzar to the westward of the city.\nDissension has ever subsisted between the Hindus and\nMusalmans; public order is maintained by the wisdom of the\nrulers...\nIt is prayed that the ancient Musjids and the tombs, and the\nsacred places which have been broken down and burnt, be\nrebuilt and repaired from the property of the oppressors and\nplunderers, their aiders and abettors; and that restitution of\nthe loss of sacred relics, and the pillage of private property in\nthe city, which is consonant to justice and the established\nrules of Government, be awarded to us...\nthat the spots within the precincts of Musjids which the\nHindoos, contrary to fact pretend to call their places of worship,\nsuch as the well of the mosque of Alumgeer [called in the\nHindoo memorial Gianbaafee], the house of Sheikh Hatim\nAllee [Kirrit Busseysur], with the compound of the Eedgah,\nwith the Laut [Caul Bhyro] of Feroz Shah; and, which from\nthe avarice of the ignorant Mutwalee of the faithful they have\nfor some time frequented for the purpose of Pooja, be prohibited\nto them, in order that a stop may be put to the dissensions\nwhich must constantly arise from participation of the\nHindoos...\" (Calcutta Review 1877: 21-26).\nSome scholars reject a religious dimension to the 1809 riot.\nThey hold the colonial administration with its alien mentality\nresponsible for the unrest. Sandria Freitag argued that lower\ncaste Hindus and Muslims jointly celebrated the marriage of\nthe Lat with the adjoining well, as also the Bharat Milap.\nSince Hindus and Muslims jointly protested against the\n'house-tax' imposed by the British soon after, Freitag asserted\nthat 'Hindus' and 'Muslims' did not then exist as distinct\nidentities (Freitag 1989: 39, 211). Gyan Pandey also minimized\nthe role of religion and focused instead on the agency of the\nsubaltern (the 'lowest') castes in organizing anti-British\nresistance on behalf of all Banarasis. He explained the mutual\nparticipation of (especially the lower-caste) Hindus and\nKASHI AND AYODHYA 123\n--- PAGE 80 ---\n\nMuslims in each other's festivals in terms of syncretism and\nshared religious values. He added that in the years preceding\nthe riots, the reformist (Wahhabi) wave of Islamic self-\nconsciousness among the weavers coincided with an\nincreased assertiveness due to recent economic prosperity\n(Pandey 1990: 96-107).\n6. So complete was the destruction of Banaras that not a single\npre-eighteenth century temple survived. The Kardameshvara\ntemple at Kandwa, five km southwest of the city, appeared to\nbelong to the tenth-eleventh century. A close scrutiny revealed\nthat the temple was dismantled at some point, and rebuilt\nlater according to the original plan as then understood. During\nthe reconstruction, all available original blocks, including\ndamaged sculpted panels were used. The work seemed to\nhave been undertaken in the second half of the eighteenth\ncentury, when the panchakosi yatra route had been restored,\npartly due to the patronage of Rani Bhavani of Natore (Bengal).\nThe Kardameshvara structure confirmed that when temple\nbuilding recommenced in the eighteenth century, the builders\nrevived the curving shikhara tower, which had earlier been the\nmost distinctive feature of north Indian Hindu architecture\n(Michell 2005: 79-84). The reconstruction of the temple also\ndemonstrated remarkable fidelity to the original shrine.\n7. Hindu tradition holds that Shyamanand, head priest of the\ntemple, with others offered stiff resistance for about seventeen\ndays before being overpowered and killed. In order to save the\ndeity, he flung it into the Saryu flowing at the back of the\ntemple complex. In the early twentieth century, some Mahants\nof the Kalai Ram Temple, while bathing in one of the ghats\nclaimed to have found that very image, and installed it in\ntheir temple. The temple archives record that the mahants\ninformed the district authorities of their find. They also reveal\nthat the priests got the dhat (metal) of the deity examined before\naccepting it as the genuine old deity (Grover 2015: 30-31, 273).\n8. The Kullu Dussehra commences with a rath yatra, in which\nthe chief deity, Raghunathji is carried in a decorated wooden\nchariot, which signifies the march of Rama to conqueror\nRavana. The image of Raghunathji was brought from Ayodhya\nin July 1651 by one Damodar Das, and installed in Kullu by\nRaja Jagat Singh.\n124 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n7\nDeities Fleeing Krishna Bhumi\nArrive in Rajasthan\nMany deities fleeing Krishna bhumi found safe haven\nin Rajasthan. But Rajasthan's encounter with Islamic\niconoclasm had begun well before Aurangzeb's\ntime. The Arhai-din-ka-jhonpra was commissioned by\nQutubuddin Aibak on the site of a Jain college at Ajmer. The\nJain columns were sawn apart and then re-erected on top of\neach other, with the carvings of figures mutilated (Hillenbrand\n2008: 232-237).\nSACRED SIKRI DESECRATED\nSeveral other sacred sites in Rajasthan suffered severe assault.\nD.V. Sharma, who excavated in the Sikri region (ancient Seka),\nestablished that it had been a major temple-town and cultural\ncentre like Osian, Gwalior, Vidisha, and Khajuraho. He\nreconstructed the sacred culture of several temple towns in\nthe area, like Chichana, Chauma-Shahpur, Imlaoda, Churyari,\nRasulpur, Jautana, Kiraoli, Dura, and Kagarol on the periphery,\nand Sikri at the nucleus.\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN 125\n--- PAGE 81 ---\n\nThe temples invited the attention of iconoclasts like\nMahmud Ghaznavi, Muhammad Ghori, Iltutmish, Alauddin\nKhalji, Feroz Tughlaq, and Sikandar Lodi who desecrated the\nbeautiful shrines in the region. A mosque built by Alauddin\nKhalji still existed in village Sikri. A Persian inscription recorded\nthe activities of Sikandar Lodi. The defilement of the temples\nand images was \"most barbarous\". Sharma found a multitude\nof desecrated sculptures, including life-size Jain Tirthankaras,\nBodhisattvas, Yakshas, lingas, Parvati, Surya, Vishnu, Lakshmi,\nGanesh, Balarama, among other deities (Sharma 2008: 21-24).\nBIRCHHABILI-TILA\nExcavations at Birchhabili-Tila indicated the existence of a\nmajor Jain sacred centre. The remains of a temple, with large\nquantities of architectural parts dated to the 9th-11th centuries,\nwere found. Also unearthed was a man-made pit of red\nsandstone slabs, covered with two massive stone slabs. It\nsuggested that soon after the demolition of the site, people\ndecided to religiously dispose the broken and mutilated\nimages, which they buried in the pit. The images included\nthat of Ambika, the Yakshini of Tirthankara Neminatha. It\nwas found in two pieces, with the portion above the neck\nbroken (Sharma 2008: 36-45).\nAround thirty-four sculptures of Jain Tirthankaras, in\nstanding (kayotsarga) and seated (padmasana) postures, of the\ntenth-eleventh centuries were found during excavations at\nBirchhabili-Tila. All were found beheaded and mutilated, and\nburried together in a Visarjana trench (Sharma 2008: 49-57, 74,\n79-81).\nA life-size image of Jain Srutidevi Saraswati was\ndiscovered buried face downward, indicating that it was\nplaced there with care after being uprooted from its original\nposition in the temple. It was carved out of a single block of\nstone but was fragmented into several pieces. The sculpture\nappeard to have already been broken when buried. It did\n126 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nnot seem to have been desecrated by iconoclasts, but was\nshattered when hastily removed from the temple at the time\nof an invasion, to protect it from defilement. It was not placed\nin the Visarjana pit. The Saraswati image was likely a Siddha\nDevi, whom people, including non-Jains, revered and tried to\nsave. It was one of the most graceful Jain Saraswatis to have\nbeen sculpted (Sharma 2008: 74-79).\n\u039c\u0391\u03a4\u0391 \u039a\u0391\u039c\u0391\u039aHYA - DEITY OF SIKAR RAJPUTS\nIn the medieval period, Mata Kamakhya, deity of the Sikarwar\nRajputs was forced to leave her home in Rajasthan. The\nSikarwar Rajputs derived their clan name from Sikar district,\nwhere they ruled for several generations. According to their\nhistory, they established Vijaipur Sikri in 823 CE, during the\nreign of Rana Bhatribhat of Chittor.\nAt the time of the battle of Khanua, the ruler of Sikri was\nDham Dev Rao Sikarwar. He joined the Rajput confederation\nof Rana Sangha against Babur. The battlefield extended from\nKhanua till the ramparts of Sikri Fort. Sikarpur provided\nlogistic support to Rana Sangha's army, which camped in and\naround Sikri Fort for over a month. With Sikri as his base,\nRana Sangha planned to attack Agra, but was pre-empted by\nBabur.\nRana Sangha was badly wounded in the battle. He was\nloaded on the back of a camel, as was the Sikarwar deity,\nMata Kamakhya. They were transported to the safety of the\nAravallis. The Sikarwars also left Sikri to protect their religion\nand families from Babur's force. Babur occupied the town of\nVijaipur Sikri, which he renamed Fatehpur Sikri.\nThe refugees from Sikri proceeded to Gahban, present\nday Gahmar (Ghazipur district, UP). Dham Dev Rao Sikarwar\nseemed to have supported Sher Shah against Humayun in the\nbattle of Chausa (Gahmar lay two km west of Chausa). The\nSikarwars also spread towards Bihar as Sher Shah's allies.\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN | 127\n"}
+{"start_page": 82, "end_page": 84, "text": "--- PAGE 82 ---\n\nThe first temple of Mata Kamakhya had been established\nat Sikri (now Fatehpur Sikri) by Brijraj Dev Sikarwar sometime\nin the tenth century CE. He was believed to have attacked\nSindh, then under Muslim control,\nWith the grace of Mata Kamakhya, he sacked the Muslim\noccupied Sindh. To please Goddess Kamakhya, he got her\ntemple constructed at Sikri. Dham Dev, the last ruler of\nVijaipur Sikri frequently prayed before her idol.\nThat image of Mata Kamakhya was transported by Dham\nDev Rao Sikarwar and re-established at Gahmar. A temple\nwas constructed by Sikarwars of the region and those who\nresided in Bihar. A rare contemporary source of the history\nof the Sikarwar Rajputs, who held sway over Sikri for over\nthree centuries is preserved in the family of Col. Dharam Raj\nSingh Sikarwar (Sharma 2008: 153-170).\nBIKANER\nIMAGE BROUGHT FROM \"DEVASTATED KARNATIK\"\nSeveral instances of displacement and reclamation of images\nwere reported from Bikaner. Sihaji or Sivaji, founder of\nJodhpur State, was according to royal bards, a grandson of\nJaichand, the last Gahadavala king who was killed while\nfighting Muhammad Ghori in the battle of Chandawar, in 1193.\nThe Gahadavalas claimed to be a branch of the Rashtrakutas,\none of the most powerful dynasties of medieval Deccan (circa\n753-973). The Deccan link of the family was still remembered\nin the fourteenth century. Sihaji's grandson, Duharji installed\nat Nagana an image of the family goddess, Rashtrasena that\nhad been saved from the \"devastated Karnatik\" (Goetz 1950:\n33-34).\nALSO FROM MANDOR\nIn 1460 CE, a descendant of Sihaji, Rao Jodha (1416-1489)\nbrought the image of Chamunda Mata from the old capital of\nMandor and instated it in a temple in Mehrangarh fort (Bunce\n128 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n2006: 64-67). Chamunda Mata was the kuldevi of the Pratihara\nrulers of Mandor. She then became the tutelary deity of the\nRathor Rajputs.\nFROM JODHPUR\nBika, the fourth son of Rao Jodha, established his own kingdom\nand in 1488 CE constructed a mud fort at the site of present\nBikaner town. Bika brought from Jodhpur an image of Adinath,\nthat Rao Chondaji (Rao Jodha's grandfather) had taken when\nhe won possession of Mandor, in 1380. The Jain Chintamani\ntemple was built for the image. Bika also brought from Jodhpur\nthe great Bhaironji (Bhairava, a natural lingam), that he set up\nat Rao Jodha's tank at Kodamdesar (Goetz 1950: 43, 60-61).\n1050 IMAGES TAKEN BACK FROM AKBAR\nA descendant of Bika, Rai Singh (r. 1571-1611) entered into an\nalliance with Akbar. As Rai Singh held large tracts of land in\nGujarat and Kathiawar, the Jains in Bikaner asked Akbar for\nprivileges for the Jain shrines at Girnar and Shatrunjay. In\n1583, Rai Singh succeeded in obtaining from Akbar the 1050\nJain idols looted from Sirohi in 1576 CE. He dedicated them to\nthe Chintamani temple at Bikaner. He also brought back bronze\nimages from Gujarat (Goetz 1950: 42-43). The wealthy Jain\ncommunity that was attracted to the new state, restored old\ntemples at Morkhana, Taranagar or Bhinasar, and also built\nnew temples like the gigantic Bhandasar.\nIMAGES SAVED BY BEING FERRIED AWAY\nIN SADDLE BAGS\nJain temples had been constructed in the region from early\non. A temple at Taranagar (Reni district) was said to have\nbeen founded in Samvat 999 (942), another at Nohar in Samvat\n1084 (1027), and a third at Bhinasar outside Bikaner town in\nSamvat 1204 (1148). However, no trace of these structures\nsurvived.\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN | 129\n--- PAGE 83 ---\n\nDuring Muslim attacks, many idols, especially small ones,\nwere saved from defilement by being hidden in the saddle\nbags of people fleeing into the desert. The only actual remains\nof Jain temples found so far are at Pallu (Nohar district), about\nsixty miles south-east of Suratgarh. Here also, almost nothing\nof the old temples survived except a few sculptures and\narchitectural fragments. Some of these could be seen in Bikaner\nMuseum. An architectural piece was built into the walls of a\nnineteenth century temple, while a third group lay in the dunes\nat Gosaino, about a mile south of Pallu. These must have\nbelonged to at least three different temples, dating from the\nmid-12th to the late 13th century. The larger ones, which\ncontained two exquisite Saraswati images in polished white\nmarble, may have been structures of sun-dried bricks; the third\nwas a small, exquisitely carved shrine in red sandstone. After\nthe Muslim invasions ceased, it was the Jains who first resumed\nconstruction of temples. Many images brought from Adoni\nby Anup Singh were kept in Har Mandir, in the fort built by\nRai Singh (Goetz 1950: 59-62).1\nDEITIES ARRIVE FROM MATHURA\nIshwardas Nagar, a Brahmin of Pakpattan and an eyewitness\nto most events of Aurangzeb's reign, wrote of the Emperor's\norder of 1669,\nWhen the imperial army was encamping at Mathura, a holy\ncity of the Hindus, the state of affairs with regard to the\ntemples of Mathura was brought to the notice of His Majesty.\nThus, he ordered the faujdar of the city, Abdul Nabi Khan,\nto raze to the ground every temple and to construct big\nmosques (over their demolished sites) (Ishwardas Nagar\n1978: 83).2\nGOVINDADEVA\nThe royal decree led to a mass migration of deities.\nGovindadeva's long journey from Vrindavan has been\n130 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nreconstructed by historians and merits retelling. Altogether\neight temples were built as temporary abodes for the deity in\nflight, till it finally reached Jaipur and was instated in the\nninth temple, where it remains under worship today.\nThe priests of the Govindadeva temple first headed for\nRadhakund, in the direction of the Kacchavaha state and away\nfrom the imperial highway. Radhakund was surrounded by a\nforest, and the hardy Jat peasantry lived all around. It was a\nsite associated with the lilas of Krishna. Chaitanya was said to\nhave visited the area and reclaimed Radha kunda and Krishna\nkunda. The Gosains of the Chaitanya sampradaya had an\nestablishment there and controlled both kundas. Jiva Gosain,\nnephew of Rupa and Sanatan, had acquired land at Radhakund,\nand several deeds dating from 1546 to 1588 CE survive. The\nvigrahas of Govindadeva and Radha could reside in safety at\nRadha kunda (Horstmann 1996: 185; Mukherji and Habib1987:\n237-239, 244-4).\nThe images were consecrated in a hurriedly raised\nstructure, that survives almost undamaged and where worship\ncontinues (albeit with other deities). The structure resembled\na residential building, and had none of the features of a temple.\nIt was the first temple with neither a shikhara, nor a mandovara,\nnor a pitha, all obligatory as per the shastras. The threat from\nAurangzeb had made it difficult to adhere to shastric injunctions\n(Nath 1996: 165-168).\nFrom Radhakund, Govindadeva was taken to Kaman, as\nwas evident from a letter of Raja Ram Singh I (r. 1667-1689;\nruler of Amber after the death of Mirza Raja Jai Singh), to his\nminister, dated 1671 CE. The letter noted the arrival of the\ndeities at Kaman and directed the minister to make\narrangements for the onward journey (Bahura 1996: 205). The\ndeities stayed at Kaman for four years. Vrinda Devi, who had\nremained with them thus far, stayed back at Kaman, when\nthe others resumed their journey (Horstmann 1996: 185). The\nruins of a temple still exist at Kaman, and a representative\nimage is installed in a separate temple.\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN | 131\n--- PAGE 84 ---\n\nGovindadeva left Kaman in 1674-1675 CE, probably as the\nplace was no longer regarded safe. The images were taken to\nGovindagadha, where they were kept inside a fort, situated\nat a distance from the village. The temple in the fort was built\nin a manner as to remain concealed till one stepped into its\ncompound. The deities remained there for around twenty five\nyears, from 1675 to 1700 (Nath 1996: 169).\nIn 1699 CE, Sawai Jai Singh ascended the Kacchavaha\nthrone. As Aurangzeb was now confronted with challenges\non several fronts, the Gosains, around 1700, moved the deity\nto Khava, on the route from Govindagadha to Govindapura\n(Rupaheda). Govindadeva may have resided there till 1707.\nThe temple, though presently in a ruinous condition, remains\na living shrine (Nath 1996: 172-173).\nIn 1707, the year Aurangzeb died, the image was brought\nto Govindapura (Rupaheda) in Sanganer tahsil, about ten km\nfrom Jaipur. The temple seemed to have been hurriedly made.\nIt was now in shambles, though according to villagers it was\nbeing sustained to an extent 25-30 years ago. They said the\nBrahmins of Govindapura, who were local and not Bengali,\nreceive for their own consumption, a certain quantity of\nmaterial provided to the Govindadeva temple of Jaipur for\nfeeding of the deities (Horstmann 1996: 185-186).\nGovindadeva stayed at Govindapura (Rupaheda) from\n1707 to 1713, whereafter the image was shifted to Kanak\nVrindavan, near Amer. This was confirmed by the\ncontemporary court poet, Atmarama. In his biographical work,\nSavai Jaya Simha Carita, he recorded that Sawai Jai Singh\nfounded New Vrindavan on the way from Amer to Jainivasa\n(Jaipur),\nHere Savai Jaya Simha, with full determination, established\na new Vrndavana, and here he consecrated the image of Sri\nGovindadevaji. He was profusely inspired by the religion\nof Bhakti (Nath 1996: 175).\n132 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nIn 1715, Govindadeva was moved from Kanak Vrindavan\nand brought to Jainivasa garden, Jaipur. The city of Jaipur\nwas being constructed during the years 1713 to 1727. In those\nyears, the Chandra Mahal, Govinda Mahal (Surya Mahal), and\nBadala Mahal were completed. Govindadeva was instated at\nGovinda Mahal (Surya Mahal) before the founding of the city\n(Okita 2014: 28-29). That became his permanent abode. Where\nthe image was housed from 1715 to 1727 remains unknown\n(Nath 1996: 178-180).\nIMAGES OF VALLABHA SAMPRADAYA ALSO FLEE\nSRINATHJI\nThe story of the migration of Sri Nathji, foremost icon of the\nVallabha sampradaya, after Aurangzeb's order of 1669, was\nnarrated in the Shrinathji ki prakatya varta (SKPV).3 It was\ncomposed in Brajbhasha by Goswami Hariray, a great\ngrandson of Vitthal and a leading literary figure of the\nsampradaya.\nAfter leaving Govardhan, the image was first concealed\nin Agra, where it was secretly worshipped in the house of a\ndevotee (Shyamdas 2004: 79; SPV: 39-42). Another deity from\nGokul, Navanit Priya was also taken there (Shyamdas 2004:\n81-84). Both deities then left for Kota, on the suggestion of its\nruler. From Kota they travelled to Kishangarh, and then to\nChaupasani, on the Jodhpur border. The priests requested\nRana Raj Singh for permission to settle in Mewar. The\nenthusiastic Rana even offered to place a hundred thousand\nRajputs at the disposal of the Gosains for protection of the\ndeity (Jindel 1976: 22). On that assurance, the Gosains set out\nfor Udaipur, and reached the village of Sinhad (or Siarh), forty\nkm north of the city (Shyamdas 2004: 93-104; SKPV: 48ff),\nwhere the cart carrying the deity got stuck. That was\ninterpreted as a sign that Sri Nathji desired to stay there.\nSecurity would have been the prime consideration in\nselecting that remote site, surrounded by hills and thick\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN | 133\n"}
+{"start_page": 85, "end_page": 87, "text": "--- PAGE 85 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"forests. It was also close to the Rana's capital. The deity was\\ninstalled in a temple constructed there on 10th February 1672\\n(Jindel 1976: 23). The flight of Sri Nathji from Braj to\\nNathadwara took 2 years, 4 lunar months, and 7 days (SKPV:\\n48). The site was a short distance from where the deity of\\nDwarkadhish had been brought the previous year.\\nNavanit Priya was brought to Nathadwara along with Sri\\nNathji and his temple was part of that main temple (Jindel\\n1976: 25). James Tod narrated the story of the image of Nonita,\\nthe young Krishna,\\nThis image, which was one of the penates of a former age,\\nand which since the destruction of the shrines of Krishna\\nby the Islamites, had lain in the Yamuna, attached itself to\\nthe sacerdotal zone of high priest Balba, while he was\\nperforming ablutions, who, carrying it home, placed it in a\\nniche of the temple and worshipped it and Nonanda yet\\nreceives the peculiar homage of the high priest and his family\\nas their household divinity (Tod Vol. I 1920: 272).\\nThe temple of Madanmohan (another svarupa) was also\\nlinked to the main temple of Sri Nathji (Jindel 1976: 25).\\nOTHER IMAGES OF THE VALLABHA SAMPRADAYA\\nLike the image of Sri Nathji, the other navnidhis remained in\\nBraj till Aurangzeb's orders led to their dispersal. A tradition\\nrecorded that the deities often escaped the imminent arrival\\nof \\\"iconoclastic Mughal horde\\\" by being concealed in the\\nturbans of temple servants (most Vallabha images were only\\na few centimetres tall, only Sri Nathji was three-fifths human\\nsize) (Peabody 1991: 727-728).\\nThe image of Vitthalnathji, deity of the second Gaddi, was\\nthe only one to have left Gokul before Aurangzeb's order. In\\n1580, it was taken to Kota by its custodian, Hari Rai Bhatt,\\nwhere it stayed for about 125 years. From Kota, it went to the\\nvillage of Khamnor, in Mewar, where a temple was\\nconstructed for it. It remained there for 75-80 years. Thereafter\\n134 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nit was installed in a temple just opposite that of Sri Nathji\\n(Jindel 1976: 26).\\nMany images remained on the move for several decades.\\nTheir movement was attested by abandoned temples and\\nmemorial shrines (charan chaukis) in western Uttar Pradesh,\\nRajasthan, Gujarat, and Malwa. After leaving Mathura, Sri\\nDwarkanath was taken to Ahmadabad (1670), Asotiya (late\\n17th century), Kankroli (1720), Udaipur (1802), and again\\nKankroli (1808). The image of Sri Gokulnath first went to\\nBanaras, then to Jaipur (late 17th century), and finally returned\\nto Gokul (mid-19th century). The journey of every divine\\nsvarupa could be similarly reconstructed (Peabody 1991: 742).\\nEventually, four navnidhis - Sri Nathji, Sri Navanit Priya,\\nSri Vittalnath and Sri Dwarkanath found shelter in Mewar.\\nThree navnidhis - Sri Gokulnath, Sri Gokulchandrama, and Sri\\nMadanmohan settled in Jaipur. Sri Mathuresh was first taken\\nto Bundi and then Kota, and Sri Balkrishna to Surat. Though\\nthese images remained in these kingdoms over the next\\ncentury, they sometimes travelled between kingdoms and\\nsometimes within them (Peabody 2003: 66-67). After being on\\nthe move for several decades, the deities, Gokulnath,\\nMadanmohan, and Gokulchandrama, settled in Jaipur in the\\nlatter part of the eighteenth century. They were eventually\\nbrought back to Braj (P. Mittal, Braj ked harm-sampradayo ka\\nitihas, National Publishing House 1968: 302; Entwistle 1987:\\n185).\\nTHE DEITIES AT KOTA\\nIn the eighteenth century, Kota was twice involved in the\\nmovement of deities. The first incident occurred in 1744, during\\nthe reign of Maharao Durjan Sal, when Gosain Gopinath of\\nthe sampradaya's first gaddi, moved the image of Mathureshji\\nfrom Bundi to a haveli in Kota's main bazaar, about 400 metres\\nfrom the Maharao's palace. The haveli had been presented to\\nMathureshji by one of Durjan Sal's ministers (the image stayed\\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN 135\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 86 ---\n\nthere except once in 1952, when it was taken to Jatipur in Braj,\nreturning to Kota in 1975) (Peabody 2003: 67). Mathureshji\nwas Kota's most popular deity.\nThe kingdom's tutelary deity was Brijnathji, a man-made\nmurti not of the same rank as the navnidhis. On 20th June 1720,\nMaharao Bhim Singh of Kota was defeated and killed in the\nbattle of Pandhar in the Mughal province of Malwa. He was\nthen fighting in the service of Mughal Emperor, Muhammad\nShah against Malwa's rebellious governor, Chin Qilich Khan\n(the future Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah).\nAccording to a tradition in Kota, the howdah of Bhim Singh's\nwar elephant that was captured, had the nine centimetre tall\ngolden image of Sri Brijnathji.5 The image was Bhim Singh's\nishtadevata (chosen deity). He had received in 1719, a year before\nthe battle of Pandhar during a pilgrimage to Mathura from\none of the sect's religious leaders. Bhim Singh had dedicated\nhis kingdom to the deity and governed on its behalf as diwan,\nor prime minister.\nAfter Bhim Singh's death, Qilich Khan took the image\nalong with other war booty to the Deccan, where it remained\nfor four years, before being returned to Kota in 1724. Until\nthe battle at Pandhar, Bhim Singh had been Kota's most\nillustrious ruler. During his thirteen year reign (r.1707-1720),\nhe had transformed Kota from a petty principality to an\nimportant successor state that emerged in the wake of Mughal\ndecline. In 1713, he was given the title 'maharao,' or 'great\nking' by Emperor Farrukh Siyar. He was Kota's first ruler to\nbe granted that honour, and the following years received other\nvalued regalia from the Mughal Emperor (Peabody 2003: 15-\n18).\nAccording to Kaviraja Lakshmandan's unpublished work\nof 1870, Qilich Khan gave the deity to a wealthy seth (merchant)\nwho spent a huge sum on its worship, before giving it back to\nKota some four years later, at the beginning of the reign of\nMaharao Durjan Sal (r. 1723-56). Lakshmandan wrote that the\ndisaster of Sri Brijnathji falling into Muslim hands was\nmitigated as a Hindu,\n...merchant (seth) in Hyderabad solicited this image (from\nNizam-ul-Mulk) ... and built a temple nearby (in the\nHyderabad bazaar), installed the image, and spent\nhundreds of thousands of rupees from his household on its\nworship (Peabody 1991: 737).\nLakshmandan added that during the brief reign of Bhim\nSingh's successor and eldest son, Arjun, the deity remained in\nHyderabad, and the silver image of Sri Giridhar was\nsubstituted in Kota's palace temple. After Arjun's premature\ndeath, there was a struggle for the throne between his younger\nbrothers, Shyam and Durjan Sal. In a bid to counter Shyam's\nclaim, Durjan Sal attempted to validate his position by\nrecovering the image of Sri Brijnath,\nWhen (Maharao) Durjan Sal ascended the throne in the\nyear Samvat 1780 (AD 1723), he made repeated efforts to\nhave (Sri Brijnath) returned to Kota. Eventually (Kota's prime\nminister) was sent to Hyderabad, and with some trouble he\nbrought Sri Brijnath back to Kota the following year.\n(Maharao) Durjan Sal greeted the image with great pomp at\na distance of 25 kos (80 kilometers) from the kingdom, and\nthen reinstalled the image in the Kota temple (Peabody 1991:\n737-738).\nDurjan reportedly sent an emissary to the Deccan, who\nretrieved the idol. However, it cannot be stated with certainty\nthat the recovered murti was the very one that had been lost\n(Peabody 2003: 31-33, 46-47).\nNOTES\n1. The Raos added their own structures. Bika's younger son,\nRao Lunkaran (1505-1526) built the Lakshminatha temple.\nOthers built a shrine for the deified Charan (bard) prophetess\nKarniji, and the Kapila temple at Kolayat (Goetz 1950: 44, 61).\nNagnechiji (Durga Rashtrasena), the family goddess of the\nDEITIES FLEEING KRISHNA BHUMI ARRIVE IN RAJASTHAN 137\n--- PAGE 87 ---\n\nRathors, and Lakshminatha, patron of the state, were soon\ndisplaced in public favour by Karniji, as the historic\nincarnation of Devi (Goetz 1950: 44, 61). Anup Singh (r. 1669-\n1698) was the greatest ruler of Bikaner after Rai Singh. He\nsaved Bikaner from Aurangzeb (Goetz 1950: 44-47).\nIn 2010, the authorities of the Chintamani Parasnath temple\nbrought out for darshan and puja, all the 1100 Prachin Jain\nTirthankara statues, most made of Panch Dhatu, some of marble,\nand one of rock crystal. These had been kept underground in\nMughal times, to save them from desecration.\n2. Saqi Mustaid Khan recorded an incident concerning\ndesecration of temples in Jodhpur following the death of\nMaharaja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur at Jamrud near the Khyber\nPass in 1679, \"S. Khan Jahan Bahadur came from Jodhpur\nafter demolishing the temples and bringing with him some\ncartload of idols, and had an audience of the Emperor, who\nhighly praised him and ordered that the idols which were\nmostly jewelled gold silvery bronze copper or stone should be\ncast in the yard of the Court and under the steps of the Jami'\nmosque to be trodden on\" (Saqi Mustaid Khan 1947: 108-\n109).\n3. James Tod wrote about Nathadwara,\n\"When Aurangzeb proscribed Kanhaiya and rendered his\nshrines impure throughout Vraj, Rana Raj Singh \"offered the\nheads of one hundred thousand for his service,\" and the god\nwas conducted by the route of Kotah and Rampura to Mewar.\nAn omen decided the spot of his future residence. As he\njourneyed to gain the capital of the Sesodias the chariot-wheel\nsunk deep into the earth and defied extrication; upon which\nthe Saguni (augur) interpreted the pleasure of the god, that he\ndesired to dwell there. This circumstance occurred at an\ninconsiderable village called Siarh, in the fief of Delwara, one\nof the sixteen nobles of Mewar. Rejoiced at this decided\nmanifestation of favour, the chief hastened to make a perpetual\ngift of the village and its lands, which was speedily confirmed\nby the patent of the Rana. Nathji (the god) was removed from\nhis car, and in due time a temple was erected for his reception,\nwhen the hamlet of Siarh became the town of Nathdwara,\nwhich now contains many thousand inhabitants of all\ndenoininations, who, reposing under the especial protection\nof the god, are exempt from every mortal tribunal...\" (Tod Vol.\nII 1920: 609-610).\n4. Two mahotsavs (great festivals) were held at critical moments,\nwhen eight of the nine navnidhis gathered at Nathadwara.\nCollective \"nervous eating\" took place on both occasions. The\nfirst mahotsav occurred in late 1739 when the Marathas were\non the ascent, and Nadir Shah sacked Delhi. Kota began\npaying an annual tribute to the Marathas in 1740. The second\nmahotsav took place in 1822, when several kingdoms in\nWestern India, entered into subsidiary alliances with the\nBritish (Peabody 2003: 62).\n5. James Tod recorded the incident,\n\"On this occasion the Haras sustained a double loss: their\nleader, and their titular divinity, Brajnath, the god of Braj.\nThis palladium of the Haras is a small golden image, which is\nborne on the saddle-bow of their princely leader in every\nconflict. When the gol is formed and the lances are couched,\nthe signal of onset is the shout of 'Jai Brajnathji!' 'Victory to\nBrajnathji!' and many a glorious victory and many a glorious\ndeath has he witnessed. After being long missing, the\nrepresentative of the god was recovered and sent to Kotah, to\nthe great joy of every Hara. It was in S. 1776 (AD 1720) that\nBhim Singh perished, having ruled 15 years, during which\nshort period he established the affairs of his little dominion\non a basis which has never been shaken\" (Tod Vol. III 1920:\n1526).\n"}
+{"start_page": 88, "end_page": 90, "text": "--- PAGE 88 ---\n\n8\nCentral India\nUJJAIN - MAHAKALESHWAR\nThe mythic antiquity of Ujjain went back to creation itself.\nThe gods and asuras once churned the ocean for amrita,\nthe nectar of immortality. When the vessel of amrita\nappeared, the gods hurried away with it to heaven. Four drops\nfell on earth, one of them at Ujjain.\nUjjain was praised in many Puranas, specially the Avantika\nKhanda of the Skanda Purana. The seat of Mahakaleshwar was\nvenerated as one of the twelve jyotirlingas, and was renowned\nthroughout India by at least the fifth century CE (Willis 1988:\n276). Ujjain was the hometown of the great Sanskrit poet,\nKalidasa. In his Rahguvamsa, he mentioned Mahakala at Ujjain\nseveral times (Rahguvamsa V. 8, VIII. 95, XVIII. 32).\nLakshmidhara, in Chapter 10 of his volume on pilgrimage,\nlisted Ujjain as a revered site (Aiyangar 1942).\nKalhana, while re-counting the campaigns of Lalitaditya\nMuktapida, stated that the king worshipped at the Mahakala\nshrine in Ujjayini, capital of Avanti in Malava - \"The tusks of\nhis elephants were split only by the light of the moon on the\n140 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ndiadem of [Siva] Mahakala, as they marched in rows into\nAvanti\" (Rajatarangini Book IV. 162, Vol. I: 136).\nThe Arab traveller Gardizi (d. 1060), wrote of the deity at\nUjjain,\n...They have a place called UJJAYN with a large idol\nrepresenting (Maha-kal). They take before him their needs\nin this lower world and the world beyond and from him\nlearn charms (aza'im). They do wonderful things saying\nthat they all are from (Maha-kal's) teaching... Some people\ncome to worship him while for several days they refrain\nfrom food and humble themselves asking him for their needs.\nSome take an iron lamp and shaping its bottom like a spear\nplace it on their palm and press it until it has pierced the\npalm and made a hole in it. Then they light the lamp and\nkneel down on both knees before the idol with lamentation\nsaying: \"accept from us our visit to this house\" (Minorsky\n1948: 635).\nDESTROYED BY ILTUTMISH\nThe temple was destroyed by Sultan Iltutmish in 1234 CE.\nMinhaj-us-Siraj, a contemporary chronicler, described the event\nin his Tabkat-i-Nasiri,\n...he sent, in A.H. 632 (1234 A.D.), the army of Islam towards\nMalwa and took the fort and city of Bhilsa. There was a\ntemple there which was three hundred years in building. It\nwas about one hundred and five gaz high. He demolished\nit. From thence he proceeded to Ujjain, where there was a\ntemple of Maha-kal, which he destroyed as well as the image\nof Bikramajit, who was king of Ujjain, and reigned 1316\nyears before his time. The Hindu era dates from his reign.\nSome other images cast in copper were carried with the\nstone image of Maha-kal to Dehli (Elliot and Dowson Vol.\nII: 328).\nAbd-al Qadir Badauni (1540-1605) also recorded the\ndstruction of the temple by Iltutmish (Badauni Vol. I: 95).\nCENTRAL INDIA 141\n--- PAGE 89 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"Around the same time, Abul Fazl observed the continued\\nsacredness of the site,\\n(Ujjain) is regarded as a place of great sanctity and\\nwonderful to relate at times the river (Shipra) flows in waves\\nof milk. The people prepare vessels and make use of it and\\nsuch occurrence brings good fortune to the reigning monarch\\n(Ain-i-Akbari Vol. II 1927: 207).\\nREBUILT BY PESHWAS\\nThe temple was rebuilt by devotees over the centuries, but\\nrepeatedly fell prey to iconoclastic zeal. As a consequence, no\\npart of the pre-twelfth century temple could be identified with\\ncertainty (Willis 1988: 276). The present temple was built at\\nthe same site by Ramachandra, Diwan of the Peshwa in\\n1745 CE (Pl. 27) (Patil 1952: 141). From the eighteenth century\\nalso the mahakumbh, Simhastha began to be held at Ujjain every\\ntwelve years. It paid singular reverence to the Mahakaleshwar\\njyotirlinga (Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century CE described a\\ngreat congregation of pilgrims at the confluence of rivers at\\nPrayaga (Beal 1884 Book V: 233-234); Captain Thomas\\nHardwicke presented the first English account of the Kumbh\\nMela at Haridwar, in 1796).\\nThe memory of Mahakaleshwar had remained undimmed\\nover time; the present structure was built almost five centuries\\nafter the destruction by Iltutmish.\\nKHAJURAHO\\nKhajuraho, known in ancient times as Vatsa and in the medieval\\nperiod as Jejakabhukti, now forms part of Chhatarpur district,\\nMadhya Pradesh. The antiquity of the site went back to\\nprehistoric times, as artefacts of the Middle and late Stone\\nAge, and Neolithic sites were excavated there. The region\\nacquired importance under local chieftains of the Chandella\\nfamily, who acknowledged the supremacy of the Pratiharas\\nof Kanauj. By the mid-tenth century, however, the Chandellas\\n142 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nhad thrown off Pratihara yoke and became an independent\\npower (Desai 2001: 7).\\nMore than sixty-five inscriptions of the Chandellas, who\\nruled over Jejakabhukti (Bundelkhand) from circa 831 to 1308\\nCE, have been found. They traced their ancestry to the sage\\nChandratreya, who in turn descended from mythical sacred\\npersonalities, Marici and Atri (Chattopadhyaya 1993: 38-41).\\nSeveral historians suggested possible tribal origins of the\\nChandellas, who had connections with Gonds and Bhars, and\\nworshiped the tribal deity, Maniya Devi (Sinha 2004: 338).\\nAlberuni, who accompanied Mahmud Ghaznavi in his\\ncampaigns against Kalinjar in 1022 CE, referred to the region\\nas Jejahuti with Kajuraha as its capital (Alberuni Vol. I 1910:\\n202). Tradition has it that the capital was so called as one of\\nthe city gates was decorated with two golden khajur (date\\npalm) trees. Chand Bardai, in his Prithviraja-raso, called\\nKhajuraho Khajurapura or Khajjinapura.\\nThe Chandellas were great builders and connoisseurs of\\nthe arts and letters. Khajuraho was their religious capital, and\\nMahoba, sixty km away, their political headquarters. The\\nKhajuraho temples, lakes, and gardens were built concurrently\\nby Chandella kings, their chiefs, and Jain merchants between\\n950 and 1050 CE. Eighty-five temples spread over twenty square\\nkm were believed to have existed at the site, of which just\\ntwenty-five have survived. The shrines built by kings and\\nnobles were situated in the western area near the Sibsagar\\nlake, those constructed by Jain merchants were to the east of\\nKhajuraho village (Elgood 1999: 146).\\nThe temples belonged to Shaiva, Vaishnava, and Jain\\ncommunities,\u00b9 but all shared the same architectural and\\nsculptural themes. So much so, that excluding a few features\\nlike the images instated for worship, there was little to\\ndistinguish a Vaishnava temple from a Shiva or Jain shrine\\n(Deva 1990: 14).\\nCENTRAL INDIA 143\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 90 ---\n\nMahmud Ghaznavi, who invaded Kalinjar in 1019 and 1022\nCE, does not appear to have passed through Khajuraho.\nQutubuddin Aibak attacked the Chandella kingdom in 1203\nCE and seized the fort of Kalinjar after defeating the last\nimportant ruler of the dynasty, Parmardideva (1165-1203 CE).\nFollowing this, Chandella power declined.\nIBN BATTUTA DESCRIBED DESTRUCTION\nAT KHAJURAHO\nThe Moroccan traveller, Ibn Battuta (1304-1369) who visited\nKhajuraho in 1335, provided the earliest record of Muslim\niconoclasm at the site. He wrote that at Kajarrti,\n...there is a great pond about a mile in length near which are\ntemples containing idols which the Muslims have mutilated.\nIn the centre of that pond there are three cupolas of red\nstone, each of three storeys; and at the four corners of the\npond are cupolas in which live a body of the jogis who have\nclotted their hair and let them grow so that they become as\nlong as their bodies and on account of their practicing\nasceticism their colour had become extremely yellow. Many\nMusalmans follow them in order to take lessons from them.\nIt is said that, whoever is subjected to diseases like the leprosy\nor elephantiasis lives with them for a long period of time\nand is cured by the permission of God (Ibn Battuta 1953:\n166).\nThe valuable account confirmed that several temples of\nred stone located around a huge pond (the Sibsagar tank near\nthe western group of temples) had ascetics residing in them,\nand that the images had been mutilated by Muslims. The\ntemples suffered further damage at the hands of Sikandar\nLodi in 1495 CE. But the remoteness of the site prevented\nsustained destruction. Nonetheless, Khajuraho was reduced\nto an inconsequential village and was not even mentioned in\nthe Ain-i-Akbari, which described the nearby fort-town of\nKalinjar (Ain-i-Akbari Vol. III 1927: 59). [A Sanskrit poem on\n144 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nShiva and Parvati, composed by Parmardideva was inscribed\nin a temple there].\nKHAJURAHO REDISCOVERED\nKhajuraho became known to the world in the nineteenth\ncentury. On 3rd Feb 1813, Lieutenant William Price presented\na paper at the Asiatic Society of Bengal on a Sanskrit inscription\nfound at Mau near Khajuraho, which made historians aware\nof the Chandella dynasty. In 1818, Khajuraho (Kajrow) was\nmentioned in a map prepared by an Englishman, Franklin who\npassed through the area. In 1839, the British surveyor, T.S.\nBurt learnt of Khajuraho from local guides and recorded his\nimpression,\nIt was whilst I was on my return trip from Eraw to Sangor\nthat I heard from a palky bearer of the wonders of this place\n\u2014 Khajrao, near Chatpore, as he called it... [I] reached the\ntemples at seven or eight in the morning... I found in the\nruins of Khajrao seven large Diwallas, or Hindoo temples,\nmost beautifully and exquisitely carved... I was much struck\nwith the beauty of the inner roofs of the temples which were\ncircular, and carved in a most elaborate style...\n...the lingam, which is to be seen in another temple [the\nMatangeshvara]... The natives objected to my going inside,\nwithout taking off my boots, which would have been\ninconvenient; so standing at the doorway, I saw a bearer\nmeasuring the height with my walking stick... I understand\nthat a light is regularly kept burning there during the night\ntime, and it was considered by far the largest lingam in\nIndia, and is consequently much venerated.\n...before finally taking leave of the seven temples, I shall\nstate my opinion, that they are most probably the finest\naggregate number of temples congregated in one place to be\nmet with in all India, and all are within a stone's throw of\none another (Burt 1840: 162-167).\nCENTRAL INDIA 145\n"}
+{"start_page": 91, "end_page": 93, "text": "--- PAGE 91 ---\n\nBurt briefly noticed the Visvanatha, Nandi, Lakshmana,\nVaraha, and Matangesvara\u00b2 temples, of which the last was\nstill in active worship. He copied Dhanga's stone inscription,\ndated 1002 CE, which was lying loose at the Visvanatha temple.\nThe earliest drawings of the Khajuraho temples were\nprepared in 1852 by Charles Frederick Maisey (1825-1892).\nHe also described the antiquities at the Chandella fort of\nKalinjar. A more systematic report of Khajuraho was\npresented by Alexander Cunningham, who visited the site\nfirst in 1852 and later in 1864-65, as Archaeological Surveyor\nto the Government of India. He made a detailed survey of\nthe area, including its temples, mounds, loose images, and\ninscriptions. His accounts were published in the Archaeological\nSurvey of India (ASI) Reports, Vols. II, VII, X, and XXI, issued\nbetween 1871 and 1885. He recognized the importance of the\nsite and declared that the area contained \"perhaps the largest\ngroup of costly Hindu temples that is now to be found in\nNorthern India.\" He reported that the temples were secretly\nused by yogis and thousands of Hindus during Shivratri.\nThe first local ruler to show interest in preserving the\nKhajuraho temples was the Maharaja of Chattarpur, Pratap\nSingh (1816-1854). He carried out extensive repairs of the\ntemples between 1843 and 1847. Raja Deen Dayal was among\nthe first to photograph the temples in 1882 and 1886. His\nphotographs were published in Sir Lepel Griffin's Famous\nMonuments of Central India in 1886. In 1892, Franz Kielhorn\npublished some major inscriptions of Khajuraho in the first\nvolume of Epigraphia Indica. In 1904, the ASI introduced a\nsystematic conservation programme for Khajuraho as per a\nplan prepared by Sir John Marshall and Henry Cousens (Desai\n2001: 4-5).\nTHE LAKSHMANA TEMPLE\nThe credit for establishing the Chandellas as an independent\npower went to Yasovarman (r. 925-950). He built the\n146 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nLakshmana (Vaikuntha) temple at Khajuraho, which\nsymbolized the enhanced power of the Chandellas \"marching\nfrom chieftainship to kingship\" (Desai 1996: 99). An inscription\non the temple proclaimed Yasovarman's conquest of the\nstrategic fort of Kalinjar. It was from then that he started to\ncall himself 'Lord of Kalanjar' (Desai 2001: 10).\nThe Lakshmana (Vaikuntha) temple was the first in the\nNagara style at Khajuraho, and one of the most well planned\ntemples in all of India (Desai 2001: 50). The finely grained\nsandstone used in the construction of the temple came from\nthe nearby quarries of Panna.\nYasovarman constructed the Lakshmana temple for a\nrevered image of Vaikuntha Vishnu he had obtained from the\nPratihara ruler, Devapala. It was consecrated by his son\nDhangadeva in 954 CE, according to a detailed inscription now\nfixed on the temple porch (Desai 1996: 99). An open pavilion\nwith a pyramidal roof in front of the Lakshmana temple\nenshrined one of the most powerful images of the Varaha\nincarnation of Vishnu. Carved out of a single piece of solid\nyellow sandstone, it measured 2.66m by 1.75m. On its body\nwere carved more than 675 miniature figures in twelve rows,\nrepresenting deities of the Hindu pantheon. The image, dated\naround 950 CE, was likely installed by Yasovarman to celebrate\nhis victory over his Pratihara overlord (Desai 2001: 49).\nTHE INSCRIPTION\nThe Lakshmana (Vaikuntha) temple inscription was found\naround 1843 CE amidst the ruins of the temple, and was\nsubsequently embedded in the wall inside the entrance porch\n(Epigraphia Indica Vol. I: 122-135). It was in Sanskrit and,\nexcluding the introductory blessing and the concluding portion\nof line 28, was in verse (Pl. 28). The forty verses were composed\nby poet Madhava, son of grammarian Dedda. The inscription\nwas written by the karanika (writer of legal documents), Jaddha,\nof the Gauda country and was dated, 'in the year 1011,'\nCENTRAL INDIA 147\n--- PAGE 92 ---\n\nVikrama era, i.e. 953-54 CE. It appeared to have been put up\nafter the death of Yasovarman, for Verse 44 mentioned his\nson, Dhangadeva.\nVerses 42 and 43 described the construction of the\nVaikuntha Vishnu temple by Yasovarman. Verse 43 stated that\nYasovarman received the image of Vaikuntha from Devapala,\nson of Herambapala. Herambapala had obtained the image\nfrom Sahi, the king of Kira, who in turn had got it from the\nlord of Bhota, who had acquired it from Kailasa.\nDevapala was the ruler of Kanauj. The Kiras were identified\nwith the Kasmiras, though the Brihatsamhita XIV 29 listed them\nseparately as a people inhabiting the north-east, together with\nthe Kasmiras. Bhota was modern Tibet (Epigraphia Indica\nVol. I: 122-124).\nThe inscription showed the importance of the Vaikuntha\nimage and its links with the Himalayan region and Kashmir.\nVaikuntha was worshipped in those regions by the followers\nof Pancharatra of the Kasmiragama or Tantrantara School.\nThey worshipped the multi-headed Vishnu in the form of\nVaikuntha. Although in its earlier stage the Pancharatra cult\nwas non-Vedic, it later incorporated Vedic elements.\nKhajuraho in the tenth century represented that phase of\nPancharatra. The inscription at the Lakshmana temple\nsupported Trayidharma of the Vedas and prosperity of Brahmins\n(Desai 1996: 99-100).\nIMAGE MISSING\nIn a landmark work, Devangana Desai argued that the three-\nfaced Vaikuntha image in the sanctum of the Lakshmana temple\nwas not the one installed by Yasovarman. She pointed out\nthat Captain Burt did not see the inscription in 1838, which\nwas reportedly found in the ruins at the base of the temple,\nwhen it was being repaired by the Maharaja of Chhatarpur\n(after 1843). The inscription was then placed at the entrance\nporch of the temple, as Alexander Cunningham observed\n148 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nduring his visit in 1864. The inscription dated vs 1011(954 CE)\nwas in harmony with the sculptural and architectural features\nof the temple (Desai 1996: 211).\nDesai analysed Verses 1 and 43, which provided\ninformation on the Vaikuntha image installed by Yasovarman.\nAs per her reading, Verse 1 implied that the image had the\nKapila face, the fourth face, at the back (besides the faces of\nthe Boar and Lion in front). The 43rd verse clearly stated that\nthe Vaikuntha image installed by Yasovarman was not a\nChandella sculpture. It had been previously obtained by\nBhotanatha, the king of Bhota or Tibet, from the Kailasa region.\nIt was gifted to the Sahi king of Kira (the Kangra region near\nKashmir), as a token of friendship. Herambapala (Pratihara)\nobtained from the Sahi king by force (bala), \"a force of\nephants and horses.\" Yasovarman acquired it from his son,\nHayapati Devapala, and installed (pratishtha) it in the temple\n(Desai 1996: 212-213).\nFrom the verse it would appear that the image was\nportable, as it was shifted numerous times. Desai argued that\nthe image was possibly of metal or precious material like other\nimages of Vaikuntha in Kashmir and Himachal. She pointed\nto two valuable images of Aniruddha, one of pearl stone and\nthe other of silver, worshipped in the Sas (Bahu) temple of\nGwalior, according to an inscription of 1093 CE.\nAccording to Desai, at some stage the four-faced\nVaikuntha image of Yasovarman went missing, like the emerald\nlinga installed by Yasovarman's son Dhanga in the Shiva-\nMarakatesvara (Visvanatha) temple in 999 CE4 (Epigraphia Indica\nVol. I: 137-147). Both the emerald linga and the prized four-\nfaced Vaikuntha image had disappeared well before\nCunningham's first visit, in 1852 (Desai 1996: 214).\nDesai argued that the three-faced stone image of Vaikuntha\npresently in the sanctum of the Lakshmana temple, could not\nbe the one acquired by Yasovarman as 1) it was heavy and\ncould not be easily carried to distant places without damage;\nCENTRAL INDIA 149\n--- PAGE 93 ---\n\n2) it was of Chandella workmanship, and differed in its style,\nfacial features, physique, dress, crown, and jewellery from\nimages of the Kashmir and Himachal regions (Pl. 29).\nFurthermore, the Kashmir and Himachal Vaikuntha images\nhad a tiny figure of Prithvi (Earth Goddess) emerging between\nthe legs of the deity with her palms partly placed under\nthe feet of Vaikuntha, as per the injunctions of the\nVishnudharmottara Purana (85, 6-7). However, the Vaikuntha\nimage in the Lakshmana temple had a snake-hooded goddess\nPrithvi seated in padmasana below the feet of the god, as in the\ncase of the Hari-Hara, Vamana, and Vishnu images at this\nand other sites in Central India, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh,\nbut not in Kashmir and Chamba (Desai 1996: 214).\nImportantly, there was a four-faced Vaikuntha image at\nthe Khajuraho Site Museum with a figure of Prithvi (broken)\nemerging between the feet of the god, as in the case of Kashmir\nand Himachal images. That image was of Khajuraho\nworkmanship, and stylistically belonged to the tenth century.\nIt was likely that the Khajuraho sculptor who made it, had\nseen the image Yasovarman had acquired, and tried to depict\nPrithvi in that style. That could explain the departure from\nthe usual representation of the snake-hooded goddess below\nthe feet of Vishnu (Vaikuntha) in the images of Khajuraho and\nits neighbourhood (Desai 1996: 214).\nDesai additionally pointed out, the three-faced stone image\nof Vaikuntha presently in the Lakshmana temple, stylistically\nbelonged to the period circa 1075-1100 CE, i.e. about 125 years\nafter the construction of the Lakshmana temple. It seemed to\nhave been installed after Yasovarman's valuable image went\nmissing, perhaps taken away by an invader (Desai 1996: 214-\n215).\nThe Vaikuntha image presently in the temple was a\nbeautiful sculpture, made with great care. The tranquil\ncountenance signified bhakti (devotion), emphasized in\nplaywright Krishna Misra's Prabodha Chandrodaya, which was\n150 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\npossibly staged when Kirtivarman Chandella (c. 1060-1100 CE)\nregained supremacy from the Chedi king, Lakshmikarna\nsometime around 1065.\nNEW IMAGE INSTATED\nBetween 1035 and 1065, the fort of Kalinjar (fifty miles from\nKhajuraho) was occupied by the Chedis. The allegorical play,\nPrabodha Chandrodaya, in its Prologue referred to Kirtivarman\nand made symbolic use of the words \"Kirti\" and \"Karna.\" It\ncontained prayers addressed to Vaikuntha (Act IV). Desai was\nof the view that the present Vaikuntha image was perhaps\ninstalled at the time of the resurrection of Chandella power.\nThat was also the time when Pancharatra Vaishnava worship\nwas prevalent in the neighbourhood at Gwalior, where a\ntemple of Aniruddha-Vaikuntha was completed in 1093 CE.\nSomewhat later, in 1104 CE (VS 1161), Bhattaraka Sri\nPrabhakardeva had some work done in the Lakshmana\ntemple. An inscription of that date was carved on the south-\neastern subsidiary shrine of the Lakshmana temple. The\nVaikuntha image in the Lakshmana temple was likely installed\nduring that period of renovation and resurgence (Desai 1996:\n216-217).5\nTHAT BHAILLASVAMI TEMPLE AT BHILSA\nAn important temple at Bhilsa was dedicated to the Sun god,\nThat Bhaillasvami. Bhilsa was a later corruption of Bhailla or\nBhailasvamin, Bhayillasvamin, Bhaillasvami or Bhailasvamin,\nwhich was originally the name of an image of the Sun-god\nworshiped there. Fitz-Edward Hall noticed an inscription at\nBhilsa in the mid-nineteenth century which had the passage -\nBhayillasvami-nama ravir=avatu bhuvah svaminam Krsnarajam. That\nshowed that Bhayillasvamin was regarded a representation\nof Ravi, or the Sun-god, and the record was incised in the\ntime of the Rashtrakuta king, Krishna III (939-968 CE) (Sircar\n1971: 115).\nCENTRAL INDIA | 151\n"}
+{"start_page": 94, "end_page": 96, "text": "--- PAGE 94 ---\n\nEARLY HISTORY OF TEMPLE\nThe date of the construction of the temple of Bhayillasvami\nwas unclear. A stone inscription in Gwalior Museum,\nrecovered from Mahalghat at Bhilsa contained the earliest\nknown mention of the temple of Bhayillasvamin. It recorded\na donation by a merchant of the Paravada jati, named Hatia,\nin favour of Narayana and the Mothers at Sri\nBhaillasvamyayatana. The inscription was significant as it\nreferred to the temple at Bhilsa as early as 878 CE (Sircar 1971:\n117-121).\nTwo stone inscriptions in the local collections of antiquities\nwere originally embedded in the walls of the Bhailasvamin\ntemple. The first inscription was severely damaged. But, D.C.\nSircar could decipher ambaracudamani, 'the crest-jewel of the\nsky,' a poetic description of the Sun; and also, 'vihaya', open\nspace or sky. Along with the introductory invocation om namah\nsuryaya, it was apparent that the damaged record was\nassociated with the Sun temple. The inscription also contained\nthe word udayagiri, literally 'sun-rise mountain' (Sircar 1971:\n121-122).\nThe second inscription of the twelfth century CE, also\ndamaged, appeared to be a stuti of the Sun-god. It was\ncomposed by Chittapa, who was given the title\nmahakavicakravarti. He was probably a court poet of the\nParamara king Bhoja, who had quoted six stanzas of Chittapa's\nwork in his Sarasvatikanthabharana (Sircar 1971: 122-125).\nBhaillasvami's repute as the leading deity in the region\nwas noticed by Alberuni, who described the city of Bhailsan\nas \"a place most famous among the Hindus\" and \"the name of\nthe town is identical with [that of] the idol worshipped there\"\n(Alberuni 1910: 202).\nPULLED DOWN BY ILTUTMISH\nThe fame of the temple eventually drew the attention of the\nSultans of Delhi who attacked Bhilsa and pulled down the\n152 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ntemple in two campaigns, the first in 1234 CE, and the second\nin 1292. According to Minhaj Siraj, in 632 AH, in the time of\nIltutmish,\n...the army of Islam (marched) towards Malwa and took the\nfort and city of Bhilsa. There was a temple there which was\nthree hundred years in building. It was about one hundred\nand five gaz high. He demolished it (Elliot and Dowson Vol.\nII: 328).\nSix decades later, the temple was attacked again. According\nto Badauni, in 1292 during the reign of Jalaluddin Khalji, his\nnephew Alauddin, Governor of Kara, obtained permission,\n...to proceed to Bhilsa and attacked that country and brought\nmuch booty thence to present to the Sultan, and the idol\nwhich was the object of worship of the Hindus he caused to\nbe cast down in front of the gate of Badaun to be trampled\nupon by the people (Badauni Vol. I: 236).\nTEMPLE SITE RELOCATED\nSo thorough was the destruction of the temple, that even its\nlocation was lost to memory. In the twentieth century, Michael\nWillis, historian at the British Museum, located the exact site\nof the temple after an exhaustive study of the available\nevidence and extensive field work in the area. According to\nhim, Sircar's decipherment of the first inscription seemed a\ndirect reference to Udayagiri, for it suggested that the temple\nof Bhaillasvami once stood on the hill.\nUdayagiri comprised two large sandstone hills joined in\nthe middle by a low ridge. Willis identified the precise spot\nof the temple which was marked by a substantial mound on\nthe central ridge. The mound was covered with decayed brick\nand assorted stone fragments, including an amalasaraka, used\nto crown temples in north India (found at the site of the\nBhaillasvami temple, it was now with the Department of\nOriental Antiquities, British Museum). Nearby, in a collection\nCENTRAL INDIA 153\n--- PAGE 95 ---\n\nof images at an open-air shrine, was a broken torso of Surya\ndating to the eleventh century. On the banks of the Betwa, a\nfew hundred metres distant, on another mound were more\npieces, including a battered relief with rearing horses. That\nformed the base of a Surya image (Willis 2001: 48-49). Meera\nDass and Michael Willis also noticed hundreds of small chips\nof reddish-brown sandstone scattered across the central part\nof the ridge. These fragments established that the Sultans of\nDelhi literally smashed the temple to bits (Dass and Willis\n2002: 34-37).\nFrom the inscription deciphered by Sircar, the temple was\nin existence in the time of the Pratihara rulers and received\nlarge donations. Considerable work on the Sun temple was\ndone in the reign of Mihir Bhoja (c. 836-85), as was verified by\na large sculpture of Surya preserved in the Archaeological\nMuseum at Bhilsa. It was likely a central part of the\nBhaillasvami temple and could have occupied one of the\ncardinal niches. Inscriptions from the Paramara times confirmed\nthe increasing importance of the Sun temple (Willis 2001: 47).\nTHE UDAYAGIRI LION CAPITAL\nAlexander Cunningham first reported on the Lion Capital\nPillar found near the Udayagiri caves,\nImmediately over the caves there is a large square platform,\nbesides which I found the bell capital of a large pillar\nsurmounted by a lion (Cunningham \"Udaygiri or\nUdayagiri,\" ASIR 10 1874-77: 101).\nThe Lion Capital Pillar was shifted to the Archaeological\nMuseum in Gwalior in 1927-28 (Pl. 30). Michel Willis' careful\nstudy of early photographs showed that the Lion Capital was\ndiscovered lying just a few meters from the Sun temple mound\n(Willis 2001: 49). According to Meera Dass and Michel Willis,\nit earlier stood at a mound about ten metres from where it\twas found. Other miscellaneous fragments suggested that the\n154 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nLion Pillar was surrounded by a vedika, similar to those\ndepicted in early relief sculpture. The Heliodorus pillar located\nnearby belonged to the same era. As they pointed out, several\ncolumns were raised at important cult sites around Vidisha.\nSome were at Buddhist monasteries, the Heliodorus pillar was\nnext to a Bhagavat temple, and at least one was at a yaksa cult-\nspot (Dass and Willis 2002: 26-31).\nThe Lion Capital dated to the second century BCE, and\ndemonstrated the special significance of Udayagiri at least\nfrom then on. Dass and Willis tentatively concluded that the\nLion Capital could have been related to the earliest form of\nBhaillasvami who, in the second century BCE, was probably an\nautochthonous deity. The erection of the Pillar next to the Sun\ntemple confirmed that the hill, and specifically the ridge, had\nastronomical significance as the Tropic of Cancer passed\ndirectly over it. It also attested that Vedic astronomy was\nextant in Central India in the second and first century BCE\n(Dass and Willis 2002: 33-37).\nBIJAMANDAL OR VIJAYA MANDIR TEMPLE AT BHILSA\nThe antiquity of this region went back to Neolithic/Chalcolithic\ntimes. In the Mauryan period, it was known as Besnagar and\nVidisha. The Udayagiri caves of the Gupta era were located\nfive km from Vidisha. In the post Gupta period, the town of\nBhilsa acquired greater standing than Udayagiri. That was\nevident from the ruins of the massive Bijamandal temple in\nBhilsa (near Khajuraho) (Pl. 31). Its remnants showed that it must\nhave been \"a building of considerable merit\" (Luard 1908: 201).\nAn inscription on a pillar referred to the Paramara king,\nNaravarman (c. 1093-1134) (Pl. 32). The temple seemed to have\nbeen constructed in the second half of the eleventh century,\nin the time of the Paramaras (Patil 1952: 18). A short hymn in\npraise of goddess Charchika inscribed on a pillar in the temple\nsuggested that the original temple was dedicated to her (Corpus\nInscriptionum Indicarum Vol. 7 No. 36), and perhaps also to\nCENTRAL INDIA | 155\n--- PAGE 96 ---\n\nShiva. There was a long-standing tradition of goddess worship\nin the region (Willis 2001: 46).\nThe inscription did not mention the builder of that massive\ntemple. But a clue was provided by the Shiva temple at Bhojpur,\nwhich housed the largest linga in India. If completed, the\nBhojpur Shiva temple would have been larger than the\nKandariya Mahadev temple, the largest at Khajuraho. Over\none thousand and three hundred masons' marks, including\nthe names of about fifty masons, could be seen on portions of\nthe main temple, at the quarries, and on two other Jain and\nShiva shrines in the village. The incomplete Bhojpur Shiva\ntemple had no dedicatory inscription, but the name of the\nlocality linked it to king Bhoja. That association was validated\nby a massive Jain image in a shrine not far from the Bhojpur\nShiva temple, which had inscribed an inscription, Bhoja [rajadhi]\nrajaparamesvara Bhojadeva (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Vol.\n7 No. 17).\nMerutunga, in his Prabandhacintamani (1305), wrote that\nBhoja bestowed on the poet Magha \"all the merit of the new\nBhojasvamin temple, that he was about to build himself...\"\n(Tawney1901: 48-49). That affirmed Bhoja was the builder of\nthe Bhojpur Shiva temple, which could have been a memorial\nshrine for him (Mankodi 1988: 101-112). The close connection\nbetween Bijamandal and Bhojpur was established by the huge\nbase-mouldings, sculptural remnants, and iconographic\nfeatures common to both. Possibly, the two monuments had\nthe same architects and masons.\nTEMPLE DESTROYED\nTO VISIT SITE\nHINDUS CONTINUED\nThe Bijamandal mandir was destroyed on orders of Aurangzeb\nin 1682 CE and a mosque built on its ruins. Alexander\nCunningham, who visited Bhilsa in 1874 and 1876, wrote of\nthe temple,\nInside the town there is a stone Masjid called Bijay Mandir,\nor the temple of Bijay. The Hindu name is said to have been\n156 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nderived from the founder of the original temple, Bijay Rani.\nThe temple was destroyed by the order of Aurangzeb, and\nthe present Masjid was erected in its place; but the Hindus\nstill frequent it at the time of the annual fair. By the\nMuhammadans it is called the Alamgiri Masjid, while Bhilsa\nitself is called Alamgirpur (Cunningham ASI Reports X 1880:\n35).\nOf the mosque built over that temple, the ASI recorded,\nThis mosque is built on the site of, and in the main with the\nmaterials of a large old Hindu temple. The plinth of the\ntemple is still to be seen underneath the mosque. Most of the\nnumerous pillars, pilasters and lintels used in the building\nare carved in the Hindu and Jain style of the medieval period,\nand some also bear Sanskrit inscriptions. No doubt is thus\nleft that the major portion of the materials with which the\nmosque is constructed were taken from one or more older\ntemples. An inscription on one of the pillars mentions a\ntemple of the goddess Charchika, which was perhaps\nidentical with the demolished temple on the site of which\nthe mosque now stands. The old temple, it is said, was built\nby Vijaya, a Baniya lady. This perhaps explains the reason\nwhy the mosque still goes by the Hindu name of Bijay\nmandal, which is nothing but a corrupt form of Vijaya-\nmandira (ARASI 1921-22: 41).\nA.P. Sagar, Superintending Archaeologist of the ASI, who\nexamined the site found that six pillars at the rear corners of\nthe mosque \"still exist in situ.\" Sculptures would have been\nplaced in the cardinal niches, which were now empty. A\nbeautiful dancing Ganesh in standing posture, found buried\nupside-down nearby, could have occupied one of the niches\n(Sagar 2010: 40, 43).\nSCULPTURES UNVEILED BY RAINS\nIn 1991, heavy rains washed away the wall that concealed the\nfrontage of the mosque. A large number of sculptural pieces,\nsome as high as eight feet, were brought to light. They had\nCENTRAL INDIA 157\n"}
+{"start_page": 97, "end_page": 99, "text": "--- PAGE 97 ---\n\nbeen buried under a platform on the northern side, which\nwas used as the Hall of Prayer, especially during Eid. The\nstatues had remained concealed from the time of the\ndestriction of the Bijamandal temple, almost three centuries\nearlier. The huge cache left the Archaeological Survey of India\nwith little option but to excavate the site. However, it soon\nreceived instructions to stop all work. The name of the mosque,\nBijamandal mosque, preserved its Hindu association.\nBHOJASHALA AT DHAR\nBhojashala was a centre of Sanskrit learning associated with\nthe Paramara king, Bhoja (Pl. 33). The shrine of Saraswati \u2013\nthe goddess of learning \u2013 was believed to have been located\nin its precincts. Bhoja ascended the throne around 1005 CE\n(when he was 15 years old) and as per the Mandhata grant\ndied in or before VE 1112 (1055-56 CE) (Choudhary 1954:\n96-103). The most extensive account of his reign was\npresented by Merutunga, in his historical narrative, the\nPrabandhacintamani.\nIn the early twentieth century, the mosque next to the\ntomb of Kamal al-Din Chishti (circa 1238-1330) in Dhar was\nidentified as the Bhojashala. The mosque was built mostly of\ntemple parts. It was not known when the mosque was\nconstructed. But an inscription dated 1392-93 CE in a\nneighbouring graveyard stated that the mosques of Dhar were\nin poor condition and were repaired by Dilawar Khan (muqti\nof Dhar). That meant that the mosque next to Kamal al-Din's\ntomb was the first Jami mosque constructed soon after Dhar\nwas annexed to Delhi, sometime before 1313. The repairs\nwould have been carried out at the beginning of Dilawar\nKhan's governorship (Willis 2012: 134-135).\nThe pillars in the mosque and the many inscribed tablets\non the floor and walls demonstrated that materials for its\nconstruction came from several temple sites (Pl. 34). Merutunga\ndescribed Bhoja's visits to the temple of Saraswati,\n158 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n... then the king was in the habit of going continually to\nworship his family goddess that was set up in a temple in a\nsuburb of the city of Dhara... (Prabandhacintamani 1899: 70).\nAt some point the Saraswati image went missing. In 1924,\nO.C. Gangoly and K.N. Dixit found an inscribed sculpture in\nthe British Museum and declared it to be the lost Saraswati\nfrom Dhar. However, noted archaeologist Kirit Mankodi\nidentified the statue as the Jain Yakshi, Ambika. Bhoja was\nknown to have patronized Jain monks and scholars (Mankodi\n1980-81: 96-101).\nWillis suggested that kings from Western India (Solanki\nand Vaghela rulers), who frequently attacked Dhar, took away\nthe image and installed it in a new temple in Saurashtra, not\nfar from Somnath (Willis 2012: 148).\nLAT MASJID \u2013 DHAR\nKamal al-Din's mosque was replaced in 1405 CE, when Dilawar\nKhan built Lat Masjid as the new Jami mosque at Dhar. The\nLat Masjid derived its name from the Iron Pillar or lat resting\noutside the building (Luard 1912: 10). Tradition attributed\nthe Dhar Iron Pillar to Bhoja, who was well versed in iron\nmetallurgy as is attested by his Yuktikalpataru (Tripathi 2008:\n128). The pillar was double the height of the Delhi Iron Pillar\nand weighed at least one tonne more. It was the tallest and\nheaviest (7000 kg) pillar in the world (Tripathi 2008: 130).7\nAccording to R. Balasubramaniam, the pillar must have\nhad a trishul (trident) capital and was most likely placed in\nfront of a Shiva temple. The temple would in all probability\nhave been named Latesvara, after Latesvara Mandala, the name\nof this region. The use of the word lat (pillar) in the name Lat\nMasjid reinforced that view. The temple would have existed\nat the very site where Lat Masjid stands. The masonry\nbasement where the stone boulders could be seen must have\nbeen the original site of the Dhar Iron Pillar (Balasubramaniam\n2008: 80-81, 90; Tripathi 2008: 128-130).\nCENTRAL INDIA 159\n--- PAGE 98 ---\n\nAfter the pillar was thrown down by Muslims, its shaft\nbroke into at least two pieces, which lay around for a hundred\nyears. One small piece (excluding the presently missing fourth\npiece) was placed in Dilawar Khan's mosque in Mandu (as\nwas the Iron Pillar in front of the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque in\nDelhi). The larger piece was positioned in front of the Lat\nMasjid at Dhar (Pl. 35), constructed from Hindu and Jain\ntemple parts (Fuhrer 1893: 21; Luard 1912: 11).\nThat piece remained there till 1531 CE, when Bahadur Shah\nof Gujarat defeated the Mandu ruling dynasty. Emperor\nJahangir recorded that Bahadur Shah wanted to carry the pillar\nto Gujarat, and in the process it fell and broke into two pieces,\nOutside this fort (of Dhar) there is a Jami Masjid and a square\npillar lies in front of the Masjid with some portions\nembedded in the ground. When Bahadur Shah conquered\nMalwa, he was anxious to take the pillar with him to\nGujarat. In the act of digging out, it fell down and was broken\ninto two pieces (one piece 22' long and the other 13'). I\n(Jahangir) have seen it lying on the ground carelessly and\nso ordered the bigger piece to be carried to Agra, which I\nhope to be used as a lamp-post in the courtyard of my father's\n(Akbar's) tomb (Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri 1909: 406-408).\nHis orders don't seem to have been carried out as the\npiece remained at Dhar (Luard 1912: 11).\nIn 1598 CE, Akbar stayed for a week at Dhar, while\noverseeing the invasion of the Deccan. His visit was recorded\nin an inscription in Persian on the Dhar Pillar (Luard 1912:\n11). The manner in which the inscription was inscribed led\nHenry Cousens to conclude that the pillar was then on the\nground and not erect. Cousens also observed that the names\nand letters in Devanagari on the largest piece of the pillar had\nbeen engraved before it first fell (Cousens 1902: 205-212).\nThe largest piece (i.e., the one that Jahangir measured as\n22') remained in the same position from the time it fell in\n1531 CE till the ASI removed it around 1980 CE, and placed\nhorizontally on a platform adjoining the mosque.\n160 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nALAUDDIN'S SANG MANDU\nR. Balasubramaniam proposed that the missing fourth piece\ncould be the Iron Pillar standing in front of the Jami Masjid in\nMandu. That pillar was called Alauddin's Sang (spear).\nAlauddin was the first Muslim ruler to plunder interior Malwa,\nand the first fall of the Dhar Iron Pillar most likely took place\nduring his raids (Balasubramaniam 2008: 91-92).\nORCHHA - SEARCH FOR RAMA AND KRISHNA\nIn 1531 CE, Rudra Pratap, of a \"spurious\" Rajput clan of\nBundelas, availed the political instability of the times to\nestablish his capital at Orchha, on the banks of the Betwa River\n(Kolff 1990: 120-121). Rudra Pratap and his descendants\ntransformed Orchha into a thriving cultural centre, aided partly\nby the exodus of talent from nearby Gwalior consequent to\nthe fall of the Tomar regime. Several architectural similarities\nhave been noted between the buildings at Gwalior and Orchha.\nThe Orchha court poet, Kesavdas stated that one of his\nancestors had resigned from service of the Tomars for the\nBundelas.\nRudra Pratap died within a year of founding his capital.\nHe was succeeded by his eldest son, who died without an\nheir. His younger son, Madhukar Shah then ascended the\nthrone (r. 1554-1592). Madhukar Shah maintained strong links\nwith the Braj region, and patronized the poet Hariram Vyas,\na bhakti saint who had probably settled in Braj in the 1530s or\n1540s. Could this be interpreted as an attempt to acquire local\nlegitimacy and an assertion of regional independence vis a vis\nthe Mughals? (Pauwels 2009: 187-228).\nDuring most of Akbar's reign, Madhukar Shah alternately\ncollaborated with the Emperor and asserted his independence,\n\"sponsoring a mixed ideology of ksatriya assertiveness and\nBhakti\" (Pauwels 2011: 219). The Orchha kingdom was twice\nattacked by Mughal forces, first in 1577, and then again in\n1588. Madhukar Shah was forced to submit to Akbar and pay\nCENTRAL INDIA 161\n--- PAGE 99 ---\n\ntribute (Richards 1993: 129). Hariram Vyas did not recommend\nopen resistance to the Mughals, and instead counselled\nMadhukar Shah to bide his time as divine retribution was\nsure to come. In one poem he avowed that those \"seated\nbetween the lion and lioness\" (that is, Krishna and Radha)\nneed not \"fear the jackal\" (Akbar?) (Pauwels 2009: 213-201).\nMadhukar Shah was described as a person of \"religious\nbent.\" It was said that he once waited on Akbar who,\n...in order to try his piety, of which he had heard so much,\nissued an order prohibiting the wearing of a mala (rosary)\nor Hindu sect marks in durbar. Madhukar, however, came\nwith both, the latter being painted on even more\nconspicuously than usual. Akbar was pleased at his courage\nand the particular mark the Raja wore on that day is called\nthe Madhukar Shahi Tika to this day (Luard 1907: 18-19).\nMadhukar Shah was a worshipper of Krishna while his\nqueen, Ganesh Kunwari was a Rama devotee. She once\njourneyed to Ayodhya to obtain an image of Rama. Madhukar\nShah began construction of the Chaturbhuj temple at Orchha\nfor Rama as the chief deity (it was completed by his son, Bir\nSingh Deo).\nGanesh Kunwari found a statue of Rama in the Saryu\nRiver, and brought it back to Orchha (Luard 1907: 18).\nHowever, she decided to keep it in her palace, which was\nturned into the Raja Ram temple (Bunce 2006: 86-90). That\nwas perhaps the only temple in the country where Rama was\nworshiped as king; he wore the turban of royalty, carried a\nsword in his right hand, and a shield in the left. A guard of\nhonour was held for him every day. Sita wore a crown, and\nLakshmana was dressed as a prince. An image of Vishnu was\ninstated in the Chaturbhuj temple, originally built for Rama.\nMadhukar Shah died in 1592. He was succeeded by his\neldest son, Ram Shah, but eventually Bir Singh Deo managed\nto occupy the throne. His rise began in 1602, when the Mughal\nprince, Salim (the future Jahangir) asked him to kill Abul Fazl,\n162 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhis father's confidant. Jahangir wrote in his autobiography,\nthat when Abul Fazl was summoned from the Deccan by\nAkbar,\nIt became necessary to prevent him from coming to Court.\nAs Bir Singh Deo's country was exactly on his route and he\nwas then a rebel, I sent him a message that if he would stop\nthat sedition-monger and kill him he would receive every\nkindness from me. By God's grace, when Shaikh Abu-i-Fazl\nwas passing through Bir Singh Deo's country, the Raja\nblocked his road, and after a little contest scattered his men\nand killed him. He sent his head to me in Allahabad (Tuzuk-\ni Jahangiri 1909: 25).\nAs Bir Singh had carried out Prince Salim's orders, he was\nmade the ruler of Orchha when Jahangir ascended the throne.\nJahangir wrote,\n\"I promoted Raja Bir Singh Deo, a Bandela Rajput, who had\nobtained by favour, and who excels his equals and relatives\nin valour, personal goodness, and simple-heartedness, to\nthe rank of 3000.\" He attributed \"the reason for his\nadvancement and for the regard shown to him\" was his\nrole in the murder of Abul Fazl (Tuzuk-i Jahangiri 1909:\n24).\nThough accepting Mughal hegemony, Bir Singh was eager\nto assert his kingly stature in his own region. His biography,\nVirsimhdevcarit, written by the finest court poet of Orchha,\nKesavdas in 1607, was a long vamsavali (genealogy) that traced\nBundela lineage to the Gahadavalas of Banaras, and ultimately\nto the solar dynasty of Rama. The Mughals were situated at\nthe periphery in the Virsimhdevcarit; the Bundelas occupied\ncentre stage. Bir Singh might have been a small player in the\ndominant Persian discourse; in Kesavdas's kavya, his was the\nstellar position (Busch 2014: 676-677).\nAmong the buildings Bir Singh constructed was the\nJahangir Mahal, so-called as the Emperor reportedly stayed\nCENTRAL INDIA | 163\n"}
+{"start_page": 100, "end_page": 102, "text": "--- PAGE 100 ---\n\nthere for a day (Luard 1907: 81-82). Many of its interior walls\nwere magnificently painted with scenes from Hindu lore, as\nwell as courtly figures in Mughal style. The Chaturbhuj temple\nthat he completed was later partially demolished on orders\nof Emperor Shah Jahan. The temple's interiors were possibly\ninspired by the Govindadeva temple, built by Raja Man Singh\nat Vrindavan in 1590 (Asher 1992: 163-164).\nBir Singh built the Keshav Deva temple at Mathura at the\ncost of an enormous 33 million rupees. Tavernier described it\nas \"one of the most sumptuous buildings in all of India,\" visible\nfrom a distance of sixteen km (Tavernier 1889: Vol. I: 85, Vol.\nII: 175). It was \"visited by the greatest concourse of pilgrims\"\n(Growse 1874: 36, 117-120). The sanctum of this temple was\nalso probably influenced by the Govindadeva temple (Asher\n1992: 164). Bir Singh went on a pilgrimage to Mathura in 1614,\nwhere he had himself weighed in gold that, together with 81\nother maunds, he distributed in charity. The balance with which\nhe was weighed was kept at Vishrant Ghat, dedicated to\nKrishna (Luard 1907: 22). The temple was demolished in\nAurangzeb's reign.\nGWALIOR\nJAIN IMAGES DESECRATED\nThe Mughal Emperor Babur may have refrained from\nmentioning the demolition of temples at Ayodhya and\nSambhal, but he did write of his desecration of Jain statues he\nsaw at Gwalior (Pl. 36),\n(Sep. 28th) Next day (Muh.13th) at the Mid-day Prayer we\nrode out to visit places in Gualiar we had not yet seen. We\nsaw the imarat called Badalgar which is part of Man-sing's\nfort (qila), went through the Hati-pul and across the fort to a\nplace called Urwa (Urwah), which is a valley-bottom (qul)\non its western side....\nThree sides of Urwa are solid rock, not the red rock of Biana\n164 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nbut one paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out\nidol-statues, large and small, one large statue on the south\nside being perhaps 20 qari (yds.) high. These idols are shewn\nquite naked without covering for their privities... Urwa is\nnot a bad place; it is shut in; the idols are its defect; I, for my\npart, ordered them destroyed (Babur Nama 1922: 611-612).\nC.E. Luard (1869-1927), Superintendent of Gazetteer in\nCentral India, noted the extent of the damage Babur inflicted\n(Pl. 37),\nGwalior is one of the Vidyasthanas or seats of learning of\nthe Digambara Jains and the fort contains one small Jain\ntemple to Parasnath, and the remains of another Jain temple,\nboth of the twelfth century...The only really important Jain\nremains are the five great collection of figures carved on the\nface of the rock itself, which were all executed between 1440\nand 1473 during the sway of the Tonwara dynasty. Some of\nthe figures are colossal, one in the group near Urwahi gate\nbeing 57 feet high. Babur noticed this figure and adds that\nhe ordered all of them to be destroyed, but, as a matter of\nfact, only some of those most easily were partially mutilated,\nwhile others were destroyed later on by Muhammadan\ngovernors of the fort, and a large number by the Public Works\nDepartment, who in 1869 broke them up for use as road\nmetal (Luard 1908: 228).\nTEMPLE OF GWALIPA RE-CLAIMED\nGWALIOR\nAn inscription in Persian on a mosque near Gwalior Fort\nrecorded that Motamid Khan, Governor of the Fort, converted\nthe temple of Gwalipa into the mosque in 1664 to please his\nmaster, Aurangzeb. A tiny Hindu shrine next to the mosque\ndedicated to Gwalipa was constructed later by some pious\nHindu, \"as a memento of the shrine destroyed to make room\nfor the mosque\" (Luard 1908: 224).\nAlexander Cunningham described Gwalipa as a holy hermit\nwho gave the name Gwali-awar to the Fort (Cunningham 1885:\n22). He was believed to have directed the legendary Suraj Sen\nCENTRAL INDIA 165\n--- PAGE 101 ---\n\nto construct Gwalior Fort (Patil 1952: 53). On a visit to the\nsite, Cunningham noted that the original location of the temple\nwas \"on the spot where the small Masjid now stands.\" He\nobserved that \"a light is kept constantly burning in the shrine\n...\" (Cunningham 1871: 335). Just opposite the shrine was a\nsmall plastered pillar, thickly studded with projecting\nreceptacles for lights. That was called Dip-wala \"or lamp pillar,\"\nand its lamps were lit once a year on the anniversary of the\nfirst festival of Gwalipa. The Persian inscription was still\nattached to the Masjid when Cunningham visited. It read,\nIn the reign of the great Prince Alamgir,\nLike the full shining moon, the enlightener of the world.\nPraise be to God that this happy place\nWas by Motamid Khan completed as an alms.\nIt was the idol temple of the vile Gwali,\nHe made it a mosque like a mansion of Paradise.\nThe Khan of enlightened heart, nay light itself from head to\nfoot,\nDisplayed the divine light, like that of mid-day.\nHe closed the idol temple:\nExclamations rose from earth to heaven,\nWhen the light put far away the abode of darkness,\nHatif said 'light be blessed' (Cunningham 1871: 335).\nThat Mughal mosque was quietly turned into a temple\nsometime before 1980 (Willis 1996: 95).\nNOTES\n1. The Parsvanatha temple, the largest Jain shrine at Khajuraho,\nwas built between 950 and 970 CE, in the time of Dhanga. It\nwas originally dedicated to Adinath, but in 1860 the present\nimage of Parsvanatha was installed (Desai 2001: 72-73).\n2. The Matangesvara or Mritunjaya Mahadeva temple, dated to\n1000 CE, enshrined one of the largest Shiva lingas in north\nIndia. It was 2. 53 m (8.3 feet) high and more than 1 metre in\ndiameter. A similar linga, of about the same period, was found\nat Bhojpur, near Bhopal. Matangesvara was probably a\n166 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfunerary monument to commemorate King Dhanga who, at\nthe age of over one hundred years was recorded to have cast\noff his body at Prayag, meditating on Shiva (Deva 1990: 32-\n36). The temple was near the Sibsagar tank, called\n'Sevamsagara' in inscriptions. It remains in use till this day.\nDuring Shivratri, devotees bathe in the Sibsagar tank and then\nproceed with a water pot to the Matangesvara temple. In the\nmonth of Kartik (November), women come to the banks of the\nSibsagar early morning to worship Krishna (Desai 2001: 64-\n65, 70). One of the earliest inscribed images of Hanuman, 8.2\nft high, dated 922 CE also remains in worship.\n3. Charles Frederick Maisey described evidence of Hindu\nworship he found at Kalinjar,\n\"The hill of Kalinjar, called also Rabi chitr, from Rabi, the\nSun, was beyond doubt, devoted to Hindu worship long before\nthe erection of the Fort, for not only are the dates of inscriptions\nat the caves, and on the various sculptures earlier than those\non the gates of the Fort, but in many places the rampart walls\nare in a great measure built with fragments of ornamental\npillars, cornices, etc., which probably at the erection of the\nFort were the remains of Hindu fanes of remote antiquity\n(Maisey 1848: 1).\n4. Yasovarman's son, Dhangadeva (950-999 CE), was a\nworshipper of Shiva and instated two lingas, one made of\nemerald and the other of stone, in the Marakateshvara temple\n(Lord of Emerald), now known as the Vishvanatha temple.\nThe temple was consecrated in 999 CE, after his death. A\ncolossal statue of Bhairava, 6.5 feet high, of the early tenth\ncentury remains under worship (Desai 2001: 10, 64). Dhanga's\ngrandson, Vidyadhara (1003-1035 CE) played an important\nrole in mobilizing Indian rulers against Mahmud Ghaznavi.\nHe built the most imposing temple at Khajuraho, Kandariya\nMahadeva, around 1030 in celebration of his victory. It was\naffiliated to the Tantric Shaivite order, known as Shaiva\nSiddhanta.\n5. Though Khajuraho has become synonymous with erotic\nsculpture, such figures comprised less than one-tenth of the\nimages there (Desai 2001: 12).\nCENTRAL INDIA 167\n--- PAGE 102 ---\n\n6. \u0927\u093e\u0930, (\u092f\u093e \u0927\u093e\u0930\u093e), \u092e\u0927\u094d\u092f\u0915\u093e\u0932\u0940\u0928 \u092e\u093e\u0932\u0935\u093e \u0915\u0940 \u0930\u093e\u091c\u0927\u093e\u0928\u0940, \u092d\u094b\u091c \u0926\u094d\u0935\u093e\u0930\u093e \u0938\u094d\u0925\u093e\u092a\u093f\u0924 \u0915\u0940 \u0917\u0908 \u0925\u0940\u0964 \u092f\u0939 \u092a\u0939\u0932\u0940 \u092c\u093e\u0930 \u0932\u0917\u092d\u0917 1300 \u0908\u0938\u094d\u0935\u0940 \u092e\u0947\u0902 \u092e\u0941\u0938\u094d\u0932\u093f\u092e \u0928\u093f\u092f\u0902\u0924\u094d\u0930\u0923 \u092e\u0947\u0902 \u0906\u0908 \u091c\u092c \u0905\u0932\u093e\u0909\u0926\u094d\u0926\u0940\u0928 \u0916\u093f\u0932\u091c\u0940 \u0928\u0947 \u0927\u093e\u0930 \u0924\u0915 \u092e\u093e\u0932\u0935\u093e \u0915\u094b 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\u0938\u0947 \u0932\u0940 \u0917\u0908 \u0925\u0940 (\u0915\u094b\u0932\u094d\u092b 1990: 120-121)\u0964\n9. 2 \u091c\u0942\u0928 2017 \u0915\u094b \u090f\u0915 \u0938\u093e\u0915\u094d\u0937\u093e\u0924\u094d\u0915\u093e\u0930 \u092e\u0947\u0902, \u0913\u0930\u091b\u093e \u0918\u0930 \u0915\u0947 \u0935\u0930\u094d\u0924\u092e\u093e\u0928 \u092e\u0941\u0916\u093f\u092f\u093e, \u092e\u093e\u0927\u0941\u0915\u0930 \u0936\u093e\u0939 \u0928\u0947 \u0915\u0939\u093e \u0915\u093f \u092a\u093e\u0930\u093f\u0935\u093e\u0930\u093f\u0915 \u092a\u0930\u0902\u092a\u0930\u093e \u0915\u0947 \u0905\u0928\u0941\u0938\u093e\u0930, \u0915\u0941\u0902\u0935\u093e\u0930\u0940 \u0917\u0923\u0947\u0936 \u0905\u092f\u094b\u0927\u094d\u092f\u093e \u0930\u093e\u092e \u0915\u0947 \u0926\u0930\u094d\u0936\u0928 \u0915\u0930\u0928\u0947 \u0914\u0930 \u0909\u0928\u0915\u0940 \u092a\u094d\u0930\u0924\u093f\u092e\u093e \u0935\u093e\u092a\u0938 \u0932\u093e\u0928\u0947 \u0917\u0908 \u0925\u0940\u0902\u0964 \u091c\u092c \u0935\u0939 \u0905\u092a\u0928\u0947 \u092e\u093f\u0936\u0928 \u092e\u0947\u0902 \u0935\u093f\u092b\u0932 \u0930\u0939\u0940\u0902, \u0924\u094b \u0909\u0928\u094d\u0939\u094b\u0902\u0928\u0947 \u0905\u092a\u0928\u0947 \u092a\u094d\u0930\u093e\u0923 \u0924\u094d\u092f\u093e\u0917\u0928\u0947 \u0915\u0947 \u0932\u093f\u090f \u0938\u0930\u092f\u0942 \u0928\u0926\u0940 \u092e\u0947\u0902 \u092a\u094d\u0930\u0935\u0947\u0936 \u0915\u093f\u092f\u093e\u0964 \u0909\u0928\u0915\u0947 \u092a\u0948\u0930 \u0915\u093f\u0938\u0940 \u091a\u0940\u091c\u093c \u0938\u0947 \u091f\u0915\u0930\u093e\u090f \u0914\u0930 \u0909\u0928\u094d\u0939\u094b\u0902\u0928\u0947 \u0905\u092a\u0928\u0947 \u0926\u0932 \u0915\u0947 \u0938\u0926\u0938\u094d\u092f\u094b\u0902 \u0915\u094b \u092a\u0941\u0915\u093e\u0930\u093e\u0964 \u0909\u0928\u094d\u0939\u0947\u0902 \u0930\u093e\u091c\u093e \u0915\u0947 \u0930\u0942\u092a \u092e\u0947\u0902 \u0930\u093e\u092e \u0915\u0940 \u090f\u0915 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+{"start_page": 103, "end_page": 105, "text": "--- PAGE 103 ---\n\nattained great splendour and the Solanki kingdom considerable\nprosperity. Karnadeva founded the town of Karnavati, while\nSiddharaja and his successor Kumarapala were renowned for\ntheir impressive architectural achievements.\nIn 1178 CE, Bhimadeva II became king, and that very year\nrepulsed Muhammad Ghori's attack on his kingdom. In 1195,\nhowever, he was attacked by Muhammad Ghori's general,\nQutubuddin Aibak, and defeated near Anahilavada. The city\nwas again sacked by the invading forces. Immediately\nthereafter, Bhimadeva II, assisted by his feudatories\nPrahladana and Dharavarsha of Chandravati, the Mers, and\nthe chief of Nagor, defeated Aibak and besieged him at Ajmer\ntill he was rescued. In 1197, Aibak attacked Gujarat one more\ntime and defeated Bhimadeva II. He again acquired control\nof Anahilavada, and then returned to Delhi.\nA century later, in 1297-98 CE, Alauddin Khalji's generals,\nUlugh Khan and Nusrat Khan Jalesari, invaded Gujarat, sacked\nthe Somnath temple, defeated Karna, the last ruler of the short-\nlived Vaghela dynasty (successors to the Solankis), and\ncaptured Anahilavada.2 Karna fled with his daughter Deval\nDevi, and took shelter with Ramachandra of Devagiri. Karna's\nqueen Kamala Devi was sent to Alauddin. Deval Devi's chance\ncapture (by troops on leave to visit the famous Ellora caves),\nand subsequent marriage to heir apparent, Khizr Khan were\nthe subject of Amir Khusrau's masnavi, titled Duval Rani va\nKhizr Khan (Michell and Shah 1988: 8-9; Bird 1835: 161-162).\nGujarat became a province of the Delhi Sultanate and \"the\ngreat architectural works of the Solanki and Vaghela kings\nwere wilfully and maliciously dilapidated by Islam bigotry\"\n(Burgess and Cousens 1975: 35-37). The Mirat-i-Ahmadi (written\nby Ali Muhammad Khan, the last imperial Diwan of Gujarat)\ndescribed the mosque constructed by Ulugh Khan (Alp Khan),\nAlauddin's brother-in-law, on appointment as governor of\nGujarat (r. 1300-15),\n170 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nIt is said that a lofty Masjid called Masjid-i-Adinah (Friday\nMasjid) of marble stone which exists even today is built by\nhim. It is popular among common folk that error is mostly\ncommitted in counting its many pillars. They relate that it\nwas a temple which was converted into a Masjid. In reality,\nit is a wonderfully lofty Masjid... Most of the relics and\nvestiges of magnificence and extension of the ancient\nprosperity of Pattan which are found in the shape of bricks\nand dried clay, which inform us about the truth of this\nstatement, scattered nearly to a distance of three kurohs\n(one kush= two miles) from the present place of habitation.\nMarble stones, at the end of the rule of rajas, were brought\nfrom Ajmer for building temples in such a quantity that\nmore than which is dug out from the earth even now. All the\nmarble stones utilized in the city of Ahmedabad were\n(brought) from that place (Mirat-i-Ahmadi 1965: 29).\nThe author of the Mirat was incorrect in describing Adina\nmasjid as an authentic Islamic structure. The mosque (built in\n1300 CE) was just \"a thousand or so richly ornamented pillars,\npillaged from temples (that) were merely arranged in a mosque\nplan\" (Michell and Shah 1988: 9; Bird 1835: 163-164). In fact,\nwhat was claimed to be the oldest Muslim building in Gujarat,\nthe tomb of Shaikh Farid at Patan, was also merely a converted\ntemple (Pl. 38). In the eighteenth century, when Patan came\nunder Maratha control, they levelled Adina mosque (Cort\n2001: 38-39).\nAfter the devastation of the thirteenth century, there was\nextensive construction of temples in the early decades of the\nfollowing century. The influential Jain community strongly\nobjected to attacks on their sacred shrines. The governor, Alp\nKhan was keen to safeguard relations with Jain merchants for\ncontinued prosperity of the province. So Jains were authorised\nto rebuild their temples (Misra 1982: 68-70). The Jain poet,\nAmbadevasuri in his Samararasu, composed in 1315 CE,\ndescribed the city as \"New Pattan.\" In 1315, Alp Khan allowed\nSamaru Shah, the wealthy Jain merchant of Patan, to undertake\nGUJARAT 171\n--- PAGE 104 ---\n\nrenovation of the Shatrunjay temples. Samaru Shah led a large\ngroup of pilgrims to Shatrunjay under the leadership of\nAcharya Siddhasuri of the Upakesha Gaccha, and repaired\nthe temples in a grand ceremony. The story of the renovation\nwas told by Acharya Siddhasuri's disciple, Kakkasuri in\nNabhinandana Jinoddhara Prabandha (Cort 2001: 38; Cort 2010:\n148).\nSubsequently, a representative of Delhi, Zafar Khan (the\nfuture Muzaffar Shah I, founder of the Muzaffarid Sultanate,\nr. 1391-1417) went to Patan and suppressed all signs of\nidolatry. He ravaged the Somnath temple and forced Hindus of\nthe city to flee to Diu, \"where he established Islam.\" Ahmad\nI (r. 1410-1442), grandson of Muzaffar Shah, founded the\ncapital city, which still bears his name (Ray 2015: 76-78). During\nhis reign, he focused on consolidating Islam, \"by relentless\niconoclasm and oppression of the Hindus\" (Michell and Shah\n1988: 9-10).3\nAfter a few brief reigns, in 1458 CE, Mahmud Begada\n(Mahmud Shah I, r. 1458-1509), ascended the throne. He ruled\nfor fifty-four years, during which the Gujarat Sultanate attained\nits greatest successes. From early on, he was \"concerned to\nstrengthen his dominions through the propagation of Islam.\"\nTo fortify his position in Gujarat, he wanted Islam to be firmly\nentrenched in southern Rajasthan. The old Parsi settlement at\nSanjan was also destroyed by him (Michell and Shah 1988: 10-\n11).\nSUN TEMPLE AT MODHERA - WRECKED\nModhera, eighteen miles south of Patan, now a mere collection\nof huts, was once a place of consequence and the site of an\nexquisite Sun temple. A small deserted masjid nearby was\nsupported by eighteen pillars of Hindu temples (Burgess and\nCousens 1975: 71).\nThe Sun temple, built in the early eleventh century CE by\nthe Solanki king, Bhimadeva I, was an outstanding specimen\n172 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nof the architecture of that period. It stood on the left bank of\nthe Pushpawati River, on a high platform of bricks. It comprised\na shrine proper, the garbhagriha; a hall, the gudhamandapa; an\nouter assembly hall, the sabhamandapa; and a kunda, a sacred\npool now called Rama kunda. The temple was the first in Gujarat\nto depict scenes from the Ramayana (on the walls, small flat\nceilings, and lintels of the sabhamandapa) (Sankalia 1941: 84-91;\nMankodi 2009: 179).\nColonel Monier-Williams, a military official, was the first\nto notice the temple in the course of his duties as Surveyor\nGeneral. In his Journal in 1809, he described the structure as\nof rare elegance, and noted that its domes had been blown\noff by a Muslim prince,\nThere is one of the finest specimens of ancient Hindu\narchitecture at Mundera I ever saw. It is a pagoda very\nsimilar in structure to those of the present day; but\nornamented so profusely that it is very evident the founder\nwas determined to make it the most finished piece of work\nthat it was possible for the compass of human art to effect ...\nAll the upper part of it is supported on pillars, which are of\nan order the most elegant, and enriched with carved work\nof exquisite beauty, and which would be considered in this\nrefined age as the conception of a correct taste, and the\nexecution of a masterly hand. Innumerable figures cover\nmost of the bases of the pillars, and a considerable portion\nof the exterior surface of the building... The domes were\nblown off, they say, by means of gunpowder ... by a\nMusalman prince. The lower circles remain, and are\nornamented in a style of elegance that is uncommonly\nstriking ... (Burgess and Cousens 1975: 71-72).\nThereafter, in 1856, British administrator A.K. Forbes\nwrote of the temple and the evidence of Muslim vandalism,\n...It rose to the height of one story only, and consisted of an\nadytum, a closed mundup attached to it, an open mundup\nseparated from the rest of the edifice. The spire has fallen,\nGUJARAT 17:\n--- PAGE 105 ---\n\nand the domes are no longer in existence; but the remainder\nof the building is nearly complete, although indentations\nare visible upon some of the columns, such as might have\nbeen made in wood by sharp weapons, to which the\nMohummedans point as marks of the swords of the\nIslamicate saints ... The detached open mundup of the temple\nis now known under the name of 'Seeta Choree' or marriage\nhall, and the reservoir (now called the Ram Koond) is a\ncelebrated place of pilgrimage for Vaishnavite ascetics\n(Forbes 1878: 195-196).\nJames Burgess and Henry Cousens were the first\narchaeologists to properly survey the temple (Pl. 39). They\nnoted images of solar deities outside and inside, and identified\nit as a Sun temple. According to them, the structure had\noriginally all the parts of a first-class temple, was built\naccording to injunctions of the shilpa shastras, in good\nproportions, and richly decorated (Burgess and Cousens 1903:\n71-81).5 They stated that the shikhara was blown up,\nThe Muhammadans, not content with defacing the figure\nsculptures of this Modhera temple, are said to have placed\nbags of gunpowder in the underground shrine, and blew it\nup with the upper cell, destroying the Sikhara or tower\n(Burgess and Cousens 1903: 74).\nFurther,\nThe shrine is now a wreck: nothing but the bare walls\nremaining ... this must have been of two storeys... The floor\nseparating them, with part of the roof, had fallen into the\npit. On clearing out of the debris, the seat of the image of\nSurya was found in the middle of the floor, with other blocks\nconnecting it with the side walls. On the front of the seat are\ncarved seven horses (the saptasva-vahana) of the god, their\nfore-quarters projecting and prancing forward (Burgess\nand Cousens 1903: 75).\nIMAGES UNDER WORSHIP IN RUINED TEMPLE\nThe archaeologists found the seat of the Sun god, with seven\nprancing horses, buried in the debris. [A photograph of the\nfragmentary pedestal of the main image of Surya with seven\nprancing horses that is still lying in an underground chamber\nbelow the sanctum has been published by Wibke Lobo (Lobo\n1982: fig. 60)]. They also noted that to the north of the entrance\nwas a large relief on the wall, which the villagers called Kaal-\nBhairava, and anointed every week. Kirit Mankodi recorded\nworship continuing in December 2005 (Mankodi 2009: 195).\nNearby were three small figures the first of a female\nholdinga three-hooded snake in her upper left hand, the other\nhands destroyed; the second also a female, the four arms\nbroken off and canopied by a five-hooded snake. The third\nwas a male deity, his arms shattered and his head covered by\na five-hooded snake. All three images were still worshipped\nby the villagers, and were smeared with red paint (Burgess\nand Cousens 1903: 77-78).\nCousens found on one of the blocks forming the back wall\nin the shrine, a date inscribed upside down, 'Vikrama Samvat\n1083', i.e. 1026-27 CE. The date was two years after Mahmud\nGhaznavi's attack on Somnath (Burgess and Cousens 1975-\n81). The position of the inscription indicated the temple had\nbeen vandalized and reconstructed (Pl. 40).\nTHE RUDRAMAHALAYA\nIn 1140 CE, Jayasimha Siddharaja constructed the\nRudramahalaya temple at Siddhpur, a prominent pilgrimage\ncentre not only of Shaivas but also Jains. Many Jain monastic\norders were based in the city (Cort 2001: 36-40). Jayasimha\nSiddharaja himself built a Jain temple at Siddhpur immediately\nfollowing the construction of the Rudramahalaya (Cort 1998\n89-94). The Rudramahalaya was one of the largest and mos\nimportant temple complexes in Gujarat.\n174 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nGUJARAT 17.\n"}
+{"start_page": 106, "end_page": 108, "text": "--- PAGE 106 ---\n\nIn 1414 or early 1415 CE, Ahmad Shah besieged the city of\nSiddhpur. The Mirat-i Sikandari, the earliest available Persian\ntext, related that the Sultan's forces rallied around the banner\nof Islam and desecrated the Rudramahalaya (Pl. 41) (Mirat-i-\nSikandari 1961: 44-46).\nHenry Cousens wrote of the splendour of the temple and\nrecorded that its subsidiary shrines were converted into a\ncongregational mosque (Pl. 42),\n...to raise such a temple as had not been seen before - the\nfamous Rudramala (the garland of Rudra or Siva), or\nRudramahalaya (the abode of Rudra or Siva), the scanty,\nbut colossal, ruins of which now remain embedded amongst\nthe houses of the town, near the river bank. These remains\nconsist of five columns of the front or eastern porch with\ntheir beams above them; four columns in two stories of the\nnorthern porch; four greater columns, also in two stories,\nwhich stood on the west side of the hall and before the\nshrine; and one kirttistambha, or arch of fame, the only one\nof a pair, in the courtyard at the north-east corner of the\ntemple.\nIn addition to these are fragments of some small subsidiary\nshrines at the back of the temple, which have been converted\ninto a Muhammadan Masjid... It was, no doubt, the largest,\nor, at least, the second largest, in Gujarat, measuring about\n145 feet by 103 feet, rising in, at least three stories. Another\ntemple, which stood at Vadnagar, twenty miles to the south-\neast, may have been still larger, judging from the size of two\nkirttistambha now left, which are larger - 35 feet 6 inches\nhigh - than this temple. Such magnificent piles were not\nlikely to escape the attentions of the Muhammadans in their\nfirst onslaughts upon Hinduism in this province, and in\nproportion to their grandeur was the complete destruction\nthat overwhelmed them (Cousens 1926: 52-53).\nIn a novel interpretation, Alka Patel questioned the general\nassumption that Muslim principalities in northern India from\nthe late twelfth century onwards were \"primarily occupied\n176 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwith severing ties with their dynastic predecessors, especially\nif the latter were Hindus.\" In architectural history, that thesis\nsuggested that Muslim Sultans carefully chose the sites of their\ndesecration. She instead interpreted the Rudramahalaya/\ncongregational mosque within both the architectural history\nof Islamic buildings in western India and the Maru-Gurjara\nstyle of temple architecture. According to her, the temple's\nfragments were given new contexts and functions in the\nmosque, which had a definite place in the Maru-Gurjara style\nof architecture. As practised in the region for at least three\ncenturies, the western Indian style of mosque construction\nwas \"equally influential in the use and placement of the\nrecycled materials\" !! (Patel 2004: 148-152). It remains unclear\nhow appreciative Hindu worshippers of the Rudramahalaya\ntemple were of that newly evolved architectural style.\nSHIVA LINGA UNEARTHED\nIn the 1970s, repair work at the site by the Archaeological\nSurvey of India revealed rich sculptural carvings in the area\nof the mosque. Among the finds were a beautiful Shiva head;\na Nandi; a Shiva linga embedded in the earth; a circular\nyonipatta fixed into the floor; a donor couple, likely Siddharaja\nand his queen; and a bearded male, again possibly Siddharaja,\nstanding with folded hands in an gesture of supplication.\nReports of the finds led Hindus to demand the site no\nlonger be permitted to be used as a mosque, or they be allowed\nto worship the Shiva linga found in the precincts. A riot broke\nout at Siddhpur in March 1980, when a group of Hindus, led\nby a local sadhu, started singing bhajans at the Rudramahalaya,\nand Muslims began to offer namaz. B.L. Nagarch,\nSuperintending Archaeologist, wrote of the importance of the\ntemple,\n...as the obsequial offerings to the parental ancestors must\nbe made at Gaya, so corresponding offerings to the maternal\nancestors have to be performed at Sidhpur.\nGUJARAT 177\n--- PAGE 107 ---\n\nHe added,\n\nthe ancient name of Sidhpur appears to have been 'Sristhala\nor Sristhalaka and the name of Sidhpur was given to this\nplace in honour of Siddharaja Jayasimha who completed\nthe Temple of Rudra-Mahadeva in the twelfth century here\n(Goel 1991: 1-38).\n\nInterestingly, Jayasimha Siddharaja had been a protector\nof Muslim places of worship in Gujarat, as recorded by Muslim\nchroniclers themselves. Muhmud Ufi narrated an incident,\nobserving \"he never heard a story to be compared to this.\" In\nSiddharaja's reign, there was a mosque and a minaret in the\ncity of Cambay. Parsi settlers in the locality instigated local\nHindus to attack the Muslims. The mosque was burnt and the\nminaret destroyed during the incident. Jayasimha Siddharaja\npersonally investigated the complaints of Muslims of Cambay.\nHe punished the Parsi and Hindu leaders and gave one lakh\nbalotras (silver coins) for the reconstruction of the mosque and\nminaret (Elliot and Dowson Vol. II: 162ff; Epigraphia Indica\nVol. XXXIV: 146).\n\nTEMPLE AT DWARKA DESTROYED\n\nIn 1472 CE, Mahmud Begada attacked Dwarka, a city so\nintimately connected with Krishna, and one of the chardhams.\nMahmud Begada was aware that Dwarka and Bet were \"a\nplace of worship of brahmins,\" that housed \"the most famous\ntemple of the Hindus\" (mashhurtarin ma'bad-i kufr) (Sheikh 2017:\n114).\n\nThe Mirat-i-Ahmadi Supplement, a historical gazetteer\ncompiled in 1765, recorded that at the time of Mahmud\nBegada's attack, the temple at Bet Dwarka housed images of\nKrishna, his father, and brother, which had been moved from\nJagat to Bet early in Muslim rule. The temples on the island of\nBet were also destroyed. It stated,\n\n178 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n\nIn the year 878 A.H. Sultan Mahmud Begada conquered\nDwarkan, and destroyed the temple in the island of\nShankhoddar (Beyt) and built a mosque... In the time of the\nearly Muslim rule the idols dedicated to Krishna, his father,\nand his mother, were removed from Jagat and placed in the\nisland (Shankhoddar, Beyt), but in the end they were\ndestroyed by Sultan Mahmud Begada (Mirat-i-Ahmadi:\nSupplement 1928: 121-122).\n\nKRISHNA IMAGE HIDDEN IN STEP-WELL\n\nThe image of Krishna was said to have been hidden in a step-\nwell and thereby saved from desecration. Abul Fazl recorded\nthe revenues from Dwarka, after which the Mughals showed\nlittle interest in the region till 1705. That year, Aurangzeb, on\nlearning of an attack on the Mughal outpost at Dwarka, ordered\nlocal officials \"to stop the Hindus from worshipping at this\nplace\" (Mirat-i-Ahmadi: Supplement 1928: 121).\n\nThe Jagat temple (also known as the Dwarkadheesh\ntemple) was rebuilt in 1861. Subsequently, in 1958 the Gaikwad\nof Baroda added a golden pinnacle to the shikhara.\n\nTHE SACRED SHATRUNJAY HILL\n\nShatrunjay hill, a mile south of Palitana (Kathiawar), was a\nrevered site of the Svetambara Jains. According to\nJinaprabhasuri, every Jina except the 22nd, had preached on\nthe hill. It was hallowed by 23 Preaching Assemblies\n(samavasarana). No Jina attained enlightenment or liberation\nat Shatrunjay, but millions of Jain monks did. Foremost among\nthem was Pundarika, leader of Tirthankara Adinatha's\ncongregation of monks, who attained release on Shatrunjay\nwith other monks.\n\nTirthankara Adinatha's son, Bharat built a grand temple\non Shatrunjay, with an image of his father made of moonstone,\nto commemorate his enlightenment (which occurred in\nAyodhya). The image of Adinatha remained one of the most\nrevered. As 22 other Jinas would come to Shatrunjay to preach,\n\nGUJARAT 179\n--- PAGE 108 ---\n\nBharata also built twenty-two small temples for them.\nBharata's half-brother Bahubali built a shrine for Adinatha's\nmother (the grandmother of Bharata and Bahubali), Marudevi,\nwho, according to Shwetambar tradition, was the first person\nto attain liberation.\nThe Pandava brothers and Draupadi were believed to have\ncome to Shatrunjay, consecrated an image of Adinatha, and\nattained liberation along with many monks. Jinaprabhasuri\nstated that throughout history people built temples and\nconsecrated images on the mountain; prominent among them\nbeing Samprati, Vikramaditya, Satavahana, Vagbhata,\nPadalipta, Ama, and Datta (Cort 2010: 143-144).\nJames Tod (1782-1835), who visited Shatrunjay, wrote of\nthe main temple of Adinatha,\n... On the left hand on entering the area, is a spot peculiarly\nsacred to all of this faith, where Adna'th used to sit in\nadoration of the 'One God,' when the mountain-top, with\nno canopy but the sky, was his sole place of worship. A\nRaen tree still marks the site, and is firmly believed by the\nfaithful to be a never-dying scion of that which shaded the\nfirst of their prophets, and which now overshadows his\nsanctified padwa. He could not have selected a spot more\ncalculated to assist the mind's devotion, and elevate it,\n'through Nature, up to Nature's God.' The prospect was\nsublime... (Tod 1839: 286-287).\nA.K. Forbes (1821-1865), who came to India in 1843 and\nspent most of his time in western India, described the site\nand its desecration,\nThe holy mountain of Shutroonjye, sacred to Adeenath, the\nfirst of the twenty-four hierophants of the Jains... Shutroonjye\nis one of the most ancient and sacred shrines of the Jain\nreligion. It is described as the first of places of pilgrimages ...\nThe temples on Shutroonjye were afterwards destroyed by\nbarbarians and for a long time desolation reigned in the\nholy mountain (Forbes 1878: 4-7).\n180 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nTEMPLES DESECRATED\nMedieval Jain texts recorded that Jain temples were desecrated\nby the Khaljis, Tughluqs, and Muzaffarids. The Samra-rasu (ca.\n1315); the Vividtirthakalpa (1333); and the Nabhinandan-jinod-\ndharprabandha (1336-37), all stated that Khalji troops attacked\nShatrunjay in 1312/13 CE. In 1414, Ahmad Shah deputed Taj-\nul-Mulk to destroy all temples in Gujarat. In 1469, Girnar (the\nsacred site of Digambar Jains) was ravaged, and many Hindu\ntemples also destroyed (Cousens 1931: 75).\nIDGAHS CONSTRUCTED TO PROTECT TEMPLES\nHenry Cousens observed miniature masonry idgahs in front\nof the tower of the Adinatha temple, as well as above the\nsouth corridor, and the adjoining temple. According to him,\nJains claimed to have built the idgahs themselves to protect\nthe temple from Muhammadans! They had learnt that it was\ncontrary to Islam to destroy an idgah or mosque once built. If\nthe Adinatha temple was destroyed, it would fall on the idgah.\nCousens observed,\nFrom this it would seem that sad experience prompted the\nJains to have recourse to this artifice to prevent a repetition\nof what had already happened.\nHe noticed that the nose of the Adinatha image had been\nbroken, and was \"replaced by a gold one.\" The Muhammadans\nwere known to cut off the noses of images. He saw many\n\"undoubtedly old images in the cells of the corridors with\nparticularly flat noses.\" On examination he noted that the noses\nhad been refashioned into the face,\n...to get sufficient protuberance for the new ones; they might\nbe termed countersunk noses. The lips too, which are, as a\nrule, prominent, are in these, flattened and mis-shapened.\nThe old simhasanas (old marble image-seats), also, have been\nwoefully mutilated; and, from the fact that none of them is\nin its original position, it would appear that whole shrines\nwere pulled down (Cousens 1931: 76).\nGUJARAT | 181\n"}
+{"start_page": 109, "end_page": 111, "text": "--- PAGE 109 ---\n\nWhen Muslim persecution lessened, temple building re-\ncommenced on the holy mount and continues apace to the\npresent.\nTHE TEMPLE OF SHANTIDAS\nShantidas Jawahari, a leading jeweller and financier of his time,\nand his elder brother Vardhaman, built a magnificent Jain\ntemple at Bibipur (present Saraspur), a suburb of Ahmednagar.\nAn English trader from Ahmadabad, in a letter dated 28th\nDecember 1627, referred to him as \"Santidas, the deceased\nKing's [i.e. Jahangir's] jeweller.\"\nWork on the grand temple appeared to have commenced\nin 1621-22, and was completed within four years; when the\nimage of Tirthankara Chintamani Parshwanath was installed.\nAn unpublished Sanskrit poem, Chintamani-prashasti, stated that\n\"this song of praise of the temple of Chintamani-Parshwanath\nwas written in 1697 S. on the second day, Friday, of the bright\nhalf of Pausha, by Vidyasaubhagya, the pupil of the learned\nSatyasaubhagya (December 4, 1640 CE).\" The prasasti was thus\ncomposed around fifteen years after the formal consecration\nof the temple. It described the temple,\nIn S. 1678 (AD 1621), Vardhaman and Shantidas, who had\nreached the zenith of their fortune, who had taken the\nreligious vow along with the members of their family, who\nhad been leading a very pure life, and who had heard that\nbuilding temples led to good luck, built a magnificent temple\nin the suburb of Bibipur (verses 45-49). On the arches of the\ntemple there were statues of females resembling celestial\nnymphs, while at the door of the temple there was the\nPanchapatra for protection. The lofty steps of the temple\nincluded the way for the heavenward march of the devotees.\nThere were six halls in the temple called Meghanada,\nSinhanada, Suryanada, Rangarama, Khela and\nGudhagotra. It had two turrets, four square temples around,\nand four underground shrines with idols of the Jina (verses\n50-54) (Commissariat 1987: 53-54, 62).\n182 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nAlbrecht von Mandelslo, a German traveller who visited\nAhmadabad in 1638, saw the temple thirteen years after its\nconstruction (Mandelslo 1995: 23-25; 101). He left a vivid\ndescription,\nWe returned into the city to see the principal mosque\n(temple) of the Benjans (Banyas which without dispute is\none of the noblest structures that can be seen. It was then\nnew for the Founder, who was a rich Benjan merchant named\nSantidas, was living in my time. The mosque stands in the\nmiddle of a great court which is enclosed with a high wall\nof freestone, all about which there is a gallery much after the\nmanner of our cloisters in monasteries, having also its seats\nor cells and in every cell a marble statue, white or black,\nrepresenting a woman naked (Mandelslo and also Thevenot\nmistook the marble statues of the Jain Tirthankaras in the\ncells for naked women sitting cross-legged) sitting and\nhaving legs lying cross under her according to the mode of\nthe country. There were some had three statues to wit, a\ngreat one between two little ones.\nAt the entrance into the mosque there are two elephants of\nblack marble done to the life, and upon one of them the\neffigy of the founder. The whole mosque is vaulted and the\nwalls adorned with several figures of men and other living\ncreatures. There was not anything within the mosque, save\nthat at the further end of the structure there were three chapels\nor obscure places, divided one from the other by wooden\nrails, wherein might be seen statues of marble, like those we\nhad seen in the cells, with this difference only that there\nwas a lighted lamp before that which stood in the middle.\nWe saw there also one of their Priests who was then busy in\nreceiving, from the hands of such as came thither to do their\ndevotions, flowers wherewith he adorned his images; as\nalso oil for the lamps which hung before the rails, and wheat\nand salt for the sacrifice, while he set the flowers about the\nstatues. His mouth and nose were covered with a linen cloth,\nlest the impurity of his breath should profane the mystery\nand coming ever and anon near the lamp he muttered over\nGUJARAT 183\n--- PAGE 110 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"certain prayers and rubbed his hands up and down in the\\nflames thereof as if he had washed them in the smoke, and\\nsometimes stroked his face with them... (Commissariat 1987:\\n62-63).\\nThe Mirat-i-Ahmadi briefly noted that when Aurangzeb\\narrived as Subadar in Ahmadabad in 1645,\\n...vestiges of the Temple of Chintaman situated on the side\\nof Saraspur built by Satidas jeweller, were removed under\\nthe Prince's order and a Masjid was erected on its remains.\\nIt was named Quwwat-ul-Islam (Mirat-i-Ahmadi 1965: 194).\\nJean-Baptiste Tavernier, who visited Ahmadabad\\nnumerous times, wrote a short account of the incident,\\nThere was a Pagoda in this place, which the Muhammadans\\ntook possession of in order to turn it into a mosque. Before\\nentering it you traverse three great courts paved with marble,\\nand surrounded by galleries, and you are not allowed to\\nplace foot in the third without removing your shoes. The\\nexterior of the mosque is ornamented with mosaic, the\\ngreater part of which consists of agates of different colours,\\nobtained from the mountains of Cambay, only two days'\\njourney from thence (Tavernier Vol. I 1889: 72).\\nAnother French traveller, Jean de Thevenot, who visited\\nAhmadabad in 1666, wrote a detailed report on the event,\\nAmedabad being inhabited also by a great number of\\nHeathens, there are Pagods, or Idol-Temples it. That which\\nwas called the Pagod of Santidas [temple of Chintaman built\\nby Shantidas, a Jain merchant, in 1638 at a cost of nine lakh\\nrupees] was the chief, before Auranzeb converted it into a\\nMosque. When he performed that Ceremonie, he caused a\\nCow to be killed in the place, knowing very well, that after\\nsuch an Action, the Gentiles according to their Law, could\\nworship no more therein. All round the Temple there is a\\nCloyster furnished with lovely Cells, beautified with Figures\\nof Marble in relief, representing naked Women sitting after\\nthe Oriental fashion. The inside Roof of the Mosque is pretty\\nenough, and the Walls are full of the Figures of Men and\\nBeasts; but Auranzeb, who hath always made a shew of an\\naffected Devotion, which at length raised him to the Throne,\\ncaused the Noses of all these Figures which added a great\\ndeal of Magnificence to that Mosque, to be beat off [broken]\\n(Thevenot 1949: 13-14).\\nBeing a man of considerable repute, Shantidas was\\nunwilling to accept the wrongdoing to his religion, and\\npersonally presented the case to Shah Jahan.\" Though the\\nEmperor had himself ordered that all newly built temples in\\nBanaras be pulled down, Shantidas's position compelled him\\nto intercede. He consulted Mulla Abdul Hakim, who stated\\nthat since the structure was the property of another person, it\\ncould not be regarded a mosque according to the Shariat\\n(Tirmizi 1995: 11). The Mirat-i-Ahmadi recorded that the\\nEmperor recalled Aurangzeb, and in his place appointed Dara\\nthe Governor of Gujarat. Shah Jahan issued a farman (dated\\n3rd July 1648) to Ghairat Khan and other officials of the suba,\\nBe it known to the governors, subadars and mutsaddis\\n[officials], present and future, of the province of Gujarat,\\nespecially the one who has been worthy of various favours\\n[here follow various honorific prefixes], viz. Ghairat Khan,\\nwho has been reliant on and gladdened by royal favours,\\nthat formerly, in respect of the temple of the leading person\\nof the time (zubdat-al-akran), Satidas Jawahari, an exalted\\nand blessed order had been issued to Umdat-ul-Mulk [pillar\\nof the state] Shayista Khan to this effect: Shahzada [prince]\\nSultan Aurangzeb Bahadur had constructed in that place\\nsome mihrabs [prayer arches] and had given it the name of\\na mosque; and after that Mulla Abdal Hakim had\\nrepresented to His Majesty that this building, by reason of\\nits being the property of another person, could not be\\nconsidered a mosque according to the inviolable Islamic\\nlaw; a world-obeyed order, therefore obtained the honour of\\nbeing issued that this building is the property of Satidas,\\nand that because of the mihrab which the famous Prince\\nGUJARAT 185\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 111 ---\n\nhad made in that place the above mentioned person should\nnot be harassed and that the arch should be removed and\nthe aforesaid building should be handed over to him.\nNow at this time, the world-obeyed and illustrious order\nhas been issued that the mihrab which the victorious and\nillustrious Prince has consecrated may be retained and a\nwall be built near the same as a screen between the temple\nand the mihrab. Hence it is ordained that, since his exalted\nMajesty has, as an act of favour, granted the aforesaid temple\nto Santidas, he should be in possession of it as before and\nhe may worship there according to his creed in any way he\nlikes, and no one should obstruct or trouble him; also that\nsome of the Faqirs (beggars) who have made their abode in\nthat place should be turned out, and Santidas should be\nrelieved form the troubles and quarrels on this account.\nAnd since it has been represented to His Majesty that some\nof the Bohras [a community of merchants who had been\nconverted to Islam] have removed and carried away the\nmaterials of that temple, in the event of this being so, those\nmaterials should be got back from them and should be\nrestored to the person referred to above [Santidas], and if\nthe aforesaid materials have been used up, their price should\nbe paid to Santidas.\nIn this matter this order should be considered extremely\nurgent and there should be no deviation from or\ndisobedience to it. Written on the twenty-first of the month\nof Jumad-as-Sani in the year 1058 H. [3rd July 1648]\n(Commissariat 1940: 40-41).\nBy the farman, Shah Jahan ordered Mughal officials that\nthe structures added by Aurangzeb be retained; a wall be\nbuilt to separate them from the rest of the original temple,\nand that section be restored to Shantidas. But the Jains never\nused the temple again; for them it had been defiled forever,\nas a cow had been slaughtered in its boundaries. Muslims too\nwould hardly have used the building as a mosque after Shah\n186 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nJahan's orders. The structure gradually fell into decay. M.S.\nCommissariat wrote in 1932, that even its remains were almost\nuntraceable (Commissariat 1987: 59).\nFrom a subsequent reference in the Mirat-i-Ahmadi, it\nappeared that when Aurangzeb converted the temple into a\nmosque, two marble images, each weighing a hundred man,\nwere buried underground by Shantidas, who had openly\ndeclared that they would be destroyed. A hundred years later,\nIn 1743, when Muhammad Shah was the Emperor and\nFakhruddin the Subadar of Gujarat, bribes were paid to\nMughal officials and both images publicly installed in the\nJhaverivada at Ahmadabad (Commissariat 1957: 142-143; Ray\n2015: 82).\nThe Mirat-i-Ahmadi commented that the open worship of\nthe Jain murtis, \"... mark(ed) the weakness of Islam and the\ndecline of religious zeal.\" Shantidas's descendants obtained\npermission to bring those images on carts into the city, and\ninstalled them in an underground temple. The temple had\nlong existed, and Jains used to worship there \"secretly for\nfear of the Musalmans\" (Commissariat 1987: 60).\nSOMNATH 'THE SHRINE ETERNAL'\nPrabhasa, near the famous Somnath temple, was an important\npilgrimage centre. It was there that Soma, the moon, was cured\nof a wasting disease brought about by the curse of his father-\nin-law, Daksha. The confluence of three rivers, Sarasvati,\nKapila, and Hiranya also bestowed special merit on the place.\nIn Prabhasa, Shiva as the presiding deity was worshipped as\nSomnath.\nThe shrine of Somnath, which became a symbol of the\niconoclastic zeal of Islam, occupied a vital place on the sacred\nmap of India. Legend placed the initial construction of the\ntemple to the latter half of the first century CE by Soma Sarman,\nthough no structural evidence of it was found (Dhaky and\nShastri 1974: 25).9\nGUJARAT 187\n"}
+{"start_page": 112, "end_page": 114, "text": "--- PAGE 112 ---\n\nA second temple was possibly constructed in the seventh\ncentury CE, in the reign of the Dharasena IV (r. 640-649), the\nMaitraka ruler of Valabhi. The Ghumali copper plate of 831\nCE, mentioned the grantee, Madhava, as a resident of\nSomeshvara; which confirmed the existence of the temple prior\nto 831 CE. That could, in fact, have been the first temple of\nSomnath (Dhaky and Shastri 1974: 6-7, 25-26). However,\naccording to K.M. Munshi, the garbhagriha of the second temple\nwas positioned at the site of the first temple (Munshi 1965:\n18). The second temple was believed to have been destroyed\nby the Arabs but that has not been substantiated.\nTowards the close of the tenth century, a (third) temple\nwas reconstructed or renovated, probably by the Solanki ruler,\nMularaja in Maha Gurjara style (Dhaky and Shastri 1974: 26).\nK.M. Munshi placed the third temple not much later than 800\nCE. For in 815, Nagabhatta II, the foremost ruler of north India,\nvisited Prabhas to worship Someshvara (Munshi 1965: 21). As\nNagabhatta II visited tirthas in Saurashtra including\nSomeshvara, that may or may not have been a reference to\nthe Shiva temple, as the town was also known by the same\nname.\nTHIRD TEMPLE DESTROYED BY MAHMUD GHAZNAVI\nIn January 1026, in the reign of Mularaja's grandson\nBhimadeva, Mahmud Ghaznavi entered the Somnath temple,\nsanctified by centuries of devotion. 10 Farrukh Sistani, who\nclaimed to have accompanied Mahmud, reported the event.\nGardizi also penned an account roughly twenty-three years\nlater (Minorsky1948: 625-640). Alberuni vividly described the\nincident,\nThe image was destroyed by the Prince Mahmud \u2014 may\nGod be merciful to him! \u2014 A.H. 416. He ordered the upper\npart to be broken and the remainder to be transported to his\nresidence, Ghaznin, with all its coverings and trappings of\ngold, jewels, and embroidered garments. Part of it has been\n188 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthrown into the hippodrome of the town, together with the\nCakrasvamin, an idol of bronze that had been brought from\nTaneshar. Another part of the idol from Somanath lies before\nthe door of the mosque of Ghaznin, on which people rub\ntheir feet to clean them from dirt and wet... (Alberuni Vol. II\n1910: 102-106).\nK.M. Munshi, who visited the site of the desecrated temple\nin the twentieth century, wrote, \"The Third Temple of\nbeautiful thin-grained red sandstone was thus destroyed. I\nsaw the steps of the temple, the base of the pillars burnt and\nthe debris of its south wall sloping seaward imbedded in the\nearth\" (Munshi 1965: 37).\nSoon after Mahmud's departure, sometime between 1026\nand 1030, Bhimadeva, aided by king Bhoja and Trailocanapala\nof Lata, built the fourth temple of Somnath, in the Maru-\nGurjara style. Subsequently, his grandson, Jayasimha\nSiddharaja undertook a pilgrimage to Somnath with his\nmother; he added a mahapitha to the stairway (Cousens 1998a:\n22-23; Dhaky and Shastri 1974: 27). He also invited the\ncelebrated Shaivite, Bhava Brihaspati to take charge of the\ntemple (Munshi 1965: 41-42).\nKumarapala, who succeeded Jayasimha Siddharaja, was a\nwise king, considerably influenced by Hemachandra (1089-\n1172), his minister and Jain polymath. He visited Somnath\naccompanied by Hemachandra. The Somnathpattam Prasasti of\nBhava Brihaspati, dated 1169 CE stated that he requested\nKumarapala to rebuild the temple as it was in a state of\ndisrepair. In gratitude for the pious suggestion, the ruler\nconferred on Brihaspati the title of principal priest, thereby\nmaking him the leading Shaiva authority in the area.\nBhava Brihaspati built the Kailasa-meru prasada (Temple\n5), in 1169. An inscription in the Bhadrakali temple of Bhava\nBrihaspati that originally belonged to the Somnath temple\nstated it looked \"august like up to mount Kailasa.\" The temple\nwas almost as big, if not bigger, than the Rudramahalaya temple\nGUJARAT 189\n--- PAGE 113 ---\n\nat Siddhpur. The aged king attended the opening ceremony,\nand gave Bhava Brihaspati generous gifts (Dhaky and Shastri\n1974: 27; Cousens 1998a: 23-24).\nAfter Kumarapala, Bhimadeva II added the Meghanada\nmandapa to the temple in 1217. In 1287, Ganda Tripurantaka,\nthe pontiff of the temple, constructed five minor Siva shrines,\nnorth of the mandapa (Dhaky and Shastri 1974: 28; Cousens\n1931: 25).\nMASJID BUILT AT SOMNATH-PATAN WITH\nLOCAL ASSISTANCE\nSome two hundred years after Mahmud Ghaznavi's attack, in\n1264 CE, Sri Chanda, the local raja, helped Nuruddin Firuz, a\nmerchant from Hormuz, purchase land to build a masjid in\nthe town of Somnath. The Veraval inscription recorded the\ndeed in Sanskrit and Arabic, the latter text intended for the\nArab community alone. The inscription also noted grants made\nby Nuruddin in favour of the mosque; and his direction that\nthe surplus income be sent to places of worship at Makha\n(Mecca) and Madina (Medina). D.C. Sircar, who edited the\ninscription, observed, \"It is interesting that Nuruddin Firuz\ndid not think of spending the surplus amount in some good\ncause in the land where the mosque was built but arranged\nfor its dispatch to distant Mecca and Medina\" (Epigraphia Indica\nVol. XXXIV: 141-146).\nALAUDDIN KHALJI'S ATTACK ON SOMNATH\nKumarapala's temple was defiled by the forces of Alauddin\nKhalji in 1298 CE.11 There were conflicting accounts of the fate\nof the linga (Bird 1835: 157). According to Amir Khusrau, Ulugh\nKhan,\ndestroyed all the idols and temples of Somnat, but sent one\nidol, the biggest of all idols, to the court of his Godlike\nMajesty, and in that ancient stronghold of idolatry the\nsummons to prayers was pronounced so loud, that they\n190 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nheard it in Misr and Madain (Elliot and Dowson Vol. III:\n74).\nBarni endorsed the statement that the image was taken to\nthe imperial capital,\n... and the idol which after the victory of Sultan Mahmud\nand his destruction of (the idol) Manat, the Brahmans had\nset up under the name Somnath for the worship of the\nHindus, was removed and carried to Dehli, where it was\nlaid down for people to tread upon (Elliot and Dowson Vol.\nIII: 163).\nKANHADADE PRABANDHA'S VERSION OF THE ATTACK\nl'admanabha, in his Kanhadade Prabandha, presented a noticeably\ndifferent account of the attack on Somnath. He composed his\nwork in 1455 CE, at the behest of the fifth in descent of Raval\nKanhadade Chauhan of Jalor, who had fought the Khalji forces.\nThe work recounted the heroic tale of Kanhadade and the\npeople of Jalor, who resisted the Delhi armies till the very\nend (Padmanabha 1991: vii-xxii). The text stated,\nProfound calamity had fallen upon Lord Somanatha's\ntemple. The locks (of the doors) were broken open and the\nenemy rushed through the doors tumultuously, and took\npossession of the temple drum and Kansala. The Mlechchha\n(asura) stone-breakers climbed up the sikhara of the temple\n(to take off the golden kalasa) and began to rain blows on the\nstone idols on all the three sides (pasa) by their hammers,\nthe stone pieces falling all around. They loosened every\njoint of the temple building, and then began to break the\ndifferent layers (thara), and the sculptured elephants and\nhorses on them by incessant blows of their hammers. Then,\namidst loud and vulgar clamour, they began to apply force\nfrom both the sides to uproot the massive idol by means of\nwooden beams and iron crowbars.\nSuch strange and improper happenings were taking place:\nthe kaliyuga was, no doubt, showing its true temper: Lord\nSiva, leaving the earthly abode, went away to Kailasa.\nGUJARAT 191\n--- PAGE 114 ---\n\nUlugh Khan now ordered:\n'The temple will remain without its God idol! Despatch the\nidol (bhuta) to Delhi where I will have it crushed and made\ninto lime.'\nHalf cart (Faraka i.e. Firq) and rekhala, with wheels fitted\nwith iron rims, were brought to place the idol with the help\nof strong wooden beams. Dark coarse Bhoias loaded the\nlinga on the huge cart to which were yoked three pairs of\nbullocks, and the idol was sent off towards Delhi\n(Padmanabha 1991: 10).\nKanhadade confronted the returning army and a bitter\nbattle was fought,\nThe next day, the Rauts surveyed the battlefield. The palhans\nof the horses, turrets (panjari) carried by the elephants, and\nslaughtered horses were lying scattered all over the\nground... Also could be seen severed heads and torsos lying\nhere and there. The ground had become wet and miry with\nflesh and gore of the slain.\nThe Raval secured back Lord Somanatha's idol and then\nwashed his weapons... No sooner the people of Jalor came\nto know of Kanhadade's victory, they came to greet him and\noffer felicitations... (Padmanabha 1991: 25-27).\nAt Jalor, Kanhadade now worshipped Lord Somanatha,\ndaily bathing the idol with panchamrita, performing all the\nsixteen rituals, and adorning the idol with sandal paste,\nflowers, tilaka, etc....\nOf the Ekalinga, which saves one from falling into the hell\nand dire troubles and afflictions, five idols were carved out;\nthere is no sixth one like them. One of these was\nceremoniously installed at Soratha and another at Lohasing\nin Vagada. One was sent to a pleasant spot on the Abu hill\nfor consecration, while one was installed at Jalor where the\nRai built a temple and one was sent to Saivadi (Jalor district).\nAt all these five places, worship of Lord Siva is performed\n(Padmanabha 1991: 28-29).\u00b9\u00b2\n\nTEMPLE REPAIRED AND WORSHIP RESUMED\nSometime between 1325 and 1351 CE, the Somnath temple was\nrepaired and the linga re-established by the Cudasama king\nof Junagadh, Mahipaladeva (1308-1325), as stated in an\ninscription in Girnar (Dhaky and Shastri 1974: 28; Munshi 1965:\n53-54; Cousens 1998a: 25-26).\nIn 1394, Muzaffar Khan led an expedition to Somnath.\nApparently, he did not destroy the temple; though he built a\nmosque at Somnath (Pl. 43) (Cousens 1998a: 26). He tried to\nconvert the people to Islam. A popular revolt ensued, and the\nshrine was again made fit for worship (Munshi 1965: 54).\nTEMPLE CONVERTED INTO A MOSQUE\nSultan Ahmed Shah desecrated the temple in 1413 (Dhaky and\nShastri 1974: 28). In 1469, his grandson, Sultan Mahmud Begada\nattacked Junagadh and Somnath (Pl. 44). He removed the linga\nand converted the shrine into a mosque. K.M. Munshi was of\nthe view that \"the edifice was not used as a mosque for any\nlength of time\" (Munshi 1965: 55).\nMunshi's surmise was supported by the colophons of two\nliterary works, the Krsna-krida-kavya of poet Kesavadasa\nHrdayarama of Prabhasa (1473 CE), and the Prabodhaprakasa of\nVisnudasa-Bhima (1490 CE). The former alluded to the city of\nPrabhasa and the Somnath temple. The second work mentioned\nthe \"nija-avasa (nija-mandira) of Somanatha, seeming as though\na second Mt. Kailasa on the surface of the earth.\" These\nreferences indicated that worship in the temple had resumed.\nFor the next 150-200 years, there was no disruption (Munshi\n1965: 56-57).\nAURANGZEB CONVERTS TEMPLE INTO MASJID\nIn 1669, the shrine was defiled again and, in 1701, converted\ninto a mosque on the orders of Aurangzeb (Dhaky and Shastri\n1974: 29).\u00b9\u00b3\n"}
+{"start_page": 115, "end_page": 117, "text": "--- PAGE 115 ---\n\nTEMPLE BUILT AGAIN AND AGAIN\nIn 1783, Maharani Ahilya Bai Holkar constructed a new temple\nnear the site of the old Somnath temple. It had a two storied\ngarbha griha with the linga placed below ground level as a\nmeasure of abundant caution. The fear of iconoclasm remained\nfirm as late as 1783!\nAfter independence, K.M. Munshi and Sardar Patel\nspearheaded the initiative to construct a new temple at the\nsite of the old shrine. President Rajendra Prasad presided over\nthe installation ceremony of the jyotirlinga.\nNOTES\n1. Portuguese traveller, Duarte Barbosa gave a brief description\nof the city of Ahmadnagar in the early sixteenth century. The\nfirst detailed account was provided by Englishman, William\nFinch who visited in the early seventeenth century. His\ncontemporary, Nicholas Worthington also wrote his\nimpressions of the city (Ray 2015: 78-79).\n2. The Khalji's attacked Gujarat twice, first in 1300 and again in\n1303. A bilingual Persian-Sanskrit inscription of 704 AH/\n1304 CE showed that Gujarat returned to Vaghela rule after\nAlauddin Khalji's first invasion. That necessitated a second\ncampaign.\n3. In Ahmadabad, the Ahmad Shah mosque (1411), the mosque\nof Haibat Khan (1415), and the congregational mosque (1424),\nall made extensive use of temple components (Michell and\nShah 1988: 32-39, 42-43).\n4. Modhera or Modherapura was regarded the original habitat\nof the Modha Brahmans, bequeathed to them \"as a\nkrishnarpana on the occasion of the marriage of Rama and\nSita.\" Modha Brahmans were gurus of Modha Vaniyas; the\nJain acharya Hemachandra was of Modha parentage (Burgess\nand Cousens 1903: 71).\n5. Kirit Mankodi, who made an exhaustive study of the temple,\nstated that the presence of the twelve Adityas on the shrine's\nouter walls and elsewhere had led to the assumption that the\ntemple was dedicated to Surya, the Sun God. According to\n194 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhim, the shrine was dedicated to both Surya and Shiva. He\nnoted that the twelve forms of Shiva's consort (the twelve\nGauris) were given as much importance as the twelve Adityas.\nAccording to him, the temple synthesized the Sun god with\nShiva, a synthesis \"already well known in Hinduism, both\nPuranic and Tantric\" (Mankodi 2009: 176-195; Mankodi 2015:\n13-14).\n6. The first Chaulukya ruler, Mularaja I patronised Jain shrines,\nas did his successors. Inscriptions from the reigns of Karnadeva\nI (r. 1065-94), Jayasimha Siddharaja, Kumarapala, and\nArjunadeva (r. 1261-75) confirmed Chaulukya patronage of\nJain establishments. Jains were equally solicitous. In 1172,\nthe Ghurids desecrated the Somesvara temple at Kiradu,\nBarmer district, Rajasthan. Four years later, the wife of\nTejahpala, a Jain minister of one of the feudatories of\nBhimadeva II, gifted a new Shiva image to the temple.\n7. Shantidas had easy access to the Mughal Court. In 1628, Shah\nJahan gifted him several horses and elephants, and also\napproved the lease (ijara) of Shankheshwar village in pargana\nMunjpur, north Gujarat to Shantidas and his descendants.\nAdditionally, he was granted Palitana village and Shatrunjay\nhill, as the representative of the powerful Svetambara Jain\ncommunity of western India (Commissariat 1940: 17, 46-47;\nCommissariat 1957: 144-146; Commissariat 1987: 54, 60-61,\n63-66). By a farman of 12th March 1660, Aurangzeb (probably\nin the last year of Shantidas's life) confirmed the grant of the\nvillage, hill, and temple of Palitana, and gave a further grant\nof the hill and temples of Girnar and Abu as a special favour.\nThese were given to Shantidas in trust for the use and worship\nof the Jain community (Commissariat 1940: 17-19, 54-55;\nCommissariat 1957: 148; Commissariat 1987: 67-68).\n8. Shah Jahan's order to demolish temples in Banaras stated,\n\"It has been previously represented that there were some of\nthe finest Hindu temples at Banaras. In former reigns, the\nfoundations of many new ones had been laid, some of which\nhad been completed, while others still remained in an\nimperfect state; and these the opulent among the pagans were\ndesirous of seeing finished. The infidel-consuming monarch,\nwho is the guardian of true religion, had therefore commanded\nGUJARAT 195\n--- PAGE 116 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"that at Banaras and throughout the entire imperial dominions,\\nwheresoever idol-temples had been recently built, they should\\nbe razed to the ground. Accordingly, in these days it was\\nreported from the province of Allahabad that 70 had been\\ndemolished at Banaras alone\\\" (The Shah Jahan Nama of Inayat\\nKhan 1990: 89-90).\\n9. There was a temple dedicated to Chandraprabha, the eighth\\nTirthankara, at Somnath-Patan. Jinaprabhasuri stated that\\nthe image of Chandraprabha was brought to Devapattan\\n(Somnath-Patan) by air from Valabhi, along with images of\\nAmba and Ksetrapala. He described the Chandraprabha image\\nas made of Chandrakanta stone; that was installed at Prabhas,\\nalong with an image of Jvalinidevi. The image came from\\nValabhi, where it was believed to have been consecrated by\\nSri Gautama-Svami and was the gift of Nandivardhana (the\\nelder brother of Mahavira). According to Jinaprabhasuri, an\\nimage of Chandraprabha installed in the Jina's lifetime, existed\\nin a shrine in Nasikkapura (Nasik). An image of the Jina was\\nwell-known at Varanasi, while another was worshipped in\\nChandravati (Shah 1987: 142).\\n10. Dhanapala, once at the court of Paramara Bhoja, was the only\\ncontemporary authority to write on Mahmud Ghaznavi's\\ninvasion of Gujarat. He listed the cities destroyed by the\\ninvader, among them Srimala (Bhinnamala), Anhilavadau\\n(Anhilvada-Patana), Caddavalli (Candravati), Soratthu\\n(Sorath), Devalavadau (Delvada), and Somessar. He claimed\\nthat the invader could not destroy the Mahavira of Saccaur\\n(Satyapura);\\nBhanje vinu Sirimala-desu anu Anhilavadau\\nCaddavalli Soratthu bhaggu punu Deulavadu\\nSomesaru so te hi bhaggu jana-mana-anandanun\\nBhaggu na Siri-Saccauri-viru Siddhatthah nandanun\\n[Satyapuriya-Sri-Mahavira-Utsaha] (Dhaky and Shastri 1974:\\n34).\\n11. Persian poet, Sadi visited Somnath in the thirteenth century.\\nHe described his experience in Tale 140 titled, \\\"The idol of\\nSomanth\\\" (Sadi 1974: 214-219).\\n\\\"An ivory idol I saw in Somnath,\\nEncrusted as Manat in pagan days;\\n196 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nIts form the sculptor so had fashioned\\nThat no form fairer could be fancied;\\nFrom every region caravans would make their way\\nTo gain sight of that form without spirit...\\nTo humble themselves before that tongueless one.\\nThe inwardness of this I failed to fathom...\\nI mildly asked: 'O Brahmin!\\nAt the doings in this locality I am amazed!\\nThese folk are bemused by this impotent image\\nAnd fettered fast within the pit of error:\\nHis hand has no power, his foot cannot walk,\\nAnd if you cast him down, he'll not rise up again;\\nSee you not his eyes are amber?\\nIt's a mistake to see good-faith from those with stony eyes!\\nThat friend at what I said became my enemy;\\nIn rage, like fire he grew and seized upon me;\\n...And down into a pit I cast him....\\nSo with a stone, stone-dead I killed that foul fellow,\\nFor tales no more are heard from one who's dead;\\nBut, seeing I had roused a tumult,\\nI left that land and fled...\\\" (Sadi 1974: 214-219).\\n12. Romila Thapar analysed the incident,\\n\\\"It could be argued that perhaps the temple had become a\\nsymbol of legitimation of the kings of Gujarat after\\nKumarapala's renovation, therefore the conquest of Gujarat\\nrequired the capturing of the icon at Somanatha, but seems\\nnot to have required the destruction of the temple. Hence, the\\nfocus on the icon. The capturing of the icon amounts to the\\nsymbolic capturing of the legitimacy to rule, apart from an\\nIslamic victory over Shaivism\\\"\\nFurther she stated,\\n\\\"Kanhadade retrieves the lingam, which is then safeguarded\\nby being converted into five icons... Could this also be an\\nattempt to mirror the act of Mahmud who is said to have taken\\nthe pieces of the icon back to Ghazni and sent some to Mecca\\nand Medina, although the desecration of the icon in this case\\nwas a form of 'inverted' legitimation\\\" (Thapar 2004: 128-129).\\nGUJARAT 197\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 117 ---\n\n13. A farman of Aurangzeb, dated 20th November 1665, contained\nseveral discriminatory regulations against Hindus. It stated\nthat on the pancham, amawas, and ekadashi, Hindus closed their\nshops early. The Emperor directed that the shops be always\nkept open. Further, on Holi \"they open their tongue with foul\nspeech,\" and light the Holi fire in every chakla and bazaar.\nMughal officers were ordered to make sure that Hindus did\nnot light the bazaars on Diwali, and did not throw sticks into\nthe Holi fire. The farman also mentioned that some potters\nsold clay images of horses and elephants on Id, Shab-i-Barat,\nand on the days of Urs. Such clay images were prohibited\n(Mirat-i-Ahmadi 1965: 261-264).\nIn his 38th regnal year, Aurangzeb ordered the governor,\nShujaat Khan to demolish the temple at Vadnagar (probably\nthe great shrine of Hatkeshwar Mahadeva). In 1703-1704,\nMuhammad Azam, Aurangzeb's eldest son and Governor of\nGujarat, noticed that the number of steps to the pulpit (mimbar)\nin the mosques at Ahmadabad, especially in the Jama Masjid\nand the Idgah, were more than permitted. After consultations\nwith the ulama, he ordered that the mimbar at both places be\nremoved and new ones built with just three steps, as had been\nthe practice in the time of the Prophet (Commissariat 1987:\n131-135).\n\n10\nMaharashtra\n\nT\nThe iconoclastic threat loomed large over Maharashtra\nfor a significant period in the medieval era. Various\nstratagems were adopted to safeguard temples and\ndeities.\u00b9\n\n198 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n\nNAGANATHA TEMPLE -\nUNDERGROUND CHAMBER DUG\n\nAn interesting ruse was apparent in the case of the Naganatha\ntemple (Aundha, Parbhani district), the largest in Marathwada.\nThe temple structure belonged to two different periods. The\nolder portion, from the ground level to the eaves, dated to\nthe thirteenth century. It could be approached by steps on the\nsouth side of the upper floor. Due to the danger of iconoclasts,\nan underground chamber was dug just under the sanctum\nand the syambhu linga (one of the twelve jyotirlingas) relocated\nthere. The underground cella was so small that only one person\ncould enter at a time, and its ceiling so low that it was difficult\nto stand erect (Pl. 45). The linga was not visible from the hall\ndoorway and priests could discretely continue puja (Cousens\n\nMAHARASHTRA 199\n"}
+{"start_page": 118, "end_page": 120, "text": "--- PAGE 118 ---\n\n1931: 77-78; Deglurkar 1974: 41-45). The image of Vishnu on\nthe upper floor was instated later. The Nandi mandapa in front\nof the temple was a recent addition.2\nDEVAGIRI - ATTACKED TWICE BY DELHI SULTANS\nDevagiri, situated on one of the northern routes to central\nDeccan, was a tirtha of long standing. A number of Jain and\nShiva rock-cut cave temples, hewn out of an adjoining hill,\nperhaps gave it the name \"mountain of gods.\"\nIn the year 1196 CE, the Yadavas made the temple city\ntheir capital. The construction of Devagiri fort, among the\nstrongest in the Deccan, was credited to the first Yadava king,\nBhillama V (though it did not seem the handiwork of one\nruler). It was a complex comprising a hill fort, two land-forts\nat its base, and a large township beyond that was also\nprotected by a town wall. The smaller of the two land forts\nwas known as Kala Kot, the one outside was Mahakot, and\nthe township, Ambarkot. The area of the inner fort, i.e. the\nMahakot, contained a considerable number of Hindu and Jain\ntemples, and a large stepwell locally known as \"Saraswati\nWell\" or Saraswati Bavadi. They added to Devagiri's renown\nas a religious centre (Mate and Pathy 1992: 19-21).\nIt was estimated that the total area occupied by temples\nand ancillary structures would have been around seven acres.\nThe area of the township (Mahakot) was roughly fifty acres,\nwhich meant that one-seventh of the town was occupied by\nsacred structures. The sheer density of temples established\nthat it was an important Jain and Hindu pilgrimage centre,\nwell before it became the capital of the Yadavas (Mate and\nPathy 1992: 11).\nCONGREGATION MOSQUE BUILT OF TEMPLE PARTS\nDevagiri was attacked twice by the forces of the Delhi Sultans,\nfirst in the reign of Alauddin Khalji, and second, in the time\nof his successor, Mubarak Khalji. As a result of the two\n200 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nInvasions, its physical landscape underwent a radical change.\nSometime between 1313 and 1318, a grand congregational\nmosque, Deccan's earliest surviving Islamic monument, was\nconstructed at the centre of the city. It ranked next only to\nDelhi's Qutab mosque in size.\nM.S. Mate and T. V. Pathy, who studied the mosque,\nshowed that it was built from parts of Hindu and Jain temples.\nOne hundred and seventy-seven columns carved in the Yadava\nstyle were used in the construction of the mosque, of which\none hundred and six were placed in the central prayer hall.\nThey calculated that between twelve and fourteen temple\nmaterials would have been used to provide the requisite\nnumber of columns for the mosque. A large number of temple\nparts and sculptures were scattered all over the Mahakot area;\nthe most substantial structural remains were embedded in\nthe mosque. In the liwan or western hall, there was a profusion\nof temple pillars, placed indiscriminately on top of one another.\nThough some of the pillars and brackets were mutilated and\ndefaced, they retained their original shape, which was typical\nof Yadava temple architecture. The loose images included\nthose of Parsvanatha, Vishnu, and Shiva; as the Jain, Vishnu,\nand Shiva temples had existed alongside (Mate and Pathy 1992:\n23-25).\nRichard Eaton and Philip Wagoner argued that in\nconstructing the mosque, the Khaljis \"simultaneously\nliquidated and absorbed most if not all the religious monuments\nthat had theretofore defined the city.\" According to them,\nthe Khaljis adhered to a conventional Indian practice, \"For\ncenturies, states in the Deccan - as in India generally - had\ndecrated royal temples of defeated enemies by way of\ndelegitimizing the latter's authority\" (Eaton and Wagoner\n2014: 44).\nHindus did not seem overly impressed by that analysis.\nAt some stage in recent history, the Jami Mosque was\nconverted into Bharat Mata Mandir, by the placement of an\nimage of Bharat Mata in its precincts (Pl. 46).\nMAHARASHTRA | 201\n--- PAGE 119 ---\n\nMAHALAKSHMI OF KOLHAPUR\nFour deities widely worshipped in Maharashtra were\nMahalakshmi of Kolhapur, Bhavani of Tuljapur, Khandoba of\nJejuri, and Vitthal of Pandharpur.\nKarvir, modern Kolhapur, the abode of goddess\nMahalakshmi, was known in ancient times as Dakshin-Kashi,\nKashi of the south. Kolhapur and Tuljapur were historically\nand culturally the most prominent shakti-pithas of Maharashtra.\nThe Padma Purana had a separate section, Karavira Mahatmya\ndevote to Karvir kshetra. The Devi Mahatmya from the\nMarkandeya Purana contained several mythical references to\nthe kshetra (Mate 1988: 26-27, 41).\nAs per available records, a city called Kollapura, probably\nafter goddess Kolla, grew up on the banks of the Panchganga\nRiver. Kolla was the deity of aboriginal tribes, like the Kols or\nKolis. Early on, the site was known as a seat of the mother\ngoddess (matrikasthana). It grew in status when another\ngoddess, Mahalakshmi was installed in the city, and a temple\nbuilt in the Rashtrakuta period (c. 800 CE) (Sankalia and Dixit\n1952: 7-8).\nAcharya Harisena, in his Brhat-Kathakosa composed in 931-\n32 CE in Saurashtra, referred to Kolladigiri pattana in\nDakshinapatha. That pattana (town) seemed to be Kollapura.\nAs it was mentioned in a folk story of the tenth century, the\ntown would have been known by that name several centuries\nearlier. Hemachandra, the famous Jain writer of Gujarat, in\nhis Dvyasrayakavya, mentioned gifts sent by the lord of\nKolhapur, who was blessed by goddess Lakshmi, for prince\nCamunda, son of Mularaja. That placed the antiquity of\nKolhapur as a seat (pitha) of the goddess at least a century\nbefore Hemachandra (1088-1173 CE) (Sankalia and Dixit 1952:\n2-3).\nThe earliest known inscriptional reference to Mahalakshmi\nwas in a copper plate grant of Amoghavarsha of the\nRashtrakuta dynasty, dated 817 CE. Amoghavarsha was a\n202 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfollower of Jainism and also an ardent devotee of Mahalakshmi.\nThe copper plate, found at Sanjan, stated that Amoghavarsha\nwanted to liberate his subjects from a certain disaster, so he\npropitiated Mahalakshmi by cutting off one of his fingers as\nan offering to her (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XVIII: 248; Altekar\n1934: 273). Although the relevant verses did not mention\nKolhapur by name, scholars were agreed that the Mahalakshmi\nmentioned in the plate was none other than that of Kolhapur\n(Mate 1988: 46-47).\nA copper plate grant of Shashtharaj I of the Kadamba\ndynasty, dated Saka 960 (1038), stated that he went to Kolhapur\nand worshipped Mahalakshmi in the year Saka 920. In two\nKannada inscriptions from Shirur (Bijapur district), dated Saka\n971 (1049) and 985 (1064 CE), Rajavarma and Marasingha were\nrespectively mentioned as devotees of Mahalakshmi, who was\nthe wife of Shiva and whose vehicle was simha (Sankalia and\nDixit 1952: 4; Khare 1955: 97-99).\nThree leading dynasties of early medieval Maharashtra --\nthe Rashtrakutas, Kadambas, and Silaharas -- regarded\nKarvirvasini Mahalakshmi as their family goddess. Around\nSaka 980 (1058), the Silaharas of Kolhapur described themselves\nas having received boons from Mahalakshmi. Kolhapur was\nlinked with the Silahara dynasty for nearly sixty-five years,\nand might have been their capital (Mate 1988: 47).\nThe Soratur (Dharwar) Kannada inscription of Chalukya\nVikramavarsa (1091 CE), mentioned Mahalakshmi as the\nguardan deity of the village. The Kapil Kannada inscription\nrecorded that Sobhaneyya, the administrator of Kolhapur,\nalong with his wife, son, and daughter, donated land, and a\nhouse for the angabhogas of Mahalakshmi (Khare 1955: 97-99).\nTwo inscriptions in the precincts of the Mahalakshmi\ntemple, dated Saka 1104 (1182) and 1112 (1190), mentioned\ngrants for different types of services for the goddess and a\nmonastery attached to the temple. An inscription, again from\nthe temple, dated Saka 1140 (1218), stated that the image of\nMAHARASHTRA 203\n--- PAGE 120 ---\n\nMahalakshmi had a linga over its head, and a porch resembling\nthe Himalaya mountain was erected in front of the temple\n(Khare 1955: 97-99). The city and its temples continued to\nreceive benefaction from the successors of the Silaharas, viz.\nthe Yadavas of Devagiri (Sankalia and Dixit 1952: 5).\nIMAGE ON THE MOVE\nMajor Graham, political resident of the southern Maratha\nStates, of which Kolhapur was the largest unit, wrote one of\nthe finest accounts of the city and the state. Under Muslim\nregimes in Maharashtra, the deity was constantly on the move,\nmostly to the houses of its hereditary worshippers. According\nto Major Graham, sometime during the fourteenth-fifteenth\ncenturies, the image of Ambabai (Mahalakshmi) was hidden\nin a private dwelling (Graham 1854: 315-317). The temple was\nalso desecrated, as could be verified from documentary and\nsculptural evidence.\nDuring more than three hundred years of Muslim rule,\nonly two persons of note were recorded to have visited\nKolhapur for darshana of the goddess. Chaitanya, the great\nVaishnava saint of Bengal, performed kirtana before the\ngoddess in circa 1510 CE. Vadirajatirtha, of the Uttaradi\nMadhva Matha, visited Kolhapur in the latter half of the\nsixteenth century. In his Teertha Prabandha, he wrote,\nWhat is so surprising with the fact that goddess ramaa\n(mahalakshmi) is residing in kolhapura kshetra, a place which\nis full of numerous lakes each of which have numerous\nlotuses?....\nMay goddess mahalakshmi ... be the reason for me having\nabundant prosperity! (Teertha Prabandha 2017).\nBoth saints addressed the goddess as Lakshmi and Rama\nrespectively, meaning the wife of Vishnu.\nThe period of exile of the goddess from her ancient abode\nseemed to have been quite long. An extant sanad of Chhatrapati\n204 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nSambhaji Maharaj Bhonsle (1712-1760) of Kolhapur, dated 8th\nNovember 1723 CE, stated that though many people had risen\nto power and fame during the Adil Shahi regime, none had\ntaken the trouble to restore the goddess, who was a refugee\nin the house of priests of her former seat. According to the\nsanad, Sambhaji alone had the merit of re-establishing the deity\nin her original temple (Graham 1854: 317).\nOn Dasara day, 26 September 1715 CE, Sidhoji Hindurao\nGhorapade of Panhala at the command of Sambhaji Maharaj\nreinstated the image after removing it from a worshipper's\nhouse in Kapil Teerth Market. The triumphal re-entry of the\ngoddess, Adi Shakti, into her own home was a momentous\nevent in the history of the region (Mate 1988: 47-48). It was\nsignificant that in the same year and perhaps on the same\nday, the Vitthal image was reinstated in Pandharpur.\nTHE PRESENT IMAGE\nIconographic descriptions of the goddess were available from\nprior to the thirteenth century. The earliest came from the\nVishvakarmashastra, quoted by Hemadri in his\nChaturvargachintamani. It referred specifically to Karvirvasini\nMahalakshmi. There were discrepancies between that\ndescription and the present image. The present image held a\nbowl in the lower left, not in the lower right hand, and the\nshriphal had replaced by the mahalinga, which was held in the\nlower right hand. The Vishvakarmashastra also made no mention\nof the naga hood.\nA likely explanation for the differences between the textual\nreferences and the present image was that in the medieval\nperiod, when iconoclastic zeal was an incessant source of\ndanger to temples and deities, Karvirvasini devi suffered the\nsame fate. It was only after Maratha power had been firmly\nentrenched in the region that she could return to her ancient\ndwelling. It was not improbable that in the process of constant\nmovement the image suffered some harm (Mate 1988: 32-34).\nMAHARASHTRA | 205\n"}
+{"start_page": 121, "end_page": 123, "text": "--- PAGE 121 ---\n\nTULJAPUR\nTuljapur, a famous centre of pilgrimage in Osmanabad district,\nMaharashtra, was believed to mark the spot where goddess\nBhavani killed the buffalo Asura (demon Mahisha). As Tulja\nwas one of her many names (others being Tvarita, Tulaja,\nBhavani, Amba), the town was named Tuljapur after her. The\nreligious importance of the site was detailed in the Tulaja\nMahatmya. Tulja Bhavani ranked among the revered Sakta\npithas of India (Sircar 1998: 14-15).\nThe temple of Tulja/Bhavani was situated on one of the\ndeep slopes on the ranges of Bala Ghat. It was raised over a\nsmall image of highly polished black basalt, about three feet\nhigh and eight-armed. The image was allegedly discovered\nin the dell by a Brahmin. Popular belief had it that it was left\nthere by Tulja herself in commemoration of her great victory\nat the site (Mate 1988: 53, 57).\nA rock about ten feet in diameter on the edge of the ghat,\nsouth of the village, was regarded the place where the goddess\ndescended from heaven to fulfil her task against demon forces.\nA modern structure, the Ghatasila temple was raised over it\n(Burgess 1972: 3-4). According to oral tradition, that was also\nthe place where Rama decided to proceed to Lanka in search\nof Sita. The goddess escorted Rama and Lakshmana up to\nthat point, and awaited their return (Sontheimer 1991: 116).\nThe earliest recorded reference to Tulja was in a copper\nplate grant of 1204 CE. It mentioned the goddess as Turkai,\nand the kshetra as Tuljapur. The next available epigraph, dated\n1398 CE, was from Kati village in Osmanabad district. It noted\nthe donation by one Parashurama to Tulja Mata (Mate 1988:\n59-60). The Marathi saint, Eknath composed numerous songs,\n\"bharuds\", appealing to Bhavani of Tuljapur to rise and come\nto the aid of the freedom-loving people of Maharashtra. Swami\nRamdas regarded himself as a bard of the goddess and\ncomposed the famous \"Ramvardayini\" (\"She who gave a boon\nto Rama\"), in her honour.\n206 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThe goddess was an important \"religious base\" of the\nMaratha movement in the seventeenth century (Zelliot and\nBerntsen 1988: 175). She was so celebrated that when the\nMaratha leader, Shivaji built Pratapgarh fort near Javli, \"he\nset up there an image of his patron goddess Bhavani, as the\nmore ancient Bhavani of Tuljapur was beyond easy reach to\nhim\" (Sarkar Vol. IV 1919: 23).3 The shrine at the fort was a\nmodest structure, its only redeeming feature being two stone\nlamp columns, or dip malas, \"with tapering profiles and tiers\nof curving brackets.\" That became a pervasive feature of later\nreligious complexes (Michell and Zebrowski 1999: 247).\nSHRINE OF TULJA ATTACKED\nIn 1659 CE, while on way to meet Shivaji in the Western Ghats,\nthe Bijapur general, Afzal Khan indulged in \"wanton\ndestruction and desecration\" of Hindu temples. The indirect\nroute he took from Bijapur to the Western Ghats indicated his\nresolve to desecrate temples of great sanctity to Hindus of\nMaharashtra. He thus reached Tuljapur determined to\nvandalise the sacred site (Eaton 1978: 183). Sabhasad Bakhar, a\nMarathi chronicle of the life and times of Shivaji, written in\nthe last quarter of the seventeenth century, stated that Afzal\nKhan's army arrived at Tuljapur,\nShri Bhavani, the patron deity of the Maharaja's family,\nwas broken (into pieces), thrown into a hand-mill and\npoundered into dust. The chronicle added that a heavenly\nvoice immediately pierced the atmosphere and told Afzal\nKhan that he would be dead within three weeks (Sen 1920:\n9-10).\nIMAGE OF TULJA\nAccording to the contemporary poet Ajnyadas, Afzal Khan\ndesecrated not only Bhavani of Tuljapur, but also the deities\nat Pandharpur, Pali, and Aundh. The ballads of Ajnyadas\nclaimed that Afzal Khan erected a mosque at the site of the\nMAHARASHTRA | 207\n--- PAGE 122 ---\n\ntemple in Tuljapur. If so, the mosque seemed to have been\nremoved subsequently, and the goddess re-established in her\nold dwelling, for no trace of a mosque-like structure around\nthe temple survives (Mate 1988: 59).\nThe considerably later Chitnis bakhar stated that the priests\nat Tuljapur managed to remove the deity to safety, \"He would\nhave committed sacrilege upon the goddess but she was\nremoved by the officiating priest\" (Sen 1920: 183, 188).\nLegendary accounts and the verses of Swami Ramdas also\nincluded that there was great apprehension in Tuljapur and\nthe Devi was removed to Pratapgarh fort. As the date of the\nverse in the Chitnis bakhar was tentative, the reference could\neither indicate that the original image was shifted before the\nviolence of Afzal Khan, or a new replica image of\nBhavani was installed (Mate 1988: 59). Whether the image was\nold or new, the pitha (place of residence of the deity) was\nancient.\nNumerous grants made by Maratha noblemen to goddess\nBhavani from 1650 CE onwards survive. The grants made by\nmembers of the Bhonsle dynasty always referred to Bhavani\nas the Kulaswamini of their family, and stated that Tuljapur\nwas an \"anadi\" kshetra of jagrit devi. The most significant grant\nwas dated 1760 CE, just prior to the Maratha encounter with\nthe Afghan invader, Ahmad Shah Abdali. The Peshwa invoked\nthe divine powers of Bhavani when preparing to meet the\nchallenge (Mate 1988: 60-61).\nHardly anything of the original temple of Tulja has\nsurvived. It seemed to have been a group of small shrines,\nwith one or two small halls. The material of an older temple\nwas used to rebuild the shrine. There was a damaged\ninscription on the outside of the enclosing wall. As that wall\nhad also been partly rebuilt of old temple materials, that may\nnot have been its original location. The inscription was mainly\nin Sanskrit with a segment in old Marathi. It recorded that\nChangdeva, the chief astrologer of the Yadava king Simghana,\n208 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nand grandson of the well-known astronomer Bhaskaracharya,\nsponsored a college for the study of the Siddhantasiromani and\nother works of his grandfather and other relatives. A family\nof Yadava feudatories endowed the college with land and\nother sources of income (Cousens 1931: 29).\nKHANDOBA OF JEJURI\nThe leading centre of the worship of Khandoba in Maharashtra\nwas Jejuri, near Poona. The kshetra consisted of two separate\nshrines, Karhe-pather and Gad-kot, with the former believed\nto be older. On the right hand side of the main gate was an\nobject resembling a Shiva linga. It was known as Savalakhacha\nbhunga, a bee worth a lakh and a quarter rupees. According to\na story attached to it -\nAurangzeb, in one of his campaigns in the Deccan,\nconquered the fort of Daulat Mangal. From the hill, he saw\nthe Jejuri shrine and decided to attack it. His soldiers dug a\nsmall hole for placing dynamite to blow up the shrine.\nHundreds of bees buzzed out of the hole and attacked the\nsoldiers. So fierce was the assault of the bees that Aurangzeb\nwas compelled to withdraw (Mate 1988: 162-164).\nTHE MANY FLIGHTS OF VITHOBA OF PANDHARPUR\nPandharpur in Sholapur district, Maharashtra was the main\ncentre of worship of Vitthal or Vithoba. The Panduranga\nMahatmya narrated the mythological story about Vithoba's\npresence at Pandharpur (Mate 1988: 189-193). During the course\nof his wanderings on earth, Rishi Narada saw the\nextraordinary dedication of Pundalika (possibly a Jain ascetic)\nto his aged parents and informed Krishna about it. Thereupon,\nboth proceeded to the place where Pundalika was performing\nhis familial duties. So engrossed was he in serving his parents\nthat he threw a brick towards Krishna and asked him to wait.\nThat was why god Vithoba stands on a brick, his arms akimbo\n(Deleury 1960: 144).\nMAHARASHTRA | 209\n--- PAGE 123 ---\n\nIn an authoritative study, Ramchandra Chintaman Dhere\nhighlighted Vitthal's links with pastoral hero cults, and traced\nhis evolution from a shepherd deity to a major god of the\nHindu pantheon. Dhere also revealed Vitthal's links with\nBuddhist and Jain traditions (Dhere 2011: 65-66).4\nThe image of Vithoba (viru, the \"hero\") developed from a\nprimitive hero stone that commemorated a person who had\ndied protecting cattle (Deleury 1960: 198).5 According to G.D.\nSontheimer, an overlooked vira-kal (hero stone) of the Yadava\nperiod must have been the site of the original Vitthal shrine at\nPandharpur. It was built into a wall and wholly covered with\nsoot and oil. It depicted a fight, the heads of cows, and apsaras\naccompanying the hero. The top portion of the stone was\nbroken off, but probably showed the hero worshipping a linga.\nAt some stage, the hero stone was given a human form as the\npresent image of Vithoba. Since Krishna was the \"protector of\ncows\" par excellence, Vitthal became identified with him\n(Sontheimer 1982: 266-267).\nThough Vitthal of Pandharpur was unquestionably the\nforemost deity of Maharashtra, he was originally a Kannada\ngod. Namdev (1270-1350), one of the greatest devotees of\nVithoba and a contemporary of Jnaneshvar, in one of his verses\ncalled Vitthal a \"Kannada\" - \"The 'Kanada' Vitthal is standing\non the banks of the Bhivara i.e. Bhima.\" \"The 'darshan' of the\nKanada is good, his name is good, his looks are pleasing.\"\nThe Maharashtrian poet-saints, Jnanesvara (1275-1296) and\nEknath (1533-1599), also mentioned Vitthal as a Kannada deity\n(Mate 1988: 188-189).\nThe saints of the Varkari sampradaya popularised the Vitthal\ncult among the Marathi-speaking people. Pandharpur emerged\nas an important centre of pilgrimage, not only in the Marathi-\nspeaking areas; Kannada people also went to Pandharpur and\nVitthal remained one of their favourite gods (Deleury 1960:\n33-36).\nThe earliest known reference to Pandharpur was in a\n210 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ncopper plate inscription dated 516 CE of the Rashtrakuta king,\nAvideya. It mentioned Pandarangapalli i.e. 'the village of\nPandaranga,' but not Vitthal (Pandarangapalli could at some\npoint have been the site of a Shiva temple. The number of\nShiva temples in the kshetra indicated that Shiva was prominent\nin the area in ancient times. As Vithoba's importance grew,\nShiva receded into the background; Vaudeville 2005b: 203).\nDhere in fact pointed out that Vitthal exemplified the synthesis\nof Vaishnava and Shaiva elements, not only in Maharashtrian\nreligious life. He also highlighted Vitthal's likeness to\nVenkatesh of Tirupati.\nAround 1175 CE, Bhillama V (r. 1175-1191) the first\nautonomous ruler of the Yadava dynasty, carved out a\nprincipality by capturing forts in the Konkan area. He began\nas a vassal of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and after their fall\ndeclared his sovereignty around 1187 CE. He fought the\nHoysalas for control of the erstwhile Chalukya territories.\nHe defeated them around 1189 CE, but was in turn\noverpowered two years later. He retreated towards Gujarat\nand Malwa, while the Hoysalas withdrew towards Tamil Nadu\n(Vaudeville 2005b: 201-202). Subsequently, Pandharpur again\nbecome part of Yadava territory (Deleury 1960: 193).\nS.G. Tulpule (An Old Marathi Reader, 1960) deciphered an\ninscription at Pandharpur which suggested that a Vithoba\ntemple may have existed as a small structure in 1189 CE\n(Vaudeville 2005b: 201-202). An inscription on a pilaster of\nthe earlier temple, used as an overhead beam in the present\nstructure, stated in Kanarese and Sanskrit, that the Hoysala\nking Vira-Somesvara in Samvat 1159 (1237 CE), gave a gift of\ngold to the god Vitthal (an older form of the name Vithoba).\nIn its present location, parts of the inscription were covered\nby the overlapping capitals of the pillars below it, thus\nindicating that it could not have been engraved in its present\nposition. Between the existing temple and the river was part\nof an old temple that had been converted into a chavadi, police\nMAHARASHTRA | 211\n"}
+{"start_page": 124, "end_page": 126, "text": "--- PAGE 124 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"station. The pillars were in situ, and one of them had an\\ninscription in Sanskrit verse recording that a subordinate chief,\\nKesavamandalika performed the aptoryama sacrifice in the\\ntemple of Panduranga Vitthal on the banks of the Bhimarathi\\nin Samvad 1192 (1270 CE). That could have been the original\\ntemple of Vithoba (Cousens 1931: 64-65; Mate 1988: 196).\\nA Sanskrit copper plate inscription dated Saka 1171 (1249\\nCE), mentioned the city as Pundalika kshetra, implying that in\\nthe thirteenth century, Pandharpur was known as the place\\nwhere muni Pundalika was honoured. The kshetra was\\ndescribed, 'in the vicinity of god Vishnu', which seemed to be\\nVithoba (Vaudeville 2005b: 202).\\nThe Bhonsle rulers, the Peshwas, and several Maratha\\ngenerals frequently visited the shrine. Shivaji's son, Rajaram\\nmade an annual grant to the temple, which was renewed by\\nShahu in 1707 CE (Mate 1988: 197).\\nPANDHARPUR ATTACKED\\nThe popular belief that the Vijayanagara king, Krishnadeva\\nRaya took the image of Vithoba to his kingdom to protect it\\nfrom neighbouring Muslim princes has been discussed later\\nin this work. But that was not the only moment the image\\nwas threatened.\\nAfter desecrating Tuljapur, the Bijapur general, Afzal Khan\\nmarched to Pandharpur with a cavalry of 10,000, and\\ndestroyed all the images he could find. The temple priests\\nhad, however, learnt of the sacrilege at Tuljapur, and removed\\nthe image of Vithoba before Afzal Khan's arrival. According\\nto the nineteenth century Sivadigvijaya bakher, the head priest\\nof Pandharpur sent a missive to Shivaji,\\nIt is your fond ambition to establish the Hindu faith; but the\\nking of the Yavanas has sent a general to punish you. He\\nhas oppressed in various manners the Hindus, Brahmanas\\nand cows of Tuljapur and Pandharpur. If you can protect\\nus from his tyranny, then alone will Hinduism\\n212 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nprosper... Otherwise...what shall we do in that case but\\ncommit suicide and throw upon you the sin thereof? But if\\nthis message fires you with rightful wrath, and you exert\\nyour valour and punish the Yavanas, a quarter of what\\nvirtue we have acquired in the past and may win in future\\nby our religious performances will be yours; but for our sins\\nwe alone shall suffer (Sen 1920: 188-189).\\nA UNIQUE FEATURE OF THE VITTHAL IMAGE\\nThe Panduranga Mahatmya attributed to the Padma Purana\\n(PMPP), as well as the one associated with the Skanda Purana\\n(PMSP), both mentioned a unique feature of the Vitthal image\\nat Pandharpur. Both texts stated that the six syllable mantra of\\nVitthal was carved directly over the image's heart. The\\nPanduranga Mahatmya of the Padma Purana stated, \"...wearing\\nthe Srivatsa on his chest, [and] a string of pearls consisting of\\nsix syllables...\" (3.42). Elsewhere, the same text said, \\\"the\\nVaijanti, the row of syllables, the Srivatsa, the forest garland...\\\"\\n(26.51). Further in that work, sage Vaisampayana described\\nthe six-syllable mantra, \\\"The anustubh is its meter, Vyasa is its\\nsage, the Lord of Sri is its deity; this mantra (manuh) is Vaisnava;\\nit gave yogic power to Narada through its six syllables\\\" (PMPP\\n27.10). The Panduranga Mahatmya from the Skanda Purana also\\nclearly stated, \\\"O divine sage, the syllables of a mantra are\\nvisible on his chest\\\" (11.37). Other sources confirmed that\\nunique feature of the image (Dhere 2011: 94-96).\\nVITHAL IMAGE AT MADHE\\nThe Vitthal image presently at Pandharpur did not have the\\nname-mantra. An image in the Vitthal temple in village Madhe\\n(in Madhe Taluka, Solapur District), had the mantra carved\\nover the heart as indicated in both the Panduranga Mahatmyas.\\nThat image matched the description in the Mahatmyas better\\nthan the Pandharpur image in several other ways. So was the\\nVitthal image moved from Pandharpur to Madhe at some\\nstage?\\nMAHARASHTRA | 213\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 125 ---\n\nDuring the period of the Deccan Sultanates (15th-17th\ncenturies), the image was shifted from Pandharpur on\nnumerous occasions. Many Marathi saints narrated the story\nof Bhanudas (1448-1513), the great grandfather of Eknath, who\nwas credited with retrieving the image from Vijayanagara\nwhere it had been taken for safekeeping (related in a later\nchapter in this work). Interestingly, the image in the courtyard\nof Eknath's home in Paithan was named \"Vijay Vitthal.\" The\nname was linked to Vijayanagara's Vitthal, and the image was\ncarved in Vijayanagara style. It was a small image and fitted\nwith the tale that \"god became small enough to fit into\nBhanudas's saddle bag,\" when both returned from\nVijayanagara.\nV. K. Rajvade, who edited the lengthy Marathi inscription\nin Pandharpur called the \"Eighty-four\" inscription, provided\nimportant information about the removal of Vitthal,\nAfter Sake 1465 [AD 1543], the next major inauspicious\nperiod for the image of Vithoba of Pandharpur was about to\noccur at the hands of Afjhal Khan in Sake 1581 [AD 1659].\nHowever, the Badves [Brahmin priests] are said to have\nremoved the image in the nick of time and to have placed it\nin the village of Madhe, twenty miles from Pandharpur.\nLater, after Afjhal Khan had been killed, they brought the\nimage back, and an independent temple and image of\nVithoba were installed in Madhe in memory of this\ninauspicious period (Dhere 2011: 106)\nThe Panduranga Mahatmya from the Skanda Purana also\nstated that the image was taken to Madhe at the time of Afzal\nKhan's campaign. Pandharpur was again threatened when\nAurangzeb camped at Brahmapuri near Pandharpur for four-\nfive years, beginning in 1695 CE. Between Afzal Khan and\nAurangzeb, there were other crises of a similar kind and the\nimage was shifted to Cincoli, Gulsare, Degav, and other\nvillages. There was even an occasion when a Badve priest hid\nthe image to blackmail devotees, eager for darshan.\n214 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nDhere also cited the work of Kashinath Upadhyaya (also\nknown as Baba Padhye), resident of Pandharpur and devotee\nof Vitthal of Pandharpur, who died in 1805. Kashinath\nUpadhyaya clearly stated that the image he saw everyday\nhad the \"six-syllable Krsna mantra\" on its chest. That meant\nthat the Vitthal image taken to Madhe at the time of Afzal\nKhan's invasion, was brought back when the threat subsided.\nThat original image of Vitthal, with the mantra on it, was in\nPandharpur certainly in 1805.\nWhen the image was brought back, the people of Madhe,\nin honour of the god's stay, would have made an exact replica\nof the Pandharpur deity and kept it in their village. It remained\nthe only known image that corresponded with the features of\nthe original.\nSo when was the original image of Vitthal that resided in\nPandharpur till 1805 CE, destroyed? In 1873, a deranged person\nthrew a rock at the image and broke one of its legs, which\nwas reported in several newspapers at the time. The Badves\nlater claimed that as the image of Vitthal was syambhu, they\nhad propped up the broken leg from the back and continued\nto worship it. They asserted the image was not replaced. But\nshastric injunctions were explicit that a damaged image should\nbe immersed in water, and a new image instated after its prana\npratistha. It was likely that the image was replaced after the\nattack of 1873 (Dhere 2011: 112-114).6\nGOA \u2014 LAND OF DISPLACED GODS\nGoa, Sanskrit Gomantak, the land of gods, was mentioned in\nthe Sahyadri Kand of the Skanda Purana. It described the\nreclamation of the land from the sea by Parashuram, the sixth\nincarnation of Vishnu. Shiva also took up temporary residence\nthere after he left his Himalayan abode (Fonseca 1986: 115-\n116). Goa experienced tremendous loss of its sacred heritage\nin the medieval period.\nMAHARASHTRA 215\n--- PAGE 126 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"SAPTAKOTISVARA LINGA RESTORED\\nBY MADHAVA-MANTRI\\nGoa was ruled by the Kadambas from the tenth century, but\\nwas conquered by the Bahmani Sultanate in the mid-fourteenth\\ncentury (Fonseca 1986: 121-129). During the period of Bahmani\\ncontrol, the linga of Saptakotisvara was hidden by devotees.\\nSubsequently, the Vijayanagara rulers succeeded in wresting\\na large part of the western coast, including Goa. Madhava-\\nmantri was appointed governor of Goa. He was a great\\nscholar, and undertook the reconstruction of the shrine of\\nSaptakotisvara and reinstallation of the linga (Fonseca 1986:\\n12). He laid the foundations of brahmapuris in several places in\\nGoa, in a bid to revive Vedic learning.\\nAn inscription stated that Madhava-mantri established an\\nagrahara for twelve learned Brahmins of different gotras in the\\nname of his mother, Macambika. The grant was made in the\\npresence of the deities Saptanathadeva and Triyambakadeva,\\nand also Brahmins and purohitas. The deity Saptanathadeva\\nwas clearly Saptakotisvara (Ritti 2017: 102).\\nAnother inscription described how Madhava-mantri\\nusted the Turuska groups from Goa and re-consecrated the\\nSaptanatha and other lingas that had been uprooted, \\\"and made\\nthe trees of dharma sprout again which were burnt by the flames\\nof fire of the wicked\\\" (Ritti 2017: xxxiii, 105).\\nPORTUGUESE DEVASTATIONS\\nGoa was divested of its hallowed sites during the period of\\nPortuguese political ascendancy. A letter by Andre Corsali,\\ndated 6th January 1515, mentioned an early instance of\\nviolation,\\nIn this island of Goa and of the whole of India there are\\innumerable ancient edifices of the gentiles and in a little\\nneighbouring island that is called Divari, the Portuguese in\\norder to build the land (town) of Goa, have destroyed an\\nancient temple called a pagoda which was built with\\n216 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nwonderful skill, with ancient figures of a certain black stone\\nworked with very great perfection... (Priolkar 1961: 65).\\nIn 1545, the Vicar General, Fr. Minguel Vaz with Diogo\\nBorba prepared a 41-point plan to effect the conversion of\\nnatives. Point No. 3 stated,\\nSince idolatry is so great an offence against God, as is\\nmanifest to all, it is just that Your Majesty (king of Portugal)\\nshould not permit it within your territories, and an order\\nshould be promulgated in Goa to the effect that in the whole\\nisland there should not be any temple public or secret,\\ncontravention whereof should entail grave penalties; that\\nno official should make idols in any form, neither of stone,\\nnor of wood, nor of copper, nor of any other metal; and that\\nno Hindu festival should be publicly celebrated in the whole\\nisland... (Priolkar 1961: 73-73).\\nA report submitted to the king on 12th December 1567\\ngave particulars of some campaigns to destroy temples\\n(Priolkar 1961: 79).\\nIn 1560, the temple of Saptanatha was destroyed by the\\nPortuguese and a chapel constructed at the site with material\\nfrom the demolished temple. A devotee took the linga to\\nBicholim, where it was consecrated. Subsequently, the Maratha\\nleader, Shivaji had a temple built for the linga.\\nAt the time of the Portuguese advent, there were at least\\n124 distinct temples for 564 divinities in Goan villages. The\\ntemples were subjected to large-scale destruction by the\\nPortuguese; many were converted into churches. The temple\\nin a village near Bassein in the North Provinces was pulled\\ndown around 1550 by Melchior Goncalves, who noted that it\\nwas an important pilgrimage centre and many people used to\\ncome from Cambay (Gujarat) for worship. He remarked it\\nwas filled with paintings of three gods, Isper, Bramaa, and\\nVismaa \\\"by which they try to fool those who are ignorant,\\nsaying that they also have a Trinity.\\\" A huge stone cross was\\nplanted on top of the rubble heap.\\nMAHARASHTRA | 217\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n"}
+{"start_page": 127, "end_page": 129, "text": "--- PAGE 127 ---\n\nIn several cases, temple structures were burnt or\ndemolished stone by stone. All materials that could be used\nwent into the construction of churches. Metal images were\nmelted and used to make church ornaments. In the Salcete\nterritory, all temples in 58 of the 76 villages were destroyed.\nThe Jesuits estimated the big temples to number 280, while\nthe small temples were \"innumerable.\"\nThe wood of the Lakshmi temple in Sancoale village was\nutilized in making the church of St. Lourenco. The images of\nDaro (Dhaddo), Pormando (Paramameda), Narana (Narayana)\nBaguaonte (Bhagavati), Hesporo (Ishwara, Shiva) were burnt,\nbeaten to pulp, and thrown in the river,\nA guru (guru of the temple is the gentile who cleans the\ntemple and sweeps it, who decorates it and adores its idols;\nhe lives next to the temple and eats the offerings) cried so\nmuch as it is possible to cry for the death of the good king\n(Xavier and Zupanov 2015: 73, 122-127).\nDEITIES SHIFTED FOR FEAR OF THE PORTUGUESE\nThe church at Benaulim was built in 1581 at the site of the\ntemple where the arrow of Parashuram was believed to have\nfallen. The temple of Mahalasa originally stood at Velham (Old\nMardol), where it was destroyed by the Portuguese in 1567.\nThe image was secreted away, till a new temple was\nconstructed in the late seventeenth century. The deities in the\nLakshmi-Narasimha temple were shifted from Sancoale village\nin Salcete to Veling in 1567, and re-consecrated there. The\nicons of the Ramnathi temple at Ramnathim were relocated at\nthe present site in the mid-sixteenth century. The image of\nBrahma was taken from Karmali village to Satlari and from\nthere to Valpoi, in the face of continuing Portuguese danger.\nMAHALAKSHMI\nThe image of Mahalakshmi in Taleigao village was moved to\nMayem in Bicholin Taluka in the sixteenth century. It remained\n218 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthere till 1817. Narayan Mhamai Kamat then brought it to\nPanjim, and hid it at a place where today stands the People's\nHigh School. The corner of the school where the deity was\nkept hidden is still venerated. Narayan Mhamai Kamat later\nremoved the deity to his own house. Subsequently he sought\npermission from the liberal Portuguese governor, Conde De\nRio Pardo to build a temple, which was granted in 1818. The\nMahalakshmi temple at Panaji was the first temple the\nPortuguese permitted to be built in Goa after three hundred\nyears of persecution. The temple was completed in 1819. The\noriginal deity today lies in a small box in the rear wall of the\ntemple which faces the present icon of Mahalakshmi.\nSHANTA DURGA TEMPLE (NORTH GOA)\nSeveral other images were removed during the inquisition,\namong them the image of Shanta Durga (an incarnation of\nParvati). The deity was shifted from Mapusa to Sanquelim,\nthen part of the Maratha kingdom of Sawantwadi.\nSubsequently it was installed at Dhargal in Pernem in 1550,\nthen also a principality of Sawantwadi.\nSHANTA DURGA AT KAVALEM (CENTRAL GOA)\nAn image of Shanta Durga was relocated from Keloshi to\nKavalem during the exodus of the 1560s. In the first half of\nthe eighteenth century, Naro Ram Mantri, a devotee of the\ngoddess and a minister of Shahu Maharaj of Satara, built a\ntemple for the deity and persuaded the vassal king of Sonda\nto contribute village land for its upkeep.\nSHANTA DURGA AT FATORPA (SOUTH GOA)\nAnother temple of Shanta Durga originally stood at Cuncolim.\nIt was destroyed by the Portuguese in the 1570s. The image\nwas taken to the village of Fatorpa in Quepem taluka, where\na new temple was constructed. That was also destroyed by\nthe Portuguese. The temple was rebuilt in the time of\nChhatrapati Shahu (Swarajya Vol. 62 Issue 04).\nMAHARASHTRA | 219\n--- PAGE 128 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"NOTES\\n1. The undying veneration of sacred shrines never ceased to\\nmanifest itself. The old shrine of Ambarnatha, located in the\\nsmall village of Ambarnatha roughly four km from Kalyan, in\\nThana district, was the earliest dated example of the Dakhan\\nstyle of architecture. When Henry Cousens visited the site in\\nthe early twentieth century, it was practically in disuse.\\nHowever, a solitary pujari attended to the linga once or twice\\na day, offering a few flowers. An inscription engraved on a\\nbeam, recorded that the temple was built (possibly upon the\\nsite of an older one) in Saka 982 (1060 CE) during the reign of\\nthe Silahara chief, Mummuni or Mamvani (Cousens 1931: 13-\\n15).\\n2. The Naganatha temple was unique and formed a class by\\nitself in the Marathwada region. The name Aundha occurred\\nin two epigraphs (a) Ardhapur Epigraph of 1192 CE, and\\nb) Ranjana epigraph from the Narasimha temple; first in the\\nrecords of the Rashtrakuta period and then in the epigraphs\\nof the twelfth century CE. It was referred to in those inscriptions\\nas Amardakapura. It was once a capital of the Rattas of\\nArdhapur in Nanded district. The temple itself contained two\\ninscriptions in Kanarese letters, datable to the twelfth century\\nCE. Ramachandra of Devagiri visited the temple as a pilgrim\\nfollowing his family custom (Aundha epigraph of 1278 CE),\\nclearly indicating the importance and sanctity of the temple\\n(Deglurkar 1974: 45).\\n3. Bhavani was Shivaji's saviour, \\\"stepping in at those moments\\nin which the avatara-king (was) most under duress.\\\" These\\nincluded his encounter with Afzal Khan, after the latter had\\ndesecrated her shrine. She was said to have come to him in a\\ndream and promised help in killing the iconoclast. She herself\\nacted through the Maratha leader in avenging Afzal Khan.\\nSubsequently, Shivaji was protected from the Mughal general,\\nShaista Khan sent by Aurangzeb to arrest him. The goddess\\nentered Shivaji's body and told him how to defeat the general.\\nIt was with Bhavani's blessings that Shivaji also managed to\\nflee from Mughal captivity at Agra (Copland, Mabbett, Roy\\n2012: 149).\\n4. Vitthal became a form of Vishnu-Krishna in the twelfth-\\nthirteenth century. The original worshippers of Vitthal were\\npastoral groups like the Gollas and Kurubas in Andhra and\\nKarnataka, and the Gavlis and Dhangars of Maharashtra.\\nSeveral royal families like the Holkars had pastoral origins.\\nThe first kings of Vijayanagara, who built the temple of\\nVijayvitthal, also claimed to be \\\"of the clan of Yadu\\\" (Dhere\\n2011: 237-238).\\n5. In her book, Lokasahityaci Ruparekha (1956), Durga Bhagavat,\\nnoted scholar of folk culture, pointed to Vitthal's pastoral roots,\\n\\\"Vithoba of Pandhari is a perfect instance of the unified culture\\nof not only Karnataka and Maharashtra but also Andhra.\\nAlthough these three regions differ in language, their culture\\nis one. This is a wonder of the world of culture. This cultural\\nunity has blossomed in the pastoralist culture of the hilly\\nrural areas of these three regions. Vitthal is Kanada. He is a\\nGavli cow-heard. He wears a black blanket over his shoulder.\\nRahi and Rukmini are his two wives. Elsewhere Rahi or Radha\\nis Krsna's beloved; in Maharashtra she has become his wife.\\nVitthal's true wife is Rukmini, but he is not the kind of husband\\nwho is overly involved with her. The couple has separate\\ntemples in Pandharpur. The ovis say, Rahi has arrived, and\\nso Rukmini is sulking. The Pandhari Mahatmya says the same\\nthing. But a story that Dhangars told me gives a delightful\\nreason for this couple's strange, extended separation...\\\" (Dhere\\n2011: 234-236).\\n6. Renowned anthropologist and sociologist, Iravati Karve\\npresented an insightful account of her pilgrimage to\\nPandharpur,\\n\\\"... I was getting to know my Maharashtra anew every day. I\\nfound a new definition of Maharashtra: the land whose people\\ngo to Pandharpur for pilgrimage. When the palanquin started\\nfrom Pune, there were people from Pune, Junnar, Moglai,\\nSatara, etc. Every day people were joining the pilgrimage from\\nKhandesh, Sholapur, Nasik, and Berar. As we neared\\nPandharpur, the pilgrimage was becoming bigger and bigger.\\nAll were Marathi-speaking - coming from different castes,\\nbut singing the same songs, the same verses of the Varkari\\n220 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nMAHARASHTRA | 221\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 129 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"cult, speaking to each other, helping each other, singing songs\\nto each other. The only Maharashtrian area not represented\\nwas Konkan, the District of the Maharashtrian seacoast. When\\nI enquired about this, I was told that the Ashadh month's\\npilgrimage was for the plateau people; the month of Kartik\\nwould bring out the whole of Konkan. Ashadh was their time\\nfor work in the fields, so naturally, they could not leave...\\nI witnessed how the language and culture of Maharashtra\\nhad spread among all its social layers. The fine poetry of five\\ncenturies was recited daily. The poetry embodied a religion\\nand a philosophy. People speaking many dialects sang the\\nsame verses and thus learnt a standard language. Their\\nlearning was achieved in a massive dose but without pain or\\ncompulsion ...\" (Karve 1988: 158-159).\\n11\\nEastern India\\n222\\nFLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nS\\nome instances of desecration of temples and images in\\nEastern India cited in this section reiterate the\\nsignificance of temples beyond their royal patrons.\\nOrdinary people remembered them centuries after the sites\\nhad been forcibly occupied and the structures no longer existed.\\nTemples demolished were rebuilt. In the case of the Jagannath\\ntemple, the repeated destruction of images evoked an\\nincredibly innovative response.\\nADINA MOSQUE AT PADUA - ATTEMPTED\\nRECLAMATION IN THE 20th CENTURY\\nThe Adina (Friday) mosque at Padua, the largest in medieval\\nIndia, was built by Sultan Sikandar Shah (r. 1358-89), son and\\nsuccessor of Shams ud din Ilyas Shah (r. 1352-58), founder of\\nthe Ilyas Shahi dynasty. An inscription on the mosque dated\\n1375 CE proclaimed Sikandar Shah as \\\"the most perfect of the\\nSultans of Arabia and Persia ...\\\". That was an open declaration\\nthat the political and cultural orientation of the Ilyas Shahi\\nkings \\\"lay, not in Delhi or Central Asia, but much further to\\nEASTERN INDIA\\n223\",\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n"}
+{"start_page": 130, "end_page": 132, "text": "--- PAGE 130 ---\n\nthe west \u2014 in Mecca, Medina, Shiraz, and ancient Ctestiphon.\nThere was no reference to any sovereign of the Indian\nsubcontinent, \"where he was actually ruling\" (Eaton 1994: 47,\n50).\nOn a visit to the region in 1879-80, Alexander Cunningham\nnoted the use of material from Hindu shrines in the\nconstruction of the mosque,\nThe steps leading to the pulpit have fallen down and, on\nturning over one of the steps I found a line of Hindu\nsculpture of very fine and bold execution. This stone is four\nfeet in length, and apparently formed part of a frieze. The\nmain ornament is a line of circular panels 7 1\u00bd inches in\ndiameter, formed by continuous intersecting lotus stalks.\nThere are five complete panels and two half-panels which\nhave been cut through. These two contain portions of an\nephant and a rhinoceros. In the complete panels there are\n1) a cow and calf; 2) human figures broken; 3) a goose;\n4) a man and woman, and a crocodile; 5) two elephants. In\nthe niche itself, the two side pillars which support the\ncusped arch are also pickings from Hindu temples\n(Cunningham 1882: 92).\nJ.D. Beglar (1845-1907), who served as assistant to\nCunningham and examined the mosque soon after him,\nconcluded that a group of seventh century post-Gupta temples\nhad stood on the site. Beglar also found the pedestal of a\nstatue, with the fragment of an inscription in post-Gupta letters\n(Beglar 1966; Mishra 1999: 218).\nIn 1932-33, S.K. Saraswati (1906-1980), noted Bangladeshi\nhistorian of art and architecture, commenced his survey of\nthe region from Pandua (the Hindu city of Pandunagara,\nmentioned in coins issued by Danujamarddana Deva and\nMahendra in 1417-18 CE) (Chakrabarti 2001: 88). He found\nHindu materials in situ in the mosque,\nThe existence of lofty temples may be incontestably proved\nby the numerous Hindu remains, both architectural and\nsculptural, which still exist at Pandua \u2014 some lying loose,\nand others built into Adina Masjid, the Eklakhi tomb, the\nbuildings around the shrine of Nur Qutb Alam and Shah\nJalal, and even into the arches of the old bridge on the road\nto the south of Pandua... An examination of the stones used\nin the construction of the Adina mosque (one of them being\na Sanskrit inscription recording a mere name, Indranatha, in\ncharacters of the ninth century A.D.) and those lying about\nin heaps all around, reveals the fact, which no careful\nobserver can deny, that most of them came from temples\nthat once stood in the vicinity. In many cases these Hindu\nmaterials were possibly not taken from distant edifices, but\nare still in situ. The plinth mouldings of the mosque have\nstriking similarities with those of the jangha of a Hindu\ntemple (Saraswati 1932: 174-175).\nSubsequently, several scholars endorsed the assessment\nthat Adina mosque was built from earlier structures that\nprobably dated to the seventh-eighth century CE. Nirod Bhusan\nRoy observed, \"This magnificent structure equaling in size\nthe Great mosque of Damascus was built by the spoliation of\nHindu and Buddhist shrines\" (Roy 2004: 113).\nAccording to Khoundkar Alamgir, \"a good number\" of\nearly Muslim monuments were built in this manner. He cited\nthe example of the Chehelghazi mosque at Dinajpur. In the\ncase of the Small Golden Mosque at Gaur, Chapai Nawabganj,\nthere had been several icons on the opposite side of the mihrab\nthat were now in the British Museum. Images at the back of a\nSultanate mihrab were exhibited at the Varendra Research\nMuseum, Rajshahi (Alamgir 2014: 262-263). Khoundkar\nAlamgir stated that the Adina mosque served the same\npurpose at the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque in Delhi,\nIt impressed the non-Muslims of this country. It is also to be\nnoted that Sultan Sikandar Shah assumed for himself in his\ncoins the title of Imam or Imam al 'Azam, a word synonymous\nwith Khalifa for the first time in Bengal (Alamgir 2014: 255-\n256).\nEASTERN INDIA | 225\n--- PAGE 131 ---\n\nThis view was contested by historian Richard Eaton,\nAlthough its builders reused a good deal of carved stone\nfrom pre-conquest monuments, the mosque does not appear\nto have been intended to convey a message of political\nsubjugation to the region's non-Muslims, who in any event\nwould not have used the structure (Eaton 1994: 42).\nEaton did not elucidate how non-use of the mosque by\n\"the region's non-Muslims\" (Hindus?) obliterated its political\nmessage. Surely the mosque, the largest in medieval India,\nwould have been built for the exclusive use of believers,\nhowever numerically miniscule. It would hardly have been\nintended to serve as a common prayer site open to all faiths.\nIts declaration of might would have been understood by the\nworsted people.\nNo less intriguing was the analysis offered by Catherine\nAsher and Cynthia Talbot. They argued that \"on the surface\"\nthe mosque was intended to visually proclaim the early Sultans\nof Bengal as ideal Islamic kings. However, on the mosque's\nqibla wall, \"nearly all the forty-one arched mihrabs or niches\nare adorned with hanging lamps, references to a verse in the\nQuran that likens god's presence to a 'light in a niche'.\" As\nSufi orders commonly used light imagery \"to express god's\ninner qualities,\" that made the greatest impression on the\npeople of Bengal; \"not the inscriptions in an alien script few\ncould read... \" (Asher and Talbot 2006: 86). By this reasoning,\npeople whose places of worship had been pulled down before\ntheir eyes, would have been won over by the hanging lamps\nthat adorned the mihrabs!\nA startling turn of events in the early twentieth century\ndemonstrated the incongruity of such explanations. In the\n1920s, the Santhals of Malda protested against the loss of their\noccupancy rights in land. The Bengal Tenancy Act (1885) that\nwas extended to the Santhals in 1923 had failed to protect\ntheir interests. Land was a powerful link between a Santhal\n226 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nand his ancestors; it formed \"part of his spiritual possession\nas well as economic heritage.\" Loss of land meant \"loss of\nidentity.\"\nJitu Santhal spearheaded a movement against exploitation\nof Santhals by the zamindars, allegedly in collusion with the\nBritish. Jitu was inspired by Gandhi baba (Mahatma Gandhi),\nwhom he saw as the messiah of the poor. From 1926 onwards,\nJitu preached to his followers that after a final battle at Padua,\nAdina mosque would be seized and Jitu's raj commence.\nIn October 1932, Muslim zamindars of Kotwali demanded\ntwo-thirds of the crop from the Santhals, who refused to\ncomply. In December 1932, Jitu led a considerable number of\nSanthals to Pandua and occupied Adina masjid. He declared\nit was actually the temple of Adinath (Shiva) that had been\nconverted into a mosque, and Santhals would perform puja\nfor Goddess Kali in its precincts.\nJitu openly declared himself a Senapati of Gandhi baba and\nforetold the end of British rule. The district administration\nsent a large force to quell the revolt. A pitched battle was\nfought when the Santhals refused to vacate the masjid. Six\nSanthals, including Jitu were shot dead. The police entered\nthe mosque and captured the remaining rebels (Sarkar 2008:\n30-36). The episode was a stirring affirmation that memory of\nthe shrines at Padua had lingered on for centuries.\nASSAM - KAMAKHYA TEMPLE DESTROYED\nAND REBUILT\nThe Ramayana and Mahabharata mentioned Assam as Pragjyotisa.\nAccording to the Mahabharata, at a site named Pandunath at\nthe western end of Nilachal Hill, the Pandava brothers took a\nceremonial bath in the Lauhitya River after their period of\najyatawas was over. They then worshipped goddess Kamakhya\nto regain their lost kingdom (Bhuyan and Nayak 2010: 9).\nThe Kalika Purana, composed in the tenth century CE,\nexplained the meaning of Pragjyotisa, \"Formerly Brahma\nEASTERN INDIA 227\n--- PAGE 132 ---\n\nstaying here created the stars; so the city is called\nPragjyotisapura, a city equal to the city of Indra\" (Barua and\nMurthy 1988: 1). The Kalika Purana also stated that Naraka,\nson of the Varaha incarnation of Vishnu, established a township\n(puri) and subjugated Pragjyotisa, which was in the midst of\nKamarupa. He subsequently brought priests (dvijas, Brahmins)\nand other people from northern India and settled them there.\nThe Kalika Purana indicated that some Kirata kingdoms once\nexisted in the region and Kamakhya was their deity. Naraka\nwas said to have defeated the last Kirata king, Ghataka, and\nassumed custody of the Kamakhya yonimandala of Pragjyotisa\n(Bhuyan and Nayak 2010: 2-5, 10-11, 13-14).\nE.A. Gait (1863-1950), who served as Assistant\nCommissioner of Assam and, from 1890 as Provincial\nSuperintendent for the 1891 census in the region, linked the\nword Pragjyotisa to astrology. He stated,\nPrag means former or eastern and jyotisha a star, astrology,\nshining. Pragjyotishpur may, therefore, be taken to mean\nthe City of Eastern Astrology. The name is interesting in\nconnection with the reputation which the country has\nalways held as a land of magic and incantation and with\nthe view that it was in Assam that the Tantrik form of\nHinduism originated (Gait 1906: 15).\nIbn Battuta, during his visit to the region, observed the\ncommonness of spells, \"the inhabitants of these mountains\nare noted for their devotion to and practice of magic and\nwitchcraft\" (Rehla 1953: 237-38).\nThe modern name Assam was linked to the Shans, who\nenetered the Brahmaputra valley in the thirteenth century CE,\nand were known as Ahoms. According to Ahom tradition,\nAssam derived from Asama, meaning \"unequalled,\" or\n\"peerless\" (Barua and Murthy 1988: 3). Kamrup, the modern\ndistrict of Assam, acquired its name from the great kingdom\nof Kamarupa (also known as Bhauma). The earliest epigraphic\nreference to Kamarupa occurred in the Allahabad inscription\n228 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nof Samudragupta (Barua and Murthy 1988: 9-14).\nKamarupa became unrivalled as a centre of Tantric culture\nby absorbing the popularity of other Yoni tirthas at a fairly\nearly date (Sircar 1998: 15; Barua and Murthy 1988: 19-26; Ramos\n2017: 43). The Hevajra Tantra, a Buddhist text dated to the\nseventh-eighth century CE, listed four regions as pithas, seats\nof the Goddess. These were 1) Jalandhara, 2) Odiyana\n(Uddiyana in the Swat valley), 3) Purnagiri, and 4) Kamarupa.\nThe Kalika Purana stated,\nAmong ... renowned pithas, the Nilacala is said to be the\nmost sacred place. Thus it is called mahapitha, in which the\nfundamental form of the goddess resides (Sircar 1998: 12-\n13; Ramos 2017: 45-46).\nThe yoni of Sati was located in the inner sanctum of the\nKamakhya temple. It took the form of a fissure in a large rock\nthat was often filled with water from an underground spring\n(Ramos 2017: 46). The temple was unique among Devi temples\nin India in that it enshrined no image of the deity (Barua and\nMurthy 1988: 27).\nThe site was an important religious and political centre\nfor many ancient and medieval dynasties, among them the\nPala, Koch, and Ahom. Scattered stone sculptures, many of\nthe Pala period, indicated that the temple was built on the\nruins of an older temple also dedicated to Kamakhya (Ramos\n2017: 46-49). Three successive stages of building could be\nclearly seen in the temple (Barua and Murthy 1988: 35).\nTEMPLE DESTROYED IN 1553\nThe Kamakhya temple was destroyed in 1553 CE by the\niconoclast Kala Pahar (Ramasso 2010: 162-163). He was said to\nhave been a Brahmin, named Rajiv Lochan Roy (other accounts\ndescribed him as an Afghan). He was ostracized from his\ncommunity following his marriage to the daughter of Sultan\nSulaiman Karrani of Bengal (r. 1565-1572). After the marriage\nEASTERN INDIA | 229\n"}
+{"start_page": 133, "end_page": 135, "text": "--- PAGE 133 ---\n\nRajiv Lochan Roy wanted to live as a Brahmana and went to\nPuri, perhaps to undergo a purificatory ceremony. The\nBrahmins there refused to accept him, whereupon he became\na staunch Muslim and took the name Kala Pahar. He resolved\nto avenge his humiliation by destroying Hindu temples. He\ninvaded Kamarupa and sacked the Kamakhya temple, the ruins\nof which were scattered all over the hill (Barua and Murthy\n1988: 32; Bhuyan and Nayak 2010: 17). [Some scholars,\nhowever, attribute the destruction of the temple to the invasion\nof Hussein Shah in 1498].\nREBUILT A DECADE LATER\nThe present Kamakhya temple was built in 1565 CE, by\nNaranarayan, one of the illustrious kings of the Koc kingdom\n(founded by an upwardly mobile tribal family, Eaton 1994:\n187-188; Barpujari Vol. II 1992: 73). The reconstruction seemed\nto have been done over the ground plan of the earlier temple\n(Sarma 1981-82).\nWhen Naranarayan's army had invaded Bengal, it had\nsuffered serious reverses and his brother Chila Rai was taken\nprisoner. Tradition has it that during his incarceration, Chila\nRai was informed in a dream that the reason for his plight\nwas that he had engaged in war with the Sultan of Bengal\nwithout rebuilding the Kamakhya temple (Barua and Murthy\n1988: 32-33).\nAfter his release, Chila Rai set out to rectify his mistake.\nHe and his brother, Naranarayan participated in the\ndedicatory ceremony of the temple. According to the\nVamsavali, the king offered 3 lakhs of hom and 1 lakh sacrifices.\nBesides gifting lands, fisheries, musical instruments, utensils\nof gold, silver, copper and bell-metal, the king gave as shebaits\nor paiks, families of Brahmins, Ganaks, Nats, Bhats, Tantis,\nMalis, Kamars, Kahars, Barhoi (carpenters), washer-men, oil-\npressers, sweet-meat makers, gold-smiths, potters, leather-\nworkers, fishermen, and scavengers for service in the temple.\n230 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nNaranarayan had statues of himself and his brother installed\nat the shrine, where they could still be seen (Barua Bahadur\n1933: 297-299; Bhuyan and Nayak 2010: 22; Ramos 2017: 53).\nAn inscription on a stone tablet in the temple stated,\nGlory to King Malla Deva (Naranarayan), who by virtue of\nhis mercy, is kind to the people, who in archery is like Arjuna,\nand in charity like Dadhichi and Karna; he is like an ocean\nof all goodness; and is versed in many Sastras; his character\nis excellent; in beauty he is as bright as Kandarpa, he is a\nworshipper of Kamakhya. His younger brother, Sukladev\n(Chila Rai) built this temple of bright stones on the Nila\nhillock, for the worship of the Goddess Durga in 1487 Saka\n(1565 A.D.). His beloved brother, Sukladhvaj, again, with\nuniversal fame, the crown of the greatest heroes, who, like\nthe fabulous Kalpataru, gave all that was devoutly asked of\nhim, the chief of all devotees of the Goddess, constructed\nthis beautiful temple with heaps of stones on the Nila hill in\n1487 Saka (1565 CE) (Gait 1906: 57; Barua Bahadur 1933:\n299-300).\nThe Ahoms also recognized the tremendous popularity of\ngoddess Kamakhya. King Pratap Singha (1603-41) introduced\nDurga puja in Assam, using earthen images made by image-\nmakers brought from Bengal. The great Ahom ruler, Rudra\nSingha (r. 1696-1714) invited Krishnaram Bhattacharya,\nrenowned mahant of the Shakta sect in Shantipur (Bengal), to\nsettle on Kamakhya hill. He died before his scheme could be\nimplemented. Before his death, he advised his son, Shiva\nSingha to give the religious leader responsibility of the\nKamakhya temple. Shiva Singh (1714-1744) made many land\ngrants to the temple. His brother and successor, Pramatta\nSingha (1744-1751), continued the royal patronage. In his reign,\na Phalgutsava Doul or Phakua Doul was built on Nilachal. An\ninscription there began with the words Sri Rama. That was an\ninteresting instance of Vaishnavism in an area of shakta-tantrik\nworship (Bhuyan and Nayak 2010: 23-24, 17-18).\nEASTERN INDIA 231\n--- PAGE 134 ---\n\nAn earthquake in 1897 destroyed the domes of almost all\ntemples at Kamakhya, except the main one. Maharaja\nRameshwara Prashad Singh, zamindar of Darbhanga state in\nBihar, camped at Kamakhya and restored the temples (Bhuyan\nand Nayak 2010: 25).\nJAGANNATH TEMPLE AT PURI\nThe Puranas contained several references to Puri as a place of\npilgrimage.\u00b9 The Anargharaghava Nataka, a ninth-tenth century\nCE play by Murari Mishra, mentioned the god Purushottama\n(later identified with Jagannath) on the eastern sea-shore and\nhis \"Yatra\" (possibly Car-festival). A tenth century inscription\nin the Saraswati temple at Maihar in Madhya Pradesh also\nidentified Purushottama with the 'Odra' (Orissa) country, i.e.\nthe area around Puri (Tripathi 1986: 37-39). Shankaracharya\nwas said to have visited Puri and founded the Gobardhana\nmatha there in the eighth century CE.\nThe present temple of Jagannath at Puri was constructed\nby Anantavarman Codagangadeva of the Eastern Gangas\n(r. 1078-1147) (Panda 2013: 55-57). A devotee of Shiva\nGokarnesvara, he also built the Jagannath temple, exalting a\npopular local cult. An inscription eulogized his achievement,\n... What king can be named that could erect a temple to such\na god as Purusottama. Whose feet are the three worlds,\nwhose navel is the entire sky, whose ears the Cardinal\npoints, whose eyes the sun and moon and whose head the\nheaven (above)? This task which had hitherto been neglected\nby previous kings was fulfilled by Gangesvara (Mubayi\n2005: 18).\nAnantavarman and his successors raised Purushottama to\na rashtra devata and dedicated their kingdom to Purushottama-\nJagannath. At the time it was built, the temple was higher\nthan any other in Orissa (Stietencron 1986: 1).\nSTONE IMAGE OF JAGANNATH TAKEN TO DELHI\nMeanwhile, in 1202 CE, Lakshmana Sena, the last great Hindu\nruler of Bengal, was defeated by the Turkish forces led by\nBakhtiyar Khalji (Riyazu-s-Salatin 1902: 62-63). Three years\nlater, Muslim troops entered Orissa for the first time. In 1211,\nOrissa was attacked again, this time by a new Muslim ruler in\nBengal (Kulke 1986a: 153). In 1361, the Delhi Sultan, Feroz\nShah Tughlaq marched to Orissa and destroyed the stone\nimage of Jagannath. The wooden image of the deity was,\nhowever, saved. Zia-ud-din Barni recorded,\nIt is reported that inside the Rai's fort there was a stone idol\nwhich the infidels called Jagannath, and to which they paid\ntheir devotions. Sultan Firoz, in emulation of Mahmud\nSubuktigin, having rooted up the idol, carried it away to\nDelhi, where he subsequently had it placed in an\nigominious position (Elliot and Dowson Vol. III: 314).\nRITUALS CONTINUED COVERTLY\nThereafter, the Jagannath cult remained overtly inactive, but\nrituals continued at regional temples and secret sites. Orissa\nprospered in the fifteenth century under the Gajapatis,\nsuccessors to the Gangas.\u00b2 The situation changed in the\nsixteenth century, with the establishment of a powerful Muslim\ndynasty in Bengal. In 1512, Sultan Quli Qutb Shah of Golconda\ndeclared himself independent of the Bahmani Sultanate and\ncommenced systematic raids in the Godavari region and\nOrissa. In 1564-65, the Mughal Emperor, Akbar entered into\nan alliance with the Gajapati ruler, Mukunda Deva (a Telugu\nby birth) against their common enemy Sultan Sulaiman Karrani\nof Bengal. However in 1568, just three years after the defeat\nof Vijayanagara in the battle of Talikota, when Akbar was\nengaged in the siege of Chittor, the Bengal ruler sent his\ngeneral Kala Pahar to Orissa. Mukunda Deva was killed, and\nKala Pahar, a notorious iconoclast, attacked the Jagannath\ntemple.\n232 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nEASTERN INDIA 233\n--- PAGE 135 ---\n\nThe Riyazu-s-Salatin recorded that the wooden image\n(images?) of Jagannath (and Balabhadra and Subhadra?) were\ntaken to Bengal and publicly burnt on the banks of the\nHooghly. According to the Makhzan-i-Afghana (1612 CE) of\nNi'mat Allah,\n...every Afghan, who took part in the campaign, obtained as\nbooty one or two gold images. Kala Pahar destroyed the\ntemple of Jagannath in Puri which contained 700 idols made\nof gold, the biggest of which weighed 30 mans (Rahim 1961:\n177f).\nBadauni wrote that Kala Pahar, \"conquered the city of\nKatak-u-Banaras, that mine of heathenism, and made the\nstronghold of Jaganat'h into the home of Islam\" (Muntakhabu-\nt-Tawarikh Vol. II 1990: 166). Cakoda Pothi, a local Oriya chronicle\nstated, \"there was a complete anarchy (arajaka) and nobody\nwas there to care of gods and Brahmanas\" (Kulke 2013: 69).\nOrissa remained an arena of struggle between the Mughals\nand Afghans for the next few decades, till Raja Man Singh\ndefeated the Afghans in 1590, and declared Puri and its\nhinterland Mughal crown lands (Mubayi 2005: 18-19, 38; Kulke\n2013: 70). During those politically stormy decades, the Bhois\nof Khurda emerged as successors of the Gajapatis.\nHUMBLE DEVOTEE SAVED 'BRAHMAPADARTHA'\nThe temple chronicle, Madala Panji (compiled around 1600 CE)\nrelated that after the desecration by Kala Pahar, an Oriya\nnamed Bisar Mohanty recovered the 'Brahmapadartha' (life\nsubstance) from the Jagannath image, and hid it in his drum,\nmrdanga. He brought it to a place called Kujanga, where it was\nworshiped in secret till 1586.\nAndrew Stirling (1793?-1830), Private Secretary to Acting\nGovernor General W.B. Bayley, who authored a valuable work\non Orissa, described this episode,\nThe adventures of the great Idol form a curious episode in\n234 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe history of this important period. According to the\nMandala Panji, when the priests at Pooree saw the turn which\nmatters were taking, they again for the third time in their\nannals, hurried away the helpless god in a covered cart,\nand buried him in a pit at Parikud, on the Chilka Lake.\nKalapahar was not however to be defrauded of so rich a\nprize, and having traced out the place of concealment, he\ndug up Juggernaut and carried him off on an elephant, as\nfar as the Ganges, after breaking in pieces every image in\nthe Khetr. He then collected a large pile of wood, and setting\nfire to it, threw the idol on the burning heap. A bystander\nsnatching the image from the flames threw it into the river.\nThe whole proceeding had been watched by Besar Mainti, a\nfaithful votary of Juggernaut, who followed the half burnt\nimage as it floated down the stream, and at last when\nunperceived, managed to extract from it the sacred part\n(Brahm or spirit in the original), and brought it back secretly\nto Orissa, where it was carefully deposited in charge of the\nKhandait of Kujang (Stirling 1846: 102).\nIn 1586, Ramachandra of Khurda (son of a minister in the\ncourt of Mukunda Deva) summoned Bisar Mohanty and\nobtained the 'Brahmapadartha' he had retrieved from the image.\nBy a vanayaga ritual, that was inserted in a new image of\nJagannath; which made it essentially the same as the one which\nVishnu himself had set up for the mythical First Indradyumna\nin the hoary past.\nNEW IMAGE OF JAGANNATH\nRamachandra installed the image first in his own palace and,\nin 1590 in the Jagannath temple in Puri. In a grand ceremony,\nhe received the sacred sarhi turban and was hailed as the\n\"Second Indradyumna.\" The \"courageous renewal\" of the\nJagannath cult by Ramachandra, first at Khurda and then at\nPuri, was a major event in the cultural and religious history of\nOrissa. It \"healed the trauma of Jagannath's destruction by\nthe recurrence of his sacred Brahma portion...\" (Kulke 2013:\n71).\n"}
+{"start_page": 136, "end_page": 138, "text": "--- PAGE 136 ---\n\nDue to his historical and legendary achievements,\nRamachandra and his successors were acknowledged\nthroughout Orissa as the new Gajapatis. That found expression\nin the reckoning of the regnal (anka) years of the Khurda rajas\nin Orissa, even outside the territory of Khurda proper (Kulke\n1986: 329).\nThe Khurda dynasty remained in power in Orissa\nthroughout the period of Mughal dominance, followed by that\nof the Bengal Nawabs, and from the mid-18th century, the\nMarathas. A number of independent and semi-independent\nfeudatory states (Garhjat, or 'fortress born'), proliferated\nduring those times, particularly in central and western Orissa.\nThat created a shift in the balance of political and ritual\nauthority (Mubayi 2005: 19).\nJAGANNATH IN EXILE\nFrom the time of the re-instatement of the images in the\nJagannath temple in 1590 till the establishment of Maratha\nrule in Orissa in about 1750, the temple priests had to escape\nwith the deities on several occasions for fear of fresh sacrilege.\nThe images were sometimes buried in sand, at other times\nkept in mud houses and worshipped. For more than thirty\nyears Jagannath was either absent from his seat in Puri or\nduring the reign of Aurangzeb - forcibly locked in his temple\n(Kulke 1986: 321-33).\nNAVAKALEVARA CEREMONY\nThe frequent removal of the deities from the temple, their\ntransportation and concealment, would have severely\ndamage the wooden figures. That would have necessitated\ntheir frequent regeneration. It appears that in those unsettled\ntimes, the Navakalevara ceremony became a regular feature\nof the cult. That would have served the added purpose of\nemotionally healing the priests and devotees, for it assured\nthem that the images were wooden forms of immortal Deities,\n236 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nand had to be renewed, every twelve years or so. On each\noccasion, the Brahmapadartha was relocated in the new images.\nNavakalevara, every eleven or nineteen years, was introduced\nafter the re-instatement of the Jagannath images in 1590\n(Tripathi 1986a: 229-230; Kulke 1986: 328-329).\nPILGRIMAGE RESUMED\nThough the Jagannath cult witnessed a restoration in the time\nof Akbar, things changed under his successors. In 1607, Orissa\nbecame a separate subadari (province), with Cuttack as its\ncapital. From then on, its Muslim governors repeatedly tried\nto subdue neighbouring Khurda. In 1611, during the reign of\nJahangir, the priests fled with the image to an island in Chilka\nLake, where they remained for several years (Mubayi 2005:\n40-41; Kulke 2013: 74). In 1623, during his revolt against his\nfather, Prince Khurram (the future Shah Jahan) passed through\nOrissa. According to the Madala Panji, Narasimha, the new\nRaja of Khurda paid him homage, after which a Rajput officer\nof Khurram's troops, together with the Raja, reinstalled the\nimages in the temple at Puri (Mubayi 2005: 41).\nThe following three decades were peaceful. The long\nabsence of Jagannath and the non-arrival of pilgrims had been\ninjurious to the priests, the Khurda Raja, and the Mughal\nSubadar at Cuttack who suffered great financial loss. Hence\nthe Khurda Raja and the Subadar came to a tacit understanding,\nand pilgrimage was allowed to resume (Kulke 2013: 74-75).\nWilliam Bruton, the first Englishman to provide an account of\nthe temple, reported in November 1633 that a Mughal officer\nsupervised the pilgrimage,\n...This Idoll ... is carried in a stately Chariot, and the Idoll in\nthe midd'st of it: and one of the Moguls sitting behind it in\nthe Chariot upon a convenient place, with a Canopy, to\nkeepe the Sunne from injuring of it, obviously to control this\nimportant annual gathering of pilgrims (Bruton 1985: 68).3\nEASTERN INDIA 237\n--- PAGE 137 ---\n\nThe implicit cooperation between the Khurda Raja, the\ntemple priests, and the Mughal Subadars of Cuttack, continued\ntill the reign of Aurangzeb. After his order of 1669, many\ntemples in Orissa were destroyed, like the Sarala temple in\nJhankada, and several in Jaipur. At that time, a Subadar was\nbelieved to have set out for Puri to desecrate the temple. The\nMadala Panji stated that he was forced back by a lightning\nflash near Pipli. His alleged campaign seemed to have been a\nsuccessful bid to extort money from the Khurda Raja and the\npriests for overlooking activities at the temple.\nFake Destruction Organized \u2014 Replica Image Sent\nTo Aurangzeb\nThe 'economic toleration' prompted Aurangzeb to issue a fresh\ndecree in 1692, explicitly ordering the destruction of the\nJagannath temple. But Divyasimha Deva, the then Raja of\nKhurda, met the Subadar and agreed to arrange a pretended\ndemolition under his supervision. Some minor structures were\npulled down, a replica image of Jagannath sent to Aurangzeb,\nand the main temple gates closed. Some priests, however,\nentered the temple through a secret side door in the southern\nwall, and continued the daily rituals.\nRajas Visit Temple Surreptitiously\nOn learning of these developments, Aurangzeb recalled the\nSubadar and sent a high officer as examiner to Puri. But\naccording to an Oriya chronicle, the Raja of Khurda 'won him\nas a friend' \u2014 with a gift of 30,000 rupies. Till Aurangzeb's\ndeath in 1707, the Jagannath temple was officially closed, but\nthe cult continued, so much so, that several rajas visited the\ntemple and performed their customary family rituals. Some\nmonths after Aurangzeb's death, the temple doors were\nforcibly opened by a minister of Khurda and the chiefs of the\neighteen Gadajata states (Pl. 47). That would have been\n238 | Flight of Deities and Rebirth of Temples\nimpossible without the complicity of the Mughal Subadar in\nCuttack (Kulke 1986: 333-334; Mubayi 2005: 42).\nKhurda Raja Converted to Islam, Images Relocated in\nSafe Locations\nAfter Aurangzeb's death, the Nawabs of Bengal became semi-\nindependent and appointed the Subadar of Orissa. There were\nno disruptions during the reign of Nawab Murshid Quli Khan.\nHe was succeeded by his son-in-law, Shuja-uddin Muhammad\nKhan (r. 1727-1739), who appointed his son, Muhammad Taqi\nKhan as Subadar of Cuttack. Muhammad Taqi Khan was\nremembered as one of the cruelest Subadars, who even\ncompelled the Raja of Khurda, Ramachandra II, to embrace\nIslam (McLane 1993: 174). Several times the image had to be\ntaken to the inaccessible mountains in the south (Kulke 2013:\n81).\nThe Riyazu-s-Salatin recorded, \u201cDuring the commotion in\nMuhammad Taqi Khan\u2019s time, the Rajah of Parsutam had\nremoved Jagannath, the Hindu God, from the limits of the\nSubah of Odisah, and had guarded it on the summit of a hill\nacross the Chilka lake\u201d (Riyazu-s-Salatin 1902: 302-303).\nThe Return of Images\nAfter Taqi Khan\u2019s death in 1734/35, the new Governor,\nMurshid Quli Khan II ordered the images of the Jagannath\ntrinity be brought back. As the Riyazu-s-Salatin stated,\nIn consequence of the removal of the idol, there was a falling-\noff to the tune of nine laks of rupees in the Imperial revenue,\naccruing from pilgrims\u2026Establishing friendly relations\n[with the new Governor, the] Rajah\u2026 brought back\nJagannath the Hindu God to Parsutam [Puri], and re-\nestablished the worship of Jagannath at Puri (Riyazu-s-\nSalatin 1902: 302-303; Kulke 1986: 334-336; Mubayi 2005:\n43).\nEastern India | 239\n--- PAGE 138 ---\n\nAs Stirling summed up, \"The religious warfare was at last\nset at rest by the institution of the tax on pilgrims\" (Stirling\n1846: 104). An outstanding pilgrim tax for four years, in\naddition to Rs. 18 lakhs imposed on the Khurda Raja took its\ntoll, from which he never recovered (Kulke 2013: 81).\nNOTES\n1. From very early on, Hinduism demonstrated an astonishing\nability to assimilate and integrate beliefs and cults of various\nsections living in the subcontinent. These became so integral\nto Hinduism that it became difficult to differentiate tribal and\nfolk deities from other gods of Hinduism. The Jagannath temple\nat Puri enshrined the deity of the aboriginal Sabara people\n(Eschmann 1986: 79-97).\n2. There were many legends about the twelfth century Sanskrit\npoet, Jayadeva (Miller 1984: 39-40). His Gita Govinda, which\nexalted Radha, was written in the precincts of the Jagannath\ntemple. The work was regularly recited in the temple and\ninspired many generations of poets. Chaitanya (1486-1534)\nlived the last decades of his life there. The Chaitanya-\nChandrodaya recorded his experience on first beholding the\ndeity,\n\"I rushed to embrace Jagannatha. What happened afterwards,\nI do not remember... In future, I shall behold Jagannatha from\noutside. I shall not enter the sanctum but stand near the Garuda\ncolumn.\" Raghunatha Das, a close companion of Chaitanya,\nwrote of him standing near the Garuda column, \"while his\ntall and lustrous body was drenched with the tears of his\neyes, dripping due to increasing devotion, having had a sight\nof the Lord of Nilacala in front of him.\"\nThe Gajapati king, Prataparudra Deva regarded Chaitanya\nas an avatar of Krishna. Chaitanya introduced nagara kirtana\n(street singing of devotional songs) in Orissa. Under his\ninfluence, the cult of Radha-Krishna was exalted by\ncontemporary writers. He was believed to have breathed his\nlast before the image of Jagannath (Mukherjee 1986: 310-317).\n3. Several visitors to India in the sixteenth century wrote detailed\naccounts of the temple, among them Jean-Baptiste Tavernier,\n240 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n\"Jagannath is the name of one of the mouths of the Ganges,\nupon which the great pagoda is built, where the Great\nBrahman, that is to say the High Priest of the idolaters, resides...\nThe great idol on the altar of the choir has two diamonds for\nhis eyes and a pendant from his neck which reaches to the\nwaist, and the smallest of these diamonds weighs about 40\ncarats; he has bracelets on his arms, some being of pearls and\nsome of rubies, and this magnificent idol is called Kesora\n[Kesava Rai]...\n\"It is covered from the neck to the base with a grand mantle\nwhich hangs on the altar, and this mantle is of gold or silver\nbrocade according to the nature of the ceremonies...\n\"There is nothing left uncovered save the hands and face; the\nhead and body are made of sandalwood... This idol is anointed\nevery day with scented oils which make him quite black. He\nhas on his right hand his sister who is called Sotora\n[Subhadra], who is also represented standing and clothed;\nand on his left his brother, also clothed, who is called Balbader\n[Balbhadra]. In front of the great idol, somewhat to the left, his\nwife is to be seen, who is called Kemui [Kamini], she is of\nmassive gold, and represented standing, the three others are\nmade of sandalwood...\n\"...The revenues of this great pagoda are sufficient to feed\n15,000 or 20,000 pilgrims daily, and these numbers are often\nto be found there, the pagoda being the object of the highest\ndevotion by the Indians, who visit it from all quarters...\"\n(Tavernier Book III 1889: 175-178).\nFrancois Bernier described the annual rath yatra,\n\"In the town of Jagannat, situated on the Gulf of Bengale, and\ncontaining the famous temple of the idol of that name, a certain\nannual festival is held, which continues, if my memory fail\nnot, for the space of eight or nine days. At this festival is\ncollected an incredible concourse of people... The number, I\nam told, sometimes exceeds one hundred and fifty thousand.\nA superb wooden machine is constructed, such as I have seen\nin several other parts of the Indies ...This machine is set on\nfourteen or sixteen wheels like those of a gun-carriage, and\ndrawn or pushed along by the united exertions of fifty or sixty\npersons. The idol, Jagannat, placed conspicuously in the\nEASTERN INDIA 241\n"}
+{"start_page": 139, "end_page": 141, "text": "--- PAGE 139 ---\n\nmiddle, richly attired, and gorgeously adorned, is thus\nconveyed from one temple to another.\n\"The first day on which this idol is formally exhibited in the\ntemple, the crowd is so immense, and the press so violent, that\nsome of the pilgrims, fatigued and worn out in consequence\nof their long journey, are squeezed to death: the surrounding\nthrong give them a thousand benedictions, and consider them\nhighly favoured to die on such a holy occasion after travelling\nso great a distance. And while the chariot of hellish triumph\npursues its solemn march, persons are found (it is no fiction\nwhich I recount) so blindly credulous and so full of wild\nnotions as to throw themselves upon the ground in the way of\nits ponderous wheels, which pass over and crush to atoms\nthe bodies of the wretched fanatics without exciting the horror\nor surprise of the spectators. No deed, according to their\nestimation, is so heroic or meritorious as this self-devotion:\nthe victims believe that Jagannat will receive them as children,\nand recall them to life in a state of happiness and dignity\"\n(Bernier 1916: 304-305).\n12\nAttacks on the South Commence\nF\nTor almost a hundred years after the establishment of\nthe Delhi Sultanate, the Sultans remained preoccupied\nwith consolidating their hold on northern India.\nAlauddin Khalji was the first Muslim ruler to look southward.\nIn February 1296, in a \"quasi-private enterprise\" secretly\nplanned and executed without permission of the reigning Jalal-\nud-din Khalji, he attacked the Yadava kingdom of Devagiri\n(Sastri 1966: 227). Its ruler, Ramachandradeva (1271-1311) sued\nfor peace after a week's siege of his capital.\u00b9\nOn becoming Sultan, Alauddin Khalji (r. 1296-1316)\ndirected his general, Malik Kafur on a campaign of pillage\nand plunder to the south. Malik Kafur first secured capitulation\nof Ramachandradeva, whose son had withheld tribute and\nalso given shelter to Karna Vaghela (also known as Karna II,\nr. 1296-1304), the refugee king of Gujarat, and his daughter\nwho were fleeing from the Sultan's forces (Bhandarkar 1928:\n90-91). The medieval historian, Ziauddin Barni described the\ninvasion of Devagiri,\n242 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE | 243\n--- PAGE 140 ---\n\nMalik Naib Kafur reached Deogir and laid the country waste.\nHe made Ramdeo and his sons prisoners, and took his\ntreasures, as well as elephants. Great spoil fell into his hands\nand he returned with it triumphant to Dehli, carrying\nwith him Ramdeo. The Sultan showed great favour to the\nRai and sent him back in great honour ... to Deogir, which\nplace he confirmed in his possession. The Rai was ever\nafterwards obedient, and sent his tribute regularly as long\nas he lived (Elliot and Dowson Vol. III: 200-201).\nThereafter, Malik Kafur set out for Warangal, which he\nreached in 1310. It was then ruled by the Kakatiya king,\nPrataprudradeva. Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) provided details\nof the siege of the double-walled city,\nThe wall of Arangal was made of mud, but so strong that a\nspear of steel could not pierce it: and if a ball from a western\ncatapult were to strike against it, it would rebound like a\nnut with which children play with.\n...Orders were issued that every man should erect behind\nhis own tent a kath-gar, that is a wooden defence. The trees\nwere cut with axes and felled, notwithstanding their groans:\nand the Hindus, who worship trees, could not at that time\ncome to the rescue of their idols, so that every cursed tree\nwhich was in that capital of idolatry was cut down to the\nroots; and clever carpenters applied the sharp iron to shape\nthe blocks, so that a wooden fortress was drawn around the\narmy of such stability, that if fire had rained from heaven\ntheir camp would have been unscathed...The Naib Amir\ngave daily orders to attack the chiefs of Laddar Deo\n(Prataprudradeva), and he also ordered the 'western stone-\nballs' to be thrown at the wall from every direction' to\ndemolish it, and reduce it to powder (Elliot and Dowson\nVol. III: 80-81).\nOn the successful conclusion of the siege,\nThe Malik took the entire wealth of the Rai which was\nbrought, and threatened a general massacre, if it should be\n244 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nfound that the Rai had reserved anything for himself. An\nenagement was then entered into that the Rai should send\njizya annually to Dehli. The Malik left Arangal on the 16th\nof Shawwal (March 1310 AD) with all his booty, and a\nthousand animals groaned under the weight of the treasure\"\n(Elliot and Dowson Vol. III: 84, 202-203).\nKafur reached Delhi in June 1310 with a huge booty, and\nwas received with honours by the Sultan.\nSECOND ATTACK\nIn 1311 CE, Malik Kafur again set out for the south, this time\nagainst the Hoysala ruler, Vira Ballala III (1291-1342 CE) of\nDwarasamudra, and the Pandya kingdom in the far south.\nHe attacked the Hoysala kingdom when the ruler was away\non an expedition to the Pandya country, then rent by quarrels\nbetween the sons of the deceased ruler, Maravarman\nKulasekhara II (Sastri 1966: 229). Vira Ballala rushed back, but\nthe vicious nature of the invasion forced him to propose a\nsettlement. Malik Kafur was reported to have responded,\n... he was sent with the object of converting him to\nMuhammadanism, or of making him zimmi (one who could\nenjoy the same political privileges as the Muhammadans\non payment of jiziya) and subject to pay tax, or of slaying\nhim, if neither of these terms were assented to (Aiyangar\n1971: 93).\nVira Ballala expressed his readiness to surrender all his\nvaluables, \"except his sacred thread.\" Malik Kafur remained\nin the city for twelve days and left with immense treasures\n(Aiyangar 1971: 93-94). He sent Vira Ballala's young son to\nDelhi, along with elephants and horses, for Alauddin Khalji\nto personally sanction the settlement. Two inscriptions of Vira\nBallala III dated 1310 CE, mentioned the Muhammadan\ninvasion (Epigraphia Carnatic Vol. V, Has 51 and 52). A third\nrecorded a grant to a temple in celebration of the return of\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE 245\n--- PAGE 141 ---\n\nPrince Vira Ballala from Delhi in 1313, after the war against\n'Turukas' (Epigraphia Carnatic Vol. VIII Sh. 68; Aiyangar 1952:\n186; Aiyangar 1971: 94).\nImmediately after the departure of the Delhi army, Vira\nBallala commenced work on restoration of the considerably\ndamaged Dwarasmaudra (Halebidu). A record of his dated\n1316 CE, stated that he was ruling in great happiness after\nhaving rebuilt his capital (Aiyangar 1971: 125).\nAccompanied by Vira Ballala, who guided him through\nthe difficult mountain passes, Kafur then proceeded towards\nMabar. Though at odds with each other, the Pandyas united\nand resorted to guerrilla warfare to thwart the invader. Kafur\nfirst marched against Bir Dhul, the capital of Vira Pandya, in\nthe neighbourhood of Uraiyur. Vira Pandya escaped to\nKandur, and incessant rains hampered further operations of\nthe northern army.\nMalik Kafur then moved to Kanchipuram (Marhatpuri of\nMuslim historians), where he plundered temples before\nreturning to Bir Dhul. He planned a surprise attack on the\nPandya capital of Madura, where Sundara Pandya was ruling.\nAlerted, Sundara Pandya fled with his family and treasures.\nHis uncle, Vikrama Pandya, brother of Maravarman\nKulasekhara II, however, trounced the invader and forced\nhim to retreat (Sastri 1966: 229-230). Abdullah Wassaf wrote\nthat Malik Kafur, who \"thought himself a very Saturn, was\nobliged to retreat, and bring back his army\" (Elliot and\nDowson Vol. III: 50). Kafur managed to keep the enormous\nwealth taken from Vira Pandya. The invasions from the north\ndrained a vast amount of treasure from the south. Barni\nrecorded,\n...six hundred and twelve elephants, ninety-six thousand\nmans of gold, several boxes of jewels and pearls, and twenty\nthousand horses... The inhabitants of Dehli remarked that\nso many elephants and so much gold had never before been\nbrought into Dehli. No one could remember anything like it,\n246 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nnor was there anything like it in recorded history (Elliot\nand Dowson Vol. III: 204).\nThe Chera king of Travancore, Ravivarman Kulasekhara\nrose to prominence in south India after Malik Kafur's return\nto the north. According to his inscriptions found at Kanchi\nand Srirangam, he was born in 1266 CE, married a Pandya\nprincess, and by 1299 CE had become supreme in Kerala. He\nextended his authority over the Pandya and Chola kingdoms,\nand crowned himself king on the banks of the Vegavati, near\nKanchi in 1312. He was defeated in 1317 CE by Sundara\nPandaya, who was aided by a large army sent by the Kakatiya\nruler Prataprudradeva II, and compelled to retreat to his\nkingdom (Sastri 1966: 230-231; Srinivasan 1979: 227).\nMeanwhile, Ramachandradeva died in 1312, and was\nsucceeded by his son, Singana whose hostility to Delhi was\nwell known. Malik Kafur was sent to annex the kingdom,\nwhich was swiftly done. However, not all parts of the south\nsubmitted. Kampili proclaimed its independence under Singaya\nNayaka (a warrior from the hill country, malnad of Karnataka).\nHis famous successor, Kampiladeva consolidated his rule with\nthe assistance of Bukka and his four brothers. Kampili was\nlocated a mere twenty miles from where the Vijayanagara\nkingdom was later established (Stein 1990: 18-19).\nThere was considerable disorder in the years following\nMalik Kafur's return to Delhi, till Qutub-ud-din Mubarak Khalji,\nson of Ala-ud-din Khalji, managed to occupy the throne (r.\n1316-1320). He marched to Deogir in 1318, captured the\nrebellious Harpal Deo (probably a son-in-law of\nRamachandradeva), and \"ordered him to be flayed and his\nskin to be hung over the gate of Deogir\" (Elliot and Dowson\nVol. III: 215).\nMubarak Khalji also sent an army under Khusrau Khan,\nagainst the Kakatiya ruler who had withheld tribute. Khusrau\nKhan remained in the region for a year, but intrigued against\nthe Delhi Sultan and was recalled. Barni wrote,\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE | 247\n"}
+{"start_page": 142, "end_page": 144, "text": "--- PAGE 142 ---\n\nWhen he marched from Deogir to Mabar, he used to hold\nsecret councils at night with some of his fellow Hindus,\nand with several disaffected adherents of Malik Naib Kafur,\nwhom he had taken as friends, about making a revolt; and\nthus intriguing, he arrived at Mabar (Elliot and Dowson\nVol. III: 216).\nSubsequently, on return to Delhi, he murdered the Sultan\nand briefly occupied the throne.2\nADVENT OF THE TUGHALQS\nIn 1323, Sultan Ghiyas ud din Tughlaq (r.1320-25) sent a force\nto the south under his son, Ulugh Khan (the future Muhammad\nbin Tughlaq). Ulugh Khan attacked Warangal, but was\nunsuccessful in the first attack. Prataprudradeva shut himself\nand his forces in the strongly fortified capital city. The siege\nlasted six months, and led to dissensions in the camp of the\ninvader.\nPrataprudra was elated with his success but Ghiyasuddin\nsent reinforcements, and Ulugh Khan marched against the\nKakatiya kingdom a second time. Prataprudra held out for\nfive months, but the outbreak of famine compelled him to\nsurrender (1323). Amir Khusrau, in his Nuh Sipihr, wrote that\nPrataprudra made a lengthy speech, in the course of which he\nsaid,\nThe relation between Turk and Hindu is that of a lion and\nantelope, and the Turks whenever they please, can seize,\nbuy, or sell any Hindu.\nAmir Khusrau continued,\nThe rai then ascended the rampart of the fort of Arangal,\nand turning his face towards the royal pavilion, he bowed\nto the earth. Thus did he for three days, out of respect to the\npale of religion; he turned towards the pavilion, and kissed\nthe earth... (Elliot and Dowson Vol. III: 561).\n248 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nUlugh Khan destroyed the great Svayambhusiva temple,\nwhose fragments remain scattered around Warangal's fort\narea. He built an enormous mosque on the site of the temple,\nalong with a huge audience hall. There remained the question\nof what to do with the defeated king. The Delhi army thought\nit unwise to execute Prataprudra, given his standing among\nthe Andhra people. As he had repeatedly rebelled against the\nSultan, it was decided to send him to Delhi. However, he\nnever reached the imperial capital. A Telugu inscription, dated\nseven years after the incident, claimed that he died on the\nbanks of the Narmada. A subsequent epigraph, dated 1423,\nstated that he died by his own wish. It seemed likely that\nP'rataprudra committed suicide on the banks of the Narmada,\nwhile being taken to Delhi (Eaton 2008: 20-21).\nAn imagined account of the prolonged encounter with the\nDelhi armies was provided in the Prataparudra Charitra,\ncomposed in the sixteenth century. It inverted the Kakatiya\nruler's defeat and death and claimed that Prataparudra reached\nthe imperial capital. There he was released by the Sultan, whose\nmother saw them both as manifestations of Hari and Hara\n\"Sultanu talli 'miriddaru Hari Hara svarupulu' ani vachinchuta\"\n(Prataparudra Charitra 2017: 75-87). Ulugh Khan then proceeded\ntowards Jajnagar, in the Ganga kingdom of Orissa, in an\nattempt to secure the Warangal frontier from that direction\n(Aiyangar 1971: 134).\nBy the time Ulugh Khan ascended the throne, considerable\nparts of the Deccan and south India had acknowledged the\nsuzerainy of Delhi. Devagiri and Warangal were under direct\ncontrol, while a governor was consolidating Delhi's hold over\nMabar. Kampili and Dwarasamudra remained outside the\nauthority of the Sultanate (Sastri 1966: 233).3\nGROWING RESISTANCE TO DELHI\nHowever, resistance to Delhi grew. Kampiladeva, the ruler\nof Kampili, even provided shelter to Muhammad bin Tughlaq's\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE | 249\n--- PAGE 143 ---\n\nrebellious cousin, Baha-ud-din Garshasp, governor of Sagar\nin the neighbourhood of Gulbarga. The Sultan himself led the\ncampaign against Kampili in 1327. Kampiladeva fought bravely,\nbut the odds were against him. He asked the women of his\nhousehold to immolate themselves to avoid falling into enemy\nhands, which they did (Sastri 1966: 234-236).\nMuhammad bin Tughlaq remained in Devagiri for\nsometime to oversee arrangements for the transfer of his\ncapital to that city. In 1327, the Delhi armies again sacked\nDwarasamudra. Vira Ballala shifted his court to\nTiruvannamalai in the northern Tamil country. He was also\nsaid to have established a fortified city on the Tungabhadra\nRiver across from Anegondi, that was to later become\nVijayanagara. It was then called Virupakshapattana (the city\nunder the protection of Shiva as god Virupaksha, whose shrine\nwas located there), and was intended to ward off further\nMuslim incursions into southern Karnataka. According to\nsome historians, Bukka and Harihara were appointed to\ngovern the new city (Stein 1990: 19-20).\nThe hold of Muhammad bin Tughlaq on the south was\nnever secure, and attempts to liberate the region began soon\nafter he left for the north, in 1329 CE. Though he managed to\nretain Sultanpur (the former Warangal) till 1335, the Tughlaqs\nwere unable to consolidate their authority in Andhra. Their\ncontrol was tenuous even in Sultanpur's immediate hinterland,\nwhere a number of chieftains seized effective power. Prolaya\nNayaka and his cousin Kapaya Nayaka (chieftains of the\nerstwhile Warangal rulers), assisted by seventy-five lesser\nNayakas, founded the Reddi kingdom of Addanki and\nKondavidu. In his Vilasa grant, dated sometime between 1325\nand 1350, Prolaya Nayaka, after lamenting the devastation\nthe Turks had brought to Andhra, proclaimed himself the\nrestorer of dharma (Epigraphia Indica Vol. XXXII 1987: 241).\nMABAR SULTANATE\n(SULTANATE OF MADURAI\n1334-1378)\nFrom 1324 to 1334, Delhi exercised direct control over Mabar.\nMuhammad bin Tughluq appointed Jalal ad-Din Ahsan Shah\nmilitary governor of Mabar (which had been occupied in 1311).\nHowever, in 1335, Jalal ad-Din Ahsan Shah rebelled against\nDelhi, and founded an independent Sultanate at Madurai. He\nclaimed to be the master of the entire Mabar region. But his\nhold seemed to have been confined to the Pandya territory,\nand a part of that of the Cholas.\nIbn Battuta, who visited Madurai in 1342 CE, left a vivid\naccount of the first decade of the Madurai Sultanate. He stated\nthat Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah (whose daughter Ibn Battuta\nmarried) was assassinated in 1340 CE, after a rule of five years.\nThe throne was then occupied by a succession of generals,\nafter whom Ghiyas-ud-din Damaghani became Sultan. Ibn\nBattuta visited Madurai during his reign.\nAround that time, the Hoysala ruler Vira Ballala III, then\nabout eighty years-old, defeated the Muslims near Kobban\nand forced them to retreat to Madurai. Eventually, Ghiyas-\nud-din Damaghani made a surprise attack on Vira Ballala, took\nhim prisoner and put him to a cruel death in 1342 CE. Ibn Battuta\nwrote,\nHis skin was then filled with straw and hung up on the\nwall of Madura where I saw it suspended (Ibn Battuta 1953:\n229).\nIbn Battuta's account was confirmed by an inscription of\n1342 which recorded that Vira Ballala was killed in the Turuka\nwar in Ciracirapalli [Trichinopoly] (Epigraphia Carnatic Vol. VI.\nkd. No.75). A severe epidemic then gripped Madurai, to which\nGhiyas-ud-din Damaghani succumbed. He was succeeded by\nhis nephew; Ibn Battuta left Mabar soon after.\n250 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE 251\n--- PAGE 144 ---\n\nFOUNDING OF VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE\nMeanwhile, a descendant of the Chalukyas, Somadeva led\nHindus of the western Telugu country against their Muslim\noverlord. In the face of widespread revolt, Muhammad bin\nTughlaq sent the brothers Harihara and Bukka to govern the\nprovince after taking pledges of loyalty from them. They had\nbeen taken prisoners to Delhi when Kampili fell, and converted\nto Islam. What happened on their arrival was uncertain, but\nthe common belief was that they returned to their native faith\nand founded the kingdom of Vijayanagara in 1336 (Stein 1990:\n19-29; Wagoner 2002: 301-304).\nThe credit for that momentous event was traditionally\natributed to the sage Vidyaranya (Madhava), eldest son of\nMayana and Srimati. His brother Sayana was the great\ncommentator on the Vedas; while another sibling, Bhoganatha,\nwas the \"narmasachiva\" of the Vijayanagara king, Sangama II.\nThe three brothers were disciples of the Sringeri Matha.\nVidyaranya played a pivotal role in the ascendancy of the\nSangama brothers after the death of the last Hoysala king. He\nwas also for sometime, a minister of Harihara I. In 1346,\nHarihara I gave gifts to the Sringeri Matha in celebration of\nhis \"vijayotsava\", victory. According to some inscriptions,\nVidyaranya became head of the Sringeri Matha in 1374. He\npassed away in 1385 (Filliozat 1977: 4).\nIn the reign of Bukka I, his son prince Kampana Udaiyar,\nconquered the Sambhuvarayas region of Rajagambhira, and\nextended the authority of Vijayanagara over Tundira (Tondai\nMandalam). Rajagambhira was a surname of the Pandya king,\nJatavarman Kulasekhara. Hence \"the kingdom of Rajagambhir\"\ndenoted the Pandya kingdom, and confirmed that Kampana\nexpelled the Muhammadans from Madura (Natarajan 1994:\n109).\n252 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nMADHURA VIJAYA\nGanga Devi, wife of prince Kampana, composed the Madhura\nVijaya that narrated his campaigns, particularly the conquest\nof Madura after defeating its Muhammadan ruler. Ganga Devi\nrecounted how Kampana was visited by a strange lady (perhaps\ngoddess Minakshi in disguise), who pleaded with him to\nliberate the south from the Madurai Sultanate,\nOne day, a strange woman appeared before king Kampana\nand complained in the following strain about the occupation\nof the south by Turushkas, and its evil effects. \"O King! The\nplace known as Vyaghrapuri (Chidambaram, Perumparra-\npuliyar) has become truly so, for tigers inhabit it now where\nman dowlt once; the vimana (dome of the central shrine) of\nSrirangam is so dilapidated that now it is the hood of\nAdisesha alone that is protecting the image of Ranganatha\nfrom the falling debris. The Lord of Gajaranya\n(Tiruvanaikka, Jambu-kesvaram near Srirangam), who once\nkilled an elephant to obtain its skin for his garment, has\nnow again been reduced to the same condition, because he\nhas been stripped bare of all clothing; while the garbha-\ngriha (central shrine) of many another temple is crumbling,\nits mandapas overgrown with vegetation and its ponderous\nwooden doors eaten up by white ants. In the temples which\nonce resounded with the joyous mridanga (a kind of drum),\nthere is heard at present only the jackals that have made\nthem their abode. The river Kaveri, that was curbed by proper\ndams and flowed in regular channels, has begun to breach\nin all directions. In the agraharas where the smoke was\nseen to curl up from the fire-offerings (yagadhuma), we have\nnow the offensive-smelling smoke issuing from the roasting\nof flesh by the Muhammadans, and the sonorous chant of\nthe Vedas has been replaced by the harsh voice of these\nruffians. The beautiful coconut trees which once graced the\ngardens surrounding the city of Madura, have been cut\ndown by these intruders, and in place of these, we have\ngruesome substitutes in the form of iron sula, which are\nadormed with garlands of decapitated human heads strung\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE 253\n"}
+{"start_page": 145, "end_page": 147, "text": "--- PAGE 145 ---\n\ntogether. The water of the river Tamraparni, which used to\nbe rendered white by the sandal paste rubbed away from\nthe breasts of youthful maidens at their bath, is now flowing\nred with the blood of cows slaughtered by these great\nsinners\" (Madhura Vijaya 1924: 5-6).\nThus did the strange lady describe to Kampana, the fate\nthat had overtaken the fair south, and drawing from her\ngirdle a resplendent sword, addressed the king once again\nas follows: \"O Sovereign! Once upon a time the divine\nVisvakarma, gathering the splinters from the weapons of\nall the Devas and smelting them together, shaped this\nstrange sword and presented it to Paramesvara for gaining\nvictory over the daityas. By performing a severe penance,\none of the early Pandya kings obtained it from Lord\nParamesvara. With the help of this divine weapon the\ndescendants of this race continued to rule the kingdom\nprosperously for a very long period; but by a misfortune the\nprinces of the Pandya dynasty lost the virility of their sires.\nAgastya, having secured this remarkable sword, presents\nthis now to you. Just as Krishna slew Kamsa in Mathura in\nolden times, O King! do you also proceed now to the southern\nMadhura and slaughter the Mussalman king, the enemy of\nthe world, and set up several pillars of victory on the bridge\nof Rama (between the mainland and the island of\nRamesvaram). During your administration of the south, you\nshould also build a strong dam across the Kaveri, and make\nher flow in a manner useful to the agricultural population\"\n(Madhura Vijaya 1924: 6-7).\nIBN BATTUTA VALIDATES MADHURA VIJAYA\nIbn Battuta confirmed Gangadevi's account of conditions in\nMadurai. He wrote that the Sultan of Madurai made Hindu\nprisoners carry posts on which they were later impaled,\nThe country through which we were to pass was an\nuninterrupted and impassable jungle of trees and reeds.\nThe sultan gave orders that every man in the army, great\n254 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nand small alike, should carry a hatchet to cut it down, and\nwhen the camp was struck, he rode forward with his troops\nand they cut down those trees from morning to noon. Food\nwas then bought, and the whole army ate in relays,\nafterwards returning to their tree-felling until the evening.\nAll the infidels whom they found in the jungle were taken\nprisoner, and brought to the camp with their wives and\nchildren. Their practice is to fortify their camp with a wooden\npalisade, which has four gates. Outside the palisade there\nare platforms about three feet high on which they light a fire\nat night. By the fire there is posted a night guard of slaves\nand footsoldiers, each of whom carries a bundle of thin\ncanes. If a party of infidels should attempt to attack the\ncamp by night each sentry lights the bundle he has in his\nhand, so that the night becomes as bright as the day, and\nthe horsemen ride out in pursuit of the infidels. In the\nmorning the infidels whom our troops had captured the\nprevious day were divided into four groups and impaled at\nthe four gates of the camp. Their women and little children\nwere butchered also and the women tied by their hair to the\npales. Thereafter the camp was struck and set to work cutting\ndown another patch of jungle, and all those who were taken\nprisoner were treated the same way. This [slaughtering of\nwomen and children] is a dastardly practice, which I have\nnever known of any [other] king, and it was because of it\nthat God brought him to a speedy end (Ibn Batutta 2007:\n263).\nNOTES\n1. Over the years, merchants and traders from Arabia had settled\nalong the west coast. Some Arabs had accepted service under\nthe Rashtrakutas. They were permitted to practise their religion\nopenly and build masjids for their use (Altekar 1934: 276-\n277). Abu Ishtak Al Ishtakhri and Ibn Haukal stated that the\nRashtrakuta rulers were very partial towards Muslims\n(Altekar 1934: 187). It was from such people that Alauddin\nKhalji gathered vital information for his raid. The traditional\nview that the Yadavas were surprised by Ala-ud-din's attack\nATTACKS ON THE SOUTH COMMENCE | 255\n--- PAGE 146 ---\n\nhas been questioned. The Purushottamapuri copper plates of\nRamachandra, dated Saka 1232, i.e. 1310 CE recorded his\nsuccesses against several kings of northern India, chiefly the\nruler of Kanyakubja. It also claimed that he had freed Varanasi\nfrom the Mlechhas and constructed a \"golden\" temple to\nSarangadhara (Mate and Pathy 1992: 14).\n2. Khusrau Khan, who belonged to the Parwari caste, had\nconverted to Islam. However, in 1320, he abandoned his\nadopted faith, murdered his sovereign, Mubarak Khalji and\nbriefly ascended the throne. According to Barni, there was\nrejoicing among the Hindu population that Delhi had once\nagain come under Hindu control (Ahmad 1964: 95-96).\n3. Among the early inscriptions so far available on the Muslim\ninvasions is No. 434 of 1903 of the Madras Epigraphist's\ncollection, dated 1335-36 CE, from Tiruvamattur, South Arcot\ndistrict. It mentioned the Muhammadan invasions in\n\"previous days.\" The next reference was in the records of\nTiruppattur (Ramnad district). They stated that Tiruppattur\ntemple was in the occupation of the Muhammadans during\ntheir campaign in the south, and was re-consecrated by a\ncertain Visaiyalaya Devan in the years 44 and 46 of Vira\nPandya. Inscription c. 64 of 1916 at Titukalakkudi referred to\nthe invasion and occupation by Muhammadans, the\nappropriation of temple lands, and the neglect of temple\nworship, till Kampana ended Muhammadan domination and\nappointed officers (Nayakanmars) for supervision of temple\nworship and management. That record has been dated 1358\nCE (Aiyangar 1971: 116-118).\n256 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n13\nPlight of Temples and Deities\n\nSRIRANGANATHA TEMPLE\nT\nhe Sriranganatha temple, ranked foremost of 108\nVaishnava shrines, was among the first to be attacked\nby the Delhi armies. Sriranganatha was celebrated by\ndevotees as the koil \u2014 the temple par excellence. The temple\nchronicle, the Koil Olugu mentioned Kili Cola, the first historical\nperson who ruled from Uraiyur, as the builder of the shrine.\u00b9\nThe temple was a centre of the Vaishnava movement. All\nAlvar saints, except Madurakavi, extolled the shrine in their\ncompositions. Madurakavi, whose sole work was in honour\nof his acharya Nammalvar, was also associated with the temple\nthrough his Guru. The poems of the Alvars, mostly dated to\nthe eighth century CE, provided interesting details about the\ntemple. Kulasekhara Alvar described the image of the reclining\nRanganatha (Periya Perumal) in the sanctum sanctorum,\nadorned with flowers and garlands. That suggested worship\nby priests attached to the temple in his life time (Hari Rao\n1976: 16-47). The earliest Chola inscription in the shrine dated\nto the seventeenth year of Parantaka I (907-955).\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 257\n--- PAGE 147 ---\n\nATTACK ON TEMPLE\nSrirangam was twice attacked by armies from the north, first\nin 1311 CE by Malik Kafur, and second in 1323 CE by Ulugh\nKhan (Pl. 48). The Pandyas ruled the region at the time of the\nfirst attack, and several of their inscriptions were found in\nthe temple. Malik Kafur reached the frontiers of the Tamil\ncountry (the Mabar of Muslim historians) on 15th March 1311,\nbut could not triumph over the Pandyas who resorted to\nguerrilla warfare.\nAmir Khusrau mentioned a golden temple at Marhatpuri\n(Brahmastpuri) that Malik Kafur sacked during one night. He\nwrote that while Malik Kafur was at Kandur,\n...he heard that in Brahmastpuri there was a golden idol,\nround which many elephants were stabled. The Malik\nstarted on a night expedition against this place, and in the\nmorning seized no less than two hundred and fifty\nelephants. He then determined on razing the beautiful\ntemple to the ground, - you might say that it was the Paradise\nof Shaddad, which, after being lost, those hellites had found,\nand that it was the golden Lanka of Ram, the roof was\ncovered with rubies and emeralds, - in short, it was the\nholy place of the Hindus, which the Malik dug up from its\nfoundations with the greatest care, and the heads of the\nBrahmans and idolaters danced from their necks and fell to\nthe ground at their feet, and blood flowed in torrents. \"The\nstone idols called Ling Mahadeo, which had been a long\ntime established at that place, these, up to this time, the kick\nof the horse of Islam had not attempted to break. The\nMusulmans destroyed all the lings, and Deo Narain fell\ndown, and the other gods who had fixed their seats there\nraised their feet, and jumped so high, that at one leap they\nreached the fort of Lanka, and in that affright the lings\nthemselves would have fled had they had any legs to stand\non.\nAccording to Amir Khusrau,\n258 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nMuch gold and valuable jewels fell into the hands of the\nMusulmans, who returned to the royal canopy, after\nexecuting their holy project, on the 13th of Zi-l ka'da, 710 H.\n(April 1311 AD). They destroyed all the temples at Birdhul,\nand placed the plunder in the public treasury (Elliot and\nDowson Vol. III: 90-91).\nSome historians associated Brahmastpuri with\nChidambaram, long celebrated for its gilded roofs. According\nto them Brahmastpuri was a modified form of Brahmapuri,\nthe sacerdotal (agamic) name given to Chidambaram in Shaiva\nliterature (Aiyangar 1971: 108-109). However, Professor Hari\nRao, among others, identified the golden temple as\nSriranganatha and the Shiva temple as Jambukesvaram, near\nSrirangam (Hari Rao 1976: 89-92; Srinivasan 1979: 226).\nAccording to the Koil Olugu, at the time of both attacks,\nAlagiyamanavalan, the procession image of Ranganatha was\nremoved from the temple. Describing the first attack it stated,\n\"Dillisvaran (the king of Delhi), having defeated Prataparudra\nin battle, invaded Tondaimandalam and Solamandalam.\" The\nconquering army entered the temple through the northern\ngateway, then in charge of Arya Bhattas, northern Brahmins.\nThey were easily overpowered, the temple riches seized, and\nseveral images, including those of Alagiyamanavalan and\nCerakulavalli, carted away (Hari Rao 1976: 92).\nTHE STORY OF PINCHENRAVALLI,\n\"SHE WHO FOLLOWED\"\nA fascinating story was skilfully woven around the loss and\nrecovery of the Alagiyamanavalan image (Hari Rao 1976: 92-\n94). According to that account, a woman devotee\n(Pinchenravalli, \"she who followed\"), a native of Karambanur,\nnear Srirangam, who took food daily only after worshipping\nthe deity, followed the Sultanate army in the guise of a\nmendicant. On reaching the imperial capital, she stealthily\nentered the Sultan's palace and found that all the images had\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 259\n"}
+{"start_page": 148, "end_page": 150, "text": "--- PAGE 148 ---\n\nbeen locked in a hall. A young princess of the Sultan's family,\nstruck by the beauty of the Ranganatha icon, had taken it as\nher plaything. The woman devotee rushed back to Srirangam\nand informed the people of the situation. The Stalattar (chief\ntemple officer) closed the north gate of the temple, buried the\nimage of Sriranga Nacciyar under the bilva tree near her shrine,\nand followed the woman to Delhi.\nThere they pleased the Sultan with their songs and dance\nand in recompense asked for the return of their deity. \"Our\nPerumal is in the possession of your daughter,\" they said.\nThereupon the Sultan replied, \"Call back your god if you can.\"\nThe god was then invoked and he appeared; the startled ruler\npermitted the devotees to take back their deity. They\nimmediately hurried back home with the image.\nOn learning of that happening, the Sultani (princess) urged\nthe king to send an army to repossess the icon. Accordingly, a\nroyal army left Delhi three days later. The fleeing temple\nservants learnt they were being followed when they neared\nChandragiri. They immediately dispersed, and three of them,\nwho were of a class of temple servants called Kodavar (and\nwho were related as uncle, brother-in-law, and nephew), were\nentrusted with the image. They climbed the slopes of\nVengadam hills, and hid the image in the forest. The imperial\narmy reached Srirangam and found the temple shut. They\nwere informed the deity had not yet returned from Delhi.\nThe princess was said to have died of grief at Srirangam (Hari\nRao 1976: 92-93).\nThe Koil Olugu stated that on the way back to Delhi the\nMuslim armies,\n...reached Tirupati and heard that the Perumal had gone up\nthe hills. From the foot of the hills they deputed many men\nto make an extensive search for the Perumal. Not finding a\nsecret place, in that region, where they could safely keep the\nPerumal concealed, the Kodavar thought of a plan. Placing\nhis brother-in-law and nephew on the top of the hill, the\n260 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nuncle tied himself to the Perumal with the help of roots and\nherbs and asked the two on the top to let him down into a\ndeclivity by means of a creeper fastened to a promontory of\nthe mountain, jutting out like the hood of a serpent. In course\nof time his body perished ... The brother-in-law and the\nnephew got down the slope with the help of plants and\ncreepers, worshipped the Perumal, cremated the body of\nthe dead uncle, and remained unknown on the slopes to the\nnorth of Alarmelmangaipuram (Mangapuram, near\nChandragiri). The brother-in-law too died, in course of time.\nThe nephew, however, remained unseen, with the Perumal,\nfor a long time, living on roots and fruits (Koil Olugu: 27-28).\nINCIDENT REMEMBERED IN FOLKLORE\nProfessor Hari Rao viewed the account of the first restoration\n(including the stories of Pinchenravalli, the Kodavar, and the\nprincess from Delhi) as unhistorical. \"They all belonged to\nthe realm of folklore and mythology\" (Hari Rao 1976: 105).\nMeanwhile, the Stalattar, weary of waiting for the return\nof Perumal, consecrated fresh images and resumed worship.\nA new image of Sriranga Nacciyar was also sanctified as the\noriginal image that had been buried under the bilva tree could\nnot be located (Hari Rao 1976: 94).\nThe Koil Olugu stated that the exile of Perumal lasted \"fifty-\nnine-and-a-half years, of which two years were spent in the\npalace of the Sultan\" (Koil Olugu: 28-29). Towards the end of\nthat period, two Irulas (hunters) found the nephew, then an\nold man of eighty. He requested them to prepare for the return\nof the image to Srirangam. The chieftain of neighbouring\nChandragiri assisted the aged Kodavar in reaching Srirangam.\nHowever, the people at Srirangam had forgotten the\nMuslim invasion and the exile of the original image. The\nunfortunate Kodavar, who had spent fifty-eight years protecting\nthe image, was denied entry to the temple. Inexplicably, the\ncrown of the image of Sriranga Nacciyar began to emerge\nfrom beneath the bilva tree, with the arrival of the Kodavar and\nPerumal.\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 261\n--- PAGE 149 ---\n\nA search began for someone who could help unravel the\ntruth. It led to a 93 year-old blind washerman, who had\nwashed the clothes of the original Perumal for over half a\ncentury. He could identify the image by the smell of the water.\nHe took the Iravadai tirtam (wet cloth, tirtham) of both images\nand exclaimed in joy, \"It is He, Our Perumal (Nam Perumal)\nAlagiyamanavalan!\" The original images of Perumal and\nNacciyar were thus reinstated. A shrine was also erected for\nthe Sultani, who had demonstrated great devotion to Perumal.\nHer image was painted on a wall and consecrated; provisions\nwere made for food offerings suitable for a Muslim princess,\nwho became a Hindu deity, Bibi Nacciyar or Sandu Nacciyar\n(Sultani Nacciyar) (Hari Rao 1976: 94-95; Aiyangar 1971: 160-\n161).\nThere was no epigraphic evidence of the Bibi Nacciyar\nshrine, nor any information on when it was constructed. The\nKoil Olugu ended its account of the incident stating that all\ndetails had been inscribed on the Sandu Nacciyar shrine, but\nwere destroyed when the Citra mandapa was reconstructed\n(Hari Rao 1976: 96).\n'HEALING MYTHS'\nThough the historicity of the entire episode was doubtful,\nwhat was notable was the participation of a wide section of\nsociety in the defence of the Alagiyamanavalan image. While\nclaiming that the procession images survived both attacks,\nthe Koil Olugu admitted that on the first occasion Muslims\nmade off with all the temple riches, but provided no details\n(Koil Olugu: 25, 148-149, 157). To recount the act of desecration\nwould have been distressing, so the incredible story of the\nwomen devotee was narrated in considerable detail, to bolster\nthe faith of devotees.\nSome scholars described these stories as \"healing myths,\"\nand maintained that the raid from the north was \"made the\noccasion for a triumphant demonstration of piety,\n262 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nrighteousness, and the god's divine powers\" (Spencer 1978:\n21-22). The harsh reality was that in the first attack, the\ninvaders took away the icon, which was not heard of again.\nNO WORSHIP IN TEMPLE TILL 1371\nThe Koil Olugu implied as much, when it stated that after the\ndivine image failed to manifest itself, a new image was cast\nand used in its place (Koil Olugu: 28). It called the image\nTiruvaranga-maligaiyar \u2013 God of the Srirangam temple. However,\neven that image was forced to leave the temple in 1323, and\nthere was no worship till 1371 (Hari Rao 1976: 96-97).\nB. Lewis Rice (1837-1927), first Director of the Mysore\nState Archaeology Department and author of the highly\nacclaimed Mysore Gazetteer, recorded the story of the Ramapriya\nimage allegedly taken to Delhi and brought back by Ramanuja\n(Rice Vol. II 1897: 272-273). Two classes of Holeyas or outcastes,\nTirukula and Jambavakula, were credited with having assisted\nRamanuja in regaining the image from Delhi. Hence, they were\nconferred the privilege of entering the temple once a year to\n\"pay their devotions\" (Rice Vol. II 1897: 272-273).\nProfessor Nagaswamy regarded that account highly\nunlikely. He pointed out that Malik Kafur's invasion occurred\nin the early fourteenth century, when Ramanuja was no more\n(his widely accepted dates being 1017-1137 CE) (Nagaswamy\n2008: 7).\nSECOND ATTACK ON SRIRANGAM\nA second attack on the temple occurred in 1323, after Ulugh\nKhan had defeated Prataparudra of Warangal. According to\nthe Koil Olugu, the image of the reclining Ranganatha in the\nsanctum was blocked with stones and saved from desecration.\nBut many pillared halls in the temple enclosure were\ndestroyed. The gold staff of Vishnu was smashed, the northern\nface of the Nammalvar shrine reduced to rubble, as was the\nDhanvantri shrine (Koil Olugu: 152, 156). The embankments\naround the island were also ruined.\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 263\n--- PAGE 150 ---\n\nFATE OF PROCESSIONAL IMAGE\nThe account of the processional deity seemed less improbable\nthe second time. It corroborated that the saga of Pinchenravalli\nof the first invasion was \"a fanciful projection into the earlier\nyears of the authentic restoration which followed the second\nraid\" (Spencer 1978: 23).\nTEMPLE UNDER MUSLIM OCCUPATION\nAccording to the Koil Olugu, during the second attack the\nMuslim chief converted the Alagiyamanavalan tirumantapa,\nopposite the sanctum sanctorum, into his residence. The shrine\nescaped complete annihilation due to a temple courtesan, who\nensnared the Muslim general. Due to her wiles, he confined\nhimself to defacement of cornices of the various gopuras and\nmantapas, and a few images like the Dwarapalas around the\ncentral shrine. He was troubled with poor health during his\nstay in the temple, and finally left for Kannanur. There he\npulled down the walls of Poysalesvara Udaiyanar temple, and\nconstructed a fortress for himself. The temple was turned into\na mosque.2\nSingappiran, a Brahmin official of the temple, befriended\nthe Muslim general through the courtesan, and protected the\ntemple precincts as long as possible. Since both the original\nand substitute procession images were missing, regular\nworship practically ceased. The priests did their utmost to\nattend to the image of Ranganatha hidden in the sanctum, but\nwere constantly harassed by Muslims, who swarmed the\ntemple (Hari Rao 1976: 107-108).\nNamburi Kesavacharya, in his Telugu work Acharyasukti\nMuktavali, related the contribution of the temple courtesan in\ndefending the shrine (Aiyangar 1919: 40-41). According to that\naccount, the courtesan by a ruse took the general up a gopura\non the pretext of showing him the image of Paravasudeva (on\nthe main vimana), and pushed him down. That killed him.\nFearing the consequences of her action, she also threw herself\n264 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ndown, but did not die. The Koil Olugu recorded,\nLater on, when the other Muslim armies had fled, the\nparijanas (attendants) opened the doors of the temple and\nfound life still lingering in the body of the dasi. Immediately\nthey all went to the Perumal and appealed to Him. Through\nthe instrumentality of an arcaka the Perumal came to her\nand, with great satisfaction, asked her what boon she\nwanted. She replied, \"whenever any of my creed dies the\nfire for cremation should be fetched from the temple kitchen,\nand to them must be offered a certain quantity of rice from\nthe store-house, and also tirtham, garland and parivattam.\"\nAccordingly from that day her requests are being fulfilled\n(Koil Olugu: 128-129, 134-135).\nProfessor Hari Rao viewed the tale of the courtesan, like\nthat of Sultani or Bibi Nacciyar, as an endeavour to conceal a\nmortifying situation (Hari Rao 1976: 107-108).\nOTHER ACCOUNTS OF MUSLIM OCCUPATION\nAmong other works that detailed the Muslim occupation of\nthe temple were the Guruparamparai, and Anantarya's\nPrapannamrtam. According to the Prapannamrtam, the\nprocessional image of Ranganatha, Alagiyamanavalan had been\ntaken for a festival to the banks of the Coleroon River, a short\ndistance from the Srirangam temple. A messenger arrived\nthere and informed Pillai Lokacharya (head of the Udayavar\nMath) that a fierce yavana was marching with troops towards\nSrirangam, destroying temples and Brahmin villages en route.\nThe people, unsure of what to do as they were in the midst of\na festival, decided to draw lots before the Lord to determine\nwhether they should stay or leave. The results of the draw\nfavoured staying. So the festival continued. Soon, another\nmessenger brought news that Muslims had reached Kannanur\nand were heading towards Srirangam (Aiyangar 1919: 34).\nPillai Lokacharya then consulted Vedanta Desika, the\nrenowned Vaishnava acharya. As per his decision, the images\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 265\n"}
+{"start_page": 151, "end_page": 153, "text": "--- PAGE 151 ---\n\nof Alagiyamanavalan and his Consort were sent in a southern\ndirection, under the supervision of Pillai Lokacarya and a few\nparijanas. Vedanta Desika himself rushed to Srirangam, and\nsent out the image of Sriranga Nacciyar and some boxes of\ntreasures and jewels with a few followers, probably to follow\nthe first group. He then locked the doors of the sanctum,\nbarricaded the entrance to the main shrines with stones, placed\nsubstitute images in the mantapas opposite, and proceeded to\nthe shrine of Panviyavlan [two mula beras (main images) were\nfound in the Nacciyar shrine, one of them possibly the image\nthat had been walled up during the raid].\nBy then, the invaders had arrived at the temple and\ndesecrated the shrine. The Koil Olugu recorded that 12,000\nascetics were killed, and referred to the incident as Panriyalvan-\ntirumottu mahakalaham (the invasion of Panriyalvan Tirumedu)\nand Pannirayiramtirumudi-tiruttina-kalabham (the invasion which\ntook 12,000 heads) (Hari Rao 1976: 103).\nVedanta Desika managed to escape from Srirangam with\nthe two young sons of Sudarsana Bhatta, author of\nSrutaprakasika, and a single manuscript of his famous\ncommentary on Ramanuja's Sribhasya. With those, he reached\nYadavadri (Melkote in Mysore territory).\nTHE WANDERINGS OF RANGANATHA\nThe Koil Olugu and other works provided details of the\nwanderings of Ranganatha. The image criss-crossed almost\nthe entire south India, in a bid to avoid areas teeming with\nthe invaders. Leaving Srirangam, the fugitives proceeded\nsouthward through the former Pudukottah state and reached\nGostipura or Tirukkottiyur, in Ramnad district. From there,\nthey moved further south to Jyotiskudi (Jyoti-smatipura or\nKalaiyarkoil in the same district) (Aiyangar 1952: 215-216;\nAiyangar 1971: 159). All the jewels of the deity and Lokacarya's\nbelongings were taken away by robbers. Lokacarya was said\nto have died at Jyotiskudi, distraught at news from Srirangam.\n266 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nLeaving Jyotiskudi, the group turned west and reached\nthe famous Vaishnava shrine of Alagarkoil (Tirumalirumsolai),\ntwelve miles north of Madurai, where they kept the image\nfor a year. From Alagarkoil, they moved in a north-western\ndirection until they arrived at Kolikodu (Calicut). There, they\nencountered many other exiles with images from numerous\ntemples of south India. Among them was the image of\nNammalvar from Tirunagari, which the group carrying\nAlagiyamanavalan took under their protection. After a year's\nstay in Calicut, they travelled to Tirukkinambi, an important\nVaishnava shrine in Gundlupet taluk, in the extreme south of\nMysore state. There the image of Nammalvar was instated in\na local temple. After some days, the Srirangam group moved\nthrough jungles to avoid capture. Eventually they reached\nPunganur in Chittoor district, bordering Mysore state. But\ndanger pushed them back into Mysore country. For a\nconsiderable period, they stayed in the temple of\nTirunarayanapuram or Melukote (Seringapatam tq.). Then, in\na daring effort, they rushed across to Tirupati. There, the image\nwas kept in safety in the Venkateshwara temple (Aiyangar\n1919: 35-36; Hari Rao 1976: 104-105).\nRANGANATHA RETURNS TO HIS ABODE\nMeanwhile, due to the intervention of the sage Vidyaranya,\nthe Vijayanagara kingdom was established. Its king, Harihara\nII, re-conquered Tondai-mandalam. One of his officers,\nGopana-Udaiyar, who resided at Senji, took the\nAlagiyamanavalan image from Tirupati to Singapuram (near\nSenji), where it was duly worshipped, and eventually\nreinstated in the Sriranganatha temple.3\nTHE RANGANATHA INSCRIPTION\nA Sanskrit inscription (No. 287, dated 1373 CE) in Grantha\ncharacters on the western wall of the temple, recorded\nrestoration of the image by Gopana. The inscription contained\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 267\n--- PAGE 152 ---\n\na verse composed by Vedanta Desikar. The resumption of\nworship in the temple, \"released the suppressed spirit of the\npeople\" (South Indian Inscriptions Vol. XXIV: 1982: xiv-xv). The\ninscription stated,\nHail! Prosperity! In the Saka year (expressed by the\nchronogram) bandhupriya (i.e. Saka-Samvat 1293).\n(Verse 1.) Having brought (the god) from the Anjanadri\n(mountain; Tirupati), the splendour of whose darkish peaks\ngives delight to the world, having worshipped (him) at\nChenchi (Senji, Gingee) for some time, then having slain the\nTulushkas whose bows were raised, Goppanarya, the\nmirror of fame, placing Ranganatha together with both\nLakshmi and the Earth in his own town (i.e. Srirangam),\nagain duly performed excellent worship.\n(Verse 2.) Having carried Rangaraja, the lord of the world,\nfrom the slope of the Vrishabhagiri (mountain; Tirupati) to\nhis capital (i.e. Chenchi), having slain by his army the proud\nTaulushka soldiers, having made the site of Sriranga united\nwith the golden age (Kritayuga), and having placed there\nthis (god) together with Lakshmi and the Earth, - the\nBrahmana Gopana duly performs, like the lotus-born\n(Brahma), the worship which has to be practised (Epigraphia\nIndica 1981 Vol. VI: 330).\nGopana-Udaiyar gifted fifty-two villages to the temple, and\nHarihara II and his son, performed the tulapurusha ceremony\n(Epigraphia Indica 1981 Vol. VI: 322-325).\nATTACK BY TIPU SULTAN\nLewis Rice recorded a subsequent attack on the temple \"..\nthe ancient temple of Ranganatha. (was) much out of repair.\"\nThe town was twice burnt or laid waste by Tipu Sultan to\nprevent it being used by the British army on its march to\nSeringapatam (Rice Vol. II 1897: 78-79).\n268 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nTHE MINAKSHI TEMPLE - MADURAI\nMadurai, ranked among the oldest cities in south India, had\nan unbroken history going back to prehistoric times. Several\nlegends were associated with the city. According to the sthala\npuranas, when sage Agastya was at Banaras, the rishis requested\nhim to relate the sixty-four lilas of Shiva (Sundaresvara) on\nthe banks of the Vegavati (Vaigai) river. Agastya then lauded\nthe glories of Madurai. In popular lore, the word Madurai\nwas the Tamil form of Mathura, the holy city on the Jumna in\nnorthern India. The name could also have derived from the\nTamil word madhuram, meaning sweetness.\nMadurai and the Pandyas were mentioned in the Ramayana\nand Mahabharata. In the Ramayana, Sugriva directed his\nfollowers to search for Sita south of the Vindhyas, and to\nespecially look out for \u201cKavatam Pandyanam,\" the golden gates\nof the Pandyas festooned with pearls and gold, on the shores\nof the ocean. Kavatapuram, later known as Korkai, was\nbelieved to have subsequently sunk into the sea (Devakunjari\n1979: 21-26).\nThe Mahabharata also contained several references to the\nPandyas. A Pandyan king was credited with partaking in the\nBharata war. That belief was current even in the tenth century\nCE; the Pandyan Larger Sinnamanur plates recorded that\nAgastya was the family preceptor of the Pandyas, and they\nlead the elephants in the Great War (South Indian Inscriptions\nPart IV; Sastri 1929: 23).\nThe Pandyas ruled continuously from Madurai from the\nearly CE to the fourteenth century. Even after their rule ended,\nMadurai remained the political capital for another four\ncenturies, thus enjoying the distinction of being the political\ncapital for over eighteen centuries.\nThe Minakshi temple at Madurai ranked among the holiest\nof Shiva shrines. An entire purana, the Halasya Mahatmya in\nSanskrit, was devoted to the temple. Based on that work,\nParanjoti Munivar wrote the Tiruvilaiyadar Puranam in about\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 269\n--- PAGE 153 ---\n\nthe ninth century CE. He narrated thirty lilas of Sundaresvara,\nbut mentioned all the sixty-four centred around the temple\nand its environs. The Tiruvilaiyadar Puranam stated that the\nIndra Vimana of the temple was built on orders of Indra, who\nhad discovered the Swayambhu linga in the Kadamba forest,\nand installed it there (Devakunjari 1979: 21-29).\nLegend has it that Shiva as Sundaresvara married Minakshi,\ndaughter of a Pandya king, and ruled the kingdom, a divine\nsovereignty unique to Madurai. Madurai city was designed\nin the shape of a coiled serpent (Halasya in Sanskrit and Alavoi\nin Tamil), believed to have been suggested to the king by\nSundaresvara himself (Ayyar 1993: 477).\nThe Sritala manuscripts, which appeared to be some kind\nof log books, were a primary source of information on the\ntemple. They were carefully maintained, re-copied, and\nregularly updated. The Maduraittalavaralaru that was published\nas a prose introduction to the Madurai Tiruppanimalai, and the\nMadurai Sthanikar Varalaru seemed to have originally formed\npart of Sritala. They were reliable accounts and their\nchronology often closely approximated the dates found in\ninscriptions of the period (Devakunjari 1979: 5-7).\nARRIVAL OF MALIK KAFUR\nThe Pandya kingdom (or Mabar) according to Wassaf extended\n\"in length from Kulam to Nilawar (Nellore) nearly 300\nparasangs along the sea coast and in the language of that\ncountry the king is called Dewar which signifies the Lord of\nEmpire\" (Elliot and Dowson Vol. III: 32). Malik Kafur arrived\nat Madurai on 10th April 1311. Amir Khusrau wrote that Malik\nKafur,\n...arrived at the city of Mathra (Madura), the dwelling place\nof the brother of the Rai Sundar Pandya. They found the city\nempty, for the Rai had fled with the Ranis, but had left two\nelephants in the temple of Jagnar (Jagannath). The elephants\nwere captured and the temple burnt (Elliot and Dowson\nVol. III: 91).\n270 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThe Pandya brothers joined forces in the face of the grave\ndanger, and Kafur was defeated by their uncle, Vikrama\nPandya. Within a decade of Malik Kafur's sack of Madurai,\nKhusrau Khan attacked the northern parts of Mabar. The\nattacks seriously weakened the Pandyas, who seemed to have\nlost Madurai and its immediate environs to the Sultanate that\nwas established in the region. They retained their hold in other\nparts of the Tamil country.\nJatavarman Vira Pandya (accession 1296) survived the civil\nwar and the northern raids. He reigned for about fourty-four\nyears, till 1342. His inscriptions at Tirupputtur referred to the\nMuslim occupation of the local temple, and the subsequent re-\nconsecration of images there (Madras Epigraphical Report 119,\n120 of 1908; Devakunjari 1979: 158). Madurai was finally\noccupied by Ulugh Khan, who conquered Mabar in 1323 CE,\nand remained a province of the Delhi Sultanate till 1334.\nMADURAI UNDER MUSLIM RULE\nMadurai suffered grievously during the half century of Muslim\nrule, as substantiated by epigraphic evidence and chronicles\n(Pl. 49). They referred to Muslim rule as tulukkaniyam,\ntulukkavanam, and tulukkar kalaham. A record from\nTirukkalakkudi dated 1364 (Madras Epigraphical Report 64 of\n1916, Report, part II, para 33), mentioned the disorder caused\nby Muhammadans,\nThe times were Tulukkan times, the devadana lands of the\ngods were taxed with kudimai, the temple worship, however,\nhad to be conducted without any reduction; the ulavu or\ncultivation of the temple lands were done by turns by the\ntenants of the village (Devakunjari 1979: 162-166).\nSALVAGE STRATEGIES AT TEMPLE\nSeveral Tamil chronicles presented exhaustive accounts of the\nattack on the Minakshi temple and the steps taken to safeguard\nthe images. The Madurai Sthanikar Varalaru recorded that the\nSthanikars (trustees) of the temple made a kilikkundu for the\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 271\n"}
+{"start_page": 154, "end_page": 156, "text": "--- PAGE 154 ---\n\nSwami in the garbhagriha. They raised earth mounds to block\nthe entrance to the garbhagriha, and built a stone wall to protect\nthe original lingam. A replica was set up in the ardha mandapam.\nThe Sthanikars also performed ashtabandhanam for the goddess\n(moola peru Nachiyar) and placed her on the upper storey of\nthe Vimanam. They further carried out Pupadanam (burying in\nthe ground) for the images near the Muchukundeswars shrine\n(Krishnan 2014: 39). The replica lingam was damaged by Malik\nKafur; but saved the original from the invaders. The Madurai\nSthanikar Varalaru stated,\nIn the month of Ani of S. 1245 (1323 AD) the Padshah vasal\nmantri Adi Sultan and Malukka Nemiyar came from Delhi\nwith 60,000 horses, destroyed Siva and Visnu temples and\ntanks, plundered temple treasuries (sribhandaram), mutilated\nimages (bimbam) and reached Trichinopoly. There also the\nsthanikas were removed and temples were destroyed. Hearing\nthese, king Valal Vilitturangum Parakrama Pandya was\nalarmed and left the fort of Kalaiyarkoyil. Unable to stay in\nthe city without the king's protection, the sthanikas of the\ntemple of Madurai left the city after making certain\nprovisions for the protection of the deity. They made a\nkilikkundu for the Svami in the garbhagriha, raised earth\nmounds, blocked the garbhagriha entrance with a stone wall\nand set up another Linga in the ardha mandapa. They did\nastabandhana for the Goddess (Mulappernacciyar) and\nset up the Goddess on the upper storey of the vimana.\nThey did pupadanam (buried in the ground) for the\nutsav vigrahas, Ilaiya Nayinar and other vigrahas near\nMucukundisvaramudaiyar shrine. The Soliya,\nKulasekharapperumal, who was formerly doing puja in the\nKariyamanikka Perumal Temple, was left in charge of the\nMadurai temple and the conduct of its worship. Then, taking\nthe gold vigraha of the God and a few other gold vigrahas,\nthe sthanikas left Madurai, and reached the Kilukiluppai\nforest in Nanjilnadu (Devakunjari 1979: 166-167).\nAccording to the Maduraittalavaralaru and the Pandyan\nChronicle, fourteen gopuras of the temple, the Pancaksara\n272 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ntirumadil, and the streets within were destroyed, but the\ngarbhagriha, the ardhmandapa, and the mahamandapa escaped the\nfury of the aggressors. They stated that after vanquishing the\nMuslims, Kampana restored worship in the Madurai temple.\nTraditional accounts maintained that when the blocked\ndoorway was opened and the earth that covered the deity\nremoved, Kampana was astounded to discover that the lamps\nwere still burning, and the flowers of the deity were as fresh\nas at the time of the daily morning puja (Devakunjari 1979:\n167-168).\nTEMPLE REBUILT\nKampana's overthrow of the Madurai Sultanate was completed\nby about 1371 CE. Till the latter half of the sixteenth century,\nMadurai remained under Vijayanagara rule. As the Minakshi\ntemple had been desecrated on three occasions, the temple\nthat was rebuilt after 1371 was almost a new structure.\nVirtually the entire complex seen today was built during the\nNayaka period (Michell 1993: 99). Some old portions were\nused in the new construction. As a result, the structure lacked\nuniformity, the pillars and other architectural features being\nin diverse styles (Devakunjari 1979: 215).\nTHE SACRED CITY OF KANCHIPURAM\nKanchipuram ranked with Ayodhya, Mathura, Maya, Kasi,\nKanchi, Avanti, and Dwarka, as one of the seven hallowed\ncities in India, death in anyone of which ensured moksha. Three\nof the six cities, Maya, Kasi, and Avanti were regarded sacred\nto Shiva; Ayodhya, Mathura and Dwarka were sanctified by\nVishnu. Kanchi was sacred to both Shiva and Vishnu, and also\nto Kamakshi and Shanmukha (Skanda). It was one of the\neighteenth shakti pithas, and a tirtha. It was the confluence of\nShaiva, Vaishnava, Bauddha, and Jain religious streams. It was\nblessed by its association with Buddhaghosa, Dharampala,\nand Shankara (Mahalingam 1969: 1).\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 273\n--- PAGE 155 ---\n\nKanchi was the capital of the Pallavas, who dominated\nthe political and cultural history of south India for over six\ncenturies. The Kanchi region, commonly known as Tondainadu\nor Tondaimandalam, was mentioned in early inscriptions as\nTundira, Tundiraka, Tundaka-rastra and Tundakavisaya.\nThose were Sanskritized forms of the Tamil name Tondainadu,\nwhich was itself a Tamilised form of the Sanskrit term\nPallavarastra, both pallava and tondai meaning a creeper.\nTondainadu was also known as Dramila country, and was\ndifferent from the kingdoms of the Cholas, Cheras, and\nPandyas. It included the modern districts of Chingleput, parts\nof the districts of Chittoor, North Arcot, and South Arcot\n(Mahalingam 1969: 2).\nKanchipuram was referred to in early Tamil literature and\ninscriptions as Kacci, Kaccipedu, Kanci, Kancinagar,\nKancimanagar, and Kancipuram. The earliest Tamil reference\nto it was in the Sangam work Perumbanarrupadai, which\nmentioned Kacci. The Manimekhalai also referred to it six times,\ntwice as Kacci, twice as Kanci, once as Kancinagar, and once\nas Kancimanagar (Mahalingam 1969: 4).\nTHE VARADARAJA SWAMI TEMPLE\nThe Varadaraja Swami temple, among the numerous shrines\nin Kanchi, was built on Hastigiri Satyavratakshetra or Attiyar\nhillock, at the site where Brahma was believed to have\nperformed a sacrifice to invoke the presence of Vishnu (Ayyar\n1993: 59-61). Three hymns composed by the early Alvar saint,\nBhuthnathalvar confirmed the existence of the temple in Pallava\ntimes. All that remained of that era were two lion-pillars in\nsandstone on the tank-bund and in the Sudarsana shrine. The\nearliest record found in the temple so far was a ninth century\nCE inscription in Tamil script, which indicated the popularity\nof the shrine at that time (Nagaswamy 2011: 150).\nThe Cholas appeared to have first rebuilt an older temple,\nwhich was subsequently expanded by later Chola and\n274 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nVijayanagara rulers (Michell 1993: 26-27). There were over\n350 inscriptions on the temple walls of Chola, Pandya, Hoysala,\nKakatiya, and Vijayanagara rulers, and also of smaller dynasties\nlike the Telugu-Chodas, Kadavarayas, and Sambuvarayas. The\nnumber of epigraphs declined considerably after the\nVijayanagara era, perhaps a reflection of the uncertainty that\nfollowed the battle of Talikota. There was one inscription of\nthe Nawab of the Carnatic, who controlled the Kanchi region\nin the early eighteenth century (Raman 1975: 11-12).\nMUSLIM GARRISON AT MADURAI\nA Muslim garrison was established at Madurai in 1327 CE in\nthe aftermath of the Tughlaq invasion. The Hoysala ruler, Vira\nBallala III moved against that garrison. An inscription dated\n1335 CE, mentioned a brief visit of his to the Varadaraja temple\n(Raman 1975: 25).\nIn popular lore, Kampana of Vijayanagara was acclaimed\nfor freeing the land of tulukas (Muslims), and restoring worship\nin several temples. There was an inscription of his, dated S\n1288 (1367 CE), in the Varadaraja temple [33 of 1890]. Kampana\nwas aided in his southern campaigns by the generals Gopana\nand Saluva Mangu, of whom the latter was mentioned in two\ninscriptions in the temple (Aiyangar 1952: 219). Several\ninscriptions of Kampana were found in Chingleput, South\nArcot district, and other parts of the Tamil country (152 of\n1953, 210 of 1912 etc., Sewell 1882: 172, 178). [Kampana died\nin 1374, his father ruled till 1377].\nAbout a century later, in 1481 CE, the Bahmani ruler,\nMuhammad Shah III (1463-1482) attacked Kanchi. Ferishta and\nTaba-Taba categorically mentioned his plunder of the holy\ncity. According to Ferishta, the Bahmani Sultan was informed\nof the \"the temple of Kinjee, the walls and roof of which were\nplated with gold, ornamented with precious stones...\" The\nSultan selected six thousand soldiers from his army and\nmarched towards the city,\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 275\n--- PAGE 156 ---\n\nCrowds, like bees, now issued from within (the temple),\nand ranged themselves under the walls to defend it. The\ntroops coming up, the Sultan assaulted the place, which\twas carried with great slaughter of the Hindoos. An\nimmense plunder fell to the victor, who took nothing away\nbut gold, jewels, and silver, so abundant were those valuable\ncommodities. The Sultan then plundered the city of Kinchee\nand after reposing in it for a week, returned to his grand\narmy (Ferishta Vol. I 1794: 166-167).\nTaba-Taba wrote of the attack,\nFrom the rise of Islam up to this time, no Muhammadan\nmonarch had set foot in it; no stranger had laid hand on the\ncheek of the bride of that idol-temple (Srinivasan 1979: 228).\nThe Vijayanagara general, Saluva Narasimha (a descendant\nof Saluva Mangi who had assisted Kampana in his southern\ncampaigns) dispatched troops under Isvara Nayaka, who drove\nout the Sultan and even recovered much of the treasure\n(Aiyangar 1919: 90-92; Sastri and Venkataramanayya 1946 Vol.\nI: 137-138).\nThe reign of Krishnadeva Raya (1509-1529) was a milestone\nin the history of south India. He brought virtually the entire\nregion under his control. He frequently visited sacred sites\n(Venkataramanayya 1935: 449). Sixteen of his inscriptions were\nfound at the Varadaraja temple, dating from S 1431 to S 1451\n(1510-1528 CE). Some recorded his benefactions in memory of\nhis father and mother. The inscriptions began with the usual\nhistorical introduction in Sanskrit, and were recorded in Tamil,\nTelugu, and Kannada. Subsequent rulers of the dynasty,\nparticularly Achyuta Raya (r. 1530-1542), also visited the temple\nand made donations (Raman 1975: 28-30).\nBy around 1672, the Golconda rulers had established their\npower in the Tondaimandalam region. Madanna and Akkanna\nwere then two powerful Brahmin ministers at Golconda.\nMadanna appointed his nephew, Podelle Lingappa, Collector\nof the province of Pundamalli which included Kanchi. Podelle\n276 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nLingappa constructed some minor temples in the city. In 1676,\nthe Maratha leader, Shivaji moved into the Carnatic region.\nIn 1678, he arrived at Kanchi on route to capture Pundamalli\nand thereafter to lay siege to the English fort at Madras. His\nplans, however, changed and he died in 1680. In 1686 and\n1687, the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb annexed Bijapur and\nGolconda. The Mughal forces reached Kanchipuram; Shivaji's\nson and successor Sambhaji, resisted them, but was defeated\nin 1688 (Raman 1975: 37).\nIMAGES KEPT OUT OF TEMPLE FOR\nTWENTY-TWO YEARS\nDue to fear of Aurangzeb's iconoclastic zeal, the authorities\nof three important temples - Varadaraja, Ekamresvara, and\nKamakshi Amman - quietly removed the deities from Kanchi\nin 1688 CE. The images of Varadaraja and his consorts were\ncamouflaged as corpses and taken to the Udayarpalayam\njungles in Tiruchirapalli District. In 1710 CE, when the danger\nabated, preparations commenced to bring back the deities.\nThe local chieftain of Udayarpalayam was, however, loath to\nlet the images leave his territory. Thereupon, the Vaishnava\nascetic, Srimat Paramahamsa Parivrajakacharya Attan Jiyar\ndirected his disciple, Lala Todarmalla to intercede; and the\nimages were successfully brought back to the Varadaraja\ntemple. Their re-installation after twenty-two years was\nrecorded in a long inscription on a slab near the Tayar shrine,\ndated S 1632 corresponding to 1710 CE. The Madras\nEpigraphical Department (pp. 104 &105 for 1920-1921)\nrecorded,\nAccording to the inscription on the slab in front of the\nThayar shrine in the Varadarajaswami temple the Delhi\nEmperor Aurangzeb fitted out an expedition about 1688\nAD against the Mahrattas of the South and Conjeevaram, in\ncommon with several other important centres of South India,\nfelt the shock of this iconoclastic invasion. The temple\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 277\n"}
+{"start_page": 157, "end_page": 159, "text": "--- PAGE 157 ---\n\nauthorities of the three premier temples of that city thereupon\napprehending desecration at the profane hands of the\ninvaders disguised the images of the temple gods as corpses\nand conveyed them secretly out of the town and found an\nasylum in the jungles of Udayarpalayam in the Trichinopoly\ndistrict. But when the danger was past and Conjeevaram\nwas considered safe, the local chieftain of Udayarpalayam,\nwho was much enraptured at the image of the god refused\nto restore it to its original abode at Kanchi, with the result\nthat at the special intercession of Attan Jiyar, his disciple\nLala Todarmalla terrorised the chief with a strong contingent\nof troops at his back and safely brought back in Saka 1632\n(1710 AD) the image and reinstated it in the temple with\ngreat pomp and splendour. This incident is even today\ncommemorated in an annual festival called the\nUdayarpalayam festival. A set of three statues, probably those\nof Todarmalla is left uncared for in a lamp room in the recess\nof the gopura called Tondar-adippodi-vasal (Ayyar 1993:\n77-78).8\nTHE KAILASANATHA TEMPLE - WORSHIPPED RESUMED\nAFTER KAMPANA'S INTERVENTION\nThe Rajasimhesvara temple, now known as the Kailasanatha\ntemple, was built in the early eighth century by the illustrious\nPallava ruler, Rajasimha (700-728 CE), after whom it was named.\nThe temple was enlarged by his son, Mahendravarman III\nand was the oldest surviving temple in Kanchi. Its architectural\nbeauty and exquisite sculptures were the principle source of\ninspiration for the Chalukya temple at Pattadakal, and the\nKailash temple at Ellora (Nagaswamy 1969: 1-2). A large statue\nof Nandi, resting on a ruined mandapa looked towards the\ntwo and a half metre high 16-faceted black stone linga, hidden\nwithin the innermost sanctum located below the main vimana\n(Michell 1993: 23-25). The vimana was the loftiest stone tower\nin Tamil Nadu when built, and was called the great stone\ntemple in inscriptions (Nagaswamy 1969: 16-17).9\nThe earliest inscription, in the front mandapa in Kannada\n278 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ncharacters, was engraved on orders of the Chalukya king,\nVikramaditya II who captured Kanchi probably within a\ndecade of the construction of the temple. Vikramaditya II came\nto Kanchi to avenge the defeat of his predecessors by the\nPallavas. Kanchi was then ruled by Nandivarman Pallavamalla.\nVikramaditya II was captivated by the Kailasanatha temple,\nand the Kannada inscription recorded his gift of gold to the\nshrine. He took back some artisans from Kanchi to his\nkingdom, where the Virupaksha temple at Pattadakal was built\n(Nagaswamy 1969: 14-15).\nThe Kailasanatha temple was also a beneficiary of\nKampana's concern for Hindu temples. An enquiry by one of\nhis officers, Koppanangal had revealed that properties of the\ntemple had been transferred to a nearby shrine. That was\nconsidered an impious act. Kampana ordered the properties\nto be immediately restored. An inscription of Kampana, dated\n1364 CE at the Kailasanatha temple recorded his reinstatement\nof worship in the temple that had long been abandoned (South\nIndian Inscriptions Vol. I: 117, 120, 123; Nagaswamy 1969: 20-\n21).\nTHE NATARAJA TEMPLE - CHIDAMBARAM\nIt was at the site of the Chidambaram temple that Shiva\nNataraja was believed to have performed the cosmic dance\nfor the sages Patanjali (the serpent-bodied Patanjali was\nregarded an incarnation of Adisesa) and Vyagrapada (the tiger-\nfooted sage). The temple ranked among the most important\nShiva shrines in south India (Ayyar 1993: 204-205).\nThe earliest name of the site was Tillai (after the Tillai\ntree, once abundant in the area). Later, it was known as Puliyur\nor Vyagra, after Vyagrapada, the foremost devotee of the\nplace. Still later, as it rose in importance in Shaiva hagiology,\nit was renowned as Perumparrappuliyur, or Puliyur. After\nthe establishment of the Nataraja cult, it became celebrated as\nthe place of the ethereal linga of Jnana-Akasa. From that came\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 279\n--- PAGE 158 ---\n\nthe name Cit Sabha. Cit Ambalam (=sabha) became\nChidambaram also Cirrambalam and Tiruccirrambalam.\nAmbalam meant 'sabha' (or Hall) in Tamil, in Malayalam it\nmeant 'open space' and 'temple', while in Sanskrit it denoted\n'open sky', 'ether.' Cit-ambaram was another word for Cit-\nakasa (Nanda 2004: 10). After the discovery of the Tevaram\nhymns (the compositions of Nayanar saints Sambandhar,\nAppar, and Sundaramurti) at Chidambaram, it became the\ntemple par excellence - Koyil, the temple of temples - of the\nShaivites (Nanda 2004: 9).\nThe Chidambara Mahatmyam (a part of the Skanda Puranam),\nthe Koyil Puranam (Tamil), and the Kuncitanghristavam (Sanskrit)\nprovided details of the early saints, Vyagrapada and Patanjali,\nwho were associated with the temple (Smith 1996: 31-43). The\nNataraja cult seemed to have been established at Tillai between\nthe 1st and 3rd centuries CE. The temple appeared to have\nexisted from the third-fourth century. It then consisted only\nof the Mulasthanam; it was reconstructed under the Pallavas\nand Cholas (Natarajan 1994: 8-9, 12-19). The sphatika (crystal)\nlinga and the 'Chidambaram Rahasyam' were as old as the temple,\nand inherent in the concept of Nataraja (Natarajan 1994: 29).\nAccording to the Chidambara Mahatmyam, the temple priests\nwere brought from antarvedi (the Ganga-Yamuna doab).\nUmapati Shivacharya, the priest of Chidambaram and a\nleading figure of Shaiva Siddhanta, wrote a major Sanskrit\npoem, the Kuncitanghristava (The Hymn of Praise to [Nataraja's]\nCurved Foot) around 1300 CE in honour of Nataraja (Smith\n1996).\nWORSHIP DISRUPTED\n1311-1388\nMalik Kafur's invasion of 1311 CE had grim consequences for\nthe Nataraja temple, some of which were revealed by N.\nSethuraman and K.V. Ramesh (Government Epigraphist,\nMysore). In 1989, they discovered two copper plates in the\nlibrary of the Tiruppanandal Math (Thanjavur district). The\n280 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nplates showed that due to the northern attacks, the temple\nwas deprived of its daily rituals from 1311 to 1383/88 CE\n(Natarajan 1994: 109-110).\nONLY PAL NAIVEDYAM (MORNING MILK)\nOFFERED TO THE DEITY\nThe first copper plate in Grantha characters, dated 1388 CE,\ndisclosed that for around sixty to seventy years, the maha\nnaivedyam (food offering to Nataraja), angarangbhogam, and\nrelated temple rituals were not performed. During those\ndecades, only pal naivedyam (morning milk) was offered to\nthe deity. The temple rites were resumed only on the\nintervention of prince Virupaksha (great-grandson of the\nYadava ruler, Ramachandra and son of the Vijayanagara ruler\nHarihara II, 1377-1404). The copper plate also recorded a royal\ngrant of land for temple ceremonies and re-commencement\nof the car festival. It bore the signatures of both king Harihara\nII and prince Virupaksha, in Kannada (Natarajan 1994: 110-\n111). In all probability, prince Virupaksha also gifted the gold\nleaves on the Cit Sabha in 1383/88 CE (Epigraphia Indica Vol.\nVIII: 298-301). The number of gold leaves was increased in\nthe seventeenth century by the Maratha leader, Sambhaji.\nThe second copper plate, in Kannada in the Nagari script,\ndated 1383 CE, recorded the grant of village Punnattur to the\ntemple by a minister of Harihara II. It was signed by prince\nVirupaksha (Natarajan 1994: 110). The Nataraja image was\nnot removed from the temple during those seventy years.\nNATARAJA TWICE REMOVED FROM\nCHIDAMBARAM (1649-1686 CE)\nThe situation, however, deteriorated in the seventeenth-\neighteenth centuries, and the Dikshitars (temple priests), fearful\nof the safety of the images of Nataraja and his Consort, twice\ntook them out of the temple. Se. Rasu (of Tamil University,\nThanjavur), in his work Tanjai Marattiyar Seppedugal-50 (1983),\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 281\n--- PAGE 159 ---\n\ncited evidence of the deities being escorted out of the temple\nduring the years 1649-1684 CE. He referred to four copper\nplates, in Sanskrit and Tamil, numbered 45 to 48, mentioned\nas 'Tiruvarur copper plates 4, 5, 6, and 7.'\nThe copper plates recorded -\n1. Nataraja and Sivakamasundari were absent from\nChidambaram for 37 years, 10 months and 20 days (from\n24-12-1648 to 14-11-1686). For the first forty months,\nthe images were housed in Kudumiyanmalai (in the\nformer Pudukkottai State), in Pandya country.\nSubsequently, they were taken to Madurai. The threat\nfrom the Bijapur Sultanates was a prime reason for the\nflight of the deities. During that period, the\nChidambaram temple was described as 'in a state of\nruin.' Nataraja and Sivakamasundari were back in the\ntemple on 14-11-1686.\n2. Sambhaji, the Maratha ruler at Ginjee, who controlled\nthe area north of the Coleroon (Kollidam) river, directed\nGopala Pandit (Gopala Dadaji), his agent at\nParangippettai, to carry out repairs at the Nataraja\ntemple.\n3. Renovations were carried out, the Cit Sabha was gilded,\nand a kumbhabhishekam conducted in 1684 CE by Muthiah\nDikshitar.\n4. Another kumbhabhishekam was performed in 1686 CE for\nthe consecrated Cit Sabha (Natarajan 1994: 119-120).\nBy 1684 CE, the Marathas had replaced the Nayaka dynasty,\nand Shahji II, a devotee of Tyagesa of Tiruvarur, occupied the\nThanjavur throne. He was a staunch Shaivite, and spearheaded\nthe safe return of Nataraja to Chidambaram. It was around\nthe same time that another Maratha, Sambhaji had initiated\nthe consecration, gilding of the Cit Sabha, and two\nkumbhabhishekams at the temple in 1684 and 1686 (Natarajan\n1994: 120).\n282 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nManucci described Sambhaji's tragic end shortly\nafterwards (1689 CE) at the hands of Aurangzeb,\nAurangzeb ordered him to be bound strongly upon a camel,\nand on his head was placed a long cap covered with little\nbells and rattles. This was meant for mockery of the Hindu\nprinces and the Brahmans, who usually wear pointed caps,\nbut without rattles. The camel was made to run, so that\nthe rattles made a great noise and aroused everyone's\ncuriosity, and thus men issued from their tents to see who it\twas coming. In the course of the procession they made the\ncamel turn from time to time with such suddenness, that the\nperson on it looked as if he must fall from the various\nmovements he made, but the cords with which he was bound\nprevented it and at the same time wearied him out. Finally,\nwhen the perambulation of the royal camp had been\ncompleted, the tyrant ordered him to be dragged into his\npresence. When there he ordered his side to be cloven open\nwith an axe and his heart to be extracted. The body was\nthen flung on a dunghill and abandoned to the tender\nmercies of the dogs (Manucci Vol. II 1907: 311-312).\nThe 'Tiruvarur copper plates' did not specify the precise\nperiod the icons were kept at Madurai (though they provided\nthe exact dates of the stay at Kudumiyanmalai). It was likely\nthat for reasons of safety the Dikshitars kept moving the images\nin Pandya territory. Possibly, the Maratha ruler heard of the\nimages in the Pandya region, and arranged for their safe return\nto Chidambaram in 1684 CE (Natarajan 1994: 120).\nDuring a visit to Kudumiyanmalai in January 1993, the\nscholar B. Natarajan noticed a tunnel in the Mukamanapa of\nthe Sikhagirisa temple, where according to popular belief, the\nicons had been kept. He noted that many families in\nKudumiyanmalai had embraced Nataraja as their kula deivam,\nand that the names Nataraja and Kanakasabhapati were very\ncommon in the area. The deity's sojourn at Kudumiyanmalai\nappeard to have deeply influenced the culture of the area\n(Natarajan 1994: 120).\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 283\n"}
+{"start_page": 160, "end_page": 162, "text": "--- PAGE 160 ---\n\nTHE AMBALAPPULI EPISODE\nIn an article in the 1940 Deepavali Malar issue of the Tamil\nMagazine Ananda Vikatan, Mahamahopadhyaya U.V.\nSwaminatha Iyer explained the gap in information on the\nmovement of the icons from Kudumiyanmalai to Madurai.\nThe article was reproduced in the second volume of his book,\nNinalvu Manjari (Collection of Memories).\nAccording to that account, following a Bijapur invasion,\nthe Dikshitars moved the icons of Nataraja and\nSivakamasundari from the Cit Sabha to an \"unknown\ndestination.\" After travelling southward for some time, the\nDikshitars arrived at a dense tamarind forest (Puli - in Tamil).\nThere they chanced upon an old tamarind tree, with an\nimmense trunk that had a hole large enough to accommodate\nthe two murtis. After placing the images there, the Dikshitars\nclosed the opening to avoid any suspicion, and returned to\nChidambaram.\nWhen political conditions improved, it was resolved to\nbring back the deities. But memory of the precise location of\nthe tree had dimmed with years. The younger generation of\nDikshitars sent to retrieve the images were unable to identify\nthe tree where the images had been placed in the darkness of\na night. They were in great anguish when they heard an old\nfarmer shout to a farm boy: \"Take the bulls along the foot of\nAmbalappuli. I shall join you very soon.\" The Dikshitars\npromptly followed the boy, who soon reached a large tamarind\ntree. The anxious Dikshitars questioned the boy why the tree\nwas known as Ambalappuli. The boy replied the name had\nbeen given by his master.\nThereupon, the Dikshitars met the Vellala chief, and\ninformed him that they would like to inspect the Ambalappuli\ntree as it possibly 'contains their property.' The Vellala\nimmediately grasped the import of the request, but wanted\nthe Dikshitars recount their story. They appealed to him to\nend their agony. \"... You are a true devotee of Nataraja and\n284 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhave earned his bounteous grace by protecting Him all these\nyears.\" The Vellala replied,\nDuring the years of political turmoil, when once I chanced\nto look at this tamarind tree (which is located within the\nlimits of my property), I noticed that a large hole had been\nclosed. I realized that there should have been some reason\nfor the closure. I opened it up and was surprised and\npleased to see Lord Nataraja's icon in it. I did not want\nword to get round that the icon was concealed there. I closed\nthe hole again, as I could guess that the political disturbances\nwere responsible for this concealment. I was, however,\nhaunted by a feeling of guilt that Nataraja was lying in\nneglect here without the prescribed worship. I gave people\nto understand that I had a dream in which it was revealed\nto me that there was a godly element in this particular tree.\nFrom then on, regular worship has been offered to this tree.\nThe overwhelmed Dikshitars said: \"Even if you could not\nconduct the worship that we offer to Him at the Cit Sabha,\nNataraja will be conscious of your deep devotion.\" They\ngathered the icons and readied for the return journey\n(Natarajan 1994: 122).\nSome scholars linked the incident to Puliangudi village,\nabout thirty km from Srivilliputtur (in Tamil Nadu). The bazaar\nstreet in nearby Rajapalayam was still known as 'Ambalappuli\nbazaar'. Others hold that Ambalappuli was near Sengottai.\nYet another view regarded the exile to have been in Kerala -\nin Alappula and Ambalappula (Natarajan 1994: 120-122).\nB. Natarajan was of the view that the Ambalappuli episode\ndescribed by U.V. Swaminatha Iyer would have occurred\nbetween 1649 and 1684 CE. During those years, Nataraja first\nstayed at Kudumiyanmalai, and then at Madurai in the third\nphase. The Ambalappuli episode was almost an ajnatavasa for\nNataraja and Sivakamasundari as the Dikshitars intended it\nto be (Natarajan 1994: 124).\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 285\n--- PAGE 161 ---\n\nPOLITICAL CONVULSIONS\nIN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY\nThere was a fresh round of turmoil in the eighteenth century\nwhen, from 1749 to 1784 CE, the Nataraja temple served as a\nfort and witnessed combat during the Anglo-French wars. In\n1753 CE, it was seized from the British by the French and\nMarathas, who held it till 1760 (Natarajan 1974: 63; Swamy\n1979: 79). That year, the English under Sir Eyre Coote, finally\ndefeated the French garrison at Wandiwash (present\nVandavasi). The French were driven back to Pondicherry,\nwhich too they lost in January 1761.\nIn 1780 CE, during his invasion of the Carnatic, Haider Ali\noccupied the town and temple of Chidambaram. On 1st July\n1781, at Porto Novo, near Chidambaram, Sir Eyre Coote\ndecisively overpowered Haider Ali. Before Haider Ali's death\nin December 1782, Sir Eyre Coote attacked the temple, but his\ntroops were pushed back. The damage to the temple due to\nthe Carnatic and Mysore wars remains visible. Some valuable\nstone sculptures of the lower tiers of the gopurams, and the\ncloistered halls near the third wall of enclosure were badly\ndamaged (Natarajan 1994: 123).\nNATARAJA SHIFTED AGAIN, FOR TWO DECADES\nWorship in the temple was again disrupted during its military\noccupation from 1753 to 1760 CE, followed by events up to\n1781. The images of Nataraja and Sivakamasundari were\nshifted to the present Sabhapati mantapam at Tiruvarur\n(Thanjavur district). On that occasion Nataraja was absent from\nChidambaram for two decades. An inscription in Grantha\ncharacters found in the Thousand Pillared mantapam at\nChidambaram mentioned the return of the deities and their\nre-installation in the Cit Sabha in Saka year 1696, Masi, Krishna\nPaksha, Mula star, Trayodasi tithi. Tulaja II was then the Maratha\nruler at Tanjore (Pl. 50). The covered palanquin in which\nNataraja was carried to Tiruvarur and then brought back to\n286 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nChidambaram remained carefully preserved at the temple\n(Natarajan 1994: 123).\nGOVINDARAJA AT CHIDAMBARAM AND TIRUPATI\nChidambaram (Tillai) was an interesting instance of a religious\ncentre sacred to devotees of Shiva and Vishnu (Nanda 2004:\n11). Several temples had shrines of Shiva and Vishnu alongside;\nChidambaram was among the most prominent (Sastri Vol. II\n1937: 486).\nThe Mohini/Bhikshatana (Shiva) episode in the Daruka\nforest, as narrated in the various Puranas, showed the\neclecticism of Tillai. Tillai Tiruc-Chidambaram was sacred to\nShaivites; Tillai Tiruc-Chitrakutam was equally hallowed for\nthe Vaishnavites. Tillai Tiruc-Chitrakutam was an elevated\nplatform at Chidambaram on which the Govindaraja image\nwas consecrated.\nAmong the early references to the Govindaraja shrine were\nby Tirumangai Alvar and Kulasekhara Alvar, who mentioned\nVishnu (the stone image) and Rama (the metal image) being\nworshiped by 'Tillai Three Thousand' Brahmins (Tillai\nMuvayiravar), as per Shastric injunctions. It seemed that the\nGovindaraja shrine occupied the same space as presently\n(Aiyangar 2004: 317-318). That could also indicate that the\nDikshitars managed the entire complex, including the\nGovindaraja (Vishnu) shrine. Indeed, some scholars have\nargued that the Vishnu shrine was then not a separate entity,\nindependent of the Nataraja temple. From Tirumangai Alvar's\nverses, the Govindaraja shrine seemed to have been\nestablished by the Pallava ruler, Nandivarman (726-775 CE).\nManikkavacakar, in verse 86 of his Tiruc-cirrambalak-\nkovaiyar, described Vishnu as lying on the serpent-couch in\nthe courtyard of Tiruc-Chitrakutam beseeching Nataraja, who\nhad already revealed one foot. The recumbent Vishnu prayed\nthat Nataraja might show the other foot as well,\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 287\n--- PAGE 162 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"He (Vishnu) who tried in vain by splitting open the earth, in\\norder to see the two feet of Him who destroyed the Tripura,\\nbegged of Siva with extended hands to show them, out of\\nmercy, for worship. Then the Lord moved somewhat showed\\nVishnu one of his legs. Thereupon Vishnu lay prostrate\\n(bhoga sayana) in the Hall of Tillai in order that his prayers\\nto see the other leg might be granted (Natarajan 1994: 27,\\n165).\\nGOVINDARAJA SENT TO\\n'THE ORIGINAL HOME OF HARI'\\nThe scholar, B. Natarajan was of the view that Nataraja and\\nGovindaraja were almost simultaneously established at\\nChidambaram (Natarajan 1994: 27). But centuries of peaceful\\nco-existence between followers of the two deities allegedly\\ngave way to antipathy in the reign of Chola ruler, Kulottunga\\nII (1133-1150). His court-poet, Ottakkuttan stated that for the\\nexpansion of the Shiva temple, \\\"Vishnu god had to be forced\\nback to his former abode - the sea\\\" (Aiyangar 2004: 318-319).\\nThe Prapannamrtam mentioned a Chola king, Krimikanta\\n(identified as Kulottunga II), who was said to have thrown\\nout the Govindaraja image. The Kulottunga Colan Ula and\\nRajaraja Colan Ula also stated that Kulottunga II sent\\nGovindaraja to 'the original home of Hari,' that is, the sea\\n(Natarajan 1994: 108).\\nContemporary Vaishnavite literature holds that the image\\nof Govindaraja was thrown into the sea (near Killai), from\\nwhere it was retrieved and taken to Lower Tirupati. There\\nRamanuja consecrated and enshrined the image in what was\\nnow known as the Govindaraja temple. According to M.\\nRaghava Aiyangar, the removal of the image and its\\nconsecration at Lower Tirupati took place sometime between\\n1123 and 1136 CE, perhaps nearer the latter date (Natarajan\\n1994: 165-166).\\nS. K. Aiyangar, however, argued that no inscription\\nreferred to the issue; \\\"the matter was believed to be traditional\\n288 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nand nothing more\\\" (Aiyangar 2004: 316-317). According to\\nNilakanta Sastri, it was difficult to identify Kulottunga II\\nas the persecutor of Ramanuja (Sastri Vol. I 1935: 355-357).\\nDr. R. Nagaswamy, too, questioned the veracity of the story,\\nparticularly the role of Ramanuja (Nagaswamy 2008: 14, 36-\\n38, 52-53).\\nB. Natarajan referred to a local lore that even the massive\\nMulavar (Vishnu lying on the serpent-couch) stone image was\\nthrown into the sea, near Killai. The fishermen of the area\\nquickly retrieved it, and placed it in some obscure place within\\nthe precincts of the Chidambaram temple, pending its\\nreinstatement. B. Natarajan argued that from the twelfth to\\nthe early fourteenth century, Nataraja was the only deity in\\nworship at Chidambaram. It was not certain whether an image\\nof Govindaraja was in the temple grounds during that period.\\nBut there was no reference to any grant made to the deity in\\nthose centuries. Even Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I, a devotee\\nof both Shiva and Vishnu, was recorded to have made gifts\\nonly to Nataraja at Chidambaram in the thirteenth century\\n(Natarajan 1994: 108, 166).\\nThe next reference to the Govindaraja shrine came in the\\ntime of the Vaishnava acharya, Vedanta Desika (1268-1369 CE).\\nDue to his intervention, worship in the Govindaraja shrine\\nwas said to have resumed, with the help of Gopana of Ginji\\n(Srinivasachari 1943: 79-80). A stone image of Vedanta Desika\\nwas kept in the Govindaraja shrine at Chidambaram (Natarajan\\n1974: 53).\\nDespite his pronounced Vaishnava leanings, no grant of\\nthe Vijayanagara king, Krishnadeva Raya to the Govindaraja\\nshrine has been documented. So, though the deity could have\\nbeen restored, the shrine remained in a state of neglect\\n(Natarajan 1994: 113). A record of 1539 CE of the Vijayanagara\\nking, Achyuta Raya (ARE 272 of 1913) stated that he ordered\\nthe image of Govindaraja at Perumparrappuliyur in\\nValudalampattu usavadi (a sub-division of Vennaiyur-Nadu in\\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 289\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n"}
+{"start_page": 163, "end_page": 165, "text": "--- PAGE 163 ---\n\nRajadhiraja valanadu) be instated according to the rituals of\nVaikhanasa Sutra. He granted 500 pon, the income from four\nvillages, for its daily worship. The encouragement for that\nmove was provided by the Vaishnava teacher, Doddacarya\nalias Mahacarya of Sholinghur. But did Achyuta Raya\nconsecrate or re-consecrate the image? If he re-consecrated, it\nstrengthened the view that the Govindaraja image was present\nin the temple prior to Achyuta Raya's reign. It could have\noccupied one of the mantapas in the Tirumaligaippatti (platform\nnear the wall) around Nataraja's shrine. No epigraphic\nevidence indicated that in Achyuta Raya's time or earlier, there\nwas a separate shrine for Govindaraja (Natarajan 1994: 166).\nAn unfinished inscription of the same ruler (1538 CE) recorded\nthe re-consecration of Govindaraja at Chitrakuta (ARE I of\n1915; Ayyar 1993: 242; Mitchell 1995: 79).10\nFRESH DISPUTE\nFather Henry Heras recorded a fresh dispute between\nShaivites and Vaishnavites in the year 1597 CE. The cause of\nfriction was the placement of Vaishnava symbols in front of\nthe Vishnu shrine; which provoked strong objections from\nthe Shaivites. Krishnappa Nayaka (of Ginji) seemed to have\nmade some improvements to the Vishnu shrine, and even\nenlarged it (Aiyangar 1919: 272). Father Henry Heras wrote\nin 1597,\nA notable instance of the struggle between the two sects is\nthe lamentable event that took place at Chidambaram in the\nyear 1597, when Krishnappa Nayaka of Jinji, himself a\nstaunch Vaishnava, was there superintending the\nimprovements which he had ordered at the temple of\nGovinda Raja within the great Saiva temple. Father N.\nPimenta, who passed through Chidambaram at this time,\nnarrates in one of his letters that on this occasion a great\ncontroversy that arose as to whether it were lawful to place\nthe Signe of Perumal in the Temple at Chidambaram. Some\n290 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nrefused, others by their Legats importunately urged, and\nthe Naichus of Gingi Decreed to erect it in the temple (Heras\n1927: 553).\nAccording to Father Heras, Father Pimenta's account\nindicated that after the restoration of the image in the temple\nby Rama Raya, it was again removed and the shrine probably\ndestroyed. In order to re-install it with due honour, Krishnappa\nNayaka ordered the old shrine be repaired \"and even perhaps\nenlarged\" (Heras 1927: 553). That was the cause of the trouble.\nFather Pimenta, who passed through Chidambaram during\nthat period, wrote,\nThe Priests of the Temple which were the Treasures (were)\nwithstanding, and threatening, if it were done, to cast down\nthemselves from the top. The Brachmanes of the Temple\nswore to do the like after they buried the former, which yet\nafter better advice they performed not.\nAs Krishnappa Nayaka was undeterred, the priests climbed\nto one of the temple gopurams, and started to throw themselves\ndown while he was in the temple. Father Pimenta continued,\nAbout twentie had perished in that precipitation on that\nday of our departure, whereat the Naichus, angrie, caused\nhis Gunners to shoot at the rest, which killed two of them,\nthe rest wandering in uncertain places. A Woman also was\nso hote in this zealous quarrel that shee cut her own throat\n(Heras 1927: 553-554).\nKrishnappa Nayaka achieved his objective. According to\nFather Heras, the struggle between the two sects was\npractically over by the reign of Venkata II (or Venkatapati\nRaya, r. 1585-1614) (Heras 1927: 554). In 1643, Sri Ranga of the\nAravidu dynasty of Vijayanagara (r. 1642-1652), then ruling\nfrom Vellore, renovated the gopuram and mukhamantapa (the\nbig mantapa) in front of the Govindaraja shrine, as well as the\nvimanas of his Consort and Andal, and also the mantapa in\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 291\n--- PAGE 164 ---\n\nfront of Tiruvalli Alvar (inscription No. 271 of 1913; Natarajan\n1994: 119, 167).\nThere was more trouble between the custodians of the\nShiva and Vishnu shrines in the latter half on the eighteenth\ncentury. As a consequence, worship in the Govindaraja shrine\nwas interrupted and the entrance closed. On 17th October\n1796, priests of the Nataraja temple submitted a kararnama\n(agreement), and the following year, on orders from the\nNawab of Arcot, the privileges of both parties were specified.\nBut, in 1849 CE there were again signs of conflict.\nIn 1862 CE, the Dikshitars of the Nataraja temple and the\nmanagement of the Govindaraja shrine were compelled to\nagree that there would be no meddling in the rituals and\nfestivals of the Nataraja temple, and the Vaishnavite\nmanagement could organize worship at the Govindaraja\nshrine, but must undertake not to celebrate the Brahmotsavam\nof their temple. The agreement was approved by the courts in\n1867 CE (Natarajan 1994: 168).\nPEACE RETURNS\nIn 1896 CE, during renovations at the Shiva shrine, the shankha\nand chakra of the Vishnu temple were reported to have been\ndishonoured, the vimana of the Narasimhasvami shrine\ndemolished, the icons of the Alvars removed from the Alvar\nshrine, and the Asthana Mantapa pulled down. The\nVaishnavites feared threats to other Vishnu shrines as well.\nDuring British rule, the disputes between the two shrines were\ntaken to the courts with varying results. Thereafter,\ncontentious issues were set aside, and the managements of\nboth shrines resolved to co-exist in harmony.\nAt the beginning of the twentieth century, Rajah Sir\nAnnamalai Chettiar of Chettinad, founder of the Annamalai\nUniversity at Chidambaram, facilitated the renovation of the\nruined mantapa in front of the Nataraja and Govindaraja\nshrines, repaired the dilapidated latter shrine, reconstructed\n292 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe gopuram and the vimana over the garbhagrha, and the sannidhi\nitself. An era of peace was thus ushered in after decades of\nconflict (Natarajan 1994: 168).\nBRIHADISWARA - GRAND CHOLA TEMPLE,\nALSO PATRONIZED BY SUCCESSIVE DYNASTIES\nThe Brihadiswara temple at Tanjore (Thanjavur) was the most\nambitious architectural enterprise of Rajaraja I (985-1015 CE).\nDuring his reign he built over fifty temples, including one in\nSri Lanka. Brihadiswara was \"a fitting symbol\" of his\nmagnificent achievements (Sivaramamurti 2004: 14). An\nimpressive 216 feet in height, when constructed it was the\ntallest shrine in India. Work on the temple commenced in 1004\nCE, the 19th regnal year of Rajaraja, and was completed in\n1010 CE, when the Emperor gave the crowning kudam (water\npot), that was placed on the copper peak of the shrine. An\ninscription of Rajaraja's grandson, Rajendra II (r. 1052-63)\nrecorded that Rajarajesvara Natakam, a play on the construction\nof the temple, was staged at a grand festival in Tanjore (Dehejia\n1990: 51-55).\nFor construction of the temple, Rajaraja drew on the Vedas,\nPuranas, Agamas, Tattvas, and Tamil tradition. His guru, Ishana\nShiva Pandita (who also served as the chief priest of the temple),\nand architect Rajaraja-perum-taccan, played central roles in\nthe implementation of the project. The temple was the first to\ndepict 108 poses (karanas) of Bharat's Natyashastra (southern\nversion) in the exact sequence they were enumerated in the\ntext, in sculptural form on the upper floor of the garbha griha.\nAlso unique was the portrayal of ten personified weapons,\nthe Dasayudhas, which confirmed the influence of the Agamas\nin the construction of the temple (Nagaswamy 2010: 2-9;\nDehejia 1990: 63-64).\nThe Emperor directed that everything associated with the\ntemple, including details of the images instated, the donations\nmade, the names and numbers of temple functionaries, among\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 293\n--- PAGE 165 ---\n\nother particulars, be engraved on the temple walls. An\ninscription, etched in nine sections and 107 paragraphs on the\nmain temple, recorded that in 1011 CE,\nTo the Supreme Lord of Rajarajesvara temple, we constructed\nof stone at Tanjavur, let all the gifts made by us, those made\nby (our) elder sister (akkan), those made by our wives (nam\npendukal), and those made by other donors to the sacred\nstone temple (tirukkarrali) of Shri-Rajarajeshvaramudaiyar\nbe engraved in stone on the shrivimana (South Indian\nInscriptions Vol. 2 No.1: 176).\nBesides the Emperor, his sister, queens, commanders, and\nother officers made lavish offerings. These included sixty-six\nmetal images (of which only two remain), vast quantities of\nornaments, gold and precious gems, ritual materials, and\nimplements. The name, height, form, jewels with their cost,\nand other details of every metal image were enumerated. The\nEmperor was the benefactor of all the images, and donors\nbequeathed images as per his directions. Rajaraja gifted an\nimage of his guru, and seven Ganesh bronzes in various\npostures. He also conferred a Devaradevar, an image of his\ndeity for personal worship, in the form of Chandrashekhara\n(Moon-crested Lord). The images included rare forms, such\nas the Panchadehamurti, a form of Shiva with five bodies\n(Michell and Peterson 2010: 21-22).11\nRajaraja's elder sister Kundavai, the most generous sponsor\nafter the king, gave images of her parents, two Uma-\nParameshvari icons, along with jewels, golden flowers, and\nritual accoutrements. The queens of Rajaraja presented several\nimages. The headman of Poygainadu and manager of the\ntemple presented a group of bronzes (Michell and Peterson\n2010: 21-22). The gifts of Rajaraja's priest, Ishana Shiva Pandita,\nand the Shaiva acharya, Pavana Pidara were also those\nrecorded.\nRajaraja also conferred 38,604 kalanjus of gold, 48,000 kalanjus\nof silver and jewels, and images worth 4, 390 kasus (a kalanju\n294 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwas a coin or weight of the Chola period, one kasu was\nequivalent to four kalanjus) (Nagaswamy 2010: 9-10; Michell\nand Peterson 2010: 21). The lands endowed by Rajaraja, mostly\nin the Chola heartland but also in Sri Lanka, generated income\nin the form of millions of measures of rice paddy.\nArrangements were also made for the regular supply of ritual\nfoodstuffs, such as tamarind, curds, plantains, areca nut, and\nbetel leaves (Michell and Peterson 2010: 22). Rajaraja presented\nto the temple the treasures of gold and jewels he obtained\nfrom his victory over the Chalukya king, Satyasraya\n(Sivaramamurti 2004: 5).12\nIMAGES IN THE TEMPLE\nBRIHADISWARA LINGA\nThe central object of worship in the temple was the enormous\nBrihadiswara linga, 3.95 metre high. Rajaraja, who had the\ntitle Shiva-Pada-Sekhara, one who bears the sacred feet of Shiva\non his head, consecrated the Great linga, which he called the\nSupreme Lord Rajarajesvara, the overlord of Rajaraja. It was\ninstalled as soon as the basement (adhisthana) was completed,\nas suggested by the architectural historian, Pierre Pichard\n(Pichard 1995). The walls and the superstructure around it\nwere constructed later. The process of the linga pratistha\nmeticulously adhered to agamic injunctions. The Karuvar\nPuranam, a Tamil Purana dated to 1618 CE, detailed the events\nleading to the consecration of the linga. Two other texts that\ndescribed the sanctification were the Brhadisvara Mahatmya in\nSanskrit and the Tancapuri Mahatmya in Marathi, written\ntowards the end of the eighteenth century (Nagaswamy 2010:\n9, 12-17).\nBesides the linga, four forms of Shiva received special\nattention in the temple. The first was dancing Shiva, a metal\nimage named Adavallan Dakshina Meru Vitanker (the One\nWho Dances Well, Shiva of the Southern Meru). The second\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 295\n"}
+{"start_page": 166, "end_page": 168, "text": "--- PAGE 166 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"was a copper image of Maha Meru Vitankar, Shiva with his\\nconsort Parvati, seated on Meru Mountain with his two sons,\\nGanesh and Subrahmanya, and other deities, along with dwarfs\\nand a tree. The image was extremely rare for such a group of\\nmetal images was not mentioned anywhere else in Tamil Nadu.\\nAn inscription in the temple noticed by Professor Nagaswamy\\nexplained the iconography of the Maha Meru Vitankar image.\\nThe images signified that Rajaraja perceived the temple as\\nDakshina Meru, southern Meru. The images of Maha Meru\\nVitankar and Dakshina Meru Vitankar were consecrated by\\nRajaraja; their consorts by his sister, Kundavai (Nagaswamy\\n2010: 2, 48). The names of the two other murtis, Thanjai Vitankar\\nand Thanjai Alagar could refer to metal images of Shiva as\\nTripurantaka, Destroyer of the Demons of the Triple Cities,\\nwhich was carved thirty-four times on the outer walls of the\\ntemple.\\nThe dark passage surrounding the sanctum contained\\nimportant specimens of sculptural art. Three colossal sculptures\\ndepicted Shiva in various postures. The walls and ceiling had\\nexquisite paintings of Rajaraja, his queens, and his guru\\nKaruvur Devar. One entire wall was covered by an enormous\\nfigure of Tripurantaka Shiva on a chariot driven by Brahma.\\nThe painting has been described as \\\"the greatest masterpiece\\nof the Chola artist\\\" (Sivaramamurti 2004: 18-21).\\nThe enormous Nandi in the inner gopura belonged to the\\nsixteenth century, and was not a Chola sculpture. Rajaraja's\\nNandi, contemplatively licking its nose, was at some point,\\nshifted to the south enclosure (Dehejia 1990: 56; Nagaswamy\\n2010: 6-7, 128-129).\\nThe sculptures of standing Ganesh and Subrahmanya along\\nthe entrance of the torana towards the end of the temple were\\nChola sculptures of the 11th-12th century CE. It was uncertain\\nwhether they were part of the temple from the outset, or were\\nbrought from some ruined shrine. They were placed in their\\npresent positions in the nineteenth century, during the time\\n296 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nof the Maratha ruler of Tanjore, Shivaji II (Nagaswamy 2010:\\n6-7, 128-129).\\nSome other Chola sculptures in Tanjore city pre-dated the\\nconstruction of the Brihadiswara temple. Among them was\\nthe Nisumbhasudani, consecrated by Vijayalaya Chola (who\\nfounded the Cola Empire in 850 CE), a slightly later image of\\nKali, a ninth century Yogini, and a Ganesh of the pre-Rajaraja\\nperiod (Nagaswamy 2010: 7).\\nVIMANA IN GOLD\\nAn inscription at the entrance of the inner gopura found by\\nProfessor Nagaswamy stated that Rajaraja Cola covered the\\ntemple vimana with gold. Several temples in the south were\\ncovered with gold as early as the seventh century CE, the\\nearliest being the Chidambaram temple. Brihadiswara was\\nthe tallest golden temple in India in the eleventh century\\n(Nagaswamy 2010: 47).\\nKASHI OF SOUTH\\nAccording to legend, Goddess Ganga appeared before the\\nking and told him that those who bathed in the tank and\\nworshiped Brihadiswara would see the very Visvanatha of\\nKashi. Darshan of Kashi Visvanatha was an important event in\\nHindu religious life, and Visvanatha manifested in\\nBrihadiswara was an interesting finale to this legend. The\\ntemple was visualized as Daksina Kashi and a linga installed\\non the banks of the tank in the name of Visvanatha, showed\\nthe unifying thread running through Hinduism (Nagaswamy\\n2010: 152).\\nThe four important shrines in the temple complex, the main\\ntower of the temple, the Amman shrine, the Subrahmanya\\nshrine, and the Ganesh shrine, were all constructed by kings.\\nThe main vimana was constructed by Rajaraja Chola in the\\neleventh century CE; the Amman shrine by a Pandya king\\naround 1400 CE, the Subrahmanya shrine by the Thanjavur\\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 297\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 167 ---\n\nNayaka in the sixteenth century, and the Ganesh shrine by\nMaratha ruler, Serfoji II in the early nineteenth century\n(Nagaswamy 2010: 5).\nDISCOVERY OF THE TEVARAM HYMNS\nRajaraja was credited with the discovery of the Tevaram hymns\nof the three saints Appar, Sambandar, and Sundarar. He had\nthe hymns set to the Pann system, the traditional scheme of\nrecitation that continues to be followed till this day. Fifty\nTevaram singers were appointed at the temple. The recitation\nof these hymns, technically called 'odutal,' was identical to\nthat used for Vedic recitation (Nagaswamy 2010: 233-234).\nMISSING BRONZES - 64 OF 66\nOf the sixty-six bronzes bestowed to the temple by Rajaraja,\nhis queens, and nobles around the year 1010 CE, just two remain.\nThe rest were all missing (Dehejia 1990: 73-76, 123).\nADAVALLAN DAKSHINA MERU VITANKER -\nIMAGE FOUND DAMAGED\nAn inscription in Marathi script on the pedestal of Adavallan\nDakshina Meru Vitanker stated that the image was found\ndamaged in the temple and was repaired and re-consecrated\nby Kamakshi Bibi Bai, queen of Maratha ruler Shivaji II, in the\nyear 1885 CE. The repairs were due to a crack in the right\nankle, where the foot was placed on the dwarf. Since the\ndamage was in minor limbs, the image could be fixed and\nreinstalled for worship as per agamic texts (Nagaswamy 2010:\n152).\nThe inscriptions of Rajaraja's son, Rajendra I (r. 1012-44)\nconfirmed his continual involvement with the Brihadiswara\ntemple. But early in his reign, he began to focus on the new\ncapital and temple he built at Gangaikondacholapuram (the\nCity of the King Who Conquered the Ganga).\nVIJAYANAGARA, NAYAKA, AND MARATHA RULERS -\nALL CONTINUE PATRONAGE\nContrary to the assertions of some scholars who link a temple\nto just one king or dynasty, the Brihadiswara temple enjoyed\nthe patronage of several dynasties that subsequently controlled\nthe region. In the fourteenth century, the Vijayanagara kings\nacquired control over Tanjore. They appointed Telagu-\nspeaking Nayaka warriors as governors of their Tamil\nterritories. After the sack of Vijayanagara in 1565, the Nayakas\nat Tanjore, Ginji, and Madurai, began to rule as autonomous\nkings, with Tanjore as their headquarters. They constructed a\ncircle of stone ramparts shielded by a moat around Tanjavur\ncity. The ramparts were extended to the southwest to protect\nthe Brihadiswara temple (Michell and Peterson 2010: 25).\nThe Thanjavur Nayakas were primarily Vishnu devotees,\nand the Vishnu Rajagopala temple at Mannargudi was their\nritual centre. But they extended patronage to major Shiva\nshrines. Raghunatha Nayaka (r. 1614-33), a known Rama\ndevotee, performed the sixteen dana (ritual gifts) at\nKumbakonam's Shiva temple. The greatest Shiva patron in\nthe Nayaka period was Raghunatha's celebrated minister,\nGovinda Dikshita (Michell and Peterson 2010: 28). The Sanskrit\nwork, Brihadishvara Mahatmya extolled the building activities\nof the Nayakas, whom it identified as \"Cholas.\"\nMARATHAS AT TANJORE\nIn 1674, Ekoji Bhonsle, a half-brother of Chhatrapati Shivaji,\noverthrew the Nayakas from Thanjavur, and founded a\nsouthern branch of the Marathas. Under Maratha rule,\nThanjavur became the foremost cultural centre in south India\n(Michell and Peterson 2010: 31).\nSHAHJI II AND SERFOJI I\nFrom the time of Shahji II (r. 1684-1712), the Marathas described\nthemselves as rulers of Cholanadu. Shahji and his successors\n298 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 299\n--- PAGE 168 ---\n\nwere ardent Shaivites, and their main centre of worship was\nShiva Tyagaraja at the Tiruvarur temple, that had earlier\nenjoyed the benefaction of the Pallavas and Cholas. The yearly\nfestival at the temple was celebrated on a grand scale, and\nnew dance dramas, including the Tyagesar Kuravanji composed\nby Shahji himself, were performed at the festival (Michell and\nPeterson 2010: 31).\nShahji also wrote multilingual songs (padas) in praise of\nShiva as Brihadiswara. The Marathi Modi records of the\nThanjavur court, available from the mid-eighteenth century,\nshowed that the daily and annual rites and festivals at the\ntemple continued to be held. According to those records, from\n1776 onwards, an abhisheka was performed for the great Nandi\nbull as a votive ritual for rainfall. In 1729, Shahji's successor\nSerfoji I (r. 1712-29) performed an ashtabandhana-kumbhabhisheka,\nor grand ritual consecration. In commemoration of that event,\nhe had the words \"at the cost of Serfoji\" inscribed on the\ngilded copper kalasha that was placed at the pinnacle of the\ntemple tower to replace Rajaraja's finial that had either been\ndamaged or stolen. According to a record from around 1700,\nthere was a performance of the Jivanananda (The Joy of Life),\na medical allegorical drama in Sanskrit by Shahji's Brahmin\nminister, Anandarayamakhin at the temple's Brahmotsava. That\nwas the first mention of a dramatic performance at\nBrihadiswara after the Rajarajesvara natakam in the eleventh\ncentury (Michell and Peterson 2010: 31-32).\nWORSHIP CEASED IN THE 18th-19th CENTURIES\nThe Brihadiswara temple was greatly affected in the late\neighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, as the Nawab of\nArcot, the French and English East India Companies, and the\nMysore ruler, Haider Ali battled each other. The English East\nIndia Company established a garrison at the temple from 1771\nto 1798, when it was involved in wars with Haider Ali and\n300 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nTipu Sultan. Worship at the temple ceased and the structure\nitself was damaged (Michell and Peterson 2010: 32).\nSERFOJI II ASSUMED CHARGE OF SHRINE\nThe English vacated the temple when Serfoji II (r. 1798-1832)\nascended the Thanjavur throne under their tutelage. By the\ntreaty of 1799 with Serfoji, the Company assumed charge of\nover three hundred ancient shrines of Cholanadu, the former\nMaratha kingdom. Brihadiswara and around seventy small\nshrines in and around the city of Thanjavur remained under\nthe direct management of the Palace. After twenty-seven years\nof occupation by a British garrison, Brihadiswara was in a\nruinous state. Serfoji II ordered an elaborate purification\nceremony at the temple, but could not wholly succeed in\nforestalling European presence. From 1803 on, as the\nNapoleonic wars commenced in Europe, the small fort\nsurrounding Brihadiswara again served as an English barrack.\nNevertheless, Serfoji sponsored the largest number of texts\nand performances at the temple after the Cholas. In fact, he\nwas the first king of Thanjavur after the Cholas to promote\nthe temple as a royal shrine (Michell and Peterson 2010: 33-\n34).\n108 LINGAS SANCTIFIED\nAccording to Maratha records in Modi script preserved in the\nSaraswati Mahal Library, in 1801 CE, Serfoji II consecrated 108\nlingas in the prakara of the Brihadiswara temple. He apparently\nbrought them from the ruins of the great Ayirattali temple of\nthe ninth century, in a village about ten miles from Thanjavur.\nThe village even today has over 100 lingas. The\nmahakumbhabhiseka was followed by special worship for forty-\neight days (Nagaswamy 2010: 7-8). In 1802, Serfoji became\nthe first ruler of Thanjavur to undertake a pilgrimage to all\nthe Shaiva and Vaishnava shrines in the Chola country. The\ncourt poet, Thundi Sudha Shiva chronicled his pilgrimage in\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES 301\n"}
+{"start_page": 169, "end_page": 171, "text": "--- PAGE 169 ---\n\nthe Marathi poem, Sharabhendra Tirthavali (Nair 2012: 102-110;\nMichell and Peterson 2010: 35).\nIn 1803, the entire text of Bhonsle-vamsa-charitra (Historical\nNarrative of the Bhonsle Dynasty) in the Devanagari script\nwas engraved in forty-six panels on the temple walls. The\ntext traced the ancestry of Serfoji II and the Thanjavur Bhonsles\nto Chhatrapati Shivaji. Serfoji's son, Shivaji II (r. 1832-55)\ncommissioned mural portraits of the entire Maratha dynasty\nfrom Chhatrapati Shivaji and his queen on the walls of the\nSubrahmanya shrine within the temple. On his death without\nan heir in 1855, the Thanjavur kingdom was annexed by the\nBritish. But female members of Shivaji II's family, and their\nsuccessors, continued to support Brihadiswara and other\ntemples in the region. One of Shivaji II's widows, Kamakshi\nBai Saheb, repaired the Nataraja icon in 1884, and also\ncommissioned a deer vahana in 1881 (Michell and Peterson\n2010: 35-39).\nGANGAIKONDACHOLAPURAM\nThe city of Gangaikondacholapuram (Tiruchi district, Tamil\nNadu) was founded by Rajendra I, son and successor of\nRajaraja I through his queen Vanavanmadevi (a Chera princess,\nalso known as Tribhuvanamadevi). The city was built to\ncommemorate his victorious march to the Ganges, in\ncelebration of which Rajendra assumed the title Gangaikonda\nChola, a name he also gave to his new capital\n(Gangaikondacholapuram), and the grand temple he built\nthere. His Tiruvalankadu copper plates recorded the\nexpedition to the Gangetic plains to bring the holy waters,\nafter he had crushed all his enemies up to Bengal, 13\nMocking Bhagiratha who by the force of his austerities\ncaused the descent of the Ganga, Rajendra, Light of the Solar\nrace, set out to sanctify his own land with the waters of that\nstream brought by the strength of his arm... (Dehejia 1990:\n79).\n302 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nRajendra himself went to the banks of the Godavari to\nreceive his victorious army, which brought the Ganges water\nin golden vessels, carried on the heads of the vanquished\nrulers. He created a vast artificial lake, a \"Liquid Pillar of\nVictory,\" into which the Ganga waters were poured, and\nnamed it Chola-Ganga, the Ganga of the Cholas. Nothing\nremains of his great fortified capital along the lake, due to\ncenturies of pilferage of its bricks. An inscription mentioned\nthat the outer fortification was called Rajendra Cholan Madil,\nafter the Emperor. Besides the names of the palace and fort\nwalls, the names of some streets were preserved in epigraphs\n(Nagaswamy 1970: 14).\nThe temple, which was similar to the one at Tanjore, was\nthe only structure in the city built of stone. It ranked next to\nBrihadiswara in its monumental nature and surpassed it in\nsculptural quality. It rose to a height of 160 feet, and could be\nseen from about a distance of six-seven miles. None of the\nshrines now had the image of a deity (Nagaswamy 1970: 1,\n17-18). The linga at Gangaikondacholapuram, thirteen feet\nhigh, is the tallest in south India. The temple appeared to have\nbeen completed by 1035 CE (Dehejia 1990: 79-80; Nagaswamy\n1970: 23).\nAll the dwelling places in the city were constructed of\nmud and bricks. The royal palace was built at Utkottai, about\none and a half km from the temple, where even now there\nwas a mound called Maalikai Medu (palace mound).\nContemporary works, like the Muvar Ula and the\nKalingattupparani, described the city and palace (Vasanthi 2009:\n97).\nAs the Chola capital for about 250 years from 1025 CE on,\nGangaikondacholapuram controlled affairs from Tungabhadra\nin the north to Ceylon in the south. The first Chola king to be\ncrowned at Gangaikondacholapuram was Rajakesari\nRajadhiraja I (probably identified with Sundara Chola Pandya),\nthe eldest son of Rajendra I. He attacked the Chalukyas and\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 303\n--- PAGE 170 ---\n\nbrought back from their capital, Kalyanapura, several\nsculptures of exceptional beauty (Nagaswamy 1970: 8).\nAn interesting inscription in the Gangaikondacholapuram\ntemple gave the prasasti of a Gahadavala king of Kanauj,\npossibly Madanpala or his son Govindachandra. It seemed to\nindicate some link between the Cholas and the Gahadavalas\n(Nagaswamy 1970: 9-10).\nThe last great Chola ruler was Kulottunga III. An\ninscription of the Pandya ruler Jatavarman Sundara, dated\n1252, was found at Gangaikondacholapuram; he seemed to\nhave captured the city from weak Chola rulers. In 1310 CE, the\nTamil country was invaded by Malik Kafur. Pandya hold on\nGangaikondacholapuram weakened, though they retained\nnominal control (Nagaswamy 1970: 10-11).\nIn 1365, the Vijayanagara prince Kampana marched as far\nas Ramesvaram and brought the southern country under his\ncontrol. There were no records of any Vijayanagara ruler at\nGangaikondacholapuram till 1463 CE, nearly a hundred years\nafter Kampana's conquest. Inscriptions of the fifteenth century\nattested that Gangaikondacholapuram was part of the\nVijayanagara Empire. In the early sixteenth century, it came\nunder the control of a poligar, a local chieftain, who functioned\nas a subordinate of Vijayanagara. After the fall of Vijayanagara,\nthe poligars retained their position in the area. In the\neighteenth century, during the English-French conflict,\nGangaikondacholapuram suffered great damage. The greatest\nharm was inflicted in 1836, when a dam was erected across\nthe Collidam, about seven miles from the temple. For the supply\nof stones for its construction, the public works department\npulled down the enclosure walls, the dilapidated gopura, and\nthe great mandapa (Nagaswamy 1970: 11-12).\nIndian Antiquary IV: 274 carried an account that had been\npublished in a local magazine of 1855,\nSpeaking of the noble temple of Gangaikondacholapuram\nit must not be omitted that when the lower Kolerun anikat\n304 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwas built, the structure was dismantled of a large part of the\nsplendid granite sculptures which adorned it and the\nenclosing wall was almost wholly destroyed in order to\nobtain materials for the work. The poor people did their\nutmost to prevent this destruction and spoliation of a\nvenerated edifice by the servants of a government that could\nshow no title to it; but of course without success; they were\nonly punished for contempt. A promise was made indeed\nthat a wall of brick should be built in place of the stone wall\nthat was pulled down; but unhappily it must be recorded\nthat this promise has never been redeemed (Nagaswamy\n1970: 12).\nNOTES\n1. Despite its shortcomings, the Koil Olugu or Temple Record\nwas the most reliable primary source for the history of\nSriranganatha temple. It was compiled by successive\ngenerations of Vaishnava acharyas. In its present form, the\nchronicle dated to 1803, when the British Collector, John\nWallace requested the temple authorities to prepare a single\ncoherent account from the surviving fragmentary manuscripts.\nContemporary inscriptions validate most of what is written\nin the Koil Olugu. The chronicle constituted the \"institutional\nmemory\" of the Srirangam temple (Spencer 1978: 15).\nRamanuja, traditionally believed to be in charge of the\nSrirangam temple for a considerable period, was not\nmentioned in any temple inscription (Rao 1976: 2).\n2. According to 162 of 1936-37 pt. II, para 51, the temple of\nPosalesvra Udaiyanar, which had turned into a mosque by\nthe Tulukkar, was re-consecrated by Kampana in the course of\nhis victorious campaign.\n3. Works like Jaimini Bharatam, Saluvabhyudayam, and\nRamabhyudayam described the restoration and re-consecration\nof the Srirangam temple. Saluvabhyudayam by Rajanatha\nDindima gave important information about Saluva Mangu,\nhis expedition against the Sultan of Madura, and his splendid\ngift of 1000 salagrams and eight villages to the Srirangam\ntemple. Ramabhyudaya, a poem composed by Saluva\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 305\n--- PAGE 171 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"Narasimha, described the exploits of his ancestor, Saluva\\nMangu.\\n4. The Minakshi temple consisted of two separate sanctuaries,\\none for the goddess (amman koyil) and the other for Shiva (svami\\nkoyil). Both had the same basic design. The sanctum of\\nMinakshi had the immovable image (mula murti), made of green\\nstone while Sundareshvara's sanctum had the main linga.\\nMinakshi's utsavmaurti showed her standing alone like her\\nimmovable image, but Sundareshvara's was a Somaskanda\\nimage. The temple also included a large tank. In the eastern\\npart of the temple complex, were several large, pillared halls\\n(mandapas), including the famous thousand-pillared hall. The\\ntemple's most remarkable feature were the twelve gateways\\n(gopuras); the four highest were each about fifty metres tall\\nand could be seen from a great distance (Michell 1993: 99-\\n101).\\n5. Inscriptions engraved on the inner gopura in Saka 1714\\nrecorded that a regiment of Europeans destroyed the\\nSokkanatha temple as well as the temple of Palaniandavar,\\nseized the town, took over the asthana-mandapa, broke the gates\\nof the aksha-gopura, and were approaching the kalyana-\\nmandapa. The bhattara or priests seeing that the town and its\\ngods would be destroyed, asked one Kutti to ascend the tower\\nand jump down. The regiment went away as soon as he fell;\\nthe priests gave a document of his sacrifice whereby his\\ndescendants would enjoy certain lands in perpetuity. A\\nmosque was constructed near the temple, and the Muslims\\nclaimed the place as their own (Ayyar 1993: 490-491).\\n6. The inscription dated 1723 CE was the last in the temple.\\nKanchi was sacked by the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1742. During\\nthe Carnatic Wars, it was raided by both the French and\\nEnglish. The latter, under Clive, captured a considerable area\\nincluding Kanchi on behalf of Muhammad Ali, the Nawab of\\nthe Carnatic (Raman 1975: 38).\\n7. Attan Jiyar alias Srinivasadasa was a relative of Akkanna\\nand Madanna, and seemed to have come to Kanchi after\\nAurangzeb's attack on Golconda. A copper plate grant dated\\ns 1636 (1714-15 CE), mentioned him as a guru of Raja\\nTodarmalla. Raja Todarmalla served as general under\\n306 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nSadatullah Khan, the Nawab of Carnatic (r.1710-1732), and\\nplayed an important role in the capture of Ginjee. The Ballad\\nof Raja Desing, a folk song of south India, extolled the gallantry\\nof the young Rajput ruler of Gingee, who defied the Nawab of\\nCarnatic, and whose wife immolated herself after his death in\\nthe battle (Srinivasachari 1943: 412-418). It was in the time of\\nSadatullah Khan, and his nephew and successor Dost Ali,\\nthat the images were restored in 1710 CE.\\n8. Lionel Place, Collector of 'Jaghir' from 1794-98, spent\\nconsiderable sums on the restoration of the Varadaraja temple.\\nHe noted it \\\"had been robbed of its most ornamental Pillars\\nand other sculptural work\\\" by Muslims to build a mosque.\\nHe said if the mosque had not been in a state of ruin \\\"I should\\nhave thought it a commendable act of retributive justice to\\nhave restored them [the pillars] to their original place [by\\ndestroying the mosque]\u201d. He noted that the temple had on\\noccasions been used by Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan during\\nthe war of 1780. He recorded that the \\\"central dome under\\nwhich the sacred idol was deposited had almost to be rebuilt.\\\"\\nFurther, the fires that had been lit in the temple had damaged\\nsections made of granite and the floors had been ripped open\\nby the Haider Ali's army in search of temple treasures believed\\nto be hidden there (Irschick 1994: 79-81).\\n9. Dr. R. Nagaswamy highlighted the use of the Agams in the\\nconstruction of temples in South India. In the case of the\\nKailasanatha temple at Kanchi, he showed that two\\narchitectural treatises, the Agama Pramana and Agamanusari,\\nwere inscribed at the base of the temple, indicating their role\\nin its construction (Nagaswamy 1969).\\n10. The trustees of the Govindaraja shrine told scholar B.\\nNatarajan that the Govindaraja image which had been taken\\nto Lower Tirupati had stayed there, and a new image was\\nconsecrated in the time of Achyuta Raya in the present\\nGovindaraja shrine at Chidambaram. It appeared from\\ninscriptions (Nos. 546 and 548 of 1918) that to build a vimana\\nin front of the Govindaraja shrine and to provide a separate\\nentrance to that shrine, an old Chola wall was broken. ARE I\\n1915 (AD 1538) refers to the 're-consecration of\\nGovindarajasvamin at Citrakudam by Achyuta Raya'\\n(Natarajan 1994: 166-167).\\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 307\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n"}
+{"start_page": 172, "end_page": 174, "text": "--- PAGE 172 ---\n\n11. Among the bronzes gifted to the temple were images of Rajaraja\nand his chief queen, Lokamahadevi. A bronze image of\nRajaraja presently under worship at the temple, was examined\nby T.G. Aravamuthan of Madras Museum in 1925. He\ndiscovered that its height did not match that mentioned in\nRajaraja's inscription. He concluded that the bronze was not\noriginal, and was perhaps installed later to preserve the\nmemory of the temple's founder. The lost bronzes, Rajaraja\nand Lokamahadevi, were never found. K. Balasubramaniyam\nsuggested that two images in the Gautam Sarabhai collection,\ntraditionally assigned to the twelfth century, were the missing\nbronzes. Dr. Nagaswamy examined the statues and dated\nthem to the eleventh century (Nagaswamy 2006). Vidya\nDehejia did not accept them as the royal portraits\ncommissioned in 1010 CE (Dehejia 1990: 73-76). In May 2018,\nthe Idol Wing of Tamil Nadu brought back the two bronzes\nfrom the Gautam Sarabhai Museum.\n12. As per the inscription, around 850 persons were employed by\nthe temple, of whom 467 were women and musicians. The\nnames and original place of employment of 400 temple women\nwere recorded in the inscriptions. The women were to serve\nunder the guidance of six specially appointed dance masters.\nFifty-three of the women hailed from Tiruvarur. Their houses\nin specific streets adjacent to the temple were also mentioned.\nEach woman was to be paid 100 kalams of paddy every year.\nThe remaining 383 employees included temple\nadministrators, many of them high-ranking military and civil\nofficers; accountants, treasurers, and the like. There were\nadditionally functionaries like parasol-holders, lamp-bearers,\nlamp-lighters, astrologers, goldsmiths and gem-appraisers,\ngarland-makers, cooks, carpenters, braziers, engravers, washer\nmen, and tailors. As many as 369 places, mostly in the Chola\nheartland, but also in the furthest corners of Rajaraja's\nkingdom were involved the providing various kinds of\nservices to the temple (Michell and Peterson 2010: 23).\n13. Almost a thousand years before Rajendra, the Chera king,\nSenguttuvan was believed to have marched to the Himalayas\nto bring a stone to carve an image of Goddess Pattini, which\nhe enshrined in a specially constructed temple. The incident\n308 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nwas narrated in the Silappadhikaram, though scholars have\ndoubted its authenticity. An obscure Karnata chief followed\nthe Chola armies and settled in West Bengal. His descendants\nfounded the Sena dynasty that later ruled Bengal.\nPLIGHT OF TEMPLES AND DEITIES | 309\n--- PAGE 173 ---\n\n14\nVijayanagara, Tirupati, Guruvayur\nVIJAYANAGARA\nDHARMA STANDS ON ONE LEG\nTraditionally, the founding of the Vijayanagara Empire\nwas interpreted as the reaffirmation of Hindu dharma\nin the face of the challenge from Islam. An interesting\ninscription (No. 5 from Bennur, dated 1347 CE) stated that the\ndivine cow, Kamadhenu complained to Shiva that is was very\ndifficult to walk on one leg, as it no longer had all four. That\nwas a proclamation that only a semblance of dharma remained.\nShiva recognized the gravity of the situation and said he would\nsend king Sangama, and dharma would stand firmly again.\nThe inscription was a declaration that Vijayanagara was\nfounded to re-instate dharma (Ritti 2017: li).\nFOREIGN VISITORS OVERCOME BY ITS SPLENDOUR\nMany foreigners visited Vijayanagara, and wrote of its sheer\nsplendour. The Portuguese, Tome Pires who came to study\nIndian medicine, described the kingdom as \"large and very\n310 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nimportant ... With the exception of the kingdom of Delhi, this\nis the largest province in these parts, and they say, in India\"\n(Filliozat 2001: 297). Abdur Razzak, Persian ambassador to\nthe court of Devaraya II in 1443 CE, stated,\nThe city of Bidjanagar is such that the pupil of the eye has\nnever seen a place like it, and the ear of intelligence has\nnever been informed that there existed anything to equal it\nin the world (Major 1992: 23-24).\nVenetian merchant, Nicolo Conti in the early fifteenth\ncentury observed, \"Their king is more powerful than all the\nother kings of India\" (Major 1992: 6). The Italian traveller,\nLudovico Di Varthema detailed the military might of\nVijayanagara (Filliozat 2001: 285-286).The most extensive\naccounts of the kingdom were provided by Portuguese\ntravellers, Domingo Paes and Fernao Nuniz, who arrived in\nthe first half of the sixteenth century (Sewell 1977).\nA KRISHNA IMAGE FROM UDAYAGIRI\nKrishnadeva Raya, undoubtedly the greatest of Vijayanagara\nkings (Pl. 51), was said to have constructed the Krishna temple\nin 1515 CE to commemorate his victory over the Gajapati ruler,\nPrataparudra at Udayagiri, and to instate a stone image of\nBalakrishna he had acquired from a temple there (Pl. 52).1\nDomingo Paes, who visited the kingdom during his reign,\nwrote of Krishnapura, where the temple was located,\nAnd on the north-west side (of Bisnaga) is another city called\nCrisnapor connected with Bisnaga, in which are all their\npagodas, those in which they most worship, and all the\nrevenue of this city is granted to them; and they say that\nthey have a revenue of a hundred thousand pardaos of gold.\nThe pagodas are high, and have great buildings with many\nfigures of men and women... (Sewell 1977: 69).\nA.H. Longhurst (1876-1955), Superintendent of the\nArchaeological Survey of India, Southern Circle, found a\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR 311\n--- PAGE 174 ---\n\nseverely mutilated image of Krishna in a corner of the shrine,\nwhere it had been thrown either by Muslim soldiers or\ntreasure-seekers (Longhurst 2010: 96). The icon, now in the\nGovernment Museum, Chennai, depicted baby Krishna seated\non a pedestal with his right foot resting on a lotus flower\n(Pl. 53). The arms were missing, but in all likelihood there\nwas a butter ball in the right hand, while the left hand was\nplaced on the left thigh. The image, including the pedestal,\nwas about one metre in height. It originally stood on a large\ndetached stone pitha. At the consecration ceremony,\nKrishnadeva Raya presented the deity gold and silver vessels\nand the income of nine villages for its daily worship (South\nIndian Inscriptions Vol. IV: 44-50). The Madhava saint and royal\npreceptor, Vyasaraya composed hymns in honour of the arrival\nof the deity in Vijayanagara (Sastri and Venkataramanayya\nVol. I 1946: 203).\nVasundhara Filliozat was perhaps the first to suggest that\nthe Krishna image brought from Udayagiri was not installed\nin the sanctum sanctorum of the temple. Rather, it was\nconsecrated, either in the small shrine on the wall of which\ninscriptions about the deity were engraved, or in a separate\nmandapa, especially made for it. She argued that the Krishna\ntemple, with an image in the garbha-griha, existed well before\nthe arrival of the deity from Udayagiri. Further, the Udayagiri\nimage was, in all probability, an utsav murti (processional deity)\nand not a mula murti (stationary deity). She regarded the\nKrishna image in Madras Museum as the Dhruva bera (main\ndeity), and a Vijayanagara icon (Filliozat 1985: 312).\nIn fact, Krishnadeva Raya's inscriptions in the temple\n(South Indian Inscriptions Vol. IV 1986: Nos. 254, 255: 44-50)\nclearly stated that the image of Balakrishna was installed in\nthe mani mandapa. That could have been a new, especially built\npavilion for the Udayagiri image (Ritti 2017: xlix-li). More\nrecently, Dr. S.V. Padigar identified a jewelled mandapa (mani\nmandapa) adjacent to the garbha griha as the place where the\ndeity from Orissa was instated (Padigar 2015 Vol. VI: 93-94).\nThere was now no trace of the image brought from Udayagiri.\nAlso missing was the murti of Krishna's consort in the temple.\nAs per the epigraphic evidence, she was called Lakshmi and\nprovisions were made for her worship (South Indian Inscriptions\nVol. IV no. 255; Verghese 1995: 57).\nGODDESSES MISSING AND DISPLACED\nVasundhara Filliozat also pointed out that the present image\nof goddess Pampa in the Virupaksha shrine was not the original\none. It did not match the description of the deity in the\nVirupaksavasantotsava Campu. The Campu stated that the\ngoddess was seated on a pitha, whereas the present image\nwas standing. The image of Bhuvanesvari in a shrine adjacent\nto Pampa was also not original. The shrine was earlier\ndedicated to Cikka Pampa or Bala Pampa (Filliozat 1985: 312-\n313).\nThere was currently a small image of Durga with more\nthan six hands in the western corridor of the Virupaksha\ntemple. Domingo Paes wrote of an image of Durga in that\ntemple,\nAt the back of the temple outside, close to the verandahs of\nwhich I have spoken, there is a small idol of white alabaster\nwith six arms; in one it has a ... [word omitted in the original\ntext], and in the other a sword, and in the others sacred\nemblems, and it has below its feet a buffalo, and a large\nanimal which is helping it to kill the buffalo (Sewell 1900:\n261-262).\nThe present image did not match the description provided\nby Paes. However, a statue of Durga slaying the demon was\nfound in the Lakshmi temple at Pampasaras, near Anegondi,\non the northern bank of the Tungabhadra River. The image\nhad only four arms now, but traces of the other two were\nvisible. During the catastrophic events of 1565, many images\nwere taken to Anegondi for safety (Pl. 54). Filliozat speculated\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR  313\n"}
+{"start_page": 175, "end_page": 177, "text": "--- PAGE 175 ---\n\nthat the image of Durga remained at Pampasaras after the\nbattle of Talikota. Filliozat described the image as characteristic\nof the time of Krishnadeva Raya (Filliozat 1985: 312-313).\nVITTHAL TEMPLE AND ITS IMAGE\nThe Vitthal temple was rated as \"perhaps the most magnificent\nmonument\" in the city of Vijayanagara (Aiyangar 1936: 21).2\nDomingo Paes wrote of the temple, \"Outside the city walls on\nthe north there are three very beautiful pagodas one of which\nis called Vitella (the Vitthal temple) ...\" (Filliozat 2001: 112-\n120).\nVitthal was a popular deity in Karnataka in pre-\nVijayanagara times, and temples dedicated to him were built\nat several places, one of which was mentioned in an inscription\nfrom Shimoga district dated 1216 CE. The Vitthal cult became\nwidespread in Vijayanagara in the sixteenth century. The\nearly extant representation of the deity was possibly in the\nRamachandra temple complex, where a relief of Vitthal could\nbe seen on a pillar in each of the three porches of the ranga-\nmandapa. From then on, there were carvings of Vitthal on pillars\nin Vaishnava temples, and sometimes also in Shaiva shrines\n(Verghese 1995: 60-61).\nThe Vitthal temple was not constructed at one go (Verghese\n2000: 170-186). The first patron of the temple was not known,\nbut an early structure seemed to date from the fifteenth\ncentury. Many rulers added structures to the temple. There\nwere over thirty inscriptions in and around the Vitthal\ncomplex, the largest in any one temple. The inscriptions of\nKrishnadeva Raya were in the three principal languages of\nthe empire - Kannada, Telugu, and Tamil. The list of donors\nestablished the extensive patronage the cult enjoyed. Among\nthem were Krishnadeva Raya; Achyuta Raya; Bouganna, a\nboatman from Anegondi (1531); Talapaka Tirumalayya, a\nmember of a leading Sri Vaishnava family that was prominent\n314 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nat Tirupati and Ahobalam (in 1532); besides several officers,\nsaints, and others. The last grant was made in November 1564,\na year before the sack of the city (Verghese 1995: 61-62, 64).\nThough it was generally assumed that there was just one\nVitthal temple in Vijayanagara city, two recently discovered\ninscriptions revealed another temple of the deity in the \"sacred\ncentre.\" It was known as the Prata (or old) Vitthal temple,\nand probably existed well before the Vitthal temple. Presently,\nthat temple was known as Hastagiri Ranganatha-svami temple,\nand had an image of Ranganatha. The exact date of the\nconstruction of the Prata Vitthal temple could not be\ndetermined (Verghese 1995: 60-61).\nWHERE DID THE VITTHAL MURTI COME FROM?\nWhere did the mula-murti of Vitthal in Vijayanagar originate?\nN. Venkataramanayya argued that it was brought from\nTirumala-Tirupati, and cited a sankirtana by Tallapakam\nAnnamacharya (1408-1503 CE), \"Vitthala scatters his boons in\nevery quarter of the city of Vijayanagara. Having come from\nthe holy Venkata hill, Vitthala and Rukmini reside in their\ntemple.\" According to N. Venkataramanayya, Tirumala-\nTirupati was a centre of the Vitthal cult, from where the image\ntravelled to Vijayanagara.\nHowever, it has been pointed out that the earliest shrine\nat Tirupati dedicated to Vitthal dated to 1546 CE, when\nUdayagiri Devaraya Bhattar installed an image of\nVitthalesvara-svami in the Hanuman temple. Several\ninscriptions of 1547 CE referred to that newly installed deity.\nThe Vitthal cult was prevalent in Vijayanagara by the reign of\nSadasiva Raya (1542-1570). That made it unlikely that the image\ncame to Vijayanagara from Tirumala-Tirupati. Also, the\nconsort of Vithoba in Vijayanagara was clearly named Lakshmi,\nnot Rukmini, which rendered the historical accuracy of the\nsankirtana doubtful (Verghese 1995: 61).3\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 315\n--- PAGE 176 ---\n\nA belief widespread in Maharashtra was that when\nPandharpur was confronted with a Muslim threat,\nKrishnadeva Raya took the image for its security, and it was\nreturned in safer times (Ranade 1933: 213-214). Bhanudas\n(1448-1513), the great grandfather of Eknath, was said to have\ngone to Vijayanagara to retrieve the image in the reign of\nSadasiva Raya (Zelliot 1987: 94; Khare 1936: 191). The king\nwas moved by his devotion. The image was respectfully placed\non a decorated palanquin, and a huge procession of devotees\nescorted it back to Pandharpur. When the image arrived on\nekadashi, \"saints, Vaishnavas and pilgrims all felt the joy of the\noccasion\" (Bhaktavijaya 1926: 48). Passages from Bhanudas's\nown compositions and the work of saints like Vadirajatirtha\nand Shrida-Vitthal partly endorsed that account (Mate 1988:\n193-195).\nIn the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries, four Marathi\nwriters narrated the story of the Pandharpur image:\n1. Vitthalakavi of Bid, who lived around 1679 CE\n2. Kesavasvami, who was certainly alive in 1682 CE\n3. Mahipati, who wrote the Bhaktavijaya and the\nBhaktalilamrta in the third quarter of the eighteenth\ncentury, and\n4. Bhimasvamin who lived in about 1798 CE (Khare 1936:\n191).\nThough Bhanudas's dates were uncertain, he was believed\nto have been born around 1448 CE and died in about 1513.\nThose dates did not match with the reign of Sadasiva Raya\n(1543-1565) and his regent, Rama Raya (Khare 1936: 193). The\nAnnual Report of ASI on the Vitthal temple stated,\nIt was begun by Krishnadevaraya in 1513 and the work\nwas carried on by his successors Achyuta and Sadasiva.\nHowever the temple was apparently never finished or\nconsecrated. In all probability the work was stopped by the\ndstruction of the city in 1565.\n316 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThe Report referred to a tradition,\nBut the God having come to look at it (the temple) refused to\nmove, saying that it was far too grand for him and he\npreferred his own humble home (ASIAR 1922-23: 67).\nAccording to the ASI report, the temple was never\ncompleted and no image was instated. However, inscriptions\nabout the temple dated from Saka 1435 to 1486 (1513-1564 CE),\nconfirmed that during those years there was an image in the\nVitthal temple, which was worshipped with \"all pomp, show\nand magnificence,\" whether the temple was completed or not.\nIn Saka 1442-43 (1520-21 CE), there was a battle between\nKrishnadeva Raya and the Sultan of Bijapur, Ismail Adil Shah\nin which the latter was defeated. It was possible that\nKrishnadeva removed Vitthal from Pandharpur at that time\n(Khare 1936: 193-194).\nSome evidence of such a probability was provided by\nVadirajatirtha, a Madhva saint almost contemporary of\nKrishnadeva. In his work Teertha Prabandha, composed around\nSaka 1493 (1571 CE), he clearly stated that Vitthal had gone to\nthe banks of Tungabhadra,\nO Vittlal! ... Having put on a different appearance, you came\nhere to the banks of tunga... (Teertha Prabandha 2017).\nThe verse said Vitthal went to Tungabhadra in another\nform. That could mean the Vijayanagara Vitthal was different\nfrom the one at Pandharpur. The Vitthal temple was\nparticularly ravaged after the battle of Talikota in 1565\n(Filliozat 1977: 5). The original Vitthal image was possibly\ndestroyed, and Vadirajatirtha could be referring to a new\nimage subsequently installed there. G.H. Khare was of the\nview that while there was every possibility that Krishnadeva\nbrought the image from Pandharpur, there was little\nlikelihood of it having gone back (Khare 1936: 194-195).5\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 317\n--- PAGE 177 ---\n\nTIRUPATI:\nTHE HOLY VENGADAM\nTirumala hill (Vengadam) contained seven peaks, representing\nthe seven hoods of Adisesa (the king of Nagas on whom Vishnu\nwas often depicted resting). Sri Venkateshwara resided on\nthe seventh range, the Venkatacala, from which he received\nthe name Venkateshwara (Pl. 55). His temple was generally\ncalled Tirumala (the Sacred Hill or Upper Tirupati).\nVenkatesh of Tirumala hill shared several similarities with\nVitthal of Pandharpur. R.C. Dhere suggested that the original\nsource of both Venkatesh and Vitthal was Vitthal-Birappa,\nthe dual god of the Gavli, Dhangar, and Kuruba pastoralists.\nThe Tamil poet saints, the Alvars knew of Vengadam as a\nplace frequented by the Kurubas. Their hymns contained\nnumerous references to Kurubas living in the area, hunting\nelephants, and also farming when possible.\nThe Alvars were Vishnu devotees, but often called\nVenkateshwara a combined form of Hari and Hara (Vishnu\nand Shiva), or of Hari, Hara, and Brahma. No Alvar referred\nto the temple at Tirupati or to the characteristics of the image.\nThey only sang of the greatness of the holy Vengadam and\nthe supreme object of their devotion, who dwelt there in the\nopen. They provided no realistic description of the deity\n(Dhere 2011: 56-59).\nThe earliest inscription in the Tirumala temple referred to\nthe birth of the Bana prince, Vijayaditya Mahavali Banaraya,\na feudatory of the Pallava king, Vijaya Dantivikrama Varman\nin the first half of the ninth century CE. He made a gift to\nVenkateshwara at Tiruchanur (an early location of the temple)\n(Sastry 2014: 81, 103-104; Ramesan 2009: 44-56, 231-232). In\n970 CE, Samavai, wife of a Pallava subordinate of the Cholas,\nconsecrated a silver image, Manavala Perumal, in the temple,\nwhich was a replica of the original deity (Dhruva Bera, the\nstationary central image). That was perhaps the first\nrepresentative image of Venkateshwara, adorned with jewels\nand ornaments. Samavai also instituted several festivals at\nthe temple.\nOver a thousand inscriptions at the Tirumala temple and\nits neighbourhood recorded gifts made by kings of the Pallava,\nChola, Pandya, Yadavaraya, and Vijayanagara dynasties. The\nVijayanagara rulers afforded protection and patronage to\ntemples after the chaos of the preceding centuries. Seven visits\nof Krishnadeva Raya to Tirupati were recorded; he also\ndedicated his work, Amuktamalyada to Venkateshwara. Almost\neighty-five inscriptions at the temple pertained to his reign\n(Ramesan 2009: 31-32, 56-81; Sastry 2014: 210-233). Copper\nstatues of the King and his two Queens were placed at the\ntemple entrance. Krishnadeva Raya's half-brother and\nsuccessor, Achyuta Raya even had his coronation ceremony\nperformed there. He was mentioned in several inscriptions as\na generous benefactor, and thrice visited the temple (Sastry\n2014: 234-253). Statues of him and his queen were also found\nin the temple. The Venkatachala Mahatmyam, composed in the\nfifteenth century, narrated many legends connected with the\ntemple (Ramesan 2009: 174-200).\nRoyal personages, religious leaders, and others\ninaugurated numerous festivals at Tirupati. Offerings were\nalso made to the processional images while seated on a swing\nin the stone car. Lingasani and Tiruvenkata manikyam,\ndaughters of a temple dasi Tiruvenkatadasi, made an offering\nin February 1545 to all the processional deities while seated\non the swing (Ramesan 2009: 22, 32, 71-75, 122-123, 233-234;\nSastry 2014: 84-85, 90,101).\nThe Venkatacala-Itihasa-Mala, a Sanskrit text composed by\nAnantarya, a direct disciple of Ramanuja, in the twelfth century,\ndescribed a dispute between the Shaivas and Ramanuja about\nwhether the image of Venkateshwara was of Shiva (or a Saiva\ndeity) or Vishnu. The debate was conducted in the presence\nof a local Yadava king. Ramanuja worsted the Shaivas in the\ndebete. The king was convinced of the accuracy of Ramanuja's\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 319\n"}
+{"start_page": 178, "end_page": 180, "text": "--- PAGE 178 ---\n\narguments, but Ramanuja called on Venkatesh to declare his\nown form. However, the basic features of the image appeared\nto have been mostly Shaiva, with Vaishnava attributes added\nlater on (Dhere 2011: 56-59, 65-66).\nINVASIONS FROM THE NORTH\nMalik Kafur's first attack on the Andhra country in 1303 \u0421\u0415\nwas repulsed. In his second invasion of 1309, he defeated the\nKakatiya ruler, Prataparudradeva. The Tirumala-Tirupati\nregion was unharmed as the invader took a south-western\nroute back home, and did not march south from Warangal\nthrough the heart of Andhra country. The first attack of Ulugh\nKhan on the Andhra region in 1321 CE was also repelled. But a\nsecond attack in 1323 caught the Kakatiya ruler by surprise,\nand ended in his defeat. After his victory at Warangal, Ulugh\nKhan marched through Cuddapah and Kurnool, and went to\ndistricts farther south. He too marched in the south-western\ndirection, and conquered the Mabar region. He returned to\nDelhi through the coastal districts of Andhra and Orissa. The\nTirumala-Tirupati region escaped destruction a second time\n(Ramesan 2009: 27-28).\nSRI RANGANATHA SEEKS SHELTER AT TIRUPATI\nNot all temples were as fortunate. In the south-east corner of\nthe courtyard of the Tirupati temple was a big mandapa,\npopularly known as Ranga Mandapa. There was a small shrine\nat its end, now permanently locked. The utsava murti of\nRanganatha was sheltered there when the Sri Ranganatha\ntemple was attacked by the Delhi armies. Ranga Mandapa\nwas said to have been constructed between 1320 and 1360 CE\nby the Yadava ruler, Sri Ranganatha Yadava Raya, though\nthat was not corroborated by any epigraphic evidence.\nStylistically the mandapa was typically Vijayanagara, with even\nthe Vijayanagara royal crest of Varaha carved on the pillars\n(Ramesan 2009: 86-87; Sastry 2014: 85). As Ranganatha was an\n320 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nhonoured guest, Tiruvaradana (puja and food-offering) was first\nconducted for him, and certain prabandas he cherished were\nrecited in the presence of Venkateshwara.\nGopana, a Brahmin general of the Vijayanagara prince\nKampana and governor of Ginji, on a pilgrimage to Tirumala,\nsaw the image of Ranganatha. With the permission of the\ntemple priests, he took the image first to Ginji, and then\nreinstated it at Srirangam.\nRAMANUJA AND THE IMAGE OF GOVINDARAJA\nThe Acharyas, who came after the Alvars, gave a distinct form\nto Vaishnavism. The first of them, Nadamuni who restored\nthe practice of reciting Tamil Prabandham in temples, visited\nTirumala in the course of a pilgrimage. Acharya Alavandar\nalso stayed at the temple, and directed his grandson, Tirumalai\nNambi to reside on the hill and serve the deity. Ramanuja\nwas said to have come to Tirupati thrice. According to Sri\nVenkatachala-Itihasa mala, on the first occasion, Ramanuja spent\nabout a year with his uncle, Tirumalai Nambi learning the\nesoteric meaning of the Ramayana. During his second visit, he\nsettled the dispute between the Shaivites and Vaishnavites on\nthe nature of the image at Tirumala (Sastry 2014: 94-95). On\nhis last visit, when he was 102 years old, he installed the image\nof Govindaraja at a temple he constructed. Though there was\nno definite reference to support that, popular belief attributed\nthe instatement of the Govindaraja image to Ramanuja, after\nthe death of Kulottunga in 1120 CE (Ramesan 2009: 22, 343-\n347; Sastry 2014: 145-146).\nThe image of Govindaraja retrieved from the sea was a\nsmall processional image about two feet high. To fulfil the\nrequirements of a big central image of the temple, it was placed\nin a laying posture leaning on one side and plastered to a\nlength of about five-six feet with commensurate bodily\nproportions, along with the deities Lakshmi and Brahma, and\nthe Vaishnava saints. That transformed it into a large central\nimage (Sastry 2014: 145-146)\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 321\n--- PAGE 179 ---\n\nThe earliest inscription at the Govindaraja shrine was dated\nin the 19th regnal year of Rajaraja Chola III, i.e. 1235 CE. It\nreferred to the instatement sometime earlier of an image of\nSri Tirumangaiyalvar in the Govindaraja temple, and\nprovisions made for daily food offering by members of the\nPeriya-nattavar. That implied the Govindaraja shrine could have\nbeen constructed as late as the beginning of the thirteenth\ncentury, before 1235 CE which was the date of the inscription.\nSri Tirumangaiylvar's installation could have taken place four-\nfive years prior to that date, i.e. in about 1230 CE (Sastry 2014:\n145, 148-150).\nThe Govindaraja image could have been installed in a\nseparate shrine in the Sri Parthasarathi temple now called Sri\nGovindaraja Perumal temple. Presently, the Parthasarathi\nimage was covered, and the shrine closed as the image was\nsaid to have been damaged. When and how that happened\nwas not known. If it happened prior to the installation of\nGovindaraja, the Parthasarathi image could have been\nremoved and Govindaraja instated in that shrine itself, without\nthe need to construct a new temple (Ramesan 2009: 59, 235).\nThere was an abandoned big blue stone image of\nGovindaraja on the bund of a fresh water tank, called\nNarasimha-tirtham, west of Tirupati. It was about eight feet\nin length from the crown to the pedestal. According to\ncommon belief, it was originally worshipped in the\nGovindaraja temple, and when disfigured, was placed on the\ntank bund. It was not certain when the damage occurred. The\npresent small idol which was plastered and brought from the\nsea near Chidambaram might have been its substitute. The\ninscriptions at Tirupati did not refer to it, except for a passing\nreference in No. 40 that the image of Govindaraja was a plastic\none. The damage to the huge Govindaraja idol could have\nbeen caused any of the Muslim attacks on the south (Sastry\n2014: 148-150).\n322 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThere were four copper images of Sri Rama, Sita, Sugriva,\nand Lakshman in the sanctum sanctorum. The image of Sri\nRama was said to have been brought for safety from Madura\nby a Sri Vaishnava, and presented to Ramanuja when he was\nreceiving lessons from Tirumalai Nambi (Ramesan 2009: 125;\nSastry 2014: 111).\nThe claim that Ramanuja consecrated the image of\nGovindaraja at Tirupati was questioned by Dr. Nagaswamy.6\nHe pointed out that the earliest reference to Ramanuja at\nTirupati occurred in the reign of Vijaya Ganda Gopala, a Telugu\nChola ruler who came to the throne at Kanchi around 1250 CE\nand ruled till 1291. That inscription was on the east wall of\nthe first gopura, and recorded the gift of 500 Varahan panams,\nwith which land was purchased for making a flower garden\nand provisions for food offerings. It mentioned Ramanuja in\none line and Emperuman in another. In all probability,\nEmperuman referred to Ramanuja, who was known as\nEmperumanar in the Vaishnava tradition. Though the\ninscription was dated in the reign of Vijaya Ganda Gopala,\nneither his regnal year nor the Saka era were provided, making\nit difficult to confirm the year precisely. It could be anywhere\nbetween 1250 and 1290 CE. The earliest record in the Varadaraja\ntemple of Kanchi that mentioned the name of Ramanuja was\nof the year 1316 CE. If a few decades were given for the\ndeification of Ramanuja, he most certainly died before 1200\nCE. The traditional birth date of Ramanuja was 1017, and if he\nhad lived for 120 years he might have died around 1137. That\nruled out the possibility of his involvement in the Govindaraja\nepisode (Nagaswamy 2008: 6-7).\nTIRUPATI UNDER MUSLIM CONTROL\nThough Tirupati twice escaped attack from the Sultanate forces,\nin the mid-seventeenth century the Tirumala-Tirupati region\nwas conquered by the Sultans of Golconda, and remained\nunder Muslim control for about a century and a half (1650-\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 323\n--- PAGE 180 ---\n\n1800). The situation in Tirupati following the invasion of Sultan\nAbdullah Qutb Shah, which occurred around 1660-62, was\ndescribed by an anonymous Telugu poet, who was an eye-\nwitness to the events. His poem, Sri Venkatachala Vihara\nSatakamu (Descriptive catalogue - Telugu - item 1710), was\naddressed to the Lord of the Seven Hills. It was a centum of\nTelugu verses, of which 98 were available. It described the\ndesecration of temples and destruction of images in Tirupati.\nThe poet stated,\n....When the Turks penetrated the temples and broke the\nidols into pieces, and annoyed the great religious teachers\nand licked the namams (upright caste-marks) and pulled the\nsmall tuft of hair of their heads, is it not possible for you to\nslay them? In my weakness I implore you... (Verse 5).\nIn Verse 7, he said that if a Brahmin like himself possessed\na weapon like the Disc of Venkatesh, he would most certainly\nwield it ferociously to strike, pierce, kill men and horses to\nfall on each other as corpses, and drive the Turks up to\nGolconda. Verse 9 stated, \"Your Arava (Tamil) ears which so\nlong listened to the psalms of the Dravida-Grantha (Tamil-\nPrabandha) should not be closed to them is our anxiety\", i.e.\nthey should not be obliged to hear the Muslim lore instead of\nthe Tamil pasurams of the Alvars.\nFurther he said,\nThe Kamkhana-ganamu (the men under the commanders) and\nthe superior force under the Vajirs of Golkonda dash the\nshaven heads of sanyasis against each other like the dashing\nof rams in a fight; split the Brahma-sutramulu (sacred threads)\nof Somayajis (persons who performed Yajna or sacrifice) and\ntie them as strings to their bows; mount the artificial horse-\nvehicles of the temple and goad them with huge cries; molest\nwoman of the Komati (merchant) class, demanding money,\nransom; in such a sad plight of the townsmen of Lower\nTirupati, Your elder brother Tilla-Govindaraja is sleeping,\nand is unable to bestir Himself (Verse 15).\n324 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nTilla-Govindaraja is much aged and is an ancient Being\nand lacks strength of arm to wield the Disc; and on account\nof poverty of food, he pledged it; His sargna (bow) became\nrusty by non-usance; His sword was bored by beetles; His\nKaumodaki (club) and Pancajanya (sankha) assumed\ndepressions and hollows; and his servants became self-\nseekers and left Him, declaring that they did not want His\nunsalaried service. When He is thus enfeebled, is He capable\nof leading a campaign against the powerful Yavana\nprovincial chiefs? (Verse 21).\nThe rusted brass and copper articles have been made into\ncannon balls, the Salagramams procurable from the Gandaki\nriver for worship are used as bullets, the granite stone\nsculptured by the stone-mason has become a stepping stone;\nwhether You noted these acts or not, such are the misdeeds\nof the Turks (Verse 16).\nCan You not destroy the cavalry without feeling aversion to\nthe destruction of the hill-side and save the 'Jirna-Karnata-\nLakshmi' (the prosperity of the crumbled Karnata or\nVijayanagara Kingdom) (Verse 29) and cut off the heads\nwith Your Disc of the Vajirs who are committing atrocities\nby piercing and stabbing men whereby blood gushes from\nthe victims and flows in streams, and drive them up to the\ntank of Peruru village (about 3 miles to the west of Tirupati\non the roadside) (Verse 30).\nThe western horsemen spurred their horses up the Hill and\nare firing volleys from their cannon and destroying men,\nappearing like the Yavana-Kalantaka (the Muslim Death-\nGod) executing His work before the destined time; why do\nYou not slay them, drive them down the Hill, vanquish\nthem and wed the goddess of Victory (Verse 32).\nThey are stripping the gold plate off the entrance door under\nthe tower in Your temple. Why do You not likewise peel\ntheir skin? The pleasant groves are filled with tombs, and\nno carriers of water for temple worship are present in the\nstreets; only pots of arrack are seen, but no kamandalams\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 325\n"}
+{"start_page": 181, "end_page": 183, "text": "--- PAGE 181 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"(water-holder like a kettle) are to be found in the Mathas\\n(monasteries), only vile language is heard, but not the holy\\nscripture-reading in the houses; no daily worship and\\nfestivals are performed in temples, but only the neighing of\\nthe horses occurs; why do You forbear, without slaughtering\\nthe Pathan cavalry, while flesh is exposed in sandalwood\\ngroves in lines to dry, while all dirt is washed in the Varaha-\\nPuskarini, and while Namaju feasts performed at the\\ndoorways of the Vaikhanasas (Verses 38 and 39).\\nHow can I utter the 'Kartaru-mantra' of the Muslim, giving\\nup the 'Gayatri-mantra' and remain sinfully with bare face\\ndevoid of the namam... How can I adore the Penugonda-\\nBaba (the Nawab), discontinuing my prayers to You, the\\nWorld-Father (Verse 66).\\nWhen the Turks assaulted Siddhavatam and massacred\\npeople and defaced Goddess Kamaksi, God Siddhalinga\\nevacuated His body, and Cenna Kesavasvami of the same\\nplace drowned Himself in the Penna river, and other gods\\nfled; and only Raghudvaha (Sri Rama) of Ontimitta stood\\nin the place (Verse 69).\\nWhen previously the violent army consisting of\\nmanujaraksasas (men in appearance but raksasas, hideous\\nin action) of Vijayapuri (Bijapur) invaded the southern\\nkingdoms, subjugated them and appropriated them,\\nRajagopalamurti fled, showing His back to the base Yavana\\n(Muslim); Kanci Varadappa (Varadaraja) began to tremble\\nin fear of losing the diamond in His stomach-pit, the puisne\\nCengalvaraya (Narasimhasvami) God of Ghatikacala\\n(Solingar) does not get down the hill; God of Srimusnam\\nwent underground, and the Deity of Tirukovaluru was\\nshattered to pieces (Verse 70).\\nOur Mangalagirisami (Panakala-Narasimhasvami of\\nMangalagiri) is incessantly engaged in drinking potfulls of\\nPanakam (jaggery-dissolved water) without interval;\\nAhobaladhyaksa Hari (Ahobala Narasimhasvami) is\\nconstantly sporting with Lacci (Laksmidevi) and cannot be\\n326 | FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\ndiverted; Purusottama is ever inclined to consume prasadams\\n(holy food) and lacks thought. Dharmapuri-guhasthana-\\npati (Lord of Dharmapuri cave) revels in self-contemplation\\nand these Deities already adopted Islamism, but You, being\\na solitary Southerner in the Muslim country, how can You\\nput up with it (Verse 74).\\nThe poet listed the towns and cities that had experienced\\n\\\"the fierce sword-handling army men of 'Suratani Abdula\\\"\\n(the Sultan of Golkonda) previously (Verse 76-77). Then,\\nDo the peaks of Your Hill intercept if the Turkish-army\\nencircle Your Hill and thrash You? Is there any protector to\\nYou, if they fall on You and wrest the sabre from Your hand?\\nAre there any guards to ward You, if they violently attempt\\nto rob You of Your jewels? Will Your cry for help avail if\\nthey forcibly enter Your temple, reach Your bilamu (hole,\\ncellar) and crush it? Alas! How can the sufferers of the south\\nthrive without Your grace (Verse 79).\\nThe poet continued,\\nIf you do not destroy the Turks, I shall not keep quiet; I will\\nexpose acts of secrecy of your earlier life. I have not forgotten\\nthem: your misdeeds of having stolen and swallowed butter,\\nof having outraged the modesty of the married cowherdesses\\nin Repalle, of the sin of having killed Putana who came to\\nsuckle you like a mother, and of your haughtiness in having\\nincited your brother Balarama to strike with the Yamuna\\nriver without regard to Her old age (Verse 80).\\nIn anger, he cried out,\\nIf You, who assumed the various Avataras of the Fish, Boar,\\nLion; the Three Ramas and so on, do not strike, pierce, cut,\\nsplit and drive away the violent Vajirs, they will vanquish\\nYou (Verse 83).\\nDo not call Yourself 'Srihari,' but designate yourself\\n'Mrityujahalli;' not 'Perumallu,' but 'Khoda;' not 'Vishnu,' \\nbut 'Kartaru;' not 'Krishna', but 'Babayya;' because the\\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 327\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {}\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 182 ---\n\n'Dakkinul' (Dakkanis), Turks, 'Parasilu' (Persians),\n'Tanakil' (men of tana or thana, military posts), will insult,\nabuse, stripe and cudgel you. I have pre-warned you out of\ngratitude, since I ate your food and enjoyed other benefits\nfully; and I have no other thought. Without being frightened\nby these horrible sights, try to escape early in good time\n(Verse 85).\nContinuing in the same refrain, the poet prayed to Lord\nVenkateshwara,\nOnly the old fame of your valour continues as the holder of\nthe disc, but you are incapable of assailing the Turks; only\nthe glamour of Lachchi (Lakshmi, the Goddess of wealth)\nbeing your better half stays, but you are disinclined to forego\neven one pie of interest on money promised to you; only it is\nthe word (People's idea) of your being the Supreme God,\nbut you cannot bestow thousand and sixes on Your\nsupplicants (Rs. 1116 is generally considered as a high gift;\nand the 1006 mentioned by the poet here is probably meant\nto indicate 1116 only); only the celebrity of your being gold-\ngarmented stands, but your food is of unpounded rice alone;\nyou do not allow your plates to be cleaned; so stingily you\nhave accumulated money. If you intend paying this money\nto the Turks as ransom, will your bhaktas (devotees) trust\nyou? I entreat you, as your well-wisher, not to pay money to\nthe mean-minded... (Verse 90).\nIn Verse 91, the poet, who had till then only glorified the\nholy name of Venkatesh sanctified by Vedic flavour, and did\nnot praise any human being, asked, \"What shall I do\nhenceforth?\" Describing the situation in Tirupati, he stated,\nAll formal restraints on the behaviour of men have vanished,\nand the Turks have violently surrounded Tirupati and are\nlooting it (verse 94). Should you not strike the Turks who\nspoiled Your food-offerings, converted the thousand-\npillared mantapa space into stables, made a gori (tomb,\nsepulchre) of your temple, for Babayya (a high Muslim officer);\nfille the garbhagrihamulu (sanctums) with filth, broke the\nidols, stole the sacred jewels, threw kitchen articles into\ndisorder, struck the Nambis, hewed the bodies of the\nJiyyangars, desecrated the surrounding tirumalighalu\n(mansions of the archakas and big men), and are robbing\nthe people (Verse 95).\nIn conclusion, the poet profusely apologised to\nVenkateshwara,\nArrogantly I called you a coward; you a supreme warrior;\nmerciless; the ever-solicitous protector of bhaktas; appearing\npowerless but really the all-pervasive universal power of\ndifferent forms inhering even in the smallest atom and the\npores of hair; seemingly inactive, but really the illumine\nwith self-effulgent and self-resplendent light. In my\ndistressed mood, I blamed you with intent to exhort you for\nthe good of the world to destroy the assailing Turks; I\nrepentantly implore you to bear with my thousand offences\n(Verse 98) (Ramesan 2009: 421-424; Sastry 2014: 291-297).\nTHE LEGEND OF SRI VENKATESHWARA'S DEBT\nTO KUBERA\nThe archakas in that period invented a story that Venkateshwara\nhad borrowed money from Kubera for his marriage to\nPadmavathi, and agreed to pay interest to him, through kings\nwho held sway over the region, by levying fees on devotees\nfor various darshanams, of value equal to the presents offered\nto the God. As a consequence, the shrine obtained an average\nincome of 2 lakh rupees. The devotees, anxious to safeguard\nthe institution from alien interference, gladly and liberally\ncontributed funds to the temple. The Sultans of Golconda and\ntheir successors, the Nawabs of Carnatic, farmed out that\nrevenue to Hindu renters, thus ensuring a steady and certain\nannual income. They were loath to forego such an abundant\nsource of revenue by interfering with the shrine. The temple\nwas saved by pandering to the greed of the conquerors. To\nmake the story of the debt to Kubera appear credible, the\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 329\n--- PAGE 183 ---\n\ntemple authorities actually prepared a bond pertaining to the\ntransaction, which was preserved to this day. The temple\narchakas thereby saved the shrine from ruin (Ramesan 2009:\n426-427).\nMARATHA LEADERS AT TIRUPATI\nWhen Tirupati was under Muslim control, the mother and\nwife of Peshwa Baji Rao visited the temple in May 1740, as\ndid Raghoji Bhonsle. The diarist, Ananda Ranga Pillai recorded\nthat in 1743 officers of the Maratha contingent, Raja Chandra\nSen and Raja Nimbali Siyudosi visited Tirupati at the head of\n20,000 of their troops for worship (Aiyangar 1952: 266).\nGURUVAYUR TEMPLE - KERALA\nThe Guruvayur temple, dedicated to Guruvayurappan\n(Krishna), began to be mentioned in official records in the\nlate thirteenth century, with the ascendancy of the Samoothiri\n(which the British mispronounced as Zamorin). The Zamorins\nruled from Kozhikode (Calicut) for almost five centuries, their\nkingdom comprising most of present central and northern\nKerala. They were involved in a bitter struggle with the\nVellatri rulers of Valluvanad. One cause of dispute was control\nof the area around Thirunavaya, an ancient temple dedicated\nto Vishnu on the northern bank of the Bharatapuzha River.\nThe Zamorins wanted the right to conduct the prestigious\nMamankam festival held near the temple once every twelve\nyears. The Vellatris were eager to retain that privilege.\nBy the time the Zamorins emerged victorious, the war\nhad dragged on for so long that the number of pilgrims visiting\nThirunavaya had declined sharply. Many pilgrims, especially\nthose from southern Kerala, began to visit Guruvayur, which\ngreatly increased the temple's fame and income. Guruvayur\ngained further as the Zamorins acquired control of the area\nnorth of Guruvayur, which ensured safe passage to the temple.\nThe Zamorins became staunch devotees of Vishnu. As a\n330 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nconsequence of the enhanced offerings, additions were made\nto the temple: the eastern and western gopurams were\nconstructed, the kodi maram ('flag tree') encased in gold, and\nin 1638, the sanctum rebuilt.\nThe Zamorin's wars with the Portuguese and Dutch\nbrought Guruvayur directly into the theatre of war. In 1716,\nthe Dutch, fighting the Zamorin, raided and desecrated the\ntemple, looted its wealth, burnt the western gopuram, and even\nstripped the kodi maram of its gold. They came back four decades\nlater. Though Guruvayur was spared, they ransacked the\nnearby Thikunavayi temple, of which Guruvayur was then\nsubordinate. The priests of Thikunavayi fled and refused to\nreturn. The Thikunavayi devaswom was dissolved and the\nZamorin became supervising trustee of Thikunavayi and\nGuruvayur, as well as their Mel Koyma or Sovereign Protector\n(Seth 2009: 29-31). Meanwhile, by the mid-eighteenth century,\ndue to the Zamorin managing Guruvayur, permanent acrimony\nwas created between him and Mallissery Namboothiripad,\nthe temple's traditional owners.\nHAIDER ALI ATTACKS MALABAR\nGuruvayur was threatened in 1766, when Haider Ali of Mysore\nattacked Malabar. Haider Ali seized Calicut, and the Zamorin,\nunable to protect his kingdom and subjects, burnt his palace\nand perished with his family (Lewis 1898: 383-384). Haider\nAli's troops reached Guruvayur, but temple was saved when\na man, only known as Vatakkepat Warrier, paid 10,000 panams.\nPilgrims stopped visiting the temple; tenants ceased to\npay land rents, and transportation of rice was no longer\npossible. In 1780, the temple was saved from complete ruin as\nSrinivasa Rao, Haider Ali's governor in Malabar, made a\ncarefully worded request for the temple to be spared\ndestruction, and granted a devadaaya, a gift of financial support\nto the deity (Seth 2009: 31).\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR 331\n"}
+{"start_page": 184, "end_page": 186, "text": "--- PAGE 184 ---\n\nTIPU SULTAN ARRIVES IMAGES HIDDEN\nEight years later, Haider Ali's son and successor, Tipu Sultan\ncame to Malabar determined to defeat the Zamorin and\nconvert the population. Guruvayur feared total destruction.\nThe deity of the Thriprayer Rama temple was shifted to\nGnanappilly Mana, in a remote village. The Mammiyoor Shiva\ntemple was destroyed by Tipu before he reached Guruvayur.\nAccording to most accounts, the moolavigraha,\nGuruvayurappan's image was hidden in the temple, probably\nburried. The processional image, the thidambu, was taken to\nthe Ambalapuzha Shree Krishna Temple in Travancore. On\narrival, Tipu's army plundered the temple, destroyed the\nsubsidiary shrines, and set fire to the complex. The temple\nwas saved from complete destruction due to a heavy\ndownpour, which extinguished the fire. In March 1792, the\ncombined forces of the Zamorin and the British drove Tipu\nout of Malabar. By September, the moolavigraha was re-installed\nin the sanctum, and the thidambu brought back from\nAmbalapuzha.\nThough the temple survived, its resources were severely\nhit. Many of the temple's tenants had converted to Islam and\nrefused to pay their rents; others had fled. The temple's rituals\nand festivals were further affected when Tipu Sultan\nconfiscated Haider Ali's devadaaya. The Zamorins could not\noffer any assistance as in 1800, the year following the defeat\nand death of Tipu Sultan, the British declared Malabar a part\nof Madras Presidency (Seth 2009: 32).\nThe temple was saved once again, this time by one of\nMalabar's most illustrious families, the Ullanat Panickers. The\nUllanat family traced its history back to a time when they\nwere famous practitioners and teachers of the martial art of\nkalaripayyattu. Their expertise was such that two brothers and\na sister were brought from their original home in the Tululand\nregion of coastal Karnataka to train the soldiers of Nediyirippu\nSwarupam, a small principality that eventually became the\n332 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nnucleus of the Zamorin's realm. The kingdom was then under\nthe Cheraman Perumals who ruled until perhaps the mid-ninth\ncentury. According to legend, the last Perumal was a great\nking who, after reigning for thirty-six years, converted to\nIslam, divided his kingdom among those who owed him\nallegiance, and departed for Mecca.\nWhen the Perumal divided the kingdom, the Zamorin was\nnot present. As a result, when he appeared before the Perumal,\nhe received what was left: the Perumal's sword, a broken\nconch, a last piece of land (which later became Calicut), and\nhis faithful servant, the Ullanat Panicker. From then on, as the\nZamorin's power and territory increased, so too did the\nstanding and wealth of the Ullanat family. The Ullanat\nPanickers looked after the interests of the Zamorin and the\ntemple. For seventy-five years, from 1825 to 1900 they served\nthe temple free, and used the wealth of their vast estates to\nensure it survived (Seth 2009: 32).\nNOTES\n1. The Krishna temple was the first complete religious monument\nconstructed entirely in the sixteenth century. It was one of the\nlargest temple complexes in the city. Besides the shrines of the\nprincipal and subsidiary deities, it had arrangements for\nstoring grain and other items for daily cooking of food\nofferings, mandapas for various festive ceremonies, a long\nchariot street for the rathotasava, and a tank for the floating\nfestival (Verghese 1995: 58). The inscriptions in the temple\n(South Indian Inscriptions Vol. IV, nos. 254, 255) underlined its\nsignificance in the life of the city from the time of its construction\ntill the battle of Talikota (Verghese 2000: 51, 80). A war scene\ndepicted in stucco on the east gopura was likely of the Udayagiri\ncampaign of Krishnadeva (Verghese 1995: 57).\n2. The Vijayanagara ruler, Harihara built temples for Vitthal\nand Virupaksha. His successors increased the size and\nmagnificence of the two temples. According to R.C. Dhere, the\nVitthal temple at Hampi was not constructed to popularise\nthe worship of Vitthal of Pandharpur, but to enhance the status\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR 333\n--- PAGE 185 ---\n\nof the local Vitthal of the paired gods Vitthal-Birappa, by\nemulating the process by which his standing was raised at\nPandharpur (Dhere 2011: 244). Dhere stated that the Vitthal\ntemple at Vijayanagara was built before the reign of\nKrishnadeva. Of the nine stone inscriptions in that temple,\nthree were from the reign of Krishnadeva Raya, one from that\nof Achyuta Raya, and five from the time of Sadasiva Raya. All\nthree inscriptions of Krishnadeva Raya were dated the year\n1513 CE (Saka 1435). One of them recorded the king's donation\nof land in the name of his parents at the time of an eclipse of\nthe Sun. The other two inscriptions noted that his queens,\nCinnadevi and Tirumaldevi, each donated land and built one\ngate tower (Dhere 2011: 78).\n3. The murti in the Vitthal temple was, in all probability, a\nVijayanagara icon. C. Narayana Rao of Anantapur, Madras\nclaimed to have found the original image. But it was so badly\ndamage that it could not be definitely identified as the mula-\nmurti (Verghese 1995: 61).\n4. From the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries, Pandharpur was\nunder Muslim rule and the worship of Vithoba was severely\naffected. According to Anila Verghese, Vijayanagara then\nemerged as a centre of the Vitthal cult, and the legend\nrepresented the provisional pre-eminence of Vijayanagara\nover Pandharpur. According to her, it was not the image, but\nthe worship of Vitthal that travelled from Pandharpur to\nVijayanagara (Verghese 1995: 61). S.K. Aiyangar stated that\nKrishnadeva Raya \u201c... also constructed a temple, perhaps the\nmost magnificent monument in the city, the Vitala shrine with\na view to housing the image of Vitala in Pandharpur, which\nhad more than once suffered at the hands of the enemies. It is\ntherefore generally ascribed to him that he built shrines for all\nthose deities in the debatable land to the immediate north of\nthe Vijayanagara territory to be properly housed and\nworshiped in the capital\u201d (Aiyangar 1936: 21).\n5. Vijayanagar was devastated in the battle of Talikota, when\nthe four Sultans jointly attacked it. Rama Raya, the de facto\nruler in the time of Sadasiva Raya, deployed both his brothers\nto block the invading forces and himself proceeded with the\nmain army, without leaving even a small force to protect the\ncapital. Robert Sewell wrote,\n334 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n\"Rama Rajah was now a very old man - Couto says 'he as\nninety-six years old, but as brave as a man of thirty' - and,\nagainst the entreaties of his officers, he preferred to\nsuperintend the operations from a litter rather than remain\nfor a long time mounted - a dangerous proceeding, since in\ncase of a reverse a rapid retreat was rendered impossible. But\nhe could not be induced to change his mind, remarking that\nin spite of their brave show the enemy were children and\nwould soon be put to flight. So confident was he of victory\nthat it is said he had ordered his men to bring him the head of\nHussain Nizam, but to capture the Adil Shah and Ibrahim of\nGolconda alive, that he might keep them the rest of their lives\nin iron cages.\n\"The battle becoming more general ... Rama Raya, thinking to\nencourage his men descended from his litter and seated\nhimself on a 'rich throne set with jewels, under a canopy of\ncrimson velvet..' ordering his treasurer to place heaps of money\nall around him, so that he might confer rewards on such of his\nfollowers as deserved his attention. 'There were also\nornaments of gold and jewels placed for the same purpose.'\n[The fire of the enemy batteries] proved so destructive that\n5000 Hindus were left dead on the field in front of the\nbatteries... 5000 Muhammadan cavalry cut their way\ntowards the spot where the Raya had taken post. He had\nagain changed his position and ascended his litter ... when\nan elephant ... dashed forward towards him, and the litter\nbearers let fall their precious burden in terror at the animal's\napproach. Before he had time to recover himself and mount a\nhorse, a body of the allies was upon him, and he was seized\nand taken prisoner. ... The Commander of the cavalry...\nimmediately ordered his captive to be decapitated and the\nhead to be elevated on a long spear, so that it might be visible\nto the Hindu troops\" (Sewell 1900: 203-205).\nFor the next five months the victors wreaked havoc on the\ndefenceless city, slaughtering helpless residents, destroying\ntemples, sculptures, and palaces. Caesare Federici, who\ntravelled from Goa to Vijayanagara in 1567 with two other\nmerchants, described sack of the city by the combined forces\nof Bijapur, Golconda, and Ahmednagar after the Battle of\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR  335\n--- PAGE 186 ---\n\nTalikota. He recorded that even the united efforts of these\nkingdoms could not defeat Vijayanagara, and it was treason\nby two Muslim generals of Vijayanagara that turned the tide\nagainst the kingdom,\n\"And yet these foure Kings were not able to overcome this\nCitie and the King of Bezeneger, but by treason. This King of\nBezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his\nCaptaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores:\nand these two Captaines had either of them in charge\nthreescore and ten or fourscore thousand men. These two\nCaptaines being of one Religion with the foure Kings which\nwere Moores, wrought means with them to betray their owne\nKing into their hands. The King of Benzeneger esteemed not\nthe force of the foure Kings his enemies, but went out of his\nCities to wage battell with them in the fields; and when the\nArmies were joyned, the battell lasted but a while, not the\nspace of four houres, because the two traiterous Captaines, in\nthe chiefest of the fight, with their campanies turned their\nfaces against their King, and made such disorder in his Armie,\nthat as astonied they set themselves to flight...and the foure\nKings of the Moores entered the Citie Bezeneger with great\ntriumph, and there they remained sixe moneths, searching\nunder houses and in all places for money and other things\nthat were hidden, and then they departed to their owne\nKingdomes, because they were not able to maintayne such a\nKingdome as that was, so farre distant from their owne\ncountrie\" (Filliozat 2001: 318-326).\nAn anonymous account by a Jesuit in 1583 CE recorded the\ndevastation of Vijayanagara,\n\"... in the course of the war, plundered and destroyed the city\nof Bisnaga, which was the royal city, and capital of the whole\nof the kingdom, so populous, rich and well-fitted that there\nwere within its enclosure about a thousand temples, they say.\nThe ruins that remain still show evidently that it was one of\nthe wonders of the East\" (Filliozat 2001: 329-330).\n6. Dr. Nagaswamy refuted the charge made by some twentieth\ncentury historians that the Chola ruler, Kulottunga I\npersecuted Ramanuja. He pointed out that the largest number\nof inscriptions at Srirangam (nearly 80) belonged to his period.\n336 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThey recorded gifts of land, gold, cattle, and jewels. Most of\nhis queens, commanders, and other officers also made\ngenerous gifts. Further, as the Srirangam temple was under\nthe direct control of the Chola king, he appointed the Srikaryam\nadministrators of the temple. The names of all Srikaryam\nadministrators were mentioned in the inscriptions, and\nRamanuja was not listed among them. In fact, there was no\nreference to Ramanuja in any Srirangam inscription during\nhis lifetime. Interestingly, the list of Srikaryam appointed during\nthe reign of Kulottunga I and his son, Vikram Chola included\nthose from Brahmin, Kshatriya, and Vellala castes. No\npreference was shown to any particular caste in the\nappointments. According to Dr. Nagaswamy, modern\nhistorians then changed their stance and held that it was\nKulottunga II who persecuted Ramanuja. That too was\nchronologically impossible. Kulottunga II ascended the throne\nin 1136, when Ramanuja was already 119 years old\n(Vaishnava historians were agreed that Ramanuja was born\nin 1017 and died at the age of 120). Moreover, Kulottunga's\ninscriptions were found at Srirangam, Kanchi, Varadaraja,\nand other Vishnu temples of Kanchi. Also, the Karnataka\nRajakkal Savistara Caritam stated that the icon of Govindaraja\nof Chidambaram was carried to Tirupati by a boat by a Dasi\nnamed Tillai, where she had it installed and where it was in\nworship in 1808 CE.\nDr. Nagaswamy also pointed out that in the Vaikuntha\nPerumal temple at Kanchi there was a damaged image of a\nsixteenth century Vishnu lying in the prakara. It was an ancient\ncustom to immerse all bhinna idols (broken images) in the deep\nsea or other water bodies. Many Vishnu images were made of\nwood or stucco and required replacement. It was possible\nthat the original Govindaraja image, made of stucco, was\ndamaged and had to be replaced. In several Vishnu temples\nin Tamil Nadu, the present main image made of stone belonged\nto the sixteenth century Vijayanagara period (as in the\nParthasarathi Swami temple at Tiruvallikkeni, the Varadaraja\ntemple at Kanchi, and the Sundaravarda temple at\nUttaramerur, among others). Such a situation could have\ncaused the replacement, poetically described as Vishnu being\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR 337\n"}
+{"start_page": 187, "end_page": 189, "text": "--- PAGE 187 ---\n\nsent to the ocean which was his original abode. That was not\nnecessarily an anti-Vaishnava act (Nagaswamy 2008: 13-15,\n36-38, 44-50, 52-54).\n7. Tipu Sultan sponsored the construction of the Ala Mosque in\nSeringapatam fort, in which pillars of Hindu origin were\nclearly visible. According to the Mysore Archaeological\nSurvey, at least three temples in his realm were destroyed on\nTipu's orders. The Hariharesvara temple at Harihar was looted\nand a section of it converted into a mosque, while the\nVarahasvami temple in Seringapatam and the Odakaraya\ntemple in Hospet were both destroyed. Colonel Mark Wilks\n(1759-1831), soldier and historian of the East India Company\nand acting Resident at the Wodeyar court, observed,\n\"... in 1799, the two temples within the fort of Seringapatam,\nalone remained open throughout the extent of his dominions\"\n(Wilks Vol. IV 1980: 574).\nSome historians have cited instances of benefactions to temples\nas proof of Tipu's tolerance. The Ranganatha temple received\nseven silver cups, and a silver camphor according to\ninscriptions on these items. Three of the cups and the camphor-\nbearer, however, had additional etchings stating that they\nwere presented by a Kalabe chief, named Kantayya. Possibly,\nthey were taken away by Tipu and re-granted later, \"at the\nprayer of the devotees of the temples with his inscriptions\nnewly engraved.\" The Narasimha temple (at Melukote) was\nsaid to have been presented a kettledrum, though the name of\nthe Sultan was not mentioned in the records. The Laskmikanta\ntemple (at Kalale) was gifted four silver cups and a silver\nspittoon, the Narayanasvami temple (at Melukote) a silver\nspittoon, and the temple of Srikanthesvara a jewelled silver\ncup (Saletore 2001: 118-130). As no dates were inscribed, it\nwas difficult to say whether they were gifted in peace time or\ntimes of war (when the ruler was under stress and sought\ndivine intervention from any quarter).\nIn 1791, Pindaris attached to the Maratha force of Raghunath\nRao attacked the Sringeri Math, which caused great anguish\namong the Marathas. Following the raid, Tipu ordered his\nasaf at Bednur to provide cash, grain, and articles for the\nconsecration of goddess Sharda. He also corresponded with\n338 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe Sringeri Math to pray for his victory in war. He stated,\n\"we are punishing the hostile armies that have marched\nagainst our country and are harassing our subjects. You are a\nholy personage and an ascetic. As it is your duty to be\nsolicitious about the welfare of the many, we request you to\npray to God along with the other Brahmans of the matha, so\nthat all the enemies may suffer defeat and take flight and all\nthe people of our country live happily, and to send us your\nblessings\" (Brittlebank 1997: 129).\nMark Wilks, who participated in the third Anglo-Mysore war,\nwrote that Tipu would resort to anything to ward off defeat,\n\"The religion which he revered, as well as that which he had\ncruelly persecuted, were equally invoked; the moola and the\nbramin were equally bribed to interpose their prayers for his\ndeliverance, his own attendance at the mosque was frequent,\nand his devotion impressive...\" (Wilks Vol. IV 1980: 735).\nVIJAYANAGARA, TIRUPATI, GURUVAYUR | 339\n--- PAGE 188 ---\n\nI\n15\nResurrection of Deities in\nSouth India\n\nn medieval south India, a large number of temples learning\nof advancing Muslim troops, hurriedly buried their icons,\nintending to reclaim them when the threat receded.\u00b9\nHowever, the danger persisted longer than expected. A\nMuslim Sultanate was established at Madurai, and continued\nfor most of the fourteenth century. With the foundation of\nthe Vijayanagara Empire and the defeat of the Madurai\nSultanate, some buried bronzes were retrieved and reinstated.\nBut in many cases, the exact location of the hidden caches\n(known only to a select few), was forgotten. The buried images\nbecame part of temple lore, remembered but not found. They\nnow re-emerge, off and on.\nTHE SVETARANYESVARA TEMPLE\nThe Svetaranyesvara temple in Tiruvenkadu village (Tanjore\ndistrict), constructed in the first half of the tenth century,\nenjoyed the patronage of the Chola royal family. Sometime\nduring the disruptive medieval era, temple officials buried\nthe images. Over time, knowledge of the burial spots was no\n340 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nlonger remembered, and the images remained hidden till the\ntwentieth century.\nThe bronzes were found in four groups in the temple,\nmaking it the richest haul of Chola bronzes from one site\n(Nagaswamy 1959-1960: 109-122).\u00b2 The villagers returned the\nfirst set of images found in 1925, to the temple. These were\nre-consecrated and remain in worship. In 1951, a farmer\nploughing a field found the second group of bronzes. These\nwere acquired by the District Collector, T.K. Palaniappan for\nthe newly established Thanjavur Art Gallery. In 1960, villagers\nfound a third set of twelve images when building a new shrine\nfor Virabhadra in the temple complex. Of these, two are in\nthe Government Museum, Madras, the rest were returned to\nthe temple for worship. In 1972, sixteen more images were\nfound, which are now in the Thanjavur Art Gallery (Davis\n2015: 15-16).\nThe finds included the great Shiva Vrsabhavahana,\nKalyanasundara, Ksetrapala, Bhiksatana, Ardhanarisvara,\nChandikesvara, Kannappar and several other images\n(Nagaswamy 1987: 1-2). A two-line inscription in Tamil\ncharacters of the tenth century on the pedestal of Nataraja,\nfound along with Ardhanarisvara now in Madras Museum,\nreferred to the deity as Desi Abhayanithi Yabharrana. Nayaka\ndenoted the Lord, Desi stood for a particular type of dance in\nthe non-Bharatham tradition of Ananda tandava, Abhayanithi\nsignified the protector of the Universe, abharana or jewel meant\nNataraja as the jewel among Gods (Damodaran 1999: 1-3).\nNataraja was identified with Adavallur, mentioned in an\ninscription of Rajaraja in his 28th regnal year. One of his queens\ngifted gold to the image of Adavallur, for its worship.\nOn the magnificent bronze of Ardhanarisvara,\nDr. Nagaswamy pointed out that the Shaiva saints, Appar\nand Sambandar, who lived in the seventh century, sang of the\nArdhanarisvara form of Shiva in their Tevaram hymns of\nTiruvenkadu village. The bronze was consecrated in the\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA  341\n--- PAGE 189 ---\n\nbeginning of the eleventh century, almost four centuries after\nthe saints. That was testimony to the fact that the Tevaram\nsongs of this village inspired the sculptor while making the\nicon (Nagaswamy 2001: 1).\nSeveral bronzes found at Tiruvenkadu were mentioned\nin temple inscriptions. A twelfth century inscription at the\ntemple referred to the ritual bathing of Shiva and the sixty-\nthree saints at the nearby Kaveri River. None of these images\ncould be seen in the temple today (Dehejia 1990: 66-72, 123).\nSRI SVARNAMUKHISVARA TEMPLE NEAR VELLORE,\nIN NORTH ARCOT DISTRICT\nIn the 1970s, about twenty bronzes were discovered face down\nin a carefully prepared pit in the Sri Svarnamukhisvara temple\nnear Vellore, in North Arcot district. A stone slab was found\nat the lowest section (Nagaswamy 1987: 2).\n1987 \u2013 FINDS IN THREE DISTRICTS\nIn 1987, within a span of two months, a large number of\nbronzes were found in the three districts of Tanjore, Salem,\nand South Arcot.\nKONULANPALLAM (TANJORE DISTRICT)\nThat year, twelve bronzes, a diparadhana utensil, other puja\nvessels, and broken metal plates were found in Konulanpallam,\na hamlet of Tittacceri (Tiruvidaimarudur taluk, Tanjore\ndistrict). The entire collection of bronzes and puja utensils was\nfound in a pit during construction of the house of a Muslim\ngentleman. Though Muslims now occupied the entire street, a\ncentury earlier the area was a vacant site, where Muslims\nstarted to purchase land. Dr. Nagaswamy and his team, while\nsearching the area found in an Ayyanar temple one hundred\nyards from the find spot, two stone sculptures, one a linga\nand the other a Nandi, both of the twelfth century CE. Though\nthe Ayyanar temple was a modern structure, the presence of\n342 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nthe two Chola sculptures indicated that a Chola period Shiva\ntemple once stood at that site, and the bronzes found belonged\nto it. The discovery of all the mandatory images of Ganesh,\nSomaskanda, Tani Amman, Nataraja Sivakami, Chandesvara\netc., and puja utensils confirmed that they formed a group of\nimages of the temple. Stylistically, all the bronzes and utensils\nbelonged to the twelfth century.\nAn inscription on the diparadhana stand read 'Edirilicola.'\nThat was a title of two Chola rulers - Kulottunga Chola II and\nhis successor, Rajaraja Chola II (1146-1172), both in the twelfth\ncentury. From that, it was apparent that all the bronzes were\na royal dedication. According to Dr. Nagaswamy, the group\nseemed to have been consecrated by Kulottunga II (1133-1150)\n(Nagaswamy 1987: 4-5).\nMANAPALLI VILLAGE (SALEM DISTRICT)\nAlso in 1987, a group of bronzes was recovered from\nManappalli village (Namakkal taluk, Salem district) where\nthere were two adjoining temples, a Bhimesvara Shiva temple\nof the ninth century and a Vishnu temple of the sixteenth.\nAmong the fragmentary inscriptions found in the\nBhimesvara Shiva temple, the earliest was of Rajaraja Chola.\nThe inscriptions revealed that Manappalli village was also called\nSingalantaka-caturvedi-mangalam. As Singalantaka was a title of\nRajaraja Cola I, the village received its name and patronage\nfrom the Chola monarch. Shiva of the temple was called\nBhimesvara, a name it retained till this day.\nIn the Bhimesvara Shiva temple, there was a ninth century\nstone sculpture of Subrahmanya, as well as a Saptamatrika-s\npanel of the same period. There were also images of Ganesh,\nDevi, and Bhairava. These deities were in worship in the 12th\ncentury when, as per the record of Rajaraja II, provisions were\nmade for food offerings to them (ARE Nos. 230-231/1968-69).\nThe bronzes found in the vicinities of the two temples\nincluded five metal images and a metal kuttuvilakku (lamp on\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA  343\n"}
+{"start_page": 190, "end_page": 192, "text": "--- PAGE 190 ---\n\n```json\n{\n  \"full_text\": \"stand). They were all found in a pit, placed upside down in\\nsand. The site was being cleared, when the workers found\\nthe images, all of which belonged to the Bhimesvara Shiva\\ntemple. Among the images were a standing Ganesh with a\\nprabha, two standing images of Parvati, one Natesh, and one\\nTripurantaka, the last two being of great historic interest.\\nThe Bhimesvara Shiva temple was in use till the 12th-13th\\ncentury CE. The bronzes were buried for safety sometime later\\nwhen an invasion took place, and the inhabitants migrated\\nelsewhere. In the 16th century, the village was renamed\\nRamarasa Samudram, and an agaram established when the\\nVishnu temple was built. A resettlement took place. The\\nbronzes were likely buried before the Vishnu temple was built\\n(Nagaswamy 1987: 5-6).\\nESALAM BRONZES AND COPPER PLATES\\n(SOUTH ARCOT DISTRICT)\\nThe third find of the year was from Esalam village in South\\nArcot district. The village residents found a collection of\\nbronzes, temple utensils, and a copper plate charter, in the\\npremises of the Tiru Ramanathesvara temple during renovation\\nwork. The bronzes were found firmly placed in river sand\\nupside down, with the smaller images at a higher level and\\nthe bigger ones below. Beneath all the images was a copper\\nplate charter, issued by Rajendra Chola I, in 1036 CE. None of\\nthe bronzes or utensils found in the pit was later than 1300 CE.\\nThey were in all likelihood buried during Muslim invasions,\\nbetween 1310 and 1350 CE. After informing Government\\nofficials of the discovery, the villagers instated all the images\\nin the temple and arranged for their worship (Nagaswamy\\n1987: 6).3\\nTHE BRONZES DISCOVERED\\nAmong the big bronzes was an image of Chandesvara, which\\nDr. Nagaswamy identified as a portrait of Sarvasiva Pandita,\\n344 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\\nthe rajaguru of Rajendra Cola, and builder of the Esalam temple\\n(which seemed to have been completed around 1027 CE). Other\\nbronzes included two images of Durga with prabha, and two\\nbronzes of Shiva - four armed, holding sula and pasa in the\\nupper arms and showing abhaya and varada in the lower arms.\\nA standing Shiva with Parvati, datable to the ninth century,\\nseemed to be from western India. An inscription in the\\nBrihadiswara temple at Tanjore had referred to Sarvasiva\\nPandita. The disciples and grand disciples of the rajaguru, who\\nwere from Madhyadesa, Aryadesa, and Gaudadesa and were\\nsuitably qualified, were alone entitled to succeed to this\\npriesthood and enjoy the endowment. Sarvasiva Pandita was\\nclearly from western India, and possibly belonged to a great\\nline of Shaiva acharyas who came to the Chola country, and\\nbrought this image, and the philosophy of his sect. The image\\ncould have been for his personal worship. A number of tiny\\nbronze images retrieved, including a Bhairava, were probably\\nfor the personal puja of the Guru. The presence of Durga,\\nBhairava, and Pasupata images would show he was a\\nPashupata acharya or Kalamukha.\\nThe find of a Vishnu image, and a bell with the cakra handle,\\nin the group perhaps indicated that items of a Vishnu temple\\nwere also hurriedly added to the hoard, for safe keeping.\\nThe Esalam copper plate grant of Rajendra Cola was the\\nthird charter of the ruler found thus far. The Tiruvalangadu\\nplates issued in his 6th year, and the Karandai copper plates\\nissued in his 8th year were the two charters recovered earlier.\\nThe Karandai plates was the biggest royal charter found\\ninscribed on copper sheets in India. They recorded the creation\\nof a brahmadeya and gifts of land to 1080 Brahmins. The\\nTiruvalangadu and Esalam grants recorded the gift of devatana\\ntaxes to temples. Both were found within the temple grounds,\\nalong with the bronze images. Clearly, they were buried in\\ntroubled times to safeguard the bronzes and the charters. The\\nlarger Leiden grant was made by Rajaraja Cola but issued by\\nRajendra, making a total of four.\\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA | 345\"\n  },\n  \"metadata\": {\n    \"title\": \"ESALAM BRONZES AND COPPER PLATES\\n(SOUTH ARCOT DISTRICT)\",\n    \"subtitle\": \"FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\",\n    \"section\": \"RESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA\"\n  }\n}\n```\n--- PAGE 191 ---\n\nEsalam village was a suburb of Rajarajacaturvedimangalam\n(Ennayiram), where Rajendra Chola established one of the\nbiggest Vedic colleges. Nearby was Brahmadesam, where\nseveral Chola temples were built. Sarvasiva Pandita succeeded\nIsanasiva as rajaguru, probably after the latter's death. Rajendra\nCola gifted land to the temple (Nagaswamy 1987: 7-13).\nSHIVA TEMPLE AT TIRUVINDALUR\nA set of metal images, along with the largest copper plate of\nRajendra Chola II, was recovered from the front yard of a\nShiva temple in Tiruvindalur. The images were carefully buried\nface down. The copper plate listed a contribution of Rajendra\nChola II, and also validated an endowment to the temple by\nhis elder brother, Rajadhiraja I (1018-1055) (Nagaswamy 2011:\n53-54).\nKONERIRAJAPURAM TEMPLE\nThe Chola queen, Sembiyan Mahadevi built the\nKonerirajapuram temple in memory of her husband, during\nthe reign of her son. It had several excellent dated bronzes; of\nwhich the bronze consort of Shiva Vrishabhavahana was now\npart of the Gautam Sarabhai collection in Ahmedabad (Dehejia\n1990: 4-7).4\nTEMPLE AT MELAPERUMPALLAM\nMany Chola bronzes were found in a temple in the coastal\nvillage of Melaperumpallam (earlier known as Valampuram),\nlocated three miles from Tiruvengadu. They were all dated\nas per an inscription to 1178 CE. Among them was the\nmagnificent bronze of Shiva, described in an inscription at the\ntemple as 'Vattanaigal padanadanda nayakar,' or 'The Lord who\nwalked with swaying gait.' The saint Appar had, in the seventh\ncentury, visualized Shiva of Valampuram village as the\nEnchanting Mendicant, carrying a vina in one hand, wearing\nsilk robes, dancing and moving joyfully. The donor of the\n346 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nimage directed the sculptor to keep Appar's verses as his guide\nand give them form (Nagaswamy 2001: 1).\nIMAGE FOUND IN DRY TANK\nThe image was retrieved from a dry tank in front of the temple.\nIts shine was due to polishing with soapy nuts (boondi kottai)\nof the palm olive trees that were abundant in the area. Two\nother images dedicated in the same year and listed in the\ninscription, were also found in the temple tank. One of them\nwas the earliest surviving bronze of Kirata-Shiva, the other a\ngracious figure of the accompanying Uma (Dehejia 1990: 116-\n117).\nNALLUR TEMPLE\nAn underground cellar in the Nallur temple near Kumbakonam\n(Tanjore district) revealed sixteen bronzes of excellent\nworkmanship. The story was related by Dr. R. Nagaswamy,\nwho was instrumental in retrieving the bronzes. He was\ninformed of images hidden in a safe room by the temple\nsuperintendent; but only one person knew of the secret passage\nto the underground cellar. When Dr. Nagaswamy met that\nperson, he refused to divulge the path, stating it was a family\nsecret. He said the cellar had been opened about forty years\nago; there were no bronzes, but some jewellery that had been\nremoved. Dr. Nagaswamy reported the matter to government\nauthorities, and returned to Nallur with officials. They broke\na wall that was pointed as the secret passage. Behind it were\ntwo strong wooden doors, locked and sealed. Neither the\nlocks nor the padlocks could be broken. Finally the doors were\nsmashed. They found a small empty room. The person who\nknew the secret way then requested them to wait outside,\nwhile he busied himself inside the room. When the wall caved\nin, they went inside. They saw he had removed four feet of\nsand from one corner, disclosing a brick floor. After removing\nsome bricks, granite flooring was seen. The granite slabs\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA 347\n--- PAGE 192 ---\n\nopened like doors, and steps led to an underground chamber.\nThe chamber was about 6 feet high, and the floor space about\n305x152.5 cm. Though there was no light inside, fresh air blew\nfrom a small hole in the wall. The chamber was empty, but\nthe bronzes were stored in a side room. They included a\nmagnificent Devi, a Kalyanasundara, a Parvati, a Sambandar,\nbesides ornamental lamps and vessels (Nagaswamy 1982: Lalit\nKala 20). A truly stupendous effort had been made to protect\nthe deities!\nCHIDAMBARAM TEMPLE\nA hidden storeroom within the boundaries of the\nChidambaram temple yielded around eighty bronzes dating\nfrom the tenth century onwards, including the figure of the\nsain Sundarar's wife, Paravai ca. 970 (Dehejia 1990: 124).\nGANGAIKONDACHOLAPURAM\nOne likely place where images were stored was beneath the\nhigh platform in front of the Gangaikondacholapuram temple.\nIt was believed to cover a subterranean passage. The platform\nwas certainly disturbed and rebuilt around the year 1310, since\nsome of the haphazardly built-in stones had fragmentary\ninscriptions of the thirteenth century. The Director of\nArchaeology has stated, \"It is not unlikely that the empty\nunderground space below the great mandapa and the space\nbetween the steps were utilized as store houses.\"\nMost certainly Rajendra Chola would have presented many\nbronzes to his great temple, though only five were evident\ntoday. Perhaps they will emerge from the spots they were\nhidden in 1310 CE (Dehejia 1990: 124-125).\nPATHUR NATARAJA\nAmong the most famous cases of buried bronzes was of the\nPathur Nataraja. Pathur was a village on the banks of the Vettar\nRiver in the Kaveri delta area, east of Thanjavur. A Shiva\n348 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ntemple, called Visvanathasvami was constructed there in the\ntwelfth century by a prominent local headman, Visvanatha.\nFrom the tenth century, the Cholas had emerged as major\npatrons of Shiva Nataraja; and processional Nataraja images\nwere commissioned by countless Shiva temples in Tamil Nadu.\nVisvanatha and the village elders of Pathur also instated one\nsuch image in the Pathur temple, where the Shiva linga served\nas the ritual centre.\nAt some point, the Nataraja bronze was ceremoniously\nburried by temple officials. They dug a pit in the temple\ncourtyard, and at the bottom placed various ritual implements\nand a trident, Shiva's special weapon. These were covered,\nprobably with sand, and on top were placed eight bronze\nicons, lined up face down: images of Shiva Somaskanda,\nChandesvara, Ganesh, Shiva Bhairava, the Nayanmar saints\nAppar and Sambandar, and two images of Parvati. The\nNataraja was placed face down on top, and the entire cache\nlayered with hay and the pit filled in. The images were\nobviously handled with care, and may have been wrapped in\ncloth.\nIn 1976, Ramamurti, a 38 year-old landless labourer, began\nto build a cowshed near his hut on what he believed was\nunoccupied waste land. He dug a pit to get soil for the walls\nof the shed. The pit was within the old brick walls of the\ntemple, though the temple itself was in ruins. At a depth of a\nman's height he found the nine metal images all lying face\ndown (Davis 2015: 225-238).\nRamamurti sold the Nataraja to a buyer. The tortuous\njourney of the icon from the pit to London has been told\nseveral times. Meanwhile, the Tamil Nadu police took\npossession of all the bronzes (except the Nataraja). In June\n1982, the Nataraja was purchased by the Bumper Development\nCorporation. The British police seized it on 25th August 1982\n(Greenfield 1996: 153-156). A lengthy case was fought by the\nGovernment of India in a London court. Finally, Justice Ian\nKennedy decreed,\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA | 349\n"}
+{"start_page": 193, "end_page": 195, "text": "--- PAGE 193 ---\n\nWhether the plaintiffs (India and others) have a title to the\nNataraja, I am satisfied that the pious intention of the twelfth\ncentury notable who gave land and built the\nVishwanathaswamy temple in Pathur, remains in being\nand is personified by the temple itself, a juristic entity which\nhas a title to the Nataraja, superior to that of the defendant\n(Bumper Development Corporation) (Pal 1992: 170).\nSHIVAPURAM NATARAJA\nSomewhat similar was the case of the Shivapuram Nataraja, a\ntenth century Chola bronze found by villagers in Shivapuram\n(Tanjore district). It was handed over to the temple for\nworship. At some point, the bronze was sent for cleaning (the\nlong spell of burial had somewhat corroded it). A copy was\nsurreptiously made, and returned to the temple as the cleaned\nimage. The original was eventually purchased by the Norton\nSimon Foundation in 1973, for a million dollars. In December\n1974, the Government of India filed a case for possession of\nthe deity (Davis 2015: 242-244).\nNAGAPATTINAM\nIn 1006 CE, the year that construction of the Brihadiswara\ntemple commenced, Rajaraja granted permission to an embassy\nfrom the Sailendra king, Chulamanivarman of Java to build a\nBuddhist vihara in the coastal town of Nagapattinam. Rajaraja\nalso granted the village of Anaimangalam for maintenance of\nthe vihara. Though he was a Shiva devotee, that did not\npreclude his endowment to the vihara (Dehejia 1990: 77-78).\nThe relics of the vihara could be seen till 1846 CE, when it was\npulled it down by Jesuit missionaries to build their college.\nAccording to T.N. Ramachandran, former Joint Director\nGeneral of Archaeology, about 850 Buddhist bronzes of the\nMahayana school dating from the 11th to 15th centuries have\nbeen found at Nagapattinam since 1856 (Ramachandran 2005:\nxi-xii). Digging in the Vellippalayam and Nanayakkara streets\nin Nagapattinam unearthed 350 Buddhist bronzes.5\n350 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nThe recovery of the images helped to reconstruct the\nhistory of south Indian Buddhism. Due to maritime commerce\nbetween eastern India and the Malaya Peninsula, a colony of\nMalay Buddhists, primarily from Srivijaya, lived in\nNagapattinam during Chola times (871-1250). They built at\nleast two Buddhist shrines in the early eleventh century; the\n'Rajaraja-perum-palli' named after Rajaraja I and the 'Rajendra-\nCola-perum-palli' or 'Cola-perum-palli' after Rajendra Cola I,\nduring whose reigns these were respectively built. The smaller\nLeiden grant, dated in the twentieth year of the reign of\nKulottunga (1090 CE), recorded gifts to both shrines. The 350\nbronze Buddhist images, accidentally discovered at the\nRajaraja-perum-palli since 1856, were votive in nature.\nThe earliest discovery at Nagapattinam was an inscription\non the pedestal of a bronze image found in March 1856, along\nwith four other images, all of the Buddha, in a brick chamber.\nThe chamber had been carefully concealed more than three\nfeet below the roots of an old Mohwa tree, near an ancient\ntower called \"Puduveli-Gopuram\" or \"Chinese\" or \"Jain\nPagoda.\" The tree, 700-800 years old, was cut down by French\nJesuits for their construction work.\nThe careful manner in which the images were hidden in\nthe brick chamber, led their first chroniclers Foucaux and Sir\nWalter Elliot to conclude,\n...in view of some impending danger they were concealed\nmomentarily for protection but were clearly meant for being\nrestored for religious worship.\nAll the five images represented the Buddha; four were of\nbronze, the fifth a mixture of porcelain and clay and of\nexquisite workmanship (Ramachandran 2005: 16-25).6\nNEW TEMPLE BUILT FOR OLD ICON\nIn Singanallur, a hamlet near Coimbatore (Kongu country), is\na remarkable bronze of Trivikrama, dated by Dr. Nagaswamy\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA  351\n--- PAGE 194 ---\n\nto around the eighth century. It is the main image, the\nmulabhera, in a temple that is hardly two hundred years old.\nAccording to local tradition, the bronze was brought from\nthe other side of the river bank during a flood, and the modern\ntemple erected to house it. The village on the other side of the\nriver bank was Vellalur, where there is an ancient Vishnu\ntemple, now named Varadaraja temple. It is however,\nmentioned in inscriptions as 'Ulagalanda Perumal temple,' i.e.\ntemple of Trivikrama. Clearly the image of Trivikrama now\nin Singanallur originally belonged to the Vishnu temple of\nVellalur (Nagaswamy: Lalit Kala Number 25: 9-11).\nNEW IMAGES COMMISSIONED\nInscriptions at the Tiruvottiyur temple, located just outside\nMadras city, confirmed that in the year 1046, a set of 63 Shaiva\nsaints were in worship. The set presently consecrated dated\nto the sixteenth. As the original icons could not be retrieved,\nnew ones were commissioned as replacement (Dehejia 1990:\n123).\nTIRUVIDAIMARADUR TEMPLE\nInscriptions in the Tiruvidaimaradur temple listed a range of\nmetal images gifted by two queens of Rajaraja I, who were\nregular worshippers at the shrine. The images included a gold\nimage of the goddess, a gold hand (hasta) embellished with\njewels, many bronzes including dancing Shiva, goddesses,\nsaints Sambandar and Sundarar, and a variety of gold and\nsilver vessels. Though it was a Chola temple, presently\neverything in the temple was post-fifteenth century (Dehejia\n1990: 123). Which meant that the Chola images could not be\nrecovered, and new icons were instated in more settled times.\nOLD IMAGE RE-CONSECRATED\nAccording to an inscription in the Vishnu temple at Kannanur,\nten miles from Trichinopoly, the Vishnu image that had been\n352 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nconcealed during the Muhammadan invasions, was re-\nconsecrated and restored in the temple in the fifteenth century.\nThat confirmed an extensive practice of burying images in the\nTamil country in the medieval era. In the altered circumstance\nof the fifteenth century, temples that could not locate their\nhidden bronzes, commissioned new ones, as in the case of the\nTiruvottiyur and Tiruvidaimaradur temples (Dehejia 1990: 123-\n124).\nCHOLA BRONZES REACH DENMARK\nThe National Museum of Denmark has thirteen Chola bronzes\nthat were obtained by Peter Anker (1744-1832), when he served\nas governor of Tranquebar from 1788 to 1806. They were found\nburied along with objects for ceremonial use in 1799, during\nconstruction work in Tranquebar. Peter Anker believed that\nthe bronzes had been buried five hundred years ago, at the\ntime of the invasions of the Delhi Sultans, to save them from\ndestruction.\nThe local Brahmin priests permitted Peter Anker to keep\nthe bronzes. They felt that the sculptures had lost their power\nand religious purity. According to them, the only way the\nbronzes could regain their glory was if a new temple was\nconstructed befitting their sacred status. But as no Indian in\nthe region had the resources to construct such a temple, the\nBrahmins donated the bronzes to Peter Anker at a formal\nceremony. In return, Anker made an offering of rice to the\nnearby temple, and gave Brahmins betel nuts, leaves, and rice\nas a token of friendship.\nAnker took the collection back to Norway. In 1843, after\nhis death, the bronzes were purchased by the Ethnographical\nDepartment in the Royal Art Museum (1825-1865), and are\nnow in the National Museum of Denmark.\nFrom being objects of veneration in majestic temples, to\nbeing buried for centuries, to being transported to foreign\nshores, it had been quite a journey!\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA | 353\n--- PAGE 195 ---\n\nNOTES\n1. In a chapter titled Bhayaraksartham Niskrtih, the Marici Samhita\n(a Vaikhanasa Vaishnavite text) laid down the procedures for\nburying metal images in moments of calamity, and of restoring\nthem for worship in propitious times,\n\"When there is fear from robbers, enemies, invasion by the\nopponent kings, or disturbance in the village, in order to protect\nthe kautuka, snapana, utsava and balibera (images used in bali\nofferings, festivals, bathing ceremonies, etc.) the metal images,\nand that of the goddesses should be hidden\".\n\"In a secret and clean place, a pit should be dug. In it sand\nshould be spread. Over that, the kusa grass should be spread.\nThe Goddess of earth should be invoked; over this sanctified\nwater should be sprinkled, reciting the mantra, \"apo hi stha\"\nthe acarya, the worshipping priest, the yajamana along with\nthe devotees should enter the shrine, offer salutation to the\nGod, and obtain permission from the God, stating that \"Lord,\nso long as there is fear, till such time be you pleased to remain\nliving in this earth.\" Then the divine power from the metal\nimage should be transferred to the main deity. If there is no\nmain image it should be invoked in the heart (of the priest)\nuttering the mantra pra tad visnus tapate; the image should be\ncarefully placed in the pit in order, reciting the mantra\nYadvaisnava; the head (of the image) should be laid facing\neast. The pit should be closed either with sand or earth. The\nmouth of the pit should be closed tightly. Then one should\nenter the shrine again, salute the main image; a kurca made of\nkusa grass should be made, the divine power should be\ntransferred from the main image to the kurca and the same\nshould be worshipped. If more than one month passes, that\nkurca should be discarded, a new one made in its place and\nworshiped. If the conditions improve, the metal image should\nbe retrieved, cleaned with tamarind and punyaha rite should\nbe performed\" (Nagaswamy 1987: 3).\nThe rituals of burial were common, only the mantras to be\nrecited differed among various religious groups. No stone\nimage has been found buried for protection so far in south\nIndia.\n354 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\n2. The bronzes found at Tiruvenkadu included an imposing\nShiva as Vrishabhavahana, his arm placed on his bull (now\nmissing) produced for the temple in 1011, a year after the\nBrihadiswara temple was completed. This was one of the\nmasterpieces of Chola bronzes. The bronze Parvati that\naccompanied Shiva as Vrishabhavahana was added a year\nlater, in 1012. Equally striking was a group of figures\nportraying the marriage of Shiva and Parvati, now in the\nTanjore Art Gallery. The majestic bridegroom, with matted\nlocks piled high above his head in the shape of a crown, was\nportrayed taking Parvati's right hand in marriage. Next to her\nstood the goddess Lakshmi, gently guiding the bashful bride\ntowards the groom. On Shiva's side once stood Vishnu who\nwas believed to have solemnized the divine wedding. Another\nRajaraja bronze from the temple was the hunter-saint\nKanappan. Wearing a short garment wrapped around his\nwaist and clad in sandals, Kanappan held in one hand the\neyeball that he had plucked out as an offering to Shiva.\nSundarar and his wife Paravai were another set of bronzes\nfrom Tiruvenkadu in the characteristic style of Rajaraja\nbronzes (Dehejia 1990: 66-72).\n3. Dr. Nagaswamy re-counted that on receiving news of the\nEsalam finds he, with the Tahsildar, instantly left for the\nvillage,\n\"We were soon joined by the Deputy Superintendent of Police.\nOn seeing us, the entire village over 2000 people - both men\nand women - thronged to the temple. I had the privilege of\nexplaining to them a brief account of the copper plates, the\nhistory of the temple etc. The entire village as one man was\noverwhelmed with joy and in one voice wanted to arrange for\ntheir worship. We responded to their requests....\" (Nagaswamy\n1987: 7).\n4. Sembiyan Mahadevi was among the most remarkable queens\nof the tenth century in India. She married Gandaraditya, while\nhe was heir-apparent to the Chola throne. He died very young,\nand Sembiyan became a widow when hardly thirty. After the\nrule of other male family members, the throne finally passed\nto her son, Uttama Chola. Sembiyan lived to a ripe old age and\nRESURRECTION OF DEITIES IN SOUTH INDIA 355\n"}
+{"start_page": 196, "end_page": 198, "text": "--- PAGE 196 ---\n\nwas respected by all members of the family. She made a major\ncontribution to Chola art; her first inscribed temple donation\nwas in the year 941, when she was still crown princess. She\nbuilt temples and commissioned bronzes till her death in 1006.\nThe finest and largest Chola bronzes of the tenth century were\ncommissioned by her. The dancing Shiva was an innovation\nof the stone workers of this queen (Dehejia 1990: 1-4).\n5. The US Homeland Security sent Kirit Mankodi a photograph\nof a large seated Buddha in the Nagapattinam style, dated to\nthe eleventh century, which had been recovered from a\nprominent antique dealer of Indian origin, and was allegedly\nstolen from the site (Mankodi 2015: 202-203).\n6. In the Polonnaruwa complex in the North Central Province,\nSri Lanka, a big bronze image and several small ones were\nfound carefully placed inside a pot and buried. The finds\nindicated that while burying the images, a special puja was\nperformed, as charcoal used for incense was found in the pit.\nThe images were evidently buried with veneration, in the hope\nthat they would be regained when conditions improved.\nHowever, later generations lost track of them. Most of the\nbronzes found were acquired for the Museum, while some\nwere returned to the temple (Nagaswamy 1987: 2).\n356 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nI\n16\nUnanticipated Assault\nn a truly unforeseen situation, temples and deities remained\nvulnerable even in independent India. The threat of foreign\ninvaders and iconoclasts gave way to that of atheists,\nsceptics, rationalists, and unscrupulous idol smugglers. The\ndanger was particularly pronounced in Tamil Nadu, but no\nregion was immune to the new peril.\nELEVENTH CENTURY CHOLA TEMPLE DEMOLISHED\nA documented case of demolition in free India was of the\neleventh century Chola Naganathaswamy temple in Thanjavur\n(Pl. 56), that was pulled down in the name of renovation. The\nHindu Religions and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) Board,\nentrusted with the management of ancient temples, functioned\nmore as an agency of destruction than preservation (Pl. 57).\nThe temple was said to have been built for the coronation of\nRajendra Chola. Sculptures engraved on the temple walls\nshowed the king worshipping at the shrine, along with\nmembers of his family (Aravindan Neelakandan Swarajya 21-\n8-2017).\nUNANTICIPATED ASSAULT 357\n--- PAGE 197 ---\n\nAccording to epigraphist and historian, K.\nBalasubramanian, the temple had more than ten inscriptions\nof the Chola period. The people of the village, historians, and\narchaeologists pleaded with authorities for protection of the\nshrine, to no avail (The Hindu 16-5-2013).\nThe destruction of the cultural heritage seemed co-\nterminus with the advent of Dravidian parties. A report in\nIndia Today (31-5-1984) stated,\nDuring DMK rule in 1968, a part functionary in Thanjavur\nquietly converted some 20 acres of agricultural land\nbelonging to the Thirumangalakkudi Siva temple run by\nthe Thiruvavaduthurai mutt into house sites. The temple\ngot a mandatory injunction from the court to restore the\nland to agricultural use. But the decree was never executed\nbecause of political pressure on the mutt head. The housing\ncolony remains to this day. Earlier, in 1967, another powerful\ndistrict office-bearer of the DMK persuaded the\nThiruvavaduthurai mutt head to lease him almost an entire\nvillage in Pattukottai taluk owned by the mutt. This man\nregularly defaulted in his rent payments to the mutt, though\nhe was collecting high rents for the portions he subleased to\nothers. He lost control of the land only when the AIADMK\ncame to power in 1977 and the sublessees were made\nleaseholders.\nThat did not materially change the situation. The India\nToday story continued,\nThe AIADMK, in its turn, has used the infrastructure of HR\n& CE Department for its own political ends. Most temple\ntrustees are AIADMK members and many of the paid temple\nservants are also ruling party men (as cited by Aravindan\nNeelakandan in Swarajya 21-8-2017).\nAnd in December 2018, it was reported that the famous\nfour hundred year old Agastheewarar temple, in Chennai city\nhad been sold off by temple trustees in violation of all rules!\nMohanraj, a police officer examining the case, said the market\n358 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\nvalue of the temple land was Rs 1800 crores (The Pioneer 9-12-\n2018).\nEIGHT HUNDRED YEAR OLD SHIVA TEMPLE\nDEMOLISHED\nA Shiva temple built around eight hundred years ago by the\nKongu Cholas in Tholur village (Nammakkal district), under\ncontrol of the HR&CE department, was smashed to pieces\nwith the aid of a bulldozer. The Kongu Cholas were a branch\nof the Imperial Cholas and had ruled over the Kongu region\ncomprising Coimbatore, parts of Salem, and Nammakkal. The\ntemple was demolished though it was a living shrine, where\nprayers were offered daily (The Hindu 25-8-2016).\nUNESCO SURVEY\nA UNESCO survey in 2017 observed that officials of the\nHR&CE department had \"massacred\" ancient temples, and\nlooked the other way in the face of blatant violation of rules.\nThe result was large-scale encroachment of temple lands and\ndstruction of temples. An investigating team was stunned to\nfind a VIP guest house with a toilet in the compound of the Sri\nArunachaleswara temple in Tiruvannamalai (Times of India 12-\n8-2017). An arrack shop adorned the entrance of the\nSriranganatha temple.\nTEMPLES STARVED OF FUNDS\nNo less alarming was the manner in which richly endowed\nshrines were systematically stripped of their assets. At the\ntime of independence, the Brihadiswara temple at Tanjore\npossessed 157 acres of prime agricultural land that yielded\ntwo, and sometimes three crops. According to conservative\nestimates, each acre produced at least 100 quintals of paddy a\nyear. Under state government rules, tenants cultivating temple\nlands were required to give 25 per cent of their annual produce\nto the temple as rent. But the temple was often in dire straits,\nUNANTICIPATED ASSAULT 359\n--- PAGE 198 ---\n\nwith not enough rice even for the daily offering of naivedyam.\nAccording to lease agreements, the temple should receive 3,360\nquintals of paddy annually; it actually got 280 quintals. In\nNovember 1983, the temple gates once did not open in the\nmorning as there was nothing to offer the deity! The problem\nwas temporarily overcome, but remains. Tenants simply refuse\nto pay the rent.\nEighty-eight other temples in Thanjavur face a similar\npredicament. They get hardly anything from temple lands;\ntenants either pay paltry rents or default. A law enacted by\nthe AIADMK protects them from eviction. The\nRajagopalaswamy temple in Thanjavur was once a famous\nshrine. It receives almost nothing from its 75 acres of\nagricultural land, and is now not even properly lit and\nresembles a dungeon. The once resplendent Siddhi Vinayagar\ntemple, also in Thanjavur, is in ruins and kept locked, except\nfor a brief spell in the morning when a poorly paid priest\nperforms nominal puja. Bold letters on the temple dome declare\n\"Full DMK,\" connoting that the temple walls have been\nreserved for DMK slogans.\nThe HR&CE department controls 34,000 temples in Tamil\nNadu, which collectively own over five lakh acres of\nagricultural land. But the total annual income of these temples,\nincluding cash offerings, is a paltry Rs. 19 crore. That works\nout to Rs. 500 per temple per month (India Today 31-5-1984).\nIn 2018, the Madras High Court directed the HR&CE\ndepartment to furnish the \"whereabouts\" of 50,000 acres of\nprime temple lands that had mysteriously disappeared from\nthe records (The Pioneer 9-12-2018).\nGANESH STATUE SMASHED IN CHHATTISGARH\nThe problem extended beyond the Tamil region. In a\ndisturbing instance in Chhattisgarh's Bastar region, a thousand\nyear-old Ganesh statue of the time of the Nagvanshi dynasty\nwas destroyed by Maoists (Pl. 58). The statue was located\n360 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\natop Dholkal mountain at a height of 13,000 feet, and was\napparently pushed down. It was found broken into 56 pieces\n(DNA 28-1-2017). The image was painstakingly restored by\nvillagers and, with the help of the administration, fixed\npermanently on the mountain (Times of India 2-2-2017).\nSo many tragic happenings have not been recorded.\nGuruvayur, Puri, Srisailam, Kashi, Mathura, Siddhi Vinayak,\nand countless other shrines are all hostages to state\ngovernments, that pillage, plunder, sell icons, and destroy at\nwill. Over one lakh temples are directly or indirectly under\ngovernment control in the five southern states alone. Foxes in\nhenhouses! How can Government control temples in a secular\nstate, and to what end? To denude the country of its revered\nheritage that was safeguarded over stormy millennia?\nA petition filed by R. Venkatraman before the Madras\nHigh Court (Crl OP No. 8690 of 2017) alleged that officials of\nthe HR&CE department showed six images from Chola period\ntemples intact, when they were actually missing. Five of the\nicons belonged to the Sri Viswanathaswamy temple at\nKeelmanakudi and one to the Arulmigu Sri Idumbeswarar\ntemple.\nAnother case filed by E.G. Rajendran (Crl OP 12060 of\n2017) claimed that a senior police official, with two other police\npersonnel, came in possession of six icons when investigating\na case. Two of these were sold to a notorious smuggler in\nChennai, who in turn disposed them for an exorbitant sum.\nThough an FIR was registered against the police officers, no\naction was taken. They were in fact promoted.\nIn his order of 21st July 2017, Madras High Court judge,\nJustice R. Mahadevan castigated the HR&CE department for\nits appalling dereliction of duty. He noted that after being\nravaged for centuries \"... a new form of attack is carried out\nby smuggling the ancient idols. Foreigners and disbelievers\nsee the idols as antiques worth only ... in terms of money, but\nthe people of this country see them in the semblance of god,\nculture, and identity\" (R. Jagannathan Times Of India 27-8-2017).\nUNANTICIPATED ASSAULT 361\n"}
+{"start_page": 199, "end_page": 199, "text": "--- PAGE 199 ---\n\nThefts of rare objects is rampant all over the country. A\npriceless six and a half inches Buddha bronze of the Pala period\nwas filched, with thirteen other statues, from Nalanda. It was\nreturned to India fifty-seven years later, on the occasion of\nthe country's 71st independence day, due to the meticulous\nresearch of S. Vijay Kumar, co-founder of the India Pride\nProject. S. Vijay Kumar tracked the Buddha to a London dealer\nof Indian objects and was able to demonstrate that it was the\none stolen decades ago (Maria Thomas Quartz India 23-8-2018).\nThere has been large-scale pilferage from\nChandraketugarh, a 2,500 year old archaeological site near\nBidyadhari river, about 35 km north-east of Kolkata (Pl. 59).\nThe site had been excavated in 1909 by Rakhaldas Banerji, the\nfamous excavator of Mohenjodaro. Items stolen from\nChandraketugarh included a terracotta Yakshi, that was\noffered for sale at a prestigious art fair in Brussels in 2009.\nA pilfered seated marble Jina from Mount Abu, Rajasthan,\nwas put up for sale by a leading auction house abroad.\nAn image of Brahma and his Consort, and a Ganesh were\nstolen from the open air museum at Rani Ki Vav at Patan,\nGujarat in 2001. The Rani ki Vav, the \"Queen's Step-Well,\"\nwas built in the last decades of the eleventh century by queen\nUdayamati as a memorial to her husband, Bhimadeva I of the\nSolanki dynasty (Mankodi 2012: 3-4, 32-33). The eleventh\ncentury Brahma sculpture was eventually traced to a dealer\nin London. It was openly exhibited in the London art week in\n2006. There is no information on the whereabouts of the\nGanesh. The sites plunderedpast.in and poetryinstone.in are\nvigorously engaged in tracking stolen art.\nIdol smugglers brazenly stole from old abandoned temples.\nAll Chola bronzes in the Sri Brihadiswara temple in\nSripuranthan were removed by people affiliated to Sanjeevi\nAsokan, who sold them to notorious New York based antique\nsmuggler, Subhash Kapoor. Another target was the Varadaraja\nPerumal temple in Suthamalli. The temple was in a derelict\n362 FLIGHT OF DEITIES AND REBIRTH OF TEMPLES\ncondition and opened for worship every three-four months.\nIt was wiped clean of its bronzes. The theft was discovered in\nApril 2008, when the temple was unlocked for prayers. These\ncases were a mere drop in the ocean. Subhash Kapoor and his\nassociates plundered antiquities for decades. The Sri\nBalambika-Karkodeswar temple in Kamarasavalli village, an\nearly Chola shrine, was endowed with rare stone and bronze\nsculptures by Rajaraja Chola and his son, Rajendra. It too fell\nvictim to idol thieves (Kumar 2018: 18-23, 32).\nM. Selvaraj, of the Idol Wing set up by the Tamil Nadu\ngovernment in 1980, was instrumental in the recovery of the\nMaragatha Emerald Linga that had been stolen from the\nMaruntheeswarar temple in Thiruvarur district. However,\nseveral other missing emerald lingams in Tamil Nadu remain\nuntraceable (Kumar 2018: 57-58).\nIn 2005, the sixth century Sri Narambunatha Swamy temple\nwas robbed of all thirteen bronzes, which included a Nataraja\nand an image of Manickavasagar, the ninth-century Tamil poet-\nsain. Five of these were sent to Subhash Kapoor. Five years\nlater and some months before Kapoor's arrest, five of the\nbronzes were returned to Tamil Nadu by smugglers feeling\nthe heat of enforcement agencies (Kumar 2018: 93-98).\nComplicit in the largescale trafficking of Indian antiques\nwere art dealers, government officials, police, auction houses,\nand some prestigious museums abroad. Subhash Kapoor was\nfinally arrested by Interpol in 2011. A considerable amount of\ninformation on his nefarious deals had been collected by S.\nVijay Kumar and his dedicated team. At the time of Subhash\nKapoor's arrest, stolen Indian art worth a hundred million\ndollars was recovered from his warehouses and art galleries.\nCentral to his arrest were images of Shiva Nataraja and\nSivakami that had been stolen from the temple in Suthamalli.\nS. Vijay Kumar proved the theft by accessing rare archival\nimages with the French Institute at Pondicherry, that had\ncommenced documenting temple art in 1955. These showed\nUNANTICIPATED ASSAULT 363\n"}