Chaoxianzu

Chaoxianzu, also known as Korean-Chinese, is the Korean ethnic group in China with Chinese nationality, is one of the 56 recognized ethnic groups by the Government of People's Republic of China and the Chinese Communist Party and part of Koreans in China. They are descendants of Koreans who migrated to China primarily between the late 19th and mid-20th centuries and hold Chinese nationality. Their official name is Chaoxianzu in China. The term did not exist until after the 1910–1945 Japanese colonial period in Korea, and developed only around the 1940s to 1950s. The word Chaoxianzu first appeared in 1949, and officially became a meaning of the ethnic Korean minorities with Chinese nationality in 1953. Those of Korean not holding nationality from People’s Republic of China cannot legally be referred to as Chaoxianzu. Republic of Korea call them Compatriot with Chinese (PRC) nationality (Korean: 중국국적동포; Chinese:中国国籍同胞).
History and Population
Chaoxianzu's presence in China began intensively in the late 19th and early to mid-20th centuries. As of 2021, the Chinese government officially recognized a population of around 1.7 million Chaoxianzu globally. It is important to differentiate between Chaoxianzu and South Koreans who might have acquired Chinese nationality, which together may sum up to approximately 1.89 million.
Their total population of Chaoxianzu is 1,702,479 according to the 2021 Chinese government census. High levels of emigration to the Republic of Korea for better economic and financial opportunities have contributed to a decrease in their numbers in China. Conversely, it is estimated that 42% (Approximately 708,000) of this Korean Chinese population now resides in Korea, maintaining their Chinese nationality. They are called Jaehan Joseonjok (재한조선족) or Zaihan Chaoxianzu (在韩朝鲜族) (Chaoxianzu in Korea). Based on the data from the 7th population census conducted in 2020, it was observed that the population of the Chaoxianzu (Korean ethnic group in China with Chinese nationality) in Jilin Province has fallen below 1 million, indicating a trend of dispersion across China. Out of 1.7 million individuals, around 700,000 are economically active in South Korea.
However, the figures regarding the Chaoxianzu population can be somewhat imprecise. Some people who have direct Korean ancestry in China might not identify as Chaoxianzu due to various reasons, such as not needing the additional points for the Gaokao (Chinese college entrance examination) that are awarded to minority groups.
Based on the data from the "Chinese Ethnic Culture Resources," the Chaoxianzu population makes up about 0.14% of China's total population of 1.4 billion, ranking them 13th among the country's ethnic groups. The official Chinese government's census in 2010 reported their population as approximately 1.83 million, but due to reasons such as naturalization in South Korea, the number has been on a decline, estimated between 1.7 to 1.89 million as of 2023.
Regions of Residence
The majority of the Chaoxianzu population resides in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, which holds special significance as China's first ethnic minority autonomous region. There's also the Changbai Korean Autonomous County and various other regions in China with a lower population density of Chaoxianzu. Notably, around 700,000 Chaoxianzu, which constitutes over 41.2% of their total population, live or have established residency in South Korea. In fact, the number of Chaoxianzu in South Korea has surpassed those living in Yanbian. A significant number of Chinese descendants have now re-immigrated to Korea and are residing in their homeland for short and long-term stays. As of December 2019, the number of Chinese descendants residing in Korea amounted to 701,098, accounting for 27.8% of the total foreign population in Korea (2,524,656). This has made Chinese descendants the largest immigrant group in Korea.
The migration of Chaoxianzu to the United States began gradually in the 1980s when few Chaoxianzu students obtained relevant residency qualifications and started to move to the country. The migration gained momentum in the late 1990s, significantly increasing in scale to few hundreds. The modes of entry for these Chaoxianzu immigrants varied and included tourism or illegal entry through a third country, entrance for educational purposes, family reunification invitations by already settled immigrants, and a small number obtaining refugee status. Consequently, the population comprises Chaoxianzu who migrated through legal means and those residing in an undocumented status, making it impossible to ascertain the exact demographic statistics. Furthermore, as previously mentioned, the U.S. census racial and ethnic classification standards do not have a separate category for Chaoxianzu (Korean-Chinese), since they are officially part of Chinese in America, making it challenging to estimate their numbers accurately. In this scenario, according to estimates by Chaoxianzu network organizations and media outlets, approximately few thousands individuals are residing in the U.S. Besides, it's speculated that a considerable number of Chaoxianzu are dispersed across major U.S. urban areas, primarily centered around existing Koreatowns. The United States does not maintain an official record of the Chaoxianzu population within its borders. As per the Chinese and Korean governments, the Chaoxianzu populace in America is estimated to be under five thousand individuals, approximately 0.3% of the total Chaoxianzu population of 1.7 million. In accordance with the Immigration and Nationality Act, foreign nationals residing in the United States have their status within the country determined by their nationality. Consequently, individuals of Korean descent holding Chinese (PRC) nationality are identified as Chaoxianzu, while those holding South Korean nationality are identified as Korean. There exists no provision for a separate category for Chaoxianzu individuals who have acquired U.S. citizenship. Such individuals are necessitated to choose between identification as either Korean or Chinese.
The term "Korean Chinese American" is not recognized. When Chaoxianzu immigrants (ethnic Koreans from China with Chinese nationality) migrate to the United States and obtain residency or citizenship, they are mandated to establish their nominal identity in line with the prevailing racial categorization standards. The racial categorization system in the U.S., however, does not provide a distinct category for Chaoxianzu, thus placing them in a complex and ambiguous scenario where they must align their identity either as Korean or Chinese based on the extant classification framework. While they were categorized as Chaoxianzu (朝鲜族/조선족) in China, and as overseas Korean Chinese (중국국적동포) in Korea, their new settlement in the U.S. necessitates a reevaluation, compelling them to identify anew as either Korean or Chinese-Americans.
Origins and details about Chaoxianzu
The term "Chaoxianzu (朝鲜族/조선족)" is a relatively new term coined by the Chinese Communist Party during their ethnic identification efforts. Prior to this, the Kuomintang of China referred to settled Koreans in China as "Hanqiao(韩桥)," and the Qing Dynasty referred to them as "Hanmin(韩民)." The term "Chaoxianzu" first appeared in 1949~1953, specified in the "Regulations of the Reclamation Education Association." In essence, the Chaoxianzu have formed a significant part of China's ethnic tapestry, with deep roots going back to the mid-19th century, and have a history and culture that spans both Korea and China.
From 1958 to 1978, the identity of the Chaoxianzu (Koreans in China with Chinese nationality) was forced to be defined as a distinct Chinese group differentiated from the Korean ethnic group of the Korean Peninsula, thereby becoming a Chinese within the larger Han ethnic group. They were pressured to forsake any allegiance to countries other than China, and they couldn't even use the term "homeland" to refer to Korea. This phenomenon was especially pronounced during the early years of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), and any expression showcasing ethnic distinctiveness was prohibited. Particularly during the Class-Cleansing Movement (1968-1969), many Chaoxianzu were victimized due to ethnic issues. The ethnic culture also suffered significantly. The Yanbian Daily was renamed in Chinese characters and published under a new name, and higher education institutions like Yanbian University began instructing in Chinese rather than Korean.
However, everything changed based on the Cultural Revolution. The outflow of Koreans was unexpectedly hindered by China, a state of the Han majority. When the Cultural Revolution broke out in China, those trying to escape were branded as counter-revolutionaries. When Koreans tried to flee the Cultural Revolution for North Korea, they were accused of being North Korean spies and were imprisoned and sanctioned. Thus, the mass return of Koreans to North Korea ceased. Those who couldn't flee to North Korea remained in China and became today's Chaoxianzu.
The Cultural Revolution didn't just physically separate Koreans of the peninsula and the Chaoxianzu of the three provinces in Dongbei. It fundamentally altered the Chaoxianzu's mindset. The revolution destroyed records of their lineage, like family trees, and sought to reshape their minds. Before the revolution, Chaoxianzu knew their origins and would introduce themselves based on their ancestral hometowns. However, after their re-education, they began to identify as "Chaoxianzu, one of the minority ethnicities in China" and believed that "China is our homeland."
This reshaping was carried out under the leadership of Jiang Qing, one of the Gang of Four. Mao Yuanxin, dispatched by Jiang Qing, started suppressing the Chaoxianzu, leading to various persecutions, including destroying cultural items and records related to Korea and the Korean independence movement. Records of such persecution weren't allowed, but a Chaoxianzu photographer named Hwang Young-lim risked his life to document this period. His photos were compiled by a South Korean named Ryu Eun-kyu and published in a book titled "The Cultural Revolution in Yanbian - A Decade of Promises" in 2010.
Fortunately or unfortunately, after the Cultural Revolution, there hasn't been any challenge by the Chaoxianzu to the Han majority. The situation between North Koreans and Chaoxianzu has drastically changed since the 1990s. Nowadays, many Chaoxianzu migrate to South Korea, but they tend to regard themselves more as Chinese than Korean. In the 2000s, the most popular overseas destination for Chaoxianzu from China was South Korea. As of 2022, there were 700,000 Chaoxianzu residents in South Korea, who began migrating in the late 1980s.
After the 1950s, with the decline of the Chinese Communist Party’s Great Leap Forward campaign, the stature of the Korean-Chinese (known as the “Joseonjok” in Korean) community dramatically fell due to internal power struggles, and there were even purges against the demands for Korean-Chinese autonomous regions. As China began its reforms and opened up to the world in the 1970s, Korean-Chinese autonomous regions like Yanji experienced economic neglect. The core principle of these reforms was that “some regions will prosper first, and then lead the rest to prosperity.” The prospering regions mainly referred to the southeastern coastal areas, while areas in the northeast where the Korean-Chinese reside fell into the“rest.”
Although adjacent to North Korea, the region couldn’t benefit from North Korean economic growth, mainly because North Korea’s economy was in dire straits. Additionally, there were many restrictions on using North Korean ports like Rajin and Chongjin, and Russia’s Far East population wasn't significant enough to fuel industrial development. Nevertheless, the Korean-Chinese are one of the few ethnic minorities in China with a national homeland nearby, making their status relatively high. Particularly, South Korea’s economic affluence allows many Korean-Chinese to achieve a good economic position compared to other minorities, with many migrating to South Korea for economic activities.
Those Korean-Chinese who earn money in wealthier South Korea and return to China are considered affluent. However, some Korean-Chinese also work as domestic helpers in large Chinese cities, occasionally appearing on TV. In China, Korean-Chinese learn the Korean language (referred to as “Joseon language”) in their curriculum. They also take their college entrance exams, the Gaokao, translated into Korean, receiving additional points for their ethnic background. Yanbian University in Yanji represents the Korean-Chinese community and is the comprehensive university of this minority in China. According to China's minority preference policy, ethnic minority students take the Gaokao in their native language, allowing Korean-Chinese students to take exams in subjects like Math and History in Korean. Due to migration since the late 19th century, many have Chinese spouses, and many have Han Chinese relatives.
The current situation shows no signs of improvement, perpetuating the skewed industrial structure of Yanji and exacerbating the discord within the Korean-Chinese community. However, due to the significant number of workers earning money abroad, their income level remains relatively high. Still, the disparity between rich and poor is a concern. Among the Korean-Chinese (overseas Koreans in China with Chinese nationality), there are indeed those who participate in democracy movements like those in Tibet, Uighur, and Hong Kong, advocating for “Chinese democracy.” However, they are in the minority, and the perception of Korean-Chinese in South Korea is so negative that their efforts are not widely recognized. Primarily concentrated in Korean-Chinese autonomous regions like Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture and Changbai Korean Autonomous County, and scattered across Jilin, Liaoning, and Heilongjiang provinces, the Korean-Chinese population, also known as “Joseonjok”, has started moving to economically developed areas like Beijing and Shanghai on China' s eastern coast due to China’s industrialization and urbanization. Many have also migrated to South Korea. While sharing similar cultural roots and lineage with both South and North Korea, there are significant differences stemming from South Korea's Westernization, North Korea's isolationism, and the Sinicization of the Korean-Chinese. These differences have intensified due to China' s “Northeast Project” and the lack of attention from both North and South Korea towards the Korean-Chinese.
Even within the Korean-Chinese community, dialect differences in the Korean language (known as “Joseon language”) exist depending on their residential area in China, and regional sentiments among them are prevalent. They identify themselves as “Chinese”. Naturally, their sense of nationality and identity differs from that of Koreans. Born and raised in China, they hold Chinese citizenship, attend schools with Han Chinese, and are educated through a Chinese curriculum. This education instills in them a mindset and identity distinct from Koreans. For Koreans, there's typically no dilemma about their national and ethnic identity aligning. However, for the Korean-Chinese, these identities diverge from birth. They grow up as an ethnic minority in China, later becoming aware of their ancestral homeland. In a country like South Korea, where there's no perceived ethnic threat, one doesn’t experience discrimination or distinction based on ethnicity. However, for Korean-Chinese, their associated country is China, and as a minority group, their identity naturally varies from Koreans. The term “ethnic consciousness” holds different implications for Koreans and Korean-Chinese.
Growing up under China's authoritarian regime, they are educated as a minority. Expecting them to have a national consciousness identical to Koreans just because they speak Korean is unrealistic. While China is a multi-ethnic state, it doesn't encourage assimilation like the U.S. Instead, it fears that granting autonomy to minorities may lead to national fragmentation. Proclaiming pride in one’s ancestral homeland, like Korea, can label one a person of interest, possibly jeopardizing government or state-owned enterprise employment. Since China's proactive reforms in the 1990s, the Korean-Chinese have migrated from their autonomous regions and the northeastern provinces to inland and coastal areas, leading to a noticeable assimilation into the Han Chinese majority. Particularly, Korean-Chinese youth living in non-autonomous urban areas mostly remain unaware of the Korean language. Many Korean-Chinese parents, struggling with Mandarin and feeling marginalized in mainstream society, or associating with Korean companies, often discourage their children from using the Korean language.
References
Korean diaspora in China
Ethnic groups officially recognized by China
China–Korea relations
Immigration to China