Antonio López de Santa Anna

Antonio López de Santa Anna
Antonio de Padua María Severino López de Santa Anna y Pérez de Lebrón (21 February 1794 – 21 June 1876), usually known as Santa Anna or López de Santa Anna, was a Mexican soldier, politician, and caudillo who served as the 8th president of Mexico multiple times between 1833 and 1855. He also served as Vice President of Mexico from 1837 to 1839. He was a controversial and pivotal figure in Mexican politics during the 19th century, to the point that he has been called an "uncrowned monarch", and historians often refer to the three decades after Mexican independence as the "Age of Santa Anna".
López de Santa Anna was in charge of the garrison at Veracruz at the time Mexico won independence in 1821. He would go on to play a notable role in the fall of the First Mexican Empire, the fall of the First Mexican Republic, the promulgation of the Constitution of 1835, the establishment of the Centralist Republic of Mexico, the Texas Revolution, the Pastry War, the promulgation of the Constitution of 1843, and the Mexican–American War. He became well known in the United States due to his role in the Texas Revolution and in the Mexican–American War.
Throughout his political career, López de Santa Anna was known for switching sides in the recurring conflict between the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party. He managed to play a prominent role in both discarding the liberal Constitution of 1824 in 1835 and in restoring it in 1847. He came to power as a liberal twice in 1832 and in 1847 respectively, both times sharing power with the liberal statesman Valentín Gómez Farías, and both times López de Santa Anna overthrew Gómez Farías after switching sides to the conservatives. López de Santa Anna was also known for his ostentatious and dictatorial style of rule, making use of the military to dissolve Congress multiple times and referring to himself by the honorific title of His Most Serene Highness.
His intermittent periods of rule, which lasted from 1832 to 1853, witnessed the loss of Texas, a series of military failures during the Mexican–American War, and the ensuing Mexican Cession. His leadership in the war and his willingness to fight to the bitter end prolonged that conflict: "more than any other single person it was López de Santa Anna who denied Polk's dream of a short war." Even after the war was over, López de Santa Anna continued to alienate national territory to the Americans through the Gadsden Purchase in 1853.
After he was overthrown and exiled in 1855 through the liberal Plan of Ayutla, López de Santa Anna began to fade into the background in Mexican politics even as the nation entered the decisive period of the Reform War, the Second French Intervention in Mexico, and the establishment of the Second Mexican Empire. An elderly López de Santa Anna was allowed to return to the nation by President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada in 1874, and he died in relative obscurity in 1876.
Historians debate the exact number of his presidencies, as he would often share power and make use of puppet rulers; biographer Will Fowler gives the figure of six terms while the Texas State Historical Association claims five. López de Santa Anna's legacy has subsequently come to be viewed as profoundly negative, with historians and many Mexicans ranking him as "the principal inhabitant even today of Mexico's black pantheon of those who failed the nation". He is considered one of the most unpopular and controversial Mexican presidents of the 19th century.
Early life
Antonio de Padua María Severino López de Santa Anna y Pérez de Lebrón was born in Xalapa, Veracruz, Nueva España (New Spain), on 21 February 1794 into a respected Spanish family. He was named after his father, Licenciado Antonio López de Santa Anna y Pérez (born 1761), a university graduate and a lawyer; his mother was Manuela Pérez de Lebrón y Cortés (died 1814).
López de Santa Anna's family prospered in Veracruz, where the merchant class dominated politics. His paternal uncle, Ángel López de Santa Anna, was a public clerk (escribano) and became aggrieved when the town council of Veracruz prevented him from moving to Mexico City to advance his career. Since the late 18th-century Bourbon Reforms, the Spanish crown had favored peninsular-born Spaniards over American-born; young López de Santa Anna's family was affected by the growing disgruntlement of creoles whose upward mobility was thwarted.
López de Santa Anna's mother favored her son's choice of a military career, supporting his desire to join the Spanish Army, rather than be a shopkeeper as his father preferred. His mother's friendly relationship with the intendant (governor) of Veracruz secured López de Santa Anna's military appointment despite the fact that he was underage. His parents' marriage produced seven children, four sisters and two brothers, and López de Santa Anna was close to his sister Francisca and brother Manuel, who also joined the army.
Career
López de Santa Anna's origins on Mexico's eastern coast had important ramifications for his military career, as he had developed immunity from yellow fever, endemic to the region. The port of Veracruz and environs were known to be unhealthy for those not native to the region, so he had a personal strategic advantage against military officers from elsewhere. Being an officer in a time of war was a way that a provincial, middle-class man could vault from obscurity to a position of leadership. López de Santa Anna distinguished himself in battle, a path that led him to a national political career.
López de Santa Anna's provincial origins made him uncomfortable in the halls of power in Mexico City, which were dominated by cliques of elite men, and thus he frequently made retreats to his base in Veracruz. He cultivated contact with ordinary Mexican men and pursued entertainments such as cockfighting. Over his career, López de Santa Anna was a populist caudillo, a strongman wielding both military and political power, similar to others who emerged in the wake of Spanish American wars of independence.
War of Independence, 1810–1821
López de Santa Anna's early military career during the Mexican War of Independence, which entailed fighting the insurgency before switching sides against the crown, presaged his many shifts in allegiance during his later political career. In June 1810, the 16-year-old López de Santa Anna joined the Fijo de Veracruz infantry regiment. In September of that year, secular cleric Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla sparked a spontaneous mass uprising in the Bajío, Mexico's rich agricultural area. Although some creole elites had chafed as their upward mobility had been thwarted by the Bourbon Reforms, the Hidalgo Revolt saw most creoles favoring continued crown rule. In particular, López de Santa Anna's family "saw themselves as aligned to the peninsular elite, whom they served, and were in turn recognized as belonging".
Initially López de Santa Anna, like most creole military officers, fought for the crown against the mixed-raced insurgents for independence; his commanding officer was Colonel José Joaquín de Arredondo. In 1811 he was wounded in the left hand by an arrow while fighting in the town of Amoladeras, in the intendancy (administrative district) of San Luis Potosí. In 1813 he served in Texas against the Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition and at the Battle of Medina, in which he was cited for bravery. López de Santa Anna was promoted quickly; he became a second lieutenant in February 1812 and first lieutenant before the end of that year. During the initial rebellion, the young officer witnessed Arredondo's fierce counterinsurgency policy of mass executions. The early fighting against the rebels gave way to guerrilla warfare and a military stalemate.
When royalist officer Agustín de Iturbide switched sides in 1821 and allied with insurgent Vicente Guerrero, fighting for independence under the Plan of Iguala, López de Santa Anna also joined the fight for independence. Political developments in Spain, where liberals had ousted King Ferdinand VII and began implementing the Spanish liberal constitution of 1812, made many elites in Mexico reconsider their options.
Rebellion against the Mexican Empire of Iturbide, 1822–1823
Iturbide, now Emperor Augustin I, rewarded López de Santa Anna with the command of the vital port of Veracruz, the gateway from the Gulf of Mexico to the rest of the nation and site of a customs house. However, Iturbide subsequently removed López de Santa Anna from the post, prompting López de Santa Anna to rise in rebellion in December 1822 against Iturbide. He already had significant power in his home region of Veracruz, and "he was well along the path to becoming the regional caudillo." López de Santa Anna claimed in his Plan of Veracruz that he rebelled because Iturbide had dissolved the Constituent Congress. He also promised to support free trade with Spain, an important principle for his home region of Veracruz.
Although López de Santa Anna's initial rebellion was important, Iturbide had loyal military men who were able to hold their own against the rebels in Veracruz. However, former insurgent leaders Guerrero and Nicolás Bravo, who had supported Iturbide's Plan de Iguala, returned to their base in southern Mexico and raised a rebellion against Iturbide. The commander of imperial forces in Veracruz, who had fought against the rebels, changed sides and joined the rebels. The new coalition proclaimed the Plan of Casa Mata, which called for the end of the monarchy, restoration of the Constituent Congress, and creation of a republic and a federal system.
No longer the main player in the movement against Iturbide or the creation of new political arrangements, López de Santa Anna sought to regain his position as a leader and marched forces to Tampico, then to San Luis Potosí, proclaiming his role as the "protector of the federation". Representatives from San Luis Potosí and other north-central regions, such as Michoacán, Querétaro, and Guanajuato, met to decide their own position towards the federation. López de Santa Anna pledged his military forces to the protection of these key areas. "He attempted, in other words, to co-opt the movement, the first of many examples in his long career where he placed himself as the head of a generalized movement so it would become an instrument of his advancement."
López de Santa Anna and the early Mexican Republic
In May 1823, following Iturbide's abdication as emperor in March, López de Santa Anna was sent to command in Yucatán. At the time, Yucatán's capital of Mérida and the port city of Campeche were in conflict. Yucatán's closest trade partner was Cuba, a Spanish colony. López de Santa Anna took it upon himself to plan a landing force from Yucatán in Cuba, which he envisioned would result in Cuban colonists welcoming their "liberators", most especially himself. One thousand Mexicans were already on ships to sail to Cuba when word came that the Spanish were reinforcing their colony, so the invasion was called off.
Former insurgent general Guadalupe Victoria, a liberal federalist, became the first president of the Mexican republic in 1824, following the creation of the constitution of 1824. Victoria came to the presidency with little factional conflict, and served out his entire four-year term. However, the election of 1828 was quite different, with considerable political conflict in which López de Santa Anna became involved.
Even before the election, there was unrest in Mexico, with some conservatives affiliated with the Scottish Rite Freemasons plotting rebellion. The so-called Montaño rebellion in December 1827 called for the prohibition of secret societies, implicitly meaning liberal York Rite Freemasons, and the expulsion of U.S. diplomat Joel Roberts Poinsett, a promoter of federal republicanism. Although López de Santa Anna was believed to be a supporter of the Scottish Rite conservatives, and López de Santa Anna was himself a member of the Scottish Rite, in the Montaño rebellion he eventually threw his support to the liberals. In his home state of Veracruz, the governor had thrown his support to the rebels, and in the aftermath of the rebellion's failure, López de Santa Anna as vice-governor stepped into the governorship.
In the 1828 election, López de Santa Anna supported Guerrero, who was a candidate for the presidency. Another important liberal, Lorenzo de Zavala, also supported Guerrero. However, conservative Manuel Gómez Pedraza won the indirect elections for the presidency, with Guerrero coming in second. Even before all the votes had been counted, López de Santa Anna raised a rebellion and called for the nullification of the election results, as well for a new law expelling Spanish nationals who he believed to have been in league with the conservatives. The rebellion initially had few supporters, although southern Mexican leader Juan Álvarez soon López de Santa Anna, while Zavala, under threat of arrest by the conservative Senate, fled to the mountains and organized his own rebellion. Zavala brought the fighting into Mexico City, with his supporters seizing an armory, the Acordada. President-elect Gómez Pedraza resigned and soon after went into exile, clearing the way for Guerrero to assume office. López de Santa Anna gained prominence for his role in Gómez Pedraza's ouster, and was lauded as a defender of federalism and democracy.
In 1829, Spain made a final attempt to retake Mexico, invading Tampico with a force of 2,600 troops. López de Santa Anna marched against the Barradas Expedition with a much smaller force and defeated the Spaniards, many of whom were suffering from yellow fever. The defeat of the Spanish Army not only firmly established López de Santa Anna as a national hero but also consolidated the independence of the new Mexican republic. From this point forward, López de Santa Anna styled himself the "Victor of Tampico" and the "Savior of the Patria". His main act of self-promotion was to call himself the "Napoleon of the West".
Three months later, in December 1829, Vice-president Anastasio Bustamante, a conservative, mounted a successful coup d'etat against President Guerrero, who left Mexico City to lead a counter-rebellion in the south. Guerrero was captured and executed after a summary trial in 1831, which shocked the nation. In 1832, López de Santa Anna seized the customs revenues from Veracruz and declared himself in rebellion against Bustamante. The bloody conflict ended with López de Santa Anna forcing the resignation of Bustamante's cabinet, and an agreement was brokered for new elections in 1833.
"Absentee President", 1833–1835
López de Santa Anna was elected president on 1 April 1833, but while he desired the title, he was not interested in governing. According to Mexican historian Enrique Krauze, "It annoyed him and bored him, and perhaps frightened him." A biographer of López de Santa Anna describes his role during this period as the "absentee president". Vice-president Valentín Gómez Farías took over the responsibility of governing the nation while López de Santa Anna retired to Manga de Clavo, his hacienda in Veracruz. Gómez Farías was a moderate, but he had a radical liberal congress with which to contend, perhaps a reason that López de Santa Anna left executive power to him.
Mexico was faced with an empty treasury and an 11 million peso debt incurred by the Bustamante government. Gómez Farías could not cut back on the bloated expenditures on the army and sought other revenues. Taking a chapter out of the late Bourbon Reforms, he targeted the Roman Catholic Church. Anticlericalism was a tenet of Mexican liberalism, and the church had supported Bustamante's government, so targeting that institution was a logical move. Tithing (a 10% tax on agricultural production) was abolished as a legal obligation, and church property and finances were seized. The church's role in education was reduced and the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico closed. All this caused concern among Mexican conservatives.
Gómez Farías sought to extend these reforms to the frontier province of Alta California, promoting legislation to secularize the Franciscan missions there. In 1833 he organized the Híjar-Padrés colony to bolster non-mission civilian settlement, as well as defend the province against perceived Russian colonial ambitions from the trading post at Fort Ross. However, for liberal intellectual and Catholic priest José María Luis Mora, selling church property was the key to "transforming Mexico into a liberal, progressive nation of small landowners." Sale of nonessential church property would bring in much-needed revenue to the treasury. The army was also targeted for reform, since it was the largest single expenditure in the national budget. On López de Santa Anna's suggestion, the number of battalions was to be reduced as well as the number of generals and brigadiers.
The government soon issued a law, the Ley del Caso, which called for the arrest of 51 politicians, including Bustamante, for holding "unpatriotic" beliefs and their expulsion from the country. Gómez Farías claimed that López de Santa Anna was the driving force for the law, which evidence seems to support. With increasing resistance from the church as well as the army, the Plan of Cuernavaca was issued, likely orchestrated by former general and governor of the Federal District, José María Tornel. The plan called for repeal of the Ley del Caso; discouraged tolerance of the influence of Masonic lodges, where politics was pursued in secrecy; declared void the laws passed by Congress and the local legislatures in favor of the reforms; requested the protection of López de Santa Anna to fulfill the plan and recognize him as the only authority; removed from office deputies and officials who carried out enforcement of the reform laws and decrees; and provided military force to support Gómez Farías in implementing the plan.
As opinion turned against the reforms, López de Santa Anna was persuaded to return to the presidency and Gómez Farías resigned. This set the stage for conservatives to reshape Mexico's government from a federalist republic to a unitary central republic.
Central Republic, 1835
For conservatives, the liberal reform of Gómez Farías was radical and threatened the power of the elites. López de Santa Anna's actions in allowing this first reform (followed by a more sweeping one in 1855) might have been a test case for liberalism. At this point, López de Santa Anna was a liberal; by giving the moderate Gómez Farías responsibility for the reforms, he could have plausible deniability and closely monitor the reaction to a comprehensive attack on the special privileges of the army and the church, as well as confiscation of church wealth, enacted by Congress.
In May 1834, López de Santa Anna ordered the disarmament of the civic militia and urged Congress to abolish the controversial Ley del Caso. On 12 June he dissolved Congress and announced his decision to adopt the Plan of Cuernavaca, forming a new Catholic, centralist and conservative government. López de Santa Anna brokered a deal where, in exchange for preserving the privileges of the church and the army, the church promised a monthly donation to the government of 30,000–40,000 pesos. "The santanistas [supporters of López de Santa Anna] succeeded in achieving what the radicals had failed to do: forcing the Church to assist the republic's daily fiscal needs with its funds and properties."
On 4 January 1835, López de Santa Anna returned to his hacienda, placing Miguel Barragán as acting president. He soon replaced the 1824 constitution with the new document known as the "Siete Leyes" ("The Seven Laws"). López de Santa Anna did not involve himself with the conservative effort to replace the federalist constitution with a unitary central government, seemingly uneasy with their political path. "Although he has been blamed for the change to centralism, he was not actually present during any of the deliberations that led to the abolition of the federalist charter or the elaboration of the 1836 Constitution."
Several states openly rebelled against the changes, including Alta California, Nuevo México, Tabasco, Sonora, Coahuila y Tejas, San Luis Potosí, Querétaro, Durango, Guanajuato, Michoacán, Yucatán, Jalisco, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas, and Zacatecas. Several of these states formed their own governments: the Republic of the Rio Grande, the Republic of Yucatán, and the Republic of Texas. Their fierce resistance was possibly fueled by López de Santa Anna's reprisals committed against his defeated enemies. The New York Post editorialized that "had López de Santa Anna treated the vanquished with moderation and generosity, it would have been difficult if not impossible to awaken that general sympathy for the people of Texas which now impels so many adventurous and ardent spirits to throng to the aid of their brethren."
The Zacatecas militia, the largest and best supplied of the Mexican states, led by Francisco García Salinas, was well armed with .753 caliber British 'Brown Bess' muskets and Baker .61 rifles. But, after two hours of combat on 12 May 1835, López de Santa Anna's "Army of Operations" defeated the Zacatecan militia and took almost 3,000 prisoners. He allowed his army to loot Zacatecas City for forty-eight hours. After conquering Zacatecas, he planned to move on to Coahuila y Tejas to quell the rebellion there, which was being supported by settlers from the United States.
Texas Revolution 1835–1836
In 1835, López de Santa Anna repealed the Mexican constitution, which ultimately led to the beginning of the Texas Revolution. His reasoning for the repeal was that American settlers in Texas were not paying taxes or tariffs, claiming they were not recipients of any services provided by the Mexican government; as a result, new settlers were not allowed there. The new policy was a response to the U.S. attempts to purchase Texas from Mexico. Like other states discontented with the central government, the Texas Department of the Mexican state of Coahuila y Tejas rebelled in late 1835 and declared itself independent on 2 March 1836. The northeastern part of the state had been settled by numerous American immigrants. Moses Austin, the father of Stephen F. Austin, had his party accepted by Spanish authorities in exchange for defense against foreign threats. However, Mexico had declared independence from Spain before the elder Austin died.
López de Santa Anna marched north to bring Texas back under Mexican control by a brutal show of force. His expedition posed challenges of manpower, logistics, supply and strategy far beyond what he was prepared for, and it ended in disaster. To fund, organize and equip his army, López de Santa Anna relied, as he often did, on forcing wealthy men to provide loans. He recruited hastily, sweeping up many derelicts and ex-convicts, as well as Indians who could not understand Spanish commands.
Having expected tropical weather, López de Santa Anna's army suffered from the cold as well as shortages of traditional foods. Stretching a supply line far longer than ever before, he lacked horses, mules, cattle and wagons, and thus had too little food and feed. The medical facilities were minimal. Morale sank as soldiers realized there were not enough chaplains to properly bury their bodies. Regional Indians attacked military stragglers; water sources were polluted, and many men were sick. Because of his weak staff system, López de Santa Anna was oblivious to the challenges and was totally confident that a show of force and a few massacres would have the rebels begging for mercy.
López de Santa Anna's forces killed 189 Texan defenders at the Battle of the Alamo on 6 March 1836, and executed more than 342 Texan prisoners at the Goliad Massacre on 27 March 1836. However, his forces suffered unexpectedly heavy casualties. In an 1874 letter, López de Santa Anna asserted that killing the defenders of Alamo was his only option, stressing that Alamo garrison commander William B. Travis was to blame for the degree of violence during the battle. López de Santa Anna believed that Travis was disrespectful towards him, and had that not happened, he would have allowed Sam Houston to establish a dominant presence there.
The Mexican victory at the Alamo bought time for Houston and his Texas forces. During the siege, the Texian Navy had more time to plunder ports along the Gulf of Mexico, and the Texian Army gained more weapons and ammunition. Despite Houston's lack of ability to maintain strict control of the Texian Army, they completely routed López de Santa Anna's much larger army at the Battle of San Jacinto on 21 April 1836. The day after the battle, a small Texan force led by James Austin Sylvester captured López de Santa Anna, who had been found dressed in a dragoon private's uniform and hiding in a marsh.
Texas President David G. Burnet and López de Santa Anna signed the Treaties of Velasco stating that "in his official character as chief of the Mexican nation, he acknowledged the full, entire, and perfect Independence of the Republic of Texas." In exchange, Burnet and the Texas government guaranteed López de Santa Anna's safety and transport to Veracruz. Meanwhile, in Mexico City, a new government declared that López de Santa Anna was no longer president and that the Treaties were null and void. While López de Santa Anna was held captive in Texas, Poinsett offered a harsh assessment of his situation: "Say to General López de Santa Anna that when I remember how ardent an advocate he was of liberty ten years ago, I have no sympathy for him now, that he has gotten what he deserves." López de Santa Anna replied: "Say to Mr. Poinsett that it is very true that I threw up my cap for liberty with great ardor, and perfect sincerity, but very soon found the folly of it. A hundred years to come my people will not be fit for liberty. They do not know what it is, unenlightened as they are, and under the influence of Catholic clergy, a despotism is a proper government for them, but there is no reason why it should not be a wise and virtuous one."
Redemption, dictatorship, and exile
After some time in exile, and after meeting U.S. President Andrew Jackson in 1837, López de Santa Anna was allowed to return to Mexico. He was transported aboard the USS Pioneer to retire to his hacienda in Veracruz. There he wrote a manifesto in which he reflected on his experiences and decision-making in Texas.
In 1838, López de Santa Anna found a chance for redemption from the loss of Texas. After Mexico rejected demands for financial compensation for losses suffered by its citizens, France sent forces that landed in Veracruz in the Pastry War. The Mexican government gave López de Santa Anna control of the army and ordered him to defend the nation by any means necessary. López de Santa Anna engaged the French at Veracruz but was forced to retreat after a failed assault, sustaining injuries in his left leg and hand by cannon fire. His shattered ankle required amputation of much of his leg, which he ordered buried with full military honors. Despite Mexico's final capitulation to French demands, López de Santa Anna used his war service and visible sacrifice to the nation to re-enter Mexican politics.
Soon after, with Bustamante's presidency descending into chaos, supporters asked López de Santa Anna to take control of the provisional government. López de Santa Anna was made president for the fifth time, taking over a nation with an empty treasury. The war with France had weakened the country, and the people were discontented. Also, a rebel army led by Generals José de Urrea and José Antonio Mexía, was marching towards Mexico City in opposition to López de Santa Anna. Commanding the army, López de Santa Anna crushed the rebellion in Puebla.
López de Santa Anna ruled in a more dictatorial fashion than during his first administration. His government banned anti-Santanista newspapers and jailed dissidents to suppress opposition. In 1842, he directed a military expedition into Texas. The action inflicted numerous casualties with no political gain, but Texans began to be persuaded of the potential benefits of annexation by the more powerful U.S.
Following the 1842 elections, at which a new Congress was elected which opposed his rule, López de Santa Anna attempted to restore the treasury by raising taxes. Several Mexican states stopped dealing with the central government in response, and Yucatán and Laredo declared themselves independent republics. With resentment growing, López de Santa Anna stepped down and fled Mexico City in December 1844. The buried leg he left behind in the capital was dug up by a mob and dragged through the streets until nothing was left of it. Fearing for his life, López de Santa Anna tried to elude capture, but in January 1845 he was apprehended by a group of Native Americans near Xico. They turned him over to authorities, and he was imprisoned. López de Santa Anna's life was ultimately spared, but he was exiled to Cuba.
Mexican–American War, 1846–1848
In 1846, following American victories at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma in the Mexican-American War, President Mariano Paredes was removed from office, with the new government seeking to reinstate the constitution of 1824, with López de Santa Anna again assuming the presidency. López de Santa Anna, who had been in exile for only a year, returned to Mexico on 6 August 1846, two days after Paredes' ouster. He wrote to the new government stating he had no aspirations to the presidency but would eagerly use his military experience in the new conflict with the U.S.
U.S. President James K. Polk had hoped to acquire territory in the north by purchase or force, but the Mexican government was not willing to yield. In a gambit to change the dynamic, Polk sent agents to secretly meet with the exiled López de Santa Anna. They thought they had extracted a promise from him that they would lift a blockade of the Mexican coast to allow him to return and that he would broker a deal. Once back in Mexico at the head of an army, however, López de Santa Anna reneged on the deal and took up arms against the U.S. invasion.
With no path now for a quick resolution to the conflict in the north, Polk authorized an invasion to take Mexico City, redirecting the bulk of General Zachary Taylor's troops to General Winfield Scott's army. López de Santa Anna mobilized troops and artillery and rapidly marched north. His forces outnumbered Taylor's, but his troops were exhausted, ill-clothed, hungry and equipped with inferior weapons when the two armies clashed at the Battle of Buena Vista on 22–23 February 1847. Hard fighting over two days brought an inconclusive result, with López de Santa Anna withdrawing from the field of battle overnight just as complete victory was at hand, taking war trophies such as cannons and battle flags as evidence of his victory. With Scott's army landing at Veracruz, López de Santa Anna's home ground, he rapidly moved southward to engage with the invaders and protect the capital. For the Mexicans it would have been better if Scott could have been prevented from leaving the Gulf Coast, but they could not prevent Scott's march on Xalapa. López de Santa Anna set defenses at Cerro Gordo. U.S. forces outflanked him and against strong odds defeated his army.
With that battle, the way was clear for Scott's forces to advance further onto Mexico City. López de Santa Anna's aim was to protect the capital at all costs and waged defensive warfare, placing strong defenses on the most direct road into the city at El Peñon, which Scott then avoided. Battles at Contreras, Churubusco, and Molino del Rey were lost. At Contreras, Mexican General Gabriel Valencia, an old political and military rival of López de Santa Anna's, did not recognize his authority as supreme commander and disobeyed his orders as to where his troops should be placed. Valencia's Army of the North was routed. The Battle for Mexico City and the Battle of Chapultepec, like the others, were hard fought losses, and U.S. forces took the capital. "Despite his many faults as a tactician and his overbearing political ambition, López de López de Santa Anna was committed to fighting to the bitter end. His actions would prolong the war for at least a year, and more than any other single person it was López de López de Santa Anna who denied Polk's dream of a short war."
Perhaps López de Santa Anna's most personal and ignominious incident in the war was the capture during the Battle of Cerro Gordo of his prosthetic cork leg, which remains as a war trophy in the U.S. held by the Illinois State Military Museum but no longer on display. A second leg, a peg, was also captured by the 4th Illinois and was reportedly used by the soldiers as a baseball bat; it is displayed at the home of Illinois Governor Richard J. Oglesby (who served in the regiment) in Decatur. López de Santa Anna had a replacement leg made which is displayed at the Museo Nacional de Historia in Mexico City.
The prosthetic leg later played a role in international politics. As relations between the U.S. and Mexico warmed during the run-up to World War II, Illinois was rumored to be ready to return the prosthetic to Mexico and, in 1942, a bill was introduced in the state legislature. The Association of Limb Manufacturers wanted to be part of the repatriation ceremonies. The state passed a non-binding resolution to return the prosthetic, but the National Guard denied the transfer. As of 2016 the leg still resided in the Illinois State Military Museum in Springfield.
President for the last time, 1853–1855
Following Mexico's defeat in 1848, López de Santa Anna went into exile in Kingston, Jamaica. Two years later, he moved to Turbaco in New Granada (now Colombia). In April 1853, he was invited to return to Mexico by conservatives who had overthrown a weak liberal government, initiated under the Plan de Hospicio, drawn up by the clerics in the cathedral chapter of Guadalajara. Usually, revolts were fomented by military officers; this one was fomented by churchmen. López de Santa Anna was elected president on 17 March 1853. He honored his promises to the church, revoking a decree denying protection for the fulfillment of monastic vows, a reform promulgated twenty years earlier by Gómez Farías. The Jesuits, who had been expelled from Spanish realms by the crown in 1767, were allowed to return to Mexico ostensibly to educate poorer classes, and much of their property, which the crown had confiscated and sold, was restored to them.
Although he gave himself exalted titles, López de Santa Anna's situation was quite vulnerable. He declared himself dictator-for-life with the title "Most Serene Highness". His full title in this final period of power was "Hero [benemérito] of the nation, General of Division, Grand Master of the National and Distinguished Order of Guadalupe, Grand Cross of the Royal and Distinguished Spanish Order of Carlos III, and President of the Mexican Republic." The reality was that this administration was no more successful than his earlier ones, dependent on loans from moneylenders and support from conservative elites, the church, and the army.
A major miscalculation was López de Santa Anna's sale of territory to the U.S. in what became known as the Gadsden Purchase. La Mesilla, the land in northwest Mexico that the U.S. wanted, was much easier terrain for the building of a transcontinental railway in the U.S. The purchase money for the land was supposedly to go to Mexico's empty treasury. López de Santa Anna was unwilling to wait until the final transaction went through and the boundary line established, wanting access to the money immediately. He bargained with American bankers to get immediate cash, while they gained the right to the revenue when the sale closed. López de Santa Anna's short-sighted deal netted the Mexican government only $250,000 against credit of $650,000 going to the bankers. James Gadsden thought the amount was likely much higher. A group of liberals including Alvarez, Benito Juárez, and Ignacio Comonfort overthrew López de Santa Anna under the Plan of Ayutla, which called for his removal from office. He went into exile yet again in 1855.
Personal life
López de Santa Anna married twice, both times to wealthy young women. At neither wedding ceremony did he appear, legally empowering his future father-in-law to serve as a proxy at his first wedding and a friend at his second. One assessment of the two marriages is that they were arranged marriages of convenience, bringing considerable wealth to López de Santa Anna and that his lack of attendance at the ceremonies "appears to confirm that he was purely interested in the financial aspect on the alliance."
In 1825, López de Santa Anna married Inés García, the daughter of wealthy Spanish parents in Veracruz, and the couple had four children: María de Guadalupe, María del Carmen, Manuel, and Antonio López de Santa Anna y García. By 1825, López de Santa Anna had distinguished himself as a military man, joining the movement for independence. When Iturbide lost support, López de Santa Anna had been in the forefront of leaders seeking to oust him. Although his family was of modest means, López de Santa Anna was of good creole lineage; the García family may well have seen a match between their young daughter and the up-and-coming López de Santa Anna as advantageous. Inés' dowry allowed López de Santa Anna to purchase the first of his haciendas, Manga de Clavo, in Veracruz.
The first Spanish ambassador to Mexico and his wife, Fanny Calderón de la Barca, visited with Inés at Manga de Clavo, where they were well-received with a breakfast banquet. Calderón de la Barca observed that "After breakfast, the Señora having dispatched an officer for her cigar-case, which was gold with a diamond latch, offered me a cigar, which I having declined, she lighted her own, a little paper 'cigarette', and the gentlemen followed her good example."
Two months after the death of his wife Inés in 1844, the 50-year-old López de Santa Anna married 16-year-old María de Los Dolores de Tosta. The couple rarely lived together; de Tosta resided primarily in Mexico City, and López de Santa Anna's political and military activities took him around the country. They had no children, leading biographer Will Fowler to speculate that either the marriage was primarily platonic or de Tosta was infertile.
Several women claimed to have borne López de Santa Anna natural children. In his will, he acknowledged and made provisions for four: Paula, María de la Merced, Petra, and José López de Santa Anna. Biographers have identified three more: Pedro López de Santa Anna, and Ángel and Augustina Rosa López de Santa Anna.
Later years and death
From 1855 to 1874, López de Santa Anna lived in exile in Cuba, the United States, Colombia, and Saint Thomas. He had left Mexico because of his unpopularity with the Mexican people after his defeat in 1848. López de Santa Anna participated in gambling and businesses with the hopes that he would become rich. During his many years in exile, he was a passionate fan of the sport of cockfighting; he had many roosters that he entered into competitions and would have his roosters compete with cocks from all over the world.
In the 1850s, López de Santa Anna traveled to New York City with a shipment of chicle, which he intended to sell for use in buggy tires. He attempted but was unsuccessful in convincing U.S. wheel manufacturers that this substance could be more useful in tires than the materials they were originally using. Although he introduced chewing gum to the U.S., López de Santa Anna did not make any money from the product. Thomas Adams, the American assigned to aid López de Santa Anna while he was in the U.S., experimented with chicle in an attempt to use it as a substitute for rubber. He bought one ton of the substance from López de Santa Anna, but his experiments proved unsuccessful. Instead, Adams helped to found the chewing gum industry with a product that he called "chiclets".
In 1865, López de Santa Anna attempted to return to Mexico and offer his services during the French invasion, seeking once again to play the role as the country's defender and savior, only to be refused by Juárez. Later that year a schooner owned by Gilbert Thompson, son-in-law of Daniel Tompkins, brought López de Santa Anna to his home in Staten Island, where he tried to raise money for an army to return and take over Mexico City.
In 1874, López de Santa Anna took advantage of a general amnesty issued by President Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada and returned to Mexico, by then crippled and almost blind from cataracts. He died at his home in Mexico City on 21 June 1876 at age 82. López de Santa Anna was buried with full military honors in a glass coffin in Panteón del Tepeyac Cemetery.
Legacy
López de Santa Anna was highly controversial at the time and ever since. In the 2007 biography by Will Fowler, he was depicted as, "a liberal, a Republican, an army man, a hero, a revolutionary, a regional strongman, but never a politician. He presented himself as a mediator who was both anti-party and anti-politics in the decades when the new country of Mexico was wracked by factional infighting. He was always more willing to lead an army than to lead his country".
In popular culture
He is played by Rubén Padilla (Mexican actor, not to be confused with the eponymous American athlete) in the John Wayne film The Alamo.
Fox animated series King of the Hill season 2 episode 18 The Final Shinsult largely revolves around López de Santa Anna's prosthetic leg.
He is played by Emilio Echevarría in the 2004 film The Alamo.
He features in several 19th century British sea shanties, frequently as "santyanna".
He is played by J. Carrol Naish in the 1955 film The Last Command.
He is played by Olivier Martinez in the History Channel's miniseries Texas Rising (2015)
He is played by Raul Julia in a cast of TV and future stars such as Alec Baldwin in the movie "The Alamo:13 days to glory"(1987)
See also
History of democracy in Mexico
List of heads of state of Mexico
Notes
References
Sources
Further reading
Alemán, Jesse. "The Ethnic in the Canon; or, on Finding Santa Anna's" Wooden Leg"." MELUS 29.3/4 (2004): 165–182.
Anna, Timothy E. Forging Mexico, 1821–1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1998
Calcott, Wilfred H. Santa Anna: The Story of the Enigma Who Once Was Mexico. Hamden CT: Anchon, 1964.
Camnitzer, L. "The two versions of Santa Anna's leg and the ethics of public art." On art, artists, Latin America and other utopias (1995): 199–207.
Chartrand, Rene, and Younghusband, Bill. Santa Anna's Mexican Army 1821–48 (2004) excerpt and text search
Cole, David A. "The Early Career of Antonio López de Santa Anna," PhD dissertation. Christ Church, University of Oxford 1977.
Costeloe, Michael P. The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835–1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Anna. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1993.
Crawford, Ann F.; The Eagle: The Autobiography of Santa Anna; State House Press;
Díaz Díaz, Fernando. Caudillos y caciques: Antonio López de Santa Anna y Juan Álvarez. Mexico City: El Colegio de México 1972.
Flores Mena, Carmen. El general don Antonio López de Santa Anna (1810–1833). Mexico City: UNAM 1950.
; a favorable scholarly biography
Fowler, Will. Mexico in the Age of Proposals, 1821–1853 (1998)
Fowler, Will. Tornel and Santa Anna: The Writer and the Caudillo, Mexico, 1795–1853 (2000) excerpt and text search
Fowler, Will. "All the President's Women: The Wives of General Antonio López de Santa Anna in 19th century Mexico", Feminist Review, No. 79, Latin America: History, war, and independence (2005),
Fuentes Mares, José. Santa Anna: Aurora y ocaso de un comediante. Mexico City: Jus 1956.
González Pedrero, Enrique. País de un solo hombre: el México de Santa Anna. Volumen II. La sociedad de fuego cruzado 1829–1836. Fondo de Cultura Económica: Mexico City 2004.
Green, Stanley C. The Mexican Republic: The First Decade 1823–1832. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1987
Hardin, Stephen L., and McBride, Angus. The Alamo 1836: Santa Anna's Texas Campaign (2001) excerpt and text search
Jackson, Jack. "Santa Anna's 1836 Campaign: Was It Directed Toward Ethnic Cleansing?" Journal of South Texas (March 2002) 15#1 pp. 10–37; argues that it was
Jackson, Jack, and Wheat, John. Almonte's Texas, Texas State Historical Assoc.
Jones, Oakah L., Jr. Santa Anna. New York: Twayne Publishers 1968.
Knight, Alan. "The Several Legs of Santa Anna: A Saga of Secular Relics." Past & Present, Volume 206, Issue suppl_5, 2010, pp. 227–255, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtq019
Krauze, Enrique, Mexico: Biography of Power. New York: HarperCollins 1997.
, popular history
Mabry, Donald J., "Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna", 2 November 2008; essay by scholar
Muñoz, Rafael F. Santa Anna: El dictador resplandeciente. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica 1983.
Paquel, Leonardo. Antonio López de Santa Anna. Mexico City: Instituto de Mexicología 1990.
Roberts, Randy & Olson, James S., A Line in the Sand: The Alamo in Blood and Memory (2002)
Santoni, Pedro; Mexicans at Arms-Puro Federalist and the Politics of War TCU Press;
Scheina, Robert L. Santa Anna: A Curse Upon Mexico Washington, D.C.: Brassey's 2003. excerpt and text search
Trueba, Alfonso. Santa Anna. Mexico City: Jus 1958.
Valadés, José C. México, Santa Anna, y la guerra de Texas. Mexico City: Editorial Diana 1979.
Vázquez, Josefina Zoraida. Don Antonio López de Santa Anna: Mito y enigma. Mexico City: Condumex 1987.
Yañez, Agustín. Santa Anna: Espectro de una sociedad. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica 1993.
External links
Santa Anna Letters on the Portal to Texas History
Antonio López de Santa Anna in A Continent Divided: The U.S. – Mexico War, Center for Greater Southwestern Studies, the University of Texas at Arlington
The Handbook of Texas Online: Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna
Benson Latin American Collection – Antonio López de Santa Anna Collection
Sketch of Santa Anna from A pictorial history of Texas, from the earliest visits of European adventurers to A.D. 1879, hosted by the Portal to Texas History.
Archontology.org, Home » Nations » Mexico » Heads of State » LÓPEZ de SANTA ANNA, Antonio
Texas Prisoners in Mexico 3 August 1843 From Texas Tides
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