Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 42, No. 3, December 2004

Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming Systemof a Da Bac Tay Ethnic Minority Community in Vietnam’s
Northern Mountain Region

NGUYEN Thanh Lam ＊, Aran PATANOTHAI ＊＊, and A. Terry RAMBO ＊＊Abstract
Deforestation and land degradation associated with shifting cultivation have caused great concern about land-use sustainability of the northern uplands of Vietnam. Composite swiddening
is a traditional land-use system that appears to be relatively sustainable. The system practiced
by the Da Bac Tay ethnic minority in Tat hamlet in Da Bac district of Hoa Binh province is relatively diverse and flexible, and seems to hold considerable potential for intensification.
However, recent changes in agricultural and economic conditions in Vietnam have alsobrought about changes in the farming system. This study was undertaken to describe thechanges in the farming system in Tat hamlet over the past 15 years (1988–2003), and to identify factors influencing those changes.
At the beginning of the study period, households were essentially economically undifferentiated and all were engaged in traditional composite swiddening, mainly for subsistence.
Farming system differentiation began after the management of agricultural land was returned
to individual households by the cooperative. By the end of the study period, farming systems
of individual households had become more diversified, substantially differentiated, and oriented
more toward commercial production. In later years, the contribution of swiddening to household income decreased, while those of livestock, non-timber forest products (NTFPs), and offfarm activities increased. At the household level, there were great variations in the ways thatthe farming system changed. Important factors influencing these changes included population
increase, government policies on management of agriculture and forest land changes in themacro-economic environment, improved infrastructure and communication, improved accessto market, government development programs and services, changes in family structure andthe adaptive strategies of individual households, and environmental degradation. In particular,
the shortening of the fallow period and the consequent decline in soil fertility poses a serious
threat to long-term sustainability of the composite swidden system. Unless means are found to
rapidly regenerate soil fertility, swidden areas will continue to suffer degradation and theirproductivity will continuously decline.
Keywords : composite swiddening, farming system diversification, household dynamics, landuse changes, Vietnam’s northern mountain region―――――――――――――――――＊ Center for Agricultural Research and Environmental Studies, Hanoi Agricultural University, Gia
Lam, Vietnam, corresponding author’s e-mail: lamkku@yahoo.com＊＊ Department of Agronomy, Faculty of Agriculture, Khon Kaen University, Khon Kaen 40002,
Thailand. Their e-mail addresses are aran@kku.ac.th and rambo@kku.ac.th.
273

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

Introduction
Over the past 15 years, farming systems in the northern uplands of Vietnam have undergone
rapid changes resulting from institutional and policy reforms, development programs, population growth and establishment of new economic zones [Le Trong Cuc and Rambo 2001].
During this period, grain outputs have increased somewhat, although not sufficiently toensure local food security, and there has been a gradual shift toward commercialized production. However, deforestation, land degradation, and unsustainable land-use practices
have also been occurring in many parts of the mountains [Fox et al. 2000; Jamieson et al.
1998; Patanothai 1998; Rambo 1997]. These changes have caused great concern about landuse sustainability of the region.
Among the farming systems practiced in the northern uplands, composite swiddening
appears to be relatively sustainable. It is a unique type of farming system that integrates
both permanent wet rice fields and rotating swidden plots into a single household farming
system [Rambo 1998]. This type of land use has existed for centuries in the mountains ofnorthern Vietnam as well as in southwestern China [ibid.], Nan province in northern
Thailand [Kunstadter 1978], the Cordillera of the Philippines [Prill-Brett 1986] and Luang
Prabang province of the Lao PDR [Gillogly et al. 1990]. The composite swiddening system of
the Da Bac Tay ethnic minority in Tat hamlet in Da Bac district of Hoa Binh province innorthern Vietnam is composed of several components, including wet rice fields, home gardens, fishponds, livestock, tree plantations and rice and cash crop swiddens. The system isrelatively diverse, dynamic, and flexible, and seems to hold considerable potential for intensification [Rambo 1998]. However, recent changes in agricultural and economic conditions
have brought about changes in practices of composite swiddening in Tat hamlet. In the past,
all households adopted composite swiddening as a means to achieve food security. In recent
years, however, the households have begun to diversify their farming systems. Currently,
not all households in Tat hamlet practice composite swiddening, and for those who do, thecomponents are not exactly the same as those in the earlier days [ibid.]. In-depth understanding of these changes and their causes and consequences are needed to assess the sustainability of the system and its potential for intensification. This study was undertaken todescribe the changes in farming systems in Tat hamlet over the past 15 years, and to identify
factors influencing those changes.

Materials and Methods
The Study Site
This study was conducted in Tat hamlet of Tan Minh village, Da Bac district, Hoa Binhprovince in Vietnam’s northwestern mountains (latitude 20°N and longitude 105°E—Fig. 1).
This hamlet is inhabited by the Da Bac Tay ethnic minority group who have practiced com274

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

posite swiddening for at least the last century [ibid.]. In addition, a small number of Muong
and Kinh (lowland Vietnamese) households have recently settled in the community. The
hamlet is located in a winding narrow valley surrounded by steep mountains [Rambo andTran Duc Vien 2001]. The location of the hamlet is about 300 m above sea level at the valley
floor, with the peaks of surrounding hills and mountains reaching an elevation of 800 to 950
m. The climate is monsoon tropical with a dry season from October to January, followed by aperiod of little rainfall from February to April and a rainy season from late April to
September. The average air temperature over 20 years (1978–98) is 22.9°C, and the averageannual rainfall over the same period is 1,824 mm [Nguyen Van Dung et al. 2002]. The hamlet has a total natural land area of 743 ha, of which only 20% has a slope of less than 25
degrees, with only the narrow valley floor being flat enough for permanent settlement,roads, and paddy fields [Rambo and Tran Duc Vien 2001]. The surrounding mountains haveslopes of 30–60 degrees, and are occupied with active swidden fields, fallowed swiddens, andgrass, bush and secondary forest. Previously, fields were cropped for 4–5 years and left fallow for 7–10 years, but the length of rotation cycle has been shortened to 2–3 years of cropping and 4–5 years of fallow [Tran Duc Vien 1998]. The paddy area is only 8.4 ha (8.8% of22

agricultural land). Per capita area is only 169 m for paddy and 1,600 m for swidden in 1999
[Le Trong Cuc and Rambo 2001]. Annual household income is 209 US dollars. Population in
the hamlet has increased from 389 persons in 1993 to 476 persons in 2003, or by approximately 2.8% annually. Previous research in this village found that actively cultivated swidden
fields displayed strongly negative nutrient balances whereas the nutrient balance of the
paddy fields was slightly neutral or positive [Tran Duc Vien et al. 2004]. This indicates thatland degradation is occurring in the swiddens so that the long term sustainability of compos-

Fig. 1 Location of Tat Hamlet in Hoa Binh Province ofNorthern Vietnam275

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

ite swiddening is in question.
Methods
This study is based on analysis of secondary data collected in previous surveys of households in Tat hamlet, followed by collection of additional household data using a semi-structured interview and a formal questionnaire. Secondary data from Rambo [1998] and Tran
Duc Vien and Rambo [2001] were used to describe the farming system in Tat hamlet in the
mid-1990s. Data collected in 1998–99 by the Center for Agricultural Research and Environmental
Studies (CARES) on 42 randomly selected households (out of 95 households) in Tat hamlet
were used to characterize farming systems at the end of the 1990s. These data included agricultural and non-agricultural activities, household income and expenditure, debt, farm sizeand composition, tenure, production of all commodities, and age and sex of all household
members. Finally, additional surveys were done by the authors in 2003 on these same
households to collect additional data, initially by a semi-structured interview, followed by aformal survey with a questionnaire.

Results
Before the cooperative period from the nineteenth century until the mid-1950s, there were
only a few households in the hamlet, all of whom engaged in traditional composite swiddening [Rambo and Tran Duc Vien 2001]. During the cooperative time, composite swiddening
continued, but farming was managed by the cooperative with households contributing labor
and receiving payment according to number of work points they accumulated. Thus, there
was little economic differentiation among households. The household management periodbegan in the mid-1980s following the issuance of Directive 100, which returned control overagricultural production to the individual households. The land, though still belonging to thegovernment, was allocated to individual households with long-term use and inheritancerights. It was during this period that households in Tat hamlet began to become differentiated,
and their farming systems also gradually changed. This study examined these changes during the period from 1988, which is the early stage of the household management period, to
2003, when the final field surveys were conducted.
Changes in Farming Systems and Other Conditions at the Village Level from 1988 to 2003
To facilitate the identification of changes in Tat hamlet, the period 1988–2003 was divided
into three stages: Stage 1 covers the years 1988–94, Stage 2 from 1995–99 and Stage 3 from2000–03. Table 1 shows major characteristics of Tat hamlet and its farming systems in eachof the stages.

276

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

Stage 1—The Early Stage (1988–94)
Toward the end of this stage in 1993, when the first statistics were collected, Tat hamlet had
2

a population of 389 people with a population density of 52 persons per km . It had 69 households, all of which were Da Bac Tay except for 3 Muong households that had recently
migrated from the area flooded by the Hoa Binh reservoir.
At that time Tat hamlet was quite remote and inaccessible and had a very poor infrastructure. The road connecting it to the district capital was a dirt track that was only passable to jeeps in the rainy season. Bus transportation was not available, and only a few logging trucks passed through the hamlet at irregular intervals. There were only two small
shops in the hamlet selling food stuffs, clothes, and few agricultural tools. People traveled to
the nearest district market, 15 km away, on foot or more rarely by motorcycle. Only few
houses had a mini-hydropower electric generator of their own.
The farming system in Tat hamlet at the beginning of Stage 1 was traditional subsistence-oriented composite swiddening. Farming system differentiation began when the paddies and agricultural tools of the cooperative were divided among the individual households
as per the Resolution 10-NQ/TW (April 4, 1988) on renewal of household responsibility inagricultural management. The hamlet headman recalled that the cooperative lands were2
divided among individual households based on family size at a rate of 350 m per person.

Land use at that time was governed by two systems. Agricultural lands were managed under
the customary system in which land uses were governed by local social organizations andtraditional norms. On forest lands, however, laws to protect the forest were in principle
enforced by state and village administrative authorities, although in practice, local farmers
could still freely exploit forest land to construct new paddy fields and clear swiddens. Many
households converted some upland areas at the foot of the hill slopes into paddy fields. One22

farmer recalled that his family constructed 1,500 m of paddy in addition to the 1,350 m theyreceived from the cooperative. Average paddy area per household at that time was only2

1,400 m with a yield of 2.5 tons per ha per crop, giving each family only 650 kg of unhusked
paddy rice annually [Rambo 1998].
Besides constructing new paddies, the area of other components of the composite swiddening system also expanded quickly in the hamlet. An old farmer recalled that each household normally planted a rice swidden with an area equivalent to 1.2 to 2 ha, and harvested
600 kg to 1.5 tons of unhusked rice. The survey in 1993 showed that 9 randomly selected2households had total swidden areas of from 6,500 to 23,400 m , of which rice swiddens had
2

an average area of 10,000 m per household, followed by cassava occupying areas of 2,000 to2

10,000 m . The average yield of the rice swiddens was 0.59 ton per ha [ibid.].
Home gardens and fishponds during this stage were mainly used for home consumption. About half of the households had mixed home gardens with native fruit and vegetable2
species with areas from 100 to 400 m [ibid.]. Most households had small fishponds of 100
22

m , and only a few households had large fishponds of 700–2,000 m . Several carp species andtilapia were commonly raised with grass and cassava leaves.
277

東南アジア研究 42巻３号
Table 1 Major Characteristics of Tat Hamlet and Its Farming Systems in 1988–94, 1995–99 and 2000–03
Category
Demography
Population (persons)No. of households
2
Density (persons/ km )Migration
PolicyForest land use

Agriculture

Transportation
Road condition
Bus to Hanoi
Trucks passing
Travel to market
Electricity

MarketingVillage shop

1)

Stage 1(1988–94)

Stage 2
(1995–99)

Stage 3
(2000–03)

389 (1993)
69 (1994)052 (0000)
3 hhs moved in

432 (1998)
91 (1998)058 (0000)
2 hhs moved out

476 (2003)
107 (2003)
064 (0000)

Controlled by government and the local
authorities

Land allocation tohouseholds by 327
program

Allocation of paddy
land to households
Development assistance provided bynational Programon Fixed Cultivation1)and Sedentarization,
Agricultural taxes

Extension program forpaddy, no state
credit, agricultural
taxes

Rough dry season dirt
road
None

Improved all season
gravel road
One trip in every twodays from 1997
Daily
Bus, motorcycle
Mini-hydropower electric generators commonly used

Hard surface road

5–6 private shops,
early stage of marketing network
Cash crops especiallyginger; high priceof ginger in theearly stage and thendropped abruptly
Timber and NTFPs

15 private shops, welldeveloped marketing network
A broad range of cash
crops; crop prices
gradually decreased

＊

0.4

0.4

95%

60%

53%

0

21%

28%

5%
0

17%
2%

17%
2%

Few each week
Walking, motorcycle
Few mini-hydropowerelectric generators

Only 1–2 shops belong
to the cooperative

Agricultural products

Small amounts of cassava and maize

Forest products
Ratio of cash/ total inkind income
Household types
Composite with riceswidden
Modified composite
without rice swidden
Swidden only
No agricultural land

TimberCuc Dinh Canh Dinh Cu
n.a. = not available

＊

278

n.a.

None
Land allocation tohouseholds by 01
and 02 decrees
NQ/TW
Extension programs,
credits for cattle
and fish raising, noagricultural taxes

Several trips daily
Several per day
Bus, motorcycle
National electricity
service installed in
2001

NTFPs

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System
Table 1—Continued
Category
Paddy
2Area/hh(m )Yield (ton/ha/crop)
Chem. Fertilizer
Rice varieties

SwiddenTotal swidden
area/hh (m2)2
Rice swidden (m /hh)
Yield (ton/ha/crop)% households planting
2
Cassava (m /hh)
% households planting
Maize (m2/hh)% households planting
Varieties
2
Canna (m /hh)
% households planting
Ginger (m2/hh)% households planting
Varieties
ForestNatural forest

Tree plantation

Fallow
Fallow length (yr)Fallow vegetation

GardenArea/hh (m2)% households
Varieties＊

Stage 1(1988–94)

Stage 2
(1995–99)

Stage 3
(2000–03)

770–1,750
2.5
Rarely used
Local and a few
improved varieties

300–2,770
3.2
Commonly used
Mostly improved varieties (CR203, C70,Q5)

200–2,770
3.8
Increasingly used
Entirely improved or
new hybrid varieties

12,500

8,800

6,400

10,0000.59
100
2,000–10,000
100
＊
n.a.
100
Local
＊
n.a.
n.a.＊
n.a.＊
Few hh

5,550
0.60
77
2,000–5,000
100
100–3,500
75
Improved and local
1,180
80
475
100 (1995–96) but
reduce to 35 (1998)
High yielding

3,310
0.43
70
1,000–2,00097.5
300–6,000
58
Hybrid500–5,000
75
624
12.5

Local

High yielding

Scattered patches ofdegraded primary
forest, extensive
area of dense secondary forest
Palm, Melia
azedarach, Styrax
tonkinensis

Secondary forest
abundant

No forest with big
trees; grass, bamboo, bushes abundant

Eucalyptus, Acacia,
bambooHigh value bamboo on
allocated land, supported by government

5–8
Small trees, bush andbamboo4–5Bush, bamboo, tall
grass, imperata

3–5
Bamboo, tall grass,
imperata and bush;pressure on grazing
land (conflict)

100–400
55.6
Local varieties withlow economic value

100–400
57.5
New fruit varieties inseveral households

100–400
57.5
Mango, litchi, longan,persimmon in several households

n.a. = not available279

東南アジア研究 42巻３号
Table 1—Continued
Stage 1(1988–94)

Category
Fishpond
2
Area/hh (m )% households
PurposeFish species
Livestock
No. of buffalo andcattle (heads/hh)
Ratio of buffalo tocattlePigs (no./hh)% houses having cattle or buffalo
Breeds of cattle andpigs

Stage 2
(1995–99)

Stage 3
(2000–03)
50–2,000
62.5Home consumption
and sale, moreinvestment (credit)
Old and hybrid

50–2,000
78.8Home consumption

50–2,000
62.5Home consumption

Carps, tilapia

Carps, tilapia

1

2

2.5

1:1

0.83 : 1

0.54 : 1

1
90

1
73

0.5
63

Local and improved
varieties

Improved varieties inmajority

Local

Livestock raising was still based on traditional practices with free grazing and native
breeds. The numbers of buffalo and cattle were about equal, although the value of buffalo
was higher than cattle because buffalo could be used for both land preparation and logging.
Native pigs freely roamed around the houses, and their feed supply was inadequate. The
number of poultry varied among households and only few chickens survived periodic disease epidemics. No veterinary service was available in this period.
Dense patches of degraded primary forest and large areas of secondary forest were stillobserved on the mountain slopes surrounding the hamlet. Cash income from forest products
was mostly from timber, and more rarely from hunting and collection of non-timber forest
products (bamboo shoots and broom grass). However, the government had implemented
several fixed cultivation and sedentarization programs to encourage abandonment of swiddening. As a result, more than half of the households had converted up to 2.5 ha of theirswidden areas to tree gardens of palm, tea, Melia azedarach, and Styrax tonkinensis forhousehold and commercial purposes.
Stage 2—The Middle Stage (1995–99)
By 1998, the number of households had increased to 91 with a population of 432 persons (582persons per km ). Two households, however, left the hamlet to settle in a new economic
zone established by the government.
During Stage 2, the infrastructure of the hamlet improved significantly. The road connecting the hamlet to the district town was upgraded into an all weather gravel surfaced
road. The number of local private shops increased to 5, but the supply of commercial goods
was still limited. A canna root processing plant was built at the center of the village, and sev280

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming Systemeral households had their own rice mills. In 1997, the hamlet bus station was opened with abus service to Hanoi once in every two days. Access to information of the local people wasalso improved, both from training for agricultural technology transfer and from radio andtelevision.
To prevent further forest degradation, the government launched the 327 program during this period. Under this program, forest land was allocated to individual households tolook after, and each household annually received 47,000 VND per ha in return. Clearing ofswiddens was forbidden on this land [Rambo and Tran Duc Vien 2001]. The hamlet authorities delimited some relatively small areas of forest land where swiddening and grazing werepermitted. These measures restricted the area available for swiddening, making the longrotation cycle no longer possible. Consequently, the fallow period was reduced to 4–5 years.
Variation in paddy areas among households became more pronounced as many households gained more paddy land from opening up new fields, while others had to share paddies with their children when they married and established independent households. During
2

Stage 2, the paddy area per household ranged from 300 to 2,770 m . Productivity, however,increased to 3 tons per ha per crop with the use of new rice varieties and chemical fertilizers
in addition to compost, green manure, and ashes.
Swidden cultivation began to shift from purely subsistence to semi-subsistence. The rice2

swidden area per household gradually declined to 5,550 m , while swidden areas for canna
and ginger, which were new cash crops, increased. The average yield of the rice swiddens
was 0.6 ton per ha per crop. At the beginning of this stage, ginger price was high and allhouseholds planted the crop. The price of ginger dropped drastically in later years and thenumber of households planting ginger declined to 35% in 1998. All households still planted
cassava, but only part was sold while a part was used by them for animal feed. The area ofmaize declined to some extent, as did the percentage of households planting maize, but newvarieties were increasingly used.
Due to the scarcity of cultivated land nearby the settlement, 5 households moved theirhouses to establish new farmsteads in the largest swidden area 2 km away from the residential area of the hamlet. There they engaged in typical composite swiddening with paddy
fields in the bottom land and swidden fields on the surrounding hillsides. One owner said
that the reasons he opened the new farm were that he could take better care of paddy andswidden crops, and could secure land ownership for his descendants.
Although the areas of home gardens and fishponds in Tat hamlet during Stage 2
remained the same as in Stage 1, their management was intensified. New fruit species suchas longan, litchi, plum and persimmon were planted in the gardens. Several households had
2small vegetable (mustard and onion) gardens of 20–100 m protected by bamboo fences.

Fishponds were dug deeper and fish were raised at a higher density with additional feed provided. However, most of the products from gardens and fishponds were still used only forhome consumption.
The number of livestock in Stage 2 also remained more or less the same as in Stage 1,281

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

but there were changes in species composition and breeds. The ratio of buffalo to cattle
declined to 0.83 : 1 as the use of buffalo for logging was diminishing due to forest degradation and its allocation to individual households to protect. Several households had 2 or 3
large animals, and one had 8 large animals. Hybrid pigs were introduced to Tat hamlet withnew production practices recommended by extension officers. About 8–10 chickens or otherpoultry were commonly observed in a household. During this stage, the village veterinary
service was being established and each hamlet had a quota to send one local farmer for veterinary training. However, the service facilities were rather poor, and, as one informant
recalled, animal diseases could still easily spread throughout the whole hamlet.
During this stage, the market-oriented economy began to have a significant impact on
the households of Tat hamlet. Firstly, the farmers had experienced drastic drops of cash
crop prices, first in ginger, followed by cassava and canna. Secondly, non-timber forest products and fallow vegetation became a major source of cash income of the households. As aconsequence, people spent more time collecting forest products so that their swidden areas
gradually declined. Moreover, after 3–4 years of improved gardening, several households
faced a risk on their long-term investment. For instance, the price of apricots dropped drastically from 2,000 VND per kg when the trees were planted to 200 VND per kg when the trees
started to produce fruits. Farmers responded to this by cutting down their fruit trees or leaving them unattended. Several households turned to doing business as an alternative sourceof extra income.
Reallocation of the household labor force was also observed in this period. In the past,family labor was freely expended in the rice and cassava swiddens. But in this period, a partof labor force of both men and women was engaging in business and off-farm activities, so
that, the amounts of labor spent on swidden cultivation substantially decreased. Most
women took care of cash crops, rice transplanting, raising pigs and collecting medicinal
plants and bamboo shoots in the forest and broom grass in fallow fields. Men took care ofland preparation for swidden and paddies, logging, and collecting bamboo. Cattle and buffalo
were tended by children and elderly people when they got back home from their swiddens.
Stage 3—The Late Stage (2000–03)
The population of Tat hamlet kept on increasing with the number of households rising to2

107 and the population to 476 (64 persons km ) in 2003. The infrastructure was further
improved with significant contributions from the 135 program. The road was paved, and several trucks passed through the hamlet each day. The bus service to Hanoi and Hoa Binhwith 4 routes also operated on a daily basis. The number of shops in the hamlet increased to15, with more variety of merchandise. The national electricity service was also extended tomost households in Tat hamlet.
By the beginning of this stage, the supply of land that could be made into new paddies
had been nearly exhausted. Only few households were able to construct small paddy areas
2of 200–300 m . However, the yield of paddy rice increased to 3–4 tons per ha per crop with282

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

the use of hybrid rice and improved practices recommended by the extension workers.
Pressure on swidden land became critical so that a few households even cut down small
areas of their allocated forest to plant swidden rice without permission from the districtauthorities. These households suffered from food shortage and could not find suitable land
for rice growing in the restricted area designated by the authorities for swiddening.
Recognizing the seriousness of this problem, the district authorities then allowed the villagers to implement an agroforestry model in their forest land in which upland rice wasintercropped with bamboo (Dendrocalamus mebranaceus). Farmers were supported by theextension of bamboo seedlings and fertilizers.
Total swidden area also greatly declined with the rice swidden area per household2

decreasing to 1,000–5,000 m . The yield of rice swidden decreased to 0.43 ton per ha, largely
because of increased damage by rats and insects. The market greatly influenced the kinds ofcash crops planted. Although most households still planted cassava, the area per household2
decreased to 1,000–2,000 m as it was mainly used for livestock. A few farmers still planted

ginger around their houses to maintain the stock. Local varieties of maize were replaced by
2high yielding hybrid varieties with the area per household ranging from 300–6,000 m .
2Canna area generally increased with the area per household ranging from 500–5,000 m .
However, none of the households grew only a single crop in a large area. Apparently, farmers had used crop diversification as a strategy to cope with price fluctuation.
Home gardens continued to be developed with more planting of several new fruit
species. However, these were generally cared for by the elderly people. The younger generation paid little attention to their home gardens due to lack of time.
A new credit program for cattle raising was initiated. According to the hamlet headman,
30 households obtained this credit. After three years (1999–2001), the number of cattle had
doubled and several households had raised the size of their herds to 20 heads. The proportion of buffalo to cattle further declined to 0.5 : 1.
Credit was also provided by the government to improve fish rearing. Eight households
that had sufficiently large fishponds received loans of 1,000,000 VND each, and were trainedin fish raising practices. Among them, five were successful, but three lost all of their fish
because of disease.
Poultry and pig raising had shifted more toward commercial purposes. Two households
had raised 50–300 chickens in one year, then had to quit because of diseases. Integration ofcrops, livestock and fish was also implemented by local people. For instance, a number ofhouseholds raised ducks in their fishponds and also released them in paddy fields after rice
harvesting. In additions, pig stables were built on fishpond bunds, directly supplying
manure to the fish.
Changes in the Farming Systems at the Household Level from 1988 to 2003
At the beginning of Stage 1 in 1988, all households in Tat hamlet presumably practiced traditional composite swiddening (except for 3 Muong families, who had recently migrated from283

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

the site of Hoa Binh dam to live at the end of the village. These households had no paddy
because they were outsiders so were not allocated paddy land from the former cooperative,
thus, could not practice the system). Farming system differentiation began at the time when
the households were allocated land, and continued after that. As data from the same 42
households were available for 1998–99 and 2003, we were able to examine the changes that
occurred between these two points.
Household Farming Systems in 1998–99
The 1998–99 survey data for 42 households were used to classify these households into different types based on the structure of their farming systems. Four types of households wererecognized: Type 1 practiced traditional composite swiddening consisting of paddy, riceswidden and cash crop swidden. Type 2 engaged in modified composite swiddening consisting of paddy and cash crop swidden but no rice swidden. Type 3 practiced only swiddening
including both rice swidden and cash crop swidden but no paddy. Type 4 had no agriculturalland, thus, had neither paddy nor swidden. In 1998–99, 25 households (59.5%) were Type 1,
9 (21.4%) were Type 2, 7 (16.7%) were Type 3 and 1 (2.4%) was Type 4. All of these households also had other components of farming systems, i.e. home garden, tree plantation, livestock and fishpond. Characteristics of households in Types 1–3 are shown in Table 2.
Type 1 households that practiced traditional composite swiddening with rice swidden in1998 were either the original Da Bac Tay residents, who had been allocated paddy fields by
the cooperative, or newly established families who received paddy fields from their parents.
Some households also constructed new paddies when they could find suitable lands.
2

However, paddy area per capita was still small (averaging 226 m ). Thus, these households
had to produce much of their rice in swiddens, and 55% of swidden area was devoted to rice.
These households were allotted less forest land than those of Types 2 and 3.
Type 2 households, who practiced modified composite swiddening without rice swiddens, were households headed by government officers and teachers who had salaries, andmerchants and elderly people. All were Da Bac Tay. These households had more paddy areaand less swidden area per capita than those of Types 1 and 3. These households used toplant swidden rice in mid-1990s but gave up this practice and devoted all of their swidden
areas to cash crops. Labor shortage was given as the reason for the change as most adultmembers worked full time as government officers, while some were too old to work in theswidden. This type of household earned their income from salary, animal husbandry, andcollection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs).
Type 3 households that practiced only swiddening were newly established families that
did not receive any paddy field from their parents or households that migrated in from otherplaces. Young couples originating from families with small paddy area normally did notreceive any paddy land when they established separate households. The newly resettled
households were Muong and Kinh who were not allotted paddy fields by the cooperative
because they were considered outsiders. These households had no fishponds and only284

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

poorly developed home gardens, and had to depend on rice swidden and NTFPs for their living.
The Type 4 household that had no agricultural land is a Kinh family that had migrated
to Tat hamlet after the construction of Hoa Binh dam. This family owned a shop in the hamlet and earned its income from trading and animal raising. In 1998, it had 10 cattle, 3 pigs,2

and 30 chickens. This household was also allotted a small plot (3,000 m ) of forest to lookafter.
Changes in Household Farming Systems between 1998–99 and 2003
By comparing survey data collected from the same households in 1998–99 and 2003 we wereTable 2 Characteristics of Households of Types 1, 2 and 3 in 1998
Category
Number of households
Age of household head (yr)Type 11)
25
20–78
38
3–10
5
226
1,974
1,092
80–617
229
467
100.0
140
72.0
229
92.0
46
32.0
26
60.0
135
24.0
33
36.0
3,466
80.0
0.4
80.0
3.7
100.0

range
mean
Family size (no. of members)
range
mean
Paddy area per capita (m2)mean2)
Total swidden area per capita (m2)mean2)
2
Rice swidden area per capita (m )mean2)
Rice production per capita (kg)range
mean2)
2
mean2)
Cassava swidden area per capita (m )(% of hh)2
mean2)
Maize swidden area per capita (m )(% of hh)Canna swidden area per capita (m2)mean2)(% of hh)2
mean2)
Ginger swidden area per capita (m )(% of hh)Homegarden area per capita (m2)mean2)(% of hh)
Tree garden area per capita (m2)mean2)(% of hh)Fish pond area per capita (m2)mean2)(% of hh)2
mean2)
Forest land area per capita (m )(% of hh)Buffalo and cattle (head/capita)
mean2)(% of hh)Pigs (animals/capita)
mean2)(% of hh)
1)
Type 1 = composite swiddening with rice swidden
Type 2 = modified composite swiddening without rice swidden
Type 3 = swiddening only
2)
Mean of households having this land category or type of livestock

Type 21)
9
25–69
39
2–10
6
317
572
0
5–500
175
278
100.0
111
67.0
119
67.0
65
33.0
13
67.0
9
44.4
54
100.0
9,770
67.0
0.6
78.0
3.4
100.0

Type 31)
7
25–50
33
3–5
4
0
2,934
2,252
121–506
158
396
100.0
200
86.0
47
43.0
39
57.0
39
57.0
478
28.6
104
29.0
6,458
71.0
0.1
43.0
2.5
100.0

285

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

able to trace changes in their farming system during a 5-year period. Fig. 2 presents thechanges in type of farming system from 1998 to 2003 of the 42 households interviewed.
Overall, the number of Type 1 households (households that practiced composite swiddening
with rice swidden) and Type 4 households (no agricultural land) in 2003 remained the sameas in 1998, but the number of Type 2 households (modified composite swiddening without
rice swidden) increased from 9 to 12, and that of Type 3 households (swidden only)
decreased from 7 to 3.
Of the 25 Type 1 households that had practiced composite swiddening with rice swiddenin 1998–99, most continued to do so in 2003 but more than one third shifted to Type 2. One
half of Type 2 households maintained their farming system, but the other half became Type
1. On the other hand, more than half of the Type 3 households obtained paddy fields andshifted to Type 1 or Type 2, while the remainder still only cultivated swiddens.
In examining the changes in farming systems at the household level during 1998-2003,
we also looked at the numbers of households who increased, maintained constant ordecreased their involvement with individual farming system components during this period.
These are presented in Tables 3 and 4 for crop and livestock components, respectively.
Among the 40 households interviewed in both 1998–99 and 2003 (i.e. excluding thehousehold with no agricultural land and the one that moved out), 33 (82.5%) planted paddy

1998–99n = 422003
n = 4118 hhsType 125 households

Type 2
9 households

7 hhs

4 hhs

4 hhs

Type 125 households

Type 2
12 households

3 hhs

Moved out
1 household

Type 3
7 households

Type 4
1 household

1 hh
3 hhs

1 hh

Type 3
3 households

Type 4
1 household

Type 1 = Composite swiddening with rice swidden
Type 2 = Modified composite swiddening without rice swidden
Type 3 = Swiddening only
Type 4 = No agricultural land
Fig. 2 Changes in Type of Individual Households between 1998–z99 and 2003
286

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming Systemrice in 1998–99 and the number increased to 37 (92.5%) in 2003. Each household has 2 to 5
paddy fields at various locations surrounding the settlement area. A few households have
newly constructed paddies about 2 km from the hamlet. Paddy area per household shows
less change than for the areas of other annual crops. The average paddy area per household22
decreased slightly from 1,237 m in 1998 to 1,170 m in 2003 (Table 3). The average paddy

area per capita, however, was slightly higher in 2003 than in 1998–99 as several households
obtained additional paddies and the numbers of persons in some households were less in2003 due to the separation of their children into independent households or death. During
this period, more than half of the sampled households maintained the same paddy areas,
one-third had more, but 15% had less. The latter were those that gave some paddy land totheir children who separated out to form new households. Yield of paddy rice, however,increased from 3.2 to 3.8 tons/ha/crop due to the increased use of hybrid varieties andchemical fertilizers (See Table 1).
In 1998–99, all of the 40 households interviewed practiced swiddening. In 2003, the numTable 3 Changes in Crop Components of Farming Systems of 40 Households in Tat Hamlet from 1998–99
to 2003
Category
Households planting in 1998–99
Households planting in 2003
Households with increased area
Households with the same area
Households with reduced area
Average area/household in 1998–99 (m2)
Average area/household in 2003 (m2)
Average area/person in 1998–99 (m2)
Average area/person in 2003 (m2)Category
Rice swidden
Households planting in 1998–99
32(80.0%)
Households planting in 2003
28
(70.0%)
Households with increased area
9(22.5%)
Households with the same area
7
(17.5%)
Households with reduced area
24
(60.0%)
Average area/household in
5,550
2(54.4%)
1998–99 (m )Average area/household in
3,310
2003 (m2)(36.8%)
Average area/person in
1,345
1998–99 (m2)
(59.4%)
Average area/person in7722003 (m2)(38.9%)

Swidden(rice and/or cash crops)
33 (82.5%)
40 (100%)
37 (92.5%)
39 (97.5%)
13 (32.5%)
13 (32.5%)
21 (52.5%)
1 (2.5%)6 (15.0%)26 (65%)
1,237
8,842
1,170
6,398
255
2,142
274
1,492
Cassava
Maize
Canna
Ginger40
30
32
14(100%)(75.0%)(80.0%)(35.0%)
39
23
30
5(97.5%)(57.5%)(75.0%)(12.5%)
1212
18
5(30.0%)(30.0%)(45.0%)(12.5%)
177
10
14(42.5%)(17.5%)(25.0%)(35.0%)
1121
12
21(27.5%)(52.5%)(30.0%)(52.5%)
1,951
1,051
1,181
475
(19.1%)(10.3%)(11.6%)(4.7%)
1,793
1,139
2,140
624
(19.9%)(12.6%)(23.8%)(6.9%)
418
196
223
83
(18.5%)(8.7%)(9.8%)(3.7%)
379
220
470
142
(19.1%)(11.1%)(23.7%)(7.2%)Paddy

287

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

ber had declined to 39, while the average area both per household and per capita dropped
sharply. Although the majority of households had smaller swidden areas than in 1998–99, 13
households had larger swidden areas.
Reduction in swiddening areas could be primarily accounted for by the reduction in thesize of rice swiddens. In 1998–99, the average area of rice swidden per household was 5,550
2m , equivalent to 54.4% of the household’s total swidden area. The area declined to 3,310 m

2

or 36.8% of the household swidden area in 2003 (Table 3). The number of households cultivating rice swiddens also declined from 32 in 1998–99 to 28 in 2003. Differences amonghouseholds were also observed for the changes in areas of rice swidden during this period.
Most of the households had reduced swidden rice areas but 9 had increased areas and 7 had
the same areas as in 1998–99.
Cash crop swiddens, on the other hand, remained more or less the same from 1998–99
to 2003, both in terms of number of the households cultivating them and the average area
per household. In fact, most households (39 of 40) cultivated cash crop swiddens in both
years. However, the areas of individual crops grown by a household as well as the numbersof households that grew a particular crop varied from year to year, responding to the fluctuation in prices of these crops. Cassava was less affected by price fluctuation as the crop wasgrown both for sale and for animal feed, and could be left in the field for variable lengths oftime. The crop was planted by almost all households throughout this period. Although thenumbers of households planting maize and canna declined somewhat, both areas per household and per capita increased for both crops. Ginger faced a problem of serious price reduction, and the number of households growing this crop dropped greatly. Again, there werevariations among households in area changes of individual crops.
For livestock components, the total number of buffalo remained more or less the samefrom 1998–99 to 2003, but the number of cattle substantially increased (Table 4). The number of pigs was greatly reduced. The increase in the number of cattle was the result of thegovernment promotion program which provided loans for livestock raising. However, thefrequency of conflicts caused by livestock damaging crops in actively cultivated swiddens
greatly increased. Similar to the crop components, changes in numbers of individual animalsof all kinds varied among households. Some households increased animal numbers; some
Table 4 Changes in Livestock Components of Farming Systems of 41 Households in Tat Hamlet during
1998–2003
Category
Total no. of animals
Households with no animals
Households with animals
Households with increased no.
Households with the same no.
Household with animal
Household without animal
Households with reduced no.
288

Buffalo
1998–99 2003
39
37
19
18
22
23
12
17
05
12
12

Cattle1998–99 2003
47
69
24
19
17
22
15
17
04
13
09

Pigs
1998–99 2003
102
48
11
20
30
21
09
10
04
06
22

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

maintained the same numbers and some reduced the numbers of animals. Apparently, eachhousehold follows its own strategy in making its living.

Discussion
Over the past 15 years (1988–2003), farming systems in Tat hamlet have undergone majorchanges. At the beginning of the study period, households were essentially undifferentiated.
All households engaged in traditional composite swiddening, as the cooperative lands had
just been allocated to individual households for their own management, with each family
receiving both paddy and swidden areas on a per capita basis. Components of the farming
system included paddy, rice swidden, cash crop swidden, home garden, fishpond and livestock. These were managed mainly for subsistence, and local varieties or breeds and traditional practices were used. After the management of land was returned to individual households, farming system differentiation began. By the end of this period, farming systems ofindividual households had become more diversified and substantially differentiated.
Farming activities were oriented more toward commercial production, although a decreasing part, particularly rice production, was still for subsistence. As the length of fallow period
was shortened and soil fertility declined, the contribution of swiddening to householdincome decreased in later years. On the other hand, livestock, NTFPs, and off-farm activities
played an increasing role as sources of household income.
At the household level there was great variation in the ways that the farming systemchanged. Thus, for all farming system components, there were households with increased,
the same, and decreased involvement with any particular component. With additionalsources of income from non-farm activities, individual households became more differentiated both in terms of activities and wealth.
These changes were the consequence of several factors acting both individually and incombination. Important factors include population increase, government policies on management of agriculture and forest land, changes in the macro-economic environment, improved
infrastructure and communication, improved access to market, government development
programs and services, changes in family structure and ages of family members that influenced the adaptive strategies of individual households, and environmental degradation.
Population growth has affected food security, which is a primary concern of all households. Local farmers increased the productivity of paddy rice by employing high yielding
varieties and chemical fertilizers. However, even with increased productivity, the rice harvest from their paddy fields was not enough to maintain food security for most farmers due
2

to small area of paddy per capita (169 m ). Therefore, many households still had to plant riceswiddens to obtain sufficient rice to meet their consumption needs. As paddy is a productive
and reliable source of rice for consumption, suitable areas were sought and made into new
paddy fields wherever they were found. However, because of hilly topography, there was not289

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

much additional land that could be converted to paddy. As a result, the total paddy area was
only slightly increased. With increasing population and new households being formed,
paddy area per household decreased in later years. Consequently, households have had tofind alternative sources of income in order to purchase needed rice and other commodities.
The most important government policy affecting agriculture was the change from thecollective production system to the individual responsibility system governed by Directive
100 and Resolution 10-NQ/TW which returned management of agricultural production to
the hands of individual households, with lands allocated to them for long-term use. This
allowed the households to make their own management decisions and provided a strong
incentive for them to make changes to improve production.
The government policy on forest protection had significant implications for swiddeningin Tat hamlet. In implementing this policy, plots of forest land were allocated to individual
households to look after and clearing of swiddens on them was strictly prohibited.
Swiddening was only permitted in some relatively small areas designated by local authorities
so that the area for swiddening was insufficient for a long fallow period. The consequence
was a reduction of the length of fallow period from 7–10 years to 4–5 years. Such a short fallow period is insufficient to allow for full recovery of soil fertility. Hence, yields of swidden
rice have declined. Several villagers complained about the difficulty of finding sufficiently
fertile land to grow swidden rice. Such a condition made farmers reluctant to grow swidden
rice as the crop demands high labor input. Improved productivity of paddy rice and availability of other income sources provided alternatives to several households to achieve rice sufficiency. Consequently, planting of swidden rice declined substantially in later years.
Progress in the overall development of Vietnam has resulted in a great change in themacro economic environment of the country, which has impacted Tat hamlet in several
aspects. Infrastructure and communications were greatly improved, access to market
became easier, marketing opportunities were broadened and income sources were diversified. Modernization has also created greater demand on the part of the villagers for consumer goods and material comforts. As a consequence, the livelihood of the villagers
became more and more dependent on cash. To earn more cash income, farmers turned
toward commercial production, which is subject to price fluctuations of agricultural commodities. This was evident in the fluctuation of prices of swidden cash crops, particularly the
drastic drop of ginger price. Changes in areas of these crops occurred in the response tomarket demand and prices. Improved transportation also created greater market opportunity
for NTFPs, and these had become a major source of cash income of several households in
Tat hamlet.
Government development programs and services also contributed significantly to theimprovement and diversification of household farming systems. The uses of high yielding
and hybrid varieties, chemical fertilizers and recommended cultural practices for crops andthe uses of new breeds and improved management for animals were partly the results oftraining for technology transfer and provision of agricultural services. Loans provided to290

NGUYEN T. L. et al. Recent Changes in the Composite Swidden Farming System

farmers under the livestock promotion program resulted in a substantial increase in numberof cattle in the hamlet. Implementation of an agroforestry system also was the result of the
support provided by the extension service. These programs and services provided households with more alternatives to improve production and diversify their income sources.
Differentiation among households reflected adoption of different strategies by individual
households to cope with all these changes. In addition to skill, preference and available
resources, changes in family structure during the family development cycle also had a great
influence on the choice of household adaptive strategy. A young couple with a newly established household has limited land and labor so would follow a different strategy from a large
well-developed household with more labor and land. Similarly, the household of a government officer with a monthly salary might choose different farming activities from a household without any regular source of cash income. Differentiation in subsistence production
and income earning activities had also resulted in a wide variation in economic status ofhouseholds in Tat hamlet.
The carrying capacity of the composite swiddening for a given area is considerably higher
than that of pure swiddening. This is because the paddy fields produce about one half of thegrain needed to meet the local population’s consumption requirements so that the per capita
area needed for rice swiddens is only half that of a pure swiddening system. Additionally,
the high diversity of components in the composite swiddening system reduces vulnerability
to risks of crop loss due to weather or pests and provides some buffering against fluctuations in market prices of different crops.
Environmental degradation, especially the decline in the quality of land available forswiddening, has exerted a particularly strong force for change in the farming system.
Because of growing land scarcity, farmers have intensified their cultivation of existing swiddens, extending the period of cultivation from 2–3 years to 4–5 years and reducing the fallow
period from 5–8 years to 4–5 years. Consequently, as is discussed in detail in Nguyen ThanhLam [2004], the fertility of the swidden land is declining and the productivity of swidden riceand cash crops falling accordingly. Many farmers have given up trying to grow swidden ricebecause they cannot find plots with sufficiently fertile soil to make the effort worthwhile.
Others, unable to find sufficiently fertile land in the areas where swiddening is permitted,
have illegally cleared plots in the forest land allocated to their households to protect.

Conclusions
Composite swiddening has successfully met the subsistence needs of the people of Tat for
more than a century. It has supported a much higher population density than would havebeen possible with pure swiddening. The system has also displayed great flexibility by allowing farmers to modify their production strategies in response to new constraints and opportunities, most notably those associated with increased integration into the market economy.
291

東南アジア研究 42巻３号

In recent years, however, the long-term viability of composite swiddening has come under
threat, largely as a consequence of environmental degradation. Population growth, increased
need to grow cash crops, and, especially, government restrictions on clearing of new swiddens on forest land have forced farmers to drastically shorten the length of the fallow period,to the extent that there is no longer sufficient time to fully restore the fertility of the soil.
Unless ways can be found to accelerate the regeneration of fallow plots within a time frameof only 4–5 years, yields of the swiddens will continue to decline, threatening the future ability of the farmers of Tat hamlet to adequately meet their survival needs.

Acknowledgements
This research was funded by a Ford Foundation grant to the Center for Agricultural Research andEcological Studies (CARES) of Hanoi Agricultural University. We would like to thank Dr. Patma
Vityakon, Dr. Viriya Limpinuntana, Dr. Tran Duc Vien, and Mr. Stephen J. Leisz for their assistance during this research. We are also grateful to thank Mr. Xa Van Lan, CARES staff and all the people of Tat
hamlet, who have cooperated with us during the field surveys. Finally, this paper is based on researchcompleted by the first author as a partial fulfillment for the Ph.D. requirements at Khon Kaen
University, Khon Kaen, Thailand.

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