Vowel Shifts of English
SAITO Hiroko
Introduction
One of the causes that have created the differences of pronunciation
among major present-day regional varieties of English such as North
American English or Australian English can be traced by going backto when that kind of English first started: that is to say, when andwhat kind of English was “transplanted” in a faraway land is thestarting point of that particular variety of English. For example, therhotic variety of English spoken in the USA today has its roots in the17th century pronunciation that was brought over from the British
Isles before the dropping of pre-consonantal or word-final /r/ occurred in the 18th century. Canadian English is similar to General
American (GA) because both varieties started out with the same kindof English at the same time; the first fleets to Australia and New Zealand left Britain almost two centuries after the first settlement wasestablished in North America, by which time /r/-dropping had occurred (post-vocalic /r/ is not pronounced in beer, park, four, etc.) andcertain words containing /æ/ had acquired a retracted and lengthened[ɑː] pronunciation in south-eastern parts of England (a set of words
like ask, path, can’t, etc., known as ASK-words, decided to take on/ɑː/ instead of /æ/). In fact, we know that the glottal stop pronunciation for inter-vocalic /t/ found in London Cockney English did notestablish itself until well into the 19th century, because it is not foundin the Englishes that had left Britain before then (Wells 1982).
In English, pronunciation differences among dialects are mostly
differences of vowels; consonants (with the exception of post-vocalic/r/ and also /t/) are on the whole stable and homogeneous acrossvarious accents. Moreover, because vowels of a language are produced93グローバル・コミュニケーション研究第 2 号（2015 年）

along a continuum of vertical and horizontal space in the mouth, aslight change in the position of the tongue for the pronunciation of
one vowel sometimes exerts a domino effect on other vowels, as canbe observed in various vowel shifts.
Changes in pronunciation occur all the time. Sometimes, a change
recurs: some changes seem to be cyclic. There are tendencies to beobserved among the changes, but they may go in opposite directions
in different vowel systems: tense high vowels tend to diphthongize,
and yet diphthongs tend to monophthongize; lax vowels often moveto a higher point in the mouth, but the opposite, lowering, can also
be observed.
In this article, we shall be looking at some of the changes that haveoccurred to the vowel systems of GA, Canadian English, Standard
Australian English (SAE)1) and Non-Regional British English (NRP)2)
in order to see the relationship among the varieties as well as to catcha glimpse of the tendencies of change.
For reasons that have already been mentioned, it should be understood that most of the descriptions for GA would be true for Canadian English, and similarly, explanations for SAE go for New ZealandEnglish as well,3) unless specified.
The Great Vowel Shift
The Great Vowel Shift was a series of sound changes that occurred
in English at the start of the 15th century of the then long vowels ofEnglish, in the form of a chain shift. The answer to the question ofwhich move triggered this classical change has not been answered yet:
did the high vowels diphthongize and pull up the lower vowels (the“pull-chain” or “drag-chain” shift), or did the tongue position for therealization of /eː/ and /oː/ become higher and push up the higher vowels in turn to make itself room (the “push-chain” shift)? By looking atother, more recent vowel changes, we might be able to find a hint toanswer this question.
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Vowel Shifts of English

Figure 1: The Great Vowel Shift 1400–1700

time

house

meet

moon

meatstone

nameWhat concerns us here is that most of these changes will have been
completed by the time the first fleet of permanent settlers arrived inJamestown North America, in 1607. That is, the kind of English thatthe settlers took with them to America would have been the one that
had undergone the Great Vowel Shift.
The Northern Cities Shift
A hundred and seventy years had passed after the “shipping” ofEnglish across the Atlantic when America became independent andCanada came into being, and by then and afterwards, various changes in pronunciation of the varieties of English spoken in the twocountries occurred. Among the newer changes, the Northern Cities
Shift, a series of changes of vowels pronounced by speakers living inthe inland-northern industrial cities of the USA, has produced an accent of English strikingly different from Canadian English and fromGA as well.
This series of vowel changes is said to have started with the raisingand diphthongizing of the /æ/ phoneme to something like [ɛə~eə],
which was followed by the fronting of the low-back vowel /ɑ/ to fillin the empty space. This subsequently pulled the higher front vowels
downwards and backwards as shown in figure 2.
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Figure 2:

第 2 号（2015 年）

The Northern Cities Shift from Labov (1996)

taken from http://www.ling.upenn.edu/phono_atlas/ICSLP4.html

The Canadian ShiftÐ It seems that not all vowel changes in English involve raising of
the low-front /æ/ as in the Northern Cities Shift—or for that matter,
the Great Vowel Shift—and moreover, not all shifts move in the same
direction in dialects of nearby regions. Clarke et al. (1995) found thatin Canada, the low-front vowel /æ/ was retracting to the low-central
space created by the low-back merger of /ɒ/ and /ɔː/, and as a consequence, the higher front vowels /ɪ/ and /ɛ/ were also being lowered.
This series of changes was named the Canadian Shift (figure 3).
The Canadian Shift and the Northern Cities Shift combined havecaused two neighboring dialects of English to drift apart remarkably.
Australian English Monophthongs
The Australian-English diphthong /eɪ/ is usually described as having
a lower and more dorsal starting point compared to other accents suchas GA or NRP: that is, something like [ʌɪ]. Thus, the Australian today
sounds like to die to speakers of other accents. However, this is only
a part of the series of diphthong shifts, involving not just this pho96Vowel Shifts of English

Figure 3: The Canadian Shiftreprinted from Clarke et al. (1995: 212)

neme but also adjoining diphthongs as well. In the present article
though, we shall focus on the monophthongal phonemes of SAE.
The kind of English first taken to Australia from London and surrounding areas in the south-eastern part of England around the endof the 18th century was one that had experienced the dropping of
post-vocalic /r/ and the retraction of the front /æ/ to /ɑː/ for ASKwords. However, whereas the monophthongs of the accents backhome tended to move in the anti-clockwise direction (/æ/ to [ɐ] and/ɑː/ to a very back [ɑː]), /ɑː/ of the broader varieties of SAE moved
forward to [ɐː] pushing up the front vowels, including /æ/. As a resultof this shift, short monophthongs of SAE, as well as that of New
Zealand English, are pronounced noticeably closer compared withNRP or GA.
As can be seen in figure 4, the arrows that show the direction ofchange of monophthongs point upwards except for the two high vowels which go inwards, resembling the arrows in the diagram for theGreat Vowel Shift (figure 1).
Because of this, it is often said that the Great Vowel Shift is being97グローバル・コミュニケーション研究第 2 号（2015 年）

Figure 4: Monophthongs of Standard Australian English(The arrows show direction of shift compared with corresponding
NRP vowels)

repeated in the English of the Southern Hemisphere.
Recent Changes in the Pronunciation of Vowels of British NRP
As was noted earlier, the name for a standard variety of English
spoken in south-eastern England is being changed from Received
Pronunciation (RP) to various other names in order to account for thepronunciation by a larger number of speakers of a wider social andage range compared to RP. By widening the age range to cover theyounger generations, the newly-named accents (e.g. General British(Cruttenden 2014), Non-Regional Pronunciation (Collins & Mees
2013), etc.) incorporate the pronunciation changes that have occurredor have been occurring in the speech of “the educated middle andyounger generation speakers in England who have a pronunciation
which cannot be pinned down to a specific area” (Collins & Mees98

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2013: 4). Among such changes, those that concern us here are thefronting of the high-back /uː/, lowering of the front vowel /æ/, and themonophthongization of /ʊə/ to /ɔː/ and of /eə/ to /ɛː/.
Both Collins & Mees (2013) and Cruttenden (2014), as well as
commentaries by other authors on accents of British English, mention
the change in quality of /uː/ as moving to a fronted and unrounded[ʉː] in the pronunciation of younger speakers. Moreover, this phoneme, along with the other high vowel /iː/, is known to be undergoing
diphthongization as well, but all such changes were also observed inSAE and in the Great Vowel Shift, as has already been discussed
above.
In NRP, the tongue position for the front vowels are becoming
low, with /æ/ having been lowered to [a] first and /e/ following to fill
the space left by /æ/ (Cruttenden 2014:85), producing pronunciations
such as [dræs] for dress. This is unlike in SAE, and is more in linewith Canadian English.
Another recent change in the pronunciation of vowels of NRP,
which is a systemic change, is the monophthongization of centering
diphthongs /ʊə/ and /eə/. Both diphthongs have become monophthongal for most speakers of NRP, the former merging with /ɔː/ andproducing pronunciations such as /pɔː/, /pjɔː/, and /tɔː/ for poor, pure,and tour respectively. As a result, the /ʊə/ phoneme is on the verge ofdisappearance and poor and pour, tour and tore are now homophones
in NRP. Another, even more recent change is that of /eə/ being pronounced as a long vowel [ɛː] and therefore deserving the monophthong-phoneme status and written /ɛː/. Saito (2007) showed that thiswas a change following the completed monophthongization of /ɔə/ to/ɔː/ and a move to fill in the front-vowel space lacking a long-vowel
phoneme (see figure 5).
It is interesting to note that as was the case with the diphthongization of /iː/ and /uː/, the monophthongization of /eə/ to /ɛː/ is a change
which has already been experienced by SAE.
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Figure 5: Long vowels of the Non-regional Pronunciation of British English(The arrows show the direction of an on-going change, and the circled vowel
is one of the newer additions to the NRP inventory.)eŧSummary and Conclusion
Among the vowel systems of various accents of English we havebeen looking at, changes, in terms of the height of the tongue, do notalways head in the same direction. However, it can be said that theback /ɑː/ and the front /æ/ are unstable most of the time and in allvarieties of English—that is, either of the two tries to fill in the spacearound the low, central area when it becomes vacant by the other’smoving away from this position. This has a domino effect on othervowels: the fronting of /ɑː/ triggers the raising of front vowels (SAE),
and the raising of /æ/ pushes up higher front vowels (the Great Vowel
Shift, Northern Cities Shift, SAE). On the other hand, if /æ/ retracts
to fill in the space in the lowest area of the mouth, this prevents theback /ɑː/ to come forward and instead may even push up the backvowels (Canadian Shift, NRP).
There being a space to fill seems to be a major incentive for starting a vowel shift: diphthongization and centralization of the starting
point of high vowels in the Great Vowel Shift, fronting of the low100

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back vowel /ɑ:/ in SAE, lowering of the short front vowel /æ/ witnessed in the Canadian Shift and in the change from RP to NRP,and monophthongization of /eə/ to become /ɛ:/ in SAE and NRP were
all moves to fill the space unoccupied by other vowels. Although thequestion of whether the Great Vowel Shift was a pull-chain shift triggered by the high vowels moving inwards or a push-chain shift thatbegan with the high-mid vowels pushing up is still unanswered, thehint may lie in the modern vowel shifts, where trying to fill an empty
space seems to be a great incentive for change. The vowel system ofEnglish before the Great Vowel Shift consisted of short and longvowels that could be plotted along the outer margin of the vowel
quadrilateral with a comparatively vast space in the middle. The highvowels /i:/ and /u:/ becoming diphthongs and gaining a more central
starting point so that the empty space would be filled is one plausible
explanation for the beginning of this great shift.
Notes1) Australian English has traditionally been described as being comprised ofthree social varieties: Cultivated, General, and Broad Australian, but here
we will adopt the term Standard Australian English (SAE) as introducedby Cox & Palethorpe (2007:341) as “a sub-class of Australian English[referring] to the majority dialect which contrasts with the other Australian dialects: Aboriginal English and Ethnocultural varieties.”2) What was previously called Received Pronunciation (RP) is increasingly
being replaced by other names in recent literature to reflect reality: Standard Southern British English (SSBE), General British (GB), or NonRegional Pronunciation (NRP) are some of the terms that have been introduced. The last, employed by Collins & Mees (2013), refers to theaccent spoken by “educated middle and younger generation speakers inEngland who have a pronunciation which cannot be pinned down to a
specific area.” (Ibidem:4)3) There are, of course, noticeable accent differences between the two regional variations in both pairs: apart from the Canadian Shift mentioned
in this article, “Canadian Raising” for Canadian English in certain real101グローバル・コミュニケーション研究第 2 号（2015 年）

izations of the diphthongs /aɪ/ and /au/ (although this is also observed inparts of the USA), and the centralization of New Zealand English’s KIT
vowel to [ɘ~ə] quickly come to mind. However, not all such differences
will be taken up in this paper.

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