International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament(ICNND)
Northeast Asia Regional Meeting
21-23 May 2009, Beijing
Keynote Speech

The Role of Parliaments in Promoting a World without Nuclear Weapons
Kuniko INOGUCHI, Ph.D.
Member, House of Representatives of Japan
Member, Science Council of Japan
Former Minister of State for Gender Equality and Social Affairs
Former Ambassador of Japan to the Conference on Disarmament(Introduction)
It is my great pleasure and honor as a Japanese parliamentarian and as Deputy
Director-General of the International Bureau of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party,and also as former Ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, toparticipate in the workings of the International Commission on Nuclear
Non-proliferation and Disarmament (ICNND) and to deliver a statement at its
Northeast Asia Regional Meeting. I would like to add my voice to many othersaround the world congratulating the initiatives taken by the Co-chairs of theInternational Commission, Mme. Yoriko Kawaguchi, former Foreign Minister ofJapan, and Mr. Gareth Evans, former Foreign Minister of Australia.
I would also like to congratulate the Chinese organizers of this conference for theirvision and commitment. Over recent years, Japan and China have steadily
developed what we call a strategic win-win relationship, whereby we takefuture-oriented proactive initiatives to enhance our bilateral relations and stability,and provide for pragmatic solutions where needed. Also in international relations,both China and Japan share faith in multilateralism and in the future of multilateralarrangements and institutions. Both of us are patient players of multilateral1diplomacy in disarmament and non-proliferation. In Northeast Asia, China hasserved as a profound focal point in hosting and managing the six-party talks, whichhave provided the region with an innovative and holistic process towards meetingthe core security challenges including the verifiable and peaceful denuclearizationof the Korean Peninsula.
(New momentum)
We are particularly fortunate to hold this meeting at a time when foresighted, strong
political will and momentum for nuclear disarmament has emerged. We areencouraged by the landmark remarks of President Barack Obama on April 5, 2009 in
the Czech Republic’s capital Prague. He said, “I state clearly and with conviction
America’s commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear
weapons.” He also said, “the Cold War has disappeared but thousands of thoseweapons have not.” And that, “to put an end to Cold War thinking, we will reduce
the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy.” As a parliamentarian,
I represent the voice of millions of Japanese voters as I congratulate him for his
courage and vision.
Accordingly, a new negotiation process between the US and Russia was launched in
Moscow in April with a view to concluding a successor treaty to START I, and thesecond round of their negotiations coincides with the timing of our meeting inBeijing. As clearly stated by Japan’s Foreign Minister Mr. Yasuhiro Nakasone, in
his illuminating speech on 27 April entitled “Conditions towards Zero—11
Benchmarks for Global Nuclear Disarmament,” the US and Russia are expected to“lead the world toward a new security order by holding comprehensive bilateral
strategic dialogues to conclude a successor treaty to START I at an early date,further reduce nuclear warheads, build mutual confidence regarding missile defenseand strengthen the framework for controlling nuclear weapons and material.”(CD and FMCT)We also see signs of strong political will from the UN headquarters and Geneva. On
19 May the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, addressed
the Conference on Disarmament, which was also attended by Foreign Minister Mr.
Mourad Medelci of Algeria, whose permanent representative serves as current
President of the Conference on Disarmament, and Mme. Calmy-Rey, Foreign
Minister of Switzerland. Mr. Ban Ki-moon gave his assessment of the recent NPT
Preparatory Committee in New York and said, “Most recently, the Third2Preparatory Committee of the 2010 NPT Review Conference concluded its session
in a refreshingly positive tone, marking a distinct shift from previous years.” Hecorrectly pointed out, “There are now a number of initiatives from nuclear andnon-nuclear States that together provide a new momentum for disarmament. They
point the way to move from the divisions and paralysis of the past towards genuine
dialogue and progress. These signs of greater political will represent an opportunity
we cannot afford to miss.”
During this 1135th Plenary of the Conference on Disarmament, the President of theConference circulated a draft decision for the establishment of a Programme ofWork for the 2009 session. As we are all aware, the Conference on Disarmament isexpected to commence negotiations on a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty
immediately. One important feature of the draft decision is that it supplements themandate for negotiation of this treaty with provision for “international and effectiveverification.” The draft decision also provides for the creation of Working Groups todiscuss effective negative security assurances, progressive and systematic efforts toreduce nuclear weapons, and all issues related to the prevention of an arms race inspace. It seems that disarmament ambassadors in Geneva finally have before them adraft decision that can achieve consensus and addresses all politically sensitive
issues as well as procedural issues. I take this opportunity to speak in Beijing at a
crucial moment in the crafting of a new nuclear disarmament treaty and urge
Member States of the Conference on Disarmament to adopt the Presidential draft
decision immediately. As the Secretary-General of the United Nations pointed out,“we cannot afford to miss” this opportunity.
Given all these and other related signs of proactive political will, it is my hope thatthe work of this International Commission serves as a useful catalyst for change andas an engine for empowerment of disarmament communities.
(The role of parliamentarians)
Behind the signs of greater political will is most certainly a strong wish of the people,
as represented by actions taken by parliamentarians in their respective countries. I
am here today to share with this distinguished group of experts my view of theimportance of political will generated and accelerated by parliamentarians acting
either in their individual capacity or through joint efforts.
Parliamentarians and political parties around the world can play key roles in uniting
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behind a shared vision of a safer world, and providing governments with the couragefor bold action to make this a reality. Needless to say, parliamentarians representing
the sovereign will of the people ratify treaties, enact domestic laws where necessary
to implement treaty obligations, and also collaborate with experts and civil society
in awareness-raising campaigns toward ratification and signature of relevant treaties.
Together with political support groups, parliamentarians articulate future steps forpromoting disarmament and non-proliferation. They are in a position to help
mobilize the necessary moral and financial support for disarmament diplomacy ingeneral and for specific actions associated with treaty obligations. They monitor
closely national implementation of treaties and resolutions, and hold government
leaders accountable for their commitments.
They also try to make sure that treaties and their implementation processes respondto realistic needs of our current international community by calling attention to theimportance of international cooperation, surveillance schemes and humanitarianassistance, among other things. Given the increasing attention of the public tointernational security and disarmament matters, it has become even more importantfor parliamentarians and political parties today to be mindful of citizens’
expectations for international peace and security, and translate their expectations toconcrete achievements in disarmament.
(Parliamentarian League)
In discharging such responsibilities, parliamentarians often make use of bipartisan
or cross-party parliamentarian leagues. Allow me at this point to state in some detail
how parliamentarians and political parties of Japan have strived to mainstream thecause of and action for nuclear disarmament. In the case of Japan, a cross-party
Parliamentarian League of International Disarmament Promotion was establishedmore than a quarter of a century ago, and is currently headed by Mr. Yohei Kono,
Speaker of the House of Representatives. Since it is extremely rare for the Speakerof the lower house to represent a single-issue parliamentarian league, it is indicativeof the strong political will of our people and of political parties to single out
disarmament and non-proliferation as our uncompromising priority. I currently
serve as Acting Secretary-General of the League, and the Board members not only
include parliamentarians of the LDP and the Komei Party of the ruling coalition, butalso of the Social Democratic Party, the Communist Party of Japan, and others, inaddition to the largest opposition party, the DPJ. We hold regular meetings topersuade relevant ministries of our country to take proactive measures in4

disarmament matters, and engage in international and inter-parliamentary exchanges
and joint actions, where possible. We also work with civil society organizations andmedia in advocacy and awareness-raising. We are also associated with organizations
like the PNND, the Parliamentarians for Nuclear Non-Proliferation andDisarmament.
(Parliamentary debate on Three Non-Nuclear Principles)
Aside from regular activities as the cross-party League on disarmament affairs, eachmember of the League, in different capacities and opportunities, bears the mission,
as a parliamentarian of the only country to have experienced the devastation of
atomic bombings, to promote the cause of nuclear disarmament. Each harbors asolemn, enduring, and powerful sense of mission that crosses party lines to carry on
the message of the victims or hibakusha of Hiroshima and Nagasaki that the horrors
brought upon them should never be repeated
Allow me to look back at the time line and provide an example of how
parliamentarians in the past strived for a cause in the most decisive and definitiveways. One of the most vivid examples can be seen in the work of the House of theRepresentatives more than 40 years ago when Japan’s “Three Non-NuclearPrinciples” was first debated. In 1967, at a leading committee in the House ofRepresentatives, namely the Budget Committee, the serving President of theSocialist Party of Japan tirelessly questioned the position of the government onnuclear weapons issues. In responding to this persistent parliamentary debate, theserving Prime Minister Eisaku Sato, who later became a Nobel prize laureate, statedas follows: “My responsibility is to achieve and maintain safety in Japan under theThree Non-Nuclear Principles of not possessing, not producing and not permittingthe introduction of nuclear weapons, in line with Japan’s Peace Constitution.” This
statement on the floor of the Budget Committee of the lower house became the firststatement in history of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles. Since then, the Japanese
government has maintained these principles, and the public and political parties
irrespective of ideologies have continued to cherish this national premise as coinedin parliamentary debates nearly half a century ago.
(G8 Speakers Meeting in Hiroshima)
Another outstanding example of a parliamentarian doing his part to mainstream thecause of a nuclear-free world is Japan’s current Speaker of the House ofRepresentatives, Yohei Kono, who hosted the G8 Speakers’ Meeting in Hiroshima
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following the G8 Hokkaido Toyako Summit last year. After giving a lot of thought
on where to hold the meeting, he stated as follows: “As the speaker of this year’s
host nation, my hope was that the G8 players would gather in Hiroshima to discuss
the theme of Nuclear Disarmament …. For years I have considered it our crucial
responsibility for the future of humanity to convey to the international community
the tragedies of Hiroshima on August 6 and of Nagasaki on August 9, 1945. ”
Speaker Kono’s bold initiative was echoed by the courageous decision of the US
House speaker, who accepted the invitation of her parliamentary counterpart to visit
Hiroshima, where no high-ranking incumbent American official had yet come since
the nuclear bombing. US House Speaker Mme. Nancy Pelosi traveled to Hiroshima
to participate in a Group of Eight lower house chiefs’ meeting and offered flowers ata monument to atomic-bomb victims. The Democrat, who stands behind only theVice President in the line of succession to the US Presidency, became thehighest-ranking serving American official to visit Hiroshima in half a century.
Within the same political party, her ground breaking visit to Hiroshima might have
had a facilitating influence on the newly elected Democratic President Obama, when
he said in Prague on 5 April, “Just as we stood for freedom in the 20th century, wemust stand together for the right of people everywhere to live free from fear in the21st century. And as a nuclear power, as the only nuclear power to have used anuclear weapon, the United States has a moral responsibility to act. We cannot
succeed in this endeavor alone, but we can lead it, we can start it.” Courageous
parliamentarians like these can, with unfailing shrewdness concerning the windowof opportunity for peace, make a profound difference by pushing governments over
the threshold for change.
(Political parties and Congress of nuclear-weapon states)
In the case of nuclear-weapon states, the latitude for political parties and Congress topromote practical measures for nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation isimmense. For example, the US Congress prevented specific nuclear weapons
development projects from progressing and supported non-proliferation projects infiscal year 2008. The Democrat-controlled Congress refused to finance the Reliable
Replacement Warhead (RRW), and instead called for a study to evaluate the existing
Stockpile Life Extension Program.
The Congress also provided $24 million, namely 33% more than the Bush6

Administration requested, to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization(CTBTO), and $48 million for Nuclear Weapons Storage Security, which was twice
the amount requested by the Administration. Also, $53 million was provided forenergy assistance to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in order to support
negotiations for denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
Government leaders often benefit from years of active experience in Parliament.
The ice-breaking President Obama is a fine case in point. In August 2007, Senators
Barack Obama, a Democrat from Illinois, and Chuck Hagel, a Republican fromNebraska, introduced into the Senate the Nuclear Weapons Threat Reduction Act of2007, which made an ambitious call for specific nuclear disarmament. Thisbi-partisan initiative called for deeper reductions in nuclear forces, taking existing
nuclear forces off alert status, maintaining a moratorium on nuclear testing,concluding a verified fissile material treaty, and creating an international nuclear
fuel bank to prevent the development of proliferation-sensitive technologies aroundthe world. The list served as the basis of the agenda set forth when the Senatorbecame President of the US.
Members of the European Parliament have also made efforts to call for European
initiatives towards nuclear disarmament. In April 2007, our Co-chair Mr. Gareth
Evans facilitated a high-level conference to unite members of the European
Parliament from across the political spectrum and address nuclear dangers, which
included action on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament.
(The way ahead)
In conclusion, allow me to communicate to the participants of this meeting theexpectations of Japanese voters and taxpayers concerning nuclear disarmament
challenges. The Japanese public holds strong feelings about the NPT, for it has
provided us with a reliable security environment throughout the most difficult daysof power battles among nations. As an exemplar non-nuclear weapon state, Japan
has done everything it can to strengthen the NPT regime. Japan has been incompliance with the highest level of IAEA safeguards, and Japan is promoting theuniversalization of the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreements and the Model
Additional Protocol, and urges nuclear-weapon states to comply with the NPT
Article VI disarmament obligations. Japan hopes and believes that the 2010 NPT
Review Conference will serve as a significant milestone to uphold and revitalize thenon-proliferation regime.
7The Japanese public welcomes the Obama Administration’s positive stance toward
the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), expects US
Senators to unify beyond party lines to ratify the Treaty, and calls for a moratorium
on nuclear tests pending the entry into force of the CTBT. Banning the productionof fissile material for weapons purposes is, as already stated, a major concern as well.
The Japanese public is also deeply concerned about delivery systems, and supports
restrictions on ballistic missiles capable of delivering a nuclear warhead.
(World bank for nuclear fuel)Promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy is Japan’s priority because of our scarcity
of energy and natural resources. As we promote peaceful and commercial use offissile materials, it is of utmost importance to provide for measures to secure nuclear
non-proliferation, prevent nuclear terrorism, and ensure the safety of nuclear energy
and related facilities. Solutions to promoting peaceful uses of nuclear energy andminimizing the risk of proliferation of fissile materials at the same time might befound in multilateral approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle. Multiple options could be
examined in order to avoid unlimited development of sovereign nuclear fuel cycles
by developing international and regional mechanisms whereby assurances of supplyand services of nuclear fuel will be provided to States whose government had in turnagreed to forego building its own capacity.
Assurances of supply and services could take the form of fuel leasing and fueltake-back offers. It would have to include effective back-up sources of supply in theevent that a supplier is unable to provide the nuclear fuel material or services. Akind of intergovernmental fuel bank could be established to alleviate unexpectedcases, such as excessive shortage of supplies, denial of services for political reasons,and so on. The front end of the nuclear fuel cycle is uranium enrichment, and theback end of the cycle is reprocessing of nuclear spent fuel. Designing acomprehensive and useful world fuel bank that functions as an anchor or guarantorof arrangements is a new challenge for nuclear non-proliferation professionals in an
era when many nations seek peaceful uses of fissile materials, and the theft ofnuclear materials by non-states could become the greatest unknown security threat
to all nation-states.

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