ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONPROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON

International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON

ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONPROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)Edited by
Wataru Iwamoto, Misako Ohnuki, and Yoko Nojima
Published by
INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH CENTRE FOR INTANGIBLE CULTURALHERITAGE IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION (IRCI)
2 Mozusekiun-cho, Sakai-ku, Sakai city, Osaka 590-0802, Japan
Phone: +81-72-275-8050 Fax: +81-72-275-8151
Website: https://www.irci.jp/
e-mail: irci@irci.jp
Printed by Yubunsha

Date of Publication: March 2018
© International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural
Heritage in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI) 2018

P R E FA C E
The International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region(IRCI) was established in 2011 within the National Institutes for Cultural Heritage (NICH),
Japan, as a Category 2 Centre under the auspices of UNESCO. Since its establishment, IRCI
has been working extensively to enhance research for the safeguarding of intangible
cultural heritage (ICH) in the Asia-Pacific region through implementing research projects incooperation with research institutes, museums, NGOs, and government sections within andoutside the region.
This project, ‘Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and the Disaster-Risk Managementin the Asia-Pacific Region’ commenced in April 2016, as one of the core projects under
IRCI’s Medium-Term Programme for Fiscal Year 2016–2020. As the first step to investigate
this new research theme, the project started with a number of activities focused onunderstanding the current situations of natural disaster risk management and ICH
safeguarding in the Asia-Pacific region, and developing a cooperative network of
researchers for the project. These project activities were implemented in close cooperation
with Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, a research institute under
NICH, which has become one of the first successful inter-organisational collaboration
models within NICH.
It is a great pleasure to present this project report on the results of our two-year long
preliminary research activities, which includes contributions from many researchers in the
Asia-Pacific region. Within these few years, there have been many developments in
disaster risk management (DRM) and ICH, such as the discussions on ‘ICH in emergencies’
during the 11th and 12th sessions of the Intergovernmental Committee for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. I hope that this publication can inspire
additional studies and programmes associated with ICH and DRM, and contribute to thepromotion of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage.
This project was made possible by funds donated to NICH for the protection of cultural
heritage (for 2016–2017), with some of the activities in 2016 also being financially
supported through the official development assistance (ODA) grant for supporting
UNESCO’s activities by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology(MEXT).
Thank you all for your generous cooperative efforts in this project, and I hope you continue
to support forthcoming projects of IRCI.

Wataru Iwamoto
Director-General
International Research Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)iTABL E OF CON T E N TS
PREFACE

Wataru Iwamoto
Director-General of IRCIi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

iii

ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONSvi

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISKMANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: PROJECT SUMMARYPRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
003
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: SUMMARY OF ACTIVITIES IN FY 2016–2017
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)

RECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONSFIRST WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE SUMMARY

NATURAL HAZARDS AS THE BIRTH PANGS: THE EMERGENCE OF THE NEWPERSONHOOD AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY AFTER THE 1991 MT PINATUBOERUPTION IN THE PHILIPPINES

019

Hiromu Shimizu
THE SUCCESSORS OF UNESCO WORLD HERITAGE: LIVELIHOODS AGAINST/FORGLOBALISATION IN THE RICE TERRACES OF IFUGAO IN THE NORTHERN HIGHLAND
022
OF LUZON, PHILIPPINES
Hiromu Shimizu
SECOND WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE SUMMARYDISASTER CULTURE AND THE TRANSMISSION OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE

023

Isao Hayashi
INTERNATIONAL WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE (Transcript)

SCIENCE TECHNOLOGY AND DISASTER RISK REDUCTION: THE MISSING LINK

027

Rajib Shawiii

PARTICIPANTS PRESENTATION (Transcript)

ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN BANGLADESH

047

Rahmatullah Al Mahmud Selim
DISASTER AND ICH: BANGLADESH CONTEXT

050

Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood
INTEGRATING LOCAL AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN DISASTER RISKMANAGEMENT: LEARNING FROM PHILIPPINE COMMUNITIES

054

Fatima G. J. Molina
NARRATIVES OF RISK AND COPING IN RESPONSE TO TYPHOON HAIYAN IN
SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN THE PHILIPPINES

060

Soledad N. M. Dalisay
ICH AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN FIJI

064

Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma
BLUE SHIELD PASIFIKA AND ICH SAFEGUARDING IN FIJI

068

Elizabeth F. D. Edwards
ICH AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF VANUATU

074

Richard J. Shing
ENHANCING TRADITIONAL MECHANISMS OF ICH TRANSMISSION AT CHIEF ROI
MATA’S DOMAIN, VANUATU

080

Meredith L. Wilson
FINAL DISCUSSION

087

ANNEX 1 Programme

091

ANNEX 2 List of Participants

092

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURALDISASTERS: CASE STUDIESAN ICH-DISASTERS DIALOGUE ON GAUA ISLAND, VANUATU

97

Meredith L. Wilson and Yoko Nojima
THE ICH SITUATION DURING THE AFTERMATH OF TROPICAL CYCLONE WINSTON:RESULTS OF THE PRELIMINARY FIELD SURVEY IN RA PROVINCE, FIJI
Tomo Ishimura, Yoko Nojima, Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma,
and Elizabeth F. D. Edwards

iv

115

INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND NATURAL HAZARDS IN THE PHILIPPINECORDILLERAS: PRELIMINARY REPORT OF THE FIELD RESEARCH IN ABRA ANDIFUGAO132

Yoko Nojima, Tomo Ishimura, Cecilia V. Picache, and Norma A. Respicio
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR DISASTER PREPAREDNESS, RECOVERY ANDRESILIENCE AGAINST NATURAL HAZARDS IN A COMMUNITY IN SAN NICOLAS,
BATANGAS, THE PHILIPPINES

138

Soledad N. M. Dalisay and Madilene B. Landicho
ICH AND NATURAL DISASTERS IN BLACK HÀ NHÌ AND RED DAO COMMUNITIES IN
153
LÀO CAI PROVINCE, VIETNAM
Phan Phương Anh and Vũ Cảnh Toàn
PERCEIVED IMPACTS OF ANTHROPOGENIC FACTORS AND CLIMATE CHANGE
HAZARDS ON NATURAL LANDSCAPES AND CULTURAL HERITAGES (BAC HA
MOUNTAIN, LAO CAI PROVINCE, VIETNAM)

175

Nguyen An Thinh, Tong Thi My Thi, Ta Van Hanh, Nguyen Hong Hanh,
and Luong Thi Tuyen
ASSESSING THE SITUATION OF NATURAL DISASTERS AND LOCAL ADAPTATION:PRELIMINARY FIELD SURVEY IN BO RIVER BASIN, VIETNAM

197

Le Van An and Ngo Tung Duc
ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF NATURAL DISASTERS ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL
218
HERITAGE IN AYEYARWADY REGION, MYANMAR
Khin Kay Khaing and Saw Yu May
ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURALDISASTERS: PRELIMINARY FIELD SURVEY IN FOUR VILLAGES OF TOUNGUP, RAKHINE
229
STATE, MYANMAR
Chan Myae Myittar Development Association (CMMDA)v

ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS

vi

DRM

Disaster Risk Management

DRR

Disaster Risk Reduction

ESD

Education for Sustainable Development

ICH

Intangible Cultural Heritage

IPCC

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
ChangeIRCIInternational Research Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region

PDNA

Post Disaster Needs Assessment

SDG

Sustainable Development Goals

UNDP

United Nations Development Programme

UNESCO

United Nations Educational, Scientific andCultural Organization

UNISDR

United Nations International Strategy for
Disaster Reduction

2003 Convention

Convention for the Safeguarding of theIntangible Cultural Heritage

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT SUMMARY

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:
SUMMARY OF ACTIVITIES IN FY 2016–2017

International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the AsiaPacific Region (IRCI)PROJECT BACKGROUND‘Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the AsiaPacific Region’ started in April 2016, as a new research project under the new MediumTerm Programme (FY 2016–2020) of the International Research Centre for Intangible
Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI).
The project specifically focused on aspects related to natural hazards because in the AsiaPacific region, a great number of countries frequently suffer severe events. Cyclones/
typhoons, ﬂoods, earthquakes, tsunamis, drought and volcanic eruptions sometimes bringabout disastrous consequences for these countries’ peoples. Thus, natural hazards anddisasters1 are considered a factor threatening the viability of Intangible Cultural Heritage(ICH).
International awareness concerning protecting and safeguarding cultural heritage against
disasters has been growing. UNESCO’s Medium-Term Strategy for 2014–2021 (37C/4)
emphasises the urgent need to respond to post-conﬂict and post-disaster situations (PCPD)(UNESCO 2014), and the UN’s Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030
also calls for protection of cultural heritage (UNISDR 2015). However, while both domestic
and international efforts have been increased for protecting and rescuing cultural heritage
affected by severe disasters, such activities largely center on ‘tangible’ heritage while
impacts on ‘intangible’ cultural heritage (ICH) are frequently overlooked. In the UNESCO
policy framework for ICH, Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention
for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage added a new paragraph on
1

According to UNISDR (2009), ‘disaster’ is ‘a serious disruption of the functioning of a community or asociety involving widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses and impacts, which
exceeds the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its own resources’, resulting
from ‘the combination of: the exposure to a hazard; the conditions of vulnerability that are present;
and insufficient capacity or measures to reduce or cope with the potential negative consequences’. In
this sense, a commonly used term ‘natural disaster’ is somewhat misleading because a disaster
happens when natural hazards intersect with various human factors.

003

‘Community-based resilience to natural disasters and climate change’ (VI.3.3), reﬂecting thediscussion on ICH and sustainable development (UNESCO 2016). Since 2016, theIntergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage has
also discussed this issue under the theme of ‘Intangible cultural heritage in emergencies’.
Major disaster risk reduction (DRR) and management (DRM)2 strategies and frameworks
have not succeeded in effectively incorporating cultural dimensions; too, cultural sectors’
active commitment to DRR and DRM programmers remains limited. However, it issignificant that recent PDNA (post-disaster needs assessment) programmes in the AsiaPacific region have started to include assessment of culture.3 In contrast, DRM specialists
have shown growing interest and effort to integrate traditional indigenous knowledge
within DRR strategies (e.g., Dekens, 2007; Mercer et al., 2010; Shaw et al., 2009).
Indigenous knowledge, sometimes referred to as local knowledge, is ‘the understandings,
skills and philosophies developed by societies with long histories of interaction with theirnatural surroundings’. For rural and indigenous people, it ‘informs decision-making about
fundamental aspects of day-to-day life’ and ‘provide[s] a foundation for locally appropriate
sustainable development’ (UNESCO, n.d.). Such knowledge consitutes part of ICH, and at
this intersection, we envisage a potential ICH contribution to DRM.
This project commenced against such a background, with a preliminary round of research
activities. As a category 2 centre under the auspices of UNESCO, hopefully, this project willcontribute to UNESCO for enhancing ICH safeguarding in the Asia-Pacific region, andespecially for strengthening the community’s resilience to disasters.

ACTIVITIES IN FY 2016–2017
The project had two main interest areas: 1) understanding the impact of natural disasters
on ICH, and, by extension, a consideration of effective measures for ICH safeguarding, and2) highlighting active roles of ICH for DRR and DRM.
As the project started in April 2016, IRCI established a cooperative relationship with theTokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, particularly with its ICH
Department, which has experience of heritage rescue programmers a�er the Great East
Japan Earthquake in 2011. Accordingly, various project activities were implemented in close
cooperation with the Institute.
Within two years during FY 2016–2017, IRCI undertook activities as summarised in Table 1.
2

3

004

UNISDR (2009) defines ‘disaster risk reduction (DRR)’ as ‘the concept and practice of reducing disasterrisks through systematic efforts to analyse and manage the causal factors of disasters, including
through reduced exposure to hazards, lessened vulnerability of people and property, wise
management of land and the environment, and improved preparedness for adverse events’, whereas‘disaster risk management (DRM)’ is ‘the systematic process of using administrative directives,
organizations, and operational skills and capacities to implement strategies, policies, and improved
coping capacities in order to lessen the adverse impacts of hazards and the possibility of disaster’.
Although they are used almost interchangeably, DRM could be viewed as the actions that aim toachieve the objective of DRR (PreventionWeb 2015).
In Samoa a�er Cyclone Evan (Government of Samoa, 2013), Vanuatu a�er Cyclone Pam (Governmentof Vanuatu, 2015), Fiji a�er Cyclone Winston (Government of Fiji, 2016), and in Nepal a�er the 2015
earthquake (Government of Nepal, 2015).

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

Table 1

Activities in Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the
Asia-Pacific Region FY 2016–2017

FY 2016
1 April 2016

‘Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in
the Asia-Pacific Region’ began

1 July 2016

First Working Group Session (Tokyo National Museum)

4–7 July 2016

Reconnaissance in Manila, the Philippines

20–22 October 2016

Reconnaissance in Port Vila, Vanuatu

24–26 October 2016

Reconnaissance in Suva, Fiji
Participated in ‘Pacific Pla�orm for Disaster Risk Management’ Conferencein Suva, Fiji

11 November 2016

Second Working Group Session (Tokyo National Institute for Cultural
Properties)

14–20 December 2016

Reconnaissance in Hue, Hoi An, and Ha Noi, Viet Nam

30 January 2017

International Working Group Session (Third Working Group Session) (Tokyo
National Museum)

31 January 2017

Follow-up meeting with Working Group participants in preparation for FY
2017 activities

14–17 February 2017

Reconnaissance in Majuro, Marshall Islands

13–17 March 2017

Reconnaissance in Yangon, Mandalay, Bagan, and Inle Lake, Myanmar

FY 2017
3 July 2017 -Case studies assessing the current ICH situation in association with natural
disasters proceeded under contract with researchers in Myanmar, Viet Nam,and the Philippines.

19–23 July 2017

Field survey on Gaua, Banks Islands in Vanuatu, in cooperation with
Vanuatu Cultural Centre

26–30 September 2017

Field survey in Ra Province in Viti Levu, Fiji, in cooperation with iTaukei
Institute for Language and Culture, and Blue Shield Pasifika

25–31 January 2018

Field survey in Abra and Ifugao in the Philippines, in cooperation with NCCA

25 January 2018

Case studies by collaborating researchers submitted to IRCI

20 March 2018

Final Working Group Session

Reconnaissance Survey in Asia-Paciﬁc Countries in FY 2016
The first required step was to gain basic understanding of DRM in the Asia-Pacific region,
how ICH is affected by various disasters, and active ICH roles for DRM. At the same time,developing cooperative relationships for implementing various project activities was critical.
Therefore, IRCI sent researchers to selected countries in Asia and the Pacific to havediscussions with researchers, specialists and government officials in fields related to DRM

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: PROJECT SUMMARY005

and/or cultural heritage. While we were interested in finding some instances in which ICH
was either damaged by a disaster or contributed to DRM, understanding social and culturalinterests among those in DRM studies was also very important, along with heritage
researchers’ interests in examining ICH in the context of natural hazards and disasters.
Countries and organisations visited in FY 2016 are as follows:
Philippines (Metro Manila, 4–7 July 2016)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties)
List of organisations visited: University of the Philippines-Diliman (Department of
Anthropology; Archaeological Studies Program); Center for Disaster Preparedness; National
Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA); Oscar M. Lopez Center; Manila Observatory
Vanuatu (Port Vila, 20–22 October 2016)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Meredith L. Wilson (Stepwise Heritage andTourism, Australia)
List of organisations visited: Climate Section, Ministry of Climate Change; Erromango
Cultural Association; Lelema World Heritage Committee; National Disaster Management
Office (NDMO); Vanuatu Cultural Centre (VCC)
Fiji (Suva, 24–26 October 2016)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties)
List of organisations visited: Fiji Museum; iTaukei Institute of Languages and Culture;
National Disaster Management Office (NDMO)*Researchers also participated in the ‘Pacific Pla�orm for Disaster Risk Management’
Conference held by UNISDR during 24–26 October 2016.
Viet Nam (Hue, Hoi An, and Ha Noi, 14–20 December 2016)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Hiromichi Kubota (Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties)
List of organisations visited: University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National
University (Department of Anthropology); Hue University of Sciences (Department of
Sociology); Hanoi University of Natural Resource and Environment; Hoi An Center for
Cultural Heritage Management and Preservation; Hue Monuments Conservation Centre;
Hue University of Agriculture and Forestry; Institute of Human Geography, Vietnam
Academy of Social Sciences (VASS); Institute for Social and Environmental Transition (ISET)Vietnam; Vietnam Institute for Culture and Arts Studies (VICAS); Vietnam Museum of
Ethnology
Marshall Islands (Majuro, 14–17 February 2017)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Huy Nguyen (ISET-Vietnam)

006

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

List of organisations visited: Environmental Protection Authority (EPA); Chief Secretary’s
Office; Waan Aelõñ in Majel (WAM); National Disaster Management Office (NDMO); USP
CenterMyanmar (Bagan, Inle Lake, Mandalay, and Yangon, 13–17 March 2017)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Meredith L. Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism, Australia);
Shigeaki Kodama (National Museum of Ethnology)
List of organisations visited: University of Yangon (Department of Anthropology;
Department of Archaeology); Group of Geographers (from Pathein University, Taunggyi
University, and Yangon University); Intha Literature, Culture, Development Association;
Ministry of Culture (Archaeology Department; Bagan Branch); MKRC&WKRC/SEEDS Asia
Myanmar Office; Myanmar Engineering Society; Myanmar Upper Land; National Museum;
SEAMEO CHAT; UNDP Myanmar Office; University of Mandalay (Department of
Anthropology; Department of Archaeology); Yangon Heritage Trust
Through discussions with both DRM and heritage researchers, the general situation of ICH
in relation to DRM was recognised.
1) Because many Asia-Pacific countries are frequently exposed to various natural
hazards, heritage researchers, and specialists are very keen to understand ICH in
relation to DRM. However, most existing efforts to protect heritage from hazards
and disasters are made for ‘tangible’ cultural heritage, whereas examining thesituation of ICH in this context was recognised as a new approach to be
developed.
2) Governmental culture sectors and museums are interested in this approach and findit significant for enhancing the country’s ICH safeguarding, but natural hazards anddisasters do not necessarily take top priority in heritage management. Part of these
entities’ understanding is ‘Yes, we need to protect ICH from natural disasters, but
the challenge is how to achieve this goal’. Discussion with IRCI for this projectprovided an opportunity to start thinking about what we can do in the area of ICH.
3) DRM research and practices are dominated by science and technology approaches,
and in most cases, culture is not part of them. However, some researchers aretrying to incorporate ‘indigenous knowledge’ for DRM. Some examples are the useof traditional architecture (e.g., local materials enable faster recovery, structuralcharacteristics withstand disasters), traditional hazard indicators, and foodpreservation techniques. These are all ICH, even though DRM researchers have notused this terminology.
4) The ‘indigenous knowledge’ exemplified above is recognised as the intersection of
ICH and DRM. Some ideas emerged during discussions: The culture sector could
promote such positive aspects of ICH through museum exhibitions and educational
materials by making use of their existing collections.

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: PROJECT SUMMARY

007

Working Group Sessions
In FY 2016, IRCI also held a series of working group sessions, inviting researchers from
related fields as guest speakers to explore the potential of various approaches and to
discuss issues related to ICH and disasters, while familiarising ourselves with cultural
approaches for DRM.
On 1 July 2016, at the Tokyo National Museum, the first working group listened toProfessor Hiromu Shimizu of Kyoto University share his experiences during the Pinatubo
eruption in the Philippines and transformation of Aeta societies based on his long-term
research. Considering the ICH focus of IRCI, he added a brief presentation introducing his
research in Ifugao. His presentation was timely because the session was held a few days
before IRCI’s first trip to the Philippines. Especially for the beginning of exploring ICH
approaches for DRM, his talk was insigh�ul in emphasising that culture is always changing
and that a disaster becomes an opportunity for cultural change that o�en involves certain
creative aspects during the recovery process.
On 11 November 2016, at the Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties, thesecond working group session invited Professor Isao Hayashi of National Museum of
Ethnology, Japan, who talked about the culture to cope with disasters, or ‘disaster culture’,referring to several cases in Japan, Indonesia, and Papua New Guinea. Introducing theconcept of ‘indigenous knowledge’, his presentation encouraged us to explore how ICH
contributes to DRM. Notably, he indicated the major functions of disaster culture to beprotecting people, transmi�ng the memory of disaster to following generations andhealing the minds of the affected. This could be applied to ICH as well.
On 30 January 2017, at the Tokyo National Museum, the third working group session wasconvened as the ‘International Working Group Session’, with presenters invited from AsiaPacific countries. Dr Rajib Shaw, DRM specialist at IRDR, was the guest lecturer delivering atalk on science and technology gaps and indigenous knowledge, extensively referring tovarious case studies in the Asia-Pacific region. The session also provided us a great
opportunity to learn DRM viewpoints for indigenous knowledge and ICH. Eight Asia-Pacificparticipants shared information on current DRM and heritage situations, with theirexperiences in Bangladesh, Fiji, the Philippines, and Vanuatu, respectively. This full-day
event provided an opportunity for Asia-Pacific researchers in both culture and DRM fields
to gather for active discussions on ICH in the DRM context. On the following day, possible
project activities for FY 2017 were casually discussed among Asia-Pacific participants.
Records of these three working group sessions are included in this volume. For the firsttwo sessions, we provided lecture summaries because the original talk was in Japanese,and the lecture, participants’ presentations and discussions were transcribed for theInternational Working Group Session.

Field Research in FY 2017
In 2016, IRCI’s activities, which primarily involved discussions with related institutions andresearchers, helped capture the current DRM/DRR situation, possible disaster impacts on
culture and ICH’s potential roles for DRR. However, assessing the situation at the local,
community level is necessary for developing effective strategies and action plans allowing

008

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

future integration of ICH into DRR/DRM. Therefore, activities for FY 2017 focused on fieldresearch to assess current ICH situations in natural disasters by interviewing local people
and ICH practitioners living in disaster-prone or disaster-affected areas, paying special
attention to remote, rural areas. Specific areas for the case study were determined in close
communication with project counterparts in given countries.
Goals of the field research were as follows:
1) Identify varieties of ICH in areas that are related to natural disasters
2) Identify the impact of natural disasters on ICH
3) Identify positive aspects of ICH and understand the mechanisms of community
resilience in which ICH has a significant part to play4) Understand the community’s needs and priorities in developing action plans for ICH
safeguarding in disaster situations and the possible integration of ICH into future
DRM/DRR planning
The researchers’ network, established in FY 2016, was highly beneficial in identifying
cooperating/collaborating partners; this action enabled effective implementation of asurvey exploring various cultural and disaster se�ngs in five Asia-Pacific countries. Threefield research activities involving IRCI researchers were conducted in Vanuatu, Fiji, and thePhilippines. In addition, collaborating researchers independently undertook six case studies
in Viet Nam, Myanmar, and the Philippines.
To facilitate the survey and interview process, IRCI developed common guidelines (Table 2),
which were used for all field research. These guidelines attempted to include major issues
related to ICH and natural disasters; however, because of the project’s preliminary stage
and a limited timeframe for field activity, thoroughly covering all guideline items was notintended. Alternatively, each case study addressed aspects fi�ng specific field conditions
and maintained overall goals to identify impacts on ICH, and active roles of ICH.
Table 2

Assessing the Current Situation of ICH in Association with Natural Disasters: Guidelines

1) Introduction to the projecta) About IRCI and ICH* Introduce IRCI- Category 2 Centre under auspices of UNESCO, established in 2011 in Japan- Mission: Contribute to the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural
Heritage through facilitating research for ICH safeguarding in the Asia-Pacific Region- Activity Focus on ‘ICH safeguarding and disaster risk management’ under its medium-term
programme (2016–2020)* Explain ICH- UNESCO’s categories: a) oral traditions and expressions; b) performing arts; c) social practices,
rituals and festive events; d) knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe;e) traditional cra�smanship- Note that ICH here is not limited to the elements that are inscribed on the UNESCO
representative list, but includes any knowledge, skills and practices that are held andtransmitted by people from generation to generation, and are part of their culture andlivelihood.

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: PROJECT SUMMARY009

* With respect to natural disasters, ecological and environmental knowledge (e.g. traditional
resource management) is important.
b) Why ICH for DRR/DRM* Natural disasters as a potential factor threatening the transmission of ICH:
- Directly damage places and objects associated with ICH practice; natural resources required
for ICH (e.g. local cra� production)- Indirect impact: transformation of lifestyles affecting ICH (e.g. local materials and techniques
replaced by commercial materials and technologies)* ICH has significant roles to play in community-based DRM process (positive roles of ICH)
- Importance of indigenous knowledge and practice (built upon generations of experiences)* Note that a natural hazard only become a disaster when the affected people and communities
are vulnerable. While cultural factors may be part of vulnerability, they also contributesignificantly to DRR. In this respect, ICH may be able to strengthen community resilience inself-sustainable ways.
c) Objectives and Goals of the activity* Understanding the situation of ICH in relation to natural disasters* Recognizing the importance/significance of ICH in the process of DRR against natural disasters* Discuss with the local community and counterparts possible ways to strengthen disaster-related
ICH, and to incorporate such elements into their own DRR/DRM actions
2) Understanding the locality and community situationsa) Geographical se�ngs of the area: natural and social environment, access to urban centres,
information, etc.
b) Baseline information of the community/village/settlement: population, history, economy,
livelihood, resources, etc.
3) Identifying known natural hazards and risks in the areaa) Varieties of natural hazards (types, severity, frequency)* Be aware of slow-onset hazards such as droughts, or ENSO-related climatic extremes* Any inﬂuence of climate change?
b) Local perception of natural hazards and disasters* Local terminologies (when appropriate)* What is considered a disaster? Any positive aspects?
(e.g. River ﬂooding accumulates fertile soils for agriculture and is not necessarily a disaster.)c) History of recent disaster events that have affected the community* What were the major impacts/consequences?
* Any environmental/social/cultural transformation triggered by the disaster? (Loss of resources,
places, relocations, etc.)* How did they recover?
* Difficulties and challenges they faced* Any local DRR strategy used? (related to section 4 below)d) Assess the community’s risks and vulnerabilities (based on sections 2 and 3).
4) Identifying local ICH in association with natural hazards and disasters (ICH-based DRR/DRM)a) Map ICH-based DRR/DRM techniques (traditional indigenous knowledge and practice for DRR)
* Maybe easier to do this with respect to each disaster type and asking how the locals prepare
for, confront, and recover from the disaster.
* How such knowledge and techniques are learned and transmitted?
* Whether certain practices have changed due to adaptive advantagesb) Knowledge and techniques that were used in the past but no longer in practice* What caused/contributed to the cessation of such practice?
c) Instances in which ICH is used in conjunction with introduced (scientific) technologiesd) Traditional systems/mechanisms of social cohesion and cooperation (within and between thecommunity) contributing to DRM, including traditional social events and festivals

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* Local governance arrangements used in preparation, response, and recovery, and the roles ofwomen, youth and the elderly* Specific function and roles in the process of disastere) Memories of the disaster as ICH* Sites/places and stories transmi�ng the memory/lessons of past disaster events* New stories, chants, songs or performances, and other social practices that are emerged fromrecent disaster experiences, and why they emerged* How they are performed and transmitted?
f) Community’s priorities and willingness to promote such ICH based DRR techniques* Consideration of practicality, effectiveness, etc.
* Ask people to identify positive/negative outcomes when particular techniques are used/not
used.
5) Assessing natural disasters’ impact on ICH (natural disasters as a factor threatening thesafeguarding of ICH)a) Representative ICH elements in the area
* They may not be directly related to disasters, but would constitute fundamental part of thepeople’s identity, livelihoods, and community’s solidarity.
* Note that all categories of ICH (according to the definition of UNESCO) are introduced to thecommunity for consideration.
* Also note the importance of daily subsistence practices and resource management strategies
with its close connection to the cultural landscape. (Elements that are part of their daily lives
may be overlooked.)b) Instances in which ICH practices were interrupted by disasters (with reference to recent disasterevents)* Temporary disturbance to natural resources, gardens and crops, damage to/loss of places,
facilities, and tools to perform ICH, etc.
* Duration of the impact, and how they revived/transformed.
c) Indirect-impact and long-term transformation triggered by disasters* e.g. replacement of raw materials (for houses, cra� making, etc.) from traditional resources
to imported commercial products may lead to the decline/loss of traditional knowledge andpractices* Note that natural disasters create opportunities for cultural changes. ICH in general is o�enunder the endangered situation due to other common factors such as globalization,industrialization, and modernization. A disaster event that happens in such circumstances
may lead to considerable transformation of ICH, especially in the process of recovery.
Supplement: When prominent ICH practitioners are available (e.g. wood carvers, potters, weavers,
performers, etc.), information regarding the disaster-impact may be collected through additional,
separate interviews.
a) Whether any past disasters interrupted the practice or not. If so, how it happened (what weredamaged/lost) and how long it was interrupted.
b) Risks and concerns they have (in relation to, but not limited to natural disasters).
c) Transformation of ICH and its transmission before, during, and a�er the disaster. Did a disasterevent contribute to the decline of the tradition?

IRCI undertook the following three field studies:
Gaua (Banks Islands), Vanuatu (19–23 July 2017)
Counterpart: Vanuatu Cultural Centre
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Meredith L. Wilson (Stepwise Heritage andTourism, Australia); Edson Willie (Vanuatu Cultural Centre)

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Focus: Gaua is an island with an active volcano, Mt Garet. The latest eruption in 2009–2010 forced the locals living on the western and northwestern sides of the island toevacuate to other parts of the island for about 6 months. The Banks Islands are one of themost isolated areas in Vanuatu, and the local people’s livelihood is largely based on
subsistence agriculture. These islands are also known for their distinctive culturalexpressions. Researchers expected that the people retained rich knowledge for dealing withvarious natural hazards, including volcanic eruptions and tropical cyclones.
Naocobau and Namarai villages, Ra Province, Viti Levu, Fiji (26–30 September 2017)
Counterpart: Blue Shield Pasifika/Fiji Museum; iTaukei Institute for Language and Culture
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties); Elizabeth F. D. Edwards (Blue Shield Pasifika/Fiji Museum);
Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma (iTaukei Institute for Language and Culture)
Focus: These two villages were devastated by Tropical Cyclone Winston in February 2016.
Therefore, the research specifically focused on villagers’ experiences of Winston, its impact
on their ICH, and the situation of ICH during the recovery process.
Abra and Ifugao, Cordilleras Region, Philippines (25–31 January 2018)
Counterpart: National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA)
Researchers sent by IRCI: Yoko Nojima (IRCI); Tomo Ishimura (Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties); Cecilia V. Picache (NCCA); Norma A. Respicio (University of
the Philippines-Diliman)
Focus: Indigenous peoples live on both Abra and Ifugao, and researchers intended tounderstand hazards and ICH situations among communities in mountainous areas. The
Ifugao possess both World Heritage sites and ICH elements inscribed in the list of the 2003
Convention of UNESCO; thus greater awareness concerning their ICH and its safeguarding
are expected.
Collaborating researchers conducted case studies as follows:
Batangas, Philippines by Soledad N.M. Dalisay (University of the Philippines-Diliman)
Ayeyarwady region, Myanmar by Khin Kay Khaing (Pathein University)
Rakhain state, Myanmar by Chan Myae Myittar Development Association
Bac Ha region (Lao Cai), Viet Nam by the Centre for Advanced Research on Global
Change (CARGC), Hanoi University of Natural Resources and Environment
Black Hà Nhì and Red Dao Communities (Lao Cai), Viet Nam by Phan Phuong Anh(University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University)
Bo River basin (Hue), Viet Nam by Le Van An and Ngo Tung Duc (Hue University ofAgriculture and Forestry)

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The final portion of this project report (‘Assessing the Current Situation of ICH in
Association with Natural Disasters: Case Studies’) includes these case study reports.

SUMMARY AND PROSPECTS
During the past two years, our study identified several points associated with ICH. Major
damage caused by disasters is as follows:• Important places associated with oral traditions, ritual performances, social activities,
and subsistence practices such as gardens and fishing places could be damaged orlost.
• Tools and equipment required for performing arts, rituals, festive events, andsubsistence practices could be damaged or lost.
• Natural resources required for cra� production, for instance, weaving, basket
making, and pottery making, could be depleted or lost, leading to interruption andrecession of practices.
• Disaster relief and aid items from outside sometimes disturb or replace local
practices.
• Social events, ritual events, and ceremonies may be postponed or cancelled.
In some cases, positive sides of natural hazards were noted:• In river basins and deltas in Southeast Asia, moderate ﬂooding is part of subsistencesystems—not considered disasters.
• In the Pacific, the local people can sometimes gain unusual fish harvests andexcellent crop harvests.
Positive aspects of ICH include the following:• Local knowledge systems associated with nature and the environment, including
local resource management, conserve their environment and also protect fromnatural hazards. Traditional hazard indicators enable the local people to prepare inadvance.
• Having environmental knowledge enables people to build their villages and housesin safer locations.
• Traditional houses have abilities to withstand major hazards. Traditional local houses
utilising local materials are strong against cyclones and earthquakes. In Gaua,
Vanuatu, thatched roofs last longer than corrugated iron roofs against volcanic
ashfall. Houses in Viet Nam’s mountainous areas protect people against cold
weather. Houses along rivers in Southeast Asia are equipped with systems to reducethe impact of ﬂoods. Certain houses function as shelters during disasters.
• Traditional food preservation techniques and the knowledge of wild ‘bush’ food
could increase food security.
• Memories of past disasters are transmitted as epics and songs, sometimes
associated with particular places and monuments.
• Rituals are performed to mitigate risks or to avoid disasters. Such practices may not

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be scientific, but are important in the community and function well to maintainsocial order.
• A�er the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Northeast Japan, reviving local festivals
and performances assisted the community’s recovery.
In fact, rich knowledge exists concerning hazards and disasters, and it is effective for DRR.
Possibly the biggest problem, however, is that such knowledge is no longer practiced in thecontemporary context. Thus, the problem lies in transmitting such knowledge.
Furthermore, recent introduction of the DRM framework and strategies intended toincrease communities’ DRM abilities are generally top-down; they sometimes override
existing practices. Recognising and utilising local knowledge effectively is important forenhancing communities’ resilience.
While disasters certainly impact ICH, it seems unlikely that the disaster itself leads directly
to loss of ICH. Even before disasters, many ICH elements are already endangered becauseof long-term processes of modernisation and ‘development’. In such a context, a disaster
could easily lead to the loss of ICH. Recognising that ICH is always changing, disaster events
are that happen at the edge of this process, and thus long-term research will be necessary
to fully understand how a disaster transforms ICH.
Post-disaster revitalisation of local rituals, festivals, and performing arts in NortheasternJapan was highlighted and promoted as a means of consolidating the community’s
cohesion and enhancing the recovery process. When we conducted various research
activities during this project, this case was always in mind. Interestingly, however, thisseems unique to Japan. As an activity in FY 2018, IRCI has been planning an Asia-Pacificregional workshop on ICH and natural hazards to further examine this issue in the AsiaPacific context.
Finally, the critical issue is still local awareness and perception of ICH. This is a fundamental
part of ICH safeguarding and thus has to be further promoted, regardless of disasters. In
such a process, knowledge and practices relating to DRR could be promoted andsafeguarded.

REFERENCES

Dekens, J. (2007). The snake and the river don’t run straight: Local knowledge on disaster preparedness inthe Eastern Terai of Nepal. Kathmandu: International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development(ICIMOD).
Government of Fiji (2016). Fiji post-disaster needs assessment: Tropical Cyclone Winston, February 20,
2016. Suva: Government of Fiji.
Government of Nepal (2015). Nepal earthquake 2015 post disaster needs assessment Vol.B: sector
reports. Kathmandu: National Planning Commission.
Government of Samoa (2013). Samoa post-disaster needs assessment Cyclone Evan 2012. Apia: Ministryof Finance.
Government of Vanuatu (2015). Vanuatu post-disaster needs assessment: Tropical Cyclone Pam, March2015. Port Vila: Government of Vanuatu.
Mercer, J., Kelman, I., Taranis, L. and Suchet-Pearson, S. (2010). Framework for integrating indigenous andscientific knowledge for disaster risk reduction. Disaster, 34(1):214-239.
PreventionWeb (2015). Disaster Risk Reduction & Disaster Risk Management. [online] Available at:

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https://www.preventionweb.net/risk/drr-drm [Accessed 24 Mar. 2018].
Shaw, R., Sharma, A. and Takeuchi, Y. (2009). Indigenous knowledge and disaster risk reduction: Frompractice to policy. New York: Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
UNESCO (2014). 37 C/4 2014-2021 medium-term strategy. Paris: UNESCO.
UNESCO (2016). Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of
the Intangible Cultural Heritage. In: Basic Texts of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of theIntangible Cultural Heritage, 2016 Edition. Paris: Intangible Cultural Heritage Section, UNESCO, pp.2375.
UNESCO (n.d.). What is Local and Indigenous Knowledge? [online] Local and Indigenous Knowledge
Systems. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/natural-sciences/priority-areas/links/relatedinformation/what-is-local-and-indigenous-knowledge/ [Accessed 24 Mar. 2018].
UNISDR (2009). 2009 UNISDR terminology on disaster risk reduction. Geneva: United Nations
International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR).
UNISDR (2015). Sendai framework for disaster risk reduction 2015-2030. Geneva: United Nations
International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR).

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RECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONSFIRST WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE SUMMARY

Date: 1 July 2016
Venue: Tokyo National Museum (Tokyo)

Lecturer: Hiromu Shimizu (Professor, Kyoto University)

NATURAL HAZARDS AS THE BIRTH PANGS: THE EMERGENCE OF
THE NEW PERSONHOOD AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY AFTER
THE 1991 MT PINATUBO ERUPTION IN THE PHILIPPINESDr Hiromu Shimizu, based on his long-term commitment to the Aeta people in the western
Luzon, talked about the transformation of the Aeta self-consciousness and theircommunities in the past 25 years since the massive eruption of Mt Pinatubo in 1991.
Looking into the processes of the breakdown and re-construction of Aeta communities, hedemonstrated that a disaster could encourage the emergence of new personhoods andnew communities.
The Aeta people used to live in the mountainside of Pinatubo as si�ing-cultivators withhunting and gathering as sidelines, and sedentary agriculture has been introduced by an
NGO since 1976. Their livelihood, however, was changed drastically by the 1991 eruption of
Mt Pinatubo. The catastrophic eruption forced the Aeta people to leave the mountain tolive in the resettlement areas, which were built along the foothills and were much closer to

The Aeta people as shi�ing-cultivators (©Hiromu Shimizu, June 1978)

019

Overlooking Mt Pinatubo and its
foothills that are entirely covered withash, from Baquilan resettlement area(©Hiromu Shimizu, December 1991)

Prof. Shimizu interviewing his longterm Aeta friend, Mr Victor Villa, about
the situations before and a�er the
eruption, and their day-to-day life at
the evacuation centre(©Hiromu Shimizu, November 1991)

the towns. Just a�er the eruption in June, many Aeta people died of diseases such as
severe dehydration, ﬂu or measles, due to the poor living conditions in evacuation camps
during the rainy season in July and August. While some people eventually returned to their
homelands, most of them (80–90% of the affected Aeta population) continued living inresettlement areas. As exemplified in this case, a catastrophe strikes the most vulnerable
part of the society, not only once but twice: firstly as a natural disaster that was
unavoidable, and secondly in the evacuation camps during the post-disaster process, which
was a human-induced disaster and could have been manageable.
As a couple of decades passed a�er the event, it gradually became possible for us toperceive some major changes in the Aeta societies. The Aeta people used to live selfsufficient lifestyles and rarely went down to towns, where they were disrespected, andwere deceived or exploited by lowlanders. Now they actively visit towns by tricycles to sell
their agricultural products and negotiate with customers on equal terms. Some of them
participate in fiestas in nearby city and town to parade in loincloths, which represent theiridentity as the indigenous people in the Philippines, even though they usually are dressedin jeans. Among young people who were born in the resettlement areas and received
school education, there were a few who went to work even abroad to earn considerable
cash income. Some started to get married with non-Aeta individuals beyond ethnic
boundaries. As exemplified in these cases, the 1991 eruption significantly transformed the
Aeta society. Through this disastrous experience, the Aeta eventually re-established their
new personhood with expanded perception of time and space, and their identity as the020

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Contemporary Aeta youths on
motorbike. Two on the le�, who aresoon to leave for Saudi Arabia as
overseas Filipino workers, are on theway to see their parents who havereturned to the mountainside.
(©Hiromu Shimizu, January 2013)indigenous people of the Philippines. In a much larger sociopolitical context, the eruption
event also led to withdrawal of all the US military bases in the Philippines, which led to thesubsequent development in the Philippines of the new national identity as freed andindependent Filipinos.
Since Industrial Revolution, societies all over the world experienced various changes fromagricultural to industrial societies, from farmers to factory workers, which also transformed
the people’s perception and the worldviews. However, the Aeta people experienced suchchanges only within a decade or so, triggered by the eruption of Mt Pinatubo. The cases ofpost-disaster social transformation are also found outside the Philippines. For example,
Tokyo was devastated by the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923 and subsequently by theGreat Tokyo Air Raid in 1945; nonetheless, these tragic events brought about opportunities
to create a new ‘modern’ city of Tokyo and to resume a new lifestyle. In the case of Aceh
in Indonesia, the liberation movement had been suppressed and the human rights had
been violated by Indonesian National Armed Forces for more than twenty years. However,the peace was restored a�er the 2004 Indian Ocean Earthquake that caused more than
200,000 death due to tsunami, as international NGOs and disaster relief agencies whoentered Aceh exposed such inhumane security enforcement by the National Force.
Viewing culture as a continuous entity corresponding to a certain group of people,
particular language, and places is not relevant in the contemporary world. An alternativeand more dynamic view is that culture is discontinuous: it could be interrupted, forgotten,
or forcefully abandoned. However, a culture is subsequently revived a�er a period of
breakdown, with a creativity incorporating certain new elements.
The disaster strikes people over and over again, and we cannot entirely escape from it.
Rather than arguing about the disaster reduction and mitigation, he emphasised theimportance of evaluating the recovery process, more specifically the creative recovery andrehabilitation embracing the emergence of new societies. We should recognise the disasteras the birth pangs, through which a new personhood and society could be created, andnavigate to consider the process of reconstruction in the longer timeframes such as fiveand ten-year terms.
(Summary and captions by IRCI)

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021

Lecturer: Hiromu Shimizu (Professor, Kyoto University)

THE SUCCESSORS OF UNESCO WORLD HERITAGE:LIVELIHOODS AGAINST/FOR GLOBALISATION IN
THE RICE TERRACES OF IFUGAO IN THE NORTHERNHIGHLAND OF LUZON, PHILIPPINESDr Shimizu also talked about the rice terraces of Ifugao in the northern highland of Luzonin the Philippines, which is designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1995, and thebasic livelihood of the Ifugao people. Ifugao is indigenous people in the northern highlandof Luzon whose population is approximately 200,000. Ifugao also means the name of state,ethnic group and language. Ifugao also possesses Hudhud chanting, which was proclaimed
in 2001 UNESCO’s Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity, and thenincorporated in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in
2008.
Rice terraces in the Philippines are constructed on extremely steep slopes. In the past
twenty or thirty years, some structures were destroyed by landslides, and water shortage
caused by the decline of forests has made the irrigation of rice terraces difficult. Threats
and concerns identified when the heritage element was placed in the List of World
Heritage in Danger in 2001 are now being conscientiously and systematically addressed
through efforts extended by the Provincial Government, as well as the concerned national
agencies and NGOs.
Local people have also actively engaged themselves in the protection of rice terraces andreforestation programmes, one of which was the case of Hapao village in Hungduan
Municipality. Dr Shimizu reported his research on the local community-led reforestation
projects in this village, which started in 1997. While maintaining their rice terraces, almost
10% of the villagers (1,850 people in 380 households, three fourth of the village
population is women) work abroad. Remittance by workers overseas enabled thecommunity people to hold splendid funerals, and to redeem their rice terraces that wereonce sold. At the same time, they are also capable of buying the DVDs of Hollywood
movies and TVs. The Ifugao people are enjoying the latest technologies of the world, andyet living a traditional lifestyle at the same time.
The Ifugao livelihood and culture as individual/ethnic identity are deeply rooted in thesubsistence agriculture and the landscape centred on rice terraces, which are recognised as
being inseparable from natural environment. Globalisation, in this context, has been
reinforcing the awareness of their roots and identity. Traditional culture is rediscovered,
reconfirmed and reinforced, as a tree stretches its branches while extending andstrengthening its roots.
(Summary by IRCI)

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SECOND WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE SUMMARY

Date: 11 November 2016
Venue: Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties (Tokyo)

Lecturer: Isao Hayashi (Associate Professor, National Museum of Ethnology)

DISASTER CULTURE AND THE TRANSMISSION OF
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE

Instead of discussing ICH as a subject matter to be safeguarded/protected from disasters,
Dr Isao Hayashi introduced an alternative viewpoint to understand culture and ICH in thecontext of natural disasters, using ‘indigenous knowledge’ and ‘disaster culture’ as key
concepts.
There has been three major transitions in the field of disaster risk management in the past
twenty years. The first is the change in the hazard protection measures: from the
hardware-centred disaster management such as the construction of embankments andearthquake-resistant buildings, to the software-oriented management to reduce
vulnerability in consideration of differential social factors such as geographical se�ngs,
genders, ages, and educations. Along with this change, a concept of ‘resilience’, a capacity
to restore pre-disaster conditions while accepting the impact, has drawn an international
attention. The second is the change in the focus from the post-disaster reaction to thepre-disaster risk reduction. The third is the increased emphasis on the community-based
disaster risk management, rather than the government- or specialist-led approach.
Indigenous knowledge was once popular in the field of ecological anthropology in the
mid-1970s onwards, although there was not much development a�er that. Since thebeginning of 2000s, however, it regained an attention in the field of disaster risk
management, in association with international trends related to the sustainable
development emphasising environmental issues. There is no clear, basic definition ofindigenous knowledge, but it generally refers to the knowledge which a person or a groupof people has acquired empirically. It would be more important to understand how
indigenous knowledge has been focused or how it has been evaluated, especially in
relation to disaster risk management, rather than discussing the definition itself. However,it should be noted that indigenous knowledge is not in dichotomy with scientificknowledge, and that it is always changing.
A good example of indigenous knowledge that raised the attention in the field of disastermanagement is the case of Nandong in Simeulue island, Aceh province, Indonesia. At thetime of the Indian Ocean Tsunami in 2004, almost 70,000 people who were living along thecoastal area of the island survived while only seven people lost their lives. People ofSimeulue island were able to evacuate safely, because they had inherited the traditional
epic of Nandong recounting the episode of the massive tsunami that devastated the island
in 1907, and the knowledge was properly transmitted as part of their daily lives.
‘Disaster culture’ signifies the culture (both tangible and intangible) associated with the023

Active volcano, Mt. Tavurvur, near the
town of Rabaul, in New Britain, Papua
New Guinea. National Musk Festivals
are held annually in Rabaul or Kokopo
by the government of PNG, to support
the local economy through tourism.
(©Isao Hayashi, 2005)

acquisition, accumulation, transmi�on and utilisation of the knowledge concerning thedisaster. Disaster culture covers a wide range of elements: technical elements such as
earthquake-resistant and/or fire-proof building structures and dams to control ﬂoodings,
disaster-related traditions and associated perceptions of disaster, disaster awareness,disaster management communities and activities, evacuation behaviors and so on.
Especially in the field of disaster management studies, disaster culture is perceived as aconcept much wider than indigenous knowledge, including scientific knowledge and theknowledge learned through formal systems like school educations, in addition to
indigenous knowledge. Disaster researchers may prefer to call it ‘disaster management
culture’, as it is considered practical and useful for the disaster risk reduction andmanagement. In contrast, cultural studies of disaster in general focus on recording the
traditions and experiences of the past disasters and how disasters are percieved.
Indigenous knowledge and the disaster culture both caught the attention of disaster
researchers from a viewpoint that the culture could save people’s lives and livelihoods fromthe disaster. For example, in Tsuwano, Shimane prefecture, Japan, a canal system drawing
water from Tsuwano River has been placed for the purpose of securing water against fire.
In the case of Nohbi Plain covering the southern part of Gihu prefecture and the westernpart of Aichi prefecture in Japan, waju (traditional embankments surrounding the village)
has been developed to protect the village from ﬂoods. Further efforts are also found inthese regions, such as constructing residential houses on top of the raised stone
foundation, and placing a mizuya on the foundation that is built much higher than theresidential house to store valuables and foodstuffs, as well as to evacuate when ﬂooded

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PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

Women of Kanbara village (Gunma
Prefecture) producing rice dumplings
known as migo-dango to be distributed
to the community people. This is alocal tradition commemorating ahistoric eruption of Mt. Asama volcano
in 1783, when villagers received dango
as disaster relief.
(©Isao Hayashi, 2009)

Kuromori-kagura ritual performance
held in 2012, to pray for the deceased(Taro, Miyako-City, Iwate Prefecture).
Behind the performers is the coastal
levee destroyed by tsunami.
(©Takeshi Abe, 2012)

water comes inside the village.
However, it is important to note that there are other significant aspects and functions inindigenous knowledge and the disaster culture. One is to transmit the experiences of thedisaster to the future generations, and the other is to heal people’s mind. An example ofthe transmission is a story of a paddle in Papua New Guinea: a person escaped from atsunami to the mountain with a paddle on his hand about 14 generations ago, and thestory has been inherited among the people until today with the paddle itself. In Ofunato,
Iwate prefecture, Japan, a theatrical play based on the memories of deceased parents has
been created. Such storytelling activities are common in many places in Japan.
An aspect of culture to heal people’s mind is associated with those who lost their lives by
a disaster and those who were le� behind. While government-led memorial services andceremonies are carried out, it is hard to accept the death of the closest people. Traditional
folk performing arts play an important role in this respect. A�er the Great East Japan
Earthquake, for example, shishi-odori ritual dances were performed among the scatteredrubbles, and the Kuromori-kagura were performed and kagura-nenbutsu were chanted tomourn for the dead. These examples suggest that culture has an ability to encourage therecovery of the communities and their livelihoods, while culture itself is also the subject tobe revivied a�er a disaster.

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025

Indigenous knowledge and disaster culture are o�en narrowly focused in the context of
pre-disaster preparedness and post-disaster emergency responses. Howerver, when we lookat the relationship between the disaster and culture, we can recognise that culture plays
important roles in various places in the process of recovery. Culture’s link to the disastermay not be recognised in daily life. However, it is significant to recognise the active roles ofculture when a disaster strikes, and during the immediate response and the recovery, andpromote the transmission of such culture to the future generations.
(Summary and captions by IRCI)

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INTERNATIONAL WORKING GROUP SESSIONLECTURE (Transcript)

Date: 30 January 2017
Venue: Tokyo National Museum (Tokyo)

Lecturer: Dr Rajib Shaw (Executive Director, IRDR)SCIENCE TECHNOLOGY AND DISASTER RISK REDUCTION:
THE MISSING LINKPart 1. Science and Technology Gaps
A very good morning to all of you, and my sincere thanks goes to the IRCI for inviting me here. I
hope the weather will still be good by the time I end my presentation, so let’s see how well
behaved we are.
I had a little bit of mixed interest in disaster risk reduction. I started my career as a private
consultant at a consulting firm in Tokyo. And then, I worked for the UN for five years before
spending 12 years at Kyoto University. Therefore, I have experienced risk reduction from theperspective of the private sector, the United Nations Office, and then the University and thencurrently, I am leading a research programme, IRDR (Integrated Research on Disaster Risk). I will
explain this work a bit later. However, what we usually do is very simple in the field of disasterrisk reduction: we don’t develop new technologies, but we rather try to see the application oftechnology through working with people and communities in different countries. We don’t try toteach them anything on technology, but instead we seek to learn from them, because there is ahuge resource there. We o�en underestimate the community resources, and that’s where,
possibly, my main presentation links to the theme of this research programme, which is theintangible cultural heritage. Personally, I am not an expert on cultural heritage. Therefore, mystake in this is more oriented toward disaster risk reduction and my role lies in linking community
practices and local knowledge—or what we call ‘indigenous knowledge’, which is the missing linkthat I cover in my presentation.
There are two parts to this presentation. The first part concerns the gaps in science, technology
and their applications; then, I would like to talk a little bit more on the topic of indigenous
knowledge, which has been an area of major interest for me and my research area. Some of my
Ph.D. students have conducted research in this particular area for several years, as I will discuss
further in the second part of this presentation.
The IRDR Programme has three major components, namely the UNISDR, which is the main bodyfor disaster risk reduction, the International Council of Science (ICSU), and the International Social
Science Council (ISSC). These three organisations are essentially the sponsors of this programme,
and many of you possibly know that from next year (2018) onward, the International Council of
Science and the International Social Science Council will come together and form one unit, which
is so important because all too o�en, disaster risk has been looked at from the natural science
perspective.
The ICSU has a very strong natural science component. However, this is possibly the firstprogramme on disaster risk in which natural sciences and the social sciences have come together,which is critically important because no one discipline will be able to solve this problem alone,027

and we need this multi-disciplinary linkage. We are hosted by the Chinese Academy of Science,and that’s why our office is based in Beijing. However, we actually also have several committees
based in other nations. For example, we have a very active national committee in Japan, called
Gakujutsu kaigi, or the Science Council of Japan, which is directly under the jurisdiction of the
Cabinet Office, and the IRDR National Committee is under the Science Council of Japan. Similarly,
we have national committees in Australia, Iran, US, Canada and so on. We also have several
Centres of Excellence.
The oldest of the thematic Centres of Excellence was established in Taipei. Today, in total, we
have around 12 Centres of Excellence, which focus on different types of research on disaster risk
reduction. Again, however, one of our key overarching goals is not to develop new research, butrather to provide more science advocacy or science advice for disaster risk reduction. Since I took
on this charge last year, we have begun some programmes engaged in developing the National
Science Plan in 12 countries. We are working in Bangladesh, in the Philippines, and in Fiji with the
University of the South Pacific, and we are working with SOPAC to develop the Regional Science
Plan for Disaster Risk Reduction for the Pacific Islands. Today, if possible, I would also like to learn
how you look at the element of intangible cultural heritage based on your own experiences.
Many of you are of course aware that 2015 was a very important year that saw the emergence of
three major global frameworks: the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), the Sendai Frameworkfor Disaster Risk Reduction (this was a global framework for disaster that was held in Sendai), and
the World Conference for Disaster Reduction. All of these have time frames extending for 15
years from 2015 to 2030. And then of course, we have the Paris Agreement. So, last year, we didsome analysis to define the synergy or linkages between these global frameworks.
We wrote a separate paper on that, which is a policy note, the details of which I can share withyou if you are interested. It involved simply counting different words, such as ‘sustainable
development’, ‘disaster risk’ and ‘climate change’ in these documents. It is interesting that the028

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SDG was a 35-page document, the SFDRR was a 25-page document, and the Paris Agreement was
a 32-page document, and those terms are mentioned in all these documents. Therefore, there
appear to be strong linkages between the SDG and the Sendai Framework, and it is quite clear
the issue of disaster risk reduction is very much linked to the development issues. However, while
the Paris Agreement concerning climate change was very strongly connected to the issue ofsustainable developmentit, it was not that much connected with the disaster risk, which isactually very strange, because in our view, there are also very strong connections between thethemes of climate change adaptation and disaster risk reduction. Yet, this linkage is not reﬂectedvery much in the Paris Agreement. Another interesting thing is how commonly the word ‘local’ isused in these documents; you can actually find quite a few mentions of this word, and that’s
actually very important.
The importance of local action was also clearly recognised in the document that preceded theSDG, which was the Millennium Development Goals and in the earlier document dealing withdisaster, which was the Hyogo Framework for Action. However, this term was not used very muchin the official documents. What it says is that even at the global level, in these negotiations
concerning disaster or sustainable development or climate change, we recognise the importanceof local action, and the importance of the local community, culture, material, local knowledge,
then local DRR strategy, and local adaptations.
Without focusing on the local issues, it’s very difficult to achieve any global target. At least I lookat this particular three documents in that way. We have the global targets, and the global
framework, but ultimately, the actions happen at the local level, and that’s possibly the key
reason why we are doing this particular research work to look at the disaster impacts and therelationship between disaster risk reduction and intangible cultural heritage. Therefore, it’s really,
really a critically important subject that will possibly have numerous connotations in development
and disaster risk reduction, as well as in climate change adaptation.

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Let me now say a little bit about the evolution of science technology. If we see the evolution ofdisaster risk reduction, science technology has always been there. Actually, many of you may not
be aware that back in 1984, there was a World Conference on Earthquake Engineering; and, atthat time, Frank Press, then the US National Science Academy’s President, proposed an
International Decade of Hazard Reduction, which was brought to the UN General Assembly in1988 and 1989. It was approved and that’s how, in 1990, the first 10-year decade long disasterprogramme, the International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (IDNDR) began in the UN. So,
the root was very much located in science technology.
Frank Press mentioned about hazard reduction in his keynote speech at the 8th World
Conference on Earthquake Engineering in San Francisco. It is very interesting that back in the
1970s and 1980s, we used to think a great deal about ways to reduce hazards. This, however, has
become less relevant now. At that time, the scientists and the technologists used to focus on
reducing hazards. However, hazard is something that is natural and very difficult to reduce. Now,
we talk about reducing risk. My point is the evolution of the disaster concept has changed fromhazard reduction to risk reduction.
Now, we talk more about vulnerability reduction, the root causes in the society. We also talkmore on the positive side, in terms of resilience building and how we can enhance resilience.
Disaster has been always negative, but there are positive side. Let’s look at community strengths,
which is where this whole concept of resilience comes from. Over time, in the last 30 years, thisconcept has evolved quite a bit. However, science and technology’s role has been there always.
Very recently, just two years back, a�er the Sendai Framework in 2015, the UNISDR establishedthe Asia Science Technology and Academia Advisory Group (ASTAG), which began as a small
10-member group. Now we have added two more members to form a 12-member group. I am
co-chairing this group with one professor from Beijing in China, and one from Bangladesh, a very
famous professor called JRC, Jamilur Reza Choudhury. Everybody in Bangladesh knows of JRC; heis like the godfather of earthquake risk reduction there. I have known him since 1997, which isnearly 20 years now. At the time we met, there was not much awareness about earthquakes in
Bangladesh, and he was possibly the only person that was trying to advocate for earthquake risk
reduction there. From the Philippines, we have Toni Loyzaga, who was the Executive Director of
the Manila Observatory, one of the oldest observatories in the Philippines; now she is thechairperson of the International Board for the Manila Observatory. We have a somewhat diverse
group, and our role is again to somehow provide science advocacy at different levels: weadvocate for using science in disaster risk reduction at the regional level, at the national level andat the local level also.
A�er a series of consultations, we have come out with three very specific aspects. One isstrengthening science technology in the academic community and making our research moremeaningful. Instead of just doing research within the laboratory within the university, how we cantry to identify problems in the field and develop customised solutions? Instead of being onlyinterest-driven, how can we develop demand-driven research? The second focus is to support
governments in their decision making. We have had a few exercises for that, which is the regionaland national mapping of science technology status. I will come back to that later. Lastly, science is
not effective unless we collaborate with other stakeholders. It’s not just scientists’ responsibility,
or rather, let me put it in this way; scientists cannot reach the goal unless they collaborate withcivil society, the private sector, members of the media and different levels of government.
Therefore, how can we create networks linking these different stakeholders? These are the threevery specific areas where we are currently working for advancing science and technology indisaster risk reduction.
I listed some bullet points. I won’t go into the details of these, but over years of experience and

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seeing the various types of the successes and failures of science, I think we have learnt manydifferent issues. We have learnt that we can provide very good technology, but it’s of little use if
it is not affordable for the local community. I will return to this issue a little bit later. The point is
how we can turn a particular technology into an affordable technique that the local community
can afford.
Multi-transdisciplinary: No single discipline can solve the problem. I mentioned the need forscience to change from being interest-based to demand-based. Yet, there are pros and cons forthis idea. People will argue if you always have demand-based research, that’s possibly not rightbecause research should be more interest-driven, and that’s how you get innovation. However,my argument is we need to have a balanced approach of both: the interest-based research, whichbrings innovation, but also the demand-based research, which brings application. Both innovation
and application are important.
Product and Process: We o�en talk about different types of technology. While the technology
itself is important, the process of developing a particular technology is also very important. And
then, finally, research training and action linkage are also quite important.
Let me tell you about three different types or categories of technologies that we investigated in a
programme at an institute called Earthquake and Disaster Mitigation Research Centre (EDM), towhich I was attached through Kyoto University. This was funded by the Ministry of Education in
Japan as a 5-year programme under a special coordination fund (shinkou-chouseihi in Japanese).
In this case, we tried to understand different types of disaster technologies, one of which is called
implementation-oriented technology.
For example, we know mangroves play a very important part in reducing the effects of storm
surges, cyclones or typhoons, tsunamis and so on along coastal areas. However, the root systemof the mangrove differs depending on the species. That’s why it is not only the height of themangrove that matters, but also the width of the mangrove belt, whether it is 50 m, 100 m or
500 m has very strong connotations on how much storm surge it can withstand.
A Japanese institute based in Tsukuba called ICHARM did some pure hydraulic modelling of therelationship between waves and mangrove height and width. In Indonesia, the Coastal Dynamic
Research Center tried to customise this model based on the root systems of the mangrove
species available in that country. They then provided training on this model to local managers allover Indonesia as a part of the JICA Training Programme. In one city called Padang in Western
Sumatra, which had experienced several earthquakes, including a recent one in 2008 or 2009, theinhabitants took up that particular training and started a Community-Based Mangrove Plantation
Programme based on the particular width that was prescribed. This is a very classic example of an
implementation technology or implementation science, whereby we develop something in thelaboratory that is customised based on the local context, and then that result is actually appliedin the field in participation with local communities.
I am sure there are plenty of these types of examples in every country. Yet, we o�en ignore thoseexamples, or possibly do not focus on them or learn from them. Therefore, I am very interested
in the second part of what we are doing here today, when I would like to listen to yourpresentations and try to learn from your own experiences in your respective countries.
Let me provide another example, which is ‘town watching’ or ‘neighbourhood watching’ involving
the local community. People think ‘oh, that’s not the scientists’ job; it’s a job for the NGO’. This is
not academic work, but one thing I did at Kyoto University. With my students, we developed a
research methodology to understand the impact of the town watching or neighbourhood
watching on the students.

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I won’t go into all of the details of this project, but we identified four different sets of indicators:
one on the hazard; one on the infrastructural impact; one on the impact on the asset; and one
on the impact on people. The chart shows the two comparisons that were made: the blue areashows the level of student awareness before the town watching; while the maroon part shows
the level a�er the town watching. You can see a�er town watching, the students’ awarenessbecame very high.
To measure the impact on people is a task for which you actually need to interact with people,
and in Japan, we interacted with a group called the jichikai, which is the Resident Association and
Resident Welfare Association, a local community group much like the Barangay or Barangay
Captain in the Philippines, or the Upazila in Bangladesh, which likewise comprises village or local
community leaders. In the urban areas, there are many different associations, such as theresident welfare association, so each particular school’s ‘before and a�er’ was quite different. We
developed a methodology, which we applied in training with the city officials and the school
teachers in a city called Saijo in Ehime Prefecture, a small city that had been hit by a major
typhoon. Now, all of the schools in Saijo have been practising town watching over the last several
years. Again, we see an interesting linkage between research, training and action.
The final example concerns indigenous knowledge. I will come back to this issue of transferable
indigenous knowledge a little bit later, but for now, many of you know in places where a riverthat is meandering or bending, it is very prone to erosion. Because there are very strong waves,small blocks are positioned to prevent river bank erosion. There are many different types ofstructures to protect river bank erosion, which have been evolved over time. In Ibigawa in Central
Japan, between Nagoya and Kyoto, these structures were previously mainly made of wood. The
wood, however, was very difficult to maintain, so they now utilise concrete structures. Certain
measurements were made by hydraulic engineers to see how much force the structures canactually withstand based on width, height and length parameters. This is not a very difficult

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technology, but rather something that has been used in many countries, even by villagers.
Similar technologies have been used in Bangladesh, where river bank erosion is a major problem
with the famous Bandar River. We had a 3-year project there with JICA, and we saw unbelievablelevels of river bank erosion. Here in Japan, the rivers are somewhat shorter and narrower thanthe Bandar. So, the context is different, but the methodology or the technology is the same. JICA
provides this type of training, and we actually personally took several of the participants fromamong both the central and local government officials to the field area and tried to customise thestructures based on the available materials. This customisation is what we call the ‘transferrable
issue’. I will come back to this issue a little bit later, but the point is these types of technologies.
These are the three examples to make research more meaningful: making research, linking it totraining, and then to a very specific action through that training.
A second part of our current activities is national and regional mapping. We have conducted thismapping exercise in 11 countries, but I will describe the example of the work we did in Japan.
A�er some discussion, we tried to come out with a range of different indicators for three major
categories, one of which is science, technology and decision making. Other categories areinvestment in science and technology, and the link of science technology to people. In total, there
are 21 indicators based on a very simple qualitative to semi-quantitative evaluation of the statusof that particular country on a scale ranging from 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest). In Japan, we worked
with the Science Council of Japan, and a committee on disaster risk reduction approved ourrating. We also did this exercise in the Philippines and in Bangladesh, along with several othercountries. The table shows the normalised science and technology attribution scores from all 11
countries where we made the analyses.
I need to emphasise this is not a beauty contest I am talking about. But you can see that while
China does very well in the areas of decision making and investment in science and technology,

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when you look at the linking of science and technology to people, the score goes down to 57.
Similarly, in many of the other countries, while you will see that decision making and investment
are at very high levels, the actual link to the people is very, very low.
Indonesia received the highest normalised score for linking science and technology to people, andthere is a reason that. A�er the Indian Ocean tsunami of 2004, the Disaster Management Act orDisaster Management Law was passed in Indonesia in 2006 or 2007, and it requires that for every
local government, even the lowest level of local government has to have one person in charge ofdisaster risk reduction, and that person must be closely linked to the local community’s activity.
His/her role in the local community is not just to oversee disaster risk reduction, but also to linkwith local cultural festivals and other community activities. We need to do a more detailed
survey; however, that is my understanding of why Indonesia scored relatively well in the science
technology to people part.
Therefore, my main point here is that in this part, there are many different indicators such as
hazard maps, the validation of indigenous knowledge, and the dissemination of science-based
early warnings and forecasts to the people, among others. There are many important indicators,
which needs lots of not just a scientist involvement, but science-people linkage or linkage
between science and local community leaders, and that part is still lacking in most of thecountries. We need more work on that, and that again highlights the importance of thisparticular research programme: why we need to focus on intangible cultural heritage, why weneed to see the positive sides of the community, the strengths of the community, and how we
can properly utilise that. It won’t be changed overnight; it takes a great deal of money,
investment and infrastructure. This top part will need more time, but through more interactions
to identify community strengths, we can possibly work more closely on that.

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In August 2016, we had the first Asia Science Technology Conference in Bangkok, which wasorganised by the Government of Thailand. The theme of the conference was to determine the
key actions for the enhancement of science to address the four priority areas of the Sendai
Framework. We discussed 12 very specific actions that needed to be done in Asia for theadvancement of science and technology, and one of the very important actions is very much
related to this particular research, which is the enhanced collaboration between local
governments, academics, and other partners to promote local community knowledge andtraditions to sustain and replicate many good local practices for science-based decision making.
It’s very interesting that these goals supplement my earlier slide very strongly, whereby we saw
there is a huge gap in most of the countries, in science’s links to the people.
We held a Regional Disaster Forum also at the Asia Ministerial Meeting, which was hosted by theGovernment of India and held in Delhi in November. The discussions from the science group
actually went into the ministerial meeting, and these 12 actions are now officially part of the
Ministerial Declaration Annex for the science and technology stakeholders group.
My point of telling this is that we have a strong regional advocacy pla�orm for science andtechnology, how we can bring science and technology into decision making. And then, thenational mapping, which demonstrated the current status that exists for all these 11 countries
plus the Pacific. For these countries, we are trying to promote the development of the National
Science Technology Plan for the implementation of the Sendai Framework, and for the Pacific, itis the Regional Science Technology Plan. So, this is the current work that we are doing, and mypoint of telling you all these things is to show the linkage that what the current project is trying
to achieve fits very well with the regional priorities in Asia and the Pacific, and the gaps we saw
in some of the very specific countries, especially the science-people linkage.

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This was Part 1, and let me continue a little bit for Part 2, and then at the end, we will have aninteraction session.

Part 2. Local and Indigenous Knowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction
Part 2 deals with the topic of local and indigenous knowledge in more detail. This is the workthat we have been doing from about 2007 onwards. We published a book on this issue called
Indigenous Knowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction, as well as a policy document with UNISDR
called Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction, which is a compilation of best practices,and this one is a policy note (Indigenous Knowledge: Disaster Risk Reduction Policy Note).
We have conferred on this very interesting concept of indigenous knowledge, asking what isindigenous knowledge, and how do we approach it? We had several gatherings and workshops,
and we came up with this idea of ‘nutrition guide versus cookbook or recipe’. Nutrition guide issomething that tells you at which age you need a certain type of nutrition and how much
nutrition you need, especially when you talk about the child’s growth. However, from which
ingredients the nutrition comes, how you take that nutrition through which food; whether it is a
Filipino dish or a Pacific or Fijian dish or a Bangladeshi fish curry or a steak in Australia? It all
depends on the local context, and this is an underlying principle of transferable indigenous
knowledge.
Therefore, what we are talking about here is something on the level of a nutritional guide thatdefines the basic principles behind different types of local knowledge. However, in determining
how the knowledge is practised in different contexts, even in one country, there are manydifferent connotations based on the locational issueand the local hazards. In the Philippines, what
applies in the north versus what applies in Mindanao — will be totally different based on thelocal climatic conditions. These are possibly the cookbooks or recipes that already exist at the
local level. So our possible target is to look at those recipes, try to analyse them and try to findsome commonalities. They are very case-specific, but there are some commonalities possibly, thebasic principles that can be shared widely with other regions or countries.
Time-space sharing is very important, especially with the next generation, and we need tounderstand that our lifestyle is changing. We are entering into a different age: the informationage. Information technology — which did not even exist 50 or 100 years back — has become very
relevant these days. Now, even in the most remote parts of most countries, everybody has amobile phone. Therefore, nobody looks for the normal landline anymore. There are manydifferent new technologies emerging. How, therefore, can we link traditional, local knowledge
with the advancements of technology, and bring it to the next generation? I think that’s a very
important issue. Therefore, we need to look at the cookbook to understand the local recipes andtry to filter up certain basic principles to bring them into the nutritional guide. This is myunderstanding of the indigenous knowledge. I might be totally wrong. However, for the last
50-plus years, if you see, these have been very relevant for the disaster risk reduction, in that
there has been a very strong emphasis on the modern technology in disaster risk reduction.
We have been focusing on issues such as early warning systems and risk assessments, in many
countries. We have been focusing on strengthening the buildings and the earthquake
technologies, and so on. There has been a great deal of emphasis on modern technology, which
is very good. However, then, we found that modern technology has applied only 0.1%, or
depending on the country, possibly 0.01% of the building stock available. Therefore, there
remains 99+% of building stock that needs different types of input.

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In the case of an earthquake, there are many ways of retrofi�ng mud buildings or retrofi�ng
stone constructions, and the principles will be different for a concrete building. Our basic
principle of retrofi�ng is the building should not collapse because it is a big investment. Therecan be cracks but the building should not collapse. You know, however, you cannot really protect
a mud building or a stone building because it will collapse anyway. You can’t use a steel band to
reinforce the mud building. So, the building will collapse, but how we can have some time so thatpeople can get out, so that there are no casualties when the building collapses? So the principles
are totally different. When we retrofit the traditional mud or stone construction, we try to makedifferent types of bands, joining these two walls together (the walls are sometimes very thick) tomake a proper linkage between the outer wall and inner wall.
Again, affordability is a very important issue. You can make a very good design and some very
good models based on your experiment at the university, but whether the people who are living
there can afford it. With many different statistical data, we came to the conclusion that if theretrofi�ng cost is more than 7% of the construction cost, then it is not affordable for the lower
middle income group or the lower income group. Therefore, the cost has to be below 7%. But ofcourse, as you reduce the amount of the investment, the safety level is also reduced. It’s abalance between cost and safety. What are the critical positions where we need the proper safetyissues or safety elements? This is where refocusing on indigenous knowledge becomes very
important, because we need to really understand the dynamics of each particular local material
and the local building technology. That’s what we have really tried to focus on from the 1980s
onward. Some hard-core civil engineers or earthquake engineers, such as in Japan at my Kyoto
University have thought that only earthquake engineering can solve the problem, but all theirstrength or pride was devastated by the 1995 Kobe earthquake, when we saw a major problem,in spite of all the different technologies. The major casualties were associated with old wooden
houses and buildings, in which fire incidences were a major issue, and most of those who died
were elderly people. This is more of a social issue, rather than only a matter of earthquake
engineering. And that’s how, again, the disciplinary linkage focusing on the indigenous knowledge
becomes very important.

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The science agenda of 1999 emphasises the cooperation between the holders of traditional
knowledge and scientists to explore the relationship between different knowledge systems, which
is very important. I do not underestimate the importance of modern technology, but theinteraction of these two types of knowledge can be a very good collaboration.
There are many different definitions of indigenous knowledge. UNESCO has been the pioneer inbringing this indigenous knowledge issue to the global pla�orm through different types of global
agendas. And now, whether it is the World Bank, UNESCO or some other institution, they see
indigenous knowledge in different aspects. I’ve just put a few definitions here, from the World
Bank, the IIRR and a few others. I won’t go into the details but I think that we can define a few
thing. Of course it’s indigenous to a specific area and community, which relates again to the ideaof local recipes, and it’s very, very local. It’s very much within that particular community; it is very
culture and context-specific. It is non-formal knowledge, and it is mostly orally transmitted overgenerations. There is a very strong time issue that indigenous knowledge was developed by thepeople there, and it has changed over time through the trial-error method. If it is related todisasters, different types of disaster issues bring new findings; something failed, so how we learn
from the disaster, and then bringing back? There are many different ways of looking at theseissues, survival and subsistence, and there are dynamic evolution.
In our book on the indigenous knowledge, we tried to categorize it. There are many different
ways of categorising indigenous knowledge and disaster risk reduction (DRR). Especially forindigenous knowledge in DRR, we tried to look at indigenous knowledge in river basin system,
mountain regions, plains regions and coastal regions. For example, as I have mentioned, thecommon building technology in the mountain regions is stone construction; stone masonry is very
common in most of the areas because of the availability of the local material. Nowadays, building
in stone has become much more costly. In the past, people would use larger stones, but now,
bigger stones have become very difficult to obtain, which makes them more costly. There werevery specialised masons who used to do that type of bigger stone construction. But they are notavailable now, so people use the rubble, or very small stones, and this transition from stone
masonry to rubble masonry has made constructions very weak and vulnerable to earthquakes.
There are many different stones here with a wall thickness of around 50 cm to 60 cm. Because of
the weather conditions, most of the stone constructions in the mountain regions used to havevery thick walls to protect people from both cold and hot weather. The technology that existed
for the earlier larger stone masonry is no longer valid for this rubble masonry, but there arecertain basic principles that remain valid, like how to stitch these two walls together.
In the river basins in Bangladesh, especially along the major rivers, there are chars, which areformed by the sediments carried and deposited by the rivers. When those islands have beenstable for over four to five years, people start living there. So they are virtually living within ariver. But there are benefits to this in that the soils are very fertile, so they can have very good
agriculture, and they can have lots of fish. It is good for their livelihood, but every year for about
two months, they have to face the ﬂooding water, which rises very slowly and also recedes very
slowly. So the upli�ment of the buildings in the char area is very common. We have similar thingin Japan, which is well-known mizuya raised houses that are built on foundations that are about
80 cm or 1 m higher. In the old days, the whole neighbourhood used to come to have a shelterin this type of mizuya. Similarly, in Thailand, people living along the Chao Phraya River are using atype of stilt to make their buildings a little bit higher. So there are many different types oftechnologies in the ﬂoodplain areas. Concerning the coastal areas, I already talked about the roleof the mangroves and so on.
We have classified indigenous knowledge like this (M for ‘mountain’, C for ‘coastal’, W for ‘water’,R for ‘river’, and H for ‘housing’). There are many different ways of defining the technology, andwe tried to see this as a hard-core technology. But also we need to understand that there is the038

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belief system, which may not be reﬂected physically, but possibly exists in the local community,
and there are certain scientific validations. When we were working in the southern part of Viet
Nam, local people told that if the dragonﬂies ﬂy high, then there will be rain in the next day, but
if they ﬂy low, then there will be longer period of drought. I am sure that in Africa, there are also
many different types of well-documented indigenous knowledge such as if a certain type of bird
puts its nest on the higher part of a tree, then there will be rain, but if it is built closer to theground, then there will likely be drought. So there are these belief systems, which possibly havesome correlation with a certain level of technical and scientific validation.
However, there are also belief systems that are just linked to the local religion, cultural practices
and so on, which may not be scientifically validated every time, but that’s how people believe.
How we try to understand that, and how we try to look at the positive side of it and utilising it in
DRR will be very important, and this is very relevant to your current project about intangible
cultural heritage.
We also tried to categorise this as pre-disaster, during disaster and post-disaster. For example, theMoken communities, sea gypsies in Southern Thailand, have been told that, if you look the water
recedes, instantly move to higher ground as a big wave may come later. That’s how it happened
for the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, and how it is transmitted is through the folk songs in thelocal community in the local language. Nobody documented this one; the old people just sing itto the next generation, and that’s how it is all transmitted. Some of the indigenous knowledge or
belief systems have scientific validation and some of them do not. So we tried to somehow
categorise them. When you talk about intangible cultural heritage, a certain level ofcategorisation will be very important. Try to see that there are many different ways of
categorisation, and depending on your identification of the types of intangible cultural heritage,
you can possibly have your own type of categorisation.
Transferable indigenous knowledge is a traditional art of disaster reduction that is indigenous to a
specific region, have a time-tested reliability, but also has the potential to be applied to other

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regions. Again, going back to the cookbook or the nutritional guide analogy: the knowledge has
been tested in one place, but it can also be applied to other areas. To understand thetransferability, we need to understand what to transfer, who transfer it to whom, and how totransfer. I will give you a few examples to see how we can understand such indigenous
knowledge, and how we can look at the transferability issue.
This is an example from Gujarat in the western part of India. In 2001, there was a major
earthquake in this particular area, and almost 14,000 people lost their lives. In this area, thehighest temperature I have experienced in the field was 49 degrees, and it’s so difficult to standoutside in the sun for 10 minutes. I remember I had a Japanese colleague who was taking a video
while we were talking to the community, and the video became so hot as if it would melt. So it’sa very high, very strong heat in the peak of summer. In the winter, the temperature can be as low
as around 2 or 3 degrees at night. There is a variation of around 40-plus degrees from winter tosummer, and to withstand that variation, the people use very thick walls and thick roofs. Both ofthem are equally dangerous in the earthquake, and major casualties have occurred when a wholebuilding collapsed and the people could not get out. As I mentioned earlier, the basic principle ofstone masonry or rubble masonry is how the buildings can withstand the shaking a little bit
longer, so that people can evacuate.
Because these are very simple structures, just one-storey buildings, and there is open ground in
front of the inner courtyards of most of the houses, you are safe once you get out. But thebuilding should not collapse instantly; it should shake a little bit before collapsing. That is a very
basic principle. We had certain discussion initially with the local communities and the local
masons who actually do this type of building. These local masons are all trained by their parents,
so the whole technology is handed over from generation to generation. Then we found this typeof belt to reinforce the wall. As I mentioned earlier, a single stone is now very expensive, so
people put rubble in between only a few large stones. A few larger stones, or the ‘true’ stones, isvery important, so these two points came out very strongly in our discussions with the local
masons. They told us they knew the technology, but asked how they could use it in an affordableway.
So with our colleagues in India and Japan, we thought that we should have some acceptabledemonstration to show the importance of this principle, because the common people would say,‘No, no, no, this building will collapse. If we had concrete buildings, it would have been better, soin the reconstruction, we need concrete buildings’. This is totally wrong because concretebuildings cannot withstand midsummer temperatures of 48 to 49 degrees Celsius.
So we made this half-sized model building with certain technological interventions, and then we
had a seismograph brought there. We had a tractor actually hit the building to demonstrate howmuch of shock it absorbed. This was very easy to understand. We used to tell them, ‘okay, this isabout 70%; you have felt particular shaking; so think about that shaking is continuing longer timeor less time’, and something like this, to add a certain level of interpretation.
We had the top-level policy maker, then the researchers from Japan, the house owners and the
local masons, and interactions with them were very important. My point is that the technology
exists, which needs a little bit of refinement to have that particular principles that it should notkill people, it should give a little more time before collapsing. But to build confidence in the local
community, we need to have different types of change agents. One of the best change agentswere the local masons to whom we gave training, and through them disseminate this technology
to the outside.
Another example is the town watching programme in the school in Saijo, Japan. In 2004, a major
typhoon hit this small city of around 10,000 people. It has mountains, plains and coastal areas

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and there were two days of continuous rainfall that caused lots of landslides and inundations, so,there was quite a bit of damage. What we did there is, we tried to do this town watching and themountain watching. Some of the students will look at the mountains, and try to identify the key
issues there.

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Deforestation is a major problem in Japan. In developing countries, we cut trees; in Japan, notcu�ng trees is a problem because ultimately, trees are living objects. All these trees were planteda�er World War II in a National Plantation Program, and the trees were planted very closely
together, which was fine when the trees were small, but then they become very tall and heavy,so there is no percolation of sunlight inside the forest. Many of the community members told methat you actually need a torchlight to enter into the forest even in the daytime because it is sodark. This has a very strong impact on the soil conditions, because the trees will bend in strong
winds, and the whole soil is washed when there is a heavy rain. This is a major issue, so thesevolunteers actually does lots of work on the forest-related activities.
The jichikai, which is the local resident association or community group, gave lots of advice to theteachers, parents and students, so it was a collective watching. We did this several times, andthen we had ‘danjiri-bousai’, which is a very strange word in Japanese. A danjiri is a festival, using
some sort of small chariot owned by each community. People really value it, and the Mayor of
the city explained that people might be reluctant to give monthly fees of 500 yen for thejichikaihi, but for this danjiri, they will donate 50,000 yen or even 100,000 yen without aproblem; it’s a pride for them. Every year, for three days of October 15–17, they bring in all thesedanjiri from different communities to hold a festival. The whole city is closed, and you will see
people at the festival drinking. People drink the whole night and enjoy themselves. I personallywent there several times, and then I decided better stay away. It’s a very lively festival, and thecommunity bonding is extremely important.
So, the mayor came up with the idea that we should have the DRR concept somehow injected inthis type of festival, and so he started this danjiri-bousai. The children who did this town
watching and mountain watching gave presentations in front of this danjiri of course, during thedaytime, while people were still awake. In the evening, you can’t make any presentation as half ofthe people are drunk. But in the daytime, when people are still fresh or maybe a little bit of042

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hangover, then they listen to the students and performance, drama and other activities. The point
here is that this danjiri is a very local festival, which has been rooted in communities for
centuries, and people really value this community festival. This is how we injected different typesof risk reduction measures by utilizing this local festival.
2004 was the year of the disaster, and I went there for the three years of 2005, 2006 and 2007.
The interesting thing is that now I don’t do anything and I hardly go to the city anymore, but thedisaster festival there has continued over the last 10 years. My point of presenting this example isthat if we can really understand the local festival or local culture or local tradition as intangible
cultural heritage, then that will be our real entry point for disaster risk reduction. Every city, every
location, every community has its own way of doing things.
Here is another example of indigenous knowledge and information communication technology(ICT) that we implemented in the southern part of India to provide a warning system to thefishermen. These fishermen have been in the area for generations. They are very sensitive to thetemperature of the sea. Before a typhoon, they understand that the top part of the sea wave
becomes a little warmer, and that the warm wave or that particular layer, maybe 30 to 40 cm ofthat water, brings a very specific type of fish. They have been doing this for a long time, but thenegative part is that to catch that fish, they actually enter further into the sea near the cyclone
area. So the challenge was that we couldn’t stop them from fishing there, because that was theirlivelihood and they need to do it. Then how can we link them to a proper warning system up towhere they can go, and when they should return?

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This was done through one company called BREW application, along with a few research
institutes and universities. They measured the sea temperature and the cyclonic pressure andcreated a simulation. Now, even the fishermen have smartphones, and there is a smartphone
application that actually helps them determine the optimal time to go back. I don’t say that thissolves each and every problem. You know people, we are all greedy, so we go, catching more fishand going further. There are still some casualties, but I think the casualties have been lowered
quite a bit. This is another example of scientific knowledge and the local belief system. By trying
to link it with the modern technology, at least we can change and save people’s lives.
Another example from Japan is a very traditional water governance scheme in a well-known area
called Gujo Hachiman, which is a UNESCO Heritage Site. This whole city was actually burnt down
in a major fire 400 years back. The city was rebuilt with all wooden buildings, and there are manydifferent types of water structures in the city. There is a small river there, and there are also
some middle sized canals filled with water. In front of every house there is a water canal, andthere is a wooden board. You can put that board to accumulate the water for you to use. Thereis also a point structure where you can use different types of water; these are step-wise water
points, the top one is for the drinking water, this one is for washing the vegetables or other food,this is for washing the utensils and tableware, and this is for other uses.
What is very interesting about these water systems is nowhere is it written that this water is forthis particular purpose. This is a very traditional water governance system that has existed in thelocal community over many years. We tried to document and sketch it, but nowhere in the city is
it written in that way. Rather, it is rooted in the people’s beliefs and their behaviour, and we got
to understand it by observing it and interviewing some of the people. We did some research on
the water governance and tried to see how the people and the water link have been in placeover the years, how it has evolved over time, and how different types of governance systems
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behaviour; but it has a very strong governance structure.
I talked about mangroves in an earlier example. This is another example about mangroves in thesouthern part of India. This is a remote sensing image of the Pichavaram mangrove in the state ofTamil Nadu, which was hit by a tsunami in 2004. From 1986 to 2002, there were some plantation
exercises. There are many villages where people do lots of traditional fishing; they do handpicking from the mud and spend about seven to eight hours of a day in this water. There are also
different types of non-timber products from the mangrove, which has some religious implications.
This is a very famous South Indian temple where the mangrove is depicted in a painting andpeople actually worship it. There is a very strong cultural and religious attachment to themangrove, but it is also related to their lifestyle.
A local NGO and a local university started this mangrove plantation project. The slide shows the
progress of the project a�er six months and eight years. The bridge there broke down during the2004 tsunami. However, the people who were living on the other side of this mangrove forest
were all protected. I remember a professor at this local university, whom I respect a great deal,
told me that when he visited this particular village two to three days a�er the tsunami, many
people came to him. In the Indian tradition, they touch people’s feet, just to have blessings, so
the people touched his feet and told him ‘You saved our lives. At the beginning, we didn’t
understand, but we worked with you for the last eight years planting these mangroves, and that’s
how we were protected.’ Then, the professor told me ‘I got my Nobel Prize. I don’t need anyother Nobel Prize because my main target was to bring science or to give a benefit of science topeople’, and this is a classic example.
So there are local traditions and local cultures. But possibly, we need some sort of external
trigger. In this case, the trigger was this local university and the local NGO, who worked with thelocal community to bring all these traditional values together. Again, it’s a classic example ofhaving a very strong local cultural asset that has been transferred to a biological asset and that
actually saved people’s lives. There are many, many other examples of this intangible heritage.
One important thing in intangible heritage is how we can make it tangible in different forms.
Tangible doesn’t necessarily mean we have to build something, but tangible in policy, tangible inpractice, tangible in the belief system, or tangible in the education; there are so many different
ways of making this intangible cultural heritage tangible. These are my reﬂections that ICH or theindigenous knowledge is rooted in local systems, governance, values, cultures, food habits,
festivals, and so on. It’s very important to recognise that ICH or indigenous knowledge plays animportant role before, during, and a�er disasters to reduce the disaster impact, and there isplenty of evidence for this.
So, it would be good to look at this issue in a more systematic way how it has reduced different
types of impact. Depending on the nature of the hazard — be it an earthquake, a volcano, atsunami or some climate-related disaster like a typhoon, a cyclone, a ﬂood or a drought, theapproaches are different. It o�en goes unnoticed, and not reﬂected in local or national
government priorities. That’s why I would say that making intangible cultural heritage tangible isvery important.
How we can notice it? How we can reﬂect it? How we can make it into the local and national
governments? I think that’s very important, and that’s my expectation for Nojima-san and theteam — that during these three years of experience on this particular project, you will at least
make certain changes, at least to link ICH to the local government or certain level of national
policy priorities, through policy advocacy, documenting, analysing and validating. It is very
important, and this first year is possibly to try to understand these issues from different places
and perspectives.

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Specific change agents or advocates are also required. In the example I gave from Gujarat, it wasa mason, and in Saijo in Japan, we had the school teachers, the local volunteers, the jichikai or
the local resident association leader, and the danjiri matsuri, which is a festival where the role ofthese local leaders became very important. For the fishermen case in southern India, the local ICT
company was very important. And for the last mangrove example, it was the NGO and theuniversity who became the change agents. Different cities and contexts will involve different typesof change agents. So we need to recognise that and try to work with them for the sake of
advocacy.
I think that’s all from me, and I am looking forward very much to listening to your questions,comments and suggestions. Thank you.
**************************************************

Brief Discussion Concerning the Lecture
A few questions and comments followed the lecture, while some of the issues relating toindigenous knowledge were kept aside for the final discussion.
Confirming the importance of indigenous knowledge by sharing his own experience of
Bangladesh, where the mangrove forests saved the people from storm surges during the Cyclone
Sidr in 2007, Mr Mahmood (UNESCO Office in Dhaka) questioned how the younger generations,
who are largely dependent on different types of technology, could adopt indigenous knowledge.
Dr Shaw responded that the issue of transferability beyond the timeframe and the generations
becomes very important because each generation has a different orientation to their dependency
on different types of technology. As an example, he introduced his work in Kyoto, which was todevelop an information and communications technology (ICT) application that enables people toaccess a community hazard map that the local communities are working on and to write different
types of comments. He noted that many young students from outside the community have madesignificant comments, which were subsequently brought to the notice of the local community. To
solve issues related to the intergenerational transmission of indigenous knowledge, certain typesof interfaces, mechanisms, or change agents should be included, which may vary depending on
the location.
With reference to danjiri-bousai that was cited as a case of a pre-emptive DRM programme by Dr
Shaw, Mr Ishimura (Tokyo National Institute for Cultural Properties) added the importance ofcommunity festivals for the community’s cohesion and resilience during post-disaster situations,and introduced their research and documentation of coastal communities in the Tohoku regiona�er the Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami.
Dr Shaw explained how he had also been involved in the recovery process in some cities in
Tohoku through his NGO (SEEDS Asia), where the disaster was utilised to revitalise traditional
songs and dances that had gradually declined since 30 or 40 years, and expressed his interest in
learning more about the findings related to the role of ICH during the post-disaster recovery
process.
Mr Iwamoto (IRCI) followed that festivals bring local people together as well as encourage people
who had le� the community to return for help. They also unite the older and younger
generations, all these factors being crucial for the sustainable development of the community.

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INTERNATIONAL WORKING GROUP SESSIONPARTICIPANTS PRESENTATION (Transcript)

ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN BANGLADESH
Rahmatullah Al Mahmud Selim1
Welcome everybody and greetings from Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a repository of intangible
cultural heritage for centuries and at the same time, Bangladesh is one of the most disasterprone countries of the world. From the ancient time, Bangladesh was individual villages isolated
and self-sufficient. They had their own production system, own culture and own entertainment
system. So, they developed different types of intangible cultural heritage and different types ofballads, different types of songs, different types of stories, etc. Due to that, as a whole
Bangladesh has inherited a lot of varieties of intangible culture heritage. Of course, most of them
have disappeared now.
Bangladesh every year faces natural disasters and some other disasters. There are two types ofdisasters in Bangladesh, one is natural disasters and another is human-created disasters. Natural
disasters: you know one is a storm, cyclone or tidal bore; the second is the ﬂood; third is theerosion of river banks; fourth the tornado; fi�h the earthquake; then tsunami and drought.
Cyclone: Bangladesh every year faces cyclones. The biggest cyclone was on 12 November 1970
when Bangladesh was under the rule of Pakistan. The loss of life was 300,000 and the financial
loss was not available because at that time it was pre-independence time and the government ofPakistan didn’t look at us and they didn’t do any calculation. On 29 April 1991, the loss of life
was 138,882 and the financial loss was 60 billion BDT (Bangladeshi Taka). On 15 November 2007,
it was named as Sidr, and the loss of life was lessened to 3,363 but financial loss was 134 billion
BDT. When you see the four pictures a�er the devastation, the houses have been devastated andon the right side two dead bodies are being collected from the paddy fields. And then lower le�,near Sundarbans many beasts, deers etc., died and on the right side, people are trying to recover
their losses.
Flood: Flood also happens almost every year in Bangladesh. Bangladesh experiences ﬂoods todifferent degrees and the most disastrous ﬂoods are in 1987, and 38% of the land of Bangladesh
was inundated. Death tolls 1657, crops lost 1.5 million tons, and financial loss was 35 billion BDT.
And in 1988, 60% inundated, 2379 people died, 3.2 million tons of crops lost and BDT 40 billion
was the financial loss. In 1998, 75% of Bangladesh was inundated but life loss was 1050, crops
lost 4.5 million tons and financial loss was BDT 142 billion.
River bank erosion: I have not given any chart but according to World Disaster Report 2001,
published by IFRCS (International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies), about 1
million people are affected every year by river erosion and 9,000 ha of cultivable lands vanishedin the river. Most of the affected people become homeless, for an uncertain period. This is thehazard for ICH properties because many people are baul singers, or folk singers. They lost theirplaces and they have to work in the towns by pulling rickshaw and/or anything else.
Earthquake: Earthquake is a disaster, of course, and the first recorded earthquake in India is1548. I think Dr Rajib Shaw would know any further previous record is there. No Richter Scale

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available in 1548 and at that time earth opened in many places in Bangladesh and threw up
water and marks of sulfurous smell, it was a big earthquake but it was not measured. In 1762,
still no Richter Scale available, permanent submerges of 155 km2 of land in the sea near
Chittagong and 500 people lost their lives. In 1885 it was measured magnitude 7; 1895
magnitude 8.7; 2009 Bay of Bengal Earthquake, magnitude 7.5; and 2011 magnitude 6.8,
epicenter 500 km north from Dhaka. If you see the map, the map is divided by colors, thedarkest color is the highest risk region. From the northeast regions to the southwest, the risk isgradually lower for the earthquake in Bangladesh. But it is told that if any big earthquake
happens in Bangladesh, most of the high-rise buildings of Dhaka will crack down and collapse
because of its unplanned development and unplanned constructions.
Human-created disasters are famine, riot, war, political unrest and others.
Famine: The most devastated famine is the Great Bengal Famine from 1769 to 1773, 10 million
people died. It was when the British rule started and due to their wrong policy 10 million people
died. The next greatest famine is the Bengal Famine from 1943 to 1944, 3 million people died as
British rulers hoarded foodstuff. Japan was attacking from the eastside, so they thought thatJapan would be more powerful if they get the food, and due to that they hoarded all the foodfrom the market and people died mercilessly.
Riot: In 1946 the Indian riot, actually told the Calcutta riot caused deaths of thousands of people
and accelerated the division of India for which billions of people had to migrate leaving theirplace of birth. Many ICH properties have been disappeared from Bangladesh. It is to be cited thatmany ICH properties have disappeared from Bangladesh due to the migration of Sanatani
population, Sanatani means Hindu people from Bangladesh. You know India was divided on thebasis of religion, Muslim’s land will be Pakistan and Hindu’s land will be India. It was nasty politics
called ‘Divide and Rule’, so it was divided and from East Pakistan, Hindu people had to migrate to
India. Most cultural activities and cultural properties were held by Hindu people because theyreligiously do that. They religiously practice the culture but in Muslim people, for some reason,
cultural activities are not accepted like that. It is a sort of monothetic ideas, so it was very bad for
ICH properties of the then East Pakistan and now Bangladesh.
War: You all know about the independence war of Bangladesh in 1971. Genocide carried out by
Pakistani army caused the death of 3 million people and a huge loss of properties. Pakistanipeople, with the help of Razakars, the collaborators of Pakistani army against Bangladeshi people,
thought that cultural activities and intelligentsia activities are not good for their rule, so theyshould be killed first. So they planned and mercilessly killed many professors, many singers andmany ICH stakeholders during the 1971 war.

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Political and others: Recently, a religious fundamentalist group burnt out a music school named
Ustad Allauddin Khan Sangitalay in Brahmanbaria district of Bangladesh, along with all its musicalinstruments, memories, mementos and all ICH properties of Ustad Allauddin Khan, the greatmusic maestro of India. Another group conducted a mass torture of some baul singers. Baulsingers are the humanist singers and fundamentalists are always against the humanism. So, they
tortured them to frighten them not to practice baul singing. From 1999, bombing on culturalactivities and cultural places like festivals and melas, started by fundamentalist groups, and now it
has been reduced for government step. This a�tude is a disaster not only for Bangladesh I thinkbut it is for the world also, as we have observed ISIS activities of destructing cultural artifacts,
Taliban activities destructing statutes etc. So, I think it should be addressed.
I am going for disaster management in Bangladesh. Bangladesh government has taken steps for
managing disasters, taking into consideration the Hyogo Framework of Action 2005–2015, andthere are (A) National Policy and Coordination, (B) Local Level coordination, and (C) Disaster
Management Action Matrix.

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I am just showing you, the regulatory frameworks for National Policy and Coordination are: (a)Disaster Management Act, (b) National Disaster Management Policy, (c) National Plan for Disaster
Management, (d) Standing Order on Disaster, and (e) Guidelines for Government at all levels.
National mechanisms for policy guidance and coordination are: (a) National Disaster Management
Council, (b) Inter-Ministerial Disaster Management Coordination Committee, (c) National Disaster
Management Advisory Committee, (d) Earthquake Preparedness and Awareness Committee, (e)National Pla�orm for Disaster Risk Reduction, (f) National Disaster Response Coordination Group,(g) Cyclone Preparedness Programme (CPP), (h) CPP Implementation Board, (i) Committee for
Speedy Dissemination and Determination Strategy of Special Weather Bulletin, (j) Committee for
Focal Points Operational Coordination Group, (k) Coordination Committee for NGOs Relating toDisaster Management, and (l) Disaster Management Training and Public Awareness Task Force.
The local level coordination has the followings: (1) City Corporation Disaster Management
Committee, (2) District Management Committee, (3) Upazila Management Committee, (4)Pourashava Management Committee, (5) Union Management Committee, (6) Local Disaster
Response Coordination Group, and (7) Multi-level Multi-agency Disaster Incident Management
System.
Finally, the Disaster Management Action Matrix has the following strategy goals:• Professionalising the disaster Management System• Mainstreaming disaster Risk Reduction and Climate Change Adaptation• Strengthening Institutional Mechanisms• Empowering at Risk Communities• Expanding Risk Reduction Programming across hazards and sectors• Strengthening Emergency Response System• Developing and strengthening Regional and Global Networks
I have to say that the IRCI is doing a very good job to unite us against disaster and safeguarding
ICH, it’s the new field for us also. We didn’t calculate the ICH property loss during the disasterbut from now on we will try to do. Thank you very much.

DISASTER AND ICH: BANGLADESH CONTEXT

Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood1
Good a�ernoon. My name is Amanullah Bin Mahmood. I am working with the UNESCO Dhaka
Office as a Science Officer. Many thanks to IRCI authority to inviting me, and my office also is very
happy to participate in this event. My responsibility is science and disaster environment. We havea dedicated culture officer in our office, and actually this is the inter-sectoral issues and we areworking together here.
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Here is my presentation content. I will discuss first about some basic things, then the vulnerabilityof Bangladesh, and main disasters: my colleague Selim has already described this, so I’ll just alittle bit discuss about that. Then the Bangladesh disaster management, he also already covered
that. Then the policies, Bangladesh Seventh Five-Year Plan, intangible cultural heritage of
Bangladesh, and then I’ll try to link with the present situation of intangible cultural heritage andthe disaster situation in Bangladesh. A�er that, our activity in intangible cultural heritage, andsome way forward.
I know all of you are aware about Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a very small and populated country.
Our total area is about 147,570 km2 and very populated country. We have 152 million in 2015,
the total population and we are expecting, in 2019, 176 million. And population density is 1,063
per km2, life expectancy is 70 years in 2014 and our per capita income is 1,340 in 2014 to 2015
and GDP growth is 6.51. We administratively have seven divisions, 64 districts and 544 sub
districts and we have small administrative units, called the union 4,543.
And as part of the study of the UNDP, our Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan adopted that.
Bangladesh is the number one most vulnerable country due to the cyclone. Per 100,000 people,
our death rate is 32. And we are sixth most vulnerable country due to the ﬂood. And here are
the few disasters of Bangladesh, already Mr Selim covered that. I’ll just mention that our main
disaster is ﬂood.
We are habituated long time about the ﬂood; we are a ﬂood prone country and we are regularly
habituated about the inundation. But inundation is sometimes going to be ﬂood; it damages ourcrops and different types of properties. Then the cyclone – major cyclone with most casualty
happened in 1970, when more than 500,000 people died.
In addition to that we have the tornadoes, river bank erosion, 5% of our land eroded every year.
And other disaster, even that cold wave sometime and we are the most vulnerable country due tothe earthquake, then other disaster is drought, landslide, excessive rainfall and water logging andanother two man-made disasters here, the building collapse. Nowadays it’s very frequently
happening in Bangladesh, and the fire is another man-made disaster.

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Here I mentioned a multi-hazard map of Bangladesh, you see the whole Bangladesh here, andthe legend. Actually all over the country, except this region, is habituated to ﬂood. We have threemajor rivers: this is the Brahmaputra, this is the Ganga, in Bangladesh, it’s named as Padma, andthis is the Meghna. These are the three large rivers that drained out in Bangladesh and fall in the
Bay of Bengal, and this part is the piedmont area of the Meghalaya Hills, it’s habituated to theﬂash ﬂoods. And this is the drought-prone area and this is the cyclone-prone area, and this islandslide-prone area and the red color is showing actually the river bank erosion prone area.
Our disaster management administration is our National Disaster Management Council, which isheaded by our Prime Minister and a�er that all of these national committees and national
activities here. This is our main Ministry of Food and Disaster. Now it’s divided into two
ministries, Food and Disasters Alert.
Here is our Policy Regulatory Framework, I just mentioned here the policy names, so already Mr
Selim mentioned the National Plan for Disaster Management. It’s created in the 2010, andBangladesh Climate Change Policy and Action Plan 2009, National Adaptation Plan – NAPA,
Bangladesh Disaster Management Act 2012, Guideline for Disaster Management, Standing Orderfor Disaster Management and now we are adopting the Seventh Five-Year Plan. And, we haveadopted the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction in our five-year plan and we haveadopted four goals of the Sendai Framework in our five year plan.
And now it’s time to talk about the intangible cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Actually threeintangible cultural heritage is inscribed on the representative list of UNESCO. First one is the baulsong. This is the oral tradition. It’s inscribed in 2008. It’s a mystic song about Bangladesh. There
are lots of baul who are living in Bangladesh. This is the Jamdani. Jamdani is the weaving
technology. It’s handicra�s. This is the Mangal Shobhajatra. It’s a Procession of the Good Hope.
Now I try to interlink with the location and the intangible cultural heritage.
At the river-bank prone area, lots of weavers are living over there. This is a drought-prone area,and lots of pottery-related people are living there. The indigenous people who are living there,
they have lots of strong ICH, local technologies, local beliefs and festival over there. This is the
Dhaka City. Old Dhaka City has lots of traditional things: their beliefs, their festivals and lots of

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things. Old Dhaka City is one of the most vulnerable areas due to the earthquake. This is thecyclone prone area and here, our natural cultural heritage, the Sundarbans, one of the largest
mangrove forests is located here. And there are many beliefs over there. Before going for
extracting resource from the forest, they have few goddesses there, it’s called Bonbibi.
In the definition of the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage 2003,
Article 2, there are lots of things mentioned, and two things I highlighted here. The preservationand protection, and Article 11, role of state party. Here I just highlighted in view of thesafeguarding – how to ensure the preservation and protection, it’s when you are thinking about
preservation and protection. It’s obviously come to the safeguarding from the disasters andlosses.
In National Plan for Disaster Management, in the Strategic Goal 4, ‘Empowering the Communities
at Risk’, two things are mentioned: the key target to identify the community and the household
level risk, and action is in the risk of diversified group including women, children, and elderly
people. Intangible cultural heritage actually is linked with the community. There are lots ofcommunity, cra�sman community, weaver community, the baul community, and so on.
Already we are adopting these types of safeguarding but our policy does not mention that theintangible cultural heritage protected here, but now the time for protecting here. Our current
policy is adopted during 2010 to 2015, and now the government is thinking about new thing. So,
this is the time we are trying to push something to adopt these.
And now I am talking about a few of our projects. In UNESCO Dhaka, they are currently
conducting a workshop on ICH. Under our project ‘Strengthening National Capacities for
Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage for Sustainable Development in Bangladesh’, we are
adopting two types of activities: the capacity building and the pilot activity. Under the capacity
building, implementing the 2003 Convention, then the inventory of ICH in Bangladesh, andnomination of the ICH. Actually, there is no government adopted list of ICH in Bangladesh. So, weare trying to push this. In the pilot activity, we are trying to develop a methodology to identify ICH.
Now, I talk about the way forward, what we are expecting or what we are thinking. A complete

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inventory of ICH in Bangladesh, it’s very necessary to adopt the policy and listing ICH forpreservation and conservation. The integrated safeguarding measures for ICH and policy levelintervention. I already mentioned that we need to put this in our policy. And linking thesafeguarding and disaster management for ICH and last one is cooperation and partnership in
research and planning for disaster management policy in ICH. Thank you very much.

INTEGRATING LOCAL AND INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN DISASTERRISK MANAGEMENT: LEARNING FROM PHILIPPINE COMMUNITIESFatima G. J. Molina1
Okay, good a�ernoon. So, first of all, thank you for this opportunity to be able to share about thePhilippines experience. I will share about the integration of local and indigenous knowledge indisaster risk management.
Firstly, I would like to share something about my organisation. I am from the Center for Disaster
Preparedness, which was established in 1999; so it has been in the field of disaster risk reduction
for the past 20 years. Before, we started as a very small organisation. I am one of the members
who came in the second round and before we were only five. But right now, we are presently 54
people in the organisation. We have branched out from one office to three offices around thePhilippines.
I don’t know if I should be thankful to the disasters, but then, I think because of the changing
types of hazards in the country, there is more need for people like us who are in the field of
disaster risk reduction. So, we have operated and partnered with more than 15 countries and Dr
Shaw has been with us in different projects with the UNESCO and other engagementsinternationally.
For the outline, I will present first the different examples of intangible cultural heritage in thePhilippines, and also the Philippine disaster profile; followed by the examples of actual local andindigenous knowledge, which are useful for risk management, and also publications.
Our first example of ICH is called Hudhud. So, it was inscribed as one of the representatives for
ICH in 2008 but it was recognised by UNESCO in 2001. It is actually an epic, but the one that was
registered in the ICH Registry is the manner of chanting. Hudhud is sang in the northern part of
the Philippines by the Ifugao indigenous peoples, which is a matrilineal society. It is usually sungby the women. So the chanters are women and women’s brothers occupy a higher position in
singing the chants versus the husband of the lead chanters. It is chanted on four occasions, like inthe harvesting of rice to appease the gods, to have a bountiful harvest, and it’s actually also partin weeding the fields so they sung it whenever they weed the fields- when they remove some of
the weeds in order to have healthier produce; and, lastly, it is actually sang also during wakes andrituals for the soul to transfer to the other life and welcome the divine being in prosperously. It is
actually also a part of honoring the dead. Therefore, the people of the Ifugao also practiceancestor worship. They chant about the ancestral heroes, the customary laws and religious

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beliefs. So, this is a good opportunity to look at how it can be useful for risk management. If we
include customary laws and integrate risk reduction, chanting can be a form of early warning
system. In the photo, there are also performances, so the chant has different dance as well. So,
it’s a performance also.
The next ICH is Darangen, which literally means to narrate a song. This is sang in the southernpart of the country, Mindanao Area by the Maranao people. So, it is believed to have existed
even before Islam was organised in Mindanao. So it was believed to be founded in the 14th
century and it’s written through an ancient language that is based in the Sanskrit, but at present
it’s translated in Arabic, because most of the chanters are Muslims.
It is an ancient epic song that celebrates the episodes of the Maranao history that caters to thecustomary laws, mythical heroes and it is comprised of 17 cycles. So, it’s a very long process. The
chanting process is very long and it’s performed both by men and women in the area and it’scomposed of 72,000 lines. So it’s a very, very long chant. It explores underlying themes of life anddeath, the concept of a�er-life as well in Maranao and courtship, love and politics through thesymbol of metaphors. It was inscribed also in 2008 in UNESCO but was recognised as early as
2005.
Right now, our indigenous people in the Philippines really face as well the adverse impacts ofdisasters. This is one of the statements of an Ibaloi person, like Ibaloi indigenous peoples’
member. The Ibaloi are also from the northern part of the country, which are neighbors of the
Ifugao. This is the statement translated in English: ‘you must see the devastating events that are
happening to our place, ﬂoods, storms, that is what is happening to our people. My farm
products and those of my people and the places where we used to plant are all gone’.
So, you see, the people’s lives are altered as well because they no longer have a healthy place toRECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONS

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plant their vegetables and especially the paddy rice because it’s the main source of subsistence
for the people. The people are actually affected mainly by ﬂood and this also results to erosion.
Why is the Philippines at high risk?
In the ranking of the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction, the
UNISDR, the Philippines falls next to Vanuatu as one of the high-risk countries in the world andthis is due to its location. Here you can see that the Philippines is in close proximity to Pacific
Ocean. It’s part of the Pacific Typhoon Belt and it is also part of the Pacific Ring of Fire. You can
see that its location becomes a favorite destination of hydro-meteorological and geologicalhazards.
And right now, the Philippines is able to define certain examples of local and indigenous
knowledge. Based on the UNESCO research that we conducted together with UNESCO Jakarta andParis, entitled, ‘Strengthening resilience of coastal and small island communities’, we were able todocument the local knowledge of the people in the coastal and small islands.
So, maybe this project can explore documenting some ICH for the mountain areas, and also theeveryday in the urban areas also what are other possibilities now. For us, we adopted thedefinition used by UNESCO where local and indigenous knowledge is seen as cumulative andcomplex bodies of knowledge, know-how practice. So you see, it’s not just on the indigenous
knowledge itself but the local practices. So it’s more holistic because it sees as well, what are theeveryday activities that people do, which is different from ICH which is more focused on the rural
areas. But now it integrates practices also in the peri-urban and urban areas.
We see it as something communal, so it is extended in different generations. So out of thisresearch we developed a framework together with the people. Here is an example of different
categories of the local and indigenous knowledge. You can see here at the diagram that there are

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five examples. There is material culture, observation of natural environment, traditional
preparedness practices, animal behavior and faith-based practices.
So, we included the faith-based practices because we believe that we should just not focus on thenatural environment but also the social experiences that the people do in order to adapt in thechanging context of risks and as the Philippines has four approaches for disaster risk
management process: mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery.
In this research we tried to look into the integration in the different pieces of disaster risk
management for ICH or LINK. And we ask about in the box below. We documented what is it
about, it’s duration, it’s frequency, so as to know if it’s relevant because you see the LINK is notstatic, it’s changing over time. Sometimes some knowledge are no longer relevant today because
environment is also changing and the people inhabiting an environment is also changing becauseof migration and many other things.
One of the examples that we were able to get from the people is the sound that they do in orderto provide early warning for ﬂooding. This sound is made out of an instrument which is made up
of bamboo and locally called as the kanungkong. This is used by one of the research areas; it’s anurban area in the city of Dagupan in Northern Philippines.
You see that it has different meanings. A sound has a corresponding meaning. At first it has alsoa corresponding color so as to easily disseminate the information. For the white one, it’s assignedthat the people have to get ready once the kanungkong is set up. So no sound is made yet, but
it’s already put in place. And the second one is the yellow one, means people have to prepare. So
it’s already an alert, and every 20 minutes five strikes are played. Each village is divided into azone and in each zone, there is someone who carries the kanungkong around the area. You see

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that it is very focused, it’s really divided among the community people, so that they can easily
communicate with each other. So, it’s really a huge responsibility of the messenger. One wrong
strike, like if he commits a mistake, it can affect the overall early warning process. So, for theorange one, ten strikes for every 20 minutes and then the red one, it’s nonstop 15 strikes inevery 10 minutes. So, it means that full evacuation is needed.
So, what’s the meaning of other colors? The orange one is for the preparation for evacuation andthe red one implies actual evacuation of the people. For example, the white one will be activated
if the status is that there will be a high-tide forecast accompanied by heavy rains. The city also
has to get forecast from other agencies, for instance, there is ﬂood alert forecast from the Agno
Flood Control. Therefore, it means that it is inter-governmental. Other groups and agencies must
act upon the situation. The city has neighboring municipalities and these municipalities are
surrounded by the Agno River. So there is a warning from the Agno River System Control, goes
down to the city, the city down to the communities, the community leaders down to the zone
leaders. So, there is a system.
Who are the corresponding villages that respond to it? There is the village like Lasip Chico andPogo Grande, these are the high risk zones. The warning starts from the high risk zones, then to
the medium risk zones, and then to the low-risk zones. So, the village officials in these zones act
upon the situation and also report to the city level government agencies involved in the disasterrisk management such as the City Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office (CDRRMO).
The indicator for ﬂood levels is actually anthropometric, in a sense that the measurement isbased on the human body to link it with the people’s experience, like example for the hips, which
is usually two feet, the knees, one foot. So, you see that the peoples’ measurements are also
arbitrary. So, the government needed more standardised by pu�ng corresponding metricmeasurements in the form of feet. So, there is actually a corresponding responsibility according
to the ﬂood level.

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So here we can see in the presentation that it’s possible to integrate indigenous knowledge in thepractice, given that the government supports it, since there is a system already in place.
Okay, in this photo, we observe the people performing a song. This is a faith-based practice in
Alabat Island in Quezon Province. Usually the people in the islands suffer drought also in the area.
So, what they do is to sing a song to their Patron Saint of the farmers, San Isidro Labrador, or San
Isidore. I actually asked one of the oldest residents in the island. When I did my field work, she
was 91 years old and it’s difficult for her to sing but she tried her best to sing about it. And its
lyrics mean is more of peace. She is praising San Isidro. She is asking San Isidro to humbly givethem rain because their plants are dying already and it’s a form of veneration also.
Another one is the local practice on food preservation. Here, we can see that the indigenous
knowledge can also become a form of survival. It’s not just about providing early warning
systems, it’s not just about pu�ng the people in safe zones, but it’s also for their survival. So,
there is also a need to see how the food banking process is done.
You see, we teach people to become more self-sufficient. They are not just receiving relief, so wehave a manner of food preservation. One of them is drying, so this is practiced actually across thePhilippines where they dry fish, vegetables, to have alternative source of food when the rainyseason comes, and in Rapu-Rapu Island in Albay, some of them have nature as the refrigerator.
How? They dig the soil and they put root crops to preserve it, which is also the same with thepractice of the people in Fiji. You see a lot of different countries in the Asia-Pacific area have a lotof common coping mechanisms.
This one is the observation of the environment. Here you can see the convergence of nature andknowledge come together. Rayo, this is what we call like street lined sky; it’s a local term
referring to scattered broom-like clouds during summer. So based on the people’s experiencea�er they observed that Rayo, the clouds, it rains a�er 3 days. But now due to the climatechange this can change, it can be shorter or longer days. So, we see that’s how the local
knowledge becomes not static because of the changing seasons as well.
Here are some examples of the materials that tackles about local indigenous knowledge
integration. In the project we were able to produce some material, actually Dr Shaw was one of
the co-authors of this material, the local indigenous knowledge for community resilience, with
UNESCO Jakarta, and they were able to produce a joint article together with Dr Lisa Hiwasaki of
UNESCO Jakarta, Dr Luna the director and one of the research team members, my sister, she wasable to write in Springer also on the local knowledge and Casiguran and I was also able to writein Springer for Dagupan city. So, it’s about inter-regional transfer.
What is the relevance of local knowledge for disaster risk governance? Right now, participatory
governance has to recognise local indigenous knowledge because it is a capacity of thecommunity people. So, once there is recognition, it would be easier to realise its value, its worth
for policy and practices and also partnerships with different sectors. In the Philippines, there area lot of opportunities of indigenous people’s participation in this governance. But this is yet to be
written.
Right now we are doing policy advocacy for the amendment of the Republic Act 10121, thePhilippines Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Act, there is community basis doctrine in thepast but the IPs are indigenous people, so they are not really identified as seen with Bangladesh.
I think it’s really important for us to advocate higher of cultural heritage, both tangible andintangible cultural heritage, and also one of the challenges is that even in our structure the
National Commission for Culture and the Arts is not part of the structure of the National Disaster
Risk Reduction and Management Council. I think it’s very important for us to advocate at theRECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONS

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policy level to have longer impact and to have more sustainable efforts for integration of ICH anddisaster risk reduction. Thank you.

NARRATIVES OF RISK AND COPING IN RESPONSE TO TYPHOONHAIYAN IN SELECTED COMMUNITIES IN THE PHILIPPINES
Soledad N. M. Dalisay1* The following presentation is based on her recent publication (below), which was awarded‘Highly Commended’ in the 2017 Emerald Literati Network Awards for Excellence.
Dalisay, S. N. M. and De Guzman, M. H. (2016). Risk and culture: the case of typhoon Haiyan
in the Philippines. Disaster Prevention and Management: An International Journal, 25 (5), pp.
701–714.
Good a�ernoon everyone and I will be sharing with you this a�ernoon the findings of a study we
did. It’s a case study of Typhoon Haiyan in three affected communities in the Philippines. So thisis co-authored, the papers are actually co-authored by a graduate student from the Departmentof Geography, while I’m from anthropology.
These are some statistics about Typhoon Haiyan. So everybody, I suppose, is familiar with thereally devastating typhoon which hit the Philippines in 2013. It le� so much devastation and forthe objective of our study we tried to provide an understanding of the social and culturalcontexts that shape risk perceptions in relation to evacuation during Typhoon Haiyan. The study
was actually commissioned by the Department of Science and Technology. They came to us andasked us to do the study because according to them we already did all the science but still
people did not evacuate and so much devastation occurred, and so they’re trying now tounderstand the social and cultural contexts that shape the risk perceptions. This is thegeographical focus of the study; we looked at three coastal communities, the Tacloban City,
Guiuan, Eastern Samar and San Francisco Cebu. But there were different conditions post Haiyan
in these three communities. The three study sites are located in Central Philippines in the middleof the map of the Philippines.
Okay, during Typhoon Haiyan there were areas where loss of lives and property was great andlosses were confined to simply the property. In Tacloban City, we have this classic photograph ofthe ship that was washed on shore because of the strong storm surge. So there was so muchdevastation in Tacloban City as well in Guiuan, Eastern Samar, but in this island community in San
Francisco Cebu, where everyone had evacuated, the loss was confined to property. There were nolives lost in this island community in the Philippines, okay. So, we are trying to do a comparison
now of what happened and why people evacuated in certain areas and in certain areas why they
did not evacuate.
We devised this conceptual framework which was based on or inspired by Douglas andWildavsky’s Cultural Theory of Risk. So, we see here the social and cultural contexts that shape1060

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risks and vulnerability perceptions and responses to natural hazards as actually linked to thephysical environment. So, concepts about the physical environment in relation to natural hazards
are shaped by social-cultural contexts.
These are some of our findings. I tried to confine my presentation this a�ernoon to findings thatwould be relevant to ICH. When we ask people why they evacuated or why they did notevacuate, they gave us the same answer which was ‘Sanay na kami dyan’ or we are used to it. In
some areas like in San Francisco, Cebu, they were used to evacuation because the local
government had already been implementing effective evacuation programme and people knew
where to go, what to do in case there was a call for evacuation by the local government. And by
the way, San Francisco Cebu was also a recipient of the Sasakawa Award for Disaster Risk
Reduction. Whereas in Tacloban City and in Guiuan Eastern Samar, they also said that they wereused to the typhoons because the Philippines is actually situated, as Fatima said, within the
Pacific Ring of fire and we’re visited by around 20 or more typhoons a year. So they said we areused to it and we’ve already developed ways of dealing with a hazard in our daily lives. And so,they did not evacuate because they thought that Haiyan would be like any of the other typhoons
that they’ve encountered in the past. What they did not expect was the storm surge and thatwas what cost much of the devastation.
Ties that bind, so in all the three communities, relatives were a valuable resource. Because theroads were devastated during the typhoon, the national government were able to bring aid into
the affected communities, it took about 3 days. So before the government came, the relatives
were already there helping their fellow relatives.
They had a system in place they called the pauswag wherein even before the typhoon hit,relatives and friends already accommodated, those with houses that were made of concrete andwere deemed to be safe from the storm. They were already accommodating the relatives andfriends into their homes. They housed them there during the storm and even a�er the storm
while they were cleaning up. They call it the pauswag, it’s a traditional practice that has been inplace in Guiuan, Eastern Samar.
There is a similar practice called the pagpapadagos in the Bicol region, another area that’s o�envisited by typhoons in the Philippines. In terms of probably finding commonalities and scaling up
of ICH, particularly in the context of involving relatives in DRRM, I suppose there are many otherexamples in other parts of the Philippines. It just so happened that I did research in Guiuan andin the Bicol region so that’s what I know. Probably if we expand the research into other areas we
will find similar social systems in place as well.
And then also in terms of ethnicity and identity, people in Guiuan Eastern Samar and in Tacloban
City were saying that tuminongnong — it’s a Visayan term for those who are born and raised in
the area. So, for our informers they felt that the tuminongnong possessed greater resilience tonatural hazards because they have a network of relatives and friends already in the site as comparedwith new migrants who are newly establishing residence in the site and therefore they are moreor less le� on their own. That’s why in the more rural areas like in Guiuan Eastern Samar and in
San Francisco Cebu, where everyone was a relative of everybody else, the support system was
great. But in Tacloban City, which is an urban site, composed of migrants coming from many places.
The relatives were not really with them, and so they were more or less had to help themselves.
They also had local knowledge which they said they saw even before as warning signs, even
before Haiyan, like for instance the red skies the night before the typhoon hit. It was a sign of astrong typhoon or the halo around the moon they said means rains soon. So they had noticed
this, also they witnessed unusually huge waves, particularly by the fisher folk. These were someof the warning signs that was in place in the three sites.

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They also had local knowledge of wind that told them when it was safe to go back to theirresidences. The local term is kanaway sa timog, which referred to the final rush of wind thatsignified the end of the storm. So the elders or elderly informants told us that they had this local
knowledge, but many of the younger people in the communities no longer knew how to read thesigns. They relied more on news from the radio or from the television. So, there is a challenge
now on how to promote ICH here.
They also had ways of identifying safe and unsafe spaces based on the impending hazards. They
also knew how to secure the roofs of their houses, they had technology of tying the houses to
the ground; some were able to do this.
And then in terms of gendered aspects, while many of the literature pointed out the vulnerabilityof women in the face of hazards, the study also showed that men can also be vulnerable. Women
were vulnerable but men could also be vulnerable because in this case, in the context of machismo,
the man stayed behind to protect their pieces of appliance and their property, while they madesure that their wives and their children were sent to the evacuation centers. So they were theones who were exposed to the hazard. Even in that small island where everyone were supposedly
evacuated, there were two men who stayed behind because they had to protect their possessions
not only from the hazard but from looting a�er the storm, and that was what they told us.
What are some of the recommendations for community level DRRM considering ICH. First of all,we thought that in terms of capacity building, friends and relations could be a valuable resource
during disasters. They could be involved in formal DRRM programmes and provided withincentives because there is some of the people were skeptical of evacuating to the evacuation
centers designated by the local government. In fact in Tacloban City, it was in the evacuation
centers where some of the people died because they were also affected by the storm surge. The
evacuation centers were situated along the coast and so the storm surge was able to reach thatarea. Because in the evacuation centers also they were housed with people they did not know,
not only their neighbors but there were other people also in the evacuation centers. And so they
did not feel safe, so they preferred the homes of their relatives. But not everyone has a relativein safe space. So I have some other recommendations for that.
Also to include local knowledge in communicating risks from hazards, we suggested that using
traditional channels of communication. The usual channel that was used was through the local
government and the mass media, but there are ways in which information is also disseminated in
the communities through people that they knew and were part of their social networks, so thiscan also be tapped in DRRM programmes.
And then to develop safe evacuation centers for those who need this in their sites, we thoughtthat it would be good to identify and designate a site or a structure that will serve as apermanent evacuation center for specific communities. This could be situated in recognised safe
areas. The centers could also serve as disaster museums where information, education seminars
can be held when it is not used for evacuation. We’ve been told also that having a center that’s
dedicated solely for evacuation may not be cost-effective because nobody knows how many times
in a year you need to evacuate people. So, we thought that it would be good to have otherpurposes that are disaster related also because right now the current evacuation centers in thePhilippines are multiple purpose centers. They are schools that serve as temporary evacuation
centers. Therefore, when there is evacuation, schooling is interrupted because sometimes thepeople have to stay in the evacuation centers for a long period of time. Or if there are otherpurposes for the evacuation center, like it could serve as a gym or any other community activity
for the long term, the buildings might be retrofitted for other purposes, other than evacuation.
And therefore you lose now its value and its function as an evacuation center, so we have thisrecommendation.

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And then, looking at developing social memory. Social memory frames people’s responses tohazards and the lessons learned from typhoons Durian and Haiyan. Because there was Typhoon
Durian a�er Haiyan which was also very strong but not as strong as Haiyan, and the social
memory could be done through sustained community rituals and ceremonies that commemorate
people’s resilience efforts a�er the typhoon. So it’s not much remembering the devastation, butmore remembering the lessons learned. When we were talking with our informants, they were
telling us that they fear that the very young children would lose the memory of Haiyan and those
who were not born yet would have no experience of Haiyan and they would go back to theircomplacent ways. This is an example of the candle-lighting ceremony that was held during thefirst year anniversary of Haiyan. This was LGU led actually and while of course there is thisseparate ceremony to commemorate Haiyan, the same ritual could be integrated with otherfestivals and rituals that are already ongoing, that have been there in place in the communities
for a long period of time already. So that’s the candle-lighting ceremony.
As the final recommendation, we also felt that DRRM programmes have to be linked to broader
human development and environmental protection concerns. Usually DRRM programmes focus on
the hazard, but in the everyday lives of people, hazards are only one part of their many concerns.
So when faced with a hazard, they may prioritize those other concerns over the hazard andhence refuse to evacuate. This may take a very, very long time but there could be a need for amore comprehensive human development programme that would address this multitude ofconcerns so that this would be able to reduce people’s vulnerabilities and develop greater
resilience.
And by way of going forward in terms of research we felt also that we need to do more researchon viable channels for the transmission of local knowledge to the young that are, of course,
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communities. And this will vary depending not only on ecological zones but also whether thecommunities are urban community or a rural community.
It would also be good to look at the genesis of new myths and legends that arise in disaster
contexts. In Guiuan, we encountered a new legend that emerged now a�er Haiyan. So it would
be good to look at the narrative of the myths, who are the transmitters of the myth, the lessons
that have been imparted through those myths that arise and the contexts in which theseemerged. These are some of the suggestions.
Also, to look at the dynamism of ICH as a function of changes not only in the physical environment
but changes in the socio-cultural world of the bearers as well. ICH is part of culture and theresilience of culture is also based on its dynamic nature, so it’s important to look into this.
And also the identification of novel ways of integrating ICH into actual DRRM programmes.
Because while our National DRRM Act RA10121 actually has a provision on the incorporation of
local knowledge into DRRM programmes, we really have to find out who are implementing thisalready and if these are not yet being implemented, why are these not being implemented. I
suspect there are successful examples in the field now but we have to document this and share
this to argue more strongly for the incorporation of ICH in DRRM programmes.

ICH AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN FIJI

Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma1
Good a�ernoon everyone. Ni bula vinaka.
Fiji’s presentation includes a brief historical account of events that unfold in the past centuries
thus forming its social, economic, and cultural cosmology. The presentation will also include abrief report on Cultural Mapping Programme and from which emanate the theme for thisconference, ‘ICH in relation to disaster risk management and its challenges’.
The Republic of Fiji consists of 333 islands; located within hurricane-prone area in the South
Pacific Ocean with our neighboring island states. This information is made available in thenational telephone directory thus the public are aware hurricanes.
In February 2016, Fiji was struck by a category 5 cyclone which followed the path of 11 degrees
and 21 degrees within the cyclone path. In the traditional lunar calendar, hurricane season falls in
November to April. December to February is o�en referred to as ‘warm season’ called vula ikatakata. People would not be sailing to the neighboring islands during this period, but rather
prepare themselves for cyclone events. This is also known for as the breeding season for landcrabs and insects. However, due to climate changes, the weather patterns are changing.
Fiji is currently conducting cultural mapping in the Institute of iTaukei Language and Culture under1

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the Ministry of iTaukei Affairs which began in 1974. The institute was then named Fijian
Dictionary Project unit funded by Mr Raymond Burr, an American actor and focuses on compilinga Fijian monolingual dictionary. In completion of that project, through the approval of the cabinet
in 2004, the new name of Institute of Language and Culture was provided to the department toundertake cultural mapping in the 14 provinces of Fiji. The institute has completed cultural
mapping in the 13 provinces and currently commencing this work in the final province.
Fiji ratified the 2003 Convention in 2010. The institute had set up a special revival unit, tasked
with facilitating revival workshop of Traditional Knowledge & Cultural Expression through thetransmission of knowledge, know-how related to cultural expressions.
These are just a few of our traditional indicators in the olden days till today. Our traditional
indicators on the le�-hand side, are fruits bearing before a cyclone approaches, this is normal inFiji. If it is bearing more than the usual number of fruits that means a cyclone is approaching.
Last week I took this picture of a bee hive. It indicates cyclone according to traditional knowledgeof the iTaukei. Normally bee hives are situated on top of the trees but when it’s at ground levelthat means a cyclone or a hurricane is approaching.
Another indicator according to traditional knowledge is seashells. Normally this type of seashell iseasy to gather while diving in the ocean. But when a cyclone is approaching, the seashells are
firmly attached to corals and rocks at the bottom of the seabed. When divers experience this,they become aware of a neighing cyclone.
Before Cyclone Winston last year, category 5, there were more than thousands of dead fish
washed up ashore on the coral coast of Fiji. This is due to the change in sea temperature and theelders know that a hurricane or a cyclone is approaching.

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The connection between Mother Nature and animals are quite similar across culture even here in
Japan, prior to earthquake, tsunamis, animals have a peculiar sense of knowing the unforeseen
natural disaster.
Last December, a tropical depression was experienced in Fiji which causes ﬂooding in low-lying
areas. For people living in the low-lying areas, when the ﬂood turns into dark-colored muddy
waters, that indicates that more ﬂooding will occur in the next few days.
During disasters, a traditional communal collaboration known as solesolevaki allows everyone toparticipate in the securing of the villagers. The elderly and the mothers are escorted to the safe
areas. In some villages, caves are used for shelter during hurricanes. Traditional medicines as
indicated in the picture, are used to address any injury sustain during the disaster.
Communications during the natural disasters are o�en limited since all communication terminals
are down.
A�er the cyclone, when breadfruits are plentiful, a pit is dag, and all fallen breadfruits are stored
in it as a preservation method preparing them for the a�ermath of cyclone.
Similarly, people resort to other traditional activities such as the use of traditional medicines,
healing practices, fishing methods and agricultural farming for sustainable livelihood in theircommunity.
Cyclone-resilient ICH: The traditional architecture of bure in the village of Navala, highlands of Fiji
has been recognised as a natural resilient zone. During Cyclone Winston, the villagers were notstirred but rather they enjoyed the scenery. The roofs made of leaves were been blown away yet
there was not any major injury to the community members.

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There are also ﬂood resilient mechanisms that the people used. Villages have ring ditches build
around their village which serves as a countermeasure during tribal wars, preventing enemies
from reaching the village, the other purpose of the ring ditch is to prevent ﬂooding. Now thecommunities have migrated from their ancestral village to a new location, o�en they choose tolive along a river or stream. In the case of Navala village, the ring ditch is called korowaiwai.
These are some of our pre-colonial indigenous knowledge and beliefs. We normally believe in thesilence and the elements. During Cyclone Winston last year, the indigenous community, iTaukei,
have inner belief that people can survive cyclones; the will to survive during natural disasters.
iTaukei have their own traditional beliefs on natural disasters and these are mainly from pastexperiences of their forefathers. However, the question remains, why Winston did a lot ofdamage? iTaukei have their own traditional beliefs, but still families suffered during this disaster.
Pre-Westernisation, before the 1700s, as already mentioned regarding cultural mapping, lali(wooden drum) are beaten and conch cells are blown to counter or warn tsunamis. These are thetraditional approach in the olden days when tsunami is approaching. Conch shells are blown orlalis are beaten. However, these approaches are not practised anymore. iTaukei have got many
strategies in Fiji pre-1700s that are transmitted down from one generation to the next.
iTaukei have got their own challenges, in which at present, it is reconnecting the local people with
their traditional knowledge. The older generations of today no longer care about the traditional
knowledge in Fiji.
We need more awareness and appreciation, and also the insufficient research on ICH and theirconnections with the DRM. Some other weaknesses are the national and regional stakeholder’scapacity and partnerships, inadequate technical expertise and capacity, and the geographicaldistance to remote communities. I think that is all of my presentations. Thank you very much.
Vinaka.

BLUE SHIELD PASIFIKA AND ICH SAFEGUARDING IN FIJI

Elizabeth F. D. Edwards1
Today I am going to be talking about Blue Shield Pasifika. I know you must be asking what is Blue
Shield Pasifika; short form for it is BSP. You have Blue Shield Australia, you have Blue Shield USA
and this is a newly formed organisation. It’s an NGO and as you can see we’ve got that term
Pasifika. So it’s regional, it’s not only for Fiji.
These are the contributing institutions that have contributed towards the Blue Shield Pasifika. It’s
newly established; we just established last year in April, Dr Masuda was present. Our partners are
E-Commerce Pasifika, PIMA, Fiji Museum PURBICA, PIALA, UNESCO which is the actual founderthat initiated Blue Shield Pasifika and UNISDR.
Our mission is working to protect the world’s cultural heritage from human-induced disasters and1

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natural disasters, as you can see on the brochures there. This is the brochure that I created andthat’s one of the first national heritage site declared by UNESCO that’s the Levuka Heritage Site,that’s one of them. The second one was the one Dr Masuda was actually commenting on Navala,soon a�er that we’ve only got Levuka at the moment.
With my presentation I will be talking a bit about Blue Shield and then interacting with Cyclone
Winston; the cyclone that impacted Fiji and till today it’s almost a year; we still have families,
students, schools that are in tents, as you can see there. Cyclone Winston was a category 5
cyclone. When it came on the news the people thought, oh, it’s just category 5. For ourcommunity that are back in the villages, they thought, oh, it’s just a normal cyclone, notunderstanding the fact of the categories, that it’s 1, 2, 3 or 4, 5.
That’s Levuka, that’s one of the heritage sites again. This is the Levuka School, as you can see the
UNICEF tents, you see in the background there. It was actually scorched, all leaves, everything,totally devastated. Honestly speaking, I have never seen a cyclone at this extent and these are all
people back at home in the tents.
What is Blue Shield Pasifika? BSP is a Pacific branch of Blue Shield. It is a coalition of international
nongovernmental organisations; NGOs that engaged in Disaster Risk Reduction, DRR, activities toprotect culture heritage and institutions from risks associated with natural and human-induced
disasters.
Today, we only have two members on the team, that’s we have one of my colleagues. She wasactually invited to this meeting, Mere Ratunabuabua. I am sorry to say she had to be in Canberra
and I am actually at the Secretariat.
These are the activities. UNESCO normally gives us the task and then we execute. We launched
BSP in April last year. At the national archives, we have established a Blue Shield Pasifika

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guideline. We did our first awareness through Facebook because it was free. We currently have1001 members. I did presentation at the IUCN World Congress for youth in Hawaii in September
last year. We’ve created a Blue Shield brochure as you can see and the next we were tasked to do
an exhibition at the Fiji Museum. So, this is the way we are incorporating it.
With natural disasters, it’s a new thing for us back at home. It’s not something that we get daily
but on that scale of the Winston, we were given this task, live to tell, to interview thecommunity, for them to tell the story. So they said, okay, Lizzie, you’ve got to do DVDs; I said, oh,
I don’t, where is the budget. There is no budget; so we actually brought in partners. We’ve
invited partners.
What I’ve normally suggested to the government bodies is to integrate the public sector with theprivate sector and merge them together. We did our research and we found under the DMO
Department that straight a�er Winston they had all the stakeholders there on the websites. We
had no funding, so we dra�ed out a letter. We sent it to them and then we asked them if theycan exhibit at the Museum. They already have the materials. So we bought them in all at the Fiji
Museum under one roof; it was like history. It has never been done; so we had the private
sector, we had the government sector, we had the embassies that even funded it.
So, basically disasters impact everyone across the globe, across all sectors and the universities.
We also collated responses for my survey questionnaire and this was sent out to national andregional agencies on the status of DRR in their sectors. GLAM, that’s looking a�er the galleries,
libraries, archives and museums. So we sent them out to PIAL PURBICA, PIMA, ICOMOS Pasifika,
regional organisations and networks, even the USP library. Our University of the South Pacific is aregional University where we have students from all the South Pacific countries and individualorganisations. We also had our challenges in receiving responses. We managed to establish a
database for existing and not well-known organisations, part of it was most of them said oh! okay,
what’s Blue Shield Pasifika? So, we had a workshop. As you can see the participants present there
were directors of the museums, archives, libraries, all throughout the Pacific. We even hadlawyers, from the States. This is Dr Stone, UK Blue Shield; Dr Akatsuki (Takahashi) who is also likemy boss and all the Pacific regional participants. I think Richard, that’s your boss there.
Concerning the current status of disaster risk reduction in BSP institutions, our findings are: not
all institutions has had OHS training; most of these institutions have no backup plan in place for
their data, meaning all the information that’s in your museum, your library, your archives. I ask
them, do you have a backup in place, if a tsunami strikes your building where will that informationbe, and most of them say, it’s all in that building in another room, but they never thought of thatto take it off-site. Some tell us there is lack of funding, limited human resources to manage DRR,
no plans are in place in case of a disaster, limited knowledge on DRR in their institutions.
This is the BSP brochure; our mission is to empower small island developing states in DRR on
cultural heritage and institutions, and to promote the 1954 Hague Convention under UNESCO.
Our three main objectives are to share good practices in DRR for cultural heritage andinstitutions, GLAM, in Pacific small island developing states promoted by NGOs in the Pacific; togain a better understanding on the role of Blue Shield within the framework of the 1954 Hague
Convention and it’s two protocols which is also natural disasters. It’s lined up from 2015 to 2030
and the third bit is to support capacity building activities.
As you can see in the brochure that’s a�er the Cyclone Pam in 2015 with our national archives;it’s never been hit by any terrible disaster. So the staff was normally put into trainings in casethey do have something but fresh off the shelf last week they got robbed; so that’s an incident.
These are the artists a�er Cyclone Evan in Samoa and this is at the Fiji Museum. Flooding in thegallery spaces. Sometimes it’s just the lack of funding to repair.

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These are our action plans. Priority one is to understand disaster risk. Priority two, strengthening
disaster risk governance to manage disaster risk. Priority three, investing in disaster risk reduction
for resilience. Priority four, enhancing disaster preparedness and effective response to build backbetter in recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction.
I’d like to speak a bit about the exhibition. It was opened by Mr Timothy Wilcox. So this is how
we engaged the community, boarding the stakeholders, never been done but it’s possible, it canbe done. We share that with our regional counterparts. They could also implement. This is how
we did our awareness. We engaged the artists. This group performed an item stronger than
Winston and this is part of the displays that were done. This is Save the Children, this is an
institution that looks a�er children. Psychologically, the children were impacted too and still
recovering. UNISDR, and those are the DVDs that playing in the background there.
ICH and DRM in Fiji. Today also, I have a background from the media, television production site.
So, we have recorded Living Human Treasures documented at the Fiji Museum. We have bought
in Fiji’s top Living Human Treasures with the knowledge on the culture sector and also ICH whichis totally unique in their caliber. Secondly, we are raising awareness to the younger generation on
the traditional knowledge on science of disaster in nature. Third bit is the information should becommunicated through DVDs. I think that’s a pla�orm that most of us should be looking at andincorporating that to move with the 21st century. Most of our information are either inpamphlets or brochures. But then if you look at the day and age and time you have thetelephone technology, you have got DVDs and I also strongly believe that the information, like mycolleague stated earlier that the rural people know and you have the urban. I think these two
information should be documented and circulated vice-versa and it can be distributed throughschools at secondary level, primary level or even taking up to the ministry levels.
The signs of disaster is stated earlier the bearing of excessing fruits, birds, even the fish having

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their hearts black, the bees and the sky. Regional ICH priorities, firstly sharing and exchange of
information secondly value and revival of traditional house building, boat building skills andseafaring skills. That is the two components that I would like to highlight at this meeting. As
stated earlier, most of our communities back at home are still intense and most are waiting for
handouts from the government to come and provide. Whereas not everybody had their –whether it’s their natural habitat, scorched out or it’s still available but it’s just a knowhow, mostof them don’t know how to do it. And I think that information needs to be disseminated back tothem on how they can build back their own homes.
ICH safeguarding, storage of ICH recorded data for backup, skills and knowledge, transmission,
raw materials must be grown, cyclone proof, for example the sago plant in Dakunikoro Village isbecoming extinct. So, I think with SPC they have gone into taking this plant and planting it inanother village. Traditional bure builders, house builders are in high demand now, families andschools are still housed in tents. The habitat for humanity, it’s a building NGO with DISMAC. Thisis the NDMO Government Office that looks a�er our citizens in times of disaster. Fiji Museum,
these are the multi-partners, knowledge and awareness, linked to the prototype linking up to theagriculture sectors with cultural knowledge for cultural post-disaster needs analysis results. Supplyof funds to replant certain types of woods, like the vesi, dakua, voivoi or the sago. The collectionof data on all of the above.
These are some of the pictures of what’s actually happening now on the ground back at home.
Students are having their classes out there. This is the family and those that have lost theirhomes are still in the tents.
Just an example on the Fiji background statistics. As you can see on this chart here, shelter is the
fourth priority, that’s why we are emphasising on traditional home building and this is a roughestimate on the 38.6 billion. This is a PDNA a�er Cyclone Winston. It also has stats on the ICH.

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A study of ICH safeguarding, a study on each step, SPC data research on Vanuatu and they foundthat the impacts of disasters not only affected ICH but also the resource materials, regeneration
communications between all sectors. Surveys must be done well before disaster and the ICH
traditional practices. Fiji and the South Pacific need to have a baseline research information. Right
now, we don’t have that.
These are some of the practices that are still happening at the Fiji Museum. The pottery makers,
manimani weavers, the fire walkers and we invite the students and the public at large to attend
and to keep it alive instead of just having it there back in the villages. We bring it to the museum
because apart from the artifacts these are the living human treasures too.
Our strengths are the partners and the networks that we already have in place. Our challenges
are raising awareness and communications. In our action plan, we are trying to develop more
informative DVDs for the public at large and use it as a training tool. Vinaka vakalevu. Thank you.

ICH AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OFVANUATU
Richard J. Shing1
Good a�ernoon. Before I start, I would like to say my presentation would be more general andbroader. I have my other colleague, Meredith Wilson, who will be doing a case study on a more
specific case study on her presentation.
Though ICH is a prominent and is an important part of everyday life in Vanuatu, the work topreserve, promote and protect ICH is still in its infancy.
The National Laws on Legislation dealing with ICH: The Vanuatu National Cultural Council or VNCC
Act is an act to provide for the establishment, for the preservation, protection and developmentof various aspects of the rich cultural heritage of Vanuatu and for provision of public libraries. The
objects of the council that are relevant to ICH and that I quote from the VNCC Act One is tosupport, encourage and to make provision of the preservation, protection and development ofvarious aspects of cultural heritage in Vanuatu. Two, to support, encourage and make provision
for the establishment, maintenance and development of public libraries. Three, to establish,
maintain, administer and make provision for such national institutions as the council shallconsider necessary and appropriate for the purpose of these objects, including but not limited to
the following national institutions; the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, including the National Museum,
the National Library, the National Film and Sound Unit, the Vanuatu National Heritage Registerand the National Archives. Four, to initiate, encourage and support all services, matters or things
that are conducive towards the proper and orderly development of any national institution set up
in accordance with this act. Five, to initiate, encourage, support and conduct research andtraining programmes on any matters relating to any national institution set up in accordance tothis act. Six, to foster cooperation in matters related to the provision of museums, libraries andinternational relations between the council, governments, organisations and bodies interested

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therein. In addition, Vanuatu has the Archive Act; the Book Deposit Act, the Preservation of Sites
and Artifacts Act to assist in the preservation, protection and promotion of cultural heritage.
Despite the legislations already in place there still is a lot of need to improve and implement thenational legislature for the protection of World Heritage sites since Vanuatu does not have any
specific legislation that protects World Heritage sites. The site of the Chief Roi Mata’s Domain
which is Vanuatu’s first and only World Heritage site, are currently protected under the Vanuatu’s
Protection of Sites and Artifacts Act but there are specific needs that need to be addressed
regarding World Heritage in Vanuatu.
There is also a need to develop a legislation that gives recognition to and protect Vanuatu’s
intangible cultural heritage.
Heritage Conventions: The Republic of Vanuatu signed the World Heritage Convention in 2003
and shortly therea�er the Vanuatu Cultural Centre in consultation with the Environment Unit
worked to develop a tentative list of sites for future nomination and presented the list in 2005.
Chief Roi Mata’s Domain was inscribed on the World Heritage List in 2008 and is our country’s
only world heritage site.
A nomination is currently being prepared under the auspices of the Environment Unit for Lake
Letas. Lake Letas is the largest lake in Vanuatu. It is a crater lake on the volcanic island of Gaua inthe Banks Islands of Northern Vanuatu. Vanuatu became the signatory to the 2003 Convention in2002 and Vanuatu sand drawings were proclaimed in 2003 and inscribed on the representative
list of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanities in 2008.
Vanuatu’s first and only World Heritage site is the Chief Roi Mata’s Domain and the site is locatedabout 20 minutes’ drive north of Port Villa in the area of Havannah Harbour and is a culturallandscape consisting of three sites; Mangaas, Fels Cave, and Artok. These three sites of the Chief
Roi Mata’s Domain represent the life and death of the last holder of the Roi Mata chieﬂy line title
who died around the around 1650 A.D.

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The site of Chief Roi Mata’s Domain has provided us with an opportunity to reﬂect on thethreats, both cultural and natural, to the cultural property of our nation and is managed entirelyby the traditional landowners and custodians of the area.
Cultural Heritage in the Dra� Corporate Plan: The Vanuatu Cultural Centre is in the process ofdra�ing its next corporate plan for the next 5 years and its first yearly business plan. It gives us
the opportunity to rethink our role and make plans on how we want to manage cultural heritage
in the years to come. It is the first time that the managers of the different sections under the
Vanuatu Cultural Centre are being part of pu�ng this plan together with the vision of theinstitution as a whole.
In the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, cultural heritage is divided into four components. Due to the lackof adequate human resource, the institution is attempting to define cultural heritage in thismanner, which I have on the slide above; that aligns its various components with the various
roles of the different sections that make up the Vanuatu Cultural Centre to ensure that all current
sections assist and have a role to play in the protection, preservation and promotion of cultural
heritage in Vanuatu. Four components are the cultural practices, cultural sites, cultural artifacts
and cultural knowledge and inside all of this is the society.
Cultural artifacts are anything created by humans which give information about the culture or its
creators and the uses are significant because they offer an insight into the technologicalprocesses and economic development and/or social structure, livelihood and well-being of thepeople who created and used them.
Cultural artifacts are tangible and movable and include, but not limited to, tools, for example
tools for gardening, fishing, cooking and cleaning, etc., ornaments, for example shell bracelets,
earrings, pendants, necklaces, headdresses, etc., and instruments, for example ﬂutes, drums,
ankle rattles, etc., ceremonial objects, for example tamtams in funerary effigies, etc., weapons, forexample club, spears and slings, etc., and traditional a�re.
Cultural activities are performances, actions, practices and activities that are connected to theculture of a society. They are social, artistic or ceremonial pursuits considered to be valuable,
enlightening and/or beneficial to the people living in a society and are related to their habits,
beliefs, traditions and life ways.

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They are visible when performed and include, but not limited to, activities and practices
associated with gardening, for example food production and preparation, traditional medical
practices, traditional games, traditional rituals and ceremonies, for example weddings, custom
dances grade taking ceremonies, etc., infrastructural construction, fishing, traditional music,
carving, art, song and chants, creating traditional clothing and ornament making.
Much of our cultural heritage, our cultural activities are big succumbed to external inﬂuences andchange over time. There is, therefore, an urgent need to preserve, protect and promote theutilization of these practices.
Our cultural sites are the immovable places within the terrestrial and marine environment that isof cultural, historical and/or archaeological significance or value. The size of a cultural site mayvary from the size of a small area surrounding stone to the size of the island itself and may
sometimes contain artifacts and physical evidence of past events, activities and practices.
Cultural knowledge is translated as being the information, intelligence, ideas, wisdom, skills,
awareness, understanding, manners, beliefs and practices that are developed, sustained andpassed on from generation to generation within a society o�en forming part of its cultural andspiritual identity. Cultural knowledge includes types of knowledge about traditional technologies
of subsistence, for example, tools and techniques for agriculture and hunting, ethnobotany,
ecological knowledge, traditional medicine, celestial navigation, weather and climate.
These kinds of knowledge are crucial for the subsistence and survival and are generally based on
the accumulation of empirical information on interactions with the environment. In tradition of
Vanuatu’s societies, knowledge is passed orally from generation to generation, from person toperson and finds expressions in the form of stories, legends, folklore, rituals, songs and laws.
Cultural or traditional knowledge is essential element of all three components of cultural heritage,
artifacts, activities and sites and also is a very essential component of society as a whole.
Potential Natural and Man-Made Threats to Cultural Property: According to the 2015 World Risk
Report, which I found on the internet, Vanuatu is the riskiest place in the world to live.
Vanuatu straddles a particular difficult series of environmental hazard zones, being exposed bothto high levels of volcanic and seismic activity as part of the Pacific Ring of Fire and to frequenttropical cyclone activity. The global challenge of sea level rise also takes on a particularsignificance in this oceanic environment. When preparing a risk and management plan for
cultural property in Vanuatu, we need to consider as a priority the impacts of – and I read themin order of frequency; tropical cyclones, earthquakes, ﬂooding, volcanic eruptions and activity, El
Nino effects, global warming and sea level rise.
With regard to the theme of this conference, Vanuatu has experienced a land sale boom which isin large tracts of the customary land sold to foreign investors. The separation of land and people
at the time of colonisation and now more recently through land sales represents the biggest
threat to cultural heritage in Vanuatu because it severed people’s connections to their kastom or
traditional places. It severed the connection between the tangible and intangible heritage of ourpeople. We are being in danger of losing our intangible cultural heritage if the tangible land andthe tangible resources that are around them are lost. The Ministry of Lands is currently working
hard to address this issue through new land reforms but we still have a long road ahead in relation
to this issue. The site of Chief Roi Mata’s Domain has undergone numerous land use planningworkshops to address the issue of land sales seeing Lelema World Heritage Committee working
exceedingly hard to educate the community about the impacts of land sales on cultural heritage.

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The Vanuatu Cultural Centre does not have a complete Disaster Risk Reduction Plan, though someprojects and initiatives may be seen as a risk reduction before, during and a�er the disaster.
The slow food initiative and the safeguarding of indigenous vernacular architecture and building
knowledge in Vanuatu are two projects aimed at promoting traditional food and architecture toareas where the use of ICH is important to the survival of the community in times of disaster. It
is, however, essential that the Vanuatu Cultural Centre oversees the protection of culturalproperty in Vanuatu, invest in the development of disaster risk reduction plans to protect the
tangible and intangible cultural heritage within its territory.
Of all the disasters in Vanuatu, cyclones are the most frequent and destructive. A�er the cyclone,
as we saw a�er the category 5 Cyclone Pam, people’s main concerns were about housing andfood. The majority of people living in Vanuatu heavily rely on food. They produce for the dailysustenance.
The indigenous knowledge on where and how certain food are grown and how they can beprocessed for preservation are important in times of disaster. For example, in Vanuatu some local
food damaged during cyclones can be dried or fermented to preserve it for months or years. The
breadfruit, as my colleague, two of our friends have discussed, is one type of food that people
can dry and ferment and store for long periods. In addition, there are many plants that people
normally do not eat but do so in times of disaster and food shortage. One example I have put up
there in the picture is that in the bark of the black palm.
More than half of the people living in Vanuatu cannot afford cyclone-proof cement houses but
our ancestors have been living in this cycle prone environment for 3000 years and have invented
certain ways of building traditional houses, using materials available to them in the surrounding
environment which possess the capacity to withstand strong winds and earthquakes.
During Cyclone Pam many of these locally built nakamals or large meeting houses served asstorm shelters. Different islands have different ways of building indigenous houses using different
materials but one common feature that makes them cyclone and earthquake resistant is the factthat all of them are built with the roof log and embedded into the ground.
The problem we have faced today is many people build their traditional houses with high walls, afeature that was introduced by the early missionaries in the late 1800s to allow for more room

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space. This type of housing is not cyclone resistant and has led to the loss of knowledge ofbuilding low roof traditional houses in some of the islands, especially in the urban areas.
The Objective of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre in Relation to Protection and Promotion of ICH and
DRR: The Vanuatu Cultural Centre’s immediate goals for ICH in relation to DRR are, one, toundertake cultural mapping with the assistance of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre field workers on
intangible cultural heritage which would provide us with the information on ICH in different
regions of Vanuatu, identify intangible cultural heritage that are under threat, record anddocument kastom knowledge associated with disaster preparedness and survival, for example
food preparation. Two, develop and implement national legal protection and recognition of ICH for
World Heritage sites. Vanuatu does not have any legislation specific to World Heritage sites andalso to include more legislation on ICH. And three, to produce materials, written, audio andaudiovisual, and organise activities, events and festivals aimed at promoting the role andimportance of ICH and DRR. Four, prepare Disaster Risk Reduction Plan for World Heritage
property of Roi Mata’s Domain based upon how ICH can be utilized to reduce risk. And five,organise and support projects that actively promote the connection between the tangible andintangible cultural heritage of traditional food practices and traditional architecture.
The Vanuatu Cultural Centre will continue to support work on the transmission, revival or
promotion of its ICH and this concludes my talk.
To conclude, I would like to thank Dr Shaw. One thing I wanted to get from this meeting here is away forward for our country. We are very – a bit back in the policymaking and what all of you
have been presenting today, you are well advanced in what we are doing as an institution andwhat I learned a lot from this morning’s discussion is a way forward. And I will use a lot of
examples which Dr Shaw presented and I am sure a�er this meeting I will have a lot more tocontribute to ICH in our country and disaster risk reduction.

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ENHANCING TRADITIONAL MECHANISMS OF ICH TRANSMISSION AT
CHIEF ROI MATA’S DOMAIN, VANUATU
Meredith L. Wilson1
Firstly, I would like to acknowledge that some of the ideas that I will be presenting in this paper
emerged during a recent trip to Vanuatu with Yoko Nojima from IRCI, and I would also like tothank IRCI for inviting me today to present on the intersection of these ideas of ICH safeguarding
and disaster risk management.
My husband, Christopher Ballard, and I have been working at Chief Roi Mata’s Domain, Vanuatu’s
first World Heritage Site, since 2004, initially with the landowning community and the Vanuatu
National Museum and Cultural Centre to prepare the nomination document for the property
which was inscribed in 2008, and therea�er as part of a growing international advocacy group tobuild and strengthen the management and tourism activities of the site. So, this paper really
emerges from a long history of discussion between myself and the landowning community, andparticularly the property management committee that is pictured in the slide, and colleagues at
the Vanuatu National Museum and Cultural Centre.
Chief Roi Mata’s Domain is the former territory or domain of a famous Paramount Chief, as
Richard talked about, who held the title Roi Mata and who died in about 1600 CE. Legends of thelife and deeds of Roi Mata are told throughout Central Vanuatu, although these legends almost
certainly refer to the lives and activities of several different holders of this title.
It’s the very last Roi Mata who appears to have been an exceptional individual responsible forsettling a long period of widespread conﬂict in the mid-16th century and for establishing Naﬂak
which are basically group totems that continued to structure marriage patterns and connections
to land in Vanuatu. The property is demarcated by the dark gray area on the map to the rightand consists of the three sites: Mangaas on the mainland of Efate, Fels Cave on the Island of
Lelepa and then on the le�-hand side Artok Island, or Hat Island as it’s also referred to, which isseparated by Havannah Harbour.

Figure 1
The Lelema World Heritage Committee(LWHC) that manages Chief Roi Mata’s
Domain1

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Figure 2

The location of Chief Roi Mata’s Domain, Vanuatu

So, resident at Mangaas on the main island of Efate and Central Vanuatu, this last Roi Mata is said
to have died as an old man in Fels Cave on neighboring Lelepa Island. His residence at Mangaas
was abandoned, never to be resettled again and his body was transported to the small island of
Artok, whose residents were displaced so that the entire island could be declared taboo or fenua
tapu. There, Roi Mata was reputedly buried in a ceremony that saw as many as 300 peopleburied alive to accompany him in death. Excavations at the site in the 1960s by the Frencharchaeologist, Jose Garanger, uncovered an extensive cemetery that confirmed the story of Roi
Mata and the presence of the largest-known sacrificial burial site in the Pacific.
There are two concepts that are important for understanding Chief Roi Mata’s Domain and thehistory of management at the site. The first concept is integral to the Lelema Community thatlives in the Buffer Zone around the site and which looks a�er and tells the stories of Chief Roi
Mata’s Domain. Nafsan natoon translates as the ‘talk that is’; it’s like a local law. It’s a natural wayof being in the landscape. This concept lies at the heart of all intangible cultural heritage thatauthenticates Chief Roi Mata’s Domain; the stories that give meaning to the sites and the socialand cultural codes that dictate how people behave in relation to the sites of Chief Roi Mata’s
Domain. For instance, it is inappropriate for people to call out the name of Chief Roi Mata on the
Island of Artok, particularly close to the grave site, due to a belief that the sea surrounding theisland will become rough and impassable by boat, stranding them on the island until they makean offering on the grave.
The second concept is a modern framework that has been developed over time to explain thecommunity’s approach to managing Chief Roi Mata’s Domain as a cultural landscape and a World
Heritage Site. In pigeon, this framework is referred to as a ‘trifala’ leg, basically a three-leggedstool, as it has three components: people, place and story. It’s the places which are the sites
within the property; the people, the landowners and chiefs and residents who look a�er the site
and the people for whom the site has meaning; and the stories about Chief Roi Mata and thelandscape. While World Heritage inscription involves the registration of physical properties, thecategory of the cultural landscape recognises that the stories and the beliefs of the community
are essential to the outstanding universal value of the site. The Management Plan of Chief Roi
Mata’s Domain takes each of these three factors into account for they are interdependent andRECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONS

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Figure 3

Le�: Mangaas immediately a�er the Cyclone; Right: Mangaas a�er the rehabilitation of thesite

critical to the overall value of the property. If one leg of the stool is threatened or damaged, thestool topples over. However, when the nomination dossier for Chief Roi Mata’s Domain (CRMD)
was being conceived, its classification as a potential World Heritage property led to thedevelopment of a monitoring programme that actively measures changes to the physicalcomponents of the property, for the place essentially.
Seismic impacts, for instance, were considered in relation to their potential impact on the rock art
and the structure of Fels Cave on Lelepa Island and monitoring points were establishedaccordingly, and we set up similar monitoring points on Artok Island. However, while theManagement Plan for Chief Roi Mata’s Domain promotes the revitalisation of storytellingassociated with the Roi Mata site, specific indicators for measuring the rate or quality of thetransmission of the stories or knowledge, the intangible elements of the site, within thecommunity have only recently started to be articulated and piloted.
Cyclone Pam, a category 5 cyclone, struck Vanuatu on 13 March 2015. While the cyclone did
surprisingly little structural damage to the material sites of the CRMD, it severely damaged
homes, gardens and livelihoods. This slide shows before and a�er shots of the rehabilitation of
the sites which were undertaken over a period of a week with funding from UNESCO, and you can
see that we were able to make significant changes to the site within that short timeframe.
The event brought into sharp focus that without security for the health and livelihoods of thecommunity, the stories and thus the meaning of the cultural landscape of Chief Roi Mata’s
domain are profoundly threatened. When a natural disaster strikes the cultural landscape, thatnatural disaster becomes a cultural disaster relevant to the people who have been devastated by
its effects and who give meaning to its impact.
Our understanding of the relationship between disasters and cultural heritage of Chief Roi Mata’s
Domain has evolved over time. So, in 2002, prior to the nomination project, an earthquake struck
close to Efate that caused significant damage to the entrance of the rock art site of Fels Cave
where Chief Roi Mata drew his last breath. This event emphasised the material threats to theproperty and our need to address them.
By 2004, and Richard talked a little bit about this, we were confronted with a much larger threatof widespread land sales to foreign investors, essentially a human induced disaster. While thisthreat awoke us to the idea of the community’s well-being, we were still thinking at that time likearchaeologists, and were concerned about the sites, the site access and site ownership. We were
acutely aware of the threat posed by, and Richard talked about this, the spli�ng of the tangible
heritage (the place) and the intangible (the people in the stories) as a result of land sale.

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But what the cyclone of 2015 made us realise is that while the impacts to the sites weresuperficial, the cyclone posed a significant threat to the community’s well-being and therefore thesite’s values. A�er an assessment of the impacts of the cyclone to the people, places and stories
of CRMD, the main finding was the need to develop a Disaster Risk Management Plan that placed
the community and its well-being at the heart of future disaster planning for the property.
The recent mission to Vanuatu by IRCI at the end of last year provided us with a brief
opportunity to return to the community concept of nafsan natoon in the context of disasters andto use this as one of the founding principles for eventually developing a disaster risk
management plan for the site. An a�ernoon meeting on the beach at Mangaas with the
managers of the site allowed us to undertake a preliminary study of how indigenous knowledge
and intangible cultural heritage informs disaster risk management at Chief Roi Mata’s Domain.
The workshop focused on the use of indigenous knowledge in relation to four different types ofdisasters; cyclones, earthquakes, fire and coastal water inundation as a result of tsunamis and sea
level change. As time was limited, to guide a discussion, we asked the community to frame their
responses in relation to the Disaster Risk Management Cycle to obtain a sense of what people dobefore, during and a�er a disaster. We didn’t address the issue of community vulnerability
because the session was too short. So, we specifically addressed the hazards themselves. So tolook just very brieﬂy at the langwot (which is the cyclone) and the indigenous knowledge thatwas used in preparation for the cyclone.
In the months leading up to a cyclone, people prepare their grass houses; they construct them;
they repair them. There is seasonal planting of particular types of crops (one of these is called
nalo, which is a yam, and it’s a cyclone resistant crop) and people look out for environmental
indicators of a cyclone. So, for example, this particular slide shows my colleague Richard Matanik,
who is Chair of the World Heritage Committee, drawing in the sand to demonstrate the locationof the sun in relation to a site called napsinfor, which is a casuarina that sits on the top of Hat
Island, and if the sun exceeds the line of napsinfor then that is an indication to the community ofan impending cyclone.
In the event that a cyclone is imminent, gardens are prepared to reduce damage. Wild cane isused to secure yams in the ground. Manioc (cassava) is cut low to the ground. Food is harvested
and stored for post cyclone use. In Lelepa, they have a particular technique called namru which
involves the hanging of food in the houses for consumption a�er a cyclone and, as others havetalked about, in Fiji and throughout Vanuatu people used fermenting techniques to store food inunderground silos. The health and well-being of members of the Lelepa Community a�er Cyclone
Pam can be directly linked to the extent to which they embraced these historically-adapted
techniques of preparing for cyclones.
The site managers at CRMD, a�er our short discussion, felt that to ‘build back better’ they need
to focus particularly on strengthening the transmission of indigenous knowledge associated withfood security and cyclone resistant shelter construction. In terms of the future safeguarding ofintangible cultural heritage in the Pacific, what can we realistically achieve at the grassroots levelor at the level of government policy to: prevent the loss or damage of intangible cultural
heritage; to revitalise intangible cultural heritage in conjunction with introduced technologies toassist in disaster preparedness and management; and use ICH practices to recover fromdisasters?
I didn’t mention this but the community coming together to work on the rehabilitation of thesites a�er Cyclone Pam was a process of collective healing in itself. Numerous civil society
organisations, and the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, are making a concerted effort to record
indigenous knowledge and practice in relation to disasters. So, the National Advisory Board on

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Figure 4

Richard Matanik, Chair of the Lelema World Heritage Committee, illustrating thepath of the sun in relation to napsinfor

Climate Change and Disaster Risk has created a website which is an excellent repository for thistype of information. However, while the national government of Vanuatu actively supports therecording of this knowledge, given Vanuatu’s status as one of the most dangerous places to live interms of a natural disaster the government is understandably invested in strengthening
infrastructure that will ensure the safety of its citizens, utilising mobile phone technology toprovide early warning systems, etc, and therefore relies to a very large extent on communities topractice disaster-related ICH management before, during and a�er a cyclone.
As cultural heritage practitioners, we see our role within such an approach as supporting andenhancing traditional mechanisms of knowledge transmission within communities. This requires
first that we work with the communities to understand how knowledge is transmitted horizontally(so, within a living community) and vertically, and Fatima talked about this a lot, in terms of intergenerationally within the same community. In Vanuatu, this task would need to be undertaken in
conjunction with the local institutions – the National Museum and Cultural Centre in this case –which is in a better position to inﬂuence policy.
There is substantial evidence to suggest that much of the transmission of information about
intangible cultural heritage generally, or more specifically intangible cultural heritage that helps
people to survive a natural disaster, occurs between grandparents and grandchildren – the twoelements of the community that have the most time on their hands but who are also the mostvulnerable to disasters.
So how might we support mechanisms of knowledge transmission within communities, allowing
them to reﬂect on their approaches to DRM? If we take, for instance, the traditional practice in
Vanuatu of planting wild yams or nalo in anticipation of a natural disaster, at CRMD, thosefamilies which planted wild yams prior to the cyclone had enough food to last for several months.
Those that didn’t plant wild yams faced hunger, and a prolonged El Nino fueled drought impacted
that issue. How might the wider community at CRMD and indeed the broader Pacific region learn
from this experience and how can we support them in the process of knowledge transmission.
One approach might be, and we’ve talked a little bit about this and Lizzie mentioned it as well, isto provide Pacific Island communities with the resources to stage workshops, to share
information about their own knowledge and the capacity for survival. Secondly, to define theknowledge that needs to be transmitted and identify how that knowledge is transmitted. And
thirdly, to pinpoint blockages to the transmission of knowledge and decide what is needed to
improve transmission.
While the survival of intangible cultural heritage, and by extension human survival in the face of084

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disasters, requires the ongoing documentation of intangible cultural heritage, we also need tosupport the infrastructure, so the engine essentially, of community-based mechanisms for
information sharing between families, between islands, and across generations.
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Questions and Comments following the Presentations by Participants
There were some brief question and answer sessions between the series of presentations byparticipants from the Asia-Pacific region. The major points raised were as follows:
Policy development on ICH and DRM in Bangladesh
Ms Molina (Center for Disaster Preparedness) asked about the current opportunities for policy
integration and linking ICH with DRM in Bangladesh. Mr Selim (Gaanbangla Television), the first
Bangladeshi presenter, noted that there is no mention of ICH in their DRM policy; however, whena human is protected, ICH is also protected. Meanwhile, they should endeavour to add ICH totheir policy. Mr Mahmood (UNESCO office in Dhaka), another Bangladeshi presenter, furthered
this point by mentioning that the protection of the community is closely interlinked with ICH
because cra�smen like potters, weavers and baul singers are all part of the community, and healso added that it is the right time to push the government because a new policy is underconsideration following the completion of the current term.
Dr Shaw questioned which ministry or department, either at the national or local level, could bea realistic target to apply some of the findings, given that there are so many institutes andministries involved in policy integration and intervention in the Bangladeshi context. Mr
Mahmood answered that they must involve the Ministry of Culture and should conduct the
integration as an inter-ministerial activity. Adding to this, Mr Selim mentioned that he would
communicate with the Ministry of Culture to further explore this new field of ICH in relation todisasters.
Traditional and indigenous knowledge related to DRM
A�er the presentations on Bangladesh, Mr Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre) asked if there was any
example of traditional knowledge being used to protect people’s lives, belongings or housing intimes of a natural disaster. In response, Mr Mahmood further explained his presentation about
the exploitation of forest resources.
Following Mr Loloma’s (iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture) presentation on the traditional
knowledge of cyclone indicators and practices such as emergency food preparations useful for thecommunity’s DRR, Ms Nojima (IRCI) questioned whether such knowledge and practices wereeffective and actually used during Cyclone Winston in 2016. In response, Mr Loloma explainedthat people in Fiji are now more dependent on government support rather than using traditional
knowledge that has caused a delay in people’s recovery, and some of the affected are still living
in tents nearly a year a�er Winston.
Following the four presentations from the Pacific Islands (Fiji and Vanuatu), and reﬂecting uponher own experience of the workshop with Ms Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism) in
Vanuatu, Ms Nojima commented that the Pacific Islands are fascinating due to their rich local
knowledge that is very useful for DRR, but it is unfortunate that such knowledge is not really put
into practice. Ms Wilson responded that Chief Roi Mata’s Domain (CRMD), where they had aworkshop, is on the fringes of Port Vila and has experienced a profound impact of globalisation,

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whereas indigenous knowledge is still firmly embedded in everyday life in other remote areas. We
could start holding workshops in such areas to discuss how such information is transmitted andhow science is embraced. She added that by looking at various cases including the CRMD one, we
can identify where transmission breakdowns are occurring. Then we will have a more informed
picture of how transmission processes impact the resilience of these communities.
Traditional architecture in Fiji
Mr Masuda (National Task Force for the Japanese Cultural Heritage Disaster Risk Mitigation
Network), who visited Navala village to conduct a post-disaster needs assessment (PDNA) on
traditional building technology, recognised the resilience of traditional Navala architecture against
disasters and asked Mr Loloma if it could be recommended for inscription on the UNESCO list of
the 2003 Convention.
In response, Mr Loloma mentioned that they would like to list the traditional architecture in
Navala as World Heritage, but there have been some problems involving the landowners.
Although Navala village is best known in Fiji for retaining traditional architecture, Mr Masudaclarified that the village was established at the end of the 19th century to protect local people
from enemy; hence, it is considered too recent to be listed as a heritage site despite its
important history of refugees. This made UNESCO to shi� its focus to the building technologies
inscribed in the list of ICH. He thinks there would be less obstacles in comparison with registering
tangible heritage, and it is more viable. Ms Wilson added that there were some discussions in
Vanuatu about whether or not to list building knowledge on the list of ICH and agreed that they
could circumvent some of the issues regarding landownership by thinking about safeguarding thevillage on another register.
Mr Iwamoto (IRCI) questioned Ms Edwards (Blue Shield Pasifika) about how she would like toensure the transmission of skills such as house building in schools or in non-formal education,
because sometimes it is very difficult for the younger generation to learn skills that do not accrue
a financial income. Ms Edwards responded by explaining that they came up with the idea to haveworkshops in villages affected by Cyclone Winston, where there is a lack of carpenters with theskills to construct houses, and they are waiting for government action. Given that we cannot
depend on the government entirely, it would be helpful to revive the knowledge of traditional
bure building through workshops and encourage the villagers to rebuild using their own efforts
and materials available in their backyard.

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INTERNATIONAL WORKING GROUP SESSIONFINAL DISCUSSION

Before starting the final discussion, Ms Nojima from IRCI brieﬂy summarised the projectbackground and activities in FY 2016. Subsequently, she introduced the following themes tofacilitate the final discussion:
1) potential of indigenous knowledge2) the positive role of ICH in the disaster management process3) impact of natural disasters on ICH
4) ICH and DRM in the context of sustainable development5) the tangible and intangible relationship in DRM of cultural heritageDue to the time constraint for the final discussion, most of the opinions and comments focusedon issues related to indigenous knowledge, while other aspects were also referred to during thecourse of the discussion.
General comments on the projectAt the beginning of the discussion, Dr Shaw provided some general comments on the working
group session and the project as a whole, noting that addressing anything intangible, be it
cultural heritage or a disaster, is always challenging; nonetheless, it always has a positive impact
and he expected to see some tangible outputs from the research on ICH. Moreover, there arethree important intervention areas which he calls the GET framework: governance, education andtechnology. Following are the major points that were addressed:
While we all recognise the importance of ICH, indigenous knowledge or local knowledge, it is notincluded in governance and decision-making either at the local level or at the national level.
Therefore, it is extremely important to gain government recognition to mobilise sustainabledisaster management strategies, such as early warning and other local practices during or a�er
disasters. Among the presentations by Asia-Pacific participants, he found a very strong focus on
integrating traditional indigenous knowledge and practice in DRR with scientific validation. He
expressed a willingness to link IRCI with those developing science-technology plans for thecountries and the region to implement the Sendai Framework, because there is strong focus on
including ICH. This would also justify the governance mechanism.
ICH is mostly transmitted orally and is culture-specific; therefore, understanding how to include
ICH in an educational component under UNESCO’s overarching umbrella will be very important.
He noticed the strong linkage between the participants’ presentations and education forsustainable development (ESD), which enhances the appreciation of culture, environment and the
local community, not just DRR. Linking the project with educational programmes could lead to apilot project of IRCI in the future, which would provide an entry point to explore this linkage.
With regard to the technology part of the GET framework, validation is important. We should
understand that not every element of ICH is equally useful for DRR. Some ICH elements areuseful for DRR, but there also might be some knowledge that needs reviewing, especially in a

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modern context. Gaining a certain level of scientific validation would be helpful for lobbying forthe inclusion of ICH in the government’s decision-making.
Finally, Dr Shaw added that collaborating with other researchers from different fields is importantin this type of work and that not only researchers but also local government and community
leaders should be invited to share their experiences. Due to a series of disasters in Japan, we
have numerous experiences, and the Tohoku region in particular would be insigh�ul in thisrespect. Including the perspectives of non-researchers could be useful for this project.
Indigenous knowledge, scientiﬁc validation and the ICH-DRM linkage
Mr Selim (Gaanbangla Television) and Mr Mahmood (UNESCO office in Dhaka) introduced somecases of indigenous knowledge in Bangladesh, such as the boatman’s knowledge to read winds
and the ﬂowering of bamboo that signals potential famine. The latter is associated with anincrease in the number of rats feeding on bamboo that eventually damage agricultural crops.
Mr Iwamoto (IRCI) proposed that we should investigate indigenous knowledge in the context of
ICH safeguarding in two different ways: first, indigenous knowledge is sometimes transmitted as aform of ICH like folktales; second, it should be evaluated as ICH. Although it is very important for
DRR, we cannot blindly believe in indigenous knowledge without validating it in a modern,scientific sense. Recognising that the boundary between indigenous beliefs and superstition issometimes highly ambiguous, he questioned how and to what extent we should pursue scientificrigour or should we believe in indigenous knowledge.
Mr Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre) reﬂected upon Dr Shaw’s comment on technology bytouching on the link between indigenous knowledge and science and describing a series ofongoing programmes regarding traditional houses in Vanuatu. He noted that in the Pacific and in
most developing countries, the majority of people do not have enough money to purchase goodhouses. Vanuatu’s traditional houses with roofs touching and embedded into the ground canwithstand earthquakes and certain strength of cyclone; however, they are temporary because thematerials deteriorate over time and have to be replaced every 5–10 years. The structure itself isimportant but, in Vanuatu, many people who live in rural areas do not value the strength of these
traditional houses. However, he thinks traditional housing is very cost-effective because thematerials are readily available in the surrounding environment. Conducting a scientific assessmentof the strength of traditional houses in Vanuatu would be helpful in addition to establishingrecommendations for building better traditional housing. This will also raise awareness among the
local people.
Mr Kubota (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties) introduced some methods
for transmi�ng the knowledge of past disaster events such as the tsunami monuments fromJapan, and he acknowledged the significance of local knowledge for DRR. However, he reminded
us that some knowledge cannot be useful because it may not be relevant today. As an example,
he cited the traditional practice to reduce ﬂood risks in a major river in the Kanto region, where
people in the upstream sacrifice their agricultural fields by releasing the potentially ﬂooding riverwater into the fields to save the downstream region. Such practices are not possible incontemporary Japan for many reasons, including various stakeholders’ rights. Therefore, it isimportant to pay attention to changing social backgrounds that make local knowledge unusable
today, and the same could be applied to certain elements of ICH that have discriminatory
implications.
Mr Kubota further commented on cases of indigenous knowledge that may be superstitions withno scientific validation, such as rituals and dances for rain or no-rain. Such knowledge andpractice may not be useful in terms of DRR science; however, they might be valuable for

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revitalising the local community’s vigour. From the ICH perspective, it is important to investigate
how ICH was used before, during and a�er a disaster. When ICH is a viable component ofpeople’s day-to-day activities, it would be highly functional during a disaster. It would help
safeguard people’s health during a disaster, and this could be a valuable asset for DRM.
Ms Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism) remarked that Mr Kubota’s comment confronted allof her concerns about the sometimes unhappy marriage between ICH and DRM. She noted that
cultural heritage is founded on significance and value. When we start to question the significanceand value that exist in the minds of the people who own their cultural heritage, we arequestioning the value of the place or the tradition. Therefore, as we move forward, it will be
important to think about the way we question, when we question the use of ICH. In the case ofChief Roi Mata’s Domain (CRMD), there are many different types of ICH or indigenous knowledge
that are incredibly useful in a disaster context, but there are also stories that could not bevalidated scientifically. She thought approaching CRMD from that perspective would beinteresting, citing her experience of running a community DRM workshop using the traditional
knowledge (nafsan natoon) as the founding principle, where she had to ask questions sensitively
and respec�ully.
Agreeing with Ms Wilson’s point, Ms Molina (Center for Disaster Preparedness) commented that
we should look at the meaning-making process that is internal to the communities, not justpeople’s ICH, and it is unfair to impose external justifications or indicators for DRR. Alternatively,
we can question how local people define DRM and what it means to them. We should be carefulof how we converge external with internal processes involved in DRM to better understandculture and humanity at large.
Ms Dalisay (University of the Philippines-Diliman) also noted that some engineers are deeply
sceptical of local knowledge or the value of practices that have not been validated. She suggested
that the validation of ICH could be an entry point to open a dialogue, beginning with the sciencepart and gradually introducing the value of those that have not been validated because from local
people’s perspective, ICH and local knowledge is also science, or ethno-science. It will be achallenge to develop a research method to validate local knowledge that has not yet beenvalidated. However, it may find validation later on, with the right technology and a creativemind-set.
Ms Wilson added that it would be worth thinking about how we link the two concepts of ICH and
DRM in this project, and how we decide what to include or exclude from our investigations, due
to the issues mentioned previously. She identified the Vanuatu disaster shelter as a good example
of a happy marriage; it is open to questioning and will not impact the local values. Anotherexample is food security, where people are incorporating technologies and crops from outside
Vanuatu but combining them with their ICH.
Summarising the discussion so far, Mr Iwamoto stated that the broad theme of ICH and DRM has
two core dimensions. One is ICH safeguarding as a new dimension of DRM, meaning thatalternative means of recording and protecting ICH from disasters will be necessary. The other isthat we should think about interdisciplinary research to remove barriers between the natural andsocial sciences and should involve the local communities as protecting local communities is very
important. Exploring this dimension would also link the project to policy and community
development.
Tangible and intangible heritage in the context of DRM
A brief discussion of how to protect and safeguard tangible heritage alongside ICH followed. Ms
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presentation on CRMD as a World Heritage site rich in intangible knowledge and practices.
Ms Wilson explained that she has been working on CRMD from a cultural heritage perspective,
not from DRM point of view, but she has started to investigate risk management at the site. One
component of CRMD, the Fels Cave, has many risks associated with a recent roof fall. This has
posed a major risk to the tourists visiting the site and has been affecting the community’s tourist
economy. If the cave collapses tangible aspects and the value of the site would be affected.
Moreover, the intangible components of the site, such as the stories associated with the sitewould be affected and the people would no longer have access to the place.
Ms Nojima added that other elements of CRMD have been maintained by people transmi�ng theassociated stories and significance of the place, which could be actively used to protect the area.
Then, she asked if the Ifugao rice terraces, which are also a World Heritage site, are exposed toany disaster risks.
Ms Dalisay commented that major risks include pests or ‘worms’ that erode the walls of terraces,in addition to landslides. She further added that components of tangible cultural heritage are theevidence of intangible knowledge and practice; therefore, when you conserve the tangible
aspects of a culture, you also conserve its intangible aspects.
Ms Dalisay also shared the case of Batanes in the northern part of the Philippines, where a formof traditional architecture is known that uses small boulders for the house walls with a thatchedroof. Recently the local government has placed a policy to prevent the extraction of boulders
from the beach because the increasing population on the island accelerated the extraction ofsmall boulders for their houses. People are now building their houses with concrete walls andiron roofs, but this is not appropriate for the environment of Batanes, as traditional houses are
more typhoon resistant. This raises the issue of the role of ICH in sustainable development.

Concluding the final discussion at the international working group session, Ms Nojima thanked allparticipants for their important contributions and comments and asked for further cooperation
with IRCI over years to come to help the project deliver some tangible outputs from research on
ICH. Ms Yamanashi (Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties), in her closing
remarks, noted that ICH and indigenous knowledge should be shared with younger generations
and also with newcomers as the community is always changing, and she hoped that our
discussions would open a new dimension to enhance our understanding of ICH in the context of
DRM.

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ANNEX 1
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)

Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Managementin the Asia-Pacific Region

International Working Group Session(30 January 2017, Tokyo)

Programme
10:00

Opening Remarks
Wataru Iwamoto (Director-General, IRCI)Part I Session with Dr Rajib Shaw
10:10–11:40 Science Technology and Disaster Risk Reduction: The Missing Link
Guest speaker: Rajib Shaw
(Executive Director, Integrated Research on Disaster Risk / IPO)
11:40–13:10 Lunch hosted by IRCI
Venue: Restaurant Yurinoki (Toyokan, Tokyo National Museum)Part II Cases of Disaster-Risk Management and ICH in Asia-Paciﬁc Countries
13:10–13:30 ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in Bangladesh
Rahmatullah al Mahmud Selim (Gaanbangla Television)
13:30–13:50 Disaster and ICH: Bangladesh Context
Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood (UNESCO Office in Dhaka)
13:50–14:10 Integrating Local and Indigenous Knowledge in Disaster Risk Management: Learning from
Philippine communities
Fatima G. J. Molina (Center for Disaster Preparedness)
14:10–14:30 Narratives of risk and coping in response to typhoon Haiyan in selected communities in thePhilippines
Soledad N. Dalisay (University of Philippines-Diliman)
14:30–14:50 ICH and Disaster Risk Management in Fiji
Ilaitia S. Loloma (iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture)
14:50–15:10 Blue Shield Pasiﬁka and ICH Safeguarding in Fiji
Elizabeth F. D. Edwards (Blue Shield Pasifika)<< Break >>15:20–15:40 ICH and Disaster Risk Management in the Republic of Vanuatu
Richard J. Shing (Vanuatu Cultural Centre)
15:40–16:00 Enhancing Traditional Mechanisms of ICH Transmission at Chief Roi Mata’s Domain, Vanuatu
Meredith L. Wilson (Stepwise Heritage and Tourism Pty. Ltd.)
16:00–16:10 ICH Safeguarding and Disaster-Risk Management in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region: Summary of
FY2016 and Prospects
Yoko Nojima (IRCI)
16:10–17:10 Discussions
17:10

Closing Remarks
Emiko Yamanashi (Deputy Director-General, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural
Properties)

RECORDS OF WORKING GROUP SESSIONS

091

ANNEX 2
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)

Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Managementin the Asia-Pacific Region

International Working Group Session(30 January 2017, Tokyo)

List of Participants
Name

Title/Association

Guest Lecturer
Rajib Shaw

Executive Director
International Program Office, Integrated Research on Disaster Risk (IRDR)

Participants from Asia-Paciﬁc Countries
Soledad Natalia Dalisay

Professor, Chair
Department of Anthropology, University of Philippines-Diliman(Philippines)

Fatima Gay Jamilosa Molina

Senior Research Associate
Center for Disaster Preparedness (Philippines)

Elizabeth Fiona Daveta Edwards Secretariat
Blue Shield Pasifika (Fiji)
Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma

Executive Officer
Special Revitalization Unit
iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture (Fiji)

Richard Japuneyo Shing

Senior Archaeologist
Heritage Section, Vanuatu Cultural Centre (Vanuatu)

Md. Amanullah Bin Mahmood

Project Officer, Science
UNESCO Office in Dhaka (Bangladesh)

Rahmatullah Al Mahmud Selim

Head of Research
Gaanbangla Television (Bangladesh)(Former Director, Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy)

Resource Person
Meredith Louise Wilson

Associate
Stepwise Heritage and Tourism Pty. Ltd.

Observer
Melaia Tikoitoga

MA Student
Regional Development Studies, Toyo University(Former acting executive officer, Special Revitalization Unit, iTaukei Institute)

Participants from National Institutes for Cultural Heritage092

Nobuo Kamei

Director-General
Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

Emiko Yamanashi

Deputy Director-General
Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

Masataka Hokama

Director
Department of Management, Tokyo National Research Institute forCultural Properties

Mitsuru Ijima

Director
Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties

Hiromichi Kubota

Head
Intangible Cultural Properties Section, Department of Intangible Cultural
Heritage, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

Tomo Ishimura

Head
Audio-Visual Documentation Section, Department of Intangible Cultural
Heritage, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties

Yoko Futagami

Head
Cultural Properties Information Section, Department of Art Research,Archives and Information Systems, Tokyo National Research Institute forCultural Properties

Megumi Maehara

Senior Researcher
Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Tokyo National ResearchInstitute for Cultural Properties

Kanefusa Masuda

Senior Researcher
CH-DRM Network (National Task Force for the Japanese Cultural Heritage
Disaster Risk Mitigation Network)

IRCI (Organiser)
Wataru Iwamoto

Director-General
IRCI

Yoko Nojima

Associate Fellow
IRCI

Fuyuki Doi

Assistant
IRCI

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093

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN
ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIESAN ICH-DISASTERS DIALOGUE ON GAUA ISLAND, VANUATU

Meredith L. Wilson1 and Yoko Nojima2

This document reports on a survey conducted by the International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI) on the island of Gaua, Republicof Vanuatu, in July 2017. The survey was conducted as part of a broader IRCI project on thesafeguarding of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) and disaster risk management (DRM) in
the Asia-Pacific region. The objective of the survey was to seek community perspectives on
the interrelationship between intangible cultural heritage and disasters. Two workshops
were held on Gaua, at Namasari and Ontar villages, which established a preliminary
inventory of ICH practiced or performed on Gaua and identified the major natural hazards
that have impacted the island over time. Workshop sessions were devoted to identifying
ICH that has played a role in mitigating the impacts of certain natural hazards, and toestablishing how natural hazards have impacted ICH directly and indirectly. Discussions also
considered the mechanisms involved in the transmission of ICH, the processes that haveaffected its transmission over time, and measures for its long-term viability andsafeguarding.
As well as generating information for the IRCI project, the workshops provided a forum forthe community to identify and reﬂect on its ICH; to consider what role ICH plays in
improving disaster outcomes; and to review safeguarding measures for the protection of
the island’s ICH into the future. The project generated reports in the local pidgin (Bislama)that have been returned to the community for their own cultural heritage and disasterplanning purposes. This report concludes with a series of recommendations for thedevelopment of a fully-ﬂedged project on Gaua that would work towards developing asafeguarding plan for Gaua’s ICH in the context of natural disasters.

THE PROJECT
Project Background and Goals
In 2016, IRCI launched one of its signature projects: ‘Preliminary Research on ICH
Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the Asia-Pacific Region’. The project
constitutes a key component of IRCI’s Medium-Term work program (2016–2020) which
includes conducting research on ICH in countries within the Asia-Pacific region that areendangered by disasters.

1
2

Stepwise Heritage and Tourism Pty Ltd, Australia
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI), Japan097

In late January 2017, IRCI hosted an International Working Group Session at the Tokyo
National Museum, inviting speakers from Asia-Pacific countries. The working groupcollectively considered how ICH is mobilized and safeguarded in different disaster scenariosand discussed some of the practical and policy challenges associated with building local
disaster knowledge into DRR/DRM planning in the Asia-Pacific region. The session also
highlighted the need for more detailed first-hand accounts from the communities that use,transmit, and safeguard ICH to comprehensively understand the factors (cultural andenvironmental) and processes that affect the viability of ICH within and between disaster
cycles. Such information was deemed essential for developing effective strategies for
integrating ICH within future DRR/DRM planning. Phase two of the IRCI project therefore
involved a series of field surveys and interviews amongst community-based ICH
practitioners, performers, and audiences.
In consultation with the Director of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, Mr Richard Shing, whoparticipated in the Tokyo meeting, the island of Gaua in the Banks Islands (Torba Province)
was nominated as the focus for a community survey in Vanuatu. Several factors
precipitated this decision:
1. The Banks Islands are relatively isolated geographically and thus traditional knowledge
and practices remain important for disaster risk reduction.
2. There are active volcanoes on Vanua Lava and Gaua and thus the survey may beable to identify local strategies to deal with eruptions.
3. The community has been subjected to severe disasters in the recent past and should
therefore be able to draw on their own memories and experiences. Mt Garet on
Gaua, one of the most active volcanoes in Vanuatu, erupted on 18 November
2009, provoking mass evacuation to the east side of the island.
4. Lake Letas (Mt Garet’s crater lake) is registered on UNESCO’s Tentative List for World
Heritage in Vanuatu. The survey output may therefore support the eventual
development of a DRM plan for the site and the Vanuatu Cultural Centre’s ongoing
efforts to record the cultural values of the area, including those related to ICH
elements.
The specific goals of the field survey on Gaua were to:
1. identify local ICH related to natural disasters;
2. identify the impact of natural disasters on local ICH;
3. identify the positive aspects of local ICH, such as how it contributes to community
resilience in disaster contexts;
4. understand the community’s needs and priorities for developing action plans for ICH
safeguarding in disaster situations and the possible integration of ICH in the future
DRM/DRR planning.

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Location and Description of the Study Area
Vanuatu is an archipelago located in central Melanesia, composed of more than 80 islands.
Most of the islands are volcanic in origin, with several active volcanoes distributed
throughout the archipelago. Located in the region where the Indo-Australian plate is
submerged under the Pacific plate, Vanuatu experiences frequent seismic events that
commonly include earthquakes of magnitude 5 to 6 (Caminade et al., 2000).
The Banks Islands, along with the Torres Islands, comprise the northernmost province(Torba) of Vanuatu (Figure 1). While many islands in the central and northern part of thearchipelago are located close to one another, the Banks Islands lie at some distance fromthis island chain. The Banks Islands consist of six major islands, Gaua being the largest (342km2), followed by Vanua Lava (314 km2). Both islands have active volcanoes at their core:
Suretamatai on Vanua Lava, and Mt Garet on Gaua. Mt Garet contains Lake Letas, thelargest lake in Vanuatu stretching some 9 km north to south. Currently on Vanuatu’s
Tentative List of properties intended for World Heritage nomination, the lake has been thefocus of multiple conservation efforts including a protected area management project, theestablishment of a National GeoPark and preparatory work for the Ramsar Wetland site(Willie, 2016).
The population of Banks Islands is concentrated on the islands of Vanua Lava (estimatedpopulation of 3,110), Gaua (2,822), and Motalava (1,676) (SPC, 2015). The provincial officeof Torba Province is situated in Sola, Vanua Lava. Several different languages are spoken on
the island of Gaua: Nume (estimated number of speakers 700) in the north, Lakon (800)and Olrat (3) in the west, Koro (250) and Dorig (300) in the south, and Mwerlap (1,100,
with the majority of speakers on Merelava and Merig) in the east (Francois, 2012). The

Figure 1
Map of Vanuatu( indicates the location of active volcano)

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099

eastern side of the island was recently settled by people from other islands, most notably
the small neighbouring island of Merelava.

Project Approach
Workshop planning

Planning for the workshops was undertaken in collaboration with the Vanuatu Cultural
Centre, and in consultation with Vila-based personnel currently working on the the Forest
and Protected Area Management Project (FPAM) on Gaua. The workshops included
representation from all sectors of the community (leaders, men, women and youth), as
well as local specialists in the heritage (ICH) and disaster fields. The principal disastercontacts on Gaua include the Provincial Area Secretary and members of the Community
Disaster Committees (CDCs). The authorities on traditional knowledge include the ‘Lan
Council’ which is made up of kastom chiefs from around the island; the ‘Vatsur Council’,
which consists of kastom and elected chiefs from the three Area Councils; and the Area
Councils, including Gou (east Gaua), Lokon (west Gaua), and Tavaliu (south Gaua). The
project also benefited from the involvement and kastom knowledge of Mr John Star (Dolav
village), a former Vanuatu Cultural Centre fieldworker, and ICH knowledge holders,
practitioners and performances.

Deﬁning the project for the Gaua community

While the Gaua community was already familiar with disaster planning involving foreign
agencies, the IRCI project was its first introduction to the concept of ICH. The first two
sessions of each workshop were therefore devoted to providing clear definitions of ICH,
and multiple examples of how ICH and disasters intersect (see Sessions 1 and 2 in Table 1).
In the wake of the Category 5 Cyclone Pam, which struck the Vanuatu archipelago in
March 2015, the Vanuatu government and local NGOs have worked extensively with
communities on DRM planning.3 Some of this planning has focused on mobilizing andstrengthening existing local strategies relating to food security, architecture, andenvironmental management that are used to mitigate the effects of disasters. Such
strategies are commonly referred to in the disaster literature as ‘local knowledge’,‘indigenous knowledge’, ‘traditional knowledge’ or ‘traditional ecological knowledge’ (Shawet al., 2008; Nakashima, 2010).
The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of 2003 defines
intangible cultural heritage (ICH) in an open-ended manner as ‘the practices,
representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects,
artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in somecases, individuals recognise as part of their cultural heritage’.4 These elements are
manifested in the following five domains ‘i) oral traditions and expressions, including
language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; ii) performing arts; iii) social
practices, rituals and festive events; iv) knowledge and practices concerning nature and theuniverse; v) traditional cra�smanship’.5
3
4
5

100

See for instance projects listed on the Government of Vanuatu’s National Advisory Board on Climate
Change and Disaster Risk Reduction: http://www.nab.vu/projects
UNESCO 2016, Section 2.1.
UNESCO 2016, Section 2.2.

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On the advice of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre, the Bislama expression kastom save wasadopted on Gaua to describe ‘intangible cultural heritage’. The workshop facilitators
defined kastom save as including ‘local knowledge’ (as defined by disaster experts), as well
as a broader range of ICH performances and practices.

Workshop Schedule
A workshop outline and a series of accompanying survey forms were developed that could
be used to achieve the project objectives (Table 1 and 2).
Table 1

Sessions and topics discussed during the Gaua workshops

Session 1: Opening remarks
 About IRCI and ICH
 Why ICH for DRR/DRM?
 Objec�ves and goals of the ac�vity
Session 2: Background informa�on (disasters and ICH on Gaua) Natural disasters/DRR/DRM (triggered by natural hazards)
 Heritage (including ICH)
Session 3: Iden�fying hazards
 Varie�es of hazards (types, severity, frequency)i.
Meteorologicalii.
Hydrologicaliii.
Geological/geomorphologicaliv.
Biologicalv.
Triggered by Climate Change History of natural hazards on Gaua
Session 4: Iden�fying local ICH associated with natural hazards (‘kastom save blong disasta’)Session 5: Inventory of ICH; and impacts of disasters on ICH

Table 2

List of workshop forms

Session 3 form: Wanem kaen hazard (Natural hazard/disaster iden�ﬁca�on and issues)
Session 4 form: Kastom save blong disasta (ICH that plays a role in DRR/DRM)
Session 5 form: Rekod blong kastom save mo hao disasta i afektem hem (ICH inventory anddisaster impact informa�on)
Disaster scenario form: Sipos wan disasta i hapen
ICH prac��oner form: Man o woman blong kastom save

The first workshop, held at Namasari village on 20 July 2017, was attended by 28
residents, 26 of whom reside in Namasari.6 The workshop focused on topics covered in6

Two participants live in the neighbouring villages of Vatles and Lembot.

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Sessions 3 and 4, including the identification of the natural hazards that affect the region,and the documentation of ICH that plays a role in mitigating the impacts of disaster (suchas famine foods, disaster-resistant building techniques, post-disaster ceremonies).
The second workshop, held at Ontar village on 22 July 2017, was attended by 24 people
from the villages of Ontar, Manqaqal, Dolav, Qetegaveg and Bushman’s Bay. Focusing on the
topics covered in Session 5, participants worked on generating an inventory of ICH on
Gaua, and then exploring particular ICH elements in detail, including analyzing the ways inwhich they have been impacted by natural hazards and other factors over time.

SURVEY WORKSHOPS
History of Disasters and Disaster Management on Gaua
The Banks Islands have experienced several severe hazard events in recent history,
including cyclones, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions.
Several tropical cyclones and storms have been recorded as having passed through or near
the Banks Islands within the past century (Table 3).
Table 3

Cyclones that have passed through or near the Banks Islands

Date

Name of Cyclone (if known)

February 1941—

February 1954—

January 1955—

February 1972

Wendy

March-April 1975

Betty

January 1979

GordonFebruary 1980

Rae

January 1988

Anne

November 1991

Tia

February 1992

Daman

April 1992

Innes

December 2002

Zoe

January 2008

Funa

January 2011

Yasi

March 2014

Lusi

(Source: Vanuatu Meteorological Service, 1994)

Some cyclones have been more destructive than others, but none have involved reports offatalities; Cyclone Wendy, in 1972, completely destroyed the meteorological station in Sola;
Cyclone Gordon, in 1979, resulted in severe damage throughout the Banks; Cyclone Anne,in 1988, devastated the neighbouring Torres Islands and parts of the Banks; Cyclone Tia, in
1991, damaged crops and houses, and there was an incident involving a man injured bycorrugated iron; and Cyclone Daman in 1992 damaged crops and gardens. During Cyclone
Zoe (2002) and Cyclone Funa (2008) there were reported cases of coastal ﬂooding caused

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by storm surges (World Meteorological Organization, 2009; RSMC Nadi, n.d.). During
Cyclone Yasi (2011), most garden crops and fruit trees were destroyed in the Banks Islands
and many houses were damaged in the Torres Islands (OCHA, 2011).
Cyclone Pam, which devastated Vanuatu including its capital Port Vila in March 2015,
inﬂicted minimal damage in the Banks Islands. In May 2017, about two months before ourvisit to Gaua, Cyclone Donna caused significant impact in the Torres Islands but resulted inminimal damage in the Banks Islands.
Magnitude 7+ earthquakes struck Vanuatu in March and August 2007, the latter damaging
a bridge in Luganville, the urban centre on Santo. There were also two 7.6- and7.7-magnitude earthquakes in October 2009, which were felt in both northern Vanuatu andthe Solomon Islands and caused low grade of tsunamis in some areas (NOAA NCEI, n.d.).
The Gaua residents who attended the IRCI workshops claim that they were not affected bythese events.
Mt Garet has experienced several volcanic eruption events, as summarized in Table 4. Two
major eruptions caused the evacuation of locals in 1973 and again in 2009–2010. The
2009–2010 event forced around 250 residents living on the western side of the island toevacuate to the northern and eastern coasts of Gaua for about six months. Rather thanbeing placed in evacuation centres, evacuees were hosted by families living in unaffectedparts of the island.
Table 4

Recent history of the eruptive activities of the Mt Garet volcano

Year

Eruptive activities

1962

Eruption damaged vegetation on the western slope in July.

1963

Moderate ash discharge observed in September. A new vent opened on the southeasternside of Mt Garet. Dark grey ash was visible from Vanua Lava.

1965

Eruption for three days from 27 September. Ash emission reached 6000 m.

1966

Periodic small ash emissions

1967

A small ash emission

1968

Small emissions of ash and steam

1969

Small emission on 22 September

1971

Minor ash emissions occurred on 12–13 May.

1973–74

Major eruption event. Entire population of Gaua was evacuated.

1976

Moderate eruption

1977

Moderate eruption caused localized discoloration of Lake Letas.

1981

Condensed ash release observed

2009–10Strongest eruptive activities since 1963. Commencing 29 September 2009, a series of
explosions generated ash-laden plumes into the atmosphere. Activity increased in
November, with four large eruption events that accompanied ash falls in the northwest of
the island. Ash emission increased significantly from 16 January. Activity started to decline
in July 2010 and ended in September 2010. Lake Letas went through a partial
discoloration on its southern side.

2013

A small eruption on 30 April.

(Sources: Bani et al., 2015; Volcano Live, n.d.)

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Community Disaster Committees (CDC) have been established in each village and include
representation from the village chief. The CDCs fall under the auspices of the Area Council
Secretary in Sola, who is responsible for managing disaster situations within the provinceand maintaining communication with the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO) in
Port Vila. The Red Cross has been working with the Gaua communities to establish a
disaster management plan for the island.

Cultural and Natural Heritage Projects on Gaua
The Lan and Vatsur Councils on Gaua have implemented several kastom-based projects,
including a recent initiative to document customary land boundaries on the island tocircumvent potential land disputes in the future. The community also hosts an annual Salav
Festival, held on St Andrew’s Day, which is both an income-generating activity and an
opportunity to transmit and continue traditional cra�s and kastom performances. Gaua has
also established an international reputation for its water-music, a kastom practiceperformed by women that involves the splashing and slapping of ocean and river water tomake music (Dick, 2014).
Gaua has recently attracted the attention of government and non-government agencies
and researchers interested in Mt Garet, Gaua’s active volcanic cone, and the surrounding
crater lake, Lake Letas. The Department of Forestry currently manages the Forest andProtected Area Management Project (FPAM), an initiative funded by the Global
Environment Facility (GEF) with the assistance of the Pacific Alliance for Sustainability (PAS).
One of the outcomes of this project has been the establishment of a ‘geopark’, which
encompasses Lake Letas, the crater environment and Siri waterfall. The FPAM project is also
working towards the establishment of a Community Conservation Area (CCA) to protect thebiodiversity of the geopark, and the eventual recognition of the area as both a Ramsar
Wetland Site and a World Heritage site. Lake Letas is already listed on Vanuatu’s Tentative
List of properties recognised under the 1972 World Heritage Convention.
In 2016, as part of the FPAM project, the Vanuatu Cultural Centre undertook a field survey
to document cultural sites within the geopark (Willie, 2016). Eight sites were recorded,
including a former nakamal (meeting house), old villages, tabu (sacred) stones, and several
landscape features tied to the creation myths of Lake Letas. While these sites represent asmall proportion of the total number of kastom places on Gaua, the survey marks animportant step towards recording the cultural heritage values of the island.
In preparation for the survey workshops, IRCI researchers consulted existing
anthropological and ethnological literature to document traditional and contemporary
performances and practices from Gaua and the broader region of the Banks Islands.7 This
information was consulted during the workshops to generate discussions about ICH. A‘picture book’ of traditional Gaua material culture was circulated during the two workshops
to stimulate discussion.

7

104

The archival study involved a comprehensive survey of material held in the Vanuatu National Libraryand Archives as well as a review of more detailed works on the subject, including Codrington, 1891;
Kolshus, 1999; and Speiser, 1996.

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Disasters on Gaua Today – identifying and prioritizing
Participants at Namasari worked collectively to generate a comprehensive list of the natural
hazards that impact Gaua (meteorological, hydrological, geological/geomorphological, andbiological), including those triggered or magnified by climate change (Table 5).
Participants were then asked to nominate three hazards that they consider to be mostdamaging or impac�ul, either to them personally, or to their family, village or island.
‘Climate change’ was voted as the most important issue, considered to be the most likely
trigger for extensive dry periods on the island. ‘Biological issues’ received the next highest
score due to a perceived proliferation in the numbers of insects and weeds affecting
garden crops in recent years. Meteorological disasters (including cyclones) were also
regarded as significant but less so than the first two categories.
It was surprising that workshop participants did not prioritise ‘geological hazards’,
particularly given that the 2009–2010 volcanic eruption resulted in the relocation of over
300 people from West Gaua to Namasari village for a period of some 18 months. Perhaps
the Namasari villagers felt less impacted by this event because they were not the ones
relocating, but considerable pressure was brought to bear on their village as a result of theevacuation event. As well as hosting people in the weeks and months a�er the evacuation,
stretching local resources, the local chiefs were required to assign land to the west coast
refugees so that they could construct houses and prepare gardens.
Rather, the Namasari participants voted for those hazards which they deemed to be of
immediate concern, and which they felt poorly equipped to address. The impacts ofdrought on water supplies, and of insects on food resources, are a constant source ofstress and hardship because they directly and immediately impact on food supply. In
contrast, sporadic events such as cyclones, and volcanic ashfalls and eruptions, cause
temporary rather than long-term difficulty, and are therefore not at the forefront ofTable 5

List of natural hazards that impact Gaua Island

Meteorological☑ Cyclones and storms☑ Fire☑ Drought☑ Extended and more intense hot periods
Hydrological☑ Flood☐ Tidal wave (small ones)
Geological/geomorphological☑ Volcano☑ Earthquake☑ Landslide/landslip☑ Erosion

Biological☑ Human healthe.g. ‘red-ae’ (red eye)
☑ Insects (increase)e.g. ﬁre ants
☑ Algae and invasive weeds
e.g. ‘biglif’ (an invasive vine)☑ Reef damage- caused by cyclones- crown of thorns (increase)
Climate Change☑ Sea-level rise
☑ Change in weather- reduced ‘cold’ periods

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people’s minds. The community also draws on its kastom save handed down over several
generations, to cope with these larger-scale but more infrequent disasters. Gaua has been
fortunate to avoid the full force of disasters that have significantly impacted other parts of
Vanuatu in recent times, including the category 5 Cyclone Pam (March 2015) whichchallenged people’s coping mechanisms and capacity for self-reliance.
Participants were then divided into breakout groups to examine three hazards (or hazard
triggers) of concern in more detail: climate change; biological disasters; and cyclones. On
the advice of senior village members, the three groups were separated into senior men(biological disasters), women (cyclones), and youth (climate change). The aim of thesession was to consider how these hazards impact communities both environmentally andsocially, and to begin to build a picture of how the community manages disasters.
A spokesperson for each group reported back to all workshop participants. The responses
highlighted that a degree of physical damage and loss caused by natural hazards isinevitable (e.g. cyclones damaging gardens, reefs, and housing; and drought affecting thesize and quality of crop yields), and that as the community recovers from a hazard event,certain local activities are adversely impacted (marriages are postponed, funeraryceremonies are curtailed, economic activity is affected). In rare cases, natural hazards cause
direct and complete loss of local knowledge. For instance, cyclones have been known todestroy forest trees that mark customary land boundaries. In cases where the marker trees
have not been replanted a�er a disaster, knowledge of land boundaries has been
irretrievably lost. Some groups reported on the ‘domino effect’ of some hazards. For
instance, recent droughts on Gaua have resulted in wild pigs seeking food in community
gardens, causing further depletion of a food system already under considerable stress.
However, the groups also reported that there is considerable disaster resilience within thecommunity when traditional disaster mitigation strategies are implemented, such as theplanting of disaster-resilient crops prior to the cyclone season. Sometimes resilience is theprivilege of certain knowledge holders, such as one family that has retained knowledge
concerning the preparation of arrowroot (ra), a local famine food, or the local Namasari
resident who is said to possess secret knowledge relating to the prevention of an invasive
insect. Resilience is thus not evenly distributed across the community.
The groups also remarked on opportunities that arise from disasters. For instance, a�er
one particular cyclone, a program of food security was initiated with the support of avisiting NGO that resulted in the preparation of ‘disaster gardens’ that are designed tosupport the community during periods of food shortage. Drought is also regarded as
beneficial in some respects. Yams are said to be more productive during dry periods, and‘strong’ sun is thought to be responsible for thickening the skin of fruit, making it moreresistant to certain insects.

ICH on Gaua – identifying and prioritizing
The participants at Ontar village were introduced to the topic of ICH inventorying througha general description of UNESCO’s five ICH domains, exemplified using the information
gathered during the desktop study. For ease of discussion, the UNESCO domains werecollapsed into three and explored in breakout groups:

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a) Kastom stories, songs, dances and performanceb) Kastom ceremoniesc) Kastom knowledge associated with the environment and cra�smanship
The senior chiefs present assigned workshop participants to groups according to theirknowledge, rank, and other undisclosed factors. Some of the more elderly participants
were described as ‘doctors’ of specific knowledge, which inﬂuenced their placement. Edson
Willie (Vanuatu Cultural Centre) was assigned to facilitate the men’s group discussing
kastom ceremony, as this theme is associated with closely guarded men’s knowledge.8
Each group worked on assembling an inventory of ICH elements for their assigned theme.
Participants labelled each element in local language and then brieﬂy described them inBislama. The exercise amassed over 80 separate ICH elements across the three groups(Figure 2).
The inventorying process provided an opportunity for younger members of the community
to work collaboratively with senior knowledge holders. When the language names ordetails of elements could not be recalled, members of other groups were called upon toassist. At the completion of the inventorying process, a spokesman for each grouppresented their findings and the audience was given a chance to suggest additional
elements.

Figure 2
Sample of ICH elements listed
by a group of participants

8

Unfortunately, this precluded an investigation of traditional women’s grade-taking systems andceremonies.

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107

The Role of ICH in Disasters – preparation, response and recovery
One of the workshop sessions at Namasari village was dedicated to exploring local
knowledge used to manage or mitigate the effects of disasters (kastom save blong disasta).
The session opened with several explanations from the facilitators as to why kastom saveblong disasta is important to consider in DRR/DRM planning, including:
1. Sustainability: the use of kastom save involves the use of locally sourced andreplaceable materials, which are inexpensive and allow for immediate repair.
2. Life-saving capabilities: we have learned from Cyclone Pam and other disaster
experiences that kastom save can be life-saving.
3. Culturally constituted: kastom save is embedded within culture and is therefore partof an organic system of disaster response (the importance of which extends beyond
disaster response to other aspects of cultural sustainability).
4. External partnerships: it is important that external organisations that are supporting
local disaster responses are aware of kastom save already in place so that
introduced ideas can be adapted to local conditions and cultural circumstances.
The positive aspects of using local knowledge were tempered by an acknowledgement thatsome kastom save may benefit from the support of external knowledge or technologies,
and that natural disasters are changing in nature (cyclones are becoming more intense) andtherefore certain kastom save may need to adapt to new circumstances.
The session worked collectively to develop a preliminary list of kastom save used during
different types of disasters, and during the different phases of the conventional disaster
cycle (preparation, response and recovery). Discussions ranged across a variety of topics,
including food and water security strategies; building strategies; environmental indicators ofimpending disasters; places of refuge; fire protection techniques; and leadership and social
coordination strategies (Table 6).
Due to time constraints, the session was restricted to the documentation of kastom saveassociated with actions taken during the different phases of the disaster cycle (see Figure3). However, a complete analysis of kastom save blong disasta would consider the full suiteof tangible and intangible features embedded within the community and the surrounding
environment that support its resilience during a disaster, such as the careful historicallocation of settlements to reduce their exposure to storm surges (see recommendations at
the end of this document).
On the basis of feedback received during this session, two local disaster mitigation
strategies were explored in more detail: traditional wooden house structures used toprotect people in times of disaster (referred to in Bislama as nakamal, and locally as
gamal); and disaster foods (in Bislama referred to as kakae blong disasta).
The workshop closed with a brief consideration of community plans to revive two local
knowledge practices that are currently under threat of loss on Gaua: the construction of
traditional nakamal (a project already being considered by the Lan Council) and the108

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Table 6

ICH related to disaster risk reduction / Kastom save blong disasta

CyclonePreparation

Plant manioc, coconuts, wild yam, taro, breadfruit, Fiji taro; prepare houses; check forenvironmental signs: clouds, fruiting patterns; algal blooms

Response

Seek refuge together in the strongest houses

RecoveryUse disaster foods; drink spring waterFire
Preparation

Don’t light fires in the dry periods

Response

Create fire breaks

RecoveryMake gardens in recently-burnt fertile areas

Drought
Response

Use spring water; cave water; eat sweet potato, which is productive during the
drought season

VolcanoPreparation

Build kastom houses (nakamal) that prevent wind (and smoke) from entering; checkfor environmental signs: it is locally believed that a ‘strong sun’ indicates anearthquake is imminent.

RecoveryChiefs organise community work to build houses and gardens for refugee families

Earthquake
Response

Move to Vat gaga, a stone located in a local creek which is a safe refuge during anearthquake; remain in the house depending on how the ground is shaking

Figure 3
Bislama representation of
the DRM cycle used during
the Gaua workshops

harvesting and use of ra (arrowroot), formerly used as a disaster food in post-cyclone
contexts. Ra is a ‘famine food’ exclusively used in disaster situations. Because it does notplay a broader role in society, and is therefore used infrequently, its transmission is moretenuous. The onset of international aid further threatens ra, as other more palatable foods
are now available during the disaster response phase, when ra was traditionally used.
As a longer-term safeguarding measure, one participant suggested either the establishmentof a kastom disasta komiti, or the installation of a kastom save representative within each

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of the current Community Disaster Committees, to ensure that local knowledge that plays
a role in disaster mitigation is considered in tandem with other DRM strategies.

The Impact of Disasters on ICH
To explore the impact of disasters on ICH, the Ontar workshop participants were asked to
select ICH elements from their group inventories (see ‘ICH on Gaua’ above). The facilitators
provided two criteria to guide the selection: 1) the element should be significant to thegroup, or to Gaua more broadly; and 2) the element should be threatened, or have been
impacted by, natural hazards. With insufficient time for further explanation, participants
found it difficult to grasp the second criterion, instead gravitating towards choosing
elements that were significant for a multitude of reasons (including personal ones) and thatshould be recorded for future generations. The facilitators therefore focused on thequestion of disaster impact during the small group discussions.
The participants selected the following elements:
1. ‘Kastom’ stories, songs, dances and performancea. Etmet were Lemana: a ‘kastom’ story about devils that formed at a site called
Lemanab. Mavto: a type of dance used in ceremonyc. Gamal: men’s meeting house
2. ‘Kastom’ ceremonies
a. Matmat: funerary ceremonyb. Vasvasuk: grade-taking ceremonyc. Tuntun: traditional adoptions
3. ‘Kastom’ knowledge associated with the environment, and cra�smanshipa. Sa: a net used during low tideb. Gat: a traditional basket used to carry foodc. Puruh: a traditional light
Each of the ICH elements was explored in detail, and information about loss or damage
sustained over time by the element was recorded.9 The responses of participants suggestthat disasters triggered by natural hazards are not the primary cause of ICH loss. Rather, itis the full suite of social, environmental, political, and economic conditions leading up to adisaster that inﬂuences how a community responds to and recovers from a disaster event.
Disasters triggered by natural hazards usually cause short-term interruptions to the practiceof ICH elements. For instance, the manufacture of a traditional basket (gat) by women inwest Gaua for carrying crops was suspended temporarily during the volcanic eruption of
2009–10 when the practitioners were forced to relocate to Namasari. During their
18-month period of relocation, the women carried their crops in empty rice sacks. Whenthe practitioners returned to their villages in west Gaua, and their forest resources had
regenerated, they resumed the practice of weaving gat baskets.
9110

The ‘kastom stories’ group only had time to discuss Etmet were Lemana, which is a complicated story
with many intersecting components.

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A common statement made during this session was ‘mifala i save hao blong mekem, be
mifala i nomo mekem’ (‘we know how to do it, but we don’t do it anymore’). Thus, while
the kastom save for a large corpus of ICH practices still exists, several of them are nolonger practiced. The inventorying exercise was both insigh�ul and confronting for thecommunity as it came to terms with the incremental losses, in memory and practice, ofsome ICH elements.
When asked why certain ICH elements are no longer practiced, a range of socio-historicaland economic explanations were offered, amongst them the adoption of Christianity, thehomogenisation of agricultural systems, an increased engagement in global financial
markets, and the unwillingness of the younger generation to embrace traditional ideas andpractices. The gamal, a men’s meeting house which was a focal point for numerous
kastom-based activities, is no longer being constructed. ICH practices on Gaua that dependon the gamal are thus significantly threatened. Traditional forms of trade and exchange,
which were foundational to the grade-taking systems on Gaua and other ICH practices,
have gradually been superseded by activities associated with the modern cash-based
economy (Huffman, 2005). As a consequence, forms of ICH associated with traded goods –shells, mats, kava, and pigs – as well as the goods themselves, are threatened. Intergenerational issues are also causing ruptures in the transmission of ICH knowledge. Other
ICH is being lost due to a breakdown in inter-generational trust. Some older knowledge
holders on Gaua are concerned that if they pass on traditional information to the younger
generation it will be misused.

PROJECT FINDINGS AND THE FUTURE OF ICH SAFEGUARDING ON GAUA
The workshops provided a productive forum for working with the Gaua community tobetter understand the relationships between disasters triggered by natural hazards andkastom save (ICH). In fulfilment of the goals of the Gaua survey, the workshops identified
ICH related to natural disasters; identified the impact of natural disasters on ICH; revealed
some of the opportunities offered by ICH; and provided some understanding of the needsof the community in terms of longer-term planning for ICH safeguarding during andbetween disaster cycles.
Two workshop reports, prepared in Bislama, have been completed and sent to theNamasari and Ontar communities. The reports provide a summary of the workshop
findings, and information that will allow the community to continue to reﬂect on themobilisation and safeguarding of its ICH.

Findings
Several findings arose from the workshop sessions:• On Gaua, natural hazards have not been – in and of themselves – a significant causeof ICH loss, but merely interruptions in the historical trajectories of ICH elements.
Major disaster consequences – such as permanent relocation of settlements awayfrom traditional sites, or a loss of practitioners – would certainly contribute to ICH
loss, but Gaua has not faced such extreme circumstances in living memory.
Pre-disaster conditions have in most cases been re-established to enable thecontinuation of ICH practices.

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111

• Everyday contemporary disasters, such as those triggered by climate change(excessive dry periods, for instance), and the rise in insect infestations in local
gardens, are regarded as the most problematic for the Namasari community. Suchdisasters tend not to be mitigated by kastom save as they represent uncharted
territory for the community. The vulnerability of the community with respect tothese disasters is that they are without precedent, and solutions and adaptations
have not yet been found.
• The Namasari community was less concerned by disasters that are infrequent (e.g.
volcanic eruptions, cyclones), and for which it has a suite of historically transmitted
kastom save at its disposal to enhance its disaster resilience.
• Some ICH is directly threatened by disasters, including elements which plays a rolein disaster mitigation, such as the famine food (ra) which has largely been replaced
by international food aid, as well as ICH that doesn’t play a role in disastermitigation, such as forest trees that mark traditional land boundaries and have been
destroyed by cyclones. However, most disaster impacts on ICH are temporary. For
instance, the manufacture of the gat woven basket was suspended during the
2009–2010 relocation to Namasari, and then resumed when communities resettled
west Gaua 18 months later.
• Disasters caused by natural hazards are neither the only nor the principal threats to
ICH viability on Gaua. ICH elements on Gaua are threatened by a range of factors –environmental, economic, political and social – that manifest over time, within andbetween disaster events. The nakamal on Gaua provides a focal point for thelongitudinal degradation of several examples of kastom save. Over time, the various
functions of the nakamal have diminished, as have the local grade-taking
ceremonies and other ICH practices associated with the nakamal. The rise of
Christianity and increasing participation in the cash economy are two amongst
several explanations that have been proposed to account for changes to nakamal
and other ICH on Gaua. With nakamal no longer being constructed, their dual
function as disaster refuges has also been lost, along with the unique architectural
knowledge that protects people from cyclonic winds, volcanic ash, and seismic
events.
• A proportion of local kastom save is not being enacted or practiced on a regularbasis on Gaua, significantly affecting its transmission. It was difficult for participants
to recall certain terms and features of local kastom save during the workshops,
prompting discussion amongst participants about the importance of documentation,
revitalisation, and practice.

The Future of ICH Safeguarding on GauaThis report proposes the preparation of an ICH safeguarding plan for ICH elements on Gauathat includes the following components:
1. A complete inventory of Gaua’s ICH elements that records historical and ongoingthreats to their transmission and viability.
2. A complete record of Gaua’s kastom save blong disasta that includes the full suiteof tangible and intangible features embedded within the community and the112

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surrounding environment that supports its resilience during a disaster.
3. The development of a risk matrix that identifies ICH that is most significant to thecommunity and most threatened by disasters and other factors.
4. The development of action plans for minimising risk and enhancing the viability of
ICH elements, including the documentation and planning of local projects thatencourage the continued practice of ICH that is significant to the community.
5. The establishment of local management policies and practices that encourage theimplementation of ICH practices that increase the resilience of Gaua residents in
disaster situations, and the protection of ICH more broadly.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI)
gratefully acknowledges the role of the Vanuatu Cultural Centre (VCC) during the implementation of thisproject, and particularly of Mr Richard Shing, the VCC Director, in assisting with the conceptualization of
the survey and engaging in pre-survey meetings in Vila, and of Mr Edson Willie in accompanying the IRCI
researchers to Gaua and providing expert workshop facilitation. We are indebted to Mr Presley Dovo
(Department of Forestry) and Ms Donna Kalfatak (Department of Environment) for providing advice to theproject based on their collective experiences through the Forest and Protected Area Management Project(FPAM). IRCI also sincerely thanks its project counterparts on Gaua, including the 52 participants of theworkshops held at Namasari and Ontar villages, and the former Vanuatu Cultural Centre Fieldworker for
Gaua, Mr John Star (Dolav village).

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THE ICH SITUATION DURING THE AFTERMATH OF TROPICALCYCLONE WINSTON: RESULTS OF THE PRELIMINARY FIELDSURVEY IN RA PROVINCE, FIJI
Tomo Ishimura1,2, Yoko Nojima2, Ilaitia Senikuraciri Loloma3, andElizabeth F. D. Edwards4

INTRODUCTION
Many Pacific island nations are highly vulnerable to various natural hazards. Notably, overthe past few years, tropical cyclones have caused serious damage: Cyclone Pam in March
2015 struck Vanuatu, including its capital Port Vila; Cyclone Winston in February 2016swept across all the major islands of Fiji; and more recently, in February 2018, Cyclone Gita
devastated the islands of Tonga (Government of Fiji, 2016; Government of Vanuatu, 2015;
The Guardian 2018). Since the beginning of IRCI’s project, ‘Preliminary Research on ICH
Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the Asia-Pacific Region’ in 2016, IRCI has
been cooperating with Blue Shield Pasifika (BSP) and the iTaukei Institute of Language andCulture (TILC) to understand the current situation of intangible cultural heritage (ICH) andits vulnerability to devastation and loss during natural disasters in Fiji. Our discussions on
Fiji have tended to focus on Tropical Cyclone Winston (TC Winston) because recovery fromthis devastating event remains an ongoing process.
The post-disaster needs assessment (PDNA) following TC Winston in Fiji included a section
on ‘Culture and Heritage’ (Government of Fiji, 2016), where major recovery needs were
estimated for the reconstruction of built heritage, such as the historic port town in Levuka
and the rehabilitation of Navala village with its traditional bure houses. While thisassessment also addresses ICH-related damage to raw materials for cra� production, ritual
costumes and herbal medicines; totemic plants and trees, and crops and animals that areimportant for rituals and ceremonies, no further details were offered. Assessing thedamage to ICH elements in the short term is not an easy task because ICH is principally
invisible and thus is o�en overlooked during the assessment process. Therefore, by tracing
the recovery process following TC Winston, our research tried to obtain a detailed pictureof ICH a�er a disaster.
The goals of the study were to identify the following:
1) Varieties of ICH in areas that are related to natural disasters

1
2
3
4

Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI), Japan
iTaukei Institute for Language and Culture, FijiBlue Shield Pasifika, Fiji115

2) The impact of natural hazards and disasters on ICH
3) Positive aspects of ICH and understand the mechanisms of community resilience inwhich ICH has a significant part to play
TILC was also particularly interested in understanding the traditional indigenous knowledgeof ‘indicators’, and to mobilise them to enhance the community’s preparedness fordisasters. Following discussions with our Fijian counterparts, this preliminary field research
was conducted in two communities of Ra Province, one of the areas that were damaged
the most by TC Winston. The overall objective of this field research was to assess thesituation of ICH in the context of natural disasters at the local community level.
The factors that contributed to the abovementioned decision were as follows:
1) These areas had been subjected to TC Winston as recently as 2016, and thecommunity would be able to draw on their own memories and experiences.
2) These coastal villages have traditional fishing and marine resource management
strategies, and the impact of TC Winston on these practices needs to be assessed.
3) An ICH inventory is available for these areas owing to TILC’s Cultural Mapping Project.
Therefore, the survey confers the following benefits:a) The survey enables us to assess the impact of natural disasters on ICH, and thisattempt could be elaborated later as a potential model to assess the impact ofdisasters on ICH.
b) The survey provides an opportunity to monitor and update the current state of
ICH elements recorded by the Cultural Mapping Project.

SURVEY AREA AND INTERVIEW METHODOLOGYInterviews were conducted during 26 September and 1 October 2017 in the two villages of
Naocobau and Namarai, Ra Province, in northeast Viti Levu. Both villages were severely
affected by TC Winston, which devastated the islands of Fiji on 20 February 2016. Thesevillages were recommended to us by the project’s Fijian counterpart, BSP, in consultation
with Fiji Museum and the Department of Heritage.
Both Naocobau and Namarai villages are located near the coast, to have better access tomarine resources. While Namarai is a seaside village, Naocobau is on a hilltop. Bothvillages were founded from late 19th to early 20th centuries by groups of people whose
ancestry derived from previously fortified inland sites.
Naocobau village was founded in 1902 as a new village. Villagers comprised two tribes(yavusa) of Dewala and Dalitaulevu. The ancestors of the Dalitaulevu people used toinhabit the interior of the island of Viti Levu, near the area of today’s Dama village towhich they are related. During the 18th century, they moved to Nacokovaki, which is close
to their current village location, to avoid inter-tribal warfare. The Dewala people originatedfrom Draniyacawa, which is located across the cove. Two households still reside in
Draniyacawa, which is an exclave of Naocobau. There was a measles outbreak during the1920s that caused the loss of many villages, and only one family survived. This may have

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led to a considerable loss of indigenous knowledge. It was around this time that somepeople moved to Namarai. The current population of the village is approximately 80, in 32
households.
The current village of Namarai was founded in late 19th century. During the 18–19th
century, the ancestors of the Namarai villagers originally lived inland, near the waterfall of
Deraimarama. Their inland village was said to have been fortified with palisades to protect
themselves against frequent tribal warfare. The area is now utilised for yaqona (kava, Pipermethysticum) cultivation. Villagers moved down to the current coastal area in 1877 to gain
easier access to marine resources. Some of the villagers (belonging to Yavusa Nasausauwai)
originated from the old village of Nabukadra to the southeast, where a story related to thecustom of cannibalism is known. The population of Namarai is larger than Naocobau, withover 150 individuals in 35 households (according to Namarai Village Disaster Response andAction Plan, July 1 2015).
The lists of possible informants were provided by villagers, which included elders who hada certain knowledge of traditional lifestyles and ICH, as well as those who were willing toshare their stories with us. While keeping the survey guidelines outlined by IRCI as areference, we employed either semi-structured interviews or an unstructured interview
methodology to explore and record whatever the informants wished to share with us.
During the village survey, the team split into two groups to interview as many individuals as
possible. In total, we were able to interview 15 individuals. In accordance with theregulation of the Ministry of iTaukei Affairs, Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) was
obtained from all interviewees.

DISASTER SITUATION
Perception of DisasterIn this area, a cyclone (cagilaba) is considered the only major disaster factor affecting
people’s livelihoods, while other natural hazards are not recognised as disasters. Although
coastal villages occasionally experience a degree of storm surge in association withcyclones, they are principally protected from tsunamis thanks to a wide reef ﬂat.
Earthquakes are infrequent and have caused no major damage to the villagers. People
occasionally experience drought about once in every 5 to 10 years, during which time there
may be no rain for 2 to 3 months. However, the area is not severely affected thanks to therich spring water available in the area.
A few informants noted the deforestation that they feel has accelerated over the past 10
years, and that there used to be more bamboos in the vicinity of the village, hinting at thelong-term effect of climate change and human-induced environmental degradation. Some
Namarai villagers have noticed that seawater is ge�ng closer during high tide, and that
there are more lightening events.

Major Disaster History
Large-scale cyclones have been experienced every 20 years: one in 1952, TC Bebe in 1972,
TC Kina in 1992–93. Therefore, the villagers were expecting the next cyclone to arrive
around 2012 but nothing happened. Then, TC Winston devastated the area in February

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2016, which was certainly the strongest cyclone they had ever experienced. In addition tothese cyclone events, there was a landslide caused by a heavy rainfall in 1995, which
destroyed the water reservoir in Namarai.
Today, the community receive severe weather warnings via radio, which became
commonplace by 1970s. Prior to that, at the time of the 1952 cyclone, there was only one
set of radio equipment in the village, and the people relied on the weather report from the
Nadi station, which was circulated only once a week. Therefore, it is likely that local
knowledge and practice to prepare for the cyclone were more important at that time. Up
until 1970s, for instance, at the time of TC Bebe, people made better preparations for the
cyclone, such as cu�ng cassava stems and tightening house structures with bamboos.
Although people were aware that TC Winston was approaching, people did not prepare forthe cyclone seriously or properly. Many people also mentioned that they did not really
understand what a ‘Category 5’ cyclone was, because people were used to more directscale indicators like knots.

The 2016 Tropical Cyclone Winston and its A�ermath
TC Winston reached the area in the a�ernoon around 3 pm, blowing away almost entire
settlements in the area. Gale force winds had a stronger impact on houses and settlementsthat were located on the top of a hill or hill slopes, while houses facing the coast suffered
an inﬂux of sea water caused by the storm surge. At the village of Naocobau located on thehilltop, nearly all houses were demolished, while a number of houses withstood thecyclone in Namarai. Naocobau villagers were advised by police officers to evacuate toNamarai, as there was a designated evacuation centre (community hall) available, butsome stayed in the village. People in Naocobau village evacuated to cement or brick-built
houses, including small bathrooms, to protect themselves from the strong winds. At
Namarai, people evacuated to the community hall; however, all the evacuees inside were
soaked with seawater that poured into the hall due to the storm surge during high tide(from 6 to 8 pm).
The first three days following TC Winston was the hardest time for the villagers. There was
no water in both villages as they both share a water supply system located in Namarai, andpeople had to collect their water from a creek then boil it. They had lost almost
everything, including clothes and household items, which were scattered in the forests andbushes, where people searched for whatever they could use. There were also all sorts ofthings scattered on reefs and mangroves. Since many people did not prepare for the
cyclone, they needed to look for food and tried to harvest cassava roots that were le� intheir garden, otherwise they would be spoiled and rot. Supplies started to reach the areaa�er three days or so, transported by boat. Their relatives in Suva and some other areas
brought them food and other necessities. The SDA5 church also provided 40 foodpackages, which included biscuits, rice, ﬂour, and tinned foods, although it was a weeka�er the cyclone event when these packages arrived. Affected people stayed in the
Namarai community hall for almost two months.
Surprisingly, no instances of severe sickness were caused by the environmental risks to5

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health. However, the experience le� some people, especially small children, with atraumatic memory and they now react highly emotionally to heavy rains and strong winds.6
Villagers also learned many lessons from the tragic experience of TC Winston. Then, TC
Zena struck in April 2016, only a few months a�er TC Winston. Although it was only acategory 2 cyclone, the inhabitants of both villages came down to the Namarai community
hall to evacuate, even without any warning from the Community’s Disaster Management
Committee (CDMC) or the police.
The villagers’ experience of TC Winston was sometimes explained by referring to their
Christian beliefs, saying that it happened because their faith was fading and that it was
punishment from God. A�er that experience, the villagers became more devoted withincreased family prayers, and greater expressions of kindness and care for others.

Damage to environment

TC Winston severely destroyed forest resources and agricultural crops. Coconut trees were
all destroyed, which are a major source of cash income for the villagers. It took more thana year for the trees to recover. During the reconstruction process, some coconut seedlings
were brought to the village for replanting.7 Seedlings of kumala, and vegetables such as
eggplant, Chinese cabbage, tomatoes, beans, and cucumbers, were also provided by thegovernment and NGOs, to restore their subsistence agriculture.
Some people mentioned that coconut palms have not been growing well since TC Winston.
Even during the time of the team’s visit in September 2017, they were still waiting for theircoconut trees to bear new fruits, by restricting the drinking bu juice (coconut water). Thisis troublesome for many aspects of villagers’ lives. The lack of coconuts limits the villagers’
cash income, as they are not able to produce copra. For women, coconuts are an essential
ingredient for cooking. Many of their dishes are made with coconuts, even pies, scones,
and puddings, and the typical Fijian dish vakalolo (coconut and fish) to be served to guests
and visitors. Similarly, lemon trees do not grow as well as they used to.
TC Winston also damaged the marine environment. Fish population declined a�er the
cyclone, and it took about 6 months for the population to recover. At some locations, thecyclone disturbed underwater rocks and sediments and transformed alongshore
topography, which in some cases made certain traditional fishing practices difficult.8

Positive outcomes of TC Winston

Vegetation around the village started to regenerate a�er 2–3 months. Interestingly, many
villagers noted that all plants and trees started to grow healthier than ever, including
agricultural crops such as pumpkins, capsicums, tomatoes, pawpaws, and watermelons,
without using any chemical fertilisers. Among other species, pumpkins became abundant
and were growing everywhere without planting, as did moca spinach (Amaranthus viridis).
Their staple, cassava, was also growing well on the new ground. It takes only four to five67
8

For instance, there was a category 2 cyclone Zena soon a�er TC Winston (April 2016). Although it wasquite weak as a cyclone, children cried as heavy rainfall reminded them of TC Winston.
SPC and Agriculture and Forestry Departments have a programme to stock seedlings as ‘backup plants’to be provided at the time of disasters.
The case is heard from Koro Island, not in Namarai or Naocobau, where a special fishing practiceassociated with a particular rock became difficult because the rock itself was moved by the cyclone.

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months to harvest much larger roots. Some people explained that the sea water thatpoured onto the ground during the cyclone delivered nutrients to the soil. The increased
fertility may also be due to the clearance of forest canopy, thereby providing more
sunlight.

ICH ASSOCIATED WITH NATURAL HAZARDS AND DISASTERS(INCLUDING ICH POTENTIALLY USEFUL FOR COMMUNITY’S DRR/DRM)
Hazard Indicators and Early Warnings
Traditional hazard indicators and early warning systems are by far the most prominent
components of knowledge that are commonly shared among people. Also, the potential
effectiveness of such knowledge about climatic anomalies has been recognised by DRM
sectors as a useful means to reduce risks and prepare for disasters, especially in rural
areas. Accordingly, Namarai village’s disaster response and action plan9 lists local early
warning systems as a source of disaster warnings.
Common indicators predicting cyclones are:
• Breadfruit trees bear too many fruits.
• Bees make hives on the ground.
• The top of the ﬂowering stem of vudi bananas bends downwards.
• Sea water temperature rises.10• If the top of growing yam vine turns its direction in September, there might be a
cyclone coming.
• A change in the wind direction and weather pattern also signals cyclones.
In contrast, heavy rains would stop when seabirds (known as manumanu mai Vatu) fromthe offshore Vatu Island came closer to the village. It was also mentioned that all animals
in the village le� before TC Winston hit the village, and then all returned when it had
passed through.
Some recalled that people used to start preparing for the rainy season and cyclones
around September to October, by investigating early warning signs. October in the iTaukei
traditional lunar calendar is a time for tying thatched roofs and it also include preparations
for natural hazards. Generally, traditional indicators issue warnings 1 to 2 months before acyclone strikes. That was the case for TC Winston, and more recently, when TC Gita hit
Tonga and some parts of Fiji in the Lau Group in January 2018. Traditional indicators
provide ample time to prepare, while weather forecasts only foretell a cyclone approachinga week or a few days before it strikes.

9‘Namarai Village Disaster Response & Action Plan’ (July 2015) has been put together by the Community
Disaster Management Committee (CDMC), a�er receiving a 5-day training programme by Partners in
Community Development Fiji, Disaster Risk Management and Climate Challenge Solution, and Ra
Provincial Office.
10 An informant noted that sea temperature was very warm all night about a month before TC Winston.

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Even though such knowledge is still held among the people, it is no longer tied to effective
action to reduce potential risks. Typically, people mentioned that they had seen such
indicators before TC Winston, but the majority of people did not really prepare for it inadvance, until they learned about it through the radio and warnings from the governmentthat a cyclone was approaching.
The early warning signs mentioned above comprise the indigenous knowledge developedby local people over generations to adapt to their environment and manage theirresources and livelihoods. However, it is important to take the effect of climate change into
consideration, which delivers new, unpredictable environmental conditions which may
render existing knowledge ineffective.11

Food Practices for Reducing Risks and Preparing for Cyclones
Some traditional knowledge exists about how to prepare for potential cyclones, especiallyin relation to food.
Securing food during and a�er a disaster is one of the most critical concerns of the people
affected. This holds true not only for cyclones but also for other hazards such as extended
drought that causes crop failure.
Some knowledge of traditional, emergency food was recorded. However, most of thisinformation exists as knowledge among a few elders, and has not been practised for
decades.
a) Traditional root crops: According to informants, some crops such as sweet potato(kumala, Ipomoea batatas), kawai (Dioscorea esculenta), uvi (yams, D. alata) are generally
stronger against cyclones and last longer a�er a harvest, although they might be spoiled byheavy rain. Taro (dalo, Colocasia esculenta) and via (Alocasia macrorrhiza) are also resistantto cyclones. Thus, they could be harvested and stored in advance to prepare for a disaster.
In the past, root crops were o�en baked for 3–4 days in a stone oven (lovo) to make themlast longer.
Typically, harvested yams used to be stored in the ‘yam house’ (qalolo) that was built in thegarden. Traditional yam houses were constructed from reeds (gasau) as walls, andthatched with coconut leaves. This house could store nearly 1,000 yams for 5–6 months.
The house was also used for kawai. This practice of yam storage has been declining, partly
because people do not plant as many yams as they used to, and partly because unknown
people started to steal yams that were kept inside the yam house.
In contrast, the most common crop and the staple food for Fijians, cassava (Manihot
esculenta), lasts only for a few days a�er harvest, and is easily damaged by the strong
winds of cyclones.12 Cassava is a new world plant that was introduced to the Pacific islands
following Western contact. As it grows easily even in poor soil conditions without farmers
making much effort, it replaced the cultivation of other important traditional crops such as
11 An informant mentioned that she feels the wind pattern has changed, possibly because of climatechange.
12 To reduce this risk, it could be cut down at the stems prior to cyclone.

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yams. From the viewpoint of food security and disaster risk reduction, this agricultural shi�from the cultivation of yams to cassava in the long-term entails a shi� from a highly
durable and storable crop to a vulnerable crop, contributing to food insecurity (Campbell,1984).
Relying heavily on cassava has also resulted in the reduction of crop diversity, and as aconsequence there are now fewer alternatives that can be used during and a�er a disaster.
Planting cyclone resistant crops would increase food security during a disaster. Suchpreparatory actions seem to be less common today in the Fijian context, as the local foodeconomy is supplemented by imported foods, including rice and ﬂour that are generally
stocked within each household.
b) Emergency wild food resources: Some elders have knowledge of certain wild foodresources that can be exploited during food shortages:• Via kelikeli [kelikeli = digging in the bush], a kind of Alocasia taro grown in bush wasonce used as disaster food
• A bush vine called walai (Entada phaseoloides) is alleged to have been used for water• Walai seeds (cibi) were also used to make wai sova toni, which was explained as a
special food of Ra Province, although this has not been practised for more than 60
years.13 Preparation of this toxic seed entails the following steps:
1) Collected seeds are cooked in a pot until their endocarp cracks.
2) The inner seeds are removed by breaking the endocarp with a stone.
3) Seeds are put in a basket and soaked in running river water over 4 nights.
4) Seeds are taken out. Vaivai leaves are placed in the basket, where seeds are
mixed with some kavika (Syzygium malaccense) leaves to remove bitterness.
5) The basket containing the seeds is again leached with running water for 4 nights.
6) When ready, add sugar and eat.
c) Cassava preservation: The preservation of cassava through fermentation is characteristic
Fijian food practice. This fermented cassava, known as madrai ni viti (‘Fijian bread’), is
made via a long process:1) Cassava is soaked in seawater for 4–8 nights.
2) Once it is so�, bring it home and squeeze to expel water.
3) A hole is dug on the ground, where some wooden sticks (yasi ni idia, a woodcommonly used for fences around villages) are placed, and vara leaves areplaced in 3 layers. The cassava is stored here and the hole covered withstones.
4) Cassava can last for 3 months stored this way.
The practice was common until the early 1950s. An alternative way of making Fijian breadis to skip the seawater process, and to use a ready-made container instead of pits. Skipping
the seawater process leaves food with a somewhat sour taste (wiwi). Some elders stillpractise such a method or even a much easier way, just soak the cassava in water, squeeze,
13 Some elderlies used to eat it in their childhood.

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and dry it under the sun. Since a complex process of preparation makes cassava muchso�er, making this food suitable for consumption by the elderly. A more common cassava
preparation practice today is to grate the cassava, mix it with coconut cream and sugar,
then wrap it in banana leaves and boil.
Breadfruit fermentation, which is well-known in the Pacific, is no longer practised either,
due to the increased use of ﬂours and other imported food products.
There was a discussion about the revival of cassava fermentation/Fijian bread, because
cassava is a common food resource that is widely cultivated. It is a typical traditional Fijian
food, and could be effectively utilised as a disaster food.
d) Smoked fish (vesa ika): People also used to make dried fish, by smoking them on top of
the fireplace. The smoked fish lasts for a month or so a�er using this traditionalpreservation.
e) Women’s culinary knowledge to support the recovery: Cassava was largely destroyed by
TC Winston. The roots went skinny and hardened, making them undesirable for
consumption. However, women in the village managed to use such damaged cassava
roots by investing extra effort to make them so�er and more palatable. For instance:• Cassava was grated first, then mixed with sugar and boiled. Grated cassava was also
mixed with half-ripe vudi or vata bananas, instead of sugar.
• Cassava was cooked with ‘Panadol’ paracetamol tablets, mango branches, or baking
powder, to make it so�er.
Also, as mentioned above, the loss of coconuts affected women’s cooking practice. To
supplement the shortage of coconuts, women started to use pumpkins more frequently,
which became abundant a�er the cyclone. As a result, pumpkin pa�es became popularamong women in the village.

Traditional Medicinal Knowledge
In one instance, traditional knowledge helped to save people from TC Winston and thedisaster turned out to be an opportunity to transmit local knowledge. This was due to the
local knowledge of traditional herbal medicine. There is a medicinal leaf that is known tostop bleeding. This leaf was used during TC Winston to help the injured, and those who did
not know about the leaf also learned how to use it.
An informant from Namarai village used to be a nurse working at the village medical
station.14 Although she had learned traditional medicinal knowledge from her father, using
such knowledge in the context of modern medical care as a nurse was consideredinappropriate. Therefore, when she was consulted by villagers about traditional medicinesand prescriptions, she only advised them without providing any traditional treatment. She
had also served as a midwife, when there was no boat in the village and a pregnant
14 This medical station is staffed with a medical doctor and 2 nurses, who look a�er 7 to 8 villages within
Nakorotubu District. At the time of TC Winston, the station temporarily took care of 14 villages
nearby.

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mother could not attend a hospital with facilities.

Custom of Solesolevaki
Solesolevaki is when groups or community members work together for achieving acommon goal, for instance, building houses and planting crops. Along with the leadershipof the village chiefs, this custom effectively facilitated the cooperative reconstruction of thevillage a�er TC Winston. It was due to this system of cooperation that ruined houses wererebuilt and cassava was replanted.

Rituals and Feasts
A marriage ceremony was planned in Namarai village in April 2016, which was postponed
to December 2016 due to TC Winston, and yet it was conducted. Re-scheduling important
rituals and ceremonies due to unforeseen circumstances are common in thesecommunities, and is not really considered an interruption. Rather, postponing suchactivities may constitute a part of a community’s coping strategy during an emergency, anda social mechanism to maximise the cooperative effort toward recovery.

Traditional Houses
Traditional Fijian houses (bure) or vale vakaviti are no longer common in Fiji, except incertain areas such as Navala, where thatched wooden houses are intentionally retained.
When the bure was still in common use, villagers used to prepare for the cyclone season
every year around October, by placing bamboo against the posts to help hold the house
together.
The construction of bure requires proper local resources. While some elders haveknowledge of bure construction, it is not always easy today to secure the necessary
resources. For example, a villager in Namarai was hoping to build his own bure, but TC
Winston damaged key resources. For instance:• Dogo (black mangrove; Bruguiera gymnorrhiza) is a coastal vegetation used for posts,
which was all but destroyed by the cyclone (Figure 1).
• Coconut leaves are used for the walls, however, coconut palms were also damaged.
This can be substituted by bamboo.
• Magimagi rope, made of coconut fibre, is used to fasten building components. As analternative, a kind of bush vine (wa me, Freycinetia storckii), could be used.
• Gasau (reed) is used for thatching, as its leaves are strong against the rain.
Traditional bure employing local plant materials have been replaced by constructions madewith commercial materials such as cement, bricks, corrugated tin, timber and nails, formany decades.15 This must have led to the decline of the associated resource
management. Yet, the important structures and spatial concepts of traditional bure havebeen transferred to contemporary houses, which enables the community to maintaintraditional social relations, including taboos (veitabuki) surrounding the house. A Fijian bure
15 Some elders noted that they used to live in bure in their childhood.

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Figure 1
Dogo trees destroyed by TC Winston(near Namarai village) (©IRCI, 2017)

Figure 2
Reconstructed Naocobau village(©IRCI, 2017)

typically has three entrances: one for the owner, another for the owner and their family,
and the one at the front for other villagers and visitors, to invite people to come to theirhouses to eat.
The rebuilding of houses at Naocobau village displays the significant ways a disaster affects
intangible sociocultural practices, in addition to the transformation of tangible housing
structures and village landscapes (Figure 2). TC Winston destroyed almost all the houses inthe village, and there was an urgent need to rebuild them to provide safe shelter. In thecase of Naocobau village, the reconstruction of houses was supported by an organisation
related to a Korean Christian mission, who imported standardised housing units from Korea
and China to rebuild 27 houses in the village.
While these new houses helped villagers significantly during the recovery process, they
gradually began to experience certain inconveniences and discomforts, primarily because
the structure of these brand new houses had only a single entrance, which conﬂicted with
their cultural behaviour.
The damage and reconstruction of houses a�er TC Winston illustrates how an experienceof disaster transforms housing structures. The destruction of houses, in turn, creates anopportunity for renovation and innovation during the recovery process, rather than simple
restoration. The government provided financial support for the affected households to

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rebuild their homes.16 While some claimed that the amount provided was insufficient,some appreciated it, as it enabled them to improve their homes.
At the time of the cyclone in 1952, all the houses in the area were still wooden
constructions and some were still thatched (vale vakaviti). Although most of the houses
collapsed, they were easily fixed or re-assembled within a month or so, because resourceswere readily available, and villagers knew how to build traditional houses. 10 houses wererebuilt following the traditional bure style. At the time of the cyclone in 1972, however, all
the damaged houses were reconstructed using Western materials. Subsequently, by the
1980s, all houses were reconstructed with Western materials, and bure had disappeared
from the village. As illustrated in this case, cyclone events provide opportunities totransform the village landscape over time.
However, the situation is quite different today, because fixing cement-block houses requires
the purchase of replacement materials, and more importantly the knowledge of
construction that utilises such materials. This remains a serious issue in Namarai village.
Even though the government offered support to purchase building materials, individuals
with the proper knowledge of construction are in short supply in the village. This hascaused a considerable delay during the post-Winston reconstruction of the village andthere many houses are yet to be rebuilt.

The advantages of bure

Although no houses in the traditional bure style remain in either of the two villages, theadvantages of bure can be gleaned from members of the older generation who actuallyused to live in them.
The first advantage was the comfort of living in bure. Despite the outside heat, the interiorof bure remained cool. The bure layout incorporated a fireplace in the centre or against awall, serving as an effective mechanism for providing warmth, smoking food, andpreventing insects from nesting in the roof. The ﬂoor was natural ground where mats werelaid with reed leaves or grasses as cushion; these were reported as being very comfortable
to sit and sleep on. Some people complained that the wooden or concrete ﬂoors ofmodern houses give them back pain.
In terms of the layout of bure, it was normal to have a separate kitchen house. The kitchenhouse could also be used as a refuge shelter during a cyclone. Some people spoke ofsurviving a cyclone by clinging onto the beams of the kitchen house until the cyclone had
passed by. Above all, as mentioned earlier, a bure was constructed entirely from local
materials that were available around the village. Even if a disaster struck, villagers could fix
and rebuild the damaged bure by themselves.

The village landscape reﬂecting disaster knowledge

The settlement of Namarai village only extends out to the western side of the cove. The
locals explain that this is to avoid cyclone winds. Since cyclones o�en approach Fiji fromthe direction of the Yasawa Islands in the west, the western side of the cove is better
protected against winds by the mountains behind, thereby lessening the damage. Such a
16 The post-disaster relief by the Fiji Government to the affected community people started from theperiod of Prime Minister Ratu Mara (1984–1987).

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choice of location could be understood as a community’s strategy to mitigate disaster risks,
reﬂecting local topographical knowledge, as well as the knowledge of cyclones that has
accumulated over generations. However, TC Winston approached Fiji from the opposite
direction – from Koro Island in the east. Therefore, being fully exposed to the strong wind,
the settlement was severely damaged.

THE IMPACT OF DISASTERS ON ICH
FishingFishing is a major subsistence activity for the villagers. However, there have been somedeclines in some fishing activities as well as a decline in the fish population over the past
10 years.
In 19 villages along the coast of Ra Province, a 10-year taboo to prohibit fishing was inplace for the period of 2007–2016, to protect marine resources. TC Winston hit the area
just before the taboo was due to be li�ed, and as a consequence, it was extended foranother 10 years.
Villagers lost their fishing boats due to the cyclone. However, some ra�s were on the
shore, and were frequently used for fishing to support their livelihood. Ra�s, known asbilibili, are normally used by people who lived in the highlands of Fiji. It is a mode oftransportation in rivers and due to the change in livelihoods, people living by the sea havealso resorted to this type of ra�s and are also well versed in laying a bilibili together as
seen in Namarai and Naocobau. Although not much information was available about
traditional fishing strategies which have been replaced by modern fishing methods, someassociated knowledge such as the construction of ra�s has been maintained, and whennecessary, is actively put into practice. This is one example of the villagers using traditional
knowledge during the process of recovery.
Today, major fishing activities are conducted individually by the men from each household,and line fishing is the most common method used. Night diving with harpoons used to bepreferred for its high productivity; however, this caused the problem of overexploitation
because fish were also taken during the spawning season. Some villagers noted that thefish population has decreased today.
There is also a special communal fishing technique known as bikabika, which is performed
only by a group of women to catch seasonal daniva (sardines). There used to be certain
areas where only women were allowed to fish. Bikabika17 is an old practice using a walaivine that was tied to women’s ankles to chase fish. Such fishing activities were performed
occasionally until recently, but have largely been replaced by net fishing.
The decline of such traditional practices can be attributed to the impact of modernisation
and associated lifestyle changes, as is o�en the case with many elements of ICH, rather
than the impact of disasters.

17 Bikabika also means a funeral ceremony of a group of women surrounding a coffin.

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Weaving and Women’s Handcra� Making
Women commonly practice weaving mats and baskets, which is a major source ofincome.18 Three kinds of mats are known: volikoro (kula all around); coco (without any kuladecoration); and davodavo (with ‘ears’) (Figure 3A).
Mats and baskets are typically made with pandanus leaves, by boiling and drying thecollected leaves first. Traditionally, the black colour was added by boiling leaves that werepre-soaked with water for 3–4 days with the leaves of koka trees (Bischoﬁa javanica). An
iodine solution is occasionally used today to colour the fibre purple. One woman can
produce one pandanus mat in 2 days if she worked intensively; in many instances,
however, it takes 1 to 2 weeks because women usually have many household duties.
Pandanus leaves were also destroyed by TC Winston. A�er TC Winston, an area clean-up
was necessary and pandanus needed replanting, which took about 6 months. Around
August and September, they could begin to harvest leaves for weaving.
Another traditional weaving material is coconut leaves, which can be made into baskets (forA Pandanus mat weaving

C Fans made from coconut leaves

B A necklace made with coiled paper beads
Figure 3

Women’s handicra� making (©IRCI, 2017)18 A mat could be sold for about 100 to 150 FJD. If a woman sell a mat to a broker, it will be 30 FJD,
which become 50 to 60 FJD at the wholesale. Fans with coconut leaves are about 15 FJD.

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fishing and foods) and fans (Figure 3C). There are some elderly women who still createsvarious items with coconut leaves, however, the younger generation seem less interested inacquiring such skills.
Some younger women make beads from used paper, boxes, and packages, which are joined
and made into necklaces and ornaments (Figure 3B). This is a practice that has been
introduced very recently, but has attracted some women in the village. A necklace will sell
for 10 FJD at the Rakiraki market.

Long-term Transition of Major ICH Elements
A disaster affects ICH in several ways:a) Disasters destroy natural resources, which makes certain ICH practices difficult but
only temporarily. In this respect, the impact on ICH is a temporary interruption,rather than destruction. This was the case with women’s weaving and certain
cooking activities, as well as fishing.
b) Important customs like weddings are postponed, but never cancelled. This could be
another social mechanism to cope with disasters.
c) In the case of houses in Naocobau, they were replaced by new constructions withan entirely new spatial design and concept. This may lead to the furthertransformation of residential structures and associated practices, when suchelements are fully absorbed into the living culture.
The transformation of ICH is more closely linked to long-term sociocultural changes than
the impact of disasters. Some noted that the loss of ICH is in part related to Christianity
and modernisation, which has transformed traditional lifestyles and people’s mind-sets.
Typical ICH practices such as masi (tapa) making and meke (Fijian traditional dance
performances) were practised until the 1950s or so, but have long ceased. Lali (wooden
drums) for dances were also replaced by guitars, a common musical instrument used inchurch. The use of traditional wooden knives, the fireplace inside the house (miqa), andtraditional cooking pots also ended around the 1950s. Salt (masima) was once locally madefrom seawater, which was an important item to exchange with the inland communities.
However, certain ICH elements that are important for maintaining the social order andholding the community together remain valued and respected to the present day. For
example, tovo vakavanua (customs of respec�ul behaviour), yaqona (kava) ceremonies, andbose vakoro (village clan meetings) remain.

Modernisation and sociocultural transformation

Disasters aside, modernisation is an important factor contributing to socioculturaltransformation. Given that many of the informants in this study were elders, there was acommonly-voiced opinion that modernisation was the main cause of socioculturaltransformation. The following were some specific examples offered:• It used to be important to respect your elders. For instance, if you walked across in

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front of an older person, you had to bow as you walked.
• It used not to be allowed to shout or run in the village. Many children and young
people these days do not abide by that.
• There is a custom of calling out, called tama, when you visit someone’s home. The
guest calls out, ‘dua, dua, dua’ and the host responds with ‘o idua’ in Ra dialect.
The young people no longer follow this custom.
• Young women were cherished by their family. It used to be that even when they
were married, the man would become part of the woman’s family and follow thatfamily’s traditions.
• They used to have meals twice a day: in the morning and in the evening. It has now
become more common place to cook instant noodles or other meals that are quick
and easy to prepare. They now consume a lot more of this, causing serious healthproblems.
• It used to be a common practice (takitaki) to share meals with neighbours, but it has
become less common in these days.
• Women’s hairstyles have changed a lot. Women were only allowed to wear the
traditional buiniga hairstyle. They also used to dye their hair with a boiled mixtureof bark, mud and coral lime. Both men and women used to do this – it was good forkeeping the hair healthy – but nobody does it now.
• The young people do not respect their elders anymore, while they always assert
their own rights. They think this is the inﬂuence of the modern education system.
There is a primary school in Namarai and the children from two villages go there,
but the only secondary schools are in towns like Lautoka and Rakiraki, so thechildren have to leave the village. Many young people go to the towns for worka�er they finish school, so there are few opportunities for them to learn village
customs. Once young people leave the village, they tend to start asserting their own
rights even when they return to the village.

The inﬂuence of Mesaia movement

The impact of the Mesaia (Messiah) movement is worth mentioning in the context of thechallenges of modernisation. The Mesaia cult swept Naocobau with its inﬂuence during the
1980s and 1990s. Founded by a man by the name of Nabogibogi Sairusi, the movement
honours the traditional Fijian way of life (Lal, 2012, p. 269). Followers wear white; thewomen, in particular, wear white with long hemlines. The symbol of the cult is a blue ﬂag
depicting the moon and stars. Followers shun sin and strive to live a pure and righteous
life. They strive to keep their surroundings pure, including cleaning the house every
morning without fail and airing out their bedding every week. Menstruating women are notallowed to take part in religious rites. They hold regular meetings, called a School of
Motivation, where they study the Bible and learn Fijian culture.
Some of the residents of Naocobau converted to the Mesaia, creating tensions that divided
the village. This was eventually resolved by them de-converting. However, there are stillsome residents who believe the Mesaia teaching to be the truth and practice it asindividuals. Although Nabogibogi Sairusi founded this cult during the 1950s and 1960s, themovement that acknowledges Fijian traditions reawakened during the 1980s and 1990s.

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This was most likely the period when traditional customs and practices began to transformconsiderably, therefore, the movement’s revival could be understood as an act of
resistance to such changes.

CONCLUSION
Although the two villages surveyed in this study, Naocobau and Namarai, both suffered
severe damage from TC Winston, no major visible damage was observed in relation to ICH.
Instead the impacts on ICH were observed as temporary intermissions, caused by thedepletion of natural resources. However, this does not necessarily mean that there were nodifficulties safeguarding ICH in these two villages, because ICH and traditional culture had
undergone major transformations before the disaster due to the impact of modernisation.
The disaster and the reconstruction that followed certainly accelerated the progress ofmodernisation.
Taking the traditional bure as an example, there were no remaining bure-style houses ineither of the two villages before the disaster, and the knowledge and skills to build bure
had almost been lost. Nevertheless, when people started building houses with commercial
materials, they incorporated some elements of bure, such as having three entrances.
However, it should be noted that the introduction of temporary standardised housing in
Naocobau following TC Winston has expedited the loss of the cultural elements inheritedfrom bure.
Assuring rapid recovery has been the top priority for the community’s DRM. However, noconsideration has been given to cultural elements during the reconstruction process,creating concern that this will accelerate the loss of traditional culture, including ICH.
However, incorporating traditional knowledge and other ICH elements into DRM andreconstruction projects ensures they are grounded, and more effective in the community.
For example, there was a lot of traditional knowledge of hazard indicators. While suchknowledge may sometimes contradict science, it is likely to have a valid function in local
situations in the region. Similarly, traditional food storage methods and the like may help
provide emergency food rations during a disaster.
When considering the question of ICH and disasters, it is important to discuss not only how
to save ICH from disasters, but also how to utilise ICH in DRM. In addition to disasters, it isimportant to give adequate attention to other factors that may cause socioculturaltransformation, such as modernisation.

REFERENCES

Campbell, J. (1984). Dealing with disaster: Hurricane response in Fiji. Honolulu/Suva: East-West Center/
Government of Fiji.
Government of Fiji (2016). Fiji post-disaster needs assessment: Tropical cyclone Winston, February 20,
2016. Suva: Government of Fiji.
Government of Vanuatu (2015). Vanuatu post-disaster needs assessment: Tropical cyclone Pam, March2015. Port Vila: Government of Vanuatu.
Lal, B. J. (2012). Intersections: History, memory, discipline. Canberra: ANU E Press.

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INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND NATURAL HAZARDSIN THE PHILIPPINE CORDILLERAS: PRELIMINARY REPORT OF
THE FIELD RESEARCH IN ABRA AND IFUGAO
Yoko Nojima1, Tomo Ishimura1,2, Cecilia V. Picache3, and Norma A.
Respicio4

INTRODUCTION
This article reports the notable findings of the brief field study on intangible cultural
heritage (ICH) and natural hazards in Abra and Ifugao in the Cordillera region in northern
Luzon, the Philippines, while specific details are still under analysis and are yet to bepresented elsewhere.
The activity was implemented in January 2018 by the International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI) in cooperation with the
National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA), Philippines, as part of IRCI’s‘Preliminary Research on ICH Safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the AsiaPacific Region’. It seeks to understand the current ICH situation related to hazards anddisasters among indigenous communities in the mountainous areas of the Philippine
Cordilleras.
The general goals of the field study are to identify (1) varieties of ICH in the area that are
related to natural hazards and disasters, (2) the impact of natural hazards and disasters on
ICH and (3) the positive aspects of ICH and to understand the mechanisms of community
resilience in which ICH plays a significant role.
The following factors contributed to the field survey planning in Abra and Ifugao:
1) The Philippines is one of the most vulnerable countries to natural disasters, ranking
third in the World Risk Index in recent years (Bündnis Entwicklung Hil�, 2017). The
nation has been frequently exposed to various natural hazards, including typhoons,ﬂoods, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Therefore, case studies in thePhilippines are expected to provide important insights for investigating ICH issues
in relation to natural disasters in the Asia-Pacific region.
2) The majority of case studies within the framework of IRCI’s project on ICH anddisaster risk management (DRM) focus on coastal communities, and our
1
2
3
4

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International Research Centre for Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific Region (IRCI), Japan
Department of Intangible Cultural Heritage, Tokyo National Research Institute for Cultural Properties
National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA), Philippines
Department of Art Studies, University of the Philippines-Diliman

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understanding of ICH in the context of natural disasters in mountainous areas
remains poor. Along with studies conducted in northern Viet Nam (contributions by
Nguyen An Thinh et al. and Phan Phng Anh and Vu Canh Toan, this volume), thisstudy provides cases of ICH and natural hazards in mountainous regions.
3) The Cordillera region has rich ICH elements that, to a considerable extent, recordedby the ICH Unit of the NCCA, Philippines (Peralta, 2013), which provides a goodbaseline for research, as the area’s ICH inventory enables us to assess the impactof natural hazards. Such a survey provides an opportunity to monitor and update
the situation of ICH elements recorded by the NCCA, and such an attempt could befurther elaborated as a potential model for post-disaster assessment of ICH.
4) One of the regions, Ifugao, is also known for its terraces for intensive rice cultivation,
which are part of the UNESCO World Heritage sites (‘Rice Terraces of thePhilippine Cordilleras’). These rice terraces are a good case for examining thenature of traditional environmental management systems as an element of ICH andhow such practices have enabled people to sustain their cultural landscape forgenerations against various natural hazards. This could also be a good example
displaying the importance of intangible knowledge and practice for managing
tangible cultural heritage.
5) Ifugao also has ICH elements that are inscribed on UNESCO’s Representative List of
the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity (‘Hudhud chants of the Ifugao’ and,more recently, ‘Tugging rituals and games’). Although this study does not
specifically focus on the elements inscribed on the list of the 2003 Convention(Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage), a strong
community awareness regarding the safeguarding of ICH is expected to beestablished already. For this reason, a model of community-based DRM mobilising
ICH could be developed in the future.

SURVEY IN THE CORDILLERASActivities and ApproachThis study concentrated on indigenous communities in both Ifugao and Abra (Itneg). A field
trip was organised from 25–31 January 2018 (25–27 January in Ifugao and 29–30 January
in Abra), and the team conducted a series of interviews and focus group discussions inseveral different barangays and communities.5 Informants were identified through NCCA’s
network and included artisans, ritual specialists, farmers and community representatives, aswell as a few local university researchers who have been leading community extension
programmes. Therefore, rather than depict a specific community’s situation in detail, thisstudy tried to pick up various ICH-related concerns and interests in the context of natural
hazards and risk management.

5

The proposal for this study was approved by the National Museum of the Philippines and endorsedby the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples.

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Indigenous Peoples in the Study Area
Abra: Abra is a landlocked province west of the Cordillera. It is bounded by Ilocos Norteand Apayao on the north, Mountain Province and Ilocos Sur on the south, Kalinga on theeast and Ilocos Sur on the west (Local Governance Regional Resource Centre, n.d. a).
The Itneg, also referred to as the Tinguian (as in Fay-Cooper Cole’s two-volume work on
the Tinguian, 1915 and 1922), inhabit the areas between the foot of the Cordillera and the
Ilocos Range in Northwestern Luzon. They have been classified into several groups:
Adassen, Binongan, Inlaud, Masadiit, Aplai, Banao, Gubang, Maeng, Muyadan, Luba andBalatok. There is a very close affinity with nearby Ilocano groups, with whom they have acontinual relationship (Respicio, n.d. and Peralta, 2000).
Two general groupings exist: those who live in the valley, which are a homogenous andconcentrated population in the lower reaches of the province of Abra who thrive on wet
rice cultivation, and those who live in the mountain, who depend on dry cultivation androot crops in the higher elevations (Peralta, 2000). The current interviews covered only theformer group. An Ilocano farmer and national living treasure who lives in Abra was alsointerviewed.
Ifugao: Ifugao sits at the foot of the Cordillera Mountain Ranges. It is bounded on the west
by Benguet, on the south by Nueva Vizcaya, on the east by Isabela and on the north by
Mountain Province (Local Governance Regional Resource Centre, n.d. b).
The Ifugao people are divided into two subgroups – the Tuwali and the Ayangan. Famousfor building massive rice terraces covering entire mountainsides, they are also known for
their very complex indigenous religion marked by a cosmology that includes hundreds ofdeities. Elaborate rituals accompany personal and social events, participated in by choirs of
ritual practitioners (Peralta, 2000). This time the interviews only covered the Tuwali of thetowns of Lagawe, Hungduan, Hingyon and Banaue.

FINDINGS
Natural Hazards in Abra and Ifugao
In Ifugao, typhoons and landslides triggered by excessive rainfalls (o�en during thetyphoon) or earthquakes are considered a major hazard risk. People’s concerns on disasters
largely pertain to the potential harm to their livelihood, specifically the damage to theirrice terraces. Accordingly, damage to rice plants and grains due to various pests, such as
worms, earthworms, grasshoppers and rats, was raised as another major risk factor.
A few informants recalled the impact of the 1990 Baguio earthquake in Ifugao, which
included collapsed buildings and cracks in the ground. A typhoon in the 1970s also caused
many landslides, which destroyed roads, rice terraces and houses, and strong winds
damaged many areca palms (betel nut trees). Informants also mentioned a drought in the
1990s in which there was no rain for six months. Unable to harvest rice, people
supplemented their food supply with ‘kamote’ (sweet potato) and other root crops andvegetables.

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The people in a barangay help each other (badang) to cultivate rice on terraces, tomaintain their irrigation system and to overcome calamities and recover.
Several early warning signs of calamities include:• an orange-coloured sky and fast-moving clouds, which both suggest an imminent
typhoon. However, if such clouds were very high, the area would not be hit.
• a species of bamboo (bikua) that, when it bears fruit or ﬂower, signals a looming
drought.
• a black bird (pipiwong) ﬂying through and touching water in the rice field, whichindicates forthcoming rain.
As part of the Cordillera Administrative Region, Abra is not as mountainous as otherprovinces. Typhoons are major disaster risks here as well as earthquakes due to active
faults. As is the case in Ifugao, Abra’s concerns include damage to rice and otheragricultural plants by pests. Logging and mining industries in the mountain areas northeastof the region have also increased the risk of landslides and affect Abra’s major river system,
causing more frequent river ﬂoods and river water pollution.
Soon a�er the Baguio earthquake in 1990, a typhoon and subsequent landslides ravaged
many houses, gardens and livestock. One of our interview area, the town of Manabo atthat time was not heavily affected and accepted many evacuees from surrounding areas.
Itneg groups in the mountain areas traditionally practice a local natural resource
management system known as lapat, which involves various restrictions on resource
exploitation. It is noteworthy that this system has been institutionalised in this region aspart of the province’s resource management system.

Role of Rituals to Confront Disasters
In both Abra and Ifugao societies, rituals are an integral part of their daily lives. Whileperformed in many occasions including important ones before planting and harvesting rice,rituals also serve as protection from disasters.
Among Itneg groups, pinaing, a sacred space comprised of a collection of river stones
representing deities, constitutes the centre of their beliefs and ritual activities and alsofunctions as the core of the community. According to the ritual specialists in Manabo,
major natural hazards such as typhoons, droughts and earthquakes are explicitly describedwithin their cosmology in relation to various deities. In the case of typhoons, 10 siblings
cause various phenomena: one responsible for strong winds, one for heavy rains and soforth. When they recognise an impending typhoon, they would perform a ritual so that it
does not cause much damage.
In Ifugao, we have also been informed of various rituals protecting people from typhoons,
those to bring or stop rains and those to protect rice from pests although they are
ineffective for certain kinds of pests. Ritual specialists called mumbaki perform rituals, andtheir knowledge and skills are held and inherited within certain lineages. Despite theirfundamental role in Ifugao societies, transmission of ritual practice is in danger and thenumber of mumbakis has been declining because the remaining mumbakis are generally

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elders and younger generations are ge�ng less and less interested in learning suchtraditions.

Natural Hazards and ICH Practices
Weavers and wood carvers in Ifugao

An Ifugao weaver noted that landslides blocking roads make it difficult to obtain cotton
threads for weaving, as they are now generally purchased in Baguio. She practises
mud-dyeing, and the source of the special mud for this purpose is located within an areaof rice terraces. This source has been maintained over generations along with the
management of rice terraces, without any notable damage.
Woodcarving production has re-emerged through cultural revitalisation programmes andthe associated emphasis on tourism development. Thus, young generations of carvers arelearning the skill. Rather than the risk from natural hazards, they are more concerned
about excessive logging caused by an increased population and a higher demand for wood.
This and government regulations prohibiting logging activities both cause the decreased
availability of raw wood materials for carving.

Rice cultivation in Abra and Ifugao

In terms of the risk against hazards and disasters, local people’s anxieties in both Abra andIfugao are closely linked to the threat and damage to their rice production. As mentioned
earlier, typhoons and earthquakes that cause landslides and erosion which then damage
terraces are the major factors threatening their harvest, along with droughts and pests.
Traditional varieties of rice, which are important for subsistence and rituals, have beencultivated among the interviewed Ifugao and Itneg communities, while such varieties havebeen replaced in some areas by imported ones that grow much faster and are higher inproductivity. In Ifugao, rice wines (bayah) are necessary in the performance of rituals,
including informal ones.
The rice terraces in Ifugao have in fact demonstrated the successful transmission of
intangible knowledge and practice of rice cultivation for over hundreds of years. Everyhousehold owns a terrace and works under the leadership of the elite family (kadangyan)
having larger fields and yields. Artisans such as weavers, wood carvers, and blacksmiths arealso fundamentally farmers in many cases and prioritise working on their terraces as well.
As part of UNESCO’s World Heritage list, Ifugao’s rice terraces have received considerable
recognition from the international community. ICH elements inscribed on the
representative list of the 2003 Convention, Hudhud chants and Punnuk (tugging rituals), arealso part of Ifugao’s agricultural practice. In the contemporary context, the Ifugao riceterraces prove to be immensely valuable as a cultural resource intertwined with regional
development and tourism through cultural heritage promotion.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The traditional knowledge and practice of rice cultivation in Ifugao and Abra as well as local
resource management systems, such as the Itneg’s lapat system, may be consideredessential to environmental sustainability and disaster risk reduction.

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The interviews with indigenous peoples in Abra and Ifugao indicate the importance of
rituals in facing natural hazards and disasters. As an integral part of the community and as
an articulation of their belief system, rituals provide people a sense of assurance orconfidence that they are protected from any calamities including natural ones. More
importantly, rituals play a significant role in shaping their cultural identity as indigenous
people.
No disasters have devastated these regions in recent years, but ritual practices themselves
are facing decline because transmission of ritual knowledge has not been successful inmany communities. In the long run, this could weaken the integrity of their cultural
systems and thus reduce their ability to cope with natural hazards.

REFERENCES

Bündnis Entwicklung Hil� (2017). World risk report: Analysis and prospects 2017. Berlin: Bündnis
Entwicklung Hil�.
Cole, F.C. (1915). Traditions of the Tinguian: A study in Philippine folk-lore. Field Museum of Natural
History Publication 180, Anthropological Series, vol. XIV, no 1. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural
History.
Cole, F.C. (1922). The Tinguian: Social, religious and economic life of a Philippine tribe. Field Museum of
Natural History Publication 209, Anthropological Series, vol. XIV, no. 2. Chicago: Field Museum of
Natural History.
Local Governance Regional Resource Centre (n.d., a). LGU Proﬁle: Province of Abra. [online] Baguio:
Department of the Interior and Local Government, Cordillera Administrative Region. Available at:
http://www.dilgcar.com/index.php/2015-07-10-04-38-51/province-of-abra [Accessed 19 Mar. 2018]
Local Governance Regional Resource Centre (n.d., b). LGU Proﬁle: Province of Ifugao. [online] Baguio:
Department of the Interior and Local Government, Cordillera Administrative Region. Available at:
http://www.dilgcar.com/index.php/2015-07-10-09-25-49/province-of-ifugao [Accessed 19 Mar. 2018]
Respicio, N.A. (n.d.) Unraveling the Itneg epic, redeﬁning Itneg identity. (Unpublished abstract paper for
Panel in Oral Literature and Sense of Belonging).
Peralta, J.T. (2000) Glimpses, peoples of the Philippines. Manila: National Commission for Culture and theArts (NCCA).
Peralta, J.T. (ed.) (2013) Pinagmulan: Enumerations from the Philippine inventory of intangible cultural
heritage. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) and ICHCAP.

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INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE FOR DISASTER PREPAREDNESS,RECOVERY AND RESILIENCE AGAINST NATURAL HAZARDS IN A
COMMUNITY IN SAN NICOLAS, BATANGAS, THE PHILIPPINES
Soledad N. M. Dalisay1 and Madilene B. Landicho1

INTRODUCTION
Early studies on natural hazards and disasters have been dominated by the more technicalaspects as well as the design of engineering solutions in the mitigation of these hazards.
Recent developments in hazards and disaster research, however, reﬂect the growinginterest of social scientists in this field. This has been attributed to the success of the
Simeulueans and the Moken in using local knowledge for stemming massive destruction
when a tsunami hit their villages on December 26, 2004 (Dalisay, 2014). Moreover, thisincident has drawn the attention of international organisations to the roles of various
domains of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) including local knowledge, in disaster risk
preparedness, recovery and resilience. Some of the relevant literature in this context
looked into local beliefs involving signs from plants, animals and celestial bodies in
predicting the occurrences of hazards (Pareek and Trivedi, 2011; Dalisay and Tatel, 2011;
Cerdena 2008; Irfanullah and Motaleb, 2011). Others cited beliefs in the supernatural in
relation to how people viewed hazards in their environment (Roncoli, Crane and Orlove,2009). Folklore was also viewed as repositories of the wisdom of the elders and spoke oflessons on how to cope with the dangers posed by hazards and inform people about what
to do or where to go when faced with hazards (Ngoc Huy and Shaw, 2008; Arunotai,2008). Other studies pointed out the value of social capital in times of disasters (Rumbachand Foley, 2014; Henry, 2007).
This paper aims to contribute to the expanding field of disaster social science, bypresenting a case study of a community in a province in the Philippines and how thepeople in this community engaged with natural hazards through specific domains of ICH.
Furthermore, this paper will also delve into the impact of natural hazards and disasters on
the various domains of ICH. Disaster vulnerability does not cover people alone. The
integrity and sustainability of ICH is also vulnerable to disasters. ICH gives a group ofpeople a sense of community and identity. It is a vital aspect of the everyday lives of acommunity of people. ICH provides people with the tools and knowledge with which they
could effectively cope with their environments. On the other hand, ICH could also
contribute to people’s vulnerability to hazards. Because of the importance of ICH in
peoples’ lives, it is vital to ensure that the safeguards to ensure its continuity are in place.

1

138

Anthropology Department, University of the Philippines-Diliman

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Objectives of the study
In general, this study aimed to present narratives of disaster in the context of domains of
ICH in a community in the Batangas province in the Philippines (Figure 1). Morespecifically, this study aimed to:a. Describe the experiences of people in a community in southern Luzon island of thePhilippines as they engage with natural hazards in their environment.
b. Identify domains of ICH relevant to peoples’ engagement with natural hazards.
c. Determine as to why new forms of ICH were developed and how these wereincorporated in the people’s ways of life and their worldviews.
d. Identify the roles of ICH in people’s preparedness, recovery, and resilience in theface of disasters.

Methodology
A focused group discussion (FGD) among selected community members with experiencesof disasters were identified and recruited for the study. A total of seven informants
participated in the FGD. Almost all except for one were in the 60–85 years age range. The
youngest was 61 years old and the oldest was 84 years old. All the FGD participants used
to live in the pulo or island at the foot of the volcano. They were bakwit or evacuees who
had originally resided in the island at the foot of the crater of the volcano. They ﬂed theisland during the volcano’s eruption in 1965 and permanently resettled in a community justacross the island. All the informants were married and had adult children, some of whom
also lived in the community while the others were living abroad as Overseas Filipino
Workers (OFW). All of them were already retired. In-depth interviews were also conductedwith informants that included young adults to gather additional information on thecommunity members’ experiences with natural hazards particularly, in the role of relevant
ICH domains in this context. Ethical consideration included seeking informed consent of thestudy informants for both the FGD and the in-depth interviews as well as to include theirphotographs in the report. Actual names of the informants were not included in thereport; pseudonyms were used instead. The name of the study community within themunicipality of San Nicolas was also not mentioned in the report.

THE STUDY COMMUNITY
The study was conducted in a small barangay or community within the municipality of San
Nicolas in Batangas province, the Philippines. San Nicolas is composed of 18 barangays
which used to be part of the older municipality of Taal—established in 1572 by the Spanish
colonisers. In 1955, the 18 barangays were separated from Taal and formed a newmunicipality which is now San Nicolas. Almost all of these 18 barangays are located on the
shores of the Taal Lake which surrounds the small crater of the Taal Volcano. San Nicolas is
the smallest municipality in the Province of Batangas with a land area of 14.37 km2 only. It
is classified as a 5th class municipality. The population is estimated to be 22,623 based on
the census in 2015. Up until the most recent eruption of Taal Volcano in 1965, the main
source of living was farming and fishing.
This study focused on one of the barangays or communities in San Nicolas. Currently, manyof the families in the study barangay depended on one or more family members who are

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Figure 1
Map of the Philippines showing the locationof Batangas province (The Oﬃcial Website
of LOBO, 2010).

OFWs in the Middle East and Europe. Situated right across the lake from the crater of the
Taal Volcano, the barangay is the largest in the municipality in terms of population, having
a total of 2,980, according to the 2015 household survey conducted by the local
government. It is also composed mostly of families who had evacuated the foot of the Taal
Volcano following its 1965 eruption. The evacuees felt that the area across the lake wassafe from the hazards that the volcano posed. More importantly, they already had relatives
who were residing in this area. Hence, they were warmly welcomed and were provided
with much needed material and emotional assistance in the a�ermath of the eruption.
Within the barangay is a chapel as almost all of the residents are practising Catholics. They
have a health centre and a small public market. Sari-sari stores are small stores sellingitems tingi (by piece) such as processed food and products used for cooking and bathing,school supplies, among others. The local government of San Nicolas and all its barangays
has a disaster risk reduction and management office as mandated by the law.
San Nicolas is very close to the municipality of Taal, the latter being a major historical,
tourist and commercial site. Residents of San Nicolas would o�en travel to the publicmarket in Taal for their needs as the local market in their own municipality does not offer
the range of food and other products that could be found in Taal. Restaurants and resorts
are also more common in Taal. Taal is also known for its cra�s that include intricate
embroidery done on very fine Philippine silk cloths like the jusi and the pina (Taal Heritage
Town n.d.). While the cloth itself is woven elsewhere in the Philippines, the embroidery isdone in Taal. The material is sewn into clothing of both men and women and is usuallyworn on formal occasions (Figure 2).

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Figure 2
Embroidered pina cloth from
Taal depicting the callado
technique and beading(©Soledad N. Dalisay, 2017)

Other cra�s in Taal include the balisong (fan knife). There are also food delicacies like thekapeng barako (coffee), tapang Taal (processed beef or pork), the suman (rice cake), thepanutsa (peanuts in caramelised brown sugar) and the tawilis (Sardinella tawilis) which is a
species of fish that supposedly exists only in the freshwaters of Taal Lake.
Taal is also considered a heritage town because it is home to the Minor basilica which was
supposedly built during the Spanish colonial period of the Philippines. This basilica is amajor place of worship for devout Catholics including the people from San Nicolas.
Moreover, as was customary during the period, the houses of the Spanish elites were built
in close proximity to the church. Today, many of the colonial architecture still stand within
the vicinity of the Basilica. Some have been converted to museums and restaurants. Hence,
this town has been named as one of the heritage towns in the Philippines which attract
both local and foreign tourists. It is also a gateway to the Taal Volcano which is just abanca ride away and another tourist attraction. It has a local heritage office and has beenworking on having the town listed as one of the UNESCO World Heritage sites.
Taal has its own Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office under the local
government. This office is responsible for all programmes and projects on DRRM within its
jurisdiction.

NATURAL HAZARDS EXPERIENCED
When asked about natural hazards that they have experienced in their area, all theinformants mentioned that there were typhoons, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. The
Philippines itself experiences around 20 typhoons in a year and many of these passthrough San Niclolas.
The study informants mentioned that the bagyo (typhoons) were quite regular but none ofthese were as significant as volcanic eruptions, since lives were not lost and property was
not severely damaged. The only typhoon they remember to be particularly devastating was
Typhoon Rosing (International Code Name Angela) which made landfall in 1995. The
respondents described the Typhoon Rosing to be strong enough that roofs of the houses ofsome of the residents were blown away and ﬂood waters entered their homes.
Earthquakes or lindol were experienced by the residents but these were regarded more as

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signs of an impending volcanic eruption rather than a hazard by itself. Their experiences ofearthquakes had always been in association with the eruption of Taal.
What seemed to be clearly etched in the informants’ memories were the eruptions of the
Taal Volcano they referred to as pagsabog ng bulkan. While the volcano’s most recent
eruption had been in 1977, it was the 1965 eruption that had caused major damage andloss of lives enough for most of the village folk that lived in the settlement at the foot ofthe volcano to move to other areas permanently. All of the FGD participants and most of
the interviewees were old enough to have experienced the 1965 eruption of the Taal
Volcano and they all had vivid memories of the eruption that broke the silence andtranquillity of the early morning of September 28, 1965.

PERCEPTIONS OF THE VOLCANO AND VOLCANIC ERUPTIONSThe Taal Volcano is the second most active volcano in the Philippines a�er the Mayon
Volcano which is located in the Albay Province (Phivolcs, n.d.). It has an elevation of 0.311
km and is described as a complex volcano composed of the main Crater Lake, the Taal
Caldera and the Taal Lake. Taal Lake fills the volcano’s caldera. It has had more than 30
eruptions in recorded history since the 1500s (VolcanoDiscovery, n.d.). Its majestic conecommands quite a view from vantage points from two provinces and one city within its
environs. It can be easily viewed from Tagaytay city and Batangas and Cavite provinces. Theview from the study barangay presents an impressive sight of the volcano’s caldera. For atourist who has not experienced the 1965 eruption of Taal, the view is quite impressive
and haunting. However, for those who have been part of the frenetic efforts to escape themagma and ash spewed by the volcano in 1965, the view is fearsome and foreboding(Figure 3).
The study informants appear to be ambivalent about the Taal Volcano. On one hand, it has
wrought so much devastation and loss, specifically during its eruption in 1965, and those
who have experienced it still hold the painful memories of their suffering. On the other
hand, the volcano has also been a source of abundant resources and many of the village
people depend on the fertile soil at the footsteps of Mount Taal and the lake surrounding

Figure 3
The Taal Crater and Taal Lake(©Soledad N. Dalisay, 2017)

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it for their living until this day. Hence, some families have returned to the island regardlessof the threat of another equally devastating explosion. The volcano is also a viable sourceof income in another way; it is currently a popular tourist attraction. The local
governments of San Nicolas and Taal have capitalised on the volcano’s popularity throughorganised tours with banca rides to the crater and other activities such as horseback riding
and treks in areas around the crater itself. Locals earn income as guides too.
There are constructions going on around the lake, turning its once sandy shores into a bay
walk. They are preparing for an expected inﬂux of tourists especially because a few resorts
owned by foreigners have started to operate in nearby towns.
For all of the study informants, the Taal Volcano’s eruption is something to be feared.
While there were those in the community who were too young to have experienced the1965 eruption, their elders have relayed to them enough of the stories of devastation andsuffering to make them fear the volcano. According to the informants of this study, they
still fear crossing the lake going towards the volcano. Whenever they cross, the lake theywould recall images of that fateful day in 1965.
The study informants, however, did not agree as to whether another explosion would still
be possible. Elsa, one of the informants, felt that because the Taal Volcano had not
erupted for several decades since its last eruption in 1977, it will most likely not erupt
anymore. Lina, another informant, however, countered this notion by saying that traydor
ang bulkan (the volcano is a traitor). It is mabagsik (fierce). She compared it with theMayon Volcano in Albay, another province in the Philippines, by saying that unlike theMayon Volcano which gives signs of an impending explosion by emi�ng smoke from its
crater, the Taal Volcano is ‘silent’ and does not give warning signs. It just suddenly
explodes.

THE VOLCANIC ERUPTION OF 1965
Because the eruption of the Taal Volcano in 1965 had been significant in the lives of thestudy informants, it is vital to narrate some of the informant’s personal experiences in thisreport. The stories of Tatay Tonio and Nanay Madring are relayed herein.
The volcanic eruption took place in the very early hours of the morning of September 28,
1965. During this hour, most of the residents at the foot of the volcano’s crater wereasleep; hence, the eruption had been quite deadly with some of them no longer waking up
to save their lives. Tatay Tonio shared during the FGD session that warnings were allegedly
not given out to the residents because the one who was supposed to give out the warning
did not want to disturb the sleep of the residents. He opted to wait till the daybreak towarn the residents of the possibility of an eruption. He probably did not think at that timethat danger was imminent. The eruption, however, occurred before daybreak. The volcano
spewed fire, stone and ash, burning everything around it. Several of those who were
awakened by the explosion managed to grab some of their belongings and ride on the
banca to move away from the island. Not everyone who was able to ﬂee, however,survived. According to Tatay Tonio, only those who ﬂed towards the north were saved.
Those who went to other directions were hit by the pyroclastic materials released by the
volcano and died. Those who followed the direction of the ﬂow of the water lilies on thelake went north towards Talisay and were the only survivors.

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Today, the local volcanology office has set up a warning system that will inform people of a
volcanic eruption. A batingaw (bell) was set up on the island and a staff member of the
volcanology office is supposed to ring it whenever the volcano is showing signs of an
eruption. Moreover, the Republic Act 10121 of 2010 or the Disaster Risk Reduction andManagement Act of 2010 (GOVPH, 2010) requires all levels of government to have a planand to carry out those plans to prevent the occurrence of disasters.

LOCAL ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL HAZARDS AND DISASTERS
Local Knowledge
Signs from nature

The informants mentioned some signs from nature that warned them of the coming of
natural hazards, particularly, the bagyo (typhoon) and pagsabog ng bulkan (volcanic
eruptions). These were identified during the FGDs as natural hazards that theyencountered in the barangay (Table 1).
Table 1

ICH in a community in Batangas, associated with hazards and disasters

HazardLocal ICH

Typhoons

Signs of an upcoming typhoon•Dag-im (cumulonimbus clouds)•Maiging na tunog ng hangin (howling winds)•Turbulent ﬂow of Taal Lake

Volcanic Eruptions

Signs of an impending eruption•Alulong (howls) of dogs
•Birds not usually seen in the island seek refuge in the houses•Naburog (rumblings heard from under the ground)•Unusual sounds from the lake similar to sound of water that got into
someone’s ears
•Extreme heat in the environment•Smoke from the volcano’s crater•Earthquakes of low intensity
Local tales of the supernatural•Water lilies showing the path to safety•Strange people seen on the island
Rites and Rituals to guard against disasters•Throwing coins and sweets on the lake to appease spirits•Avoiding greeting someone in the boat when crossing the lake
•Pagluluwa – prayer and procession

1. Signs of a coming typhoon

The presence of cumulonimbus clouds was seen as a sure indication of strong rains or
typhoons. They called these clouds dag-im and noted that the dag-im was usuallyaccompanied by strong, howling winds that they called maiging na tunog ng hangin andthat the level of the water of Taal Lake would be unusually high and full and the ﬂow wasquite turbulent prior to a typhoon. When these signs occurred all together, the residents
were alerted and they kept indoors and avoided crossing the lake at all costs.

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2. Signs of a volcanic eruption

Local signs from nature related to volcanic eruptions were also narrated by the informants.
Still vivid in the memories of the informants were the signs they had associated with theeruption of Taal Volcano in 1965. Since then, the villagers watch out for these signs thatwarn them of Taal’s eruption and prevent another disaster of the same proportions as
1965.
Animal signs involved dogs and birds. The informants narrated that the dogs were howlingin unison on the night before the eruption. They said that the dogs were umaalulong. Suchhowling from the dogs was usually perceived as an omen of a bad event that will soon
happen, not necessarily solely associated with volcanic eruptions. Moreover, unusual
species of birds landed in the island and sought refuge in the roofs of their homes. They
said the birds were nakikisilong sa bubong ng bahay (take refuge under the roofs of thehouses) as if to seek protection from something that would harm them.
Different sounds were heard from the environment. They supposedly heard rumblings
under the ground. They called these naburog. The informants described the sound as rocks
falling and hi�ng each other from below the ground. They said that Parang may
nagbabagsak ng bato sa ilalim (it sounded as if someone was dropping stones under the
ground). They also heard unusual sounds coming from the sea and the volcano itself.
Informants described these as a humming sound similar to what one hears when watergets inside one’s ear when swimming or taking a bath.
The volcano itself showed signs that it would erupt. It spewed smoke prior to its eruption.
The smoking volcano had probably been a majestic sight against the backdrop of extreme
heat in the environment.
Another sign was the successive earthquake of low intensity. The informants noted thatprior to the eruption, they already felt the tremors from several earthquake occurrences
but had not paid much attention to them perhaps because they were of low intensities.
They waited for announcements to come from the local volcanology office on the island.
Nena mentioned that the day prior to the eruption was uncomfortably hot and humid. The
heat was worse compared with the summer months and it was already September at thetime of the explosion. September was supposedly characterised by chilly winds. It was notjust the environment that was unusually hot; the underground water drawn by the pumps
which they drank was also unusually warm and so was the water in the lake.

3. Tales of visions of the supernatural as warnings about the volcanic eruption

Besides the signs from nature, the informants also told of the visions of local residents andthe tales of the supernatural that circulated among the people prior to the eruption. The
informants noted that similar visions and tales are not be ignored next time but heeded
and taken as omens of a major disaster.
Tasyo, one of the informants, told the tale of a vision he had prior to the eruption. He saw
water lily plants grouped together dri�ing on the Taal Lake northwards to the shores ofTalisay. He interpreted this as the plant showing people the way to safety. He said thatwhen the people evacuated from the foothills of the crater, those who ﬂed to Talisay were
saved whereas those who travelled to other directions were hit by fire and other

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pyroclastic materials so they never survived their journey.
Nanay Maria narrated another vision – a vision was of an elderly man carrying a nativebasket and an umbrella. He went around the island and was not a resident of the islandand no one knew him. He was with a lady who was carrying a small child. They were neverseen in the island before. Being a young teenager then, she was told by the elders that theold man was San Jose and the woman and child he was with were Mary and her child
Jesus Christ. They were said to have roamed the island as a sign or an omen of thedisaster that was to come. They did not know this then but had interpreted this a�er the
eruption.

Rites and rituals to guard against disasters
1. Appeasing the spirits of the lake

The volcano is not the only entity that people guard against. The lake itself surrounding theisland is also dealt with caution. It can claim lives and some of the local residents in thecommunity have drowned in the lake. They believe that the lake is enchanted and thespirits inhabiting the lake have to be appeased. Hence, the local people have adopted
several mechanisms to cross it.
One way in which people try to appease the spirits in the lake is by throwing coins andpieces of candy on the lake for the spirits to enjoy. They believe that the spirits play withthe coins and eat the candy. In this way, the spirits do not bother them. The informants
also mentioned that one should refrain from pag bati kahit may makitang kakaiba habang
tumatawid (i.e. avoid pointing out to someone or something one sees while crossing thelake). This will call the attention of the spirits to them and the spirits might take fancy onthem and harm them. Nowadays, they also make sure that there is enough gasoline in thetank of the boat that would ferry them across the lake. This way, they would not run out ofgasoline in the middle of crossing the lake and get stranded there for a long time. Staying
for an extended period in the middle of the lake will surely give the spirits time to get tothem. They also ensure that there are life jackets on board the ferry boats.

2. Pagluwa

One important dimension of guarding against disasters involved an age old religious ritualcalled pagluwa by people. The ritual involved the recitation of a prayer or luwa especiallymade for a particular devotee. The luwa is one of the highlights of the yearly feast in thecommunity celebrated every 26th of December, in commemoration of the feast of Our
Lady of Caysasay, the religious patron of the study site. It is one of the parts of theprocession which is done on the a�ernoon of the feast day. In the procession, images of
the Virgin of Perpetual Help and the Mahal na Birhen ng Caysasay (Blessed Virgin of
Caysasay) are carried by the locals and are paraded in the entire community and along thelake shore. The procession is interrupted by stops along homes of the devotees or naluwa
who recite the luwa particularly prepared for their personal intentions. A�er a round of thebarangay, the procession culminates with the return of the saintly images back to thetuklong where they are usually kept (Figure 4).
There are known individuals within the community who write prayers for the naluwa. The
only requirement for the writers of the prayers is that they should be skilled enough toensure that the words of the prayer rhyme. They must be skilled in pagtutugma (rhyming).
Kakang Peding and Kuya Kris are popular luwa or prayer writers in the community. Kakang

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Figure 4
Devotees carrying the image of the Mahal
na Birhen ng Caysasay during the April 2017
procession (©Soledad N. Dalisay, 2017. The
consent of the individuals in the photo wassought to include this in the report.)

Peding has been writing prayers since 1978 whereas Kuya Kris started more recently. Bothare what the people call taong simbahan or people of the church because of their
devotion to the Catholic faith. They serve as lectors or assist the priest during mass. Thereis no expectation of payment for the services of the luwa writer. This is considered a partof his religious indulgences. Perhaps, for the luwa writer, the rewards are to be enjoyed in
the a�erlife. Both may also be considered local artisans of a sort ‘weaving’ prayers withlocals as the medium of their cra�. While the current prayer writers are men, women are
not really barred from writing prayers for the naluwa. In fact, it is quite common for
individuals, both men and women, to write their own prayers. The prayer consists of twoparts; the first part relays the local lore about the virgin Mary and the community and thesecond part pertains to specific prayers for the safety of the naluwa against disasters andtheir personal wishes as well. A luwa can be used repeatedly. All of the study informants
firmly believed in the power of the ritual and have attributed the absence of majordisasters and strange deaths in the community to this.
Originally, the pagluwa was held only in December during the Feast of the Mahal na Birhen
ng Caysasay. However, following a series of strong earthquakes experienced in thecommunity, the ritual of the luwa was performed in April 2017. Lydia narrated that early in
April 2017, a series of earthquakes were felt
by the community members. Nanay Ading, a
traditional healer and seer, called for ameeting with the members of the communitybased organisation in charge of community
affairs. She ordered to immediately carry out aprocession of the images of the saints thecommunity was taking care of. She told themof a vision she had regarding the Taal Volcano.
Her vision was interpreted as an omen of an
upcoming disaster. The community members
feared that the disaster of 1965 would occur
again. Upon the orders of Nanay Ading, theprocession began on April 6 2017 andcontinued for 11 days till 16 April 2017. One of
the locals performed the luwa at the beginning
as well as the end of the 11-day vigil. It washeld at dawn with almost all of the
Figure 5community members participating. The
Photograph of a luwa used by a devotee(©Soledad N. Dalisay, 2017)
pagluwa that held in April served as a

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pananggalang or protector with the specific intention of preventing the occurrence ofsakuna or disasters in the community. Young and old, men and women, participated in theprocession. The participation of the youth in the procession is a way of ensuring its
persistence. The ritual of the pagluwa will most likely be performed again at other times
whenever the community feels another threat of a disaster. Being devoutly religious, many
people in the study site have sought divine intervention as a means of coping with threats
from the environment. The practice of the pagluwa supposedly brings them feelings ofassurance that there is a supreme being who can control nature. The pagluwa is seen as aritual meant to be an act of supplication towards the supernatural (Figure 5).

HAZARDS AND DISASTERS AS OPPORTUNITIES FOR DEVELOPMENT
Perhaps, the greatest loss, besides the lives of loved ones in the 1965 eruption, was thesubsistence methods and tools used by the affected people. The people had to hurriedly
evacuate to save their lives and so they had very little time to gather valuables andbelongings. They le� their farm animals and implements. They also le� their fishing gears
behind. In the place where various population groups had evacuated, the evacuees had torecover and start life anew. Some stayed and established new residences and had to adjust
to a new social and economic order. They lost not only the fertile lands they tilled but also
the tools and other implements they needed to go back to their traditional farming andfishing methods. As a result, they had to adopt novel ways of earning a living.
All the study informants agreed that the eruption in 1965 was truly a life changing event.
They lost everything they had in their homes at the foothills of the volcano. They were notable to go back to their old livelihood of farming and fishing. The schools were all coveredby ashes. When they moved to new areas across Taal Lake, some went to Talisay, some toLaurel, some to Agoncillo, Lumampao and Tanauan and some to Bancoro in San Nicolas, allwithin the Province of Batangas. In their new homes, they experienced hardships in trying
to recover their losses. Life at the foothills of the volcano had been easy for them. They
were blessed with abundant harvests from the fertile soil and a bounty catch from the lake.
The informants mentioned that at the foot of the volcano, they did not need to exert much
effort because food was abundant and easy to get. Nature had been kind to them and thus
they did not aspire for a better life. They were content with only elementary education
because there was no need for higher education to survive in their small town by the
volcano. Moving away from the volcano, however, they were forced to compete with thelocals in the area which they now considered their new home and work places. They beganrealising that they needed to develop skills and knowledge for surviving in the newenvironment. With their current skills and know-how, they simply could not provide for adecent life for their families. Hence, they started to consider other livelihood options. At
about this time, the Philippines had adopted overseas employment as a stopgap economic
strategy to stem the growing problem of the lack of available jobs for its citizens. Engineersand healthcare providers were going abroad for lucrative, better paying jobs. This had beena strategy particularly adopted by some of the families that had evacuated Taal. The
informants had relatives who had migrated to countries abroad for greener pastures andfared well. They were able to find appropriately paying decent jobs in Spain, Austria andother European countries. More and more of the townsfolk were being recruited byrelatives working abroad. The succeeding generations had aspired to earn university
degrees for job placement abroad. The small town soon became known as a town of
where most families had at the least one member who was a contract worker abroad.

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While not all of those who went abroad had been lucky, there were enough successfulcommunity members to sustain the aspiration for overseas work. With the remittances,
they were able to build concrete homes, send their children to school and afford small
luxuries such as electronic gadgets and imported branded clothing. With time, the small
town progressed. Thus, one of the study informants articulated the view that the 1965
disaster particularly had brought them swerte or good luck. In her view, the disaster had
brought them an opportunity to improve the lives of the people in her town.
Some of the study informants narrated that a�er the mass evacuation of residents fromthe foot of the volcano in 1965 a�er the explosion, some of their neighbours in the island
had returned to their old homes in the island in spite of warnings from the local
volcanology office and advice that they permanently move to safer grounds. In an effort toforce the residents to evacuate from the danger zone, the local government allegedly
refused persistent requests from the residents to build a school on the island to allow theirchildren access to education without moving out. The local government had not beensuccessful here. From the perspective of the implementers of government programmes,
people’s refusal to leave reﬂects obstinacy and made it difficult for DRRM personnel toevacuate them from hazard zones. The study informants claimed that the people whochose to stay in the island believed in their local knowledge of the volcano. They claimed
to know the signs and were prepared to evacuate at the slightest indication of a volcanic
eruption. The informants shared that the people in the island relied on the fertile soil in theisland and the abundant fish in the lake for their subsistence and do not know of any otherway of life. For them, living within the danger zone of the volcano was a better option.
A�er all, how o�en does the volcano explode? They would much face a future with therisk of an occasional volcanic explosion rather than face the present with hunger if they live
outside of the sphere of their traditional subsistence zones.

MECHANISMS OF SOCIAL COHESION CONTRIBUTING TO DRM
One aspect of the community that was viewed as essential to DRRM was that almost all of
the community people were related either by blood or marriage. This contributed to what
they referred to as pagkakaisa or unity. Moreover, the elders enjoyed respect and the
young were likely to follow their orders. Hence, it was easy to implement sound DRR
practices that elders approve of. It seems that strong familial bonds transcend thehousehold and contribute to community DRR efforts. Being in the company of relations
also ensured that their social safety net was in place during times of hardships or disasters.
In this small community of a little more than 2,000 individuals, everyone claimed to looka�er each other. This sense of community has contributed immensely to disaster
preparedness, recovery and resilience.
Apparently, because of the strong sense of community, it had been easy to organise people
to inform each other of preparedness measures such as disseminating vital information on
the coming of a typhoon, for instance. Each member took it upon themselves to informtheir relatives and neighbours. There was a community based people’s organisation thatmade the dissemination of information systematic. Thus, when the need to conduct an
impromptu pagluwa in April 2017 was deemed to be necessary by the community
organisation, enjoining everyone’s participation in the ritual had not been difficult. Helping
each other, especially relatives, a�er a disaster had also been exemplary among the peopleof the community. Relatives very readily accepted into the homes of their relatives who

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had ﬂed from the island during the explosion of 1965. They had been taken care of, bothmaterially and in terms of the provision of emotional support during the recovery period.
Hence, all of these had built upon the people’s resilience.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The study informants living in a small community in Batangas, narrated their experiences ofhazards in their environment. Living in close proximity of the crater of the Taal Volcano, thestudy informants regarded the volcano with ambivalence. On one hand, they feared thevolcano because of the potential destruction and loss of lives that a volcanic eruption could
bring. On the other hand, they the enjoyed the fertile soil as well as the abundance ofresources on the lake surrounding the crater; hence, they were hesitant to leave thevicinity of the crater. Moreover, the volcano has become an important tourist attraction
generating jobs for the locals. As a tourist attraction, it has also become a source of pride
because their small community has become known among international tourists and it has
been listed in tourist guide books. In the process, they faced risk and danger in the eventof a volcanic explosion. Another hazard commonly faced by the people is typhoons. In fact,
typhoons were more commonly experienced than volcanic eruptions since the entire
country of the Philippines is normally visited by 20 or more typhoons in any given year.
However, for the study informants, the volcano was considered a more significant hazard
because of its potential to be more damaging to life and property.
The study informants had shared some of the domains of ICH that had been particularly
helpful in their efforts to prepare and recover from their encounters with hazards. In
particular, they told of local knowledge in the form of signs from animals such as dogs andbirds, unusual sounds from the ground and the lake and folk tales about the supernaturalthat warned them of an upcoming typhoon or volcanic eruption. They also possessedanimistic beliefs about spirits in the Taal Lake and performed rites and rituals in which they
believed so as not to displease the spirits which in effect, prevented disasters fromhappening. The study informants, likewise, exhibited resilience in their willingness to adapt
to the environment by innovation in their rituals. The holding of the pagluwa outside of its
usual religious calendar reﬂects this. Moreover, the strong sense of community among its
members had also been a vital factor in their preparedness, recovery and resilience.
It is important to point out that from the perspective of DRRM programme implementers,
the community’s environment is a hazard zone and all communities residing therein mustbe evacuated to avoid disasters. From the perspective of the community members,
however, this zone is also a zone of opportunities for social and economic development.
Hazards had been a part of the study informants’ everyday lives. Every day in theircommunity comes with the risk of a volcanic eruption or a typhoon. They live every day
coping with this possibility using various forms of ICH shared by the study informants in thisstudy. The local knowledge they had, the rites and rituals they performed, the tales they
retold to the younger generations, as well as the way they organised themselves as acommunity composed of relatives, friends and neighbours allowed the people to carry on
with their lives and live as resilient communities in their environment even with theconstant threat of hazards. With these contrasting perspectives, it is vital that thecommunity and DRRM planners sit down and discuss the viable courses of action thatwould enable people to live in safe, hazard free environments that support their ways ofearning a living. Because of the important role of ICH in how people engaged with hazards

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in their environment, it would be wise for DRRM planners to incorporate some elements
thereof, in the work that they do. For instance, knowledge in volcanology and meteorology
can be framed through the people’s local knowledge. Conversely, local knowledge could be
explained through the principles of volcanology and meteorology. Risk informa�on can bedisseminated using the local language for be�er understanding by the people. In doing so,
one may realise that what was once considered as two diﬀerent knowledge streams are
actually not mutually exclusive a�er all.

REFERENCES

Arunotai, N. (2008). Saved by an old legend and a keen observa�on: the case of Moken sea nomads inThailand. In: R. Shaw, N. Uy and J. Baumwoll, eds., Indigenous knowledge for disaster risk reduction:
good practices and lessons learned from experiences in the Asia-Paciﬁc region, Bangkok: UNISDR, pp.
73–78. Available at: h�p://www.unisdr.org/ﬁles/3646_IndigenousKnowledgeDRR.pdf [Accessed 1 May
2015].
Cerdena, G. (2008). Indigenous know-how on Mayon Volcano’s lava-spi�le mys�cism. In: R. Shaw, N. Uy
and J. Baumwoll, eds., Indigenous knowledge for disaster risk reduction: good practices and lessons
learned from experiences in the Asia-Paciﬁc region, Bangkok: UNISDR, pp. 55–58. Available at: h�p://www.unisdr.org/ﬁles/3646_IndigenousKnowledgeDRR.pdf [Accessed 1 May 2015].
Dalisay, S.N.M. (2014). Engaging local knowledge for disaster risk reduc�on. Kasarinlan: Philippine Journalof Third World Studies, 29(2), pp. 75–102.
Dalisay, S.N.M. and Tatel. C.P.Jr. (2011). The ravaging storm: providing an anthropological lens to thestudy of disaster in two barangays in Tiwi, Albay. In: C.P. Tatel, Jr., ed., Ethnographies of disaster,Legaspi: Aquinas University of Legaspi, pp. 19–36.
GOVPH (2010). Republic Act No. 10121. [online] Available at: http://www.officialgazette.gov.
ph/2010/05/27/republic-act-no-10121/ [Accessed 21 Jan. 2018].
Henry, D. (2007). Anthropological contribu�ons to the study of disaster. In: D. McEn�re, ed., Disciplines,
disaster and emergency management: the convergence of concepts, issues and trends from theresearch literature, Illinois: Charles C. Thomas, pp. 111–123.
Irfanullah, H.M. and Motaleb, M.A. (2011). Reading nature’s mind: disaster management by indigenous
peoples of Bangladesh. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, [online] 10(1), pp. 80–90. Available
at: http://nopr.niscair.res.in/bitstream/123456789/11068 /4/IJTK%2010%281%29%2080-90.pdf[Accessed 1 May 2015].
The Oﬃcial Website of LOBO (2010). Map & Location. [online] Available at: h�p://www.lobo.gov.ph/index.php?op�on=com_content&view=ar�cle&id=52&Itemid=59 [Accessed 23 Feb. 2018].
Ngoc Huy, N. and Shaw, R. (2008). Weather forecas�ng through indigenous knowledge for crop
cul�va�on in the drought prone area of Vietnam. In: R. Shaw, N. Uy and J. Baumwoll, eds.,
Indigenous knowledge for disaster risk reduction: good practices and lessons learned from experiencesin the Asia-Paciﬁc region, Bangkok: UNISDR, pp. 79–82. Available at: h�p://www.unisdr.org/
ﬁles/3646_IndigenousKnowledgeDRR.pdf [Accessed 1 May 2015].
Pareek, A. and Trivedi, P.C. (2011). Cultural values and indigenous knowledge of climate change anddisaster predic�on in Rajasthan, India. Indian Journal of Traditional Knowledge, [online] 10(1), pp.
183–89. Available at: http://nopr.niscair.res.in/bitstream/123456789/11079/1/IJTK%20
10%281%29%20183-189.pdf [Accessed 30 Apr. 2015].
Phivolcs (n.d.). Taal volcano. [online] Available at: h�p://www.phivolcs.dost.gov.ph/html/update_VMEPD/
Volcano/VolcanoList/taal.htm.
Roncoli, C., Crane, T., and Orlove, B. (2009). Fielding climate change in Cultural Anthropology. In: Crate, S.
and Nu�al, M., eds., Anthropology and climate change: from encounters to actions, California: Le�
Coast Press, Inc., pp. 87–115.
Rumbach, A. and Foley, D. (2014). Indigenous ins�tu�ons and their role in disaster risk reduc�on andresilience: evidence from the 2009 tsunami in American Samoa. Ecology and Society, [online] 19(1),p. 19. Available at: h�p://dx/doi/org/10.5751/ES-06189-90119 [Accessed 30 Apr. 2015].
Volcanodiscovery (n.d.). Taal volcano. [online] Available at: h�ps://www.volcanodiscovery.com/taal.html

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[Accessed 21 Jan. 2018].
Taal Heritage Town (n.d.). Hand Embroidery. [online] Available at: http://taal.com.ph/index.php/localproducts/hand-embroidery/ [Accessed 21 Jan. 2018].

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ICH AND NATURAL DISASTERS IN BLACK HÀ NHÌ AND
RED DAO COMMUNITIES IN LÀO CAI PROVINCE, VIETNAM

Phan Phương Anh1 and Vũ Cảnh Toàn2

INTRODUCTION
On the morning of 10 August 2008, I received a phone call from Dr Trần Hữu Sơn, Directorof the Department of Culture, Sports and Tourism (DCST) of Lào Cai province at the time.
With a very emotional voice, Dr Sơn announced the death of the ‘whole Tùng Chỉn village’of the Red Dao people by a ﬂash ﬂood, which had occurred the night before, burying andwashing away 19 houses and killing more than 20 people. I first met Dr Sơn about a year
ago while, with three other colleagues from the Vietnam Institute of Culture and Art
Studies (VICAS), we were visiting the region to collect data for a small research project on
the application of indigenous knowledge on agricultural production in the Bát Xát district(Lào Cai province). In fact, I had conducted fieldwork in the next village (Phìn Ngan),situated about 5 km from Tùng Chỉn village at a higher altitude. Phìn Ngan did not have any
human loss, but most of the paddy fields and crops were damaged, as with many othervillages in the Trịnh Trường commune. Although I had learned of this news from the media
before his call, I cannot describe how shocked I was when Mr Sơn called me from the siteof the disaster, as my memories of the scenic landscape of the region and its wonderfulpeople were still so fresh. He immediately raised the question about the link between theaffected individuals’ livelihood and the disaster. This question has followed me for many years.
The same village, Tùng Chỉn, was affected nine years later, on 26 August 2017, by anotherﬂash ﬂood that damaged five villages in the Trịnh Tường commune. This was a small event
compared to the 2008 ﬂash ﬂood. However, one man in this village was washed away (hewas later found about 20 km away in the Red River), about 60 heads of livestock were
killed, and a dozen hectares of rice fields and crops were damaged (Phương Liên, 2017).
These events raise many questions, including the following:• What is the relationship between ﬂash ﬂoods and the livelihood (i.e. wet-riceculture in terraced rice fields) of the Dao people in mountainous areas?
• Why are the Dao people in Bát Xát more vulnerable to ﬂash ﬂoods as comparedwith their neighbours, such as the Black Hà Nhì community?
• What is the link among the Dao people’s knowledge, livelihood and vulnerability tonatural disasters?
1
2

Department of Anthropology, University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University,
Hanoi.
Institute for Social and Environmental Transition-International in Vietnam (ISET-Vietnam), Hanoi.

153

This project provides an invaluable opportunity to conduct a survey on intangible cultural
heritage (ICH) preservation, disaster risk management (DRM) and disaster risk reduction(DRR). We compare the knowledge, livelihood practices and vulnerabilities of two ethnic
communities (the Red Dao and the Black Hà Nhì) living at the same altitude in Lào Cai
province to help elucidate the role of ICH in the DRM/DRR process. Although the focus ison two districts, including Bát Xát and Sa Pa, which have been highly exposed to natural
hazards, and where there is a high concentration of these two ethnic groups, we also
provide some background information about the DRM structure and process on a broader
scale (i.e. at the provincial and national levels). In addition, relevant examples from otherparts of the province are cited to illustrate the story.

OBJECTIVE
The overall objective of this report is to assess the current condition of ICH at the local
level in relation to natural hazards. The concrete objectives of the study are as follows:• Understand the DRM body, planning and current practices at the provincial/district/communal levels and the place of the cultural sector in this process• Examine the importance/significance of ICH in the process of DRR in mitigating theimpact of natural disasters• Understand the impact of natural disasters on ICH• Identify non-climate factors inﬂuencing the safeguarding of ICH, and thus thevulnerability of ethnic community groups to natural disasters, and identify gaps in
ICH management in relation to DRR/DRM

METHODOLOGY
The main methods used to prepare this report included the following:• Primary data collection about ICH in the Black Hà Nhì and Red Dao communities in
the Bát Xát district from 2007
• Secondary data collection of documents, including ICH- and DRM-related polices andplans, government reports, project reports, academic literature, online newspapers
and government websites• Document review and analysis• Interviews with ICH and DRM researchers, government officials leading ICH andculture management in Lào Cai, as well as DRM practitioners

UNDERSTANDING THE LOCALITY AND COMMUNITY SITUATIONSBasic Information on Lào Cai Province
Natural conditions (geographical position, topography)

Lào Cai province is located in the mountainous northern region at the highest elevation
zones of Vietnam. The province shares its borders with China in the north and otherprovinces, including Hà Giang, in the east, Lai Châu in the west and Yên Bái in the south.
The region has a total area of about 6,384 km2 (LSO, 2015) and had a population of 684.3

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thousand people in 2016 (Lào Cai Gov, 2016). The province is divided into nineadministrative units, including Lào Cai (the capital of the province) and eight rural districts(Mường Khương, Bát Xát, Bắc Hà, Bảo Thắng, Sapa, Bảo Yên, Văn Bàn and Si Ma Cai), with164 communes and wards (Lào Cai Gov, 2016). However, the most important economic,
political, cultural, social and educational activities and critical urban infrastructures areconcentrated in Lào Cai. Located less than 300 km northwest of Hanoi at the gate of theKunming (China)–Lào Cai–Hà Nội–Hải Phòng economic corridor, Lào Cai plays an importantrole in connecting Vietnam and member states of the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) countries with Yunnan and the southwest region of China.
Lào Cai province has a complex and highly diverse topography, with three types of terrain,including: (i) high mountainous and a hilly terrain with elevations above 1,500 m,
accounting for about 21% of the province’s natural area. This terrain covers most districtsin the eastern ﬂank area of the Hoàng Liên Sơn range in the Bát Xát, Sa Pa and Văn Bàn
districts and is the highest part of the Bắc Hà district. The high elevation level makes thisarea the most remote and difficult to access and thus is among the least developed (Lào
Cai Gov, 2016). People living in this part of the province face challenges of water scarcity
and extremely low temperatures; (ii) the middle-level mountains with elevation levels
between 700 m and 1,500 m, covering up to 35% of the total provincial area anddistributed in districts belonging to the Hoàng Liên Sơn range, including Bát Xát, Sa Pa andthe highland area of Bắc Hà; and (iii) low mountains and alluvial terrain located along rivers
with elevations below 700 m, covering about 43% of the province’s total natural area.
Cities along the Red River and Chảy River, including Lào Cai, Cam Đường, Bảo Thắng, BảoYên and the east side of the Văn Bàn district are located at lower elevations, with lesschallenging topography, granting more convenient access to transport, markets, production
activities and services. The less dangerous and less steep terrain with fields and valleys are
more favourable areas for agriculture and forestry production or construction of
infrastructure development.
The majority of areas in the province are about 300 m above sea level, with the highest
mountain peaks reaching over 3,000 m above sea level (Fansipan is the highest peak in
Vietnam at 3,143 m above sea level, followed by Tả Giàng Phìn at 2,850 m) (LSO, 2015).

Environment and population

Lào Cai province is largely covered by forests that account for up to 52% of the province’s
total area (LSO, 2015). The province also has rich and varied types of mineral resources,
among which the most valuable include copper, molybdenum, apatite and iron. The water
resources of the province are provided by roughly 107 streams (LCPPC, 2017). The mainriver in Lào Cai is Hong River (Red River), which originates in China and ﬂows towards the
Ha Noi, Nậm Thi and Chảy Rivers.
Lào Cai has 13 main ethnic groups (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017).3 The most important groups innumber are the Kinh (35.9%), H’mông (22.21%), Tày (15.84%), Dao (Yao in Chinese)(14.05%), Giáy (4.7%), Nùng (4.4%) (Lào Cai Gov, 2016) and other smaller groups, including
Phù Lá, Sán Chay, Hà Nhì, La Chí, Bố Y, Hoa, Mường and Thái. At the communal level, thepopulation is comprised of different ethnic groups or sub-groups, but at the village level,3

The province has 25 different ethnic groups in official statistics. However, some groups count only afew people or only one family and do not constitute a cultural community (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2018).

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there is usually only one ethnic group (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017).
In addition to an important number of Kinh people4 who work in administration, services
and businesses in valleys and lowland areas, most of the population lives off of rice
planting and forest exploitation. Different ethnic groups living at various altitudes havedistinctive farming practices according to the geographical area. In the valleys and along
rivers and streams (from about 100 m to 400 m above sea level), rice fields and crops
usually belong to the Kinh, Tày, Thái, Nùng and Giáy peoples. The ethnic groups have somenarrow rice fields along streams in the Mường Khương, Bắc Hà, Bảo Yên and Bảo Thắng
districts but also have larger rice fields along the Red River in the Bát Xát district. From
700 m to more than 1,000 m, there is one group of Xà Phó (a branch of the Phù Lá group)and some branches of the Dao people (Dao họ, Dao Làn Tiẻn). They live near water
sources and cultivate terraced rice fields. At more than 700 m to 800 m above sea level,
there are three main groups: the Hmông, Hà Nhì and Dao. They work terraced rice fields
when they can find water sources. Otherwise, they practice shi�ing cultivation and forest
exploitation.

Climate and natural hazards

The two seasons in Lào Cai are the rainy season, from April to September, and the dry
season, from October to March of the following year. The province can be divided into two
climate regions: i) above 700 m: the annual average temperature ranges from 15oC to
20oC, and annual rainfall is about 1,800 mm to 2,000 mm; and ii) the lowland region:
temperatures vary from 23oC to 29oC and rainfall from 1,400 mm to 1,700 mm (LSO,
2015). A high degree of variation exists between regions and seasons. For instance, insome elevated mountainous areas in the Mường Khương and Bát Xát districts, the averageannual temperature is 15oC, while it is about 22.8oC in Lào Cai. Similarly, nearly eight
degrees of difference in the average temperature of the coldest month (i.e. May) exist
between Sa Pa and Lào Cai. The precipitation variation is likewise significant between areas.
For example, the annual precipitation in the east ﬂank area of the Hoàng Liên Sơn range,such as the southeast Si Ma Cai district, Bảo Yên district and northeast of the Bắc Hàdistrict, is greater than 2,500 mm, while it is only 1,700 mm in other areas, such as theMường Khương and Bảo Thắng districts and Lào Cai (LSO, 2015).
Regarding natural hazards, as a mountainous province characterised by high and sloping
terrains, Lào Cai province has suffered various types of hazards, such as ﬂash ﬂoods,
landslides, inundation, lightning, thunderstorms, tornadoes and extreme cold temperaturesand heat waves. Among these, ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides are considered the mostdangerous. Additionally, fog and frost are common phenomena in the province, especiallyduring winter (Lào Cai Gov, 2016). The most vulnerable populations are ethnic minorities
living in high altitudes. The present study focuses on two groups, the Black Hà Nhì and the
Red Dao peoples, and we limit our investigation to the two districts of Bát Xát and Sa Pa,
where these groups, with the Hmông group,5 form the majority of the population at highaltitudes (more than 700 m above sea level). The natural area of these districts (with theVăn Bàn district to the south) is on the eastern ﬂank area of the Hoàng Liên Sơn range andlimited on the west by the highest part of the mountain range, which is also the naturalborder with Lai Châu province and on the east by the Red River. In recent years, this area
4
5

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Kinh people represent more than 80% of the Vietnamese population.
In this report, we exclude investigation of the Hmông group.

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has had the highest incidence of ﬂash ﬂooding and landslides as well as damaging cold
temperatures and droughts (see the following section).

Studied Communities: the Black Hà Nhì, Red Dao people in the Bát Xát and Sa
Pa districts
The Hà Nhì and Dao peoples were some of the first inhabitants of the region (ĐặngNghiêm Vạn et al., 2000). Both ethnic groups originated in China and immigrated toVietnam at least 200 years ago. Hà Nhì is a small group (under 5,000 people) that settled
only in Bát Xát. The Hmong and Dao are the largest groups in these two districts. The total
population is 75,145 people for Bát Xát and 59,214 for Sa Pa (LSO, 2015).

The Hà Nhì community

The Hà Nhì population in Vietnam numbers 21,725 (GSO, 2010) and is divided into two
branches: the Hà Nhì Hoa (Flower) and the Hà Nhì Đen (Black), according to theirtraditional customs. These branches belong to the Sino-Tibetan language group. In
Vietnam, they settled mostly in the Lai Châu, Lào Cai and Điện Biên provinces. In Lào Cai,
there are 4,026 Black Hà Nhì people settling in the Ý Tý, Nậm Pung, Ngải Thầu, A Lù andTrịnh Tường communes of Bát Xát. Hà Nhì people in Vietnam migrated from Yunnan about
300 years ago (Chu Thuỳ Liên, 2004).

The Red Dao people

The Dao population in Vietnam numbers 751,067 (GSO, 2010). This population belongs to
the Hmông-Dao language group. In Lào Cai, the Dao people are divided into three
sub-groups: the Red Dao, Dao Tuyển (of Dao Làn Tiẻn) and Dao Họ (Dao Quần Trắng,‘white pants’) (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). They live in 114 communes in Lào Cai in the Bảo Yên,Bảo Thắng, Bảo Yên and Bắc Hà districts. The Red Dao represent 66.7% of the Dao peoplein Lào Cai, and most of the Dao people settled in Sa Pa belong to this group; Bát Xát
contains both the Red Dao and Dao Tuyển groups. They form the second largest group in
Bát Xát and Sa Pa districts, closely following the Hmông people. In Bát Xát, the groups
represent 26.73% of the population in the district, which is equivalent to 3,277 families
and 17,599 people, present in 17 out of 23 communes and wards. In three of them (i.e.
Tòng Sành, Dền Sáng and Phìn Ngan), the groups form the totality of the population (PhanPhương Anh, 2008). In Sa Pa, the groups represent 23.04% of the population (Sa Pa Gov,
2017) and are concentrated in Bản Hồ, Bản Phùng, Tả Phìn, Tả Van and Thanh Kim. Most of
the individuals belong to the Red Dao group. Dao people in Vietnam came from Yunnan
during the eighteenth century (Nguyễn Trường Giang, 2015).
Living at the same altitude, these two groups have the same type of livelihood: forest
exploitation for essential needs (firewood, housing, picking and hunting) and wet-rice
farming. However, the Black Hà Nhì have developed terraced rice fields for hundreds ofyears, whereas the Dao people have a long tradition of swidden cultivation, though they
have changed more and more to wet-rice cultivation in the last decades. Each group has
similar and dissimilar behaviours towards the ecological environment that triggers different
degrees of vulnerability to natural disaster.

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DRM Structure and Process in Vietnam and in Lào Cai Province
The DRM process in practice, a top-down approach

In Vietnam, the DRM system has been dominated by a top-down approach. A systemcoordinated and led by the Central Steering Committee for Natural Disaster Prevention andControl (CSC-NDPC) has been established from the national level to the commune level(see Figure 1). The CSC-NDPC is a multi- and cross-sector agency headed by the Minister ofAgriculture and Rural Development (Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, 1999),
with members as senior leaders of relevant national level agencies/ministries. The samestructure is applied at the provincial and district levels. The ministry of culture anddepartment/division of culture (i.e. agencies in charge of cultural heritage management) at
the local level are members of national and provincial/district committees. However, theyo�en have limited roles in the disaster planning processes. At the commune level, in
addition to the government officials, heads of villages are also mobilised and appointed as
members of the Commune Committee. The national committee is responsible fororganising and directing all important activities linked to natural disaster prevention andcontrol. The CSC-NDPC also guides and supervises ministries and provinces in the building
and implementation of action plans, projects and programmes on DRR. Additionally, the
CSC-NDPC plays an important role in mobilising financial resources to support recovery
activities.
Regarding the disaster planning process, every spring, the CSC-NDPC develops a national
DRM plan and a detailed report containing two components. The first component focuses
on reviewing all disasters that occurred in the country in the previous year and actions
taken and experiences of dealing with those disasters, as well as lessons learned for the

Figure 1
Traditional disaster risk
management planning(Adapted from Bach Tan
Sinh et al., 2013, p. 48)

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coming year. The second component specifies the future forecast of natural disasters in the
coming years, identifies the main risks and proposes approaches and plans to reduce theserisks. These documents serve as main guidelines for the Provincial Committee for Natural
Disaster Prevention and Control to develop provincial-level reports and plans. The sameprocedure is applied to the district and commune-level committees, and each step follows
roughly the same template as those at the national level (see Figure 1 for the entire
process, from the national to the commune levels).
In these conventional disaster management planning approaches and practices, communityand other related stakeholders have limited opportunity to participate. They are only
consulted when dra� DRM plans have already been developed. Additionally, the guidelines
from higher level agencies are o�en perceived as strict guidance that must be followed bylower levels and thus does not encourage feedback. Furthermore, most decision making
and budgeting power is in the hands of the national and provincial levels. The district andcommune levels only have a small role in the implementation phase.

DRM planning in Lào Cai province

Traditionally, the disaster management and planning in Lào Cai applies the same approachas mentioned above. However, recognising the limitation of the conventional top-downplanning and the values and knowledge of local peoples obtained from a long tradition of
coping with national disasters, the Community Based Disaster Risk Reduction (CBDRM)
Program was approved by the national government in 2001. The enactment of thisprogramme has promoted a bottom-up DRM planning approach. Specifically, the CBDRM
approach places community needs and knowledge at the centre of DRM practices. Thus, adisaster planning process starts at the community (i.e. village and commune) level insteadof the national level. Once completed, commune disaster management plans serve as
inputs for the preparation of the district plan. In turn, the district plans contribute to thedevelopment of provincial plans. Since 2008, 23 provinces frequently affected by natural
disasters, including Lào Cai, have implemented the CBDRM policy (Bach Tan Sinh et al.,2013).

IDENTIFYING KNOWN NATURAL HAZARDS AND RISKS IN THE AREA
Natural disasters are defined by the Law on Natural Disaster Prevention and Control 2013
(LNDPC) as ‘abnormal natural phenomena which may cause damage to human life,
property, the environment, living conditions and socio-economic activities’ (Art. 3), andinclude:typhoons, tropical low pressure, whirlwinds, lightning, heavy rain, ﬂoods, ﬂash ﬂoods,
inundation, landslides and land subsidence due to ﬂoods or water currents, water rise,
seawater intrusion, extremely hot weather, droughts, damaging cold, hail, hoarfrosts,
earthquakes, tsunamis and other types of natural disasters (SRV, 2013).

Varieties of Natural Hazards (Types, Severity, Frequency)
Lào Cai is exposed to many of the disasters listed above by the LNDPC. The most damaging
elements from this list include landslides, ﬂash ﬂoods, whirlwinds, lightning, heavy rain,
ﬂoods, hail, hoarfrosts, damaging cold and droughts (LCPPC, 2017).

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Flash ﬂoods (lũ ống, lũ quét): as explained above, the natural topography of Lào Cai
embraces two large mountain ranges, the Hoàng Liên mountain range in the west and the
Elephant Range in the east, with divided terrain, steep slopes, many valleys and deep
streams. Floods associated with mud and rocks o�en lead to landslides. The most affecteddistricts include Sa Pa, Bát Xát, Văn Bàn and Mường Khương, with 7 points identified forﬂash ﬂoods and 445 points for landslides in 2017. Particularly, the 71 points for landslides
identified in Bát Xát are at the highest level of rock and mud quantities (LCPPC, 2017).
They occur from June to October and are especially strong from July to September.
River ﬂoods (lũ sông): roughly four to five heavy rainfalls occur every year, with more than
100 mm each time. Rainfall can combine with converging water from upstream in China
and the small streams in the surrounding areas to cause river ﬂooding. However, the water
withdraws quickly. The most significant damage is to agricultural production along theriverside. The affected zones include the Bảo Yên, Bảo Thắng and Văn Bàn districts, Lào Cai
and the communes in the lowlands of the Bát Xát and Mường Khương districts.
Whirlwinds (lốc xoáy), hail (mưa đá) and lightning (giông sét): these events occur fromMarch to June, accompanying storms and rainfall. Many whirlwinds of level seven and eightappear in Mường Khương, Bát Xát, Bắc Hà, Si Ma Cai and Bảo Yên. The frequency ofwhirlwinds is roughly 10 to 15 times per year, lightning 20 to 30 times per year
(accompanied by rainfall and whirlwinds) and hail 2 to 3 times per year.
In addition, there are types of slow-onset hazards, such as drought (hạn hán) and cold
weather damage (rét đậm rét hại), which do not have direct impacts on infrastructure but
seriously affect the livelihoods of the people dependent on livestock, poultry, rice fields andcrops. Drought can happen during the periods a�er March to April or a�er October toNovember. Severe droughts occur every 20 to 22 years. However, since 1980, extreme
droughts are much more frequent. For instance, five substantial droughts were recorded
from 1983 to 1999 (late 1983 to early 1984; 1985 to 1986; 1990 to 1991; 1993 to 1994;
and 1998 to 1999) (Lào Cai DARD, 2015). The most recent event was in April to May 2014,
during which nearly 2,000 ha of rice fields and crops were damaged.
Cold weather damage occurs from December to February of the following year, affecting
mostly the Sa Pa, Bát Xát, Si Ma Cai, Bắc Hà, Văn Bàn and Mường Khương districts. The
damage mostly affects livestock and human health (see below).

Inﬂuence of Climate Change

Lào Cai has low exposure to natural disasters compared to provinces in other parts ofVietnam, such as the central region and the Mekong Delta (Mai Thanh Sơn et al., 2011).
Therefore, intervention and support of climate change adaptation for the population in theprovince has received less attention than the regions listed above. This also explains why
the region has received less attention in academic research and why fewer project reports
have been produced on Lào Cai’s relation to climate-related risks. Recent research showsthat over the past several years, the sum total loss of human life and material goods in the
Mekong Delta is definitively higher than in the northern mountainous area; however, when
we look more closely at the proportion of the loss of total revenue and population, the loss
in the northern mountainous region is not less and maybe even more significant than inother parts of the country that are more exposed to climate change (Mai Thanh Sơn et al.,2011). Since 2008, the situation has changed due to the extreme events of those years

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(see below). Climate change and natural disasters are identified as major causes of poverty
in the population among the ethnic minorities in the northern mountainous region, andduring recent years, the region has been more prone to climate change exposure due tothe growing number of extreme weather events. Additionally, the population’s heavy
reliance on agricultural livelihoods that are highly susceptible to changes in weather
increases their vulnerability. Additionally, the high sensitivity of the northern mountainous
region in general, and of Lào Cai province in particular, to climate change is rooted in theregion’s main social vulnerabilities. For instance, communes in Lào Cai have the lowest percapita income, and the province has the highest population density compared with otherprovinces in the northern mountainous area (Trang Do et al., 2013). Lào Cai also has highilliteracy rates, large families among ethnic minorities and low rates of female education(World Bank, 2010; McElwee, 2010; Trang Do et al., 2013).

History of Recent Disaster Events that have Aﬀected the Community
Some typical ﬂash ﬂood and landslide events in Lào Cai

Flash ﬂoods and landslides are the most common disasters registered in Lào Cai (Nguyễn
Trọng Yêm, 2006). Over the past 20 years, in the area populated by the Dao people,
including Bát Xát, Bắc Hà and Sa Pa, more than 40 severe ﬂash ﬂoods and landslide eventsoccurred (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). Below are some examples of the extreme events and theirimpacts:• On the evening of 13 September 2004, in the Sùng Hoảng village, Phìn Ngan
commune, Bát Xát district, a major landslide a�er heavy rainfall buried 4 families outof 23 Dao people. In 2004, in total, Lào Cai province lost 38 people, 5 were injured
and 58 houses were destroyed and washed away.
• On the night of 8 August 2008, heavy rainfall over a large area led to ﬂash ﬂoods,
landslides and inundation in many locations of the province. A ﬂash ﬂood with mud
and rock, considered to be the largest ﬂash ﬂood in the history of Lào Cai, killed 66
people (missing and dead). The majority of the main roads were blocked, local
water supply works were destroyed and many buildings, houses, paddies, etc., wereheavily damaged. Hundreds of hectares of rice and vegetable fields in the Trịnh
Tường commune were lost and washed away. In particular, the ﬂood of mud androck wiped out the village of Tùng Chỉn (in the Bát Xát district) and buried andwashed away 22 people (Trần Thục and Koos Nee�es (ed.), 2015).6 In total, the ﬂood
season has killed 103 people in the province (76 dead and 27 missing), collapsed
and damaged 904 houses, with 1,626 other houses damaged slightly, while 2,206
households had to move out of dangerous areas. 5,415 ha of rice fields and crops
were damaged. Other losses in infrastructure were also significant. The total loss
caused by natural disasters for 2008 (including the heavy loss in livestock caused bydamaging cold in the beginning of the year, see below) is estimated to be 1,024
billion Vietnamese Dong (VND) (Lào Cai DARD, 2008).
• In August 2012, due to the inﬂuence of a tropical depression combined with theconvergence of high winds, the eastern districts of the province had an average
rainfall of more than 45 mm, particularly in the area of Bắc Hà, and local rainfall
6

The number of dead is not the same according to different sources: they number 24 according to TrầnHữu Sơn (2017), and many electronic newspapers state 19 people.

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totalled more than 200 mm and lasted for several hours. On the night of 31 August
2012, a severe ﬂash ﬂood swept through the residential area of the Nậm Lù andNậm Cang villages and the Nậm Lúc commune in the Bắc Hà district and killed 11
people, injured 10 and washed away 12 houses of Dao people (Trần Hữu Sơn,2017). The ﬂood ﬂattened 10 ha of land, paddy fields and gardens. More than 6 kmof inter-village roads near Nậm Lúc village were completely paralysed and buried
under tens of thousands of cubic metres of rock and mud; the wireline
communication network was damaged, and contact between the affected village andthe provincial steering Central Committee for Flood and Storm Control (CCFSC) andSearch and Rescue (SAR) had to rely entirely on unstable mobile phone connections(Trần Thục and Koos Nee�es, 2015).
• A very recent event occurred in August 2016: the inﬂuence of storms (number 1, 2
and 3 from July 27 to August 5 and from August 18 to 20), caused whirlwinds,
lightning and heavy rainfall (with an average rainfall of 100 to 152 mm and 160 mm
in some areas on August 5). This triggered ﬂash ﬂooding and a landslide that killed
27 people (missing and dead) and injured 14. There were 1,558 houses damaged.
530 houses were evacuated during the storms. The event caused 10,599 ha of
paddy fields and crops to be destroyed and ﬂooded. The event also caused 10,980
cattle and poultry to be killed and washed away. The total loss in agriculture isestimated to be more than 200 billion VND. Seven suspension bridges were washedaway, and 40 others were damaged; many locations on national roads 279, 4D, 32,
provincial roads 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160 and many district,communal and village roads were damaged and ﬂooded out; 5 small hydropowerdams were damaged; 14 schools were damaged; the water supply system wasdamaged for eight communes, and the Phìn Ngan commune was without electricity
for many days. The total loss is estimated to be more than 680 billion VND.
• The two districts mostly affected were Bát Xát and Sa Pa, with 11 people killed(dead and missing) and 7 injured. Once again, a Dao village, Sùng Hoảng 2 (in thesame area of the 2004 event) was destroyed, with 3 people killed and 16 houses
washed away. Some other villages have been evacuated, including Van Hồ (34houses) in the Phìn Ngan commune, Bát Xát district (LCPPC, 2016). They all belong
to the Red Dao people.

Recovery, diﬃculties and challenges

A�er ﬂash ﬂoods and landslide events in the past, Lào Cai authorities have provided asignificant amount of support to affected people; however, in remote areas with limitedaccess to resources, people are forced to rely on themselves post-disaster. Therefore,
organisation of post-disaster recovery under the ‘four on-the-spots’ motto (leadership on
the spot, human resources and forces on the spot, materials and logistics on the spot) isvery important. Government efforts focus on SAR, restoring infrastructure (roads, schools,
medical centres, etc.) and relocating affected people. Support from the government also
includes money for damaged households and for food and water for people in ﬂooded
zones and agriculture seed for affected farming families. People have to rebuild their own
lives. For the Dao people who have lost their houses, they are usually relocated to a safer
place that is chosen by local authorities. One of the most significant challenges is restoring
their livelihood, as the productive land is reduced or as people are relocated far from their
homeland. For example, one year a�er the 2016 ﬂash ﬂood in Bát Xát, the village of Sùng162

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017Hoảng 2 was totally rebuilt with 35 households (about 180 peoples) in a new settlement
on top of a hill 10 km away from the older location. In July 2017, these individuals still did
not have electricity, clean water or a road to connect them to other facilities and villages.
In particular, there were no water sources in the new location to develop rice fields, and asa consequence, about a dozen families rebuilt shelters in the older village to be able towork in the fields. This, again, makes them vulnerable to ﬂash ﬂooding in the future. Onlya few families stayed in the new settlement, most of whom consisted of the elderly andchildren (see Figure 2 in the following section).

Historical freezing and the damaging cold event of 2008

The historical freezing and damaging cold event that lasted for 38 days, from 15 January to
21 February 2008, was an historic event in the Northern Delta and Midlands and led tovery serious damages and losses. During this cold event, the minimum temperature
dropped to record lows in Sa Pa of �1.6oC (on February 14). Ice, snow and frost lasted formany days in high mountainous areas of Lào Cai, such as in Bát Xát, Mường Khương, Bắc
Hà, Si Ma Cai and Sa Pa. This year experienced the longest duration of damaging cold andthe largest areas of ice and snow on record in Vietnam. The losses recorded in Lào Cai
were the most severe compared with other provinces, including 18,760 livestock, and mostof the winter/spring rice and crops were lost (Lào Cai DARD, 2008).

Recovery, diﬃculties and challenges

Researchers have pointed out that local authorities in many areas usually pay less attention
to slow-onset hazards such as damaging cold. However, the Dao and Hmong people rely
heavily on agriculture and free-feeding practices (for livestock and poultry), which arestrongly affected by extreme and extended cold events. As a consequence, once they
happen, these events o�en cause serious damage (such as loss of cattle, horses andvegetables) for local communities and thus make their poverty reduction efforts much
more challenging. Recognising this problem, a�er the historical cold event in 2008, theVietnamese government made an immediate decision to provide support andcompensation to the affected regions. The government has also engaged in efforts to raiseawareness and build capacity for local communities so that they can better prepare for andcope with cold weather events.

Droughts and wildﬁres

A historical wildfire event started on 8 February 2010 (25 of Lunar New Year), in the Tả Van
commune, Sa Pa district and reached the forest core zone of Hoàng Liên National Park(Hồng Hà, 2010). Officially, the fire ended on February 15, but in some areas, the firelasted for a month (Lãng Quân, 2010). This extreme wildfire happened a�er several
months of drought and had very severe consequences: about 3,000 ha (even more,according to Trần Hữu Sơn (2018)) of forest were burned. Three communes (of the six
affected) belong to the Lào Cai province: Tả Van, Bản Hồ and Lao Chải – areas of Hmongand Red Dao people.
In 2014, a long drought triggered by many prolonged heatwaves from May to September
caused a loss of 13,589 ha of paddy fields and crops in Mường Khương, Si Ma Cai, Văn
Bàn, Bảo Thắng and Sa Pa (Lào Cai DARD, 2015).

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Recovery, diﬃculties and challenges

Heat waves and drought cause serious consequences for the livelihood of local
populations. They also increase the danger of wildfires, which require only a little humancarelessness. When we search using the keywords ‘wildfire in Hoàng Liên Sơn National
Park’ on Google, we find few wildfire events in electronic newspapers almost every year.
Local populations living in this area earn an important part of their living through thecultivation of cardamom, which they dry in the forest a�er harvest using firewood thateasily causes wildfires. In most wildfire events, there is no human loss of life, but the
impact on the forest is very significant. Furthermore, wildfires increase the vulnerability of
the local landscape and its population to further disasters such as landslides and ﬂash
ﬂooding.

ICH CURRENT SITUATION IN LÀO CAI PROVINCE IN ASSOCIATION WITH
NATURAL HAZARDS AND DISASTERS
Impacts of Natural Disasters on ICH
Since ICH is difficult to materialise, the clear conceptualisation of this notion is necessary tobetter facilitate the assessment of natural disasters’ impacts on ICH. According to recent
research (Wilson and Ballard, 2017), ICH can be captured under the rubrics of People as
the agents of ICH (i.e. individuals, communities, agents, transmitters, transactors,
institutions and states); Place as the material or tangible se�ng (i.e. sites, environments,
resources, settlements, objects and artefacts); and Story as immaterial and intangiblese�ngs (i.e. knowledge, narrative and tradition). This conception of ICH will be used in thefollowing sub-sections to support the assessment of natural disasters’ impacts on ICH.
This report relies mainly on secondary data. However, very limited information exists
regarding the impact of natural disasters on ICH. We have reviewed a number of
documents related to DRM, including reports/statistics about losses and damages causedby hazards such as ﬂash ﬂooding, landslides and extremely cold weather in Lào Cai.
Nevertheless, no information exists regarding damages directly related to the local ICH,
even in the recent Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) reports. The PDNA became alegal requirement in 2015 a�er the endorsement (by the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural
Development (MPI, 2015)) of the national guidelines on inventory of losses/damages
caused by natural disasters. This document mentions the need to invent damages related
to the culture sector. However, only the Place (i.e. the material or tangible se�ng, including‘cultural building,7 cultural and historical site, scenic landscape, assets, cultural equipment’(Article 5.đ.)) is referred to. In addition, both the 2016 and 2017 PDNA reports do notmention material losses associated with local ICH. Similar gaps were identified in theannual reports of the SCNDPC8 over the last 10 years.
In the culture sector, the PDNA process does not exist (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). The
Department of Culture, Tourism and Sport and their lower-level line agencies have neverconducted any assessment of the impact of natural disasters on local ICH. Most of thedamages recorded to date relate to tangible heritage, such as impacts of the extreme hail
7
8

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Defined as ‘build institutions to serve cultural, information and propaganda activities’ (Art. 2. 13).
This report reviews the losses and damages caused by natural disasters in the province and identifies
key experiences and learning.

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events in 2013 on the Bắc Hà Temple and Hoàng A Tưởng Palace (Lào Cai DCST, 2013) andin 2017 on the temple of Bảo Hà (Bảo Hà TMB, 2017). However, clarity was notestablished on the way local ICH that was associated with these Places was affected, forinstance, the interruption of local festival activities and religious practices. It is important tonote that the Festival of Bảo Hà temple had been inscribed in the national list of ICH 2016.
Given the information gap described above, we can only conduct a general discussion
about the impacts of natural disasters on ICH in Lào Cai. Firstly, with regards to the ICH
agents, natural disasters have caused significant human losses in Lào Cai in general and in
Bát Xát and Sa Pa in particular. The number of deaths and missing people, among which
the Dao people are o�en the most numerous, was 26 in 2016 and 11 in 2017 (Bích Hợp,2017) (see previous section on recent disaster events in 2016). Since people haveknowledge of ICH and are the most important element, human losses will inevitably causesome disruption and interruption of ICH performance and transmission.
Secondly, climate-related disasters have also had significant impacts on the Places
associated with local ICH. For the Hà Nhì and Dao people, the places considered astangible se�ngs of their ICH are constituted of forest, rice fields and houses of vernaculararchitecture. As a tradition, the Dao people always choose to live along streams and rivers
in the mountainous areas. Their daily lives and livelihood are therefore closely related towater and the forest. The ﬂash ﬂood in 2016 destroyed the whole Sung Hoang village
where the Dao people had been living. As a result, people lost all their ICH-related se�ngs,
such as houses, cultural spaces and environments and had to move to other locations. The
problem is that the relocation programme was designed and determined by thegovernment without limited consultation with local communities and consideration of their
ICH practices. People were moved far away from their traditional living environment (i.e.
10 km for the new Sùng Hoảng village). According to some researchers and officials from
Lào Cai DCST, this change in living environment has had a negative inﬂuence on
Dao-related ICH, as forest and watersheds are considered sacred places, where individuals
perform rituals and that nurture their beliefs. Additionally, the new houses provided by thegovernment were made from concrete with fibrocement roof instead of traditional
materials, such as wooden structures, rammed earth wall and thatched roof. This may leadto the decline of traditional building knowledge and techniques.

Figure 2
Thirty-five families of SùngHoảng village victims of 2016ﬂash ﬂood are relocated in a
new place, 10 km away fromthe old village location. The
new houses are in concretewith fibrocement roof.
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165

Similarly, droughts, wildfires, hails and extreme cold events are considered significant
threats for local ICH. For instance, these events have caused serious damage to local
forests and crops, leading to significant reduction of raw materials (e.g. bamboo, medicinal
trees, herbs and plants) for traditional livelihoods and cra�smanship, such as thebasketwork of the Hà Nhì people and traditional healing practices of the Dao.

Role of Local Knowledge (ICH) in DRR and Climate Change Adaptation (CCA)
In this section, we look at how ICH, or more specifically local knowledge, contributes to alessening in the vulnerability of the community to natural hazards. Vulnerability (ofcommunity, assets and systems) is the combination of the degree of exposure, sensitivity
and adaptive capacity (Phan Phương Anh and Vũ Cảnh Toàn, 2013). For instance, a socialgroup living in areas frequently affected by ﬂash ﬂoods and easily affected by ﬂash ﬂood
events is considered to be highly vulnerable if they have limited capacity to this hazard,
and vice versa.
Exposure to hazard depends on geographic location, property values in the affected area
and the intensity and frequency of natural disasters. Sensibility can be interpreted as thedegree to which a community or livelihood activities are affected by disasters. For example,
the elderly and children are o�en most impacted by temperature change, whereas freefeeding cattle are more frequently affected by heatwaves and cold weather. Adaptive
capacity includes aspects such as financial (e.g. the economic autonomy and ability ofcommunities to respond to disaster events); technical (e.g. the capacity of DRM agencies inproviding accurate weather forecast and effective ﬂood early warning system; the skills andknowledge of communities in building storm/ﬂood resistant housing; capacity to provide
stable clean water and electricity even during time of disasters, etc.); institutional andpolicy (e.g. the effectiveness of organisational structures on DRR and CCA, the coordination
between relevant agencies and the effectiveness of policies and strategies in DRR and CCA);
social and cultural (e.g. social cohesion and community networks, traditional knowledge indealing with natural disasters, such as living with ﬂoods) factors.

Exposure degree• geographical loca�on• proprety values in theaﬀected area
• intensity & frequency ofdisaster
VULNERABILITY

Sensi�vity
X• factors as age, gender• type of livehood more orless sensible to disaster=
Adap�ve capacity• ﬁnancial; technical• ins�tu�onal (policy, governance)• social & cultural

Figure 3

166

Vulnerability framework

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According to reviewed documents, Lào Cai government officials leading culture
management and local researchers, ICH plays an important role in reducing exposure tonatural disasters as well as in improving the capacity of local communities (i.e. the Dao and
Hà Nhì people) in dealing natural disasters. Below are some examples.

Environmental knowledge of the Dao people about water sources and the forest

The Dao people o�en live near water sources in mountainous areas and have a strong
connection to the water. Among 466 villages of Dao people in the Lào Cai province, 151
are named in relation with water sources (nậm, khe, suối, hồ) (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). The
experiences of living with the water allows them to gain a deeper insight into the local
geographical and hydrological conditions so that they can find the proper location to settle.
According to a local researcher and former senior culture official, the Dao people o�ensettle their villages (instead of individual houses) in the middle elevation level (never in anarrow valley between mountains) and at least 300 m away from nearby rivers/streams(Trần Hữu Sơn, 2018). In addition, these villages are always located and protected by aforest to the rear. This knowledge and these practices have helped the Dao people to beless exposed to ﬂash ﬂoods, inundation and landslides.
Additionally, Dao communities consider surrounding forests as sacred places and havespecial mechanisms and customary laws to strictly protect these forests and watersheds
surrounding their communities. The Dao people name themselves kìm mùn (or kiềm miền),signifying ‘forest people’. This title indicates a close relationship, and linkages between
them and their forests are considered sacred (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). Each Dao village has its
sacred forest where individuals worship the forest god and the spirit of the village.

Sacred mechanisms and customary laws to protect the forest of the Black Hà Nhì

Similarly, forests have a particular place in the life of the Black Hà Nhì people in Lào Cai.
Given their traditional attachment to wet-rice cultivation, their daily lives and livelihoods
are highly water-dependent. Thus, protecting the forest that plays a key role in regulatingwater resources is vital for them. The Black Hà Nhì communities believe that the forests(trees and wild animals) have souls like human beings and are controlled by supernatural
powers. They divided the forest surrounding their village into four forbidden forest groups
corresponding to the worship of Gà ma do (protective God), Mu thu do (fecundity god andwife of Gà ma do), Thủ ty gods (founders of the village who ensure the peace and securityof the village and protect livestock and poultries from diseases) and forest forentertainment (i.e. places for community activities) (A gò là do) (Duong Tuan Nghia, 2017,Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017).
The rituals and festivals venerating the forest gods and water genies create a sacredsanction in order to protect the forest, watershed and water sources (Lào Cai DCST, 2015).
Each Black Hà Nhì’s village develops a system of customary laws consisting of village rules
and sanctions for violation of these rules. For example, these documents require the needfor ‘taking care of trees, preventing fire, soil erosions and protecting habitat’s topographicalse�ng’ (Lào Cai DCST, 2015). The rules also precisely forbid actions, picking/exploitation
rules and the responsibility to mobilise the community to protect the forest against
wildfires. Every human action (picking, dry firewood collecting, bamboo sprout picking,hunting, etc.) is strictly banned in the sacred forest. Villagers are only allowed to collect dry
firewood at the ritual of worshipping forest gods to cook offering meals (Trần Hữu Sơn,2017). Violation of the forest protection rules, such as cu�ng down a tree or causing a fire,

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are charged with a fine, and detection of an intruder is rewarded.
Making the forest sacred and implementing strict customary laws as described above havecontributed significantly to the protection of the forest surrounding the Hà Nhì villages andthus has reduced the threat posed by ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides to the Hà Nhì community(Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017; Duong Tuan Nghia, 2017).

Local knowledge to build resistant housing for extreme weather

Since the Hà Nhì people have lived in high a�tude for centuries, they have beenfrequently affected by extreme cold weather and windy conditions. To deal with suchextreme conditions, they have developed some special techniques in building their houses.
These techniques consist of applying knowledge about choosing the right location, the rightmaterials from local resources (e.g. rock and stone for foundation, clay for rammed earth
wall that has double layers and is at least 60 cm thick, wood for frames and straw for
thatched roofing), and about designing the right structure (i.e. the vernacular architecture).
There is much evidence showing the strong capacity of these houses in dealing withextreme conditions such as strong wind and extreme and extended cold (Lý Khai Phà,
1998).

Healing knowledge using medicinal plants

The Dao people are well-known among Vietnamese ethnic minority groups for having very
diverse healing skills and rich knowledge about the medicinal properties of plants (Lê Thị
Thanh Hương and Nguyễn Trung Thành, 2016). This includes knowledge about the locationand procurement of medicinal plants in the forest, the benefits of these plants and how to
use them for healing and improving human health. The Dao people have collected andused more than 50 wild medicinal plants for healing purposes (Nguyễn Ngọc Thanh, 2016).
Several remedies (e.g. đìa nhặn soup) can be beneficial for people in dealing withextremely cold weather. The Dao people have also used different compositions of plants
and herbs to treat arthritis and stiffness caused by extremely low temperatures (Lê Thị
Thanh Hương and Nguyễn Trung Thành, 2016).

Community network and cohesion as social capital in preparedness, response andrecoveryCommunity networks, cohesion and mutual support can play important roles in preparing
for, responding to and recovering from disaster events (Hiwasaki, Luna and Marçal, 2015).
In the Black Hà Nhì and Dao communities in Lào Cai, this community cohesion and network
are strengthened due to the practice of traditional livelihood models and ritual andreligious activities. For example, Dao communities in Lào Cai have practised the reciprocal
exchange of labour (pụi công) for farming activities for years. People also provide mutualaid (chảng khả) to each other for more labour-intensive work, such as house building/renovating, timber and bamboo transportation and husbandry-making for cattle. Building ahouse in Black Hà Nhì communities o�en involves the whole village’s support (Lý Khai Phà,
1998). People also help each other move cattle to warm and safe places to deal withextremely cold and windy conditions. In addition, individuals and households having
difficulty or need financial support can always borrow money from other family members
or other families in their village with zero interest (pang chang mủa) (Khổng Diễn, 1996,
pp. 136-139). This mutual financial support helps families affected by, for example, ﬂash
ﬂoods and landslides to rebuild and/or repair their damaged houses and recover quickly
from disasters.

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According to ICH management practitioners and local researchers, this strong community
network and mutual support, strengthened by traditional livelihood activities and cultural
practices, have made a significant contribution towards improving social capital and thus
the capacity of the Dao and Hà Nhì people in responding to natural disasters, especiallyduring disaster and recovery phases (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017). In high a�tude, remote,mountainous areas where these communities are living, this local and internal-based
capital is even more important as it may take significant time for external support forces/
resources to arrive in times of disasters due to the long distance and poor infrastructure
conditions.

Religious beliefs, rituals, festive events, psychological strength to respond todisaster and cohesion in recovery

The Black Hà Nhì and Dao communities have strong beliefs in gods and a deep
appreciation of nature. They organise regular ceremonies and festivals, such as forest
worship and agriculture-related rituals to ask god for rain, productive harvests, and the
reduction of disaster risks and disaster events such as ﬂoods and droughts (Trần Hữu Sơn,2018). Local ICH researchers interviewed for this study confirm that such beliefs and ritual
practices have helped the Black Hà Nhì and Dao communities in Lào Cai to better cope
psychologically with disasters. This point is consistent with other studies that highlight therole of the religious beliefs in supernatural power in providing mental strength to believers,
enabling disaster survivors to better cope with suffering and calamities and to maintainstability and strengthen social cohesion (IFRC, 2014; Schipper, 2010).
We can see that local knowledge may be involved in every aspect of DRR and adaptation,such as in predicting, preparing for, mitigating the consequences of and recovering fromdisaster events. However, climate change, urbanisation, economic growth and globalisation
have posed significant challenges to the protection and maintenance of this knowledge.
The following section will examine some cases where local knowledge/ICH is inendangered situations. This, in turn, may have negative impacts on people’s vulnerability to
climate-related disasters.

Non-Climate Factors Inﬂuencing the Protection and Maintenance of ICH andThus Vulnerability of Ethnic Community Groups to Natural Disasters
According to local officials in charge of ICH management in Lào Cai, the protection andmaintenance of local ICH in general and ICH related to the Red Dao and Black Hà Nhì
communities in particular has been highly challenging due primarily to non-climate-related
factors such as pressures caused by population and economic growth and the lack ofconsideration of ICH in cultural and development policies (and not climate-related
disasters). Research informants in Lào Cai have identified a number of examples regarding
the increased loss (either partly or fully) of local ICH in the Red Dao and Black Hà Nhì
communities. These losses, in turn, have increased the degree of vulnerability of the Red
Dao and Black Hà Nhì people because ICH plays an important role in protecting them andimproving their capacity to deal with natural disasters as discussed above.
Firstly, as mentioned earlier, the Dao people know where to find safe places to build theirhouses so that they are less exposed to ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017).
However, the population growth rate among the Dao communities has significantly

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169

increased (Nguyễn Thế Huệ, 2003). This demographic explosion has forced the Dao people
to move closer to streams/rivers, where the risks in relation to ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides
are much higher (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2017).
Secondly, population growth has also created significant pressure on traditional crop
practices and forest protection. On the one hand, to ensure food safety and the demand of
the significantly increased population, the Dao people have had to expand their cultivation
land and modify their traditional swidden farming practices by shortening the time theirfields are fallowed from 3 to 10 years (Phàn Phù Lìn, 2007). According to informants in Lào
Cai, these actions have triggered deforestation and led to significant exhaustion of soils,
resulting in soil instability. As a result, ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides have become more
frequent and severe. On the other hand, the Black Hà Nhì population is much smaller thanthe Dao group, calculated at only around 2000 people in 1998 (Xuân Mai, 1998; Trần HữuSơn, 2017). They have also experienced much less pressure from population growth andhave done a better job maintaining traditional farming practices and their sacred forests.
Therefore, the Black Hà Nhì people have been less vulnerable to natural disasters than the
Dao group, although they are basically living in the same geographical conditions (Trần hữuSơn, 2018).
Thirdly, the loss of local ICH is also a result of cultural and economic development policies.
For example, during the 1960s to the 1980s, the practices of religious activities, such as
rituals and ceremonies related to the sacred forest, were considered ‘superstitious’
activities (mê tín dị đoan) and thus were prohibited by the State. Significant losses ofagriculture and forest-related rituals and festival activities that led to an increase in theviolation of sacred forests were documented later in both the Dao and Black Hà Nhì
communities (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2018). For instance, people in the Phìn Ngan village, Trịnh
Tường commune in the Bát Xát district stopped practising rituals related to the sacred
forest long before our field survey in 2007 (Phàn Phù Lìn, 2007).
Significant cultural changes related to local ICH in Lào Cai due to economic development
policies were also documented. Since 1968, the Vietnamese government introduced thesettled agriculture and sedentarisation programme to ethnic minorities. This programme
has shi�ed the living style of these groups from scattered small villages to concentrated
areas. Additionally, the new areas are o�en planned and designed by the State, withlimited engagement of local communities and limited use of their knowledge. Furthermore,since 1990, under the nationwide transition from a collective to a market-oriented
economy, the new agricultural model that combined wet-rice cultivation and industrial
forest planting was introduced (Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development, 1999). As aresult, local communities were encouraged to plant industrial trees such as cardamom inprimary forests. Although the plantation of these trees has made an important contribution
to poverty reduction (Phàn Phù Lìn, 2007), the continued expansion of industrial trees inprimary forests has considerably reduced biodiversity (Phạm Ngọc Triển, 2016) and isconsidered an important cause for the increase in intensity and frequency of ﬂash ﬂoods
and landslides.
Finally, globalisation and industrialisation have also pushed the local ICH in the endangered
direction. For example, the availability of cheap industrial plastic containers and textiles
from China in large quantities (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2018) has discouraged local communities
from continuing with basketwork and producing traditional textiles. In the long term, this170

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phenomenon will likely lead to the loss of knowledge about these traditional cra�s.
Similarly, local building knowledge has been lost due to the replacement of industrial
materials and techniques.
Healing knowledge of the Dao people has also been more and more replaced by modern
medicine. This is also because of the significant decline in medicinal plants and trees due
to increased deforestation (Vũ Trường Giang and Nguyễn Thị Tám, 2015) and overexploitation to meet the demands of the domestic and international (i.e. mostly Chinese)markets (Trần Hữu Sơn, 2018).

The Gap in ICH Management in Relation to DRR/DRM
Based on a review of current policies related to DRR/DRM/CCA and culture management,
we propose that a large gap exists regarding the overlap between ICH and DRR/DRM/CCA.
There are a number of reasons for this assertion. Below are some examples:• A significant lack of consideration of ICH in DRR and CCA is apparent. ICH has notbeen referred to in most of the current policies, government reports andassessments related to disasters and climate change. In some cases, local knowledge
is mentioned in a very general manner. However, the current condition of thisknowledge; how natural disasters, climate change and other factors affect thisknowledge; how this knowledge contributes specifically to DRR and CCA; and how toprotect and maintain this knowledge remain unclear and understudied.
• There is also a lack of consideration of natural disaster and climate change incurrent culture-related policies. For instance, disaster risks are not mentioned in any
documents related to ICH safeguarding and promotion projects and programmes(either at the national level or in the Lào Cai province) from 2010 to 2016 that are
reviewed in this study (Minister, 2016; LCPCP, 2015; LCPPC, 2017).

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to acknowledge Trần Hữu Sơn (Vice-Chaiman of Vietnam Association of Folklorists andFormer Director of Lào Cai Department of Culture, Sports and Tourism), Dương Tuấn Nghĩa (Vice-Directorof Lào Cai DCTS and Head of Cultural Heritage Management Division), Nguyễn Trường Giang (Associate
professor of Department of Anthropology, Hanoi VNU USSH), Phạm Thị Thu Hương (Environment
Protection Division of Lào Cai province) for spending time for interviews and for providing documents forthe preparation of this report.

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PERCEIVED IMPACTS OF ANTHROPOGENIC FACTORS AND CLIMATECHANGE HAZARDS ON NATURAL LANDSCAPES AND CULTURALHERITAGES (BAC HA MOUNTAIN, LAO CAI PROVINCE, VIETNAM)
Nguyen An Thinh1, Tong Thi My Thi1, Ta Van Hanh2, Nguyen Hong Hanh1,
and Luong Thi Tuyen1

INTRODUCTION
Vietnam is one of the countries most prone to climate change associated with natural
hazards (IPCC, 2007; 2014). During the period 1958–2014, the annual average temperature
in Vietnam increased by 0.6°C. The trend was not temporally and spatially uniform because
during winter, the temperature increased more rapidly than in summer, and the northernareas tended to warm up faster than the southern area. The inland temperature increased
more rapidly than that of the coast. Maximum and minimum temperatures significantly
increased, with the highest rate being 1°C over a 10-year period. Daytime temperatures
warmer than 35°C have increased all over the country, at a rate of 2–3 days per every 10
years in several regions. The last few decades saw many regions record high temperatures;the maximum temperature reached 42.7°C in 2015. In the northwest, the number of hotdays declined. Vietnam has also witnessed an increase in the overall amount of rainfall;
however, northern climate zones have experienced less rain while the southern ones haveexperienced more (MONRE, 2016).
Vietnam hosts national heritage sites all over its regions. These are important for thecountry’s socioeconomic development as well as cultural identity. However, cultural
heritage in Vietnam today is subject to both natural and anthropogenic pressures such as
climate change, urbanisation and tourism growth. Cultural heritage sites in both coastal
and mountainous area face a range of hazards; they are increasingly vulnerable to tropicalstorms in the low delta areas and increasingly affected by heavy rain-induced natural
hazards such as landslides, ﬂooding and ﬂash ﬂooding in the uplands (MONRE, 2016).
Table 1 shows examples of national cultural heritage sites affected by climate-induced
hazards in Lao Cai province.

1
2

Hanoi University of Natural Resources and Environment (HUNRE), Vietnam
Vietnam Academy of Sciences and Technology (VAST), Hanoi

175

Table 1 List of national cultural heritage sites aﬀected by climate-induced hazards in Lao Cai province, Vietnam

176

No.

Cultural heritage sites

LocationFoundation

1

Hoang Bay (‘Ông HoàngBẩy’) National Guard
Historical Complex (BaoHa Temple, Co Tan An
Temple)Bao Ha temple belongs to Bao
Ha Commune, Bao Yen District,
Lao Cai province. The temple islocated on Cam Hill with very
beautiful scenery along the Red
River.

Worship the Hoang Bay generals, whotrained and organised military training
and fighting against invaders in Lao Cai,bringing liberation to the areas thatnow belong to Quy Hoa (now is Yen
Bai, Lao Cai)Co Tan An temple belongs to
Tan An Commune, Bao Yen
District, Lao Cai province, next
to the Red River and opposite
the Bao Ha temple

Worship national heroes (Princess
Nguyen Hoang Ba Xa, who defeatedthe enemies and protected thenational border. She was protected by
the residents of Bao Ha and Khau Ban
areas).

2.

Nhuoc Son Temple(‘Đền Nhược Sơn’)

Belongs to Chau Que Ha
Commune, Van Yen District, Yen
Bai. The temple is located on
the low hill (mudﬂat) near the
Red River.

Worship General Ha Chuong, a real
hero and outstanding general of theTran Dynasty. He made a great
contribution to the protection ofnational northern borders, and led thegreat victory of our nation against theinvader Nguyen Mong.

3

Dong Cuong Temple(‘Đền Đông Cuông’)

The temple is located on theright side of Red River, Van Yen
District, Yen Bai province. Dong
Cuong temple was built on alarge area, next to the river sideand surrounded by rice fields
and forest.

Dong Cuong temple was a shrine
dedicated to Princess Dong Quang,founded by the Ha and Hoang clans,
who were the Tay Khao founders andtook turns to serve as government
officials, and asserted the function of‘Dinh Tram’ to deliver the two-way test
dispatch between the central court andthe local court.

4

Lung Lo Pass (‘Đèo LũngLô’)

Lung Lo pass belongs to Da
village, Thuong Bang La, Van
Chan District, Yen Bai province

61 years ago, a�er the Northwest
Campaign in 1952, the Party Central
Committee decided to open the 13A
Road, starting from Ben Hien in Tuyen
Quang province, passing Ben Au Lau,
passing Lung Lo pass to Co Noi
crossroad. Road 41 serves the Dien
Bien Phu campaign

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH)

Climate-induced hazards

Traditional

Newly imported

Hazard risks

Hazard occurred- Thuong nguyen
ceremony (first lunar
January)- Quan tuan tranh
ceremony (25 May Lunarmonth)- Hoang Bay’s ceremony(17 July Lunar month),late Tet ceremony (Yearend Tet)- Hau dong ceremony(Practices related to theViệt beliefs in the
Mother Goddesses of
the Three Realms)- Hail- Tornadoes- Flash ﬂoods- Landslides (riverside,hill)- Heatwaves

Hail, whirlwinds, trees
collapsed, partiallydamaging the roof of thegate (date: 25 March2017).

- Thuong Ngan Princess
Ritual Ceremony (17January Lunar month)- Hau dong ceremony(Practices related to theViệt beliefs in the
Mother Goddesses of
the Three Realms)- Hail- Tornadoes- Flash ﬂoods- Landslides (riverside,hill)- Heatwaves

Hail, whirlwinds, trees
collapsed, partiallydamaged the ground of
the temple.

- Riverbank erosion- Flooding- Heatwaves- Tornadoes- HailThe riverbank erosion
occurred at the foot of
the temple. Thissituation has not beenassessed and restored.

- Riverbank erosion- Flooding- Heatwaves- Tornadoes- HailThe riverbank erosion
used to occur under thefoot of the temple. Thissituation has been
restored (embankment)- Landslides

The Lung Lo pass wasseverely destroyed by ahurricane in July 2010,
ﬂoods descended fromthe top of the pass andthe historic pass was cut
into sections.

- Temple ceremony on
20 January and 20
September Lunar month

There are two main
ceremonies, on the firstday of the Cat in
January, and the day of
the Cat in September.
Worship of Mother
Goddesses
Hau vat in the Mother
Goddesses Acclaim
Ceremony
Nem Con (or Sen) throw
the candles, tug,wrestling
Historic war relic- Hau dong
- Cheo singing- Upriver Mother
Goddesses worship
Festival- Carnival of Upriver
Mother Goddesses
Acclaim- Performance ofpractice of worship
Mother Goddesses- Cinnamon fair andfestival

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES177

CLIMATE CHANGE HAZARDS IN THE NORTHERN MOUNTAINS OF VIETNAM
Climate Variability and Change
During the period 1858–2014 the annual average temperature in Vietnam increased by
0.62°C (0.1°C per 10 years). However, the trend was not temporally and spatially uniform;
during the winter the temperature increased more rapidly than in the summer, and thenorth tended to become warmer faster than the South. The inland temperature increased
more rapidly than along the coast. Maximum and minimum temperatures increased
significantly, with the highest rate reaching 1°C over a 10 year period. The number of days
with temperatures higher than 35°C increased all over the country, at a rate of 2–3 days
per decade in several regions. The last few decades saw several record high temperatures;in 2015, the highest temperature reached was 42.7°C. However, in the northwest, thenumber of hot days declined (MONRE, 2016).
Rainfall has tended to decrease by between 5.8 and 7.3% in the Vietnamese northern
mountainous region over the last 150 years, mostly during the fall season of each year (by40%). However, rainfall during the spring time has tended to increase by 19.5% in thenorthwest. Rainfall extremes have decreased in most observation stations in the north, withthe most pronounced decrease in the Northeast. The number of consecutive dry days has
also increased in the north. Overall, the Vietnamese northern mountainous region has
become drier over the last 50 years. The maximum rainfall during 1 to 5-day periods was
not consistent in all observation stations; however, there has been an increase in the
maximum rainfall reached in 1-day in the northwest, and a decreasing trend in the
Northeast. The number of consecutive dry days has tended to increase overall, and theamount of torrential rainfall (95th percentile) has decreased at varying rates across thestations of the mountainous area (MONRE, 2016).

Natural Hazards
The northern mountainous region is complex and diverse and divided by many steep hills,
rivers and streams. The high slopes create narrow and deep canyons which have caused
the northern mountainous region to suffer from ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides. In addition, in
recent years this area has witnessed the impact of climate change, with many extreme
weather phenomena such as cold spells, drought and hot sun, causing much damage to thelives and livelihoods of the people. In particular, more than 80% of the population in thenorthern mountainous areas are ethnic minorities, characterised by a lack of education,
poverty and poorly diversified livelihoods, which has contributed to the increased
vulnerability of the local people.
Monitoring the effects of climate change and extreme weather events over the past 30
years, the hydrological meteorological department has developed a detailed chart ofhazard damage and extreme weather phenomena. According to the results, uplandcommunities will continue to face increased risks of ﬂash ﬂoods and landslides from heavy
rainfall (CCFSC, 2014). In recent years, hazards have occurred in mountainous areas of anincreasingly unprecedented severity and scale, devastating small watersheds and causing
serious losses in terms of human lives, property and ecosystems. During the period of 10
years from 1994–2003, 453 people died or went missing, 277 were injured and tens of
thousands were affected by natural hazards in the northern mountainous area. The

178

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estimated total damage to infrastructure was estimated upwards of 1.7 trillion dong
(NCHM, 2005).
In 2008, the General Statistics Office (GSO) reported that natural hazards had le� 515 people
dead or missing, over 230,000 ha of rice and crops lost, over 1 million cattle and poultry
dead, 54,000 ha of damaged aquaculture and 4,700 houses destroyed. The total damage
caused by natural hazards exceeded 430 million USD (GSO, 2009).
The year of 2008 was one of the worst in terms of the impact of turbulent storms andﬂoods in the history of Vietnam. During August 2008, tropical storm Kammuri caused
severe damage in the northern parts, particularly in Phu Tho, Yen Bai and Lao Cai
provinces. In early November 2008, heavy rain and ﬂooding affected 20 provinces in theregion. Floods in mid-November once again resulted in loss of 208,719 ha of rice and26,130 ha of aquaculture and extensive damage to irrigation infrastructure. In 2009,
according to data from the Central Steering Committee for Flood and Storm Control,
Vietnam was affected by 11 typhoons, 4 tropical depressions and many major ﬂoods, ﬂash
ﬂoods, cyclones, hail and landslides, causing a lot of damage to people and property. The
total damage caused by typhoons and ﬂoods were estimated at around 23,200 billion dong
(CCFSC, 2009).
During the year of 2010, the whole country suffered six storms, 4 major ﬂoods with manyheat waves, droughts, long-lasting cold spells, which claimed 362 people as dead or
missing, 490 injured, 6,000 houses destroyed, nearly 500,000 houses and 300,000 ha ofrice damaged by ﬂooding. The estimated physical damage amounted to about 16,000
billion dong (CCFSC, 2014).

NATURAL LANDSCAPE AND CULTURAL HERITAGE
Bac Ha is the north-eastern district of Lao Cai province, Vietnam (Figure 1). It is widely
known for its beautiful rugged karst mountain range, natural sightseeing and 14 ethnic

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ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES

179

minority groups including Hmong, Dzao, Giay (Nhang), Han (Hoa), Xa Fang, Lachi, Nung,
Phula, Thai, Thulao and others. Bac Ha is also called ‘White Valley’ (‘Cao nguyên trắng’ inVietnamese), which refers to the pure white plum tree blossoms.
Bac Ha town is the urban centre of Bac Ha district. It has developed strong tourist andbusiness services such as guesthouses, hotels, restaurants and a traditional silver carving
industry thanks to its location at the centre of the district. It is the central location of
district-wide agency and unit offices, and where local political, cultural and social activities
are organised and implemented. The name ‘Bac Ha’ (‘Bắc Hà’ in Vietnamese) comes fromthe phrase ‘Pac Ha’ which means ‘hundred bunches of grass’ in the Tay language. Bac Ha
town has a natural area of 148 ha of fertile land located in the basin valley, with anaverage height of 1,067.5 m above sea level. Bac Ha town has a temperate climate, cool inthe summer and cold with frost in the winter. The average temperature ranges from 18°C
to 19°C.
The Bac Ha district has four national cultural monuments of historic value. Two of them arelocated in Bac Ha town: the Bac Ha temple (‘Gia Quoc Cong - Vu Van Mat’ Temple, or ‘đềnBắc Hà’) and the Hoang A Tuong palace (‘dinh Hoàng A Tưởng’). They are associated with
important events in Vietnamese history (Figure 2).
The Hoang A Tuong Palace, also known as the Castle of Hmong’s King (‘dinh vua Mèo’),was built in 1914 by the French. The construction combines Western architecture with
Oriental Feng Shui principles. It served as a palace for the Hmong leader, Hoang A Chao,
the local king. The building was developed as a defence system with fortified walls, bunkers
and watchtowers to monitor all movements 360° around the fortress. As a relic of Frenchcolonialism, the Hoang A Tuong palace remains quite intact. The total area of the house is
4,000 m2, built in the style of Asian-European architecture within a rectangular closed loop.
Over 90 years the palace became covered with moss but remained majestically
outstanding in a busy residential area on a crowded street. This grand villa was preserved
and embellished so that visitors could learn about the social history of the mountainous
area. The palace was recognised as a national architectural monument on 11 June 1999
(Tran Hoa, 2017). Many architects, builders and lovers of nostalgic landscapes weresaddened when the Lao Cai provincial government decided to renovate the Hoang A Tuongpalace in such an outlandish way. This decision removed the beautiful paintwork on theexterior of the building replacing it with an ordinary facade.
The Bac Ha Cultural Market is famous for its original and characteristic features of ethnic
minority cultures. It is divided into market sections such as brocades, food, horses, poultry,
birds and forging. The market is one of the places that preserve the unique culturalfeatures of the Vietnamese upland markets. The ‘thang co’ (thắng cố) pan sale in Bac Ha
Market has been recorded as the largest pan sale in Vietnam. Bac Ha Market is a must-see
for tourists coming to Bac Ha Town. This place retains the unique and colourful
characteristics of the highland people. To the local people, going to the market means
going out because the market is not simply a place to buy, sell, or exchange goods, butalso a place to arouse the spirit of the culture, as a meeting and dating place. To go to themarket, people have to venture out very early in the morning or even one day before.
People o�en choose their most beautiful clothes to wear to attend the market. Bac Ha
market used to be located on a hill. The surrounding ethnic minorities brought all kinds ofhighland products to the market, such as Shan tea, fruits, honey, wine, dresses, brocades,

180

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

silver jewellery, orchids, seedlings, horses, cows, pigs, or bags of corn and potatoes. In
recent years, to meet the increasing demand for the exchange and sale of the local
products of people from the neighbouring areas, Bac Ha market has been renovated byinvestors and has expanded into a larger area. Local authorities and cultural agencies havemade a great effort to preserve the integrity of the market. The Bac Ha Fair features thebold communal activities of the ethnic people of the Northwest region, preserving thevalues of their traditional cultural identity.
The Bac Ha temple is dedicated to the national hero Vu Van Mat, who made Bac Ha
famous and established the nation’s north-western border under the Vietnamese Mac andLate Le dynasties. The temple was recognised as a National Historic Site on October 2003.
On the seventh day of the seventh lunar month, a festival is organised for the residents
and visitors to pay tribute to Vu Van Mat. Bac Ha also has a weekly market which is one of
the most popular and largest in the north-west of Vietnam. The colourful dresses of the
Flower Hmong costumes provide a particular attraction. On the market one buys meat andvegetables, wine, farm products and household supplies. Every year, people celebrated thetemple festival on February 9th of the lunar calendar, and the anniversary of General Vu
Van Mat on July 7th. The festival consists of cultural performances by the local people suchas Tay folk dance, singing and folk games such as push rod, tug of war, chess, sealed eye
and catching duck.
The temple festival not only promotes the value of cultural and historical relics but also
contributes to the propagation of Bac Ha images to domestic and foreign tourists. Coming(a) Bac Ha temple (Dimuonnoi, 2017)(b) Bac Ha market (Sapalaocai, 2017)(c) Hoang A Tuong palace (Dulichvtv, 2017)
Figure 2

Cultural heritage of Bac Ha (Lao Cai, Vietnam)

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181

to Bac Ha, tourists can enjoy the temples, or some of the famous specialties such as Ban
Lien tea, corn wine, pho, or other famous attractive sites such as Thien Long cave, Giang
Pho ﬂower valley, heritage tree sites, or cultural villages.

METHODOLOGY
Sectorial Impacts and Questionnaires
Two weeks prior to the field trip in February 2017, the local authorities of the Bac Ha town
and Bac Ha district prepared two reports; one on annual socioeconomic development andmaster planning in Bac Ha district until 2020, and another on natural hazard statistics.
Official reports were collected during the field trip. A meeting held at the government
office between the local authorities and Vietnamese researchers discussed challenges
related to cultural heritage management and planning development.
We used the Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) framework3 to administerquestionnaires to local residents and assess the consensus about the socioeconomic
impact of climate change in a cultural heritage context. The survey consisted of 60
questions listed according to the following DPSIR elements:• 7 questions on the drivers (D)urbanisation, socioeconomic transition, tourism development, population growth,
infrastructure development, master planning, extreme hydro-climate events• 8 questions on the pressures (P)heavy rain, ﬂooding, landslides, housing construction, tourism infrastructure
construction, tourism activities by visitors, tourism service activities by local people,
transportation activities• 21 questions on the states (S)landscape change, land use change, degradation of green space and open space, useof local plants, scenic quality, visual amenity, landscape aesthetics, accessibility ofnatural areas, cultural heritage in general, accessibility, authenticity, integrity,
significance• 10 questions on the impacts (I)number of visitors, length of visit, number of visitor complaints, level of visitor
dissatisfaction, visitors willing to pay, tourism service quality, local income, local
quality of life, local education, local health care; and• 14 questions on the response (R)cultural heritage in general, authenticity, integrity, significance, number of visitors,
length of visit, number of visitor complaints, level of visitor dissatisfaction, visitors’
willingness to pay, tourism service quality, local income, local quality of life, local
education, local health care

3

182

The DPSIR starts with drivers (human and natural factors) resulting in pressures on cultural heritage.
The state of cultural heritage gradually changes, which in turn has a further impact on both thehuman and the natural environment, which leads to a response to correct the other four elements.

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Selection of DPSIR Parameters and Variables
Parameters and variables were selected that were compatible with the local context in the
Vietnamese northern mountains. A range of economic, social, cultural, environmental andgovernance parameters were identified. Variables were selected on the basis of theseparameters, which permitted the assessment of local people’s perceptions of thesustainability of the natural landscape and cultural heritage management practices. As
shown in Table 2, variables were selected based upon previous international research
applied to the existing situation of the Vietnamese uplands.
Table 2

Selected parameters and variables of DPSIR dimensions

Dimensions

Parameters

Indicators

Driver (D)Human drivers (D1)

Urbanization (D11),
Socio-economic transition (D12), Tourism development(D13), Population growth (D14), Infrastructuredevelopment (D15), Master planning (D16)Natural drivers (D2)Extreme hydro-climate events (D21)Natural pressures (P1)

Heavy rain (P11), Flooding (P12), Landslides (P13)

Human pressures (P2)

Housing construction (P21), Tourism infrastructure
construction (P22), Tourism activities by visitors (P23),
Tourism service activities by local people (P24),
Transportation activities (P25)

Total landscape (S1)Landscape change (S11);Land use change (S12);
Degradation of green space and open space (S13); Useof local plants (S14);
Scenic quality; visual amenity; landscape aesthetics(S15); Accessibility of natural areas (S16)

Cultural heritage (S2)

Cultural heritage in general(S21); Accessibility (S22);
Authenticity (S23); Integrity (S24); Significance (S25)

Visitors (I1)

Number of visitors (I11); Length of visit (I12);
Number of visitor complaints (I13); Level of visitor
dissatisfaction (I14); Visitors willing to pay (I15); Tourism
service quality (I16).

Locals (I2)

Local income (I21); Local quality of life (I22); Local
education (I23); Local health care (I24)

Improving cultural heritage(R1)

Cultural heritage in general (R11); Authenticity (R12);Integrity (R13); Significance (R14)

Improving tourism quality(R2)

Number of visitors (R21); Length of visit (R22); Numberof visitor complaints (R23); Level of visitor
dissatisfaction (R24); Visitors willingness to pay (R25);
Tourism service quality (R26)

Improving the local qualityof life (R3)

Local income (R31); Local quality of life (R32); Local
education (R33); Local health care (R34)

Pressure (P)State (S)Impact (I)Response (R)

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES183

Data Processing
The results were summarised for each statement based on the weighted mean (wMean),rank mean, rank score, standard deviation and percentile. wMean shows an average value
as the sum of the values divided by the number of values. It is calculated on the basis of all
the data obtained, and therefore it is affected by unusual and extremely high or low values.
The wMean is used for grouping data collected from individual perceptions and ranking
quality using five or seven levels of measurement. The wMean for a 5-level Likert item isexpressed as:( ), Xi = 1,… 5( )=∑RESULTS

Local Perceptions of the Impact of Climate Change Hazards and Other Factors
on the Natural Landscape and Cultural Heritage
Driver factors

As shown in Table 3, drivers shaping the natural landscape attract seven variables. The
most significant driver was infrastructure development with a rank mean of 60.68 and arank score of 22, followed by population growth (rank mean = 50.08); urbanisation (51.54);
recent socioeconomic transition (50.08); extreme hydro-climate events (47.12); masterplanning (41.18); and tourism development (40.84). Extreme hydro-climate events rankedfi�h among drivers changing the natural landscape.
Table 4 shows the drivers undermining cultural heritage. Infrastructure development shows
the highest rank mean and rank score with 2.80 and 39, followed by recent socioeconomictransition (rank mean = 44.34); urbanisation (43.24); extreme hydro-climate events (41.94);
tourism development (38.44), population growth (36.30); and master planning (36.62).
Extreme hydro-climate events rank fourth among drivers undermining cultural heritage.

Table 3

Drivers shaping the natural landscape
Drivers

184

wMean

Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Urbanization

2.80

51.54

37

1.354

2

3

4

Recent socio-economic transition

2.72

50.08

40

1.275

1.5

3

4

Tourism development

2.24

40.84

67

1.165

1

2

3

Population growth

3.12

57.08

29

1.453

2

3

4.5

Infrastructure development

3.16

60.68

22

1.248

2

3

4

Master planning

2.44

41.18

66

1.261

1

2

3.5

Extreme hydro-climate events

2.68

47.12

45

1.215

2

3

3.5

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Table 4

Drivers undermining cultural heritage
Drivers

wMean

Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Urbanization

2.44

43.24

57

1.557

1

2

4

Socio-economic transition

2.52

44.34

53

1.447

1

3

4

Tourism development

2.12

38.44

73

1.301

1

2

3.5

Population growth

2.16

36.30

79

1.143

1

2

3

Infrastructure development

2.80

50.86

39

1.354

2

3

4

Master planning

2.08

36.62

78

1.077

1

2

3

Extreme hydro-climate events

2.36

41.94

63

1.254

1.5

2

3

Table 5Natural pressures aﬀecting the conservation of the natural landscape
Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Heavy rain

2.84

51.18

38

1.434

1.5

3

4

Flooding

1.72

29.04

91

1.061

1

1

2

Landslide

1.92

32.08

88

1.187

1

1

3

Tornado

2.16

36.28

80

1.434

1

1

4

Pressure factors

Table 6wMean

Natural pressures aﬀecting the preservation of cultural heritage
Pressure factors

wMean

Rank
Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

Percentiles
25th

50th

75th

Heavy rain

2.24

38.28

74

1.300

1

2

3

Flooding

1.48

23.24

96

1.005

1

1

1.5

Landslide

1.48

24.96

95

0.823

1

1

2

Pressure factors

Tables 5 and 6 show the natural pressures affecting the conservation of natural landscapeand the preservation of cultural heritage. In Bac Ha, heavy rain has had the strongest
impact on the natural landscape with a rank mean of 51.18 and a rank score of 38,
followed by tornadoes (36.28); landslides (32.08); and ﬂooding (29.04) (see Table 5).
Similarly, the greatest natural pressure upon the preservation of cultural heritage washeavy rain with a rank mean of 38.28 and a rank score of 38, followed by landslides(24.96) and ﬂooding (23.24) (see Table 6).
Tables 7 and 8 show human-induced pressures affecting the conservation of naturallandscape and preservation of cultural heritage. Construction affected the naturallandscape most strongly with a rank mean of 62.98 and a rank score of 17, followed by
tourism service activities by local people (48.90), tourism infrastructure construction(48.40), transportation activities (46.36) and tourism activities by visitors (37.04) (see Table 7).
Meanwhile, tourism service activities by local people had the greatest human-induced
impact upon the preservation of cultural heritage with a rank mean of 43.06 and a rank
score of 59, followed by tourism infrastructure construction (42.02), tourism activities byvisitors (37.04), housing construction (35.86) and transportation activities (33.96) (see Table 8).

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Table 7

Human-induced pressures aﬀecting the natural landscapePressure factors

wMean

Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Housing construction

3.36

62.98

17

1.440

2

4

5

Tourism infrastructure
construction (hotel, motel,
restaurant, etc.)

2.80

48.40

43

1.472

1

3

4

Tourism activities by visitors

2.44

42.58

61

1.158

1

3

3

Tourism service activities by local
people

2.68

48.90

42

1.108

2

3

3

Transportation activities

2.48

46.36

48

1.123

1.5

2

3.5

Housing construction

2.16

35.86

81

1.106

1

2

3

Tourism infrastructure
construction (hotel, motel,
restaurant, etc.)

2.40

42.02

62

1.354

1

2

3.5

Tourism activities by visitors

2.16

37.04

77

1.434

1

2

3

Tourism service activities by local
people

2.44

43.06

59

1.158

2

2

3.5

Transportation activities

2.04

33.96

87

0.889

1

2

3

Table 8Human-induced pressures aﬀecting cultural heritage
Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Housing construction

2.16

35.86

81

1.106

1

2

3

Tourism infrastructure construction(hotel, motel, restaurant, etc.)

2.40

42.02

62

1.354

1

2

3.5

Tourism activities by visitors

2.16

37.04

77

1.434

1

2

3

Tourism service activities by local
people

2.44

43.06

59

1.158

2

2

3.5

Transportation activities

2.04

33.96

87

0.889

1

2

3

Pressure factors

wMeanState (S)The state of natural landscape change was characterised by 14 indicators (Table 9). Landuse was ranked as the greatest change in the Bac Ha with a rank mean of 74.06 and a rank
score of 7, followed by landscape change in general (67.32), scenic quality, visual amenity
and landscape aesthetics (58.70), water pollution (57.38), river channel change (55.30), soil
degradation (51.86), accessibility of natural areas (49.02), biodiversity loss (47.94),
degradation of green space and open spaces (47.12), solid waste (45.32), use of local
plants (45.02), noise pollution (44.06), air pollution (43.82) and geomorphologic changes(41.68).
The significance of cultural heritage sites has been greatly modified (rank mean is 46.82,
rank score is 47). Although cultural heritage plays an important role in providing people
with an understanding of social values, beliefs and the religion and custom-based
dimensions of their culture, some respondents said that the function of cultural heritage
sites in Bac Ha was now only recreational because cultural heritage sites provide open
spaces for local residents and tourists. This modification was followed by cultural heritage
changes in general (40.58), integrity (37.68), accessibility (35.64) and authenticity (34.94)

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Table 9

The state of natural landscape changeState factors

wMean

Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Landscape change in general

3.68

67.32

12

1.180

3

4

5

Geomorphologic change

2.24

41.68

64

1.012

1.5

2

3

River channel change

3.08

55.30

34

1.187

2

3

4

Biodiversity loss

2.72

47.94

44

1.370

2

2

4

Land use change

4.04

74.06

7

1.274

3.5

5

5

Water pollution

3.20

57.38

28

1.291

2

4

4

Soil degradation

2.92

51.86

35

1.187

2

3

4

Air pollution

2.56

43.82

55

1.121

1.5

3

3.5

Noise pollution

2.48

44.06

54

1.358

1

2

4

Solid waste

2.64

45.32

51

1.114

2

3

4

Degradation of green space andopen space

2.68

47.12

46

1.180

2

3

3.5

Use of local plants

2.72

45.02

52

1.308

1

3

4

Scenic quality, visual amenity andlandscape aesthetics

3.20

58.70

26

1.633

1

3

5

Accessibility of natural areas

2.88

49.02

41

1.740

1

3

5

Table 10The modification of cultural heritage
Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Cultural heritage in general

2.36

40.58

68

1.186

1

2

3.5

Accessibility

2.12

35.64

83

1.333

1

2

3.5

Authenticity

2.04

34.94

85

1.098

1

2

3

State factors

wMean

Integrity

2.20

37.68

75

1.258

1

2

3.5

Significance

2.56

46.82

47

1.660

1

2

4

(Table 10). Hoang A Tuong palace provides a typical example. In the early 2000s, thebeautiful, ancient and magnificent palace was re-painted bright yellow in the surrounding
green hills. Many architects, builders and lovers of nostalgic landscapes were saddened by
the changes to Hoang A Tuong’s palace when the provincial government renovated thebuilding in such an outlandish way. This decision removed the beautiful paintwork on theexterior of the building replacing it with an ordinary facade.

Impact (I)The natural landscape and cultural heritage of Bac Ha attract many tourists, therefore,
modifications may negatively impact upon the development of tourism and the livelihoodof the local community. Local education was considered most significant inﬂuence on thenatural landscape and cultural heritage of Bac Ha, with a rank mean of 65.00 and a rank
score of 15, followed by the number of visitors (63.26), tourism service quality (60.04), thelocal quality of life (59.18), visitors willingness to pay (55.70), local income (55.58), local
health care (46.24), length of visit (43.12), level of visitor dissatisfaction (40.28) and thenumber of visitor complaints (37.18) (see Table 11).

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Table 11

The impact of changes to the natural landscape and cultural heritage on tourism and the local
community
Impact factors

wMean

Rank
Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

Percentiles
25th

50th

75th

Number of visitors

3.36

63.26

16

1.440

5

2

5

Length of visit

2.48

43.12

58

1.194

5

1

3

Number of visitor complaints

2.24

37.18

76

1.200

5

1

3

Level of visitor dissatisfaction

2.36

40.28

69

1.186

4

1

3.5

Visitors willingness to pay

2.96

55.70

31

1.513

5

1.5

4.5

Tourism service quality

3.16

60.04

23

1.068

5

3

4

Local income

3.20

55.58

33

1.414

5

2

4

Local quality of life

3.20

59.18

25

1.155

5

2

4

Local education

3.44

65.00

15

1.294

5

2

5

Local health care

2.72

46.24

49

1.339

5

1

4

Table 12Dimensions of landscape change
Impact factors

wMean

Rank

Std.
Deviation 25th

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Landscape change in general

3.20

55.64

32

1.291

5

2

50th
3

75th
4

Geomorphologic change

2.16

35.66

82

1.405

5

1

2

3.5

River channel change

2.16

35.34

84

1.313

5

1

2

3

Biodiversity loss

2.40

41.58

65

1.472

5

1

2

4

Land use change

3.32

59.68

24

1.520

5

2

4

5

Water pollution

3.20

57.02

30

1.443

5

2

4

4

Soil degradation

2.64

46.22

50

1.411

5

1

2

4

Air pollution

2.44

43.34

56

1.294

5

1

3

3.5

Noise pollution

2.44

42.74

60

1.474

5

1

2

4

Solid waste

2.36

39.96

70

1.411

5

1

2

4

Degradation of green space andopen space

3.84

72.18

9

1.573

5

2.5

5

5

Use of local plants

3.64

66.14

13

1.287

5

3

4

5

Scenic quality, visual amenity, andlandscape aesthetics

3.28

62.38

18

1.720

5

1

4

5

Accessibility of natural areas

2.88

51.80

36

1.536

5

1

3

4

The greatest changes noticed in the landscape (Table 12) were attributed to thedegradation of green and open spaces (rank mean of 72.18 and a rank score of 9),
followed by the use of local plants (66.14), scenic quality, visual amenity and landscapeaesthetics (62.38), land use change (59.68), water pollution (57.02), landscape change in
general (55.64), the accessibility of natural areas (51.80), soil degradation (46.22), air
pollution (43.34), noise pollution (42.74), biodiversity loss (41.58), solid waste (39.96),
geomorphologic change (35.66) and river channel change (35.34).

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Response (R)According to local people’s opinion, cultural heritage must be preserved using multiple
methods as a top priority. First of all, greater authenticity is needed (rank mean of 84.60
and a rank score of 2), followed by greater integrity (73.82), significance (65.22) and theimprovement of cultural heritage in general (62.06) (Table 13).
Local people named their second priority as improving the quality of tourism and the local
quality of life. To achieve this, an increase in the number of visitors is the first priority(mean of 82.14 and a rank score of 1), followed by increasing the length of the visit(80.46), improving local education (79.00), increasing local income (76.76), increasing theamounts the visitors are willing to pay (75.76), improving the local quality of life (71.82),
improving the quality of tourism services (69.14), decreasing the number of visitor
complaints (60.82) and reducing the level of visitor dissatisfaction (58.42) (Table 14).
Table 13

Response to improving cultural heritage
Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Cultural heritage in general

3.60

62.06

19

1.472

3

4

5

Authenticity

4.40

81.60

2

1.190

4

5

5

Integrity

4.08

73.82

8

1.320

3.5

5

5

Significance

3.64

65.22

14

1.469

2.5

4

5

Response factors

Table 14

wMean

Responses to improving the quality of tourism and the local quality of life
Rank

Percentiles

Mean

Score

Std.
Deviation

25th

50th

75th

Number of visitors

4.48

82.14

1

0.770

4

5

5

Length of visit

4.32

80.46

3

1.108

4

5

5

Number of visitor complaints

3.52

60.82

21

1.584

2.5

4

4.5

Response factors

wMean

Level of visitor dissatisfaction

3.36

58.42

27

1.655

1.5

4

4.5

Visitors willingness-to-pay

4.16

75.76

6

1.143

3

5

5

Tourism service quality

3.68

69.14

11

1.145

3.5

4

4

Local income

4.16

76.76

5

0.898

4

4

5

Local quality of life

3.84

71.82

10

1.375

4

4

5

Local education

4.24

79.00

4

1.165

4

5

5

Local health care

3.44

61.04

20

1.261

3

4

4

Authorities’ Opinion of Cultural Heritage Management and Development
Development Planning and Cultural Heritage Management

During official meetings between local authorities of the Bac Ha district and the Bac Ha
town with the Vietnamese research team, the authorities introduced ‘The activity plan ofcultural heritage development in the Bac Ha town during 2010–2015’ (Bac Ha DG, 2009).
Following this action plan, the project ‘Conservation and Promotion of the Traditional
Culture through Building a Cultural Life with the Reform of Backward Culture in the Period
2011–2015’ was effectively implemented in Bac Ha. Cultural heritage sites and theirinherent cultural values were preserved and promoted, creating attractive tourism

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189

destinations and contributing to the socioeconomic development of the district.
Along with this project, cultural heritage is preserved and promoted by the Department ofCulture and Tourism of Bac Ha district. During the period 2011–2015, two national-level
scenic spots were recognised: Thien Long cave (in Ta Van Chu commune) in 2013, and themillennial trees which was recognised as a heritage trees in 2014. Throughout the district,cultural and historical relics were renovated and embellished to reverse their degradation
over time. In 2013, the restoration of Bac Ha temple relics required 236 million VND in
total. The government also invested in eco-tourism areas and tourist sites such as Bac Ha
market, Hoang A Tuong palace, traditional villages such as village 2A, community tourism
villages in the Na Tha (Ta Chai commune), Na Hoi Tay (Na Hoi commune) and Trung Do(Bao Nhai commune).
In addition, intangible cultural heritage practices have been preserved, developed andrestored, such as the organisation of traditional festivals, including the festivals of Tay in the
Ta Chai, Na Hoi, Ban Lien; the Gautao festival (‘lễ hội Gầu Tào’) of Hmong in Ta Van Chu
and Thai Giang Pho; the forest worship of the Tay, Nung, Phu La; and the Cap sat and firedancing festivals of the Dao people in Nam Det. Traditional folk art and culture has beenpreserved through the organisation of a public art festival by the Department of Culture
and Tourism of Bac Ha district. It is held biannually to promote the restoration of the
traditional folk songs and dances of different ethnic groups. Furthermore, the developmentof culture, arts and sports has attracted an increasing number of participants. In 2014, theThe (dance) art of Tay was recognised as a national form of intangible cultural heritage.
Other national intangible cultural heritage practices that were recognised in Bac Ha district
during 2011–2015 include the Gautao festival of the Hmong, the then ceremony of theDao; the Tug of war of the Tay; the Khen music of the Hmong; the Demotic script of theDao; and the art of The (dance) of the Tay inhabiting the Ta Chai commune.
The movement ‘All People Unite to Build Cultural Life’ launched by the Bac Ha district
government was widely welcomed by local people. Local authorities took the initiative towork out a plan to celebrate and relaunch this movement annually. This plan defined
specific tasks to be carried out each month and each of quarter of the year. It emphasised
close coordination between mass organisations at all levels and advocated for the more
active participation of people in the implementation of the movement. So far, over 21
communes and towns have built village agreements. All of the cultural villages have built
agreements which have been implemented and accepted by the people; 90% of culturalvillages have applied democratic regulations at grassroots level, which has contributed tothe promotion of democracy, political stability and socioeconomic development in rural
areas. By 2015, 66% of families were recognised as cultural families, 61% of villages andstreet groups had received cultural titles; 100% of agencies and units met cultural
standards. In addition, 21 arts and culture teams of 126 communes and villages had been
established, consolidated and offered regular training to serve the country’s great festivals,
the political tasks of the localities and attract tourists.
Cultural sites were invested in by the public sector during the period spanning 2010–2015,
including the national government, the Lao Cai provincial government and the Bac Ha
district government. 88 village-level cultural houses and five communal-level cultural
houses were built. In total, the number of village cultural houses were 124 and number ofcommunal cultural houses were six. All 24 communities have their own community

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learning centres. 56 sets of cultural equipment at a total cost of 880 million VND were
provided, upgrading the total number of well-equipped cultural houses to 66. Nine
broadcasting stations were invested in, repaired and upgraded. All 21 communes and towns
now have loudspeaker systems. 93% of the population are able to access radio broadcasts
and 70% of the population are able to watch TV programmes. The project also organised amobile outreach team to disseminate information and serve local people, in order to raise
their level of cultural enjoyment.
During the period of 2010–2015, there have been 378 public awareness sessions
conducted on environmental hygiene, population planning and family planning, the newlifestyle wedding ceremony and hygienic livestock cages. The backward customs of thepeople in the uplands, such as their wedding and funeral ceremonies, were changed inaccordance with the law to avoid close-relationship and child marriage, removing a deadbody from the house a�er 48 hours, simplifying the funeral ceremony to save money andreducing the birth rate to three children (in total 13.8% of all babies born each year). Since
2015, only 28 out of 225 have been child weddings (accounts for 12%), 70% of villages
have committed not to let cattle wander everywhere, 85.5% of households have installed
hygienic latrines and 66.8% of households have obtained hygienic livestock cages.
The training and fostering of cadres in charge of cultural affairs has been assigned to those
who are capable of performing basic cultural and information work. Since 2015, all 21
communes have achieved social and cultural titles and have been trained in the culturalsciences at an intermediate or higher level, with 15 out of 21 cadres satisfied, and 71.4%
trained in other fields. There were five professional training courses organised for thegrassroots culture team.
The total budget for the implementation of the second phase of 2011–2015 was 12,288
million VND, with 8,198 million VND sourced from public spending and 4,090 million VND
funded from other sources.

Challenges of managing and developing cultural heritage

In addition to the introduction to planning cultural heritage management anddevelopment, local authorities shared their opinions about the factors limiting cultural
heritage management and development in Bac Ha. The existing limitations in cultural
management and development were identified as:• Sloping land limiting the expansion of cultural and sport infrastructures;• The educational level of local residents is uneven; the livelihoods of ethnic people
are still difficult. The number of poor households is still high. The population is notconcentrated, so that the response to cultural and artistic movements is notwidespread. Some backward practices still exist in the remote villages, especially in
wedding and funeral ceremonies;• The social awareness of cultural and sport activities is limited leading to poororganisation and implementation;• Local authorities in several communities have a limited capacity to supervise andmonitor the tasks assigned to the mass organisations, which has led to theinadequate quality of the movement to unite all people to build a cultural life;

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• The movement promoting cultural activities has developed rapidly, but it is unevenly
distributed, being mainly focused in the centre of the district. The development in
the remote areas and communes is still slow;• The promotional campaign has not been effective because the professional
contributors from local authorities and facilities have not achieved the actual
requirements; and• The low level of economic resources for grassroots cultural work did not meet thedemand for people’s cultural enjoyment.
The direction of the conservation, preservation and promotion of tangible cultural heritage
in Bac Ha is shared by local authorities as follows:• Improving the management and promotion of cultural and historical values to
exploit and develop tourist attractions more effectively;• Treating termites to restore, embellish and preserve the cultural relics of the Trung
Do Temple;• Plan for the development of professional villages; supporting traditional training for
local people; promoting tourist products in the professional villages such as cornwine making in the villages in Ban Pho, horse saddle making in villages in Lung Phinh
and incense making in the communes of Lung Tru and Thai Giang Pho;
• Encourage people to build and use traditional houses such as the Hmong hamlet
houses and the stilt houses of the Tay, in combination with the development of culturalvillage tourism; to guide people to develop home-based tourism (homestay); and• Studying and collecting artefacts for an exhibition of the traditional culture of the 14
ethnic groups of the Bac Ha district.
The direction of the conservation, preservation and promotion of intangible cultural
heritage in Bac Ha are shared by local authorities as follows:• Making detailed scenarios for seven traditional festivals, including: (i) the festival of
the Tay in Ta Chai commune; (ii) the Gautao festival of the Hmong in Thai Giang Pho
and Hoang Thu Pho commune; (iii) the forest worshipping festival of the Phu La in
Lung Phinh; (iv) the fire-dancing ceremony of the Dao in Nam Det; (v) the festival of
Bac Ha temple in Bac Ha town; (vi) the festival of Trung Do Temple in the Bao Nhai;and (vii) traditional horse racing in Bac Ha district;• Finding funds for festivals;• Intensifying the popularisation and propagation of traditional festivals;• Creating promotional materials about the five typical forms of art and culture of theethnic groups, including: the khen and xinh tien dance of the Hmong, the dating
singing of the Dao, the dance of the Tay, singing and using traditional musicalinstruments of the Phu La, the dating singing of the La Chi;
• Preserving intangible cultural heritage at the national level; to study and promote
the value of intangible cultural heritage practices to create products to develop
tourist services;• Compiling scientific records and recommendations to add the following festivals to

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the list of national intangible cultural heritage: the Xuong dong festival the Tay in Bac
Ha district; the decorative art on Hmong ethnic costumes; the cotton weaving
technology of the La Chi;
• Studying and exploiting Thien Long cave for tourism;• Organising cultural and artistic exchanges in the district through public art showsand sports competitions, to promote regional honour and encourage thedevelopment of national sports and art forms; and• Organising training classes on traditional culture for ethnic people, such as the
Hmong, Dao, Tay, Nung, Phu La, La Chi, etc.
Local authorities shared an investment in the construction of cultural institutions, which
focus on the following issues:• Building a system of cultural houses to the standards set by the Vietnamese
Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism. To strive to meet the 2020 target of
constructing five commune cultural houses, bringing the total number of communes
with commune-level cultural houses to 11 communes. 75 new cultural houses will
be built at the village scale and raise the total number of villages with cultural
houses up to 217 cultural houses to meet the need for cultural activities;• Investing in audio-visual equipment in 10 commune cultural houses and 50 cultural
houses; and• Upgrading and repairing all 21 broadcasting stations in the communes, towns and atvillage level.
Renovating traditional practices and building a healthy cultural environment was presented
by local authorities as follows:• Developing a plan to implement civilised wedding and funeral ceremonies, and otherreligious activities in the Lao Cai province;• Carrying out professional family training for village heads and house group leaders;and• Strengthening the organisation of propaganda, education and advocacy activities invarious forms; raising awareness among cadres, Party members and people of all
strata; to effectively implement the Party’s directives and resolutions on building anddeveloping Vietnamese culture and people to ensure the sustainable developmentof the country; to guide people to adopt civilised weddings and funeral ceremonies,
and other religious festivals; to disseminate information on environmental sanitation,
gender equality, population control and family planning.
Local authorities are aiming to remove obsolete marriage customs such as: closerelationship marriages, child marriages, forced marriages, high-price wedding requirements.
People need to comply with the law strictly and conduct residential weddings instead oforganising a luxury wedding ceremony, and only invite family friends and close friends for awedding party. Moreover, they should remove obsolete ordinances in funerals, such as
amulets, exorcisms and scattering paper and real money on the funeral route to avoid
environmental pollution. Other activities during funeral ceremonies need to be
implemented in accordance with the law and the Circular No. 04/2011/TT-BVHTT & DL
dated 21 July 2011 by the Vietnamese Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism; to adopt

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193

civilised wedding, funeral and festival ceremonies.
Finally, the elimination of old customs from the festival was discussed, such as taking
advantage of the festival to practice superstitions such as fortune-telling, ‘len dong’ dance,
amulet protection, exorcisms for medical treatment; and burning graves within the festival
areas.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Vietnam is prone to the effects of climate change: the country is experiencing increasing
temperature variations, rising sea levels and an increasing variation in the onset and theend of its main seasons (MONRE, 2016). Climate change and natural hazards especiallyaffect the preservation of cultural heritages in the northern mountain region of Vietnam,
causing changes to cultural heritage in general, its accessibility, authenticity, integrity andsignificance.
This study discusses the natural landscape and cultural heritage on the slopes of the Bac
Ha mountain in northern Vietnam because this area is greatly affected by both natural andhuman activities. Consequently, all the selected respondents were ‘experts by experience’
because the focus of the study is on the local impact of climate change and local
Urbaniza�on
60

Extreme hydroclimate events

50
40
30

Socio-economictransi�on20
100Master planning

Tourismdevelopment

Infrastructure
Popula�on growthdevelopment(a) Driver factors aﬀecting cultural heritage

Heavy rain
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Landslide
Flooding(b) Natural pressures aﬀecting cultural heritage
Figure 3

194

Rank mean value of drivers and natural pressures aﬀecting cultural heritage in Bac Ha(Lao Cai, Vietnam)

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

responses. Therefore, the perception of respondents reﬂects the present drivers, pressures,state, impacts and response to changes in the natural landscape and cultural heritage ofthe slopes at a local level. The results show that increasing natural and human pressures
are undermining cultural heritages. Figure 3 shows that cultural heritage sites are strongly
affected by both human-induced and natural factors, such as infrastructure development,
recent socioeconomic transitions, urbanisation and extreme hydro-climate events. Climatechange hazards are considered a significant pressure on the preservation of cultural heritageon the slopes; especially the deleterious effects of heavy rains, landslides and ﬂooding.
This study faced uncertainties associated with the factors people perceived as least
important. Overall, climate change hazards were hardly mentioned by the interviewees. In
particular, the items considered of limited importance might be the result of bias. This
study ranks the effects of natural hazards according to local people’s perceptions, on thebasis of the rank means derived from a Likert 5 scale. The Likert scale is widely used forthis type of research and is considered an effective tool in many disciplines. However, theLikert scale is known to possess limitations; more complex relationships are hard to assessin this way while the respondents are unaware of this limitation. Another limitation of thisstudy is that we did not investigate how the local people deal with culture-related
regulations by local authorities at this stage of the field work. The community’s viewpointof these matters must be explored during the next field trip study.

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Sapalaocai (2017). Những trải nghiệm phải thử ở chợ phiên Bắc Hà (Experiences have to try in Bac Ha
market). [online] Available at: http://www.sapalaocai.com/laocai/Nhung-trai-nghiem-phai-thu-o-chophien-Bac-Ha.htm [Accessed 18 Dec. 2017].
Trần Hoà (2017). Kỳ bí dinh thự Hoàng A Tưởng (Mysterious Hoang A Tuong palace). Anninhthudo.
[online] Available at: http://anninhthudo.vn/phong-su/ky-bi-dinh-thu-hoang-a-tuong/434824.antd[Accessed 18 Dec. 2017].

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NCHM (National Center for Hydrology and Meteorology) (2005). Characteristics of hydrology andmeteorology in Vietnam. Hanoi. 72 pages.

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ASSESSING THE SITUATION OF NATURAL DISASTERS AND
LOCAL ADAPTATION: PRELIMINARY FIELD SURVEY IN
BO RIVER BASIN, VIETNAM
Le Van An1 and Ngo Tung Duc2

BASIC INFORMATION ON THE AREA AND COMMUNITY SURVEYEDThua Thien Hue, a province in Central Vietnam, is o�en affected by natural disasters,
especially ﬂoods and storms. Natural disasters affect the lives, activities, production andintangible cultural heritage (ICH) of local people. This study describes the prevalent state ofdisasters in Thua Thien Hue, focusing on the communes of Huong Van and Huong Tra of
Huong Tra Town to conduct a detailed survey of local disasters, in relation to ICH.
Huong Van Ward, in the town of Huong Tra, Thua Thien Hue Province, is located in a semimountainous area to the northwest of the city of Hue (Figure 1). The ward contains of four
hamlets: Lai Thanh, Long Khe, Son Cong and Lai Bang, with a total area of 6,168 ha, of
which agricultural and forestry land accounts for 1,390.13 ha, agricultural land occupies
502.85 ha, land for annual crops occupies 462.68 ha and perennial land accounts for 40.17
ha. There are 1,480 households with 6,930 people in Huong Van is. The income structureis 44% cultivation, 20% service, 24% animal husbandry, 4% fishery and 8% forestry (Huong
Van Ward People’s Committee in 2016). Huong Van is located in the Bo River Basin, whichis affected by natural disasters, ﬂoods, ﬂoods and landslides every year. The annual ﬂoods
have serious consequences for people’s lives. From 1999 to now, Huong Van has had
special ﬂoods in 1999, 2004, 2006 and 2007. Although moderate and small-scale ﬂoods do
not pose a risk to most households, they are threats to the lives and property of thevulnerable.
Huong Phong is a coastal commune of Huong Tra, Thua Thien Hue Province; it is about 12
km to the northeast of Hue City (Figure 1). Huong Phong Commune is located at the endof Bo River and Huong River, surrounded by a system of rivers and lagoons. Due to its
location, Huong Phong is a bottomland at the end of the source of Huong River, with analtitude of 1.0–1.5 m above sea level, and it is highly affected by storms, ﬂoods and saline
intrusion. The population of the commune in 2016 was 10,713 people. The total land area
is 1,569 ha, of which 672.16 is agricultural land (42.84% of total natural land area), 846.84
is non-agricultural land (accounting for 53.97% uncultivated land and 50 ha of unused land
(3.19% of the area).
Floods affect the lives, activities and ICH in both communes. This is the inﬂuence
1
2

Center for Agriculture Forestry Research and Development (CARD), Hue University of Agriculture andForestry
Post-Graduate Training Department, Hue University of Agriculture and Forestry

197

Figure 1

Research sites: Huong Van and Huong Phong communes

frequently and deeply in the commune. While ﬂoods do bring the silty soil and salt
necessary for agriculture, their negative impact on community livelihoods is not negligible.

SURVEY METHODS AND DATA ANALYSIS (INTERVIEW STRATEGIES)
This study employed a comprehensive research methodology to collect qualitative andquantitative information. The main tools used were: secondary literature review,
stakeholder work, interviews with key agents and with representative households, fieldobservations and workshop organisation in consultation with the community andstakeholders. The research process is detailed in Figure 2.
The purpose of the literature review was to understand the general characteristics of the
topic of research and the direction of research planning. This includes the collection andexamination of previous studies, especially documents and reports from local authorities
and relevant agencies. Using the collected data, analyses and syntheses will be conducted
out to support the next step in the field survey and collection of primary data.
The first step in the field survey was to meet with stakeholders (one meeting per
commune and 12 people per meeting). At these meetings, the research team shared the
purpose of the study and acknowledged support, collecting information, including
qualitative and quantitative information. The information gathered at this meeting wasimportant to allow the team to identify unknown issues and missing points for thecorrection of questions and presentations (Figures 3 and 4).
The interviews were conducted with two groups: knowledgeable individuals andrepresentatives of households. Semi-structured interviews were conducted for198

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Process

Prepara�onContent- Development research
tools- Documenta�on of
secondary data

Methods- Discussion groups- Overview document

Field surveys- Huong Van
commune- Huong Phong
communeFigure 2- Share research contents- Note feedback- Collect secondary data

- Mee�ng with commune
stakeholders- Gather real informa�on
on disasters in rela�on tointangible culture- Interviews with key
persons

Process, content and research method

Figure 3
Meeting with stakeholders in
Huong Van Commune(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2008)

Figure 4
Meeting with stakeholders in
Huong Phong Commune(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2012)

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199

knowledgeable people (four per commune) and households (eight households percommune). Observations made to verify information were conducted during or a�er theinterviews, depending on the specific conditions.
The data collected from secondary sources were aggregated, selected and analysed, basedon the essential content of the research topic. The information and data collected from thecore interviews are selected, cross-checked, processed and analysed for the purpose offurther analysis and explanation of the facts and results of the study. The processing andpresentation of these data tend to encourage qualitative assessment.
Of all natural disasters in Thua Thien Hue Province, ﬂoods bring the widest and deepest
impact. Thus, the analysis focuses on ﬂoods in relation to ICH.

IDENTIFYING KNOWN NATURAL HAZARDS AND RISKS IN THE AREA
Thua Thien Hue Province
Natural disasters in Thua Thien Hue
1. The impact of geographic location

Thua Thien Hue Province is on the north-central coast, lying between 16–17 degrees northlatitude and 107–108 degrees east longitude, in the tropical belt of the northernhemisphere known as the Asian seasonal wind-affected area. Located in the centre ofVietnam, Thua Thien Hue is inﬂuenced of not only by the northeast but also by thesouthwest one. The alternation of their effects and the scrambling of the air masses ofdifferent origins occurs each season. The convergence of cool air from the north ﬂooding inand warm air from the south moving causes heavy rain and thunderstorms, leading to
ﬂoods and ﬂash ﬂoods, which cause landslides and riverbank erosion.
Thua Thien Hue also has a 127-km coastline on the East Sea, part of the Western Pacific,
which o�en witnesses the largest storms on the planet.

2. Impact of terrain

Thua Thien Hue stretches from the northwest to the southeast, and about 75.9% of its
total area is mountainous and 24.1% is coastal plains, lagoons and sand dunes. The Truong
Son Mountain Range in the west has a height of 500–1,800 m and the Bach Ma Range inthe south has a height of 1,200–1,450 m. These mountain ranges act as a windbreak in thenorth and southwest, intensifying heavy rains in the rainy season and causing the Foehn
effect, which prompts dry weather and drought in the summer.
Much of Thua Thien Hue is located to the east of the peaks of the Truong Son Range, andthe terrain moves quite rapidly from mountainous areas through hilly territory to thenarrow plains, resulting in a steep slope. This area, with a slope of over 25 degrees, makes
up 54% of the territory. The rivers which originate from the Truong Son range are short,steep and have many rapids. This characteristic causes ﬂoods and ﬂash ﬂoods in the rainyseason, and the ﬂooding of the rivers that do not retain water during the low-rainfall
seasons cause droughts and saline intrusion.
The coastal area of Thua Thien Hue occupies about 30% of the area of the province andmore than 80% of the province’s population lives there, relying on the Tam Giang–Cau Hai

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lagoon system in the east, which is the largest lagoon system in the country, and on a large
scale relative to its peer lagoons worldwide. It is protected by sand dunes stretching 102
km from north to southeast from Cua Viet (Quang Tri) to Tu Hien gate, 2–3 m high (Thuan
An-Hoa Duan) to 41–42 m high (Quang Ngan). Rivers pour into the lagoon system before
reaching the sea through the two gates Thuan An and Tu Hien. Those two doors are thedecisive factor in the life of the lagoon system during its development. However, they are
not stable: the state of the two doors are dynamic and change in an unpredictable manner.
The deposition, erosion, closure and opening of the sea status threatens the habitability of
the area. This is the most sensitive area, where ﬂoods, tsunamis and storm surges occur.

3. Eﬀects of rain regime

Rain has a great inﬂuence on ﬂooding ﬂow. Thua Thien Hue has some of the greatest
amounts of rain in the country, with an average rainfall of about 3,000 mm per year,
unevenly distributed, from 2,800 to 3,600 mm, in some places as high as 8,000 and 9,000
mm, as in Bach Ma. Heavy rainfall combined with steep terrain causes ﬂash ﬂoods andlandslides.

4. River network

There are five main rivers in the Thua Thien Hue Province: O Lau, Huong, Nong, Truoi and
Bu Lu, of which the Huong River system (Huong River and Bo River) is the most important,with a basin of 2,800 km2, three-fi�hs of the area of the whole province. With short andsteep features and almost no buffer zone, the ﬂow of the ﬂood from upstream todownstream is rapid (lasting 4–6 hours). Even with heavy rain, ﬂoods take about the samelength of time to arrive.

Main varieties of natural hazards

Natural disasters cause loss of human life and property and greatly disturb human activity
on a large scale. Natural disasters can be classified according to the extent of the damage
they inﬂict, the extent of their impacts and their frequency of occurrence, as shown in
Table 1.
Table 1

Classification of natural disasters in Thua Thien Hue
Strong impact

Flood
Storm, tropical cyclone
Water uptake
Hurricane

Medium impact
Flash ﬂood
LandslideSea bank erosion
River bank erosion
Drought salt intrusion

Weak impact
TsunamiEarthquake

1. Flood

Floods are extremely dangerous, as they have high intensity, cause serious devastation anddamage areas in Thua Thien Hue every year. Floods in Thua Thien Hue are due to theheavy rain caused by certain weather patterns: cool air, storms and tropical cyclones,
tropical convergence, high winds in the east and combinations of these.
Floods in Thua Thien Hue have the following characteristics:• seasonality: following the rainy season, the main ﬂood season lasts from October to

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December every year; the total ﬂow in the ﬂood season accounts is 65% of total
annual ﬂow; in addition to the main ﬂoods, there are also small ﬂoods in May andJune and early ﬂoods in August and September and late ﬂoods in January;• ﬂood ratings and recurrence: according to monitoring data from 1977–2006 on the
Huong River, on average, there are 3.5 ﬂoods per year at Alert level II; the mostthere has been in a year since monitoring began has been 7 and the least is 1, and
36% of ﬂoods are large or especially large; during La Niña years, more ﬂoods andhigher ﬂood peaks occur;• durations: depending on the rain and tides, the average duration of a ﬂood is 3–5
days, with the longest lasting 6–7 days;• time to reach ﬂood zone: 5–6 hours on average, over a distance of 51 km fromupstream (Thuong Nhat) to downstream (Kim Long); and• ﬂood amplitude and ﬂood intensity: these depend on the amount and intensity ofrainfall and shape of river crossing section; ﬂood ﬂuctuation ranges about 3–5 m,with the greatest ﬂood intensity in the mountains of 1–2 m/h and in the delta of
0.5–1 m/h.

2. Storm

Storms and tropical cyclone are relatively rare occurrences in Thua Thien Hue, with anannual average of only 0.6 per year but with many serious consequences that take many
years to overcome. According to storm data from 1952 to 2005 (a period of 54 years),
there were 32 storms and tropical cyclones that affected Thua Thien Hue, including fivestrong and extremely strong storms, in 9.4% of years (Figure 5). These include the storms
on 30 October 1952 in Hue, with a wind power of level 12 (122 km/h); storm Babs on 16

Figure 5

202

Direction of storms in Thua Thien Hue province during 1954–2005

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

September 1962, of level 12 (118 km/h); typhoon Tilda on 22 September 1962, of level 13(137 km/h); typhoon Patsy on 11 October 1973 (104 km/h) and storm Cecil on 16 October
1985, of level 11 (104 km/h) (Nguyen Viet, 2008).
The storm season in Thua Thien Hue begins in May and ends in November each year, andstorms are most frequent in September, with 31% of all events, then follows October,accounting for 19%, and the other months each providing around 9% of storms, in a range
from 4 to 12.5%. There are 0.6 hurricanes a year that directly affect Thua Thien Hue, witha maximum of three storms in one year (1971), and a minimum of no storms in a year.
Over 50% of years have no hurricane. The average wind speed of a storm in Thua Thien
Hue is 76 km/h, equivalent to a level-9, and the strongest speeds can reach level 13 (137km/h). It is estimated that there will be a level-10 storm every 10 years and a level-12
storm every 20 years. Since 1991, no strong storm has landed in Thua Thien Hue. This israre for a Vietnamese province. Beyond the damage caused by their strong winds, storms
and tropical cyclones cause ﬂooding due to their heavy rain. Storms combined with ﬂoods
are dangerous weather patterns, producing damage like that of the storm in 1985 (Nguyen
Viet, 2008).

Impact of natural disasters

The damage caused by natural disasters in Thua Thien Hue from 1990 to 2006 is presented
in Table 2. The analysis of disaster data shows that in the province, on average, 29 people
die per year and property losses are 316.584 billion VND.
Floods are the most serious disaster. Large ﬂoods, such as those in 1990, 1995, 1996,
1998 and 1999, caused dozens of deaths anddamage equivalent to hundreds of billions
Table 2 Impact of natural disasters from1990–2006 in Thua Thien Hue
VND. The ﬂood in 1999 was the most serious
Province
natural disaster in Thua Thien Hue over thelast 100 years (Figure 6). Some specific
Losses of assets
Year
Losses of life
(billion VND)
examples of the impact of disasters follow:• A ﬂood on September 20–26, 1953,
killed 500 people; 1290 houses dri�ed,
300 buffaloes died or carried away and
80% of crop area lost. At the Hue
Citadel, the Quang Duc Gate (latercalled the Sap Gate [destroyed gate])
was destroyed.

1990

18

56.540

1991

10

20

1992

8

12

1993

6

13.540

1994

1

1.2

1995

20

60

1996

31

127.322• Following Liberation Day, a large ﬂood
occurred in Thua Thien Hue, on 15–20
October 1975. It caused a serious lossof life and property.

1997

1

10.923

1998

25

168.1201999

352

1,761.820

2000

5

73.6

• From 28 October to 1 November 1983,
a large ﬂood in Thua Thien Hue Province
killed 252 and injured 115, with 2,100
houses collapsed, 1,511 houses carriedaway and 2,566 cattle and 20,000 pigs
carried away.

2001

5

15.135

2002

9

15

2003

5

27.220

2004

10

248

2005

7

157

2006

8

2,931.09

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Figure 6
Level of water in front of thecitadel of the city of Hue
during a ﬂood in 1999(©Nguyen Viet, 2008)• During the historic ﬂood in early November 1999, 352 people died; 21 were
missing; 99 were injured; 25,015 houses collapsed or were swept away; 1,027
schools collapsed, 160,537 livestock died, 879,676 poultry died; there was a total
loss of 1,761.82 billion VND.
• On 25–27 November 2004, a ﬂood caused 10 deaths and more than 208 billion
VND in damage.
In the series of historical records noted storms and its effects as follows:• On 19 November 1904, a strong storm collapsed the Trang Tien bridge in the city ofHue, knocked over 22,027 houses, sank 529 ships and le� 724 dead (Nguyen Viet,
2008).
• Storm Cecil landed in Vinh Linh (Quang Tri) on 16 October 1985, with a wind powerof level 13, damaging the two provinces of Quang Tri and Thua Thien Hue. It
destroyed 214,000 houses, 2,000 classrooms, 200 medical facilities and 600 highvoltage towers, sank thousands of ships and le� 840 dead, 100 missing and 200
injured. This level of storm has happened only once in the past 100 years.
• On 18 October 1990, typhoon Ed affected Thua Thien Hue, with a wind speed of
100 km/h, killing 18 people and causing property damage of 56,540 billion VND.
• The storm Yangsane hit Da Nang on October 1 2006, with a wind power of level 10
and 11, in the southern districts of Thua Thien Hue and causing ﬂooding in theprovince with total financial losses of 2.910 billion and 10 deaths.

In the Huong Van and Huong Phong Communes
Floods and local perception

Huong Van and Huong Phong are communes in the Bo River Basin and are affected byﬂoods every year. The people here are accustomed to living with ﬂoods. However, with theabnormal recent changes in the weather factor, the frequency and intensity of ﬂoods haveﬂuctuated. This has impacted the life and production of the people in Huong Van andHuong Phong communes (Figure 7).

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Figure 7

Concept and local perception related to ﬂoods (Adapted from Le Van An, Tanaka andKobayashi, 2013)

The major ﬂoods of 1999, 2004 and 2006 have le� their traces on communities and locals.
Many residential clusters and many households still have not overcome the consequencesof the ﬂoods; a series of consecutive ﬂoods concentrated in the end of 2007 continued fora long period, causing even more loss and the burden on local people. In less than amonth, from 30 October to 18 November 2007, five large-scale ﬂoods occurred, within an
average interval of 4–5 days. The ﬂoods occurred specifically on the days of 30 October, 3,
11, 15 and 18 November 2007.

History of recent disaster events that have aﬀected the community andthe community’s risks and vulnerabilities

Although the ﬂoods that occurred in November 2007 were not as harsh as the ﬂoods in1999 and 2004, their effects on the lives and production of local people were not small.
Through group discussions and actual surveys combined with household interviews, theimpact of ﬂoods can be generalised using the following key points:

1. Level of ﬂooding

Most villages in the communes have been ﬂooded. However, the water level and thepercentage of households in the village were also different, as is shown in Table 3.
Table 3

Flooding rates and aﬀected households in November 2007
village

No

ﬂood
event

Lai Bang

Son Cong

Long Khe

Lai ThanhAﬀectedAﬀectedAﬀectedAﬀected
Water
Water
Water
Water
households
households
households
households
level (m)level (m)level (m)level (m)
(%)
(%)
(%)
(%)

1

30 Oct

0.60

2

3 Nov

0.75

5

1.40
1.55

25

0.80
0.95

10

1.20

15

1.35

3

11 Nov

0.40

1.20

0.60

1.00

4

15 Nov

0.90

1.70

1.10

1.50

5

18 Nov

0.20

1.00

0.40

0.80

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According to Table 3, Son Cong was the most affected village in the commune. The averagewater level of the ﬂoods ranged from 1.20 to 1.30 m, reaching a greatest water level of
1.70 m during the ﬂood of 15 November. This was also the highest ﬂood level in thecommune. The villages of Lai Thanh, Long Khe and Lai Bang were inundated to depths
from 0.6 to 1.0 m. Lai Bang had an average ﬂood level and the lowest proportion ofhouseholds ﬂooded.
The average water level of the ﬂooding in houses ranged from 0.5 to 0.8 m, and thisaffected the lives and activities of many households. Son Cong had the highest percentage
of households affected (25%). Due to ﬂooding, many households have been forced to moveto higher and safer areas. Households with relatively stable housing, manpower andfacilities have been coping with severe ﬂoods due to long periods of inundation and highfrequency of ﬂoods.
The monitoring of ﬂood level in the commune has been implemented by the authorities
and committee in a timely fashion through the use of a ﬂoodwater meters gauge. This is avery important means ofproviding information to the community that contributes to theplanning of responses. Water levels and timing are marked by members of the community
information centre on all ﬂood gauges (Figure 8).

Figure 8
Level of water in Son Cong (©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

Figure 9
The highest point of the main road to thecommune center (©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

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Due to the inﬂuence of ﬂood water, the traffic system in the commune seems to be
ﬂooded and separated, especially the main roads into the commune centre (Figure 9).
Travel becomes very difficult during ﬂoods. The main means of transport during this period
are boats or ra�s. In particular, relative to the previous year, the ﬂood water took a longtime to go down in 2007. The average duration of each ﬂood was about 2–3 days, but thisreached 5–6 days at the time of the last ﬂood, on 18 November 2007. This has affected
people’s livelihoods. Many households cannot afford to produce anything and thus are
earning no income to maintain their lives.

2. Impact on the infrastructure, life and production of the people

In spite of the slow rise of the water, the long duration of ﬂooding and especially the highﬂow rates, cause considerable damage to infrastructure, facilities and agricultural products.
Statistics kept by the communes statistics, combined with an actual survey conducted by
the research team, indicate the following damage.
• Cassava areas: 30 ha• Pumping stations: three, in Lai Bang, Son Cong and Long Khe• Riverbank erosion: length 27 m, average depth: 2.5–3 m• Dredge canal: 5 m (in Lai Bang)• Tea planting: 5 ha
• Clean water was supplied only a�er 1 month
Cattle and poultry were less affected, because people had moved them before the ﬂood
began; moreover, because the water ﬂowed only slowly, it was easily for people to movetheir animals. The biogas system of the households is still functioning well, without causing
any trouble during the recent ﬂood.
The level of inﬂuence between locations also varies. Group 6, namely Son Cong, thepumping area in Lai Bang Hamlet and the riverside area in Lai Thanh Hamlet and groups 9
and 10, of Long Khe, are the most affected areas by ﬂood (Figures 10 and 11).

Figure 10
Landslide along the banks of Lai Thanh(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

Figure 11
Dead plants a�er ﬂood in household garden(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

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207

The recent ﬂoods, in addition to interrupting productivity and causing difficulty for the livesof most people in the commune, caused many households to move to higher and safer
locations. In Lai Bang and Lai Thanh, 27 households moved (16 in Lai Bang and 11 in Lai
Thanh). These were households located along the Bo River, which is the area that is mostaffected by ﬂooding occur. Although these households had received from the commune
authorities land for themselves in higher areas to build houses and stabilise their lives,
these are only temporary housing for needed residence in the new land. These families
tended to return to the river banks a�er ﬂooding. In addition, certain households in thesegroups move in with relatives and friends to avoid the ﬂood.
As many as 15 school days may be missed, 3–4 days a year on average. Although theschool is in a high location and impervious to ﬂooding, many students cannot reach it,
because the two main roads to school become ﬂooded. The school ensures that makeup
lessons are available by holding extra classes on Saturdays and Sundays. The school is still
maintaining progress and quality in instruction.
In addition to material damage, human losses have also occurred during the recent ﬂood.
One official of Huong Dien Hydropower died in a stream near a hydroelectric dam due tocarelessness in the crossing it.

IDENTIFYING LOCAL ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL HAZARDS ANDDISASTERS
Viewpoint-Oriented ResearchIntangible culture can contribute effectively to sustainable development in every aspect,and its protections solutions are needed if communities are to imagine a future foreveryone.
ICH plays an important role in ensuring food security. Systems of cuisine, cultivating, animalhusbandry, fishing, hunting, harvesting and the preservation of traditional foods cancontribute much to food security and nutrition. Communities possess a considerable
source of traditional knowledge, thanks to a comprehensive approach to their environmentand rural life. They have developed skill in the use of diverse plant varieties and livestock,and they cultivate knowledge of the soil and natural habitats in damp, cold, arid or
temperate areas. They have created a variety of methods of food processing, as well as ofproduction and preservation, including local adaptation to environmental change.
ICH can help strengthen social cohesion and integration. Social customs, rituals andfestivals create the lifeforms of communities and groups, which play an important role inreinforcing social structures.
ICH is essential for sustaining the livelihoods of groups and communities. Local knowledge,
skill and practice preserved and promoted by generations form the livelihoods of many.

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Map ICH-Based DRR/DRM Techniques and Instances in which ICH is Used in
Conjunction with Introduced (Scientiﬁc) Technologies
Resilience of local government
1. Planning and direction of the locality

In such extremely sensitive areas, preparation for coping and living with the ﬂood is apriority interest for both the authorities and local people. The work of review anddevelopment is annually carried out in June before the ﬂood season. In this activity, theﬂood control department reviews all human, material and financial resources. They review
the ﬂoods that occurred in the previous year as a basis for orientating their work for the
coming year. The human resources, material and directions of the department of ﬂood
control are as follows.
• Steering board: one main board and four sub-boards (15 people and 10 people)• Means of communication: communication by loudspeaker and meeting to spread
information and enable timely rescue• Material resources and guidelines: the commune instructs the local grocery stores tostock instant noodles, which are delivered to locals in needed, and then thecommune compensates the stores
In addition to local guidelines, depending on the specific conditions and characteristics ofeach village, the leadership and the ﬂood control department develop their own plans tomake prevention more effective. Particularly in Lai Bang, the management board and thedepartment of ﬂood control have:• in all, 10 boats in ready position;• each with a minimum of three healthy men;• each with at least 20 litres of oil; and• stores in the village stocked with at least four boxes of instant noodles.

2. State support

As it directs the implementation of ﬂood prevention under the guidelines in place, local
government has also received great support from the state and related organisations.
During the last five ﬂoods, the commune and local people have received:• Rice, 17 tonnes;• Shrimp noodles, 901 boxes; and• VMD 18.6 million from the charity, in which the state provided 6 million.
With the goal of not allowing the people to go hungry and ensuring fairness, commune
authorities created a rational distribution of rice, instant noodles and money to eachvillage. The Village Steering Committee uses the actual state of the households todistribute these items appropriately. On average, households received support as follows:• Noodle soup: four times (five packs/time)• Rice support: three times (average of four tael/person/time)
The teachers in Son Cong received the support of the state, and households were supportedby the church, with such measures as 10 kg bags of rice and boxes of shrimp noodles.

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Countermeasure of the people
1. Restricting the impact on property

The work of preparation and response before, during and a�er ﬂoods is also very diverse.
In general, people’s perception has changed since the ﬂoods in 1999. Most households soldtheir pigs before the ﬂood season and moved their products to high places a�er harvest
they. Food and other necessities were also prepared when information on ﬂooding became
available. There are ready-made tools, such as large iron cages, to facilitate the relocationof pigs and chickens as needed. The foundations of most houses are now from 1 to 1.5 m
above the ground.
Many households have effective solutions for limiting damage caused by ﬂood, using
simple materials that can be found locally or be purchased without too much cost. Some
examples of effective coping strategies or countermeasures that are commonly used bypeople to minimise ﬂood damage follow.
• Use a boat to enter one’s house and then put items and even pets on it. This is fairly
common in the local area.
• Fuel from agricultural by-products is a very important source of fuel for rural
households. Its storage, avoiding from the effects of ﬂooding, is a matter of prime
concern for most households. Bamboo trusses are placed 1–1.2 m from the ground,and fuel is stored in them (Figure 12).

Figure 12

Fuel storage in preparation for ﬂooding (©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

Figure 13
Car tyre tied under the bed to protect belongings(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

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Figure 14
Plastic barrels used in the model(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)

Figure 15
The wooden selves system used in the model(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)• Taking advantage of perforated car tyres, some households in Son Cong village havebeen very successful in protecting their belongings from ﬂood waters. These cartyres are tied below of the bed, two tubes per bed, and then items such as food,the television, the refrigerator, the computer, furniture and other goods are placed
on top. Over many years, one family is now equipped with eight tubes, whose
average price is 40,000 to 60,000 VND (Figure 13).
• Due to the ﬂotation ability of closed barrels, some families in Son Cong village use
plastic barrels, attaching them to four corners of a wooden shelf of 2.5 x 5.5 m,
which thus can be used as a ra� and can hold all important household appliancessuch as televisions, motorcycles, refrigerators, beds, cabinets and other goods, aswell as family members. The informant family for this technique stated that it has
been in use for a long time, even before the ﬂood in 1999. The cost of creating thisobject is not high: 250,000 Dong can buy a 200-litre plastic barrel, and the materials
to make the shelves can be obtained from the trees around the garden (Figures 14
and 15).

2. Improving production to adapt to ﬂoodsa) Raising pigs: silage of leaves and cassava roots; building a two-storey pigsty in Huong Van
CommuneDue to the long-term and frequent impacts of ﬂoods, local people have perceived that thestorage of pig feed made from locally cultivated products, for example, leaves and cassava
tubers, is extremely important (Figure 16). In the absence of ﬂoods, this source of feedsatisfies livestock’s needs and is easy to access and to purchase. However, this is entirely
the reverse in the ﬂood season. It is that it is impossible to reserve this food source in thenormal form, not only because it cannot be stored enough term, but also because it has
many toxins. The idea of silage to ferment leaves and cassava tubers for livestock
production has brought quite frui�ul results. A�er they are mixed, the materials arepacked in a bag and buried in the ground. Thus, it can be stored even while the ground itsits in is inundated during the ﬂood season.
Beyond preparing reserve feed, some have built a two-storey pigsty to prevent loss ofanimals from ﬂooding (Figure 17). The pigs are moved to the second ﬂoor during ﬂooding.

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Figure 16

Silage (fermentation) of leaves and cassava tubers (©Nguyen Thi Loc, 2008)

Figure 17
Two-storey pigsty (©Nguyen Thi Loc, 2008)212

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017b) Biogas digesters
Pig farming is provides an important source of income for the people in Huong Van
commune, accounting for 25% of household incomes, and 70% of households in thecommune currently own 4–5 pigs. The manure from the pig raising is quite abundant andwill affect the environment if it is not collected and managed properly. Especially in therainy season, if it becomes waterlogged, the manure will be ﬂooded and contaminate
sources of water, causing pollution. For that reason, people have constructed of biogas
systems to manage the source of waste while at the same time generating energy forcooking (Figure 18). In addition, an amount of decomposed fertiliser is serviced for
agricultural production.

Figure 18

Biogas system from manure serving cooking (©Ngo Tung Duc, 2007)c) Brackish water polyculture and fish cultivation in Huong Phong Commune
Aquaculture is the basic livelihood activity of Huong Phong villagers beside wet ricecultivation. However, due to the impact of natural disasters and environmental concerns, it
is possible that specialising in growing one species easily lead to the risks when diseases ordisasters happen. Therefore, due to accumulated experience of frequent ﬂoods and theirinﬂuence on the environment, people have changed their domestic economies from
specialised farming to mixed farming (polyculture) in brackish water ponds (Figure 19). The
model has proven effective and reduced risks in Huong Phong. Many households haveadopted this model.
Beyond the model of polyculture in brackish water area, the ﬂooding of freshwater ponds
has brought positive results and has been conducted by many households (Figure 20). For
this model, the creation of a barrier around the pond prevents the animals from movingfrom the pond during the rainy season.
d) Indoor mushroom cultivation in Huong Phong Commune
Using straws that are the byproduct of rice cultivation, people are growing mushrooms tocreate more income while avoiding polluting the environment. Before, mushrooms wereonce cultivated in summer season, usually outdoors, in a way that was low productivity,
had requirements for a large space, was dependent on weather and was easily affected byﬂoods (Figure 21). Since then, people have turned to a more effective form of farming:
growing indoor mushrooms (Figure 22). This model has many advantages, such as 20%
greater productivity, using a smaller space, not depending on weather, not being affectedby ﬂoods and year-round cultivation.

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Figure 19
Polycuture of fish, crab and shrimp in the same
pond (©Nguyen Phi Nam, 2012)

Figure 20
Over-ﬂood fish-growing pond(©Nguyen Phi Nam, 2012)

Figure 21

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Figure 22
Indoor mushroom growing(©Ngo Tung Duc, 2012)

Traditional Systems/Mechanisms of Social Cohesion and Cooperation
Contributing to DRM
Breeding club in Huong Van Commune

Pig breeding is a main source of income in the communes. Many households are highly
experienced and effective in animal husbandry, but others have little experience oreffectiveness, especially poor households. Livestock breeding is most often the
responsibility of women, and it is more risky to breed in areas that are frequently affectedby ﬂoods. Therefore, to promote efficiency in husbandry, especially to increase thetendency of neighbours to help each other, sharing experiences, supporting livestock
breeds, food and funds, the women in the commune have established a pig breeding club,with the support of the Women’s Union (Figure 23). This model has proved frui�ul and met
with a very enthusiastic responses from locals and the government.

Water station in Huong Phong Commune

Huong Phong is located downstream, in an area that has many river systems. The water
station is a cultural symbol and a unique characteristic of the local culture (Figure 24). The
water station is where people wash, bath, fetch water for their homes and transport
equipment, materials and products for their household production. It is also where people
meet, share information and experiences and talk about life and community activities.
However, due to the frequency of ﬂoods, the quality of the water here has been reduced
due to salinisation, so the frequency of use of and the need for this water station has tended
to decrease. Village culture and community relations have also been inﬂuenced by this change.

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Figure 23

Breeding club mee�ng and visi�ng the model (©Ngo Tung Duc, 2008)

Figure 24

People using the water sta�on for daily ac�vi�es (©Tran Thanh Duc, 2012)

CONCLUSION
This study found the following, through documenta�on and ﬁeldwork.
Thua Thien Hue Province is among the areas most aﬀected by natural disasters, especiallyﬂoods and storms. Floods and storms aﬀect the lives, ac�vity, produc�on and intangible
culture of residents of Thua Thien Hue. The communes of Hong Van and Huong Phong,within Huong Tra town, are aﬀected by natural disasters and ﬂoods in par�cular. The
people in these communi�es are especially vulnerable and are facing many challenges totheir life and livelihood. The ﬂoods that occur every year damage agricultural produc�on,aﬀec�ng people’s income. Floods alter crops and crops and livestock die or contract
diseases, resul�ng in decreased produc�on and increased costs of living.
Authori�es and the local people have responded to the preven�on, restora�on andovercoming of the eﬀects of various disasters. The knowledge and prac�ce accumulated
over �me by the authori�es and local people contribute to the sustainable use of natural
resources and reduce the eﬀects of climate change. Knowledge and coping strategies are
an important founda�on for managing the eﬀects of disasters and climate change. Local
communi�es, which are o�en situated in vulnerable and harsh environments, may be theﬁrst ones aﬀected by climate change and natural disaster. Their knowledge of and216

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experience with nature and the climate are a source of diverse strategies for coping withthe dangers of the natural environment. Through con�nual adjustment to adapt to thesitua�on, such skills and knowledge are �me-tested tools that aid local communi�es in
reducing the risk of natural disasters and reconstruc�ng their communi�es as needed andadap�ng to climate change.

REFERENCES

Le, V. A., Tanaka, U. and Kobayashi, H. (2013). Project report on local livelihood diversiﬁcation forvulnerable people in natural disaster prone areas. Ha Noi: Agriculture publishing house.
Nguyen, V. (2008). Natural disaster in Thua Thien Hue provinces and integrated prevention solution. Thua
Thien Hue Hydro-meteorological Forecast Center.

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ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF NATURAL DISASTERS ON
INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE IN AYEYARWADY REGION,
MYANMAR
Khin Kay Khaing1 and Saw Yu May2

INTRODUCTION
This report discusses implementation of IRCI’s project ‘Preliminary Research on ICH
safeguarding and Disaster Risk Management in the Asia-Pacific Region, Assessing theCurrent Situation of ICH in Association with Natural Disasters: Preliminary Field Survey in
Myanmar’.
Natural disasters threaten the viability of intangible cultural heritage (ICH). Myanmar isvulnerable to natural disasters of earthquakes, cyclones, ﬂoods, landslides, and forest fire
because of its unique geographic location. The cultural heritage of Myanmar, both tangible
and intangible, has been exposed to various natural disasters, as well as other factors of
threat such as development, urbanisation, and globalisation. Cyclone Nargis devastated the
Ayeyarwady Delta in 2008, killing tens of thousands of people and ruining infrastructure.
The damage to monasteries of Cyclone Nargis was the greatest impact to ICH. According tohazard profile of Myanmar, ﬂooding is one of the major hazards accounting for 11% of alldisasters, raking second a�er fire in numbers of occurrences (DFID, 2009). The AyeyarwadyRiver basin, the largest in the country, covers 404,200 km2. Every year, over 2 million
people are exposed to ﬂood hazard in Myanmar (DFID, 2009). To the south of the basin,
the Ayeyarwady Delta has experienced a series of ﬂoods for many years, due to its
low-lying location and intricate stream system. Flooding usually occurs where high tide andhigh river water ﬂow coincide, and such occurrences are worsening in recent years. The
survey described here was conducted in the delta region. Because the Ayeyarwady Region
experiences recurrent ﬂooding, it was decided to make an assessment concerning what the
impacts of ﬂooding are on the residents of the Ayeyarwady Region.
The study assesses the impact of natural disasters on ICH in the specific area of the
Ayeyarwady Region. The main objectives of this study are as follows:• to observe the types, magnitudes and frequencies of natural disasters in the study
areas;• to explore the traditions, customs, beliefs, culture, religion and lifestyles of thecommunity within study area; and• to assess the impact of natural disasters on the ICH of the study area.
1
2

218

Geography Department, Pathein University, Myanmar
Geography Department, Taunggyi University, Myanmar

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GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND OF AYEYARWADY REGION
The Ayeyarwady Region is also known as the Delta region, and it is situated in thesouthern part of Myanmar, between the Bay of Bengal to the west, and the Andaman Sea
to the south. The Ayeyarwady Region consists of 26 townships, which has an estimatedarea of 35,031.88 km2 (DPMIP, 2015). This region is the southernmost part of the Central
Basin of Myanmar, which is composed of the watershed of the Ayeyarwady River and its
distributaries. The whole area of the delta is crisscrossed by many rivers and streams. Mostof these are tidal streams; some of the more important ones are Ngawun (Pathein), Daga,
Pyanmalaw, Panmawadi, Ywe, Pyinsalu, Einme, Shwelaung, Bogale and Phyapon. The
coastline of the delta is bordered by mangroves and mudﬂats. This region has a tropicalmonsoon climate. The monsoonal climate in the delta leads to an average annual rainfall of
about 1,500–2,000 mm in the north, increasing to 2,500 mm in the southeast and 3,500
mm in the southwest. Over 90% of the rain falls between mid-May and mid-November.
During the monsoon season, the maximum and minimum temperatures in the coastal zone
are about 37°C and 22°C, respectively.
The Ayeyarwady Region is one of Myanmar’s most populated regions, with an estimatedpopulation of 6,184,829 (DPMIP, 2015) and a population density of 176 people per km2. It
also has the greatest percentage of people living in rural areas (88%) relative to urban
areas (12%). The region’s population increased from 4,156,673 people in 1973 to
6,184,289 in 2014. However, it shrank in relative terms, going from having 14.4% of
Myanmar’s total population in 1973, to 12.0% in 2014. Most of the inhabitants of the
Ayeyarwady Region rely on agriculture for their livelihood (Foster, 2017).
Because the western and southern portions of the region are contiguous with Bay of
Bengal and because the whole region is low-lying with numerous streams, the major
natural disasters in the Ayeyarwady Region are cyclones, storm surges and ﬂooding events.
It is situated in the major cyclone zone in Myanmar, but these are of low frequency andhigh impact relative to the coastal area of Rakhine. The Ayeyarwady Region is extremely
ﬂood-prone, and in recent years, the effects of the ﬂood are becoming more severe, withlonger duration of inundation. Floods damage houses and furniture, paddies, water
sources, roads, schools, and monasteries, and it also has impact on ICH in the region.
While the cost of the physical damage can be calculated, it is difficult to understand how
great the impact of ﬂooding is on ICH.

STUDY AREA AND RESEARCH METHODS
Within the study area, discussions with local people, in-depth interviews with key
informants and focus groups were conducted. The data for this study were gathered
through purposive sampling, which is selected sampling of areas that have withstoodnatural disaster, such as cyclone- and ﬂood-affected areas. Some parts of the Ayeyarwady
Region are almost always experiencing ﬂooding; therefore, general surveys were first
conducted in selected villages of the townships (a township is an administrative subdivision
in Myanmar, dividing a district) Thabaung, Kyaung-gon, Laputta, Ngaputaw, Kangyidaungand Mawlamyinegyun. Laputta and Mawlamyinegyun were affected by Cyclone Nargis in
2008. A�er a preliminary survey in these selected townships, Thabaung, where ﬂooding
takes place every year, was selected for in-depth study. In-depth interviews and focus
groups interviews were conducted at the village tracts (a village tract is a rural

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Figure 1
Focus group interview at Migaung kikeVillage, Gonhnyintan Village Tract,
Thabaung (©Khin Kay Khaing, 2017)

administrative division in Myanmar equivalent to an urban ward; a village tract can becontained more than 100 villages) Okeshit, Gonhnyintan and Mazalikwinpauk, all in thetownship of Thabaung (Figure 1). An interview with a key informant and a focus groupwere also held at Nargis-affected areas of the village of Aleyekyaw in the township ofMawlamyinegyun and the village of Thin-gan-gyi in the township of Laputta. During allinterviews and focus groups, notes were taken, and digital recording devices were used torecord information, facts and figures.
All interviewees and focus group participants were of the Kayin and Bamar ethnic groups,
and almost all were over 45 years old and native to the area. The villagers interviewed andparticipating in focus groups included farmers, religious leaders, retired teachers and NGO
employees. They knew their villages well and had experienced a series of natural disasters
in this area. Semi-structured questions related to natural hazards and disasters as well as totheir religion, beliefs, customs, traditions and lifestyles were employed to interview the
local people. More than 10 people actively participated in the interviews, and an averageof almost 6 responded to questions in each sample village. A semi-structured focus group
was conducted in the locales shown in Table 1, with the profiles of the interviewees.
Figures 2 and 3 show selected townships in the Ayeyarwady Region.
Table 1
Study
area

Interviewee profiles
Name of locales

Total number ofInterviewees

Gender of interviewees
Males

Ages

Females

Ages

1

Okeshit (village tract)6567, 70, 71, 69, 61

1

61

2

Gonhnyintan (village tract)4

3

65, 54, 42

1

58

3

Mazalikwinpauk (village tract)5

356, 59, 60

2

48, 61

4

Thin-gan-gyi (village)

7

5

55, 60, 60, 40, 48

2

45, 605

Aleyekyaw (village)3

3

72, 45, 50--

Study Area 1 (Panpin-seik Village, Thabaung Township): Panpin-seik Village is situatedwithin Okeshit Village Tract, Thabaung Township in Ayeyarwady Region. It lies on the
network of the creeks of Ngak-pauk Chaung, Kyein-ta-pin Chaung and Thabaung River,which ﬂow into the Daka River. All these bodies of water affect this area by ﬂooding during
the monsoon period. Residents here depend on them to irrigate for the second crops
cultivation a�er the monsoon and for fishing ; thus, they support the socio-economic
condition of the local residents in this area. Therefore, the presence of these rivers has

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both advantages and disadvantages. There are about 60 houses in Panpin-seik, and 90
households reside there. The majority of the people are Kayin, and they believe inChristianity. Their main occupation is agriculture and fishery.
Study Area 2 (Miguaung-kike Village, Thabaung Township): The second study area,
Miguaung-kike Village is within the Gonhnyintan Village Tract, in Thabaung Township.
Similar to Panpin-seik Village, which lies on the network of Nga-pauk Chaung, Kyein-ta-pin
Chaung (which are small creeks) and Thabaung Rivers. The main occupation of the villagers
is agriculture, fishery and animal husbandry. The local people are of the Kayin ethnic groupand believe in Christianity. In this village, there are about 128 households living in 125
houses.
Study Area 3 (Hpan-ngar-gone Village, Thabaung Township): The village of Hpan-ngargone, the third study area is located within the Mazalikwinpauk Village Tract of Thabaung
Township. Tributaries of the Daga River cross its territory and ﬂooding takes place every
year. The main occupation of the local people is agriculture. This village has 353 houses
and about 85% are of the Kayin ethnic group and 15% are Bamar. Only about 10% are
Christians and the rest are Buddhist.
Study Area 4 (Thin-gan-gyi Village, Lapu�a Township): Laputta Township is situated in thelower Ayeyarwady Region, where Cyclone Nargis hit in 2008. The village of Thing-gan-gyi
was completely devastated by Nargis and was moved to its present location. It is a fishingvillage. Before Nargis, there was a waterway from the Laputta to this village. Presently, roadtransport is possible to and from Laputta.
Study Area 5 (Aleyekyaw Village, Mawlamyinegyun Township): Before Cyclone Nargis, thisvillage was part of the township of Laputta, but a�er Nargis it was transferred to thetownship of Mawlamyinegyun. Nearby villages were devastated by Nargis, but Aleyekyaw
was not hit the worst.

1

3
2

Figure 2
Location of the townships of Thabaung (1),Laputta (2), and Mawlamyinegyun (3) inthe Ayeyarwady Region

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StudyVillages

Figure 3
Map of study villages in the townships ofThabaung and Laputta, the Ayeyarwady Region

NATURAL HAZARDS AND DISASTERS IN THE STUDY AREA
The Ayeyarwady Delta has historically experienced numerous natural disasters. As it issituated on the delta, the Ayeyarwady Region o�en experiences riverine ﬂoods and tropical
cyclones. The region was affected by the 1974 Pathein Cyclone (303 dead, 10,191 cattle
killed, 246,700 houses destroyed, estimated losses of 446.5 million kyat [DFID, 2009], the2004 tsunami (10,000 houses destroyed, 40,000 acres of paddies ﬂooded [Roussy, 2008],
the 2006 Cyclone Mala (37 people dead, damages of 428.56 million kyat [DFID, 2009]),
and the 2008 Cyclone Nargis (138,373 people missing or dead, 300,000 cattle killed,houses and over 4,000 schools in more than 6,000 villages destroyed, damage cost 13
trillion kyats [DFID, 2009]). Cyclone Nargis of May 2008 was the greatest devastation in the
country’s history, with a death toll of 140,000, according to official figures. Ayeyarwady
Delta also experiences regular cyclones, although their effects are usually smaller in scalethan those of Nargis. In 1991, the Hteinngu embankment, which was constructed in 1872
on the Ngawun River, a branch of the Ayeyarwady River, was breached between markers
19/6 and 19/7, near Hteinngu Village. The impact of the damage was disastrous: 1,146,000
ha of paddies, 68,000 ha of other crops and 74,740 houses ﬂooded, 74,674 animals
drowned and 326,926 people from 269 villages in 8 townships affected (Delta Alliance,2015). Furthermore, Ayeyarwady Delta experienced severe ﬂoods in 2011, 2013 and 2015,
as well as smaller ﬂooding events in 2012 and 2016 (Foster, 2017).
In Thabaung Township, the tropical Pathein Cyclone in 1974 and Cyclone Nargis in 2008
have been the major events in memory; a severe storm wind of the latter of these killed aperson. An earthquake occurred in 2006, and a person was killed in the township, crushed
by a house. There have been no severe disasters in this area, beyond these. However,ﬂooding occurs every year since 1988, and its effects are becoming more and more severe
year a�er year. Due to natural and man-made processes, riverbank erosion is also
prominent in some parts of the Ayeyarwady Region today. Local residents estimate that
Thabaung Township has been experiencing ﬂooding for 30 years. Due to its location in thelower portion of the delta region, near many streams, this ﬂooding is not unusual. A�er

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Figure 4

Schools in Setdaunggyi Village, Thabaung Township in the 2016 ﬂooding period(©Basic Education High School, Setdaunggyi Village, Thabaung Township)

Figure 5

Pagoda and monastery in Htanzinhla Village, Thabaung in the 2016 ﬂooding period(©Administrative Department of Thabaung Township)

1988, however, ﬂooding there worsened, and it is becoming more and more of a disaster(Figures 4 and 5).
The lower part of the Thayat Chaung and Akai Chaung, both of which are small streams
ﬂowing across the Kangyidaung Township (once named Pathein East), was blocked for
agricultural purposes by local residents living upstream. They built a small dam to protect
the flooding in their agricultural land to intensify cultivation. Developments ininfrastructure, such as the construction of road networks and flood-protection
embankments may be also an issue for increased ﬂooding in the Ayeyarwady Region.
Flood-protection embankments in the northern villages of Thabaung have caused ﬂooding
in some areas in the lower part of that Thabaung. A�er 1988, the ﬂoodwater began to riseabout two or three feet above the banks of the river and reach settlement and cultivation
areas. The degree of ﬂooding gradually increased, regularly reaching 2 m in recent years,
and even 3 m. In the early 1990s, local residents faced 2 weeks of ﬂooding, but over 30
years, ﬂooding began to last for longer periods, from 3 weeks to even a month, and now
ﬂood durations reach 2 months. The most serious ﬂooding occurred in 2004, 2012 and2016. In those years, ﬂooding occurred twice or three times a year. Such ﬂooding is not

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only related to the local rainfall but also to the climatic conditions in the upper
Ayeyarwady River. If the northern part of Myanmar has heavy rainfall, the lower
Ayeyarwady Region experiences ﬂooding.
In 2004, the Hteinngu embankment broke, and the resultant prolonged ﬂooding caused
the complete displacement of the cattle owned by some farmers and killed 60% of cattle inthe village of Hpan-ngar-gone; all the grazing lands were covered with water, and there was
no food le� to support the animals. Currently, farmers in this area cannot raise cattle
because of the shortage in grazing land. Due to the necessity of preparing their houses for
ﬂooding and repairing them again when the water levels drop, cultivation is practised once
per year, which has slowed the socio-economic development of the area. In some years,
the ﬂood plains have been entirely covered with sand, rendering it impossible to cultivate
crops on it.
A�er the period of ﬂooding, diseases, such as dengue fever, break out almost every year,
because of the growth of the population of mosquitoes. In 2016, there was a mosquito
outbreak, affecting some domestic animals (pigs and dogs). According to interviews withthe locals, mosquito outbreaks can kill their pigs, so they used mosquito coils to protect
them, sometimes placing their pigs inside mosquito nets. Local residents secured
themselves from disease using traditional ways (burning turmeric powder for ge�ngmosquitoes out) and using medicines from the healthcare centre.

PERCEPTIONS OF LOCAL PEOPLE ON NATURAL DISASTER
Because locals in this area have had 30 years of experience of ﬂooding, they are aware of
how to adapt to it. They pay attention to the weather forecasts from the Meteorologicaland Hydrological Department over radio and television. If they learn that they can expect aﬂooding year, they prepare drinking water, purifying it in the traditional way, using alumand harvesting rain water. People living in ﬂooding areas rebuild the ﬂoors of their houses
and raise the ﬂoors of other buildings to a higher position, as ﬂood levels have been
gradually rising over the last 30 years. They employ water-resistant materials like bricks intheir buildings, instead of using traditional wood and bamboo (Figure 6). Some schools,
monasteries and churches must o�en be upgraded necessary due to ﬂooding. Certain
individuals are aware that ﬂooding adds rich nutrients to the soil, which becomes moreproductive for crops when the water recedes. Water transportation becomes moreconvenient and favourable during ﬂooding, because they can reach their exact destinations
without walking, thanks to the higher water level; without it, it is difficult to arrive certain
places, because of the muddy soil.
Some residents have recognised that the longer durations and higher levels of ﬂoods inrecent years are due not only to the intensity in rainfall but to changes in theenvironmental conditions, such as the construction of dams and embankments. Myanmar
has three distinct seasons: summer, the rainy season and winter (which are relatively coolbut not cold). Local people are also aware of the changing climatic conditions, which are
causing intense rainfalls without changing the amounts of total annual rainfall.

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Figure 6
Photos showing the present house stylein Thabaung Township.
People in ﬂood-prone villages build theirhomes upon a higher pla�orm. If theycannot aﬀord to build a higher ﬂoor,
they have to relocate their houses tosafer areas (©Khin Kay Khaing, 2017)

ASSESSMENT OF IMPACTS ON ICH
The majority of the people in the village tracts Okeshit, Gon-nyin tan and Hpan-Khar Gonein Thabaung Township are of the Kayin ethnicity, most of whom are Christians, althoughsome are Buddhists. Therefore, most beliefs, customs and traditions inherited from their
Kayin ancestors are related to Christianity and Buddhism. The most prominent natural
disaster in these village tracts is ﬂooding. In interviews, the festivals of the local people aremainly classified as either Christian or Buddhist. For Christians, celebration of Christmas,
Easter, the Kayin New Year, Mary’s Birthday and other religious festivals are traditional.
Christmas and Easter are in the pre- and post-monsoon periods. Flooding during themonsoon period does not affect these festivals. However, Mary’s Birthday must be
celebrated in August, so it cannot be celebrated in these village tracts, due to ﬂooding. At
that time, the residents must go to other places, especially to Pathein, the capital of the
Ayeyarwady Region. This causes a challenge to arise for the Christian Kayin here. Not every
small village has a church. Those from villages without them may go to other villages that
do have churches. There is also a chance for villagers to get together. However, whenever
the river ﬂood, it is difficult to go to church on Sundays. Sometimes, Christians worship in

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES

225

a temporary place set up for the purpose, and sometimes they do it in the small school.
For the Buddhist people, the ﬂooding period from July to October includes certain special
months, called War-twin. During which most people believed in Buddhism use to observe a
Sabbath once every eight days (the Outh-bote or Thi-la Pwe), perform good deeds andoffer things to the monks together (Ah-lu) at the dhammayone (a building for thecommunity’s religious centre and for other social activities) or at a monastery. Thus, theseare special months for the social-religious activities of the Buddhist people. Many
Buddhists organise and meet at the dhammayone or at the monastery, to do these
activities, which create opportunities for the social cohesion and unity of the community,
especially for the older people. Coincidently, the period of ﬂooding and special months for
Buddhism (War-twin) overlap in time, which causes difficulty for Buddhist residents. The
ﬂooding prevents people from gathering regularly, leading to a degradation of the cohesionof the community and diminishing religious values.
The main occupation of the villagers in this area is paddy cultivation. In the former times,
other crops, like beans, pulses, chilli and other vegetables, were cultivated during the latemonsoon period, thanks to the presence of favourable quantities of moisture in the soila�er the rice was harvested in October or November. At present, only rice can be grown,
because the duration of ﬂooding is ge�ng longer, and the ground is totally covered withwater from July to mid-September, which leaves insufficient time for the cultivation of
secondary crops. In 2017, ﬂooding was prolonged, lasting until November, and farmers
were not able to have a second harvest. Figure 7 illustrates the cropping calendar in ﬂoodaffected areas and the non-ﬂooding areas in the Ayeyarwady Region.
Area

Jan

Feb

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sep

Oct

Nov

Dec

Flood areas
Other areas
Tilling

Figure 7

Cul�va�ng

Harves�ng

Flooding

Cropping calendar of ﬂood aﬀected areas and non-ﬂooding areas

Black sticky rice is usually first cultivated in September or October and harvested a�er 3 to
4 months. Its cultivation enables traditional special snacks to be made for the locals andrespect to be paid to the Koe-myo-shin spirit before and a�er War-twin (July and October).
This is an important traditional custom that has existed since the time of the ancestors of
the present inhabitants. They believe that this spirit helps socio-economic development of
the people. Therefore, they must pay respect to it, offering it special snacks every year. At
present, they cannot grow black sticky rice due to the prolonged ﬂooding, and it is a longduration species that takes about 3 to 4 months to be cultivated. A�er harvesting of paddy,
they have no more time to cultivate this sticky rice species, again and they must buy itfrom nearby towns or other areas for this purpose.
Every year, in February, glutinous rice (htamanae) is cooked and offered to the monasteries
and distributed in the neighbourhood. This is also one of traditional cultural practices in
Myanmar. 30 years ago, when ﬂooding was not so severe, this was a harvest time, andfarmers were able to obtain money from their farm products. They could celebrate thetraditional htamanae festival with great generosity with the first harvest of glutinous rice,
peanuts and sesame. However, this festival is not be celebrated today, not only in the study

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villages but other villages in the surrounding area; if it is carried out, it is reduced in scale.
An interview with a retired teacher provided evidence that almost all schools in the area
closed during the ﬂooding period, so students could not regularly attend the school.
Although students are given supplementary classes a�er ﬂooding, they never complete theschool lessons for the academic year. This will have a serious impact for the education of
future generations (Figures 4 and 8).
The most challenging events during ﬂooding are funerals, because the entire cemetery isunder water. This is a serious problem for both Buddhists and Christians. When a family
member or relative passes away, people usually take care of the body within 3 to 5 days
and they feel great sadness. Buddhists usually either cremate the body or bury it in or near
the cemetery. However, they cannot do this as usual during ﬂooding, as there is no groundspace available, so they preserve the dead bodies until the ﬂooding season is over, atwhich point they carry out their funeral. The Christians do not cremate the dead, because
they believe that the person will be resurrected one day. Therefore, whenever theyexperience the death of a loved one, they tightly pack the body with plastic bags and put
it on a shelf in the village or by the cemetery, where it is tied beneath the water to posts.
A�er the ﬂooding period, they bury the body in the cemetery, and this can be stressinducing. This problem remains to be solved.
The villagers of Thin-gan-gyi Village, Laputta Township, an area affected by Cyclone Nargis,
experienced an increase in mental illness a�er they lost their family members and theirproperties in one day. Due to this experience, all social activities and culture affairs appear
to diminish in value. During the post-disaster periods, some people who have lost theirlands and jobs turn to drink, both males and females. The residents of this village areworking to stabilise their socio-economic condition. This is because they were relocatedfrom an old site that was totally destroyed by the cyclone to a new location, where they do
not have sufficient facilities and job opportunities.

Figure 8
Temporary school in a relocated Nargisaﬀected village in Laputta Township(©Khin Kay Khaing, 2017)

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES

227

CONCLUSION
In the study area, both Buddhists and Christians have distinct festivals, activities, practices
and beliefs. The results of interviews and focus groups suggest that some of cultural
festivals, such as Outh-bote or Thi-la Pwe, and Ah-lu for Buddhists and Su-taung Pwe or
Sunday schools for Christians have been gradually diminishing its value, due to prolonged
and intense ﬂooding, although they have not entirely disappeared. Buddhist people have
gradually reduced their social cohesion in religious activities such as observing the Sabbathand offering ﬂowers together to the monastery dammayone. Moreover, going to themonastery and the traditional practice of paying homage to the spirit is gradually waning
today, due to the combined impact of modernisation and natural disasters. The Christians
face difficulties when their loved ones die during the ﬂood season. The duration of
ﬂooding is becoming longer and longer, and it is more and more difficult to safeguard
people’s common and habitual daily affairs. However, people have been living with ﬂooding
for more than 30 years and have the ability to adapt to it. However, it must be noted thatthey are not aware of what they are losing: traditions and part of their lifestyles; nor dothey know what will happen in coming generations.
In conclusion, the Ayeyarwady Region experiences natural hazards such as cyclones (andstorm winds) and ﬂoods and river bank erosion, which have had prominent effects on thetangible heritage of monasteries and churches, as well as on intangible elements such as
agriculture, lifestyle, etc. In fact, tangible and intangible culture is closely related to eachother, because certain aspects of intangible culture, such as social activities, traditions andcustoms rely on tangible culture. This paper was only able to assess the impact of natural
disasters on the intangible culture of the people ofAyeyarwady Region in Myanmar, and amore detailed study, with a longer-term perspective, will be necessary.

REFERENCES

Department for International Development (DFID) (2009). Hazard proﬁle of Myanmar. Department forInternational Development United Kingdom, Jointly prepared by Union of Myanmar.
Department of Population, Ministry of Immigration (DPMIP) (2015). The 2014 Myanmar population andhousing census: Ayeyawady Region census report volume 3- N. [pdf] Nay Pyi Taw: Department ofPopulation Ministry of Labour, Immigration and Population. Available at: http://www.dop.gov.mm/
moip/index.php?route=product/product&path=54-52&product_id=65 [Accessed 30 Jun. 2015].
Delta Alliance (2015). Vulnerability and resilience assessment of Ayeyarwady Delta, Myanmar. Full
Assessment Report. Available at: www.delta-alliance.org [Accessed 9 Nov. 2017].
Foster, M. (2017). Climate change, vulnerability, and migration in Myanmar. Unpublished Master’s Thesis,
Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, Norwegian Universityof Life Sciences.
Roussy, S. (2008). Water, sanitation & hygiene disaster risk reduction assessment: Ayeyarwady Division.
External Final Report, Action Contre la Faim (ACF) Mission-Myanmar. Available at: https://reliefweb.
int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/A7B8301B3212F276C12574B40047FDD2-Full_Report.pdf[Accessed 26 Oct. 2016].

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ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATIONWITH NATURAL DISASTERS: PRELIMINARY FIELD SURVEY IN
FOUR VILLAGES OF TOUNGUP, RAKHINE STATE, MYANMAR
Chan Myae Myittar Development Association (CMMDA)1

BASIC INFORMATION ON THE AREA AND COMMUNITY EXAMINED
Rakhine is one of the least developed parts of Myanmar; it is characterised by highpopulation density, malnutrition, low incomes, poverty, high risk of disaster and poor
infrastructure. It is located on the northwestern coast of Myanmar and characterised by acontrast between the coastal plains and the Arakan Mountains in the east (Figure 1). This
study was carried out in seven project villages in the township of Taungup (Table 1), where
the Chan Myae Myittar Development Association (CMMDA) has ongoing work.
According to the 2013 administrative data forthe township, 6,472 people are living in theseven project villages of Taungup, in 1,294
households. Each village is several hours
away from Taungup, the closest larger city
(27,477 inhabitants), by foot. With only 31
inhabitants per km 2, the township of
Taungup has among the lowest population
densities in Rakhine State.
Rakhine is a cyclone-prone area and thepotential negative impact of natural
disasters should be thoroughly monitored
during monsoon season (from April toAugust) and prevented. CMMDA is currently
considering starting a community-based
disaster risk reduction programme in thetarget area. In the event of a natural
disaster, CMMDA assesses whether
humanitarian assistance is needed, and if it
is, it will obtain assistance from international
non-governmental organisations (INGOs).
CMMDA is currently implementing an
integrated project focusing on nutrition and

1

Figure 1
CMMDA Head oﬃce at Yangon and Sub oﬃce
location at Taungup, Rakhine State

Soe Thu and Thaw ZIn were interviewers and Zaw Moe and Aung Myat Kyaw compiled the report.

229

an integrated project on water and sanitation hygiene (WASH) in seven villages of Toungup.
The seven villages are under the administrative control of six village tracts. Constrained by
the availability of villagers and transportation facilities, CMMDA conducted field visits tofour villages under four the administrative control of four village tracts. These villages were
Kan Pyin, Zee Kwin, Tar Yae and Taung Ywar.
Table 1

Number of inhabitants in the seven project villages

Name of village

Inhabitants

Taung Ywar

1,371

Zee Kwin

673

Tar Yae

1,553

Thin Chi Gyne

849

Nga Lone Maw

794

Kan Pyin

673

Tae Mauk

559

Total

6,472

(Source: Township General Administrative Department, 2013)

Tar Yae village is situated about 7 miles away from the town of Toungup. However,transportation between the two communities poses difficulties. Villagers must cross a small
river by boat during the rainy season, and the current is strong. Tar Yae has no healthcentre despite its large population (over 1,500 people). Taung Ywar is the closest to thetown of all the villages, at a distance of only 3 miles. However, these villagers must also
cross a river to reach town. During the rainy season, the residents must cross the river in asmall, locally made boat. From November to May, village residents can cross the river on
the bamboo-wood, mixed-structure bridge, which was constructed by a private owner,
paying a toll of 200 kyat for each passage. Kan Pyin village is 18 miles from the town andentirely surrounded by water. Zee Kwin village is situated beside the Taungup–MaEi
highway road but is approximately 23 miles from town. None of the villages has electricity,and few have a solar system for lighting. However, each village possess an early childcare
development centre. All villages have had access to mobile telephone communications
since 2016.
Thanks to severe droughts between June and September, as well as the extreme rainfall of
the rainy season from October to May, the climate is considered to be extreme, relative toglobal standards. The region is o�en hit by typhoons and ﬂoods. The state has around 3.2
million inhabitants in total, who mainly rely on rice cultivation and fishery. The average
income is around 2.50 € per day.
Major disasters occur in the State from June to October. This is the rainy season, including
the pre-monsoon (April–May), monsoon (June–October) and post-monsoon (November–
December). Riverbanks collapse, landslides and heavy rains occur every year during therainy season. All disasters, including storm, ﬂooding and irregular rainfall, greatly affect thecultivation practices of the farmers. The cycle of rice cultivation in the region is as follows:

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as soon as rainfall starts, in approximately June and July, farmers begin to grow riceseedlings. Around August, they move seedlings to larger fields to nurture and harvest therice in November. Short-term rice varieties take around 120 days to grow, and long-term
varieties take around 180 days. In this area, a 120-day variety is preferred. Generally, in
Myanmar, rice cultivation season is rainy season, and this is also true during disasters.
During this period, farmers must take the risk with their agricultural practice of losing theirinvestment in planting due to natural hazards such as ﬂooding, irregular rainfall andstorms. However, they have no choice, because their main chance of income comesthrough cultivating rice. No farmer can afford to miss this period.
Rainfall is irregular in November, December and January, and this is when rice should be
harvested. Most crops may be destroyed during this period due to irregular rainfall.
Technology has thus been adopted that is locally friendly to planting and cultivating to
reduce losses of crops. Nevertheless, updated technology is needed to sustain cultivationand harvest.

INTERVIEW STRATEGIESIn this study, information was primarily collected through focus group discussions (FGD)
and in-depth interviews (IDI) with local people. The participation of elders and youth was
highly encouraged, and the gender balance was also considered. Semi-structured
questionnaires were used that were created based on the guidelines provided by IRCI. In
planning this study, the needs of local people and concerns regarding disaster risks and ICH
safeguarding were fully considered. The survey team was two field assistants (FA). Before
the beginning of the interview, FGD were introduced to the project, including IRCI, ICH andthe objectives and goals of the activity by FAs. In total, eight FGDs and one IDI wereconducted in the four villages Kan Pyin, Zee Kwin, Tar Yae and Taung Ywar. A summary of
the FGD and IDI is shown in Table 2.
Table 2

Summary of focus group discussions and in-depth interviews

Name of village

Information-gathering means# of participants
Men

Women

Total

Focus group discussion(participants over 50 years old)

5

3

8

Focus group discussion(participants under 50 years old)

4

4

8

In-depth interview

1

0

1

Focus group discussion(participants over 50 years old)

3

5

8

Focus group discussion(participants under 50 years old)

3

5

8

Zee Kwin

Focus group discussion(participants over 50 & under 50 years old)

6

7

13

Kan Pyin

Focus group discussion(participants over 50 & under 50 years old)

7

7

14

Tar YeTaung Ywar

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES231

ANALYSIS OF THE DATA
Understanding the Locality and Communities
Geographical setting: natural and social environment, access to urban centres,
information and other factors

One of four villages is situated in the upland and the rest are in lowlands and on islands.
The villagers from the three lowland villages suffer ﬂoods most years. All four villages suffer
heavy rain, storms and ﬂoods in May, June and October and irregular rainfall from
November to January.
In addition to these natural hazards, Zee Kwin has a history of cholera, because villagers did
not have access to adequate water, no ﬂy proof latrine and limited knowledge of water andsanitation. Cholera struck 20 years ago, and some villagers lost their lives. The village was
relocated to a new site that was assumed to be free from the disease. A�er the cholera
epidemic completed, the villagers returned. Tar Yae is the most severely affected by natural
hazards and disasters, while Kan Pyin, Tar Yae and Taung Ywar have been less affected.

Baseline information on communities, villages and settlements: populations,
histories, economies, livelihoods and resources
Summary of collected villages was shown in Table 3.
Table 3

Information collected for the survey
Zee Kwin

Tar Yae

Taung Ywar

Ethnic group

Rakhine & Chin

RakhineChin

RakhineReligion

Buddhist

Buddhist

Buddhist

Buddhist

Population

736

690

1757

1300

44.9728%

41.159%

45.8%

35%

Youth under 18

289

206

723

420

Children under 5

58

47

91

68

Elderly

40

70

70

30

Pregnant women

2

5

4

5

Disabled

0

3

7

0

Vulnerable (children, motherswith children, pregnant
women, elders and disabled)

livelihood

232

Kan Pyin

Farmers, day
labourers,
wood/bamboo
cutters, timber
cutters

Farmers,
fishermen,
daily labourers

Farmers,
wood/bamboo
cutters, daily
labourers

Farmers,
fishermen,
daily labourers

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Culture

Every boy must
become a
novice, no
excuses, andgather together
on the 1st dayof theMyanmar newyear

Has assemblyon full moon
day of Tha-DinGyut*

Chin Cultural
Committee
holds meetingon ChinNational Day(February 20)

Religious
ceremonies
such asKahtain*Festivals

Buddhamemories, Chinnational day,Thingyan*,serving food toYwar Daw
Shin* (the spiritof the village)
praying on theTuesday before
the monsoon

Festivals
regarding
Buddha,serving foods
to Ywar Daw
Shin

Festivals
regarding
Buddha, Chinnational day,Thingyan(water festival)

Festivals
regarding
Buddha* Tha-Din-Gyut is a lighting festival in Buddhist culture, which usually happens on the full moon of the month of
Tha-Din-Gyut (October). Kahtain is also a religious festival during the month of November. It was a festival of
donation of monk’s robe. Thingyan is a water festival in Myanmar culture. It usually lasts for 4–5 days andpeople throw water on each other with good cheer. It happens in April. At the festival of Ywar Daw Shin, one
prays to the head of village spirits before farming activities.

Existing DRM plans for the area, local DRM groups or committees, and cultural
heritage-management groups or committees
The status of Disaster-management team is shown in Table 4.

One local NGO, the community development association, has begun working in disastermanagement in Tar Yae. This village thus has a DM team. There is a disaster-escapebuilding in Tar Yae village built specifically for this purpose (30 feet long and 15 feet wide).
However, there was no evidence that the escape building was actually used during adisaster. There was no evidence that the DM team of the village was active andfunctioning. Villagers needed to take care of the victims and help them to move theirproperty using traditional methods of voluntary contribution of labour for rehabilitation andto secure dwellings to compensate for their losses, such as residences and house
Table 4

Status of Disaster-management teamZee Kwin

Kan Pyin

Tar Yae

Taung Ywar

Village-based disastermanagement (DM) team

No

No

Yes

No

Presence of non-governmentalorganisation or international
non-governmental organisation
concerned with DM

No

No

Yes

No

Traditional method of DM

Yes, but lacking

Own method for DM

Yes, but lacking Yes, but lacking Yes

Yes, but lacking

Disaster-escape building

None

None

Yes, but lacking Yes, but lacking

NoneYes, good

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES233

compounds. The other three villages mitigated their disasters in their own ways, using theirtraditional methods. However, the problem-solving methods used were different fromvillage to village.
Methods of defecation, farming and cultivating methods, transportation methods, cultural
worshipping, and methods for producing goods have been changed according to theirexperiences with daily challenges and frequent disasters. The fodder-storage system alsochanged from open-air storage to sheltered storage, due to the irregularity of the rainfall.

Identifying Known Natural Hazards and Risks in the Area
Destroyed residence, homelessness, loss of property, disease and loss of domestic animals,disease and death of villagers and relocation of households are a prominent impact ofnatural disasters in the survey area. There were at least one or two occurrences of disasterper year. For natural disasters, the following local mitigation strategies were most o�enused:
• contribution of labour to affected families;• preparation of shelters to prevent rain water;• advance collection of needed materials, such as materials for ceremonies, and theirstorage in the village monastery;• alerting or informing the community of the disaster through person-to-person
communication and radio and TV news;• using tractors instead of oxen in farming to finish planting and harvesting quickly;• obtaining construction materials such as wood and bamboo from the village, for use
in rehabilitation;• donations from NGOs or INGOs, such as hygienic materials and kitchen sets arebrought to assist others’ rehabilitation a�er a disaster;• raising rice storage above the highest water level; andTable 5

Varieties of natural hazards
Zee Kwin

Kan Pyin

Tar Yae

Taung Ywar

Heavy rain

√

√

√

√

Irregular rainfall

√

√

√

√

Storm

√

√

√

√

Heavy wind

√
√

√

√

Flooding

234

Landslide√

Riverbank collapse√

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION:PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

• evacuating to the monastery, which is usually built in the highest part of the village
and relocating one’s cows to higher places.

Identifying Local ICH in Association with Natural Hazards and Disasters
Religious, traditional and cultural activities that were not conducted as a result of natural
hazards and disasters (Table 6) were as follows:• ceremonies closely connected with village customs, such as novice ceremonies,
could not be held;• ceremonies were postponed;• social cohesion and social relationships were lost due to natural hazards (according
to village norms, villagers should participate in and help each other during festivals,
but most villagers could not fully participate in festivals at the time of disaster,because they needed to focus on the safety of the crops they were harvesting); and• everyone learned how to row, because of the disaster-prone nature of the village.
Table 6Natural disaster and ICH status

Natural disaster(type)

ICH

StatusIrregular raining
and ﬂooding

Traditional
spiritual beliefs

happens every
year

postpone

Family-level
cooperation

Storm

Religious festivals

Yearly happened

postpone

Receiving help fromthe community

Heavy rain

Social festivals

Yearly happened

postpone

Receiving help from
community

Storm

Village customs

Yearly happened

postponeGe�ng help from
community

How to face

How to recoverNo evidence was found any combination of ICH related to natural disasters and scientifictechnologies. Traditional mechanisms of social cohesion were found in all four villages.
These were generally based on village-level ceremonies, such as religious ceremonies andfunerals. People met together, worked together and exchanged past knowledge andexperiences. However, they did not speak of ICH directly, because it was a new concept forthem, even when they spoke of it indirectly. Certain cultural traditions are maintained tothe present time, most of which are related to religion. However, relative to changes inweather and natural disasters, some adjustments of time needed to be made forscheduling religious ceremonies. Many restrictive traditional rules sustained that cultural
knowledge. The traditions of paying respect to God and/or goodness have graduallydiminished. Many assets of tangible heritage are stored at monasteries, which are usuallybuilt on safer places, away from disaster-prone areas. Most monasteries are also built ofwood and would not be destroyed by earthquakes, although earthquakes have not been
identified as a disaster factor in these villages.

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Accessing Natural Disaster’s Impact on ICH
Disaster can affect not only vulnerable groups, their livelihoods and their means oftransportation but also their intangible culture. Buddhists usually keep the Sabbath from
July to October, especially on full moon days. While there are traditional ceremonies in
Myanmar every month, most of them occur during the rainy season. However, important
religious festivals, such as Tha-Din-Gyut and Kahtain, are carried out immediately following
the rainy season. Most of the novice festivals are usually conducted a�er harvest, because
families have more income then. Such ceremonies are occasionally hit by irregular rainfall.
Irregular rainfalls usually pose a challenge for traditional ceremonies, as well as for crop
harvesting. Because the harvest period, ceremonies and irregular rainfalls all occur in thesame time, participation in traditional ceremonies is reduced among the struggles andchallenges. Residents prefer harvesting crops to ceremonies. They thus tend to postpone
traditional ceremonies to times convenient to them. In this way, the cultural significance oftraditional ceremonies will gradually wane. This may lead to a loss of social cohesion andtransmission of local knowledge from the older to the younger generation.

Additional Notable Issues Related to ICH
Concern of handicraft maker

U Tun Hpe, who is 64 years old, lives in Tar Yae. His livelihood has hitherto relied on his
practice of bamboo handicra�s. He has made baskets and products using bamboo since hewas 35 years old. Although he was once able to make money from selling his handicra�s,
he can no longer practice his arts, because of the scarcity of raw materials. This is due tochanges in weather patterns, increases in the numbers of people living on bamboos andwood cu�ng, changes in national policy (Myanmar forest laws), and substitutions forbamboo products by plastic products, which began 10 years ago. He is afraid that his
bamboo handicra�s might disappear. His business was inherited from his parents, but there
is a scarcity of materials due to man-made forest depredation.

REFERENCE

Township General Administrative Department (2013). Taungup Township Proﬁle. (Unpublished report for
intra-department circulation)

Annex: Semi-structured questions for FGD and IDI (general and probing questions)
1) Understanding the locality and communitya) The geographical area:• Your village is located in which territory, state or region?
• What is the natural environment and the social structure like?
• Do you have access to urban centres and information? If yes, which ones and how?
b) How many people live here: how many households and how many families? Who are they?
• How was your village established (when, by whom and how).
• What is the status of the economy?
• What is the main livelihood?
• What resources are available?
Note: if village has resource mapping, please take a photographc) Does the village have existing DRM plans? If yes, what are they? Do you have local DRM
groups or committees or cultural-heritage-management groups or committees?

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2) Identifying known natural hazards and risks in the areaa) What are the types of natural hazards in the area? (Which types? What severity? How
frequent?)• Is there any inﬂuence of climate change on your village? What is the evidence?
b) Local perception of natural hazards and disasters• What do local people call disasters or hazards and risks?
• How do people think about disasters? What are its positive or negative aspects? What is
considered a disaster? (Please give an example)c) History of recent disasters that have affected the community• Could you and your group explain the major effects and consequences of disasters?
• What are some environmental transformations triggered by a disaster?
• What are some social/cultural transformations triggered by a disaster?
• How is recover possible?
• What are the difficulties and challenges faced with regard to disaster?
• Please note a local DRR strategy that local people practice.
3) Identifying local ICH in association with natural hazards and disasters (ICH-based DRR/DRM)a) What are some ICH-based DRR/DRM techniques (traditional indigenous knowledge andpractice for DRR)?
• Could you please tell me, based on different types of disaster, when and how to prepare, how
to face a disaster and how to rehabilitate from it?
• What kinds of knowledge and techniques are learned and how transmitted?
• What are the adaptive advantages?
b) Knowledge and techniques that were used in the past but are no longer in practice• Are there any practices that were common in the past but are no longer used? What caused
or contributed to the cessation of such practices?
c) Instances in which ICH is used in conjunction with introduced technologies: What are someinstances of ICH in conjunction with scientific technologies?
d) Traditional systems or mechanisms of social cohesion and cooperation (within and between
communities) contributing to DRM, including traditional social events and festivals• Any local governance system used in preparation, response, and recovery?
• What kind of festivals and social meetings are held in villages?
• What are the roles of women, youth and the elderly in disaster preparation, response andrecovery• Please mention certain specific function and roles in the process of disastere) Memories of the disaster as ICH• Could you please give sites or places and stories regarding the transmittal of memory or lessonsof past disaster events• Are there any other new stories, chants, songs or performances, and are there any other social
practices that have emerged from recent disaster experiences? Why have they emerged?
• How they are performed and transmitted?
f) The community’s priorities and willingness to promote such ICH-based DRR techniques• What are the considerations of practicality and effectiveness regarding ICH-based DRR
techniques• Could you please identify positive and negative outcomes of the use or abandonment ofparticular techniques?
4) Assessing the impact of natural disasters on ICH (natural disasters as a factor threatening thesafeguarding of ICH)a) Representative ICH elements in the area
• What is the fundamental basis for people’s identity and livelihoods and the community’ssolidarity?

ASSESSING THE CURRENT SITUATION OF ICH IN ASSOCIATION WITH NATURAL DISASTERS: CASE STUDIES

237

• What are daily practices were related to ICH?
• What have been the temporary disturbance to natural resources, gardens and crops, damage
to/loss of sites, facilities and tools to perform ICH?
• How deep and long-lasting was the impact? How were the ICH revived or transformed?
b) Indirect-impact and long-term transformations triggered by disasters• How can raw materials (for houses, cra� making, etc.) be replaced from traditional resources?
• Can natural disasters create opportunities for cultural change?

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ICH SAFEGUARDING AND
DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGIONPROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON ICH SAFEGUARDING AND DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT
IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION PROJECT REPORT FOR FY 2016-2017

PRELIMINARY RESEARCH ON

International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)International Research Centre for
Intangible Cultural Heritage
in the Asia-Paciﬁc Region (IRCI)