‘Focus structure in Acooli’ (abstract)
Osamu Hieda
Word order is determined by information structural consideration in non-configurational languages,
while it is highly restricted but plays a role in identifying topic and focus in configurationallanguages. Acooli is a non-configurational or a configurational language? It is difficult to decide
whether most of African languages are non-configurational or configurational. Word order isrelatively flexible in post-verbal position, though it is strictly rigid in preverbal position in Acooli.
Word order in post-verbal position is determined by not only syntactic but also pragmatic factors inAcooli.
The sentences (1) and (2) are perfectly grammatical syntactically, but sometimes are notappropriate pragmatically. The sentence (1) has a dative NP preceded by a direct object, while thesentence (2) has a direct object preceded by a dative NP.
(1) a=m !y!búk k lat n

1SG=PERF:give book to child(2) a=m !yk lat n !búk

1SG=PERF:give to child book
‘I gave the book to the child.’
When a context is given, however, the sentences (1) and (2) are sometimes not appropriate. Forinstance, when the direct object búk ‘book’ is referred in the context, the sentence (1) is appropriate
but the sentence (2) is not appropriate pragmatically.
1. a=w !l!búk lá!w r

1SG=PERF:buy book yesterday‘I bought the book yesterday.’(1) a=m !y !búk k lat n(2) #a=m !y k lat n !búk
On the other hand, when the dative NP lat n ‘child’ is referred in the context, the sentence (1) is notappropriate, while the sentence (2) is appropriate pragmatically.
2. n ŋ a=tyéklat n

PAST 1SG=IMPERF:be with child‘I had the child.’(1) #a=m !y !búk k lat n(2) a=m !y k lat n !búk
Van Valin & LaPolla (1997: 209) says that in English, the unmarked focus position is the final
position in the core. The examples cited above show that the unmarked focus position is located in
the final position of the core in Acooli. When old information occupies the unmarked focus position,
the sentences are not appropriate pragmatically. The direct object búk ‘book’ is belonging to oldinformation because it is referred in the context. Because the old information occupies the unmarked
focus position of the sentence (2) in the former case, the sentence (2) is not appropriate
pragmatically. On the other hand, the sentence (1) is not appropriate pragmatically because oldinformation lat n ‘child’ occupies the unmarked position in it.
In Acooli the unmarked focus position for the core elements is the final position in the core.
Moreover, the unmarked focus position for the peripheral elements is the final position in theperipheral. The benefactive NP and the locative NP are belonging to peripheral in the followingexamples. For instance, because the old information lat n ‘child’ occupies the unmarked focus
position for the peripheral, the sentence (4) is not appropriate pragmatically.
3. n ŋ a=tyé k lat n
PAST 1SG=IMPERF:be with child‘I had the child.’

(3) a=cwá!l!búk k lat n- t

1SG=PERF:send book for child to house(4) #a=cwá!l!búk - t

k lat n1SG=PERF:send book to house for child‘I sent the book to the house for the child.’
However, the sentence (4) is appropriate in another context. For instance, it is appropriate
pragmatically if the locative NP t ‘house’ is referred in the context. The sentence (3) is not
appropriate because the old information t ‘house’ occupied the unmarked focus position.
4. n ŋ a=tyé

k tgúl!ú

PAST 1SG=IMPERF:be with house Gulu
‘I had the house in Gulu.’(3) #a=cwá!l !búk k lat n(4) a=cwá!l !búktt k lat n

It is clear that word order in post-verbal position is determined by not only syntactic but also
pragmatic factors. In Acooli the unmarked focus position for the core elements is the final positionin the core and the unmarked focus position for the peripheral elements is the final position in theperipheral. The remaining issue is that the dative/benefactive NPs sometimes behave as a core,sometimes behave as a peripheral.
Acooli has the particular morpheme ɑyé ‘CFM’ for expressing the contrastive focus. The
contrastive focus marker ɑyé ‘CFM’ is preceded only by NP. The NP marked by ɑyé ‘CFM’
presupposes someone else that contrasts with it. The NP marked by ɑyé ‘CFM’ is formalized
pragmatically as follows.
(5) [_____ ɑyé]foc
someone else

top

The scope of negation is limited to the NP marked by the contrastive focus marker ɑyé ‘CFM’.
(6) k l ɑyép

=w lbúk-!c klá!w r

Okelo CFM NEG 3S/P=PERF:buy book at-market yesterday‘Okelo did not buy the book at the market yesterday (someone else bought it).’(7) k l p

=w lbúk ɑyé - c klá!w r

Okelo NEG 3S/P=PERF:buy book CFM at-market yesterday‘Okelo did not buy the book at the market yesterday (he bought something else).’(8) k l p=w lbúk-!c k ɑyé lr

Okelo NEG 3S/P=PERF:buy book at-market CFM yesterday‘Okelo did not buy the book at the market yesterday (he bought it somewhere, not at the market).’(9) k l p=w lbúk-!c k lá!w r ɑyé

Okelo NEG 3S/P=PERF:buy book at-market yesterday CFM‘Okelo did not buy the book at the market yesterday (he bought it sometime, not yesterday).’
Acooli uses the particular construction consisting of a gerund for expressing the predicate focus.
(10) k l

p=w lbúk ɑl ɑ-!c klá!w r

Okelo NEG 3S/P=PERF:buy book GER=buy=GER at-market yesterday‘Okelo did not buy the book at the market yesterday (he sold it).’Scope of negation is limited to NP marked by CFM or limited to predicate marked by contrastive
focus GER. Scope of negation is limited to topicalized NPs. The NPs marked by CFM function as atopic including a set of referents that contrast with the NPs.
Discussion: The issues on the interface between syntax and pragmatics should be researched more
precisely. Next speakers will discuss it.