Iconographic Interpretations of Theological Themes in
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and in St. Gregory Palamas
and the Reception of these Themes by Meister Eckhart
Emil Ivanov

Works of Dionysius the AreopagiteF

rom Dionysius the Areopagite or Pseudo Dionysius we havereceived a corpus of several titles written in the 482–532/33 period:
Celestial Hierarchy, in 15 chapters and Church Hierarchy, in 7 chapters1,
Divine Names, in 13 chapters2, Mystical Theology, in 5 chapters3, andletters sent to various people on matters related to dogma4. Because hisworks were highly respected by the moderate Monophysites, theirtruthfulness was challenged already in 532 by Bishop Hypatius of
Ephesus,5 but in the Western part of the Empire they were accepted andrecognized by Pope Gregory the Great (d. 604). After that the first andearliest known so far commentaries on Dionysius’s works emerged
again in the East and are the work of John of Scytopolis (d. 540) and
Ven Maximus the Confessor (d. 662).6 Before that separate quotations
from these commentaries could be met with earlier in the works ofSevir, a Monophysite and bishop of Antioch between 512 and 518, but
not before the beginning of the 6th c. Ever since the Areopagitic corpus
has been part of the canonical literature of the Church and the fact thatthese works were translated throughout the Middle Ages both in the Eastand the West shows the unceasing interest in them.

Mystical Theology Interpreted in Iconography
One of the main points in Dionysius’s Mystical Theology has inspired in
the course of centuries mystically-minded seekers of the divinely
revealed truths: “Supernal Triad, Deity above all essence, knowledge
and goodness; Guide of Christians to Divine Wisdom; direct our path tothe ultimate summit of your mystical knowledge, most incomprehensible,
most luminous and most exalted, where the pure, absolute andimmutable mysteries of theology are veiled in the dazzling obscurity ofthe secret Silence, outshining all brilliance with the intensity of their
Darkness, and surcharging our blinded intellects with the utterly172iconographic interpretations of theological themes

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impalpable and invisible fairness of glories surpassing all beauty”7, aunique ode dedicated to the radiance of uncreated knowledge.
Pseudo-Dionysius understands Platonism and expresses it in Christianterms basing his work on both approaches—the cataphatic and theapophatic ones: God manifests Himself among peoples by means ofmany names through which He can be felt, for instance Beauty, Love,
Gentleness, Good, etc. Together, with this however there exists also asupernatural reality, incomprehensible and intangible to the language
and conceptual system of people as God is absolutely invisible andimperuptible, knowledge about Him is impossible for man: “Because itis super-essentially exalted above created things, and reveals itself in Its
naked Truth to those alone who pass beyond all that is pure or impure,and ascend above the topmost altitudes of holy things, and who, leaving
behind them all divine light and sound and heavenly utterances, plunge
into the Darkness where truly dwells, as the Oracles declare, that ONE
who is beyond all”.8
Even Moses, deliberating further Dionysius says: “It was not without
reason that the blessed Moses was commanded first to purify himself
and them to separate himself from those who had not undergone
purification; and after the entire purification heard many trumpets andsaw many lights streaming forth with pure and manifold rays; and that
he was thereafter separated from the multitude, with the elect priests,
and pressed forward to the summit of the divine ascent. Nevertheless, he
did not attain to the Presence of God itself; he saw not it (for it cannot
be looked upon) but the Place where it dwells”.9
The main points in these formulations are interpreted later success­fully also on the image-iconographic level. One can detect a parallel tothat in chapter 5 of Mystical Theology and at that in the sense in which
Dionysius understood it, i.e. that “The Kindly Original Cause of
everything” can be expressed more words, less words, and even in thecomplete absence of words, and that means also by means of images
and drawing and painting. The very exclamation in the beginning of thetreatise: “Supernal Triad, Deity above all essence, knowledge andgoodness; Guide of Christians to Divine Wisdom !” and the composi­tions showing Sophia, the Wisdom of God, are an example of that. Theirdissemination especially in the 14th c. shows also their link with theideas of mystical seeking of God and Hesychasm.
We see such representations in Byzantine and Medieval Bulgarianmonuments the biblical texts being only additional motivation for the
reception of Dionysius’s ideas in iconography.10 In most of the cases theSupreme Wisdom is presented by way of personification—the figure of

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Fig. 1 Sophia, the Wisdom of God, wall painting in Chrelio Tower of Rila
Monastery, 1335/36 (Bulgaria)

a woman or the image of an angel sitting at a festive well-laden tablearound which there scurry about servants with additional plates. The
scenes in the St Sophia Church in Ochrid (1235), the monasterychurches at Gračanica (1321) and Dečani (the middle of the 14th c.)interpreted correctly from a Christological point of view the orthodox
doctrine by using a nimbus over Sophia with the letters O ΩN i.e. “I
AM WHO AM” (Gen. 3:14).
The theme of the text directs the viewer to the medieval iconographyof the Mother of God—the Burning Bush with Celestial Powers at her
flank and this explains the link with Dionysius’s Celestial Hierarchy.
Sometimes in the mural compositions depicting Sophia one canrecognize Christ as the Angel of Supreme Wisdom (the churches of St
Sophia, 1235, and St. Clement, 1294/95, in Ochrid and the Gračanica
Monastery, 1321, while in another case (Hrelyo’s Tower in the Rila
Monastery, 1336), Sophia is presented as an muse from Antiquity
around which we see revealed all spheres of God’s creation that has
become accessible to human cognition—the Celestial Powers, prophets,

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Fig. 2 Sophia, the Wisdom of God, fresco in the Church of St. John
Prodromos, 1694/95 (in Yaroslavl, Russia)

evangelists, apostles, philosophers and musicians from Antiquity,
personifications of the seasons. All they go in solemn procession
towards the table of the Supreme Wisdom so as to receive Holy
Communion from the spring, which is Christ.

Images Showing the the Celestial and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy
According to Dionysius all things that exist are arranged in a strict
divinely ordered system and harmony, which reveal themselves in thehierarchical structure of the world. Each creation has its strictly fixed
position in the divine order with the lower creatures drawing powerfrom the higher ones so as to rise from the low level to a higher level inthe world. On the basis of the same principle the younger generations
draw from the knowledge and experience of the older generation. They
do so rushing on towards their limit of knowing. They do so in the176

iconographic interpretations of theological themes

Fig. 3 In Gračanica Monastery, 14th century (Serbia)

process of getting to know the unknown, the unknowing. In this sense“the unknowing” in the works of Dionysius the Areopagite is a category
with content and to a maximum degree full of meaning, a category inwhich no cataphatic reasoning is possible.
The works “De Coelesti Hierarchia” and “De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia”
are the ontological system, which is hierarchically structured andarranged in degree-ordered ontology from the top to the base. “De
Coelesti Hierarchia” describes nine ranks grouped in three triads in eachof which the choirs (hosts) of the bodiless celestial powers are included,
also arranged hierarchically. The first triads includes seraphim,cherubim, thrones, the second- dominions, virtues, powers, and the third—principalities, archangels, and angels. These nine ranks mediate in adescending line from the top down to the base, between God and man.
Already in early Christian Art, in the 5th and 6th centuries, one can see
a hint of depictions of the celestial powers. A background with stars has
been added around the four apocalyptic creatures in the mosaic
decoration in the mausoleum of Galla Placidia in Ravenna from 430–
450. On the dome of the archbishop’s chapel in Ravenna (500) thecomposition has been supplemented with four angelic figures rushingtowards Christ’s monogram in the centre. The composition in another
Ravenna monument—the church of St. Vitalius (548) is similar. There
instead of a heaven with stars, the space around the angelic figures isfull of rich floral ornamentation and various birds and in the centre weiconographic interpretations of theological themes177

see the Lamb of God.
The mosaic in the apse of the church of St. Apolinarius in Classe(549) is an acme of the representative symbolism of the celestialhierarchy and God’s grandeur. There the space around the cross ofChrist is situated in the centre of a medallion is full of 99 stars on a blue
background—an undoubtedly strong indication about the nine celestial
ranks and the number of their angels and other powers, a number thatexcels the potential of the human eye.11
The oldest undoubted iconographic examples showing the Celestial
Hierarchy are in the Limburg collection of crosses made exquisitely ofenamel on gilded background (the work of a Constantinople workshop
in 963–968) and a miniature decoration in Vienna codex Suppl. gr. 52,
fol. 1v from the second half of the 12th c. In the first case the separate
groups are presented in two ways—by means of anthropomorphic andsymbolic figures—gathered around a relic from the Cross of Christ, arelic that is in the middle. In the second case the Celestial Hierarchy
surrounds the image of the New Testament Trinity, which is presented in
an anthropomorphic way—God, the Father with a slightly reduced
figure of Jesus Christ in His lap. The 12th c. has also given us fragmentsof the angelic figures from the murals of the dome of the Church of St.
George in Sofia and in Kurbinovo in Macedonia, the composition in the
St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, and elsewhere. In the 13th and 14th
centuries, the scene with the Celestial Hierarchy became a constantcomponent in the composition called “Celestial Liturgy” on central
domes (mosaics in the Church of the Mother of God in Palermo, 1143,
and in the baptistery in the Church of St. Marc in Venice, 13th c.) or in
the apse (the church in Staro Nagoričino in Macedonia, 1316–1318).
After the 15th c. the intensified symbolism linked with the theme of
the Celestial Hierarchy is felt even more strongly in the decoration on
liturgically—used fabrics and church plate (an epithafios from the
Church of the Mother of God in Moscow from the 15th c.) andespecially in Russian medieval iconography on the subject “The Motherof God, The Ever Burning Bush” (an icon of the mid 16th c. from theCyrillo-Belozersk Monastery) or an iconography of Church Fathers
bowing before the Sacrifice for use during the Liturgy of St. Basil. The
later is a rare iconographic subject and one of the few instances is on a
Russian icon of the 18th c.: the central medallion has the figure of abishop in vestments, who has elevated over his head a discos withanthropomorphic depiction—an image of Christ, the Lamb of God, laid
for the sacrifice. Behind Him one sees the celestial powers, who areinvisibly present during the prayer. On the second round row outside are178

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8 more small medallions with half length figures of powers of heaven
accompanied by cherubs. Outside, at the flanks of the scene are the four
apocalyptic picture of the New Testament Trinity, where only Christ has
been depicted in an anthropomorphic way.
According to Dionysius the ecclesiastical hierarchy as a reflection of
the celestial hierarchy also consists of nine ranks arranged in three
triads, each triad consisting of three groups: sacraments—Baptism,
Eucharist, Chrismation, clerics—bishops, priests and deacons, and thegroup to which there belong the monks, the laymen, and the penitentsfrom among the monks and laymen. We see these strictly defined groups
and ranks again in the pictures of the Day of Judgment their
iconography being constantly enriched without leaving the thematic
framework of the Areopagite. The best known examples have beenpreserved in the illustrations to Greek codex 74 from the 11th c. in the
Paris National Library, as a mosaic on the western wall of the church at
Torcello (11th c.), two Sinai icons of the second half of the 12th c.,murals in the church of Panagia Mavriotissa in Kastoria (12th c.) and in
Cappadocia—Kvarke Kilisse (1212), the southern wing of themonastery of Chora (the Kahrie Mosque) of 1315–1320.12 The groups
with church hierarchs after Dionysius’s description supplement also theupper part of the compositions showing the Dormition of the Mother ofGod (at Staro Nagoričino, 1316–1318) and at Marko monastery (around1375), the Celestial Liturgy (Hrelyo’s Tower in the Rila monastery,1335), the Crucifixion of Our Lord (an icon by Anastassiy Ivanovich,Moscow, 1806), Sophia-Divine Wisdom (Hrelyo’s Tower in the Rila
monastery, the middle of the 14th c.), Synaxis of the Archangels (anicon consisting of many icons, from Novgorod, ca. 1500 and in scenes
from the Apocalypse13.

Development of Dionysius’s notion by St. John of Damascus
Before making a comparison with Meister Eckhart, it is proper for us tomention that opportunities for similar iconographic decisions exist also
in the work of Maximus the Confessor and St. John of Damascus (diedafter 754). Reasoning on the way of attaining knowledge about theCreator Ven. Maximus links the term of “hypostasis” not only with aconcrete real individuality, but more with a concrete notion of an image
and a genuinely existing originality. In this view the first people in Eden
were called upon to link created and uncreated being, to link Paradiseand earth turn in the Earth into paradise. In this philosophical-religious
reflections, for instance (Disputatio cum Pyrrho, Mystagogia, De variis

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dificilibus locis)14 he understood the history of the word as a mysticalbasis for the up building and existence of Creation.
In St. John of Damascus, the last representative of Greek classicalpatristic, who unlike of the Eastern fathers based his work not on Plato,but on Aristotelian ethics, one can also note a successful comparison of
the cataphatic and the apophatic approaches regarding knowledge of
God and mystical theology. In his works “De Sancta Trinitate” and“Expositio fidei” St. John revels an apology of the Christian tradition,
more specifically concerning the “theosis” of man, the two natures andwills, divine and human, of Our Lord, and the veneration of the holy
icons, creating the basis of the theory of image: images are natural,
didactic, and symbolic, man also is an image of God;15 with the help of
the image it is possible to achieve knowledge about the Universe, thebodies and the figures of the bodiless powers—both of the celestialbodiless powers and of the demons. In John of Damascus it seems that
one can notice in the clearest manner the development of Dionysius’s
notion about consistent order in the Universe and God’s presence in theworld by way of His invisibleness, which becomes tangible exactly
though the Incarnation of the Son of God, the historical person of
Christ, the Godman. Hence it follows that it is also possible to depict
Him, even according to canon 82 of the Trullo Council (692) it isrequired to depict Him through anthropomorphic and not symbolic
iconography.16 Choosing what is probably the strangest passage from St.
Basil, the Great (d. 379), the dogmatic formulation of the Seventh
Ecumenical Council (787) finally rehabilitated the theology of theimage: “Because the homage paid to the image, refers to its original
image” (διτι  τς ενς τιμ πι τ πρωττυπν διαβανει)17,
that is why whoever venerates the icon, venerates also the hypostasis (πστασις) (the person) depicted on it.
In this sense and within the context of the parallel being sought
regarding what Dionysius the Areopagite wrote on Christian Art, weshall refer to St. John of Damascus, who made a conclusion in favor of
Art as an opportunity to achieve rich mystical knowledge of God: “I will
not cease to respect matter through which my salvation has beenobtained”, and also: “Do not make matter a bad thing!...Because
nothing that comes from the Lord can be unworthy”. St. John ofDamascus sees in the Incarnation of God the most important reason for
the use of images: “That is why I do dare depict the unseen God not as
One that may not be depicted, but as One, Who for the sake of oursalvation becomes visible and participates in our flesh and blood. And
we do not depict the Invisible Deity, but the Word of God, Which has

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become visible flesh”.18 Thus the icon of Christ is a genuine depiction oras St. Athanasius the Great (d. 373) said: “an image of the Invisible
God”19.

Hesychasm of St. Gregory Palamas and Mystical Theology
In Mystical Theology by Dionysius the Areopagite knowledge andconcepts are transitory and because of that are an obstacle to achieving“theosis”. The author speaks of maturity, of mystical mental
concentration beyond the visible light (“the secret Silence, outshining
all brilliance with the intensity of their Darkness”20), where one again
can only reach or detect God, but cannot understand or determine His
Being. Here again one becomes aware of the conceptual link with the
Hesychasm of St. Gregory Palamas (1269–1359) and respectively with
the iconographic and liturgical reception of the themes of the Trans­
figuration. Dionysius further gives the following advice: “For by theunceasing and absolute renunqatiop of thyself and of all things thoumayest be born on high, through pure and entire self-abnegation, into
the superessential Radiance of the Divine Darkness”21. Here it is clearthat the ultimate goal is not contemplation or emotion, but therenunciation of oneself.
In Meister Eckhart this apophatics of individuality has gone to an
extreme. But the link with medieval Hesychasm is especially clear in thefollowing passage from the same work by Dionysius: “We pray that we
may come unto this Darkness which is beyond light, and, without seeing
and without knowing, to see and to know that which is above vision andknowledge through the realization that by not-seeing and by unknowing
we attain to true vision and knowledge; and thus praise, superessen­tially, it that is superessential, by the transcendence of all things; evenas those who, carving a statue out of marble, abstract or remove all thesurrounding material that hinders the vision which the marble conceals
and, by that abstraction, bring to light the hidden beauty”.22 Dionysius
ends his treatise saying that nothing sensory and speculative can be theoriginal cause of Creation as well as that God, the true original cause,cannot be affirmed or denied. He is above everything and He can bereached only by a mystical way through contemplation. 23 Without
Dionysius, the very author, suspecting, that, within less than a century
his ideas penetrated not only the theological discussions, but also
Christian Art in East and West. It is enough to mention the mosaics inthe apse of the Sinai monastery church and in the apse of the Church of
St Apolinarius in Classe, both of them from the middle of the 6th c.

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Assessments of Meister Eckhart
In the first half of the 14th c., Johannes Eckhart (1260–1327), a
Dominican preacher from Erfurt, master of theology in Strasbourg andCologne, and lecturer in the University of Paris 1302 through 1314,
reviewed critically patristic literature and created a mystical movement
laying the foundation of German speculative mysticism. The latter isconsidered to be speculative in so far as in it, in a tendentious manner,
there has been imposed an extreme interpretation of the ideas from
Proclus and Pseudo-Dionysius, ideas according to which God is
absolutely transcendental and unattainable for human potentialities. In
fact, the apophatics of Dionysius the Areopagite allows knowledge ofGod exactly because of the Incarnation and St. John of Damascus refers
to this point when speaking in defence of the veneration of icons.
Comparative analyses of the apophatics in Plotinus, Dionysius the
Areopagite, and Meister Eckhart show that the difference among them
are based not so much on a rejection of the speculative method but
rather on the need to defend consciousness from the destructive
manifestations of apophatics.
In the 19th c. K. Schmidt and W. Preger presented Eckhart first of all
as a schoolman24. At the same time H. Denifle rejects as unsubstantiatedthe view that Eckhart is a pantheist.25 O. Karrer puts J. Eckhart among
the Thomist thinkers of genius and says that he works harmoniously
without contradictions with the official church and the West.26 In the
40ies of the 20th c. on the basis of now available conclusions that
Eckhart is a Thomist, Neoplatonist, Averroist, and pantheist, H. Ebelingpresents an assessment that is interesting and is not devoid of reason.
According to it Eckhart is a “talented compiler of philosophicalsystems”.27 Of pure value in this train of thought is the opinion of K.
Ruh that the German philosopher is a contextual thinker, whose ideas
are the fruit of events in his own life.28
The notions about Eckhart, notions that have become established in
the literature on the history of philosophy and that present him as apantheist and a Neoplanist, are rather one-sided as Eckhart proceedsfrom the positions of German charismatic mysticism. The reasoning
faculty and the overcoming of the barrier of contemplation by means of
it are the main goals of his philosophical reflections.

Eckhart’s sermon on “the Sermon on the Mount”
In his collection of sermons entitled “Blessed are the Poor in Spirit”

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whose title comes from one of the verses in the Sermon on the Mountfrom the Gospel (Mt 5: 3) Meister Eckhart draws a peculiar parallel
between the Mystical Theology of Dionysius the Areopagite and thephrase in the nine beatitudes from Christ’s sermon. here Eckhart begins
from the view point of the social defects in Western societies anddifferentiates by way of speculation from Dionysius’s work on
hierarchy 29 the author arranges stepwise (i.e. in degrees) negative
definitions of poverty that radically supplement one another and saysthat the poor person is not the one that does not feel pleasure, but theone that does not want anything, that does not know anything, and thatposses nothing. Eckhart uses the Platonic linguistic tools, which he has
acquired from the authors of Late Antiquity. In his view the one whom
we call God is such only for the individuals that have separated from
God—at His will (and at their own will). Hens the logic followed by
Eckhart with regard to poverty is that true poverty means to be deprivedof the desire for striving, knowledge, possession, urges, sensuality, andindividuality—all of them are the goal for returning to the blessed stateof bliss, completeness and unity, a state that is intrinsic to God’s being
and was intrinsic to human beings before the separation caused by sin.
Therefore, achieving genius bliss, which at the same time means
achieving genuine poverty, leads toward the path for doing away withthe consequences of the Fall. This radical mysticism of Eckhart follows
logically the Christology of Pseudo-Dionysius and the Eastern andWestern church authors of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages.

Theological dispute between Palamas and Barlaam
In the 40ies of the 14th c. in the East there blazed up a theologicaldiscussion concerning the Hesychast doctrine of Gregory Palamas,
Archbishop of Thessalonica. The wave of dissatisfaction brought forthjustified questions as Gregory had been misunderstood. Is there adependence on the ideas of Western mysticism? And is the apophatics in
his ideas about the divine energies through which God reveals Himself
to man a moderate one? Does not His presence in the world become
remote and does not He become accessible only to a minority able toachieve mystical contemplation? Such were probably the questions that
disturbed also at that time the Eastern Church and society.
Like Pseudo-Dionysius and Meister Eckhart Gregory Palamas
believed that God, Who by virtue of His nature is unknowable, reveals
Himself to mankind through His divine energies and in the light of His
glory. These energies are the power of the common actions of theiconographic interpretations of theological themes

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Trinity. That is why the categories of Palamas the image of the Holy
Trinity is not only an image of God’s tri-unity, but also notion about thereal theophany of God such as are the Nativity, the Baptism and theTransfiguration of our Lord. According to the Hesychast doctrine prayer
is a precondition for achieving ecstasy. It has the power to elevate man
to Paradise and to enable him stand in front of God. This, however,cannot be achieved through elementary emotion. When one is in
unceasing prayerful contemplation, his entire being if overwhelm by
suffusing light. This is the inoriginate light of the glory of God, which
exudes eternally and super-abundantly from the Holy Trinity. The lightof Mont Tabor, the opportunity for the hesychasts to catch sight of it,
and the faith in the bliss in the eternal life, which we expect, are threestages of one and the same spiritual being.
The doctrine of Gregory Palamas and the first of all problem as to thecharacter of the light from Tabor and the unon-createdneds of the divineenergies called forth ardent theological discussions in Byzantium. These
discussions began in 1337 and reached their climax in 1340. The two
opposing thesis were supported respectively by St. Gregory, who
defended the thesis of the real participation in what is divine and thefullness of the knowledge of God, and on the other side, by Barlaam
from Calabria and Akyndinus, who stated that God can become known
in an indirect way, i.e. by an “intellectual knowledge of God”. The
dispute is probably the first direct conflict between Byzantine Patristics
and the West European scholasticism. In J. Meyendorff’s view theessence of the dispute between Byzantine Hesychasm and the theologi­
cal method of Barlaam consists of five fundamental points theabsolutizing by Barlaam of the unknowableness of God’s essence being
the clearest point of dissension.30 On account of that John14th Kalekos,
Patriarch of Constantinople (1333–1347), convened a local council inConstantinople on 10th June 1341, which was attended by Emperor
Andronicus III Palaiologos (1328–1341), a personal friend of Gregory
Palamas, and also by John Kantakouzenos, who in principle sympa­
thized with Barlaam. The entire state was involved in the council, whichlooked more like a trial31. Gregory Palamas arrived in the capital in May
accompanied by some of his disciples—Isidor, who became Metropoli­tan of Monemvasia, and later was elevated to the dignity of Patriarch ofConstantinople (1347–1349), the brothers Dorotheus and Mark, whoboth founded a monastery in Thessalonica. After 1370 one of them waselected metropolitan of Thessalonica. The council lasted only one day.
Barlaam was condemned, while Gregory was vindicated.

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New Iconography on the Transfiguration of Christ
The positive outcome from the Palamite disputes contributed to theemergence and establishing of a new iconography concerning the themeof the Transfiguration, which became especially popular in Christian Art
after the middle of the 14th c., chiefly in the areas under the direct
influence of Hesychasm, i.e. in the areas where St. Gregory Palamas
and his followers were active—Mount Athos, Meteora, Veroia, Kastoria,
Thessalonica as well as Paroria and the monasteries in the areas of
Tarnovo and Rousse in Bulgaria. This theme was known in Christian Art
already in the 6th c.—the mosaic in the apse of the Church of St.
Catherine in the Mount Sinai monastery. More recent examples date
only from the 11th-12th cc. (mosaics in the byzantine churches inDaphne and in the narthex of the Chora monastery in Constantinople
and also a mosaic icon showing the Transfiguration of our Lord in the
Louvre, 12th c.32.
In the 14th c. the Transfiguration scene we see as an iconographic
detail a change in the way of conveying the uncreated light ( θεαδα) around Christ: in the oval mandorla around his figure there
appear thickened and shirt stylized rays. This is undoubtedly due to the
influence of the Hesychast doctrine of St. Gregory Palamas and showsthe endeavor of the artist to present in the best possible way theuncreated light of Tabor. We see such examples in the murals in the
Church of St George tou Vounou in Kastoria, 1368–1385, the church of
the Mother of God in Cerske near Leskovik in Albania (the end of the
14th.c.), the church of Archangel Michael cut in the rock near Ivanovo,
district of Rousse, in Bulgaria and also in the expensive byzantine icons
from the same period (a mosaic diptyque icon with scenes from thetwelve feasts in Museo dell’ Opera del Duomo in Florence, an icon withfour scenes on an iconostasis from the 14th c. in Sinai Monastery33.
Besides that, the continuity between the theological—mystical ideas of
the two, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and St. Gregory Palamas
becomes obvious on an iconographic level also a number of monuments
after the 14th c. The Herminia (manual with models for icon painting)made by Trpko zoograph, it is said that the icon of St. Gregory Palamas
should be “at the diakonikon together with the icons of Dionysius the
Areopagite, St Ignatius the God-bearer, St. Andrew of Crete, St.
Sylvester, pope of Rome, and St. Gregory of Neocaesarea”34. In the listin the Hermenia of Dičo Zograph St. Gregory Palamas is the 16th innumber, i.e. at the position where Trpko Zograph has begun the list ofmartyr bishops. In the post-byzantine period his icon is almost always iniconographic interpretations of theological themes

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Fig. 4 Transfiguration of Christ, mosaic in the Dafni Monastery, 11th century(Greece)the sanctuary of the katholikon, i.e. the main church, in the
Xeropotamou Monastery in Mont Athos, from 1783. It is the work of“zographs” i.e. church painters, Konstantin, Athanas and Naum35.

Mysticism of Eckhart and his Theological Influences
In the 15th c. in the West the complicated mystical speculative sentencesof Meister Eckhart were replaced by a conception about mysticism thatis more pragmatic and imbued with an ethical meaning. Through thebook “The imitation of Jesus Christ” by Thomas Kempis, a bookdisapproved by some orthodox theologians, the ideas of German
speculative mysticism became disseminated in the New Devotion(Devotio) movement known in Burgundy, Holland, Flanders, France andGermany. This book stresses repentance and the constant reflecting on
the self-sacrifice, suffering and the wounds of Christ crucified
repentance and reflecting that the believer through mental contemplation
should bring to the point of vision. Such a realistic pseudo-mysticism isa phenomenon characteristic of the crisis in the Western church in the
15th c., a pseudo-mysticism that has emerged to a certain extent also
due to the Savanorola’s preaching in Italy. At the same time there
emerged the movements of the Lollards in England, the Hussites in186

iconographic interpretations of theological themes

Fig. 5 The Wheel of Life, wall painting in the Transfiguration Monastery,
19th century (Turnovo, Bulgaria)

Czech lands, and of course, the Protestants in North-eastern Germany.
Because of the feelings of fear engendered by the wars, diseases, highmortality, the constant loss of property and dear ones, and because of
the reminiscences of the speculative and orally transmitted pseudomysticism, in France and Germany there appeared hundreds of picturesof the so called Dance of death (Dance Macabre, Totentanz), on cloth,wood, walls and oil canvas.
Eckhart exercised a considerable influence on his disciples andcontemporaries such as Johann Tauler (1300–1361), Henry Suso (1296–
1366) and Jan van Ruysbroeck (1292–1381). Two years after his death,on 27th March 1329, the philosopher was condemned with special bull
by Pope John XXII consisting of 28 paragraphs dealing the passages ofdispute in this texts. Of them 17 passages were declared to be hereticalamong them being the passages reasoning on the eternity of the world
and on the worthlessness of man and his complete transformation iniconographic interpretations of theological themes

187

God. In the second half of the 14th c. Eckhart’s ideas inspired ananonymous Dominican monk from Frankfurt to write the book German
Theology, which was published for the first time in 1516–1518 by
Martin Luter. In this sense the name of Eckhart was to a certain extent
involved ecclesiastically-politically in the events linked with theReformation in Germany through he did not subscribe to concrete
Protestant views on ecclesiastical matters or matters of dogma. In the
15th c. his name was mentioned in connection with Nicholas of Cusa36
and in the 19th c. the interest in his philosophy was revived within thecontext of Romanticism and the idealist philosophy of Schelling andHegel and later was also linked with the nihilism of Nietzsche.
Soon after the fall of Constantinople and the decline of Greek
patristics, the medieval West entered its dramatic phase of a declining
medieval civilization. The drama in the reality of life in the West was
accompanied with a disintegration of feudal structures, conflicts andwars between separate petty rulers, and the loss of Latin territories in theEast. Christian mysticism is the fruit of the development of theologicalthought in the 4th c. and at that this development took place inChristianity itself. Therefore with regard to the history of culture
Christian mysticism has been influenced first of all by its own Christiantradition and to a certain extent by Neo-Platonism. The influence ofMithraism and other Eastern cults cannot be proved with specificexamples that are valid for the entire context of Christianity, especiallywith regard to the liturgical practices and their development throughout
the ages both in East and West.
To Eckhart apophatics Dionysius the Areopagite has been of
undoubted importance: the latter is the one that is quoted most often by
the authors of Late Antiquity and the German philosopher has built his
exposition entirely on Dionysius’s Mystical Theology. Plotinus hashelped the philosopher only to draw a line between apophatics inChristian theology and apophatics in Neo-Platonism. Otherwise
Plotinus’s ecstasy remains incompatible with Eckhart’s compilation as itpresupposes a liberation from the super-naught, a liberation that canlead either to full knowledge of truth or to complete deprivation ofknowledge.

Apophatic Theology and Buddhist Nirvana
The Neo-Platonist Absolute which there comes the essence, is similarly
to the Buddhist nirvana inexpressible. In the Orthodox tradition as thisbecomes most clearly visible in Gregory Palamas, God’s essence is in

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iconographic interpretations of theological themes

principle unattainable, except by way of the divine energies. In
Dionysius the apophasis is necessary so as to strengthen people in the
genuine faith, which frees them from the unceasing striving for freedom
and nirvana, a striving in the religions of the East. In one of the cases
there exists an existential need of faith and of reaching the irrational.
The latter cannot be expressed with the concept “unity of opposites in
the Absolute”. This, however, is possible by way of the theology of thesymbol and the sacraments of the Church—this did not change during
the Middle Ages and it continues the basis of the world-view ofbelievers to this day.
In conclusion one can say the following: Taking into accountDionysius’s apophatics and adding the apophatic-cataphatic philosophi­
cal method on the basis of dialectics as understood by Hegel, one cansay that cataphatics is an affirmation of the ecclesiastical institutions andhierarchy as well as the moral and ethical norms.
This synthesis contributes to the elaboration of a new philosophicalreligious system and the formation of a new world-view. The moderate
apophatics of Dionysius the Areopagite played a revolutionary role
during Late Antiquity, in the times of the transition to mature theology.
Later in the pre-Reformation period in the West such a role was playedby the doctrine of Meister Eckhart. At about the same time—the middleof the 14th c.—in the East during the time of the Palamite disputes thesame role was played by the Hesychast doctrine of Gregory Palamas.
Meister Eckhart brought moderate Dionysian apophatics to an
extreme point, trying to dissolve in the “super-naught” (as a totally
inexpressible idea of the divine nature) the Christian notion of theDivine Trinity. This rationalistic-mystical approach concerning thepersonal path for reaching the Absolute is skillfully drawn by Eckhart
from the works of Plotinus in which the fusion with the Absolute by
way of ecstasy is attainable only by chosen wise men and philosophers.
In Buddhism these antinomies are overcome by seeking nirvana as thegoal of every living being and by a row of lives and deaths37.
The widespread image of Eckhart as a pantheist and Neo-Platonist,
who reduces the notion of the Triune God to the notion of an impersonal
deity, gave the philosopher the place of a forerunner not only of theReformation, but also of atheistic ideas. Nihilistic ideas like those of F.
Nietzsche are also possible. Eckhart’s philosophy on the way of
apophatic cognition “through the super-naught” can be considered also
as forerunner of contemporary existentialism. At the same time, if the“super-naught” of Eckhart is considered as nirvana, than a Buddhist
interpretation of his philosophy is possible.

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Dissemination of the Hesychast Doctrine in the Eastern
ChurchThe dynamic of the appophatic points in the sermons and treatises ofEckhart presuppose more interpretations that reveal themselves only
later, when seen a philosophical-historical context. The time, when
Eckhart lives and works is a time of mass religious upheavals in Europe,groups of nuns seized by exaltation, itinerant preachers and mystics.
Eckhart’s texts are the fruit of their time. With their character andlanguage and ideas meant to be understood by the mass of people, they
aim at bringing into Church and socializing the mystical monastery
ecstasies and religious psychoses.
In this sense it may prove that Eckhart is not a pantheist, but rather
the victim of the stand and the tradition of the Western Church, which
did not allow the further development of his doctrine. In the east therehabilitation of Gregory Palamas and his canonization as a saintcontributed not only to the dissemination of Hesychasm, but also to theenriching of orthodox iconography in all formal and stylistic levels. The
development of the Hesychast doctrine gave impetus to the formation ofan entire range of saints’ lives and dogmatic-iconographic ideas and also
influenced the hymnographic and literary genres. As a long range
development the position of the Church in support of Hesychasm had
positive consequence for its distributions also in the rest of the Balkans,and especially in Bulgaria through Theodosius of Tarnovo and Patriarch
Euthymius, and this position had a favorable effect for the uniting anddevelopment of the monastic community. Eastern Orthodox monastic
mysticism took firm root in Mount Athos just at the time of the Palamite
disputes and it determines the form of Athonite monasticism today as
well. Athonite mysticism is closely linked with the everyday life ofmonks and is characterized with constantly repeating stages of transition
from verbal to non-verbal prayer, to prayerful contemplation, to visionof God, to getting into contact with the divine energies in the sense
understood by Gregory Palamas, and the “all-luminous darkness” that
we know of from the treatises of Dionysius the Areopagite that weretranslated into the Middle Bulgarian just at the time of the dissemination
and adoption of Hesychasm in Bulgaria in the second half of the 14th c.
The presence of the celestial and the church hierarchy in the hermineaof Dionysius of Furna and the many extant iconographic variations in
the theme as well as for the Wisdom of god only support the importanceof the theological disputes for the development of all spheres of
ecclesial life in the East. Conversely, the lack of theological and cultural

190

iconographic interpretations of theological themesdeliberations in the West on identical themes during the same period
only reflects the general crisis of Western theology and civilization. At
the same time the theme about the Wisdom of God refers thoseinterested to the centre of the Palamite disputes in the 14th c. just as at
the time of the followers of St. Gregory Palamas—St. Philotheus Kokin,
St. Calistus, St. Euthymius of Tarnovo. Of course, such themes werediscussed also by St. Athanassius the Great and by the Cappadocian
fathers. Obviously, the required context and expertise are needed whensuch matters are put for consideration. One is impressed by the fact thatin the course of centuries such problems of Christology were notdiscussed either in the East or the West. On the other hand, this theme
emerges usually after a social crisis or to use the words of S. Bulgakov,
when there is a transition from Marxism to Idealism and from there to
Theology. In this sense not such discussion has taken place so far in the
Bulgarian ecclesiastical-theological and philosophical domain.
Notes
1
De coelesti hierarchia (PG, t. 3, col. 119–136), De ecclesiastica hierarchia (PG, t. 3,
col. 370–584).
2
De divinis nominibus (PG, t. 3, col. 585–996). See: Kapriev, G. Bemerkungen überden Kommentar des Thomas von Aquin zu ‘De Divinis Nominibus’ des Dionysius
Pseudo-Areopagita, liber IV, lectio 1.—Archiv für mittelalterliche Philosophie undKultur, Heft 3, Sofia 1996, 20–32.
3	
De mystica theologia (PG, t. 3, col. 997–1064). See Dionysius The Areopagite, The
Complete Works, C. Luibheid, edit. Paulist Press, 1987: The Mystical Theology, 203–211.
4PG, t.3, col. 1065–1120: to Gaius the doctor (1–4), to deacon Dorotheus (5), to
presbyter Sosipater (6), to bishop Polycarpus (7), to Demophilus, the doctor (8), tobishop Titus (9), and to john the Theologian, “apostle and evangelist, in exile on theisland Patmos”.
5	
Schwartz, E. Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, t. 4. Strassburg, 1914, 167–184.
6	
Corpus Dionysiacum Areopagitieum: Sancti Maximi Commentaria in sancti
Dionysii Areopagitae opera. PG, t. 4, col. 29–588. The commentaries of the two Fathers
have been intermingled in the many transcripts made by the Byzantine copysts. The
commentary of John of Scythopolis has been partially complied on the basis of Syriactranslations. See: Balthasar, H. Das Scholienwerk des Johannes von Scythopolis.—
Scholastik, Bd. 15, 1940, 16–38; Die sogenannten Maximus Scholien des Corpus
Dionysiacum Areopagitieum.—Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in
Göttingen I. Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 3/1980, 33–66.
7
The Mystical Theology, ch. 1,1, p. 203.
8
Ibid., ch. 1, 3, p. 204.
9
Ibid., ch. 1, 4, p. 204–205.
10
For more on this iconography, see: Ivanov, E. Sophia—die Weisheit Gottes in der
Theologie und Kunst.—Bulgarien in Himmerod. Bulgarische Bibliothek, Bd. 13.
München 2008, 106–119.

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11
For the theological interpretation this monuments, see: Ivanov, E. Pravoslavieto
sreshtu gotskoto arianstvo prez 6 vek, spored istoriceski i arheologiceski svidetelstva(Habil.), Sofia 2009, 73–76, 88, 97.
12
Garidis, M. Etudes sur le Jugement Dernier post-byzantin du XVe à la fin du XIXesiècle. Thessaloniki, 1985, Planches I, 2; II, 3–6; III, 8–10.
13	
See Ivanov, E. Apokalypsedarstellungen in der nachbyzantinischen Kunst.—DasMünster, 3, 2002, 208–217.
14
Disputatio cum Pyrrho (PG, t. 91, col. 287–362), Mystagogia (PG, t. 91, col. 657–718), De variis dificilibus locis (PG, t. 91, col. 1031–1418).
15	
See: De Sancta Trinitate (PG, t. 95, col. 9–22), Expositio fidei (PG, t. 94, col. 1008–
1420).
16	
Concillium Quinisextum, canon 82, Mansi, t. 11, p. 977–980. See: Ivanov, E.
Istorko-dogmaticeski osnovania za pravoslavnata ikona.—Bogoslovski razmisli, sbornik.
Sofia 2005, 98–111.
17
Basilius Magnus. De Spiritu Sancto, 18, 45; PG t. 32, col. 149.
18
Expositio fidei. PG, t. 94, col. 1245 A–C, see: Geischer, H. (edit.). Der byzan­tinische Bilderstreit. Texte zur Kirchen- und Theologiegeschichte, Heft 9. Gütersloh,
1968, 24 (1. Rede, 16, 24–25).
19
See Athanasius. Orationes quattuor contra Arianos III. PG, t. 26, col. 332.
20
The Mystical Theology, ch. 1,1, p. 203.
21
Ibid.
22
Ibid., ch. 2, 1, p. 205–206.
23	
See Drews, F. Methexis, Rationalität und Mystik in der Kirchlichen Hierarchie desDionysius Areopagita.—Aktuelle Antike, Bd. 5. Berlin 2011, 21–110.
24
In historical-philosophical works Eckhart has been presented in different ways—asa pantheistic Neoplatonis, forerunner of the reformation, mystical philosopherapophatist and artist of Areopagitics, etc. See e.g. in spite of the interest by the Russian
religious thinkers on the subject in the West In the East for a long time there has been
no lasting research interest and the publications dedicated to Eckhard are sporadic, e.g.
In Russian historiography there are earlier translations, cf for newer translations see:Каrpizkij, N. Ekhart—put apofaticeskogo samopoznanija, Тоmsk 1997; Lossev, А.
Filosofija imeni, Moskwa 1990; Bulgakov, S. Svet nevecernij, Moskwa 1994; Toporov,
V. Mejster Ekhart, hudoznik areopagiticeskogo nasledstvo.—Paleobalkanistika. Sbornik
naucnijh trodov, Moskwa 1989; Ekhart Master. Izbrannije propovedi i traktatij. N.O.
Gucinskoj, St. Peterbourg 2011.
25	
Denifle, H. Meister Eckharts lateinische Schrieften und die Grundanschauung seiner
Lehre.—Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengechichte des Mittelalters, Bd. 2, 1886, 417–
615.
26	
Karrer, O. Meister Eckhart. Das System seiner religiösen Lehre und Lebensweis­heit. München, 1926.
27
Ebeling, H. Meister Eckharts Mystik. Stuttgart, 1941, 344.
28
Ruh, K. Meister Eckhart. München, 1985.
29
See: Boiadjiev, T. Das Lichtproblem im Kommentar des heiligen Thomas vonAquin in Dionysius De divinis nominibus (cap. IV, lect. 4).—Archiv für mittelalterliche
Philosophie und Kultur, Heft 3, Sofia 1996, 33–53.
30
Meyendorff, J. Introduction a l’etude de Gregoire Palamas. Paris, 1959, 147.
31
Nicephorus Gregoras. Historia Romana, cap. X, 1–4.—MPG, t. 148, col. 759–766.
32
Ikonen. Ursprung und Bedeutung. Velmans, T. (Hrsg.). Stuttgart, 2002, Abb. 125

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iconographic interpretations of theological themes(152–153).
33	
Ibid., Abb. 133, 134 (161, 163).
34
Grozdanov, C. Zivopisot na Ohridskata arhiepiskopia, Studii. Skopje 2007, 421.
35	
Ibid., 422.
36	
Wackerzapp, H. Der Einfluss Meister Eckharts auf die ersten philosophischen
Schriften des Nikolaus von Kuez (1440–1450). Münster, 1962.
37
S. Bulgakov criticise from an Orthodox viewpoint Buddhism and the rationalmystical gnosis of Eckhart, which claims the capacity to achieve divinity throughnirvana. It is interesting that in their criticism of Christianity Buddhists also use
apophatic argumentation.