Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 42, No. 2, September 2004

Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in the Mountainous Areaof Northern Laos＊

YOKOYAMA Satoshi ＊＊Abstract
This paper aims at clarifying the relationship between traditional forest use, ethnicity and settlement location in the mountainous area of northern Laos, by observing cash income activities, focusing particularly on non-timber forest product (NTFP) gathering.
As ethnic Lao settlements are located along the river, many households engage in nonagricultural activities. Khmu settlements are located throughout the whole region, with agriculture as the main activity of most households. Hmong settlements are located only in mountainous areas; almost all households have both rice farming and opium poppy cultivation as
main farming activities.
The most important activity contributing to cash income is NTFP gathering. A large quantity of NTFPs is grown as secondary vegetation after burning the forest for swidden agriculture. The most notable of these is the styrax tree (Styrax tonkinensis) which produces a balsamic resin known as benzoin. As a regeneration of styrax trees is performed in combination
with swidden agriculture, this land use system of combined benzoin gathering and swidden
agriculture is comparable to the concept of an agro-forestry. This type of forest use has long
been practiced in the study area. However, the present study shows that this agro-forestry
mode of forest use, or indigenous sustainable forest use system, is at risk of collapse, due topolitical regulations against forest utilization.
Keywords: northern Laos, fallowed swidden, non-timber forest product (NTFP), Styrax tonkinensis,
benzoin, agro-forestry―――――――――――――――――＊ This paper is largely based upon sections of a dissertation submitted to the University ofTsukuba for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Science, 2003. The survey was carried out
while the author was at the National University of Laos, October 2000 to September 2002, as avisiting Asian Studies Scholar of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science andTechnology, Japan.
＊＊ 横山智, Department of Regional Science, Faculty of Letters, Kumamoto University, 2–40–1,
Kurokami, Kumamoto City, Kumamoto 860–8555, Japane-mail: yokoyama@kumamoto-u.ac.jp132

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern LaosI Introduction
According to the Participatory Poverty Assessment surveyed by the Asian Development
Bank [Lao P.D.R., Asian Development Bank 2001: 76], yearly rice sufficiency averaged only
a total of 6.8 months in 45 districts counted as poor, despite the fact that rice is a staple foodfor all Laotian ethnic groups. Most of the poor districts are located in mountainous areas andare practicing swidden agriculture. Villagers who have a shortage of rice in mountainous
areas must obtain cash from additional other economic activities in order to purchase thisstaple. With regard to cash income activities of the rural people of Laos, Foppes andKhetphanh [1997: 7–8] state that a high-income household mostly earns income from livestock, while a low-income household largely depends upon forest products. It can also beseen from the result of a study in a southern rural area by Hyakumura [2000: 28], that ashousehold economic level becomes lower, cash dependency from the forest becomes
higher. Thus, the forest plays a significant role in generating income for rural people inLaos, especially for the poor.
Following the passage of the Forest Law in 1996, Laotian forest land was divided into
five classifications: protection forest, conservation forest, production forest, regeneration
forest and degraded forest. The gathering of any forest product—including non-timber forest products (NTFPs)—is not permitted in the protection forest and conservation forest
zones. By contrast, according to Article 16–22 of the Forest Law, it is possible for individuals
and households to be allocated forest land of up to three hectares of degraded forest.
However, the intention of the Laotian government is to convert to commercial forest land
and/or agricultural land; consequently, no forest whatsoever is allocated for swidden agriculture or places for NTFP gathering. Only customary use of forest and forest lands under
the auspices of the village administration is allowed for family use and for other traditionaluse by Articles 30 and 63 of the Forest Law. Due to these factors, the customary system offorest use and management has begun to garner more attention [Anonymous 1999: 45–47].
Chanthirath [2000: 318–324] showed that 38 species of trees, 29 kinds of NTFPs and 8
species of wild animals are commonly used by local people in the Vang Vieng district inVientiane province, and also showed that 16 out of 38 species of trees, 9 out of 29 kinds of
NTFPs, and 3 out of 8 species of wild animals are found in fallowed swiddens. Takeda[2001], who studied the benzoin obtained from styrax trees (Styrax tonkinensis) in a mountain village of Luang Phabang province, presented a suggestive observation that benzoin has
been gathered by villagers using the agro-forestry system in combination with swidden agriculture, due to the fact that the styrax trees grow as the dominant species at an early stageof the fallow period when regular forest burning is performed.
Although it is easy to evaluate the utility and economic value of agricultural field andforest land, it is difficult for fallowed swidden to be evaluated, as this type of land is at aninterim step between agricultural field and forest. Thus, discussions concerning fallowed133

東南アジア研究42巻２号

swidden have rarely been held. Moreover, previous studies have not presented comparative
data which takes into consideration differences between villages, and has usually failed tograsp issues involving ethnic differences. In fact, more than 60 ethnic groups are mosaicallysettled in Laos [Chazée 1999]. Settlement location is varied in altitude—from lowland tohighland—by each ethnic group, and forest use will conceivably differ, depending upon thesettlement location. Although a large number of studies have been made which consider the
relationship between forest use and ethnicity [e.g., Anderson 1993; Kunstadter, Chapman
and Sabhasri 1978; Walker 1975; Yin 2001], there have been no studies which have analyzed
the interrelation between forest use, ethnicity and settlement location from a spatial point ofview.
Therefore, this paper focuses on forest and forest-related space such as swidden fields
and fallowed swidden; as well, traditional forest use in northern Laos is discussed with relation to ethnicity and settlement location.

II Occupation Structure in the Northern Mountainous Area
II-1 Settlements in the Study Area
This study focused on the Pak Luang sub-district of Ngoi district in Luang Phabang
province, as it represents something of an epitome of the mountainous area of northern
1）Laos, where three ethnic groups, ethnic Lao, Khmu and Hmong, live in the same area, andvillages are located ranging from lowland to highland (Fig. 1). The minimum altitude in the
study area is that of the Ou riverside, at approximately 400 meters. The highest peak is Mt.
Pha Onng, located in the southwest of Fig. 1, some 1,267 meters above sea level. The study
area features a mountainous landscape.
In terms of the classification of ethnic groups in Laos, the following three categories

2）

have been established, depending upon habitat location: Lao Lum (Lowlander), Lao Thoeng(Midlander), and Lao Sung (Highlander). If this method of categorization is compared to theethnic groups in the study area, Lao Lum, Lao Thoeng and Lao Sung correspond to ethnic
Lao, Khmu and Hmong respectively.
In the Ngoi district, the administrative classification of “sub-district” was introduced by
the district office; Pak Luang sub-district includes of 14 villages consisting of 23 settlements,of which 16 settlements were surveyed. Until the mid-1990s, the study area had 21 villages―――――――――――――――――
１）The ethnic Lao belongs among the Tai-Kadai ethno-linguistic family, and they are the mostnumerous ethnic group in Laos. An official ethnic name of them is “Lao,” but it is often confusedwith “Lao” which stand for the Lao nation without distinction of ethnic group. This paper
describes them “ethnic Lao” to avoid such a confusion.
２）These distinctions are not a formal classification in the opinion of the government. Nevertheless,these categories are used not only in public discourse as a kind of report but also in academic
papers.
134

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

Fig. 1 Settlement Locations in the Study Area, 2001
Source: Lao P.D.R., National Geography Department 1/100,000 Topo-graphical
Maps, B. Ngoi-Nua and Khoa (1983) and Aerial Photographs (1999), andfield survey by the author using GPS

consisting of 22 settlements. The reason for the change in village and settlement numbers isthat the district office carried out village merging following a government decree(No.102/PM, “Decree on the Organization and Administration of Villages”), which states
that: “any area comprising less than 20 households is placed under a neighboring village.” In
the study area, many villages consist of two or more settlements, and the geographical location of each settlement is completely different. Hence, this paper uses not “village” but “settlement” as a unit-term for discussion in the text.

3）

Profiles of the 16 settlements studied are shown in Table 1. The ethnic composition of―――――――――――――――――
３）Om Mok village, Khong Mone village, Pak Luang village, Hatsa village, and Nyot Si village areusing the term “village” because one village is formed in one settlement, and the others are using
the term “settlement.” However, the term “village” is used in case of discussing the administrative village formed in some settlements.
135東南アジア研究

42巻２号

Table 1 Occupations of Studied Settlements, 2001

Village(Settlement)

Location

Cheang Neua
(Upper)Mountain(Lower)Mountain
Cheang Kang
(Cheang Kang) Mountain(Houay Nong) Riverside
Phonsana(Mok Ouay)
Mountain(Phonsana)Riverside
Pak Bout(Pak Bout)Riverside(Cheang Tai)Riverside
Houay Si
Mountain
Houay Lo Toung Mountain
Houay Lo Sung Mountain

Occupations (Household)Non-agricultural Activities
Popu- Ethnic
Household Agricul- TechnicallyBroker- General Public
lation Grouptural
skilledStore
age
Servant ＊＊＊＊＊＊Activity Jobs
168
172

Khmu
Khmu

28
30

28
30

0
0

0
1

0
0

0
1

248
109

Khmu
Khmu

45
20

45
20

0
0

1
1

0
0

1
1

229
315

Khmu
Khmu

33
51

33
49

0
0

0
2

0
0

0
3

135
110
173
138
154

Khmu
Khmu
Khmu
Khmu
Hmong
Hmong
Lao
Lao
Khmu
Lao
Khmu
Hmong
Lao
Khmu

26
25
0
5
0
1
27
27
0
0
0
1
39
39
0
0
0
1
30
29
0
0
0
1
23
23
0
0
0
1
19
19
0
1
0
0
Om MokMountain 139
1
0
0
0
0
1
57
26
3
11
15
4
Hatsa
Riverside 270
3
3
0
0
0
0
21
10
1
6
5
1
Pak Luang
Riverside 188
15
15
1
0
0
1
34
34
0
0
0
0
Nyot Si
Mountain 225
1
0
0
0
0
1
Khong Mone
Mountain 211
40
39
0
0
0
1
Total#
2,984
543
494
5
28
20
20
Source: Surveyed and interviewed by the author＊＊＊＊
All farmers are practicing swidden agriculture in the study area.
＊＊＊＊
Two carpenters, a blacksmith, and two boat-making craftspeople existed in the study area.
＊＊＊＊
Public servant is including teachers and a nurse who are being dispatched by district office.
# ###Total number of occupations is not equal to the number of households, because some households
are doing more than one activity.

those settlements is formed of four different types: 11 Khmu settlements; 3 settlements consisting almost entirely of Hmong; 1 settlement consisting almost entirely of ethnic Lao; and 1
settlement with intermingled ethnic Lao and Khmu. Two Hmong settlements, Om Mok village
and Nyot Si village, contain only one ethnic Lao household each. In both cases, these are single-person households dispatched by the district education office for primary schoolteachers.
The others are all Hmong households. There are 3 Khmu households in Hatsa village,
although this paper considers this village as an ethnic Lao village, because the ethnic Lao form
the overwhelming majority of the population. As of the end of 2001, in the study area, the number of households was 543 and the population was 2,984 in total; the ethnic structure ratio of
Khmu, ethnic Lao, and Hmong was 69.8 percent, 15.5 percent and 14.7 percent respectively.
136

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

II-2 Characteristics of Occupation Structure
The main economic activity in the study area is agriculture: about 91 percent of households
are engaged in agricultural activities such as rice farming, cash crop cultivation and live4）
stock raising (Table 1). Non-agricultural activities are comprised of technically-skilled jobs,

agro-forestry products brokerage, general store management and public servant activities.
The Lao Standard Classification of Occupation in the 1995 census is classified into thefollowing 3 items: major groups in 9 items, intermediate groups in 27 items and minorgroups in 114 items [Lao P.D.R., National Statistical Centre 1997: 92–93]. Although thisstudy used a classification corresponding to the intermediate groups of the 1995 census,
only 7 items existed in the study area.
One of the reasons for the lack of occupation variety is that all settlements in the mountainous area perform communal activities, in order to live successfully. People in the mountainous area have learned specific techniques and skills for living daily life, which are dependent upon self-sufficient agriculture. For example, people make knives and farming tools,
using a public workshop with the bellows. Moreover, constructing or repairing a house iscollaborative work performed by resident. This type of technical skill would not be economically feasible as a form of vocational work in the mountainous area, unless people worked
communally. People engaged in technically-skilled jobs live only at Hatsa and Pak Luang villages, which are located on the Ou riverside. Differences in living environment are reflectedby differences in occupation structure.
Let us consider the relationship between settlement location, ethnicity, and economic
activities (Fig. 2). As for settlement location, the differences in the three ethnic groups areclearly shown. The Khmu, the most populous group in the study area, reside throughout thewhole region, from the mountainous area to the Ou riverside. On the other hand, theHmong reside only in the mountainous area, while most ethnic Lao reside in the Ou riverside. Ethnic Lao households residing in the mountainous area are limited to the householdof the teacher dispatched from the Ngoi district office.
Regarding the relation between economic activities and ethnicity, most Khmu andHmong chiefly engage in agricultural activities, but ethnic Lao engage in both agriculturalactivity and non-agricultural activity. Many Khmu are farmers, despite residing along theriverside. So, it can be seen that the characteristics of Khmu economic activity contrast
strongly with that of ethnic Lao, who have introduced many non-agricultural activities in theriverside areas. In addition to this, ethnic Lao living along the riverside can be strongly contrasted with Hmong living in the mountainous area.

―――――――――――――――――
４）The agricultural activities described here were limited to the cultivation of farm products.
Livestock raising should be included in agricultural activity, however, there are the households
which breed numerous pigs for sales purposes, while there are other households which raise
only a few chickens for self-support. It is difficult to grasp the livestock raising situation withaccuracy.
137

東南アジア研究42巻２号

Fig. 2 Interrelationship between Ethnic Group, Place of Residence
and Economic Activities in Studied Settlements, 2001
Source: Field survey by the author

III Agricultural Activities and NTFP Gatheringin the Northern Mountainous Area
III-1 Characteristics of Agricultural Activities
The agricultural fields in the study area can be roughly classified into swidden fields andsmall-scale reclaimed fields. Swidden fields are divided into two types: swidden fields for
upland rice and swidden fields for corn. In small-scale reclaimed fields, the opium poppy iscultivated. There are no paddy fields in the study area.
The swidden system of the study area has only a single-year cultivation period and a 7 to
11 year fallow period. Each swidden field of upland rice and corn is prepared separately, but
the swidden fields for corn are smaller than rice fields. In the swidden fields for upland rice,yam (man-pao, man-oon), taro (man-puack), cassava (man-ton), sweet potato (man-dang),chili (mak-pet), cucumber (mak-teng), melon (mak-ten-rai), gourd (mak-bouap, mak-tao),pulse speicies (mak-thoua), eggplant (mak-khua), job’s tear (mak-douay), tobacco (ya-suup)
and sesame (mak-nga) are grown, along with upland rice.
Mixed cropping featuring upland rice and other crops is performed in a disorderly fashion. However, tubers and vegetables tend to be planted intensively in the valley, whose soils
contain a high degree of moisture. Cassava, sometimes used in new fields, may be planted
separately in a swidden field for rice and corn. Swidden fields for cassava have a long cultivation and also a long fallow system with multi-year cultivation periods and a several-decades
long fallow period.
The cash crop in the swidden fields is sesame only. Job’s tear is being cultivated as a138

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

cash crop in the northern mountainous region [Ochiai 2002]. People in the study area, however, have not cultivated job’s tear as a cash crop since 1999. The reason for the discontinuance is that agro-forestry products brokers stopped purchasing it, as the selling pricebecame too low to cover transportation costs. The price of job’s tear is nearly that of rice. As
rice is the staple food, farmers think that planting rice is preferable to planting job’s tear. At
present, job’s tear is only cultivated on a small-scale for self-consumption.
All ethnic groups practice mixed cropping in swidden fields, and the crop types differ
according to ethnic group (Table 2). Ethnic Lao and Khmu mainly cultivate sticky upland
rice in their swidden fields, while the Hmong cultivate ordinary upland rice. All ethnic
groups practice mixed cropping in swidden fields. The ethnic Lao plant less sesame, tubers,
and vegetables than the Khmu or the Hmong. The Khmu plant all kinds of crops and also
have larger amounts of cultivation than other groups. In the case of the Hmong, mixed cropping of tubers and vegetables is found, but less sesame is planted in their upland rice swidden fields.
There are also differences in the corn species planted, among the ethnic groups. There
are two kinds of corn in the study area; animal feed corn (sali-keang) and food sweet corn(sali-waan). The Hmong grow a lot of feed corn while the ethnic Lao and Khmu grow bothfeed corn and sweet corn in almost the same proportion. The Hmong in the study area
mainly give feed corn to pigs, while the ethnic Lao and the Khmu give a variety of food, suchas mixed chaff and cereals to pigs. The differences in pig feed are related to the differing
ratios of planted species of corn.
The opium poppy, cultivated in small-scale reclaimed fields, is only grown in Hmong settlements. A valley or area of sloping ground and good drainage is usually chosen for anopium poppy field. Regarding the soil condition of these fields, people say that “cold soil
mixed with rocks (din yien mii hin)” is good. Since the sedimentary rock around the study
area is limestone, the area conforms to the selection criteria of opium poppy fields used by
Hmong villages in northern Thailand, where farmers favor limestone hollows with high pH[Keen 1978: 214]. After gathering raw opium, it is usually cooked to remove moisture andimpurities. Most of the cooked opium is sold to brokers; however, it may also be consumed
for private use, if an opium smoker is in a household.
It can be seen that the variety and proportion of crops produced in swidden fields differs
according to ethnic group. Cash crops are limited to sesame and the opium poppy, while

Table 2 Mixed Cropping in Swidden Fields in the Study Area
Swidden Field for Upland-rice
Swidden Field for Corn
Upland-rice
Mixed Cropping with Upland-rice
Sweet Corn Feed Corn
Sticky Rice Ordinary Rice Cash Crop
TubersVegetables (sali-waan) (sali-keang)
Lao
Many
LittleLittleLittleLittleLittleLittleKhmu
Many
LittleModerate
Moderate
Moderate
Moderate
LittleHmong
LittleMany
LittleModerate
Moderate
LittleModerate
Source: Field survey by the author
EthnicGroup

139

東南アジア研究42巻２号

other crops, including rice, are grown for the purpose of self-support. Although rice can naturally be sold as cash crop, the farm households which were able to obtain surplus ricecame to only 18 out of 136 households in 2001. Agriculture is a crucial subsistence activity,
however it does not always contribute to cash income.
In this environment, the gathering of NTFPs is vigorously carried out, as well as crop
cultivation, in order to obtain cash income. NTFPs are usually gathered by villagers on theway to and from the swidden field. Moreover, the existence of ethnic Lao brokers in the
study area is one of the major factors causing a sharp increase in NTFP gathering.
III-2 Characteristics of Gathered NTFPs
There are vast numbers of NTFPs, such as resin, bark, fruits and so on, as well as insects
and animals [de Beer and McDermott 1996: 29–44]. In this paper, only NTFPs with an economic value and which are continuously gathered have been taken into consideration. Sevenkinds of NTFPs produce cash income in the study area: cardamom, benzoin, puack muack,paper mulberry, rattan fruits, galangal fruits, and tiger grass (Table 3, Photo 1). In addition
to these NTFPs, Soydara and Khetphanh [2001] have reported that bamboo shoots known as
no kom also contribute to the cash income in northern Laos. People in the study area also
gather no kom for food, from December to February. The selling price of no kom at the periodic markets, which occur on the river once every 10 days, is only 1,000kip (about US＄0.10)
for about 10 bunches. Therefore, no kom is not mentioned here, as it does not provide cash
income.

Table 3Characteristics of NTFP with Economic Value in the Study Area
Crop
SeasonLocal Purchase
Price in 2001
(kip/kg)

Aug.–Sep.

15,000

Medicine

Gum

Apr.–May

45,000

Flavor and fragrance
industries, medicine

Boehmeria sp.

Perennial Bark
plant

Year-round

2,000

Incense stick,
glue

Tree

Bark

Year-round

2,000

Paper

Tree

FruitsAug.–Sep.

4,000

Medicine

Jul.–Sep.

4,000

MedicineThinpanicle Mar.–Apr.

2,500

Broom

Name
Type

Product

Local Lao

Englishmak neng

CardamomAmomum villosum Perennial
FruitsplantnhanBenzoin

Styrax tonkinensis

puack muack (None)(sapan, nan nyao)

Scientific

＊

Tree

po sa

Paper mulberry

Broussonetia
papyrifera

mak wai

Rattan fruits

Daemonorops sp.

mak khaGalangal fruits

Alpinia galanga

Perennial Fruits
plant

khem

Tiger grass

Thysanolaena
latifolia

Perennia
plant＊

Source: Field survey by the author＊
The author cannot identify the species of this plant at the moment.

140

Use

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos(a) Cardamom (Amomum villosum)(b) Benzoin Resin from Styrax tonkinensis(c) puack muack (Boehmeria sp.)(d) Paper Mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera)(e) Rattan Fruits (Daemonorops sp.)(f) Galangal Fruits (Alpinia galanga)(g) Tiger Grass (Thysanolaena latifolia)
Photo 1NTFP in the Study Area

141

東南アジア研究

42巻２号

The NTFPs listed in Table 3 are unused by the local residents. The gathering of benzoin
and cardamom, however, has had a long history in Laos. These NTFPs have been gathered
since the La– n Xa– ng Kingdom era of the fourteenth century [Stuart-Fox 1998: 49]. In the
study area, NTFPs had been gathered over the past 80 years, according to interviews withthe older village men. Other NTFPs were begun to be gathered in compliance with thedemands of brokers outside the study area, following the opening of borders with China andThailand in the late 1980s.
The following five kinds of NTFPs: cardamom, paper mulberry, rattan fruits, galangal
fruits and tiger grass, can be gathered everywhere in the mountainous region of Laos.
However, puack muack can only be gathered in the northern region. Benzoin is special kindof NTFP because it can be gathered only in the limited environment of northern Laos.
Cardamom (Amomum villosum)
Cardamom is sometimes cultivated in Laos. Since people in the study area gather wild cardamom, this paper has categorized it as an NTFP. The fruits are gathered between Augustand September and used as a stomachic or a spice. As domestic demand is low, almost all
cardamom is exported to Thailand and Korea.
Benzoin (Resin from Styrax tonkinensis)
Benzoin is a balsamic resin obtained from the genus Styrax. The resin obtained from Styrax
tonkinensis in the study area is called “Siam benzoin” in the world market. This is regarded
as a high-class commodity compared with Sumatra benzoin, derived from Styrax benzoin or
Styrax paralleloneurum distributed around northern Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula[Konoshima and Nagai 1969: 40]. The method of resin tapping is primitive. The tapper
notches the cambium of tree in October. The resin exuded from incision is left until it has
dried out, and then it is gathered from March to May. Benzoin has various purposes; it isused for instance in pharmaceuticals, fragrances and flavors [Coppen 1997: 7–11]. Siam benzoin is produced almost solely in Laos at present, and is gathered only in the mountainous
regions of northern Luang Phabang province, Phongsaly province, and Houaphanh province,
respectively.
Puack Muack (Boehmeria sp.)
Puack muack is a perennial plant of the genus Boehmeria in the Uriticaceae family, according to Xaydala and Lamxay [2000: 18–19]. However, the author cannot identify the species ofthis plant at the moment. It is used as the paste which hardens into an incense stick, or glue.
It is sometimes called “sapan” or “nan nyao” in Laos. Puack muack is dried in the sun aftergathering. All puack muack is exported to China.
Paper Mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera)
Paper mulberry is the deciduous tree of the genus Broussonetia in the Moraceae family. The
142

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laosbark of paper mulberry is used as a material for the traditional handmade paper called sa
paper. The bark is removed from the tree, and the epidermis is peeled from bark. Part of thepaper mulberry is used in paper-making for tourists at Luang Phabang, but most is exported
to Thailand.
Rattan Fruits (Daemonorops sp.)
The rattan discussed in this paper might be of the genus Daemonorops in the Palmae family.
The author, however, cannot identify the species of this plant at the moment—there aremany rattan species in Laos. People gather fruits and stems, but brokers purchase only
fruits. The rattan fruits are exported to China as ingredients for traditional medicine. The
rattan stems are used as food, and these are sometimes sold at periodic markets.
Galangal Fruits (Alpinia galanga)
Galangal, genus Zingiberaceae, is a native of mountainous areas in Southeast Asia. Especiallyin Thailand and Laos, its rootstock is commonly used for making distinctive acidulous
soups, such as tom yam. Local people, however, gather not the rootstock but the fruits,
according to demand from China. Galangal fruits are used in Chinese traditional medicine
for indigestion, stomachache, diarrhea and vomiting [Jiangsu Xin Yi Xue Yuan 1979; Takido
2001].
Tiger Grass (Thysanolaena latifolia)
Tiger grass is a perennial plant of the Poaceae family. A part of the thin panicle is used formaking brooms, so tiger grass is also called “Broom Grass.” The thin stems with small
seeds are first sun-dried after gathering from March to April, and then the tiger grass ismanually threshed to remove the seeds. The seeds are sometimes used for food by the local
people. All tiger grass is exported to Thailand.
III-3 NTFP Gathering and Forest Vegetation
NTFPs are closely connected to forest vegetation, thus the relationship between forest typeand gathering sites of NTFPs should be considered. The Cheang Kang settlement, located
830 meters above sea level, is used as an example (Fig. 3). The settlement surroundings are
enclosed by four types of forest: protection forest, fallowed swidden of one year of age, fallowed swidden of three years of age, and fallowed swidden of six years of age.
In fallowed swidden at one year of age, styrax trees and tiger grass grow to about 2
meters and 1.5 meters in height respectively. In this type of forest, only tiger grass is gathered.
In the fallowed swidden of three years of age on the north side of the settlement, styrax
trees reach about 4–5 meters in height, and the tree species are more various than thosefound in fallowed swidden of one year of age. Tiger grass is still gathered in this older fallowed swidden, but the quantity is smaller than that found in fallowed swidden of one year of143

東南アジア研究42巻２号

Fig. 3 Forest Types and NTFP Gathering Places in Cheang Kang Settlement,
2001
Source: Field survey by the author using GPS

age. Although some villages in the study area gather paper mulberry from fallowed swiddenof three years of age, this was not seen in the highland fallowed swidden around Cheang
Kang settlement.
In the fallowed swidden of six years of age located to the south of the settlement, styrax
trees grow to about 10 meters. It is possible to gather benzoin there. In the moist environment, people gather the bark of the paper mulberry, which reaches about 10 meters inheight, and the fruits of galangal grown on the lower levels of the tree. In fallowed swiddenof more than three years of age, tiger grass can hardly be found, and trees such as thestyrax tree are grown instead.
In the protection forest, styrax trees have not yet been found. The styrax tree grows
fast, but will die when taller tree species surround it, as it is an intolerant species. Multi-layered vegetation is formed in the protection forest, comprising bushes and tall trees. Styrax
tree height reaches about 10 meters, and people gather the fruits of the rattan and the galangal on the ground. Cardamom and puack muack can be gathered as well. According to the
local people, although cardamom sprouts 2–3 years after burning the trees for swidden agriculture, an additional period of three years or more is required before fruits can be gathered. Thus, a total of 5–6 years is needed in order to gather cardamom. However, cardamom
was not grown in fallowed swidden of six years of age when this survey was carried out in
Cheang Kang settlement. In addition, although residents said that puack muack is found in
fallowed swidden of over 2–3 years of age, it is usually gathered not in fallowed swidden but
144YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laosin protection forest with a humid environment.
The gathering rights of NTFP can be divided into private access rights and communal
access rights. Private access rights are applied to benzoin and tiger grass. These NTFPs aregrown as secondary vegetation along with swidden agriculture. The rights of the use ofswidden field plots allotted to each household continue to apply to fallowed swidden. The
allottee can gather these NTFPs only within his allotted fallowed swidden. The private
access rights have been accepted by the villagers of the study area and regarded as fair, as
swidden field areas are distributed according to household size.
By contrast, communal access rights are applied to other NTFPs; cardamom, puack
muack, paper mulberry, rattan fruits, and galangal fruits; these can be gathered anywhere.
The settlements in the study area have decided upon the commencement date for gathering
NTFPs. This regulation has only limited application to cardamom. Setting the commencement date of forest-product gathering is the role of the village or the settlement administration committee. The date of commencement refers only to typical known and habitually used
for gathering. There are no regulations for gathering at places where few cardamoms grow.
The regulations are imposed upon villagers for ensuring equal access to all common forests.
In case of the Cheang Tai settlement, the settlement administration committee set the commencement date of NTFP gathering for galangal fruits and rattan fruits in addition to cardamom, so as not to give the villagers cause for complaint due to unfairness.
There are a variety of gathering methods used for NTFP, which differ according to theenvironment, taking into account factors such as the period of fallowed swidden and humidity. Fallowed swidden is not only fallowed for the next cultivation but also used as a place
where people gather NTFPs.

IV Spatial Structure of the Forest Use
in the Northern Mountainous Area
IV-1 Interrelationship between NTFP Gathering, Settlement Location and Ethnicity
In the preceding chapter, the interrelationship between NTFP gathering and forest vegetation was explained by giving an example of a Khmu settlement (the Cheang Kang settlement, see III-3). The result can be mostly applied to ethnic Lao and Hmong settlements, butsome differences among ethnic groups and settlement locations according to altitude must
be considered. In order to discuss these differences, this section analyzes the interrelationship between income from NTFP, settlement location and ethnic group by looking at households and their gathering activity of NTFPs (Fig.4). The settlement locations are divided
into five zones by altitude: the Ou riverside, middle-lowland, middleland, middle-highlandand highland.
Average household incomes from NTFPs for ethnic Lao, Khmu, and Hmong were251,645 kip (about US＄26.50), 1,276,910 kip (about US＄134.40) and 595,452 kip (about US
145

東南アジア研究42巻２号

Fig. 4 Average Income of NTFP by Altitudinal Zone, 2001
Source: Field suevey by the author＄62.70), respectively. Income from NTFPs obtained by the Khmu is larger than that ofother groups. The ethnic Lao engaged in NTFP gathering are found in only 6 households in
Pak Luang village, approximately 7.5 percent of surveyed ethnic Lao households. There areno household-gathered NTFPs in the Hatsa village, yet 26 ethnic Lao households practiceswidden agriculture. On the other hand, about 91 percent of Khmu households and all
Hmong households gather NTFPs.
Income from benzoin clearly increases in proportion to the altitude. Rattan fruits andgalangal fruits are actively gathered in the riverside settlements, but these are not gatheredat the highest-altitude zone. The gathering of other NTFPs: cardamom, puack muack, paper
mulberry and tiger grass, does not show variance by altitude. As paper mulberry generally
does not grow at a high altitude, consequently people living in the middle-highland descend
146

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laosto the lowland for gathering.
Benzoin is the most profitable NTFP in the study area. The Khmu income from benzoin
is larger than that of the Hmong settlements residing at the same altitude. The ethnic Lao
do not gather benzoin; however, the amount of NTFP gathering of the ethnic Lao is notmuch lower than that of the Khmu living at the same altitude zone. NTFP gathering of the
Hmong is specialized to benzoin; they are not much interested in other NTFPs. There are
only four households which gather low unit-cost NTFPs such as paper mulberry bark andpuack muack.
The reason why the Hmong are not active NTFP gatherers is that they apparently put a
lot of effort into opium poppy cultivation. The Hmong emigrated from Sichuan and Yunnan
in China to the Luang Phabang area around 1847–50 to find new forest land for cultivating
opium poppies [Culas 2000: 36]. From this fact, it can be determined that the Hmong put amajor emphasis on opium poppy cultivation. Additionally, as Hmong history in Laos is brief,
they may not be as conversant with the forests of Laos compared with the Khmu. The
Hmong consider NTFPs gathering a kind of side business. According to the results of thehousehold-level survey of opium cultivation among Hmong settlements, the average household income from opium in Nyot Si village, Om Mok village and Houay Lo Sung settlement
came to approximately 450,000 kip (US＄47.30), 875,000 kip (US＄92.10) and 1,400,000 kip(US＄147.40) respectively. The amount of income from opium might be satisfactory to them,
therefore they may not need to actively gather NTFPs.
In terms of the NTFP gathering of the Khmu and ethnic Lao, Stuart-Fox [1998: 49]
describes NTFP gathering in the La– n Xaa– ng Kingdom era of the fourteenth century:“Valuable forest products such as benzoin and other resins, sticklac for making lacquerware,
cardamom and beeswax were collected mainly by Lao Thoeng. . . . Tai-Lao middlemen(Known as la– m) developed traditional relationships with Lao Thoeng villages, paddling theircanoes upstream once or twice a year to exchange cotton cloth, iron, and silver for forest
products which they towed downstream on bamboo rafts.” The terms Lao Thoeng and TaiLao must represent the Khmu and ethnic Lao, respectively. Concerning the word la– m in thepreceding quoted sentence, Halpern [1958: 69, 74] also pointed out, “The la– m is a person
who acts as an intermediary between traders and occasionally the government on the one
hand, and the tribal people, usually the Khmu and the Meo (the Hmong), on the other. The
la– m himself is a Lao (an ethnic Lao), most often inhabiting a village that has relatively easy
access to markets. . . . Traditionally the Khmu came to him whenever they had some forest
products to sell or wanted to buy salt or clothing. Then the la– m would arrange the trade with amerchant, or sometimes the la– m himself engaged in commerce directly with the tribal peoples.”So it can be seen that an ethnic Lao broker, known as la– m, played an important role in
NTFP trading with the Khmu until the 1950s, despite the fact that there is no la– m in the
study area at present. The Khmu have actively gathered NTFPs since very early times, andthe ethnic Lao have long been in a broker-like role in the community. Thus, it can be expected that the ethnic Lao did not gather NTFPs in mountainous areas, such as the study147

東南アジア研究42巻２号

area. It is likely that the ethnic Lao once living in the lowlands settled in the mountainous
areas in order to trade with the Khmu and started farming, on the side. As well, some ofthem imitated NTFP gathering of the Khmu. Concerning the characteristics of the ethnic
Lao, as Hayashi [1998: 91] has pointed out, they have historically accomplished the improvement of their lives by practicing half-farmer and half-trader styles of economy, seeking
unplowed land and negotiating with the indigenous inhabitants. In the study area, ethnic Lao
farmers practice both swidden agriculture and non-agricultural activities, such as agroforestry products brokerage and/or general store management. The half-farmer and halftrader style was exactly what was found in the study area as well. The occupation structureof the ethnic Lao is obviously different from that of the Khmu and Hmong, who specialize inagriculture and hunting-gathering occupations.
IV-2 Forest Use Model in the Northern Mountainous Area
The reason that the ethnic Lao do not gather benzoin is that they do not have swidden fields
in the highlands, in spite of their practicing swidden agriculture. Benzoin resin cannot betapped in the lowlands—this is due to a biological peculiarity of the styrax tree. Regarding
the relationship between altitude and benzoin gathering, as Takeda [2001: 9] pointed out,
the people of Kachet village (Nam Bak district, Luang Phabang province), who are located at
an altitude of about 750 meters, gather benzoin from large trees aged over six years. In
terms of the relationship of benzoin gathering to the diameter of the trunk of the styrax tree,
Sroithongkham [2001] measured trunk diameter from 1997 to 1998 at the same village
which Takeda studied, and found that a tree with less than 13 DBH (diameter at breast
height) centimeters was unsuitable for tapping. 5）Pinyopusarerk [1994: 12] also provides
additional details concerning differences in quantities of benzoin resin among tree types:“More resin is obtained from trees having dark brown, thick bark with deep fissures andobvious parenchyma cells.” According to the survey by this author at Pak Bout settlement, it
was found that fallowed swidden at an altitude of about 600 meters can provide benzoin fromtrees aged of 6–7 years; however, styrax trees located at an altitude of about 400 meters near
the Ou River remain sapless even after many years. It seems that natural environmental
properties, such as altitude, temperature, and humidity, have a physiologic effect on the
styrax tree in terms of its resin production.
The forest use model shown in Fig. 5 was produced based upon interviews with villagers
and forest observation. In the model, forest vegetation is divided into 10 groups according totypical forest use, altitude, and moisture.
Forest Use I (Fig. 5, protection forest) presents a forest physiognomy in which dried
Dipterocarpus trees, cardamom, rattan fruits and galangal fruits are gathered. In Forest Use―――――――――――――――――
５）Trees which did not provide full quantities of resin even over 13 DBH centimeters existed. The
research location for these and the study area of this paper adjoin, and the natural environment isalmost the same.
148YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

Fig. 5 Generalized Model of Forest Use in the Mountainous Area of Northern LaosII along the Ou riverside, teak trees are reforested. The reforested land is private forest
afforested by either ethnic Lao or Khmu people living in Forest Use III (ethnic Lao or Khmu
village areas). Forest Use IV is protection forest which exhibits a physiognomy of mixed
dipterocarp. The protection forest has reached its maximum growth, but much of it is secondary forest. In addition to cardamom, rattan fruits, and galangal fruits, which are gatheredin the protection forest of Forest Use I, paper mulberry is also gathered. Paper mulberry
also grows naturally in both swidden field and fallowed swidden in moist environments andat low land, especially near springs and streams in the case of the study area. Paper mulberry can be gathered from fallowed swidden of two years of age because of fast growing trees,
if the proper growing conditions are met [Fahrney et al. 1997: 6]. Rattan fruits generally
grow in a protection forest of mixed dipterocarp, and these can be sometimes found in thelong-period fallowed swidden for five years or more.
Styrax trees providing benzoin grow in fallowed swidden of 7 years of age (Forest Use
V). They sprout naturally after tree burning, and then take over as the dominant species
until they are about 15 years of age. However, benzoin can hardly be tapped there because
the altitude of Forest Use V is too low. Therefore, NTFPs gathered there are cardamom,
puack muack, paper mulberry and galangal fruits.
Khmu settlements are located in the middle-highlands (Forest Use VI). These are foundparticularly in the middle-highlands, though they are also more widely found from the Ou
riverside up to the highlands. Sesame, cassava, and corn, in addition to upland rice, areplanted in the swidden fields (Forest Use VII). Forest Use VIII is fallowed swidden of five
years of age. Although the period of fallowed swidden is shorter than that of Forest Use V,149

東南アジア研究42巻２号

benzoin can be tapped due to the higher altitude. On the other hand, paper mulberry hardly
grows here, owing to the absence of a humid environment. Hmong settlements are locatedin the highlands of Forest Use IX. In Forest Use X, tiger grass is gathered in fallowed swidden of two years of age.
People in the mountainous area of northern Laos know a great deal about how the environment provides NTFPs. Consequently, it is worthwhile to mention in detail the fallowed
swidden—which clearly plays an important role for the gathering NTFPs. Seven kinds of
NTFPs have been presented in this paper, six of which are gathered mainly in fallowed swidden (Table 4). At least one kind of NTFP can be gathered over a fallowed period. Swidden
fields are usually shifted in 8–12 plots in the study area. As shown in Table 4, many varieties
and a large quantity of NTFPs can be obtained from the fallowed swidden after six years ofage.
The swidden system, in combination with benzoin gathering, is an example of systematic land use. A model diagram illustrating the relationship between benzoin gathering and aswidden system utilizing eight plots is shown in Fig. 6. In the reference year, one plot is
active swidden, while the remaining seven are fallowed swidden. Benzoin cannot be gathered at an altitude of below 600 meters, so it is assumed that the reason for the lack of production is that the land is above this altitude. Since the benzoin resin cannot be gatheredfrom the first to the third fallow year, the styrax tree is left as-is. In fact, people gather benzoin in fallowed swidden of 4–5 years of age. The number of fallow years after which it
becomes possible to tap styrax trees differs depending upon altitude: trees can be tappedfrom 4–5 years in the highlands, and from 6 years at an altitude below 700 meters.
Therefore, as Fig. 6 shows, benzoin is gathered every year from two places to a maximum offour places in the highlands, in the case of swidden cultivation involving eight fallows. In theexperience of local residents, it is better to start gathering the resin as early as possible,
because resin production declines after 11 years. As well, some trees produce for only one
year, while others produce over a two-year stretch. It can be seen then that the period ofgathering at one plot needs to be at least 2 years. Thus, people must practice swidden cultiTable 4 Relationship between Fallow Periods and NTFPs*
Fallow Period(Year)

10

11

Cardamom
○
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
Benzoin**
○
○
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
puack muack***
○
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
Paper mulberry***
○
◎
◎
○
○
○
○
○
○
Galangal seed
○
○
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
◎
Tiger grass◎◎○○
Source: Field survey by the author
Quantity of NTFP gathering: Small ○, Moderate ◎*** Since the rattan seed was seldom found in the fallowed swidden, it is not listed in this table.
*** Depending on altitude.
*** Grown in the moist environment.

◎
○
◎
○
◎

NTFP

150

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

Fig. 6 Swidden System in Combination with Benzoin Gatheringvation involving at least eight fallow plots.
The number of fallowed swidden where benzoin can be tapped does not increase incases where there are more than eight fallow plots. Styrax trees producing a large quantityof resin die quickly, and it is an intolerant species; thus, the forest must be artificially burnt
at a constant frequency in order to gather benzoin. A reproduction of styrax trees is performed in combination with swidden agriculture. This land-use system of combined benzoin
gathering and swidden agriculture is comparable to a concept of an agro-forestry which was
described by Takeda [2001].
IV-3 Forest Use and Forest Policy
Benzoin production in Laos has a long history. According to a report on the mission to the
Far East (1642–48), found in the first published book in Europe discussing the Lao
Kingdom, de Marini [[1663] 1998: 5–6] explains, “The principal essence of [the Lao Kingdom]
is a great abundance of benzoin which is considered the best in the Orient. . . . Because theking obtains great profits from it, it is prohibited to sell the fruit to foreigners.” The historyof benzoin gathering in northern Laos is at least five hundred years old. Probably land use
combined with fallowed swidden had already been practiced for many centuries. Such land
use is regarded as an indigenous sustainable land use system.
An external impact to an indigenous sustainable land use system which has been built
up over the centuries, however, would likely cause its ongoing stability to collapse. Such an
impact might be caused by political regulations prohibiting or restricting types of forest utilization.
In Laos, the Land Law was promulgated in 1996, following which agricultural lands were151

東南アジア研究42巻２号

allocated to each family. The allottee was entitled to a Permanent Land Title (Bai Ta Din)from the Ministry of Finance. The title is able to be sold and purchased, but the land itself
belongs to the state. According to Article 17 of the Land Law, a family

6）

is permitted the allo-

cation of agricultural land under the following conditions: (1) up to 1 hectare for rice andfish farming; (2) up to 3 hectares for commercial crops; (3) up to 3 hectares for orchard; and(4) up to 15 hectares of deforested land or grass land for pasture. Under these conditions, it
is simply impractical to practice swidden agriculture, as the allocated land which may be
used for rice farming amounts to only 1 hectare.
The land-forest allocation program has been set forth in order to conserve bio-diversity
in forest areas, and to encourage sedentary agriculture [Lao P.D.R., Lao Consultant Group
2002: 10–15]. A period of fallows have been shortened to five years or less due to populationpressure, as has been recently reported [Roder 1997; Suzuki and Yasui 2002], but the study
area maintains a fallow period for at least eight years since benzoin is an important cash
income source. It can be mentioned that local residents maintain their accessibility to
NTFPs in fallowed swidden through the maintenance of long fallow period. The land-forest
allocation program has not yet progressed into the mountainous area. However, NTFPs
obtained from fallowed swidden may no longer be able to be gathered, if the program is
implemented there.
Fundamentally, the forests of Laos are under government control, and the land-forest
allocation program is proceeding under the guidance of international organizations and overseas development assistance groups, such as NGOs and official development agencies. The
forest resources of Laos are increasingly gaining international attention, and the government is now attempting to enforce a forest conservation policy from a macroscopic standpoint. Therefore, the current land-forest allocation program may have negative consequences if local people cannot gather NTFPs—even if the government does not intend todeprive of livelihood of local people as a consequence. Overall environmental circumstances
relating to the indigenous knowledge of the people in the mountainous area reveal the fragile nature of an economic activity that depends heavily on forest resources. Thus, it is necessary to discuss the relationship between policy implementation at the state level, and natural
resource use at the local level.

V Conclusion
In this study, traditional forest use was analyzed from a spatial point of view, with a focus on
NTFP gathering performed by three ethnic groups, ethnic Lao, Khmu and Hmong, who livein rural areas without road access, in northern Laos. The results can be summarized as follows:―――――――――――――――――
６）Formally, the expression “per full-time family labor unit” is used.
152

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos

Many ethnic Lao are engaged in non-agricultural activities, and approximately half of
their households do not have any agricultural practices. As their settlements are locatedalong the river, many ethnic Lao households engage in agro-forestry products brokerage
and/or general store management. Khmu settlements are located throughout the whole
region, from the mountainous area to the Ou riverside, with agriculture as the main activityof most households. They are also very active in NTFP gathering, especially in benzoin gathering. Hmong settlements are located only in mountainous areas; most of these households
have both rice farming and opium poppy cultivation as their important activity.
The difference in NTFP gathering activity is related to the characteristics of occupation
structure on the part of each ethnic group. The ethnic Lao, who have historically been halffarmers and half-traders, are not active in NTFP gathering. The Khmu, in the mountainous
areas, have earned cash income from NTFP gathering for long time, and are very active in
NTFP gathering. In the case of the Hmong, it was found that an emphasis is placed on cultivating the opium poppy in addition to NTFP gathering.
A large quantity of NTFPs is grown as secondary vegetation after burning the forest for
swidden agriculture. The most notable of these is the styrax tree. In order to tap benzoin
from this tree, a long fallow swidden agriculture system with at least eight plots must be
maintained. Agro-forestry, such as forest use, cultivating rice in the swidden field and gathering NTFPs from fallowed swidden, has long been practiced in the study area. The forest in
Laos is used by people of the mountainous area both historically and substantially, but officially managed by the government. This agro-forestry mode of forest use, or indigenous sustainable forest use system, therefore, is at risk of collapse due to political regulations concerning forest utilization; particularly in the case of the land-forest allocation program.
Regional or national forest policy should not offer a compromise solution between alocally microscopic viewpoint and a globally macroscopic viewpoint, but rather, respect local
knowledge. The government should apply an area-based forest policy, after clarifying thehistorical background of natural resource use, rather than applying a country-wide standardized policy. It is hoped that some of the ideas presented in this study may be used as fundamental data for such forest policy planning.
On the basis of the study results, clarification of the comprehensive regional eco-history, namely historical change due to ethnic immigration, natural resource use and occupation structure, is required in order to further pursue the relationship between ethnicity andforest use. At the same time, the viewpoint of “political ecology” may be effective in thinking
about the relationship between forest policy and indigenous sustainable forest use systems.
Regarding political ecological analysis, Berkes [1999: 165] presented an interpretationof the complexity of traditional knowledge issues as follows: (1) there exist different actors
who relate in different ways to the resource in question; (2) The actors define knowledge,
ecological relations, and resources in different ways and at different levels or geographic
scales; (3) They bring to bear on these definitions their culture and their experience; and (4)They will use different definitions in pursuit of their own “projects” or political agendas. This
153

東南アジア研究42巻２号

perspective of political ecology seems relevant and helpful in studying the relationshipbetween the government and local people. Such studies need to be commenced in the near
future, as much work remains to be done.

Acknowledgements
This survey was made possible through the support of the people of Ngoi district, Luang Phabang
province. I received excellent advice from the academic staff at the Institute of Geoscience, Universityof Tsukuba, and the forest and agriculture team of the “A Trans-disciplinary Study on the Regional EcoHistory in Tropical Monsoon Asia: 1945–2005” project, headed by Professor Tomoya Akimichi of the
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Japan. This author would like to express sincere thanks tothem all.
A portion of the expenses for this study was funded by the Toyota Foundation, Grant No. D01-A046, and I would like to acknowledge here the generosity of the Toyota Foundation.

References
Anderson, Edward F. 1993. Plants and People of the Golden Triangle: Ethnobotany of the Hill Tribes ofNorthern Thailand. Portland: Dioscorides Press.
Anonymous. 1999. Forest Policies and Social Contexts. In Communities and Forest Management inSoutheast Asia: A Regional Profile of the Working Group on Community Involvement in Forest
Management, edited by Mark Poffenberger, pp. 35–65. Cambridge: IUCN Publications Services Unit.
Berkes, Fikret. 1999. Sacred Ecology: Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Resource Management.
Philadelphia: Taylor & Francis.
Chanthirath, Khampha. 2000. Forest Utilization by Local People in Vang Vieng District. In Interim
Report 1998, a Step toward Forest Conservation Strategy, edited by IGES, pp. 309–329. Kanagawa:
The Institute for Global Environmental Strategy.
Chazée, Laurent. 1999. The People of Laos: Rural and Ethnic Diversities. Bangkok: White Lotus.
Coppen, John. J. W. 1997. Gum Benzoin: Its Markets and Marketing and the Opportunities andConstraints to Their Improvements in Lao PDR. Luang Phabang: Department of Forestry, Ministryof Agriculture and Forestry, and FAO.
Culas, Christian. 2000. Migrants, Runaways and Opium Growers: Origins of the Hmong in Laos andSiam in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries. In Turbulent Times and Enduring Peoples:
Mountain Minorities in the South-east Asian Massif, edited by Jean Michaud, pp. 27–47. Richmond,
Surrey: Curzon Press.
de Beer, Jenne H.; and McDermott, Melanie J. 1996. The Economic Value of Non-timber Forest Products
in Southeast Asia (2nd edition). Amsterdam: Netherlands Committee for IUCN.
de Marini, G. F. [1663]1998. The Greatness, Riches and Power of Laos. In A New and Interesting
Description of the Lao Kingdom, translated by Walter E. J. Tips and Claudio Bertuccio, pp. 1–10.
Bangkok: White Lotus Press.
Fahrney, Keith; Boonnaphol, Onechanh; Keoboulapha, Boonthanh; and Maniphone, Soulasith. 1997.
Indigenous Management of Paper Mulberry (Broussonetia papyrifera) in Swidden Rice Fields andFallows in Northern Laos. Paper presented at the Workshop on Indigenous Strategies for
Intensification of Shifting Cultivation in Southeast Asia, Bogor, Indonesia, 23–27 June 1997, heldedby Lao-IRRI Project, Luang Phabang.
Foppes, Joost; and Khetphanh, Sounthone. 1997. The Use of Non-timber Forest Products in Lao P.D.R.
Paper presented at the Workshop on Protected Area Management, Xishuangbanna, China, 3–8
154

YOKOYAMA S. : Forest, Ethnicity and Settlement in Northern Laos
November 1997, helded by IUCN, Vientiane.
Halpern, Joel M. 1958. Aspects of Village Life and Culture Change in Laos. New York: Council on
Economic and Cultural Affairs.
Hayashi, Yukio. 1998. “Rao” no Shozai [Where are the “Lao”?: Differentiation and Involution of Ethnoregional Identity Associated with the Self-promotion of Cultural Representation in Northeast
Thailand and Lao P.D.R.]. Tonan Ajia Kenkyu [Southeast Asian Studies] 35(4): 78–109.
Hyakumura, Kimihiko. 2001. Raosu niokeru Hogochiiki Kanri Seisaku no Kadai: Chiiki niokeru Jittai oHanei-shita Jikkosei noaru Seisaku e Mukete [Issues of Conservation Forest Management Policy in
Lao P.D.R.: For the Effective Policy to be Representing the Actual Conditions in the Region]. Ringyo
Keizai Kenkyu [Journal of Forest Economics] 638: 22–33.
Jiangsu Xin Yi Xue Yuan [Jiangsu New Medical College], ed. 1979. Zhong yao da ci dian, shangce[Dictionary of Chinese Traditional Medicine, volume 1]. Shanghai: Shanghai kexue jishu chubanshe [Shanghai Science and Technology Publishing House Co.].
Keen, F. G. B. 1978. Ecological Relationships in a Hmong (Meo) Economy. In Farmers in the Forest:
Economic Development and Marginal Agriculture in Northern Thailand, edited by Peter Kunstadter,
E. C. Chapman, and Sanga Sabhasri, pp. 206–221. Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii.
Konoshima, Masao; and Nagai, Yoshizumi. 1969. Sumatora narabini Shamu Ansokuko nitsuite [OnSumatran Benzoin and Siamese Benzoin]. Tonan Ajia Kenkyu [Southeast Asian Studies] 7(1): 40–48.
Kunstadter, Peter; Chapman, E. C.; and Sabhasri, Sanga, eds. 1978. Farmers in the Forest: Economic
Development and Marginal Agriculture in Northern Thailand. Honolulu: The University Press of
Hawaii.
Lao P.D.R., Asian Development Bank 2001. Participatory Poverty Assessment Lao PDR. Vientiane: AsianDevelopment Bank.
Lao P.D.R., Lao Consulting Group. 2002. Existing Land Tenure and Forest Lands Study, Final Report.
Vientiane: Department of Lands, Ministry of Finance.
Lao P.D.R., National Statistical Centre. 1997. Results from the Population Census 1995. Vientiane: State
Planning Committee.
Ochiai, Yukino. 2002. Domestication and Cultivation of Edible Job’s Tears (Coix lacryma-jobi subsp. mayuen) under the Influence of Vegeculture. In Vegeculture in Eastern Asia and Oceania, JCAS
Symposium Series 16, edited by Shuji Yoshida and Peter J. Matthews, pp. 59–75. Osaka: The Japan
Center for Area Studies, National Museum of Ethnology.
Pinyopusarerk, Khongsak. 1994. Styrax tonkinensis: Taxonomy, Ecology, Silviculture and Uses. (ACIAR
Technical Reports No. 31). Canberra: Australian Center for International Agriculture Research.
Roder, W. 1997. Slash-and-burn Rice Systems in Transition: Challenges for Agricultural Development in
the Hills of Northern Laos. Mountain Research and Development 17(1): 1–10.
Soydara, Viloune; and Khetphanh, Sounthone. 2001. Case Study on the Marketing Group of Bitter
Bamboo Shoots in Nam Pheng Village, Oudomxay Province, Lao PDR. In The International
Seminar on Non-timber Forest Products: China Yunnan, Laos, Vietnam, edited by Jeannette van
Rijsoot and He Pikun, pp. 136–148. Kunming: Yunnan University Press.
Sroithongkham, P. 2001. Tapping Methods and Improvement. In Monograph on Benzoin, edited by
Masakazu Kashio and Dennis V. Johnson, pp. 69–98. Bangkok: Regional Office for Asia and Pacific,
FAO.
––
Stuart-Fox, Martin. 1998. The Lao Kingdom of La n Xa ng: Rise and Decline. Bangkok: White Lotus Press.
Suzuki, Motoyoshi; and Yasui, Kiyoko. 2002. Raosu Mon-zoku no Shokuryo Mondai to Ijyu [FoodProblems and Migration among the Hmong Tribe in Laos]. Tonan Ajia Kenkyu [Southeast AsianStudies] 40(1): 23–41.
Takeda, Shinya. 2001. Raosu Hokubu niokeru Yakihata Kyukanchi deno Ansokuko no Seisan: Annansanmyaku no Shinrin Sanbutsu Chosa kara [Benzoin Production in Fallowed Swidden, Northern
Laos: From Forest Products Survey in Annamese Cordillera]. Nouko no Gijyutsu to Bunka[Technology and Culture of Farming] 24: 1–18.
Takido, Michio. 2001. Nakao Manzo Sensei no Shoyaku Hyohon [Dr. Manzo Nakao’s Herbal
155

東南アジア研究42巻２号

Specimens]. Uroborosu [Ouroboros, the University Museum, the University of Tokyo] 5(3): 8–9.
Walker, Anthony R., ed. 1975. Farmers in the Hills: Upland People of North Thailand. Georgetown,
Malaysia: Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia for the School of Comparative Social Sciences.
Xaydala, Khamleck; and Lamxay, Vichith. 2000. Khuang Paa Khong Dong Thii Mii Khum Khaa Nai So
Po Po Lao [Non-timber Forest Products with Commercial Potential in Lao P.D.R.]. Vientiane:
Forestry Research Centre.
Yin, Shaoting. 2001. People and Forests: Yunnan Swidden Agriculture in Human-Ecological Perspective,
translated by Fiskesjo Magnus. Kunming: Yunnan Education Publishing House.

156